iffi ,A _. -. . '.ijA-C LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE L\ 1/-^ OUTLINES OF ROMAN HISTORY /y H. F. PELHAM, M.A., LL.D,, F.S.A. PRESIDENT OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD CAMDEN PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD FBLLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY FOURTH EDITION REVISED {^Twelfth Thomand^ G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK AND LONDON COPYRIGHT, 1893 BV G. P. PUTNAM'S SON? trbt IJtnichtTbcch.r "l rcae, llUw l;)«rli PREFACE TO FOURTH EDITION. In this new edition, apart from minor corrections and additions, larger space has been given to the his- tory of the Flavian Emperors and of Trajan. The annexations of territory beyond the Rhine effected by the former, and the Dacian and Parthian cam- paigns of the latter, have been more fully treated. H. F. Pelham. Oxford, November, 1905. Ui PREFACE. This book is a reprint, with many additions and alterations, of the article " Roman History," which appeared in the last edition of the Encyclopcedia Britannica^ and my best thanks are due to Messrs. Black for the ready courtesy with which they acceded to my request for its republication. My aim has been to give such a sketch of the general course of Roman history as might enable the reader to follow the main lines of movement, and grasp the characteristic features of the different periods. The lion's share of the space, some three fifths of the whole, has been devoted to the period which extends from the tribunate of the elder Grac- chus to the fall of Nero (133 B.C.-69 A.D.), as being the period which it is most necessary for a student of Roman history to understand, and the one which is most fully illustrated by the extant ancient literature. It is also the period which probably, on these grounds, is most generally studied. I have given throughout such references to the original authorities as were necessary to indicate the evidence on which the statements in the text are based. The references to modern books and dis- vi Preface. sertations may possibly be found useful, both by students who wish to makx a more thorough study of the subject, and by teachers. Of the debt of gratitude which I owe to a long list of scholars, English, French, and German, the footnotes are ample proof. I cannot, however, deny myself the pleasure of paying a special tribute of homage to the great master, in whose footsteps all students of Roman liistory are glad to tread. Fifty years have passed since Professor Mommscn wrote his monograph " dc collcgiis ct soda/iciis Ronianorum,'' and during that time there is no period of Roman history on which he has not set his mark, from the days of the kings to those of Theodoric, and no department of Rom.an antiquities in the study of which some work of his has not made an epoch. My friend Mr. Warde-Fowler's admirable sketch of Caesar did not appear until my own chapter on the dictator was in print. I am glad, however, to find that, on the nature and extent of the work which Caesar accomplished, we are in close agreement. Henry Pelham. OxFURn, January, 1893. CONTENTS. rAGK List of Authorities Referred to ix BOOK I. The Beginning of Rome and the Monarchy. Chapter I. — The Traditions ...... 3 Chapter II. — The Origin of the City and Commonwealth . 14 Chapter III. — Rome under the Kings ..... 30 BOOK II. The Early Republic, 509-275 B.C. Chapter I. — The foundation of the Republic and the Strug- gle between the Orders .... 45 Chapter II. — The Conquest of Italy 68 BOOK III. Rome and the Mediterranean States, 265-146 B.C. Introduction in Chapter I. — Rome and Carthage — The Conquest of the West 114 Chapter II. — Rome and the East ..... 140 Chapter ''II. — The Roman State and People during the Period of the Great Wars . . . .158 vili Contents. BOOK IV. The I'ERioi) OF the Revolution, 133-49 ^-c. C'liAPiKK I. — From the Gracchi lo Sulla .... 201 CiiAPTKU II. — From Sulla to Csesar 232 Chapter III. — The Empire during the Period of Revolution 25(j BOOK V. The Foundation ok the Imperial System and the Rule of THE Early C/i:sars, 49 i{.c.-6(j a.d. Chapter I. — The Dictatorship of Julius .... 333 Chapter II. — The Provisional Governmenl of the I'riumviratc 357 Chapter III. — The Foundation of the Principatc and the Rule of Augustus ..... 3^8 Chapter IV. — The Julio-Claudian Line .... 471 BOOK VI. The Or(;anisation of Cacsar's Government and the First CoNKLicrs with the Barbarians, 69-284 a.d. Chapter I. — The Flavian and Antonine Cxsars . . . 51 -, Chapter II. — The Empire in the Third Century . . 568 BOOK VII, The Barbaric Invasions, 284-476 a.d. Chapter 1. — I'rom the Accession of Diocletian to the Death of Theodosius ...... 577 Chapter II. — From the Death of Theodosius to the Extinc- tion of the Western Empire . . • 507 MAPS. Rome and Her Allies {circa 486 B.C.) . . to face page 72 The Roman Empire in 134 B.C. . . . ««<•<• ^^5 The Roman Empire in 49 B.C. . . . .<.••• 258 The Roman Empire in 6g a.d. . . . >. •• <• ^lo LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL MODERN AU- THORITIES REFERRED TO IN THE NOTES. K.— GENERAL. Fischer, E. W., Rotnische ZeiUafehi. Altona, 1846. Herzog, E., Geschichte und System der Romischen Staatsvcrfassting. Leipzig, 1884- 1891. Kuhn, E., Die stddtische und biirgerliche Verfassung dcs Romtsc/ieft Reiches. Leipzig, 1864. IMadvig, J. N., Die Verfassung und Verwaltung des Romischen Siaates. Leipzig, 1881. Maniuardt, ]., Rotnische Staaisver^vallung. Leipzig, 1873. Momnisen, Th., Romische Geschichte {^'Olx hxx^.^. Berlin, 1868-1885. ^Fommse^, Th., Rivnischcs Staatsrccht. Berlin, 1875. Niebuhr, B. G., Lectures on the History of Rome (Eng. Traiisl.). London, 1849. Pais, E., Storia di Rotna. Turin, 189S, Ranke, L. von, Weltgeschichte. Leipzig, 1881. Smith, Dr, W., Dictionary of Greek and Roman A ntii/uitics (Third Edition). London, i8gi. Bruns, C. G., Pontes yuris Romani {'>\\\\\ Edition). Leipzig, l8gj. Corpus Inscriptionuiu- Latinarum. Berlin. Dessau, Inscriptiones LatitK^ Selects. Berlin, 1902. Eckhel, J., Doctrina Numorum Vcferutn. Vindobona, 1792. Ephemeris Epigraphica. Berlin, 1872-1905. Prosopographia Imperii Ro'nani. Berlin, 1898. Wilmanns, G., Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1873. Zumpt, A. W., Comtnentationes Epigraphica:, Berlin, 1850. ix X List of Principal Modern Authorities. III. Desjardins, E., La Gaule Komaiiu. Paris, 1876. Herzog, E., Gallia Narbotiensis. Leipzig, 1864. Jordan, H., Topographic der Stadi Rom. Berlin, 1878. Jung, J., Die Romanise hen Landschafteii. Innsbruck, 1881. Kubitschek, J. W. , Imperititn RomaniD/i Iributim descripium. Vienna, i88g. .Middleton, J. II., Ancient Rome. Edinburgh, 1888. Mommsen, Th., Romische Tribus. Altona, 1844. Mommsen, Th., Romische Chronologic. Berlin, 1859. Mommsen, Th., Roiiiische Forschtuigen. Berlin, 1864. Ramsay, W. M., Geography of Asia Minor. London, 1890. Rein, W., Critninal Recht der Romer. Leipzig, 1844, Teuffel, W., Geschichte der Romischen Litter atur. Leipzig, 1870. B. — SPECIAL — The Monarchy and the Republic. Ihne, W., Romische Geschichte. Leipzig, i8b8-i8go. Ihne, W., Early Rome. London, 1876. Lange, L., Romische A Iter thtlmer. Berlin, 1863. Niebuhr, B. G., History of Rome {Y.ng. Transl.). London, 1855. Schwegler-Clason, Romische Geschichte. Tubingen, 1867. n. Bcesly, E.. Catiline, Clodius, and Tiberius. London, 1878. Beesly, A. H., The Gracchi, Marius, and Sulla. London. Beloch, J., Catnpanien. Berlin, 1879. Beloch, J., Der Ltalische Bund. Leipzig, 1880. Bureau de la Malle, Economic Politique des Romains. I'aris, 1840. Gilbert,©., Geschichte ti. Topographic der Stadt Rom. Leipzig, 1883 Greenidge, A, H., The Legal Procedure of Cicero's Time. Oxford 1901. Greenidge, A. H., A History of Rome from 133 B.C. to 70 A.D, Vol. I. Methueii, 1904. (iuiraud, P., Le differend entre Cesar et le SMat. Paris, 1878. Helbig, W., Die Ittiliker in der Poebene. Leipzig, 1879. List of Principal Modern A uthorities. xi John, C, Eiistehung dcr Catilinatisckcn Verse hit'driing. Leipzig, 1876. Kiene, A., Roinische Bundesgenossenkricg. I^eipzig, 1S45. Klausea, R. H., ALneas tind die Pcnaten. Hamburg, 1839. Mommsen, Th., Die Rechtsf rage zwischen Ccrsar una Seitai. Broiau, 1S58. Miiller-Deecke, Die Etrusker. Stuttgart, 1S77. Nissen, H., Das Teniplutn. Berlin, 1869. Nibsen, H., Italische Landesktiiide. Berlin, 1882 — l^oa. Nitzbch, K. W., Die Gracelun. Berlin, 1847. Reinach, Tli., Mithridates Eupator. Paris, 1S91. Saalfeld, G. A., Hellenistnus in Latiwn. Wolfenblitte], 18S3. Soltau, W., Enstehungd. altromischen Volksversammlungen. Berlin. 1881. Sloffel, Col., Hisloire de Jules Cesar — Guerre civile. Paris, 18S7. Stoffel, Col., Guerre dc Char ei d' Arioviste. Paris, 1890. Willems, P., Le Sinat de la Re'publique Romaine. Paris, 1878. Z6ller, M., Latiuni und Rodi. Leipzig, 1878. Zumpt, A. W., Siudia Romana. Berlin, 1859. The Empire. Bury, J. B., History of the Later Roman Empire. London, 1889. Gibbon, E., Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (ed. Milman) London, 1862. Hodgkin, T., Italy and her Invaders. Oxford, 1880-1885. Merivale, C, The Romairs under the Empire. London, 1865. Schiller, H., Geschichte dcr Romisehen Kaiscrzeit. Gotha, 1883. 1 illemont, L. de, Histoirc des Einpereurs. Venisc, 1732. II. Cohen, H., Midailles Itnpe'riales. Paris, 1880-1890. Henzen, W., Acta Fratrum Arvalium. Berlin, 1874. Mommsen, Th., Res GestcE divi Augusti. Berlin, 18S3. Mommsen, Th., Leges Salpensance Malcuiiancz. Leipzig. 1857, Seeck, O., A'otilia Dignitatnm. Berlin, 1S76. xii List of Priticipal Modern A ui/torittes. III. Boisbier, G. , La Religion Komaine. Paris, 1874. Boissier, C, L' Opposition sous Ics Cesars. Paris, 1875. Cagnat, R., L' Arme'e Roviaine d'Afrique. Paris, 1892. Dill, S., Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius. Macmillan, 1904. Diirr, J., Die Reisen des Kaisers Hadrian. Wien, 188 1. Francke, H., Trajan. Leipzig, 1S40. Fieytag, L., Tiberius und Tacitus. Berlin, 1870. Friedlander, L. , Darstellungen aus der Sittcngeschicltte Roms, Leip- zig, 1871. (.iardner, P., The Parthian Coinage. London, 1877. Gardthausen, V., Augustus ttnd sciitc Zeit. Leipzig, 1891. Grego:ovius, F., The Emperor Hadrian. (Fng. Transl.) Macmil- lan, 1898. Henderson, B. W., Life and Principate of the Emperor A'ero. Methuen, 1903. Hirschfeld, O., Untersuchungen aus dem Gebiete der Romischen Ver- ■wallungsgeschichte. Berlin, 1905. Hubner, E., Romische Herrschaft in West Europa. Berlin, 1890. Lanciani, ^., I Comentarii di Prontino. Roma, 1880. Lanciaiii, \k.. Ancient Rome. I>ondon, 1 588. Lehniann, II., Claudius u. Nero. Gotlia, 1858. Liebenam, W., Die Laufbahn der Procuratoren. Jena, 1886, Liebenani, W., Die Legatcn in den Romischen Provinzen. Leipzig, 1888. Liebenam, \V., Zur Geschichte und Organisation des Romischen Vcreinswesen. Leipzig, 1890. Petersen, E., Trajan's Dakische Kriege. Leipzig, 1899-1903. Plilzner, W., Geschichte der Kaiserlegionen. Leipzig, i88l. Preuss, Th., Kaiser Diocletian. Leipzig. 1869. Ramsay, W. M., The Church in the Roman Empire. Lond. 1893. Ramsay, W. M., Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia. Oxford, 1897. Kichter, W., Das West Rotnische Reich. Berlin, 1865. Schurz, W., De mutationibus in imperio Romano ordinando ab impe^ rafore Hadriano factis. Bonn, T883. Seeck, Otto, Geschichte d. Untergang d. Antiken Welt. Berlin, 1 89 7- 1 902. Shuckburgh, E. S., Augustus. Fisher Unwin, 1903. OUTLINES OF ROMAN HISTORY BOOK L THE BEGINNINGS OF ROME AND THE MONARCHY. THE BEGINNINGS OF ROME AND THE MONARCHY. CHAPTER I. THE TRADITIONS. The story of the beginnings of Rome and of the rule of the kings is told by Livy in the first book of his Histories, and by his contemporary, the Greek Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in the first four books of his Roman Antiquities. Both have essentially the same tale to tell, and \ve may assume that they give us what "was in their time — that is, towards the close of the first centuiy B.C. — the generally accepted tradition as to the early history of Rome. This tradition carried the narrative back far beyond the point at which Romiulus built his city on the Pala- tine Mount. In remote times, so ran the story, the Sikels, from whom the island of Sicily afterwards took its name, dwelt on the hills by the Tiber. The Sikels were driven out by the Aborigines, who de- scended from their mountain homes in the Apen- nines, and made themselves masters of all the 3 4 Outliries of Roman Histoi-y. [Book ^ lowland from the Tiber to the Liris, With this highland folk were united, as time went on, visitors from Greece, Pelasgi from Thessaly, Evander with his followers from Arcadia, and the comrades of the restless hero, Heracles. Later still, in the reign of King Latinus, from -"vhom his people took the name " Latini," the fates brought to the shores of Italy and the fields of Lavinium the great ^neas himself, with his Trojan band. The visitors were made wel- come, and on the death of Latinus, y^neas ruled in his stead over the united people, Trojans and Latins. From .(^neas the sceptre passed to his son Ascanius, the founder of Alba, and of the long dynasty of the Alban kings. In the reign of the lar.t of these kings, Numitor, the twins Romulus and Remus were born of an earthly mother, the Vestal Rhea Silvia, daugh- ter of King Numitor, and of a divine father, the god Mars. Then followed the familiar tale of the ex- posure of the children, and of their miraculous deliverance, of their life among the herdsmen, of their recognition as the grandsons of Numitor, and of the foundation of Rome on the Palatine. From this point onwards the tradition described how, un- der Romulus and his successors, the historical city and state of Rome took shape. The gradual expan- sion of the city bounds, until all the seven hills were included within one great ring-wall, the develop- ment of a constitution, and the steady advance of Roman supremacy over the lowlands of Latium were all duly narrated, until, with the expulsion of the second Tarquin, this first chapter of Roman his- tory' reached its close. Ch. 1] The T^'aditions. 5 Such, in brief outline, was the accepted tradition of the beginnings of Rome in the time of Augustus. What is its value as an historical narrative ? In the first place it clearly cannot claim the authority of a contemporary written account, for the earliest refer- ences in literature to the history of Rome are found in Greek writers of the fifth century B.C.,' and no higher antiquity can be assigned even to the few native Roman records, which may have been older than the burning of Rome by the Gauls." More- over, if the beginnings of this written tradition can. not be carried back farther than the fifth ccnturj' B.C., it is equally certain that it was not until long after the fifth century that it assumed the shape in which we now have it. It was only gradually that out of a number of conflicting versions one finally fought its way to general acceptance, that the un- dated fragments of tradition were fitted together, the gaps filled up, and the chronology settled. It seems probable, indeed, that something like an authorised version was already established by the time of the Punic wars, and that the main incidents and the order of events were given in much the ' According to Dionysius, i., 72, the landing of ^neas in Italy and the foundation of Rome were mentioned by the compiler of the chronicle of the priestesses of Here at Argos. The compiler is gen- erally assumed to have been Hellanicus. See MQller, Fragm. Hist, Gr., i., 27 ; Schwegler, H. Gesch., i., 3. ^ Dionysius mentions two inscriptions, extant in his day, which were believed to date from the latter part of the regal period, that, namely, which recorded the foundation in the reign of Servius Tullius, of the temple of Diana on the Aventine, and that which preserved the terms of the treaty made with Gabii by the second Tsirc^uin. 6 Outlines of Roman History. [Book l same way by the oldest Roman chronicler, Q. Fabius Pictor,' in the third century B.C., and by Livy in the first. What changes and additions were made in the interval cannot be accurately de- termined, though we know that it was by the elder Cato and by Varro that the chronology was finally settled/ and though we may suspect that it is to the labours of the lawyers and antiquarians of the first century B.C. that we owe much of what Livy and Dionysius tell us of the constitutional and religious institutions of primitive Rome. It must be remembered, then, in reading Livy or Dionysius that we are dealing not with a simple tradition handed down whole and intact from the period of which it tells, but with a highly composite production gradually wrought into shape by a long series of writers, Greek and Roman, no part of which existed in a written form at all until the middle of the fifth century B.C., or some three cen- turies after the supposed date of the foundation of the city. And when to this is added the considera- tion that these writers were not assisted in the arrangement of their matter by any scientific system of chronology, or any exact canons of historical criti- cism, it becomes sufficiently clear that the narrative which their combined efforts have produced is many degrees removed from authentic history. ' The version given Ly Fabius was apparently given in much the same form by tlie chronicler L. Cincius Alimentus, and by the poets Ncevius and F.nnius, all of ^\hom were contemporary with the second Punic war. — Peter, JIhl. Rihn. f\'t-!irjin'iz ; Schwegler Ji. C. \„ 78. 399- • Mommsen, Jidtn, Cliroiiolo^ic^ 134, 599. Ch, t] The Traditions. 7 It is, indeed, a patchwork in which materials of the most diverse kinds have been ingeniously stitched together. In very many parts the handi- work of Greek writers is plainly traceable. From the time when Rome came into direct contact first with the Greeks of South Italy and then with those of Sicily, the history of the rising Italian republic increasingly attracted the attention of Greek schol- ars,* who made it their business to provide the new communit}^, which had become a power in the civil- ised world of the Mediterranean, with a suitable pedigree. In thus endeavouring to find ancestors for the Romans among their own people, they seized eagerly on anything in the nature, traditions, usages, and monuments which could serve to show, as Dionysius puts it, that the Romans were " an ancient people and a Greek one.*" In the Ab- origines they recognised their own Pelasgi, and pointed in proof of the theory to the rude stone walls long known in Greece as Pelasgic.' The name of the Palatine Mount was derived from Pallantium in Arcadia, and the god Faunus became the Greek Evander, who brought to the banks of the Tiber the arts of civilised life. The altar and worship of the Italian Hercules in the low ground near the river were made to prove that Rome had not been un- visited by the Greek Heracles. Odysseus and Circe * For some account of these see Schwegler, R, 6"., i., 33-gg. Tha most important of them was the Sicilian Timacus of Taurromenium (350-256 B.C.). ' Dionysius, ii., 30. • Dionysius, a., 14, 8 Outlines of Roman History. [Book I had already been brought as far on their travels as the bold headland which marks the southern limit of the Latin plain," and from thence to the Tiber was a short and easy stage. But among all the roving heroes of Greek tradition none were more famous as founders of cities than those whom the fall of Troy scattered over the face of the Mediter- ranean, and of these the most famous was the Trojan .^neas, the son of Anchises and Aphrodite. At the time when Greeks began to interest them- selves in Rome, his name and his reputation were widely spread. The course of his wanderings was traced by the cities he had founded, or by the tem- ples raised in his honour, and in that of his goddess mother, while in more than one place a grave of yEneas was pointed out to the traveller.' When or by whom Rome was added to the list of the cities wliich honoured him as their founder we cannot say ; we only know that the tradition existed at least as early as 400 B.C., and that by the time of the first Punic war it had been oflRcially accepted by the Roman state.' It is noticeable, however, that be- tween the earliest form in which it appears and that in which it finally obtained currency there is a con- siderable difference. In the story as originally told ' The headland called " Circeii." ' Dionysius, i., 48-54, for a detailed criticism of the story of ^neas. See Schwegler, R. C, i., 279, 399; Klausen, .'Eneas v. D. Penaten. * The ancestral connection of Rome with Troy was given by the senate as a reason for assisting the Arcananians, who alone of all Greeks had taken no part in the Trojan war. Justjnus, xxviii., i (241 B.C.). Ch. 1] The Traditions. 9 the connection between Rome and yEneas was close and direct, the foundation of the city being ascribed either to ^Eneas himself or to one of his sons.' But in the version given by Q. Fabius Pictor, and probably in that of the Sicilian Greek, Timacus {circa 300 B.C.), this direct connection has disap- peared, ^neas founds Lavinium, his son Ascanius founds Alba, and between the foundation of Alba and that of Rome by Romulus and Remus an interval of some four hundred years is interposed. The cause of the difference is clear. It lay in the twofold necessity of reconciling the Greek story with native tradition, and the accepted date of the fall of Troy as fixed by Greek chronologers, with the date assigned by Roman reckoning to the foundation of the city. It was impossible to set aside the estab- lished belief in the ancient ties which connected Rome both with Lavinium and with Alba, and between the year of the burning of Troy and the year of the building of Rome there was an interval of more than four centuries, a gap which was rudely bridged over in the uncritical fashion of the time by the interpolation of a fictitious dynasty of Alban kings. In the rest of the story, from the foundation of Rome to the expulsion of the Tarquins, the influence of Greek imagination is less strongly marked, since from this point onwards the comparative richness and precision of the native traditions left less scope for Greek ingenuity of combination and fertility of invention. Yet even in the account of the rule of ' Dionysius, i., 72, 73. lO Outlines of Roman History. [Book I the kings the hand of the Greek improver can be occasionally traced. To Greek influence we may ascribe the shape given to the stories of the " asylum." and of the deification of Romulus, and it must have been Greeks who suggested that King Numa had been a pupil of Pythagoras, or that the Tarquins came originally from Corinth. But, though, as the tale proceeds, the amount of na- tive tradition which it contains increases, this native tradition is in itself a curious medley, in which frag- ments of genuine tradition are found side by side with the stories by which the people explained to them- selves the origin of their ancient monuments, or their ancient institutions and usages, and with the crude, uncritical guesses of early chroniclers and antiqua- rians. To disentangle these various elements is a dif^cult matter, nor can the attempt be made here. But a few instances may be given to illustrate the method of doing it, and the kind of results which can be obtained. When we have set aside all that is clearly of foreign importation or of late date, the inventions and additions of Greek writers, or the chronological apparatus of Cato and Varro, we are face to face with a collection of tales, handed down from mouth to mouth among the people themselves. In such tales experience has taught us that it is not so much the contents of the tale, the names and personality of the actors, or the incidents related, as the motives which suggested it, the peg on which it was hung, that are historically valuable. Thus the story which connects Rome with Lavinium and with Alba implies an ancient belief among the Ro- Ch. 11 The Traditions. 1 1 mans in their kinship with their Latin neighbours, and that they, with all Latins, recognised a common centre in the sacred mount which dominated the Latin plain. Similarly, behind the tales told of the growth of Rome lies the belief that Rome had not been " built in a day," but had been slowly formed by the fusion of separate settlements into a single city and state ; and though the names of the kings, the years of their reigns, and the acts that they did give us little that is of value, existence of an under- lying belief that, as Tacitus puts it, " in the beginning kings ruled in Rome," ' is a fact of importance. These ancient beliefs raise a presumption which we have, then, to confirm or reject by the test of positive evidence ; the evidence of language, of monuments, or of fossil institutions and usages which are found surviving in later and better-known times. In other instances the motif of the story is of a different kind, and historically less valuable. In some cases the starting-point can be discovered in an ancient usage or ceremony, the origin of which the story explains; in others the tale is attached to an ancient monument or a remarkable natural ob- ject ; in others again it has no better basis than an apparent similarity in names, or a rude etymological guess at their meaning. Explanatory myths of this kind are of frequent occurrence in the early tradition of Rome. As instances we may quote the rape of the Sabine women, the building of the temple of Jupiter Stator, the story of Tarpeia, and of the priestly families of the Potitii and Pinarii. In these ' Tac, Ann., i., i. 1 2 Outlines of Roman History. [Book I cases the myth is chiefly valuable in so far as its own antiquity as a tale proves the antiquity of the usage, institution, or monument to which it owes its existence. And here the modern critic has to avoid an error into which his ancient predecessors not unfrequently fell. Dionysius, for instance, points, in corroboration of the story that ^neas founded Lavinium, or that Romulus and Remus were suckled by a she-wolf, to monuments still extant in his day at Lavinium and in Rome. But these monuments, like the hut of Romulus on the Palatine, are the offspring and not the parents of the myth, and were erected to commemorate traditions already well es- tablished. They do not corroborate the story, but indicate that at the date of their erection the story was generally believed. Lastly the colouring and setting of these tales are often instructive. It is sig- nificant, for instance, that it is the Etruscan who figures as the dreaded enemy alike of Rome and of her Latin kinsmen, and that it is the Sabine high- landers, whose forays are repelled, and whose women are carried off. Such, then, in brief, is the nature of the narrative which lies before us in the pages of Livy and Diony- sius as the version of the earliest history of Rome current in the Augustan age, and current also, in much the same shape, when Fabius Pictor wrote his chronicles in the third century B.C. As a written tradition no part of it can be traced farther back than the middle of the fifth century, and it has, therefore, no claim to the authority of a contem- porary record. In it materials of very various sorts Ch. 1] The Traditions. 13 and kinds, and brought from very different quarters, are found side by side. Intermingled with fragments of genuinely old and native tradition we find pieces of world-wide folk-lore, such as the tale of the chil- dren cruelly exposed and miraculously saved, stories, some drawn from the inexhaustible stores of Greek legend, or invented by the scarcely less inexhaustible imagination of Greek chroniclers, others representing the naive attempts of the soberer Roman mind to find an origin for the most ancient of their usages, institutions, and monuments. All these various materials were gradually combined and arranged by the efforts of successive generations ; but the orderly and consecutive narrative, with its apparatus of names and dates, which was thus produced, had even less claim to be considered history than the mass of disconnected tales of which it was composed. It follows, then, that neither the narrative as a whole, nor the separate incidents can be regarded as historical. On the other hand, both the ancient and genuinely Roman beliefs which underlie the story, and the colouring and setting of the tale, fre- quently afford a clue to the truth, which a study of the independent evidence supplied by the undoubted relics of antiquity to be found in the language, the institutions, the monuments of later Rome, enables us to follow out with success. CHAPTER II. THE ORIGIN OF THE CITY AND COMMONWEALTH. There is fortunately no room for doubt as to the site of Rome, or as to the district which was the scene of her early history. Along the western coast of Italy from Civita Vecchia in the north, to Tarra- cina in the south, stretches the famous lowland known for centuries as the Campagna. It is bounded to the north by the more hilly country of Northern Etruria, on the east by the mountain range of the Apennines, on the south by the Volscian highlands. This strip of lowland, nearly one hundred miles long, and nowhere much more than thirty miles wide, is in not an unbroken level. Its undulating surface is furrowed by watercourses, rent by volcanic fissures, and dotted over with abruptly rising hillocks. Viewed from the top of Soracte at its north-eastern extremity, or from the more famous Alban Mount, which rises out of the plain to the southward, its appearance has been compared to that of a stormy sea suddenly petrified. Of the streams which flow through it, two only, the Tiber and its tributary the 14 City and Commonwealth. 15 " headlong Anio," have ever been important enough to deserve the name of. rivers. It is with the river Tiber, the waterway which connects the Umbrian and Sabine highlands with the sea, and with this lowland country that the beginnings of Rome are inseparably associated. It was on the low hills which rise from the left bank of the Tiber, some fifteen miles above its mouth, that Rome was built, and it was possibly from the river that it took its name." It was among the communi- ties of the lowland that Rome found her natural allies against the Etruscan to the north, or against the highland tribes to the east and south. The establishment of her ascendancy over the lowland marks the first stage in the growth of her empire, and centuries later when barbarians ruled to the north and east and south, this lowland remained Roman, and was ruled from Rome by Roman bishops. It has been already said that the traditional account of the beginnings of Rome implies a fixed belief that both the city of Rome and the Roman commonwealth were gradually formed by the union of separate communities. Romulus built his city the '' square Rome " '^ on the Palatine Mount. With the Palatine were united before the end of his reign the Capitoline and the Quirinal. Tullus Hostilius added the Coelian, Ancus Martins the Aventine, while Servius Tullius included the Esquiline and ' Serv. ad yEii., viii., 63, states that the Tiber was anciently called "Rumon"; for the connection between "Rumen" and "Roma." see Corssen, Vokalist)nis v. Betoming d. Lai. Sprache, i.> 279, 364. '* " Roma quadrata," Ennins aj>. Testutn,^ 258. 1 6 Outlhies of Roman History. iBook . Viminal, and enclosed the whole area with a ring- wall. The growth of the people followed the same lines. To the followers of Romulus on the Palatine were added successively the Sabine settlers on the Ouirinal, Albans transplanted by Tullus, Latins by Ancus, and lasth' the Etruscan comrades of Coeles Vibenna. The first point in this tradition, the fusion of a cluster of separate settlements into a single city, has a considerable amount of independent evidence in its favour. In the time of Tacitus the boundaries of the " ancient Palatine town," as Varro calls it,* could still be traced," and the memory of them was pre- sei^ved by the annual race of the Luperci on Febru- ary 15th. Of the wall which once fenced round this " city of Romulus," enough remains even now to show its direction and the method of its construc- tion. It enclosed the whole crest of the Palatine, and belongs to an earlier period than that at which the Servian wall was built. On the Esquiline — Varro mentions an " ancient city " and an earthen rampart'; on the Capitol, on the Quirinal, and on the Cof^lian remains have been discovered, indicating that each of these hills was also at one time the seat of a separate settlement, surrounded by its own rude ' Varro, L. Z., vi., 34. ' Tac, Ann., xii., 24. For a full discussion of the exact limits of the Palatine city, see Smith, Did. Geog., s. v. "Roma"; Jordan, Topog. (I. Stadt Rom, i., cap. 2 ; Gilbert, Tofog. u. Gusch. d. Stadt Rom, i., caps, i, 2. • /„ /., v., 48 ; cf. ibid,, 50. Ch. 2] City and Commonwedlih. 17 wall.' Nor are we entirely without evidence of the gradual fusion of these distinct settlements into a single city. The festival of the Septimontium com- memorated the union of the Palatine with the Esquiline Mount." The union of these " mounts " with the Quirinal " Hill " left its marks on the insti- tutions and ceremonies of the state, as for example in the double worship of Mars/ and in the line takert by the procession of the Argei.* Of the final stage in this process of amalgamation, the wall and agger ascribed to King Servius still remain as witnesses. But though we may safely believe that it was in this fashion that the city of Rome was formed, we cannot be equally confident as to dates; all that can be said is that the oldest tombs yet dis- covered on the Esquiline appear to belong to the early part of the eighth century B.C., when Greek traders were beginning to move westward, and that the Servian wall may be assigned approximately to the close of the seventh century.' But is tradition right in representing this fusion of distinct settlements as a fusion also r,„„„o Rome a of communities of different race ? Much ^**'" ^^'^y- of what it says on this point may be at once dis- missed as fabulous. The tales of ^neas and his ' Middleton, Ancient Ro7iie, 37-58. - Festus, 34S ; Jordan, i., 199; Gilbert, 1., l6l. The seven mantes were the Palatine ^\'ith the Velia and Germalus, the Subura, and the three points of the Esquiline (Fagutal, Oppius, and Cispius). ^ See Mommsen, R. G., (7th ed.), i., 51. ^ Varro, Z. Z., v., 43; vii., 44; Jordan, ii., 237. ' Helbig, Die Italiker in d. Poebene, 136. A much later date (fourth century) is given by recent critics, e. g. Pais, i., 348, 8 1 8 Outliyies of Roma7i History. [Book i Trojans, of Evander and his Arcadians, of the fol- lowers of Heracles, and of the still earlier Aborigines have no claim to a place in history' ; we cannot accept the story, to which the Romans clung with proud humility, of the asylum opened by Romulus, or believe that the ancestors of the Romans were a mixed concourse of outlaws and refugees,^ nor while admitting the probability of the tradition that in remote times the " Sikels " had dwelt on the seven hills, can we allow them any part or lot in the his- toric Roman people.^ That the Romans were in the main of the same race with the neighbouring Latin communities is a conclusion which all the available evidence supports. These " Latini," as they were called, possibly from the plain land in which they dwelt, had probably, as their traditions affirmed, descended at some early period from the highlands of the Apennines, where their kinsmen, the Umbrians and Sabines, still dwelt. Driving out the earlier population, they planted their rudely fortified settlements wherever a piece of rising- ground afforded protection against human foes and against the malaria. The communities thus founded formed the peoples {populi) of the Latin name. The ties of kinship, and probably also the common necessity of self-defence against Etruscan, Sabine, or Volscian foes, bound them together. They had ' For these traditions, see Dionysius, i., 31-71. * For a criticism of tliemyth of theiisyhim, see Schwegler, R. C. , 1., 465 sq., who, however, exaggerates the mixed character of the Roman people. Hegel, Phil. d. Gtsch., 345, takes the story seriously. ' Dionysius, i., 9; Thuc, vi., 2 ; Dicmysius, i., ifi; ii., i. Ch. 21 City a7id Commonwealth. 19 their federal council, their federal leaders, and a com- mon federal sanctuary on the sacred Alban Mount. The affinity between Rome and these Latin peoples is implied in the Roman traditions themselves. King Faunus, who rules the Aborigines on the Pala- tine, is Latin; Latini is the name assumed by the united Aborigines and Trojans; the immediate pro- genitors of Rome are the Latin Lavinium and the Latin Alba. The evidence of the language, the religion, the institutions, and the civilisation of early Rome points to the same conclusion. The speech of the Romans is from the first Latin' ; the oldest gods of Rome — Saturn, Janus, Jupiter, Juno, Diana, etc. — are all Latin ; rex, prcEtor, dictator, curia, are Latin titles and institutions.' Geographically, too, the low hills by the Tiber form a part of the strip of coast-land from which the Latini took their name, and the primitive settlements, with their earthen ramparts and wooden palisades planted upon them, are only typical of the mode of settlement which the; conditions of life dictated throughout Latium/ But tradition insists on the admixture of at least two non-Latin elements, a Sabine and an Etruscan. The question as regards the latter will ' The theory that Latin was a ' ' mongrel speech " is now discardeil. See Schwegler, i. , igo. * The title rex occurs on inscriptions at Lanuvium, Tusculum, Bovillae ; Henzen, Bulletino dell. Inst., i86S, p. 159; Corp. /., Lat. vi., 2125. YoT dictator a.ndiprcEtor, see Livy, i., 23, viii., 3 ; cf. Mar- quardt, Rom. Staatsverivaltung, i., 475 ; for C7iria, Serv. on JEn,, i , 17 ; Marquardt, i., 467. " Helbig, Die Italiker in J. Poeheju ; I'ohhnann, Anfiinge Jionis, 40; Abeken, Alittel-Italien, ii\ sq. 20 O^dlines of Roman History. [Book \ be more fully discussed hereafter ; it is enough to say here that there is no satisfactory evidence that any one of the communities which combine to form Rome was Etruscan, or that there was any important Etruscan strain in the Roman blood.' With the Sabines it is otherwise. That union of the Palatine TheSabines and Quirinal settlements, which const!- ome. tuted so decisive a stage in the growth of Rome, is represented as having been in reality a union of the original Latins with a band of Sabine invaders, who had seized and held not only the Quirinal Hill, but the northern and nearest peak of the Capitoline Mount. The tradition was evidently deeply rooted. The name of the Quirinal Hill itself was said to be derived from the Sabine town of Cures.' The ancient worships connected with it were said to be Sabine.' One of the three old tribes, the Titles, was believed to represent the Sabine element*; the second and the fourth kings were both of Sabine descent. We may follow the great majority of modern writers in accepting the sub- stance of the tradition, the fusion of a body of Sabine invaders with the original Latins, as histori^^ ' The existence of a Tuscan quarter [Tuscus vicus)\n early Rome probably points to nothing more than the presence in Rome of Etruscan artisans and craftsmen. The Etruscs^ origin ascribed to the third tribe, the " Luceres,"is a mereguess ;see Schwegler, i., 504, and Lange, Rihn. AUcrth., i,, 85. * Varro, Z. Z., v., 51. ■ Varro, Z. Z., v., 74 ; Schwegler, i., 248 sq.; but Monimsen {R. G., i-. 53)P'Jints out that most of these so-called Sabine deities axe at least equally Latin. * Varro, Z. Z., v., 55 ; Livy, L, 13. Ch. 2.] City and Commonwealth. 2 1 cal, but with certain qualifications.' A Sabine in- vasion, if it took place at all, must, at any rate, have taken place far back in the prehistoric age ; it must have been on a small scale ; and the Sabine invaders inust have amalgamated easily and completely with the Latin settlers ; for the structure of the early Roman state, while it bears evident marks of a fusion of communities, shows no traces of a mixture of race ; nor is it easy to point to any provably Sabine element in the language, religion, or civilisation of primitive Rome.' That there was ever a Sabine conquest of Rome is a theory which can hardly be maintained in the face of the predominantly Latin character of both people and institutions. On the other hand, the probability of a Sabine raid and a Sabine settlement, on the Quirinal Hill, in very early times may be admitted. The incursions of the highland Apennine tribes into the lowlands fill a large place in early Italian history. The Latins were said to have originally descended from the ' Mommsen, i?. G., i., 43. Schwegler (^. G., i., 478) accepts the tradition of a Sabine settlement on the Quirinal, and considers that in the united state the Sabine element predominated. Volquardsen {Rhein. Miis., xxxiii., 559) believes in a complete Sabine conquest; and so does Zoller {Ln/ium u. Rom, Leipsic, 177S), who, however, places it after the expulsion of the Tarquins. Gilbert {^Topogr., i,, cap. 5) accepts the Sabine settlement, but holds rightly that in the union the Latin element decisively piedominatad. * See Mommsen, 1., 43. The Sabine words in Latin, if not com- mon to both dialects, were probably introduced later, or are Sabinised Latin (Mommsen, Unterital. Diah'kten, 347). Schwegler's attempt to distinguish Sabine features in the Roman character is ingenious but unsati^factoiy. 2 2 Outlines of Koniati History. [Book I mountain glens near Reate.' The invasions of Campania and of Magna Graicia by Sabellian tribes are matter of history, and the Sabines themselves are represented as a restless highland people, ever seeking new homes in richer lands.''' In very early days they appear on the borders of Latium, in close proximity to Rome, and Sabine forays are familiar and frequent occurrences in the old legends. Leaving behind us the dark period of the making of Rome, we pass on to consider what can be known The early of its Constitution and history in the common- ,, , , . . . . wealth. earliest days of its existence as a single united community. The popiilits Rojfiaiius was, we are told, divided into three tribes, Ramnes, Titles, and Luceres,' and into thirty curice. The three tribes probably represented a primitive clan division, older than the Roman state itself. They survived in later times only as divisions of the corps of " knights " {equitiini coitm'in^, the repre- sentatives of the ancient cavalry of Rome, and even in the accounts of the earliest constitution they have ceased to serve as a political division of ' Cato ap. Dionysius, ii., 48, 49. " C!\to ap. Dionysius, ii., 48, 49. For the institution of the ttff sacrum see Schwegler, Rom. Gesch., i., 240; Nissen, Templum, iv. '^ The tradition connecting the Ramnes with Romulus and tlie Tities with Tatius is as old as Ennius (Varro, Z. Z., v., 55). Monunsen (i., 41) explains Ramnes as = Romani, but this etymology is rejected by Schwegler and by Corssen. As regards the l.uceres there is little to add to Livy's statement (i., 13), " nominis ft originis causa incerta est." See, on ilie whole questinn, Schwegler, i., 505, and Volijuardsen, Rhein. Mus., xxxiii., 538. Ch. 2.] City ajid CoiJiinonwcalth. 23 the people' Of far greater importance was the division into curiic. In Cicero's time there were still curies, curial festivals, and curiate assemblies, and modern authors are unquestionably right in re- garding the curia as the keystone of the political system. It was a primitive association held together by participation in common sacra, and possessing common festivals, common priests, and a common chapel, hall, and hearth. The members of a curia were very probably neighbours and kinsmen, but the C2iria seems to represent a stage in political de- velopment midway between that in which clanship is the sole bond of union, and that in which such claims as those of territorial contiguity and owner ship of land have obtained recognition. As separate associations the curies are probably older than the Romian state, but," however this may be, it is certain that of this state, when formed, they constituted the only effective political subdivisions. The members of the thirty curics were the populus Romanus, and the earliest known condition of Roman citizenship was the coinviunio sacroruui, partnership in the cu- rial sacra. Below the curia there was no further political division, for we cannot believe that the curia was ever formally subdivided into a fixed num- ' They are traditionally connected only with the senate of 300 patres, with the primitive legion of 3,000, with the vestal virgins, and with the augurs (Varro, L. L., v., 81, 8g, 91 ; Livy, x. , 6 ; Fes- tus, 344 ; Mommsen, i., 41, 74, 75 ; Genz, Patricischc Rom, go). ^ It is possible that the curicE were originally connected with separate localities ; cf. such names as Foriensis Veliensis (Fest.. 174 ; Gilbert, i., 213). 24 Outlines of Roman History. isook i ber of gcntcs and /amities' Nor can we assent to the view which would represent the cnrice as con- taining only the patrician gcntes. The primitive Roman people of the thirt}- cnrice included all the freemen of the community, simple as well as gentle.' At their head was the ri\r, the ruler of the united people. The Roman "king" was not siinply either the hereditary and patriarchal chief of a clan, the priestly head of a com- munity bound together by common sacra, or the elected magistrate of a state, but a mixture of all three.' In later times, when no "patrician magis- trates" were forthcoming to hold the elections for their successors, a procedure was adopted which was believed to represent the manner in which the early kings had been appointed." In this procedure the ancient privileges of the old gcntcs and their elders, the importance of maintaining unbroken the contin- uity of the sacra, on the transmission and observance of which the welfare of the community depended, and, thirdly, the rights of the free men, were all ' Niebuhr's supposition of ten i^eiiics in each curia has nothing in its favour but the confused statement of Dionysius as to the purely military dexadEi (Dionysius, ii.. 7 ; c/- Muller, PhilologKs, xxxiv., 96). ' T]ie view taken here on the vexed question of tlie purely patrician character of the curicc is that of Mommsen {Rom. Forschungcn, vol. i.). ' Rubino, Genz, and T_,ange insist on the hereditary patriarchal character of the kingship, Ihne on its priestly side, Schwegler on its elective. Mommsen comes nearest to the view taken in the text, but fails to bring out the nature of the compromise on which the kingship rested. ■• Cic, De Leg., iii., 3 ; Livy, iv., 7. Ch. 2] City and Commonwealth. 25 recognised. On the death of a king the auspicia, and with them the supreme authority, reverted to the council of elders, the patres, as representing the gentes. By \.\\& patres an interrex was appointed, who in turn nominated a second ; by him, or even by a third or fourth interrex a new king was selected in consultation with the patres. The king-designate was then proposed to the freemen assembled by their curue for their acceptance, and finally their formal acceptance was ratified by the patres, as a security that the sacra of which they were the guardians have been respected.' Thus the king was in the first in- stance selected by the representatives of the old gentes, and they ratified his appointment. In form he was nominated directly by a predecessor from whose hands he received the auspicia. But it was necessary also that the choice of the patres and the nomination of the interrex should be confirmed by a solemn vote of the community. It is useless to attempt a precise definition of the prerogatives of the king when once installed in oflfice. Tradition ascribes to him a position and ' " Patres auctores facti," LiN-y, i., 22 ; '' pat7-es fuere auctorcs," Id., i., 32. In 336 B.C. (Livy, viii., 12) the Publilian law directed that this sanction should be given beforehand, "ante iiiitivn suf- fragimn,'' and thus reduced it to a meaningless form (Livy, i., 11). It is wrongly identified by Schwegler with the " lex ctiriata de im- fcrio" which in Cicero's day followed and did not precede election. According to Cicero {De Rep., ii., 13, 2r), the proceedings included, in addition to the " creation " by the comitia curiata and the sanction of the patres, the introduction by the king himself of a lex curiata conferring the imperiu?n and auspicia ; but this theory, though gener- ally accepted, is probably an inference from the practice of a later time, when the creaiio had been transferred to the comitia centuriafch 26 Outlines of Roman History. [Book! powers closely resembling those of the heroic kings of Greece. He rules for life, and he is the sole ruler, unfettered by written statutes. He is the supreme judge, settling all disputes, and punishing wrong- doers even with death. All other officials are ap- pointed by him. He imposes taxes, distributes lands, and erects buildings. Senate and assembly meet only when he convenes them, and meet for little else than to receive communications from him. In war he is absolute leader,' and, finally, he is also the religious head of the community. It is his busi- ness to consult the gods on its behalf, to offer the solemn sacrifices, and to announce the days of the public festivals. Hard by his house was the com- mon hearth of the state, where the vestal virgins cherished the sacred fire. By the side of the king stood the senate, or coun- cil of elders. In the descriptions left us of the primitive senate, as in those of the nu". The senate. . , . . - we can discover traces of a transition irom an earlier state of things, when Rome was only an as- semblage of clans or village communities, allied in- deed, but each still ruled by its own chiefs and head- men, to one in which these groups have been fused into a single state under a common ruler. On the one hand the senate appears as a council of chiefs, with inalienable prerogatives of its own, and claiming to be the ultimate depository of the supreme authority and of the sacra connected with it. The senators are the patrcs ; they are taken from the leading gentes ; they hold their seats for life; to them ' For the rcfcicuccb, bce Schwcj^ler, i., 646 sq. Ch. 21 City and CommotLWcalth. 27 the auspicia revert on the death of a king; they appoint the intcrrcx from their own body, are con- sulted in the choice of the new king,' and their sanction is necessary to ratify the vote of the assem- bled freemen. On the other hand, they are no longer supreme. They cannot appoint a king but with the consent of the community, and their rela- tion to the king when appointed is one of subordina- tion. Vacancies in their ranks are filled up by him, and they can but give him advice and counsel when he chooses to consult them. The popular assembly of united Rome in its earli- est days was that in which the freemen met and voted by their curicc (coiiiitia curiatcT^ ). thc as- The assembly met in the coniitiuui at the sembiy. north-east end of the forum,' at the summons and under the presidency of the king, or, failing him, of the mterrex. By the rex or interrex the question was put, and the voting took place cnri- atim. The vote of each curia was decided by the majority of individual votes, and a majority of the votes of the ciiricB determined the final result. But the occasions on wdiich the assembly could exercise its power must have been few. Their right to elect magistrates w^as apparently limited to the acceptance or rejection of the king proposed by the interrex. ' If the analogy of the rex sacrormu is to be trusted, the king could only be chosen from the ranks of the patricii. Cic, Pro Domo, 14; Gaius, i., 122. ' Cic, Dc Rep., ii., 13 ; Dionysius, ii., 14, etc. ^ Varro, Z. Z., v.. 155. For the position of the comitiu?n, see Smith, Diet. Gcvg., s. v. " Koma,"and Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom ; I'elersen, Comitium (Rome, 1904). 28 Outlines of Roman History. [Book) Of the passing of laws, in the latter sense of the term, there is no trace in the kingly period. Diony- sius's statcnienl' that they voted on questions (^f war and peace is improbable in itself and unsup- ported by tradition. They are indeed represented, in one instance, as deciding a capital case, but it is by the express permission of the king and not of right.' Assemblies of the people were also, and probably more frequently, convened for other pur- poses. Not only did they meet to hear from the king the announcement of the high days and holi- days for each month, and to witness such solemn religious rites as the inauguration of a priest, but their presence (and sometimes their vote) was fur- ther required to authorise and attest certain acts, which in a later age assumed a more private char- acter. The disposal of property by will ' and the solemn renunciation of family or gentile sacra*' could only take place in the presence of the assem- bled freemen, while for adoption * iadrogatio) not only their presence but their formal consent was necessary. Such in outline was the political structure of the Roman state at the earliest period known to us. It is clear that it belongs to a comparatively advanced stage in the development of society, and that a long previous history lies behind it. Traces of an older ' Dionysius, /. c. ' Livy, i., 26 ; Dionysius, iii., 22. * Gaius, ii., loi. * Cell., XV., 27. ' Gell., v., 19, " Comitia prcEbeutur, qua curiata appellantur." Cf. Cic, Pro Domo, 13, 14. Ch.2] City and Commonwealth. 29 and more primitive order of things still linger in the three ancient shadowy tribes, in the curice and gentes, in many of the features noticeable in the senate ; but they are traces of an order that has passed away. The supremacy of the state is estab- lished over the groups out of whose fusion it has grown, and such of these groups as still retain a distinct existence are merely private corporations. Private differences are settled and wrong-doers pun- ished by the state tribunals, and even within the close limits of the family the authority of the head is limited by the claims of the state upon the ser- vices of the sons and dependants. L;t^« CHAPTER III. ROME UNDER THE KINGS. A IIIS'POKV of this early Roman stale is out of the question. The names, dates, and achieveirients of the first four kings are all too unsubstantial to form the basis of a sober narrative ' ; a few points only can be considered as fairly well established. If we except the long eventless reign ascribed to King Numa, tradition represents the first kings as inces- santly at war with their immediate neighbours. The details of these wars are no doubt mythical ; but the implied condition of continual struggle, and the nar- row range within which the struggle is confined, may be accepted as true. The picture drawn is that of a small community with a few square miles of territory, living in constant feud with its nearest neighbours, within a radius of some twelve miles round Rome. Nor, in spite of the repeated victories with which tradition credits Romulus, Ancus, and Tullus, does ' By far the most complete criticism of tlie traditional accounts of the first four kings will be found in Schwegler's /ioiii. GcscJiichte, vol. i.; compare also lime's Early Rome, and Sir G. C. Lewis's Crcdibililj cf Early Koman I/iitciy; and I'ais, Storia di Roma, vol. i. 30 Rome ZLiider the Kings. 3 1 there seem to have been any real extension of Roman territory except towards the sea. Fidenae remains Etruscan ; the Sabines continue masters up to the Anio ; Prseneste, Gabii, and Tuscuhim are still un- touched ; and on this side it is doubtful if Roman territory extended to a greater distance than the sixth milestone from Rome.' But along the course of the Tiber below the city there was a decided ad- vance. The fortification of the Janiculum, the build- ing of \.\\Q pons sublichis, the foundation of Ostia, and the acquisition of the salt marshes near the sea may all be safel}^ ascribed to this early period. Closely connected, too, with the control of the Tiber from Rome to the sea was the subjugation of the petty Latin communities lying south of the river; and the tradition of the conquest and destruction of Poli- torium, Tellenae, and Ficana is confirmed by the absence in historical times of any Latin communities in this district. With the reign of the fifth king, Tarquinius Priscus, a marked change takes place. The traditional ac- counts of the last three kings not only _. ,_ o J The Tar- wear a more historical air than those of quins. the first four, but they describe something like a transformation of the Roman city and state. Under the rule of these latter kings the separate settlements were for the first time enclosed with a rampart of co- ' 'Y\\.& fossa Cluilia, five miles from Rome (I-ivy, ii., 39), is re» garded by Schwegler (i. , 585) and by Mommsen (i., 45) as markin<; the Roman frontier towards Latium. Cf. Ovid, Fast., ii., 681; Strabo, 230, " /x£Ta%v yovv rov Ttif-iitTov xal tov'fkzqv Xihuh , . . TOXo? ^?i6roi . . . upioi' T//i TOTsi 'PcDna/oDy ynZ' 52 Ontliiics of Roman History. [Book* lossal size and extent.' The low grounds were drained, and a forum and circus elaborately laid out ; on the Capitoline Mount a temple was erected, the massive foundations of which were an object of wonder even to Pliny. ^ To the same period are assigned the re- division of the city area into four districts and the introduction of a new military system. The kings increase in power and surround themselves with new splendour. Abroad, Rome suddenly appears as a powerful state ruling far and wide over southern Etruria and Latium. These startling changes are, moreover, ascribed to kings of alien descent, who one and all ascend the throne in the teeth of estab- lished constitutional forms. Finally, with the expul- sion of the last of them — the younger Tarquin — comes a sudden shrinkage of power. At the com- mencement of the republic Rome is once more a comparatively small state, with hostile and inde- pendent neighbours at her very doors. It is difficult to avoid the conviction that the true explanation of this phenomenon is to be found in the The Etrus- ^^uppositiou that Rome during this period cans. passed under the rule of powerful Etruscan lords." Who the people were whom the Romans knew as Etruscans and the Greeks as Tyrrhenians is a question which, after centuries of discussion, still remains unanswered ; nor in all probability will the answer be found until the lost key to their language ' Livy, i., 36. ' Livy, i., 38, 55 ; Plin., A". //., xxxvi., 15. * This is the view of O. Muller, and more recently of Deecke, Gardthausen, and Zoller ; it is rejected by Schwegler. Mommseji accepts the Etruscan origin of the Tarquins, but denies that it proves *n Etruscan rule in Rome. Ch. 3] Rome under the Kings. 33 has been discovered. That they were regarded by the Italic tribes, by Umbrians, Sabelhans, and Latins, as intruders is certain. Entering Italy, as they prob- ably did from the north or north-east, they seem to have first of all made themselves masters of the rich valley of the Po and of the Umbrians who dwelt there. Then crossing the Apennines, they overran Etruria proper as far south as the banks of the Tiber, here too reducing to subjection the Umbrian owners of the soil. In Etruria they made themselves dreaded, like the Northmen of a later time, by sea as well as by land. Their pirate galleys swept the Tyrrhenian Sea, while roving bands of Etruscan warriors estab- lished themselves at one place after another in the districts south of the Tiber, built their strongholds, and ruled as conquerors over the subject peoples. In the latter half of the seventh century B.C., at the period to which the erection of the Servian wall may be assigned, their power was at its height. It ex- tended far beyond Etruria proper. The Kelts had not yet seriously threatened their supremacy in the valley of the Po, — and they were still masters of the rich Campanian plain, — from which the Samnite high- landers were to oust them some two centuries later- It is, on the face of it, improbable that a power which had extended its sway from the Alps to the Tiber, and from the Liris to Surrentum, should have left untouched the intervening stretch of country between the Tiber and the Liris, Nor are we without evi- dence of Etruscan rule in Latium.' According to ' Zoller, Laiium ti. Rom, i66, 189 ; Gardthausen, Masiarna (Leip- sic, 1882) ; Cuno's Verbreitung d. Etr. Stamvies (Graudenz, 1880) is highly fanciful. 3 34 Outlines of Roman History. [Book \ Dionysius there was a time when the Latins were known to the Greeks as Tyrrhenians, and Rome as a Tyrrhenian cit\-.' When .-Eneas landed in Italy the Latins were at feud with Turnus(Turrhenos? Diony- sius, i., 64) of Ardea, whose close ally was the ruth- less Mezentius, lord of Cccrc, to whom the Latins had been forced to pay a tribute of wine.'' Cato declared the \'^olsci to have been once subject to ICtruscan rule,^ and h^truscan remains found at Velitr.-e,^ as well as the second name of the Volscian Auxur, Tarracina (the city of Tarchon), tend to confirm his statement. Nearer still to Rome was Tusculum, with its significant name, and at Alba we hear of a prince Ta'pjfrzo?/ lawless and cruel like Mezentius, who consults the "oracle of Tethys in Tyrrhenia." Thus we find the Etruscan power encircling Rome on all sides, and in Rome itself a trad.tion of the rule of princes of Etruscan origin. The Tarquinii come from South Etruria ; their name can hardh' be anything else than the Latin equivalent of the Etruscan Tarchon, ami is therefore possibl}' a title (= " lord " or " prince ") rather than a proper name." ' Dionysius, i., 29. -' I.ivy, i., 2 ; Dionysius, i., 64, 65 ; Plut., Q. R., 18. " Cato ap. Serv. , ^-En., xi., 567. ■* Helbig, Ann. d. Inst., 1865. ' Plut., Rom., 2, TtapavojitGjraroS Kal u)/i('>rnro? ; cf, Rutulian Tarquitius, Virg., A-'.n., x., 550. *> .Mailer- Deecke, i., 69, 70; Zr.ller, Latium 11. Rorn, 168; cf. Straljo, p. 219; Serv. ad ALn.,\., 179, 198. Tiie existence of an iMtle])endent "gens Tarquinia " of Roman extraction (.Schwegler, I., 678) is unproven and unlikely. Nor can " Tarquinius " mean "of Tarquinii"; this wouKl require " Tarquiniensis " as a cog- Ch. 3] Rome unde7' the Khigs. 35 Even Servius Tullius was identified by Tuscan chroniclers with an Etruscan " Mastarna." ' There are two other features in the story of the last three kings of Rome which point the same way. The Etruscans are not represented in tradition as moving in great masses, and their advance is not the migra- tion of a whole people. We hear rather, as in the case of the Northmen, of roving bands of warriors led by powerful chiefs who carve out principalities for themselves with their own good swords, and rule as conquerors over alien and subject populations," and it is a raid and a conquest of this kind, not an immigration, that the tradition suggests. Here, as elsewhere, the Etruscans were not the people, but the rulers. Nor is this all. That Etruria had, under the sway of Etruscan lords, forged ahead of the country south of the Tiber in wealth and civilisation is a fact which the evidence of remains has placed beyond doubt. It is therefore significant that the rule of the Tarquins in Rome is marked by an out- ward splendour which stands in strong contrast to the primitive simplicity of the native kings. The great cloaca, the Servian wall, the Capitoline temple, were monuments which challenged comparison with those of the emperors themselves, and they can hardly have been built by any but builders from Etruria, under the magnificent patronage of Etrus- ' See speech of Claudius, Tab. Lugd., App. to Nipperdey's edition of the Annals of Tacitus, " Titsce Mastarna ei nomen erat." For the painting in the Francois tomb at Vulci, see Gardthausen, Mastarna, 22 sq.; Annali dell, Instit., Rome, 1859. * Cf. the traditions of Mezentius, of Cceles Vibenna, Porsena, etc. 36 Outlines of Ro77ta7i History. [Book! can lords. Nor do the traces of Greek influence upon Rome during this period ' conflict with the theory of an Etruscan supremacy ; on the contrary, it is at least possible that it was thanks to the ex- tended rule and wide connections of her Etruscan rulers that Rome was first brought into direct con- tact with the Greeks, who had long traded with the Etruscan ports and influenced Etruscan culture.' These Etruscan princes are represented, not only as having raised Rome for the time to a command- „^ „ . ing position in Latium.and lavished ui)on The Servian t> i ' i reforms. |-]^g (^j^-y jtsclf the rcsourccs of Etruscan civilisation, but also the authors of important inter- nal changes. They are represented as favouring new men at the expense of the old patrician fam- ilies, and as reorganising the Roman army on a new footing, a policy natural enough in military princes of alien birth, and rendered possible by the addi. tions which conquest had made to the original community. From among the leading families of the conquered Latin states a hundred new members were admitted to the senate, and \\\(t gentcs to which they belonged thenceforth ranked as patrician, and became known as gtntes ininores^ The changes in the army begun, it is said, by the elder Tarquin ' Schwegler, R. C, i., 679 sij. ' Schwegler, i., 791, 792. He accepts as genuine, and as represent- ing the extent of Roman rule and connections under the Tarquins, tlie first treaty between Rome and Carthage mentioned by Polybius (iii., 22); see, for a discussion of the question, VoUmer, Rhein. Mus., xxxii., 614 j-i/. / Mommsen, Rom. Chronologie, 20; Dyer, Journ. oj Philol., ix., 238. * Livy, i., 35 ; Dionysius, iii., 67 ; Cic. De Rep., ii,, sa Ch. 3] Rome U7ider tJic Kings. 3)' and completed by Servius Tullius were more impor- tant. The basis of the primitive mihtary system had been the three tribes, each of which furnished 1,000 men to the legion and 100 to the cavalry.' Tarquinius Priscus, we are told, contemplated the creation of three fresh tribes and three additional centuries of horsemen with new names," though in face of the opposition offered by the old families he contented himself with simpl)' doubling the strength without altering the names of the old divisions.' But the change attributed to Servius Tullius went far beyond this. His famous distribution of all landholders {assidiii) into tribes, classes, and cen- turies,* though subsequently adopted with modifi- cations as the basis of the political system, was at first exclusively military in its nature and objects.' It amounted, in fact, to the formation of an enlarged army on a new footing. In this force, excepting in the case of the centuries of the horsemen, no regard was paid either to the old clan divisions or to the semi-religious, semi-political curia. In its ranks were included all landholders within the Roman territory. ' Varo, Z. Z., v., 89. * Livy, i., 36 ; Dionysius, iii., 71. ^ The six centuries of horsemen were thenceforward known as " primi secundicjue Jiamnes" (Fest., 344; cf. Schwegler, i., 685 S(].). It is possible that the reforms of Tarquinius Priscus were limited to the cavalry. •* Cic. De Rep., ii., 22 ; Livy, i., 42 ; Dionysius, iv., 16. ' This is recognised by Mommsen, Genz, and Soltau, as against Niebuhr, Schwegler, and Ihne, Even in the later coniilia cenUai- ata the traces of the originally military character of the organisation are unmistakable. 38 O^itlines of Roman History. [Book I whether members or not of any of the old divisions, and the organisation of this new army of assidni was not less independent of the old system with its clannish and religious traditions and forms. The unit was the centiiria or company of lOO men ; the centurice were grouped in " classes," and drawn up in the order of the phalanx.' The centuries in front were composed of the wealthier citizens, whose means enabled them to bear the cost of the complete equipments necessary for those who were to stand the brunt of the onset. These centuries formed the first class. Behind them stood the centuries of the second and third classes, less completely armed, but making up together with those of the first class the heavy-armed infantry.'' In the rear were the cen- turies of the fourth and fifth classes, recruited from the poorer landholders, and serving only as light- armed troops. The entire available body of land- holders was divided into two equal portions, a reserve corps of seniorcs and a corps of jimiores for active service. Each of these corps consisted of 85 centuries, or 8,500 men, /. e. of two legions of about 4,200 men each, the normal strength of a consular legion under the early republic' It is noticeable also that the heavy-armed centuries of ' The century ceased to represent companies of one hundred when the whole organisation ceased to be military and became exclusively ]iolitical. '■' The property qualification for service in the first class is given at 100,000 asses (Livy), for the second at 70,000, third at 50,000, fourth at 25,000, fifth at 11,000. It was probably originally a certain acreage in land, afterwards translated into terms of money ; cf. Mommsen, Rom. Tribus, 115. * Polybius, vi., 20; Mommsen, Riir/i, 7'rib., 132 sq. Ch. 31 Rome under the Kings. 39 the three first classes in each of these legions repre- sented a total of 3,000 men, a number which agrees exactly with the number of heavy-armed troops in the legions as described by Polybius. Attached to the legion, but not included in them, were the companies of sappers and trumpeters. Lastly, to the six centuries of horsemen, which still retained the old tribal names, twelve more were added as A distinct body, and recruited from the wealthiest class of citizens.' The four " tribes " also instituted hy Servius were probably intended to serve as the basis for the levy of landholders for the new army.' As their names show, they corresponded with the natural local divisions of the city territory,* and Included also the citizen population resident within it.* The last of these Etruscan lords to rule in Rome was Tarquin the Proud. He is described p^,, ^^ ^.^^ as a splendid and despotic monarch. His monarchy, sway extended over Latium as far south as Circeii. Aristodemus, tyrant of Cumae, was his ally, and kinsmen of his own were princes at Collatia, at Gabii, and at Tusculum. The Volscian highlanders were chastised, and Signia, with its massive walls, was built to hold them in check. In Rome itself ' Livy, i., 43. Dionysius (iv., i8) and Cic. (D<: Rep., ii., 22) ascribe the whole eighteen to Servius. But the six older centuries remained distinct as the sex suffragia of the comitia centuriaia (Cic, De A'ep., ii., 22). ' Dionysius, iv. , 14, £^? raJ HaTaypLxq)di zoov SrpaTiooTQOv. ^ Livy, i., 43. The four were Palatina, Surburana, Esquilina, and r^llina. * E. Meyer, Hermes, xxx., 13. 40 Outlines of Roman Hhtory, iBooki the Capitoline temple and the great cloaca bore wit- ness to his power. But his rule pressed heavily upon the Romans, and at last, on the news of the foul wrong done by his son Sextus to a noble Roman matron, Lucretia, the indignant people rose in revolt. Tarquin, who was away besieging Ardea, was de- posed ; sentence of exile was passed upon him and upon all his race ; and the people swore that never again should a king rule in Rome. Freed from the tyrant, they chose for themselves two yearly magis- trates who should exercise the supreme authority, and thus the republic of Rome was founded. Three times the banished Tarquin strove desperately to recover the throne he had lost. First of all the men of Veii and Tarquinii marched to his aid, but were defeated in a pitched battle on the Roman frontier. A year later Lars Porsena, prince of Clusium, at the head of all the powers of Etruria, appeared before the gates of Rome, and closely besieged the city, until, moved by the valour of his foe, he granted honourable terms of peace and withdrew.' Once again, by Lake Regillus, the Romans fought vic- toriously for their liberty against Tarquin's son-in> law Mamilius, prince of Tusculum, and chief of the Latin name. Mamilius was slain ; Tarquin in despair found a refuge at Cumae, and there soon afterwards died. So, in brief, ran the story of the flight of the ' Livy, ii., 9-14. Pliny (A'. //., xxxiv., 14) and 'lacitus {Ann., iii,, 72) imply the existence of a tradition, possibly that of "Tuscan annalists," according to which Porsena actually made himself master of Rome. The whole story is fully criticised by Schwegler (ii., ibi sq.)i.\\A Zoller {La tiuM u. Kom., p. 180). Ch. 3.] Rome ufider the Kings. 41 kings, as it was told by the chroniclers whom Livy followed. Its details are most of them fabulous ; it is crowded with inconsistencies and improbabili- ties ; there are no trustworthy dates ; the names even of the chief actors are probably fictitious, and the hand of the improver, Greek or Roman, is trace- able throughout.' The struggle was doubtless longer and sharper, and the new constitution more gradually shaped, than tradition would have us be- lieve. Possibly, too, this revolution in Rome was but a part of a wide-spreading wave of change in Latium and central Italy, similar to that which in Greece swept away the old heroic monarchies. But there is no room for doubting the main facts of the emancipation of Rome from the rule of alien princes and the final abolition of the kingly office. 'See the exhaustive criticism inSchwegIer(ii., pp. 66-203); Pais, i., cliap. 3. I BOOK IT. THE EARLY REPUBLIC— 509-275 B.C. THE EARLY REPUBLIC— 509-27^ B.C. CHAPTER L THE FOUNDATION OF THE REPUBLIC AND THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE ORDERS. Much of what has been said as to the nature and value of the traditional account of the be- '^^'^ "■**^'' tional ac- ginnings of Rome and of the monarchy count, applies to that we possess of the early republic. It is true that there is, at first sight, a considerable difference. In passing from the first to the second book of Livy we are conscious of passing from poetry to prose. The narrative assumes at once the shape of a chronicle, in which events are set down in order, year by year, as they occurred, and in which the actors are men, and not gods or demi-gods. But this appearance of historical sobriety and consecutive- ness is, at least for the period before the sack of Rome by the Gauls (390 B.C.), somewhat delusive. For, in the first place, the dearth of contemporary documents relating to this period must have been almost as complete as in the case of the preceding 45 46 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book \\ one. We may, indeed, grant that when Fabius Pictor, or Timrcus before hini, wrote, there existed in Rome written records, such as the annals of the pontiffs, or the consular fasti, purporting to carry back the chronicle of events and the list of magis- trates to the first year of the republic. Ikit these records, at any rate in their earlier portions, were in no sense contemporary authorities. They were compiled, probably in the fourth century B.C., out of a mass of confused tradition, which the compilers have only imperfectly succeeded in reducing to order. Moreover, what we know of the nature of these official records makes it certain that a great part of what Livy or Dionysius tells us about the early republic cannot have been directly or in- directly derived from them. It is evident that not only were they often altogether silent where T^ivy and Dionysius have much to say, but their notices of events Avere of the most concise and meagre kind. If they furnished the bare outlines of the story, the wealth of episode, with which these outlines have been filled in, must have come from elsewhere, and mainly, no doubt, from popular tradition. The early struggle for existence which the infant republic waged with her neighbours had left behind it an ample legacy of border legends, talcs of feuds and forays, of valiant chiefs and heroic deeds, which were told and retold among the people, and cherished with especial care by the great patrician houses. Nor was the great domestic conflict between patricians and plebeians without its own stories of patricians who lo'^ed the people or oppressed them, of resolute Ch. 1] Fo2indation of tJie Republic. ■ 47 tribunes, of secessions and reconciliations. To piece together these stray stories, and to fit them into the rude framework supplied by the official records, was a work of time, and by each writer who took part in the work something was added with the view of removing inconsistencies, supplying omissions, or simply of giving life and colour to the narrative. And this tendency to retouch and even to recast the old material became gradually stronger. The chroniclers of the first century B.C. possessed an amiount of literary skill, which at once encouraged and made possible a freer handling of the traditions. L. Calpurnius Piso, tribune in 149 B.C. and consul in 133 B.C., prided himself on reducing the old legends to the level of common-sense, and importing into them valuable moral lessons for his ov/n generation. By Caslius Antipater the methods of rhetoric were first applied to history, a disastrous precedent enough. He inserted speeches, enlivened his pages with chance tales, and aimed, as Cicero tells us, at not merely narrating facts, but also at beautifying them. His successors carried still farther the prac- tice of dressing up the rather bald chronicles of earlier writers with all the ornaments of rhetoric. The old traditions were altered almost beyond the possibility of recognition by exaggerations, interpo- lations, and additions. Fresh incidents were inserted, new motives suggested, and speeches composed in order to infuse the required life and freshness into these dry bones of history. At the same time the political bias of the writers and the political ideas of their day were allowed, in some 48 Outlines of Roman History. [Book si cases perhaps half unconsciously, to affect their representations of past events. Annalists of the Gracchan age imported into the early struggles of patricians and plebeians the economic controversies of their own day, and painted the first tribunes in the colours of the two Gracchi or of Saturninus. In the next generation they dexterously forced the venerable records of the early republic to pronounce in favour of the ascendency of the senate, as estab- lished by Sulla. To political bias was added family pride, for the gratification of which the archives of the great houses, the funeral panegyrics, or the imagination of the writer himself supplied an ample store of doubtful material. Pedigrees were invented, imaginary consulships and fictitious triumphs in- serted, family traditions and family honours were formally incorporated with the history of the state. But, in spite of all this, a history of the first two centuries of the republic is possible in a sense in which a history of the regal period, and still more of the mythical period which preceded it, is impossible. To the Roman even of the time of the Punic wars the pre-republican period was a sort of ante- diluvian age, separated from all that followed by a gap which no tradition completely bridged over, and of which only fossil relics, ancient monuments, or ancient institutions remained to excite the wonder and curiosity of later generations. But the early republic was connected with the republic of Cicero by a close and unbroken chain of continuity. Proofs of the reality of its conflicts with Volscians and ^quians, Etruscans and Gauls abroad, or between Ch.u Fou}idaiio7i of the RepiLblic. 49 patrician and plebeian at home were everywhere forthcoming, and the descendants of the chief actors, Valerii, Claudii, and Fabii, still sat in the senate- house or led the legions. Above all, in the consti- tution itself, in the ancient magistrates, in the senate or assembly, and in the venerable statutes which guarded the liberties of the citizen, or protected the privileges of the plebs, evidence survived by which tradition could be tested, and a reconstruction of the old political fabric made possible. We do not know, — it is not likely that we shall ever know,- — how the revolution which ended the rule of kings in Rome was effected, nor in what way or by whom the republican government was established. Rut the substitution of two annually elected chief magis- trates for the single king is a fact which is proved by all that followed. The incidents of the struggle between the orders, the personality of the actors, in many cases even the order of the events, are doubtful and uncertain ; but if we had nothing to go upon but the position and powers of the tribunes of the picbs in the days of the Gracchi or of Cicero, we should still have indubitable evidence that such a struggle must have taken place. The same is the case with the long border wars between Rome and her neighbours. The details are historically worth- less, but the reality of the wars, the gradual advance of Rome, and her final supremacy are beyond the possibility of doubt. The establishment of the republic took place, according to Roman chronology, in the 245th year from the foundation of the city, or 120 years before 50 Outlines of Ro7nan ]disi07'y. [Book h the sack of Rome by the Gauls, and it is said to have followed immediately on the expulsion of the Theestab- Tarquins. But the date (509 B.C.) thus of thT"^ assigned to the " year one" of the republic republic. ^^,,^^, evidently conjectural, and it is very possible that the change from kings to consuls was only graduall)- made. However this may be, as to the form of government finally established, possibly towards the close of the sixth century B.C., there is no room for doubt. The supreme execu- tive authority, hitherto wielded by the single king for life, was now transferred to two annually appointed magistrates, who jointly exercised for the year the powers {impcrium) of the king, and who were styled prcetores (leaders= Greek ffrpartjyoi ), or possibly prcetores consulcs ( = " joint leaders").' There was not, however, any diminution of the kingly prerogative, nor, strictly speaking, any division of authority between the two praetor- consuls. They inherited the "regal imperium"^ in all its plenitude, and each consul could singly exer- cise all tlie prerogatives attached to it. It was in the dual character of the new magistracy, and in the fact that it was held only for a year, that, to use That the consuls were originally styled p>u-tures is expressly asserted by Varro,-^/. Noitiiim, p. 23, and Livy, iii., 55;comp. Cicero, De Leg., iii., 3, 8. The same title was borne by the chief magis- trates in many of the Latin communities. When addiiional/rWo/vj- (j»-(Tlor urbattus-percgrinus) were ai)pointed, the two originally pratores seem to have been distinguished as 7naximi. Hence Polybius' equivalent for " consuls" is either !ehs jiississc-t J>oJyttliint icneret" Gh. 1] The Struggle between the Orders. 6 r inviolability of the tribunes, which had hitherto been secured only by the oath of t\\Q plebs to maintain it, was now guaranteed by law," and the tribunes thus placed in this respect on a level with the magistrates of the state. Finally, by a plebiscite, the first passed under the new conditions, the permanency of the tribunate was secured.' The plebeian organisation was no longer merely tolerated, it was recognized as an integral part of the constitution. Its efficiency was amply proved by the events that followed. Only a few years after the Valerio-Horatian legis-LexCanuieia. lation came the Lex Canuleia, itself a pie- 309A.U.C. biscite (445 B.C.), by which mixed marriages between patricians and plebeians were declared lawful, and the social exclusiveness of the patriciate broken down. In the same year with this measure, and, like it, in the interests primarily of the wealthier Legc« plebeians, a vigorous attack commenced sexu^ on the patrician monopoly of the consu- 387A.U.C. late, and round this stronghold of patrician ascend- ency the conflict raged until the passing of the Licinian laws in 367 B.C. The original proposal of Canuleius in 445 B.C., that the people should be allowed to elect a plebeian consul, was evaded by a compromise. The senate resolved that for the next year, in the stead of consuls, six military tribunes with consular powers should be elected, and that the new office should be open to patricians and ple- ' lf>., " religione inmolatos lege etiam fecermii.^' ^ Ih., '''■ qui pJebevi sine trihnnis reliqiiisset . . , iergc ac capiit funiretuf." 62 Outlines of Roman History. [Book H bcians alike. The consulship was thus for the time saved from poUution, as the patricians phrased it, but the growing strength of the plcbs is shown by the fact that in fifty years out of the seventy- 3J088A.U.C. . , , '' ^ , ,-/- , eight, between 444 and 300 B.C., they succeeded in obtaining the election of consular tribunes rather than of consuls. A good omen for their ultimate success was a victory they won in con- nection with the inferior office of the qusestorship. Down to the time of the decemvirate the quaestors had been nominated by the consuls, but 307A.U.C. . , , ,•' m 447 B.C. their appointment was trans- ferred to the plebeian co)iiitiatribiita^ and in 421 B.C. the first plebeian was elected to the office.* Despite, however, these discouragements, the patricians fought on. Each year they strove to secure the creation of consuls rather than consular tribunes, and failing this strained every nerve to secure for their own order at least a majority among the latter. Even the institution of the censorship (435 B.C.), though rendered desirable by the increasing importance and com- plexity of the census, was, it is probable, due in part to their desire to discount beforehand the threatened loss of the consulship by diminishing its powers.' Other causes, too, helped to protract the struggle. Between the wealthier plebeians, who were ambitious of high office, and the poorer, whose minds were set ' On the question of the identity of tlicse comitia iiihuta with the concilium plcbis, see Diet. Aniiq., s. v. " Comitia." ' Livy, iv., 43; Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii., 497. ^ Mommsen, ib., 304. Ch. t] 7Vit>' Struggle between the Orders, 63 rather on allotments of land, there was a division of interest of which the patricians were not slow to take advantage, and to this circumstance must be added the pressure of war. The death struggle with Veii and the sack of Rome by the Gauls absorbed for the time all the energies of the community. ' 377A.U.C. In 377 B.C., however, two of the tribunes, C. Licinius Stolo and L. Sextius, came forward with proposals which united all sections of the plebs in their support. Their proposals were as follows ' : (i) that consuls and not consular tribunes be elected ; (2) that one consul at least should be a plebeian ; (3) that the priestly college, which had the charge of the Sibylline books, .should consist of ten members instead of two, and that of these half should be plebeians ; (4) that no single citizen should hold in occupation more than 500 acres of the common lands, or pasture upon them more than 100 head of cattle and 500 sheep"; (5) that all landowners should em- ploy a certain amount of free as well as slave labour on their estates ; (6) that interest already paid on debts should be deducted from the principal, and the remainder paid off in three years. The last three proposals were obviously intended to meet the de- mands of the poorer plebeians, and to secure their support for the first half of the scheme. ^^ 387 A.U.C. Ten years of bitter conflict followed, but at last, in 367 B.C. the Licinian rogations became law, and one of their authors, L. Sextius, was created the first plebeian consul. For the moment it was some ' Livy, vi., 35, 42 ; Appian, B. C.,\., ?>. * On the real date of this prevision, see below, p. 20g. 64 Out lilies of Roma7i History. iBook 11 consolation to the patricians that they not only suc- ceeded in detaching from the consulship the admin- istration of civil law, which was entrusted to a separate officer, prcetor jirbayms, to be elected by the comitia of the centuries, w^ith an understanding apparently that he should be a patrician, but also obtained the institution of two additional cediles [cediles curjiles), who were in like manner to be mem- bers of their own order.' With the opening of the consulship, however, the issue of the long contest was virtually decided, and the next eighty years witnessed a rapid succession of plebeian victo- , ries. Now that a plebeian consul might opening of x^ a the magis- jDreside at the elections, the main diffi- culty in the way of the nomination and election of plebeian candidates was removed. The proposed patrician monopoly of the new curule sedileship was almost instantly abandoned. 398 A.u.c. In 356 B.C. the first plebeian was made dic- tator, in 350 B.C. the censorship, and in 337 404-17 A.u.c. Y,,c. the praetor.ship were filled for the first time by plebeians, and lastly, in 300 B.C., by the Lex Ogulnia, even the sacred colleges of the pontiffs and augurs, the old strongholds of patrician supremacy, were thrown open to i\\Q plcbs,^ A no less important victory was that which formallj' secured the independence of the people in assembly. From the first the acts both of the people in the co-^ initia of centuries, and of \\\q plebs in \\\€\x conciliiun had required ratification by \.\\ii p aires, and this check • Livy, VI., 42. • Livy, vii., 17, 22 ; viii., 15 ; ix., 6. Ch. 1] The Struggle between the Orders. 65 on the people's freedom of action was rightly regarded by the patricians as one of the main supports of their ascendency.' But in 339 B.C. a plebeian dictator, O. Publilius Philo, carried a law enacting that in the case of measures proposed in the coniitia ccnturiata, the auctoritas patntui should be given beforehand.' A Lex Maenia, of uncertain date, extended the rule to elections in the same assembly. By another law of Publilius, followed some fifty years later by the famous Lex Lex Horten. Hortensia, the plebeian conciliuvi was also ^la, 467A.U c. emancipated from the control of \.\\q patres^ Thence- forward the anctoritos patrum became a meaningless form of words hurried over, as a matter of course, before the voting began." From 287 B.C., . . 467A.U.C. the year in which the Hortensian law was carried, not only the acts of \\\q poptihis in the coniitia of the centuries, but those of \.\\q plebs in the concilium plebis, were valid and binding without reference to any other authority in the state. So far as the law could do it, the sovereignty of the people in election and legislation was secured. With the passing of the Lex Hortensia the long struggle between the orders came to an end. The ancient patrician gentcs re- ' Cic. , De Rep. , ii. , 32 ; Pro Flancio, iii. , S. Whether by paircs \ve are to understand the senate as a whole, or only the patrician sena- tors, is a disputed point. See Diet. Antiq., s.v. Se>iatiis. - Livy, viii., 12, "«/ . . . ante inihnu stiffragium patres attctoret Jierent" cf, Livy, i., 17. For the Lex Mania, see Cic, Brut., 14; Soltau, 112. * Livy, viii., 12 ; for the Lex Hortensia, see Plin., N. //., xvi., lO' Gell., XV., 27 ; Gaius, i,, 3. *Livy, i., 17. s 66 Outlmes of Roinan History. iBook \\ mained, but the exclusive privileges of the patriciate as a ruh'ng order were gone. For the great offices of state and for seats in the senate the plebeians were by law equally eligible with patricians. The assemblies, whether of people ox plebs, were indepen- dent of patrician control. In priv^ate life inter-mar- riages between patricians and plebeians were recog- nised as lawful, and entailed no disabilities on the children. Finally, great as continued to be the prestige attaching to 2)atrician birth, and prominent as was the part played in the subsequent history by individual patricians and b)' some of the patrician houses, the plebs were now in numbers and even in wealth the preponderant section of the people. Whatever struggles might arise in the future, a second struggle between patricians and plebeians was an impossibility. Such being the case, it might have been expected that the separate organisation, to which the victory of the plebs was largely due, would, now that the reason for its existence was gone, have disappeared. Mad this happened, the history of the republic might have been dif- ferent. As it was, this plebeian machinery — the plebeian tribunes, assemblies, and resolutions — sur- vived untouched, and li\-ed to play a decisive part in a new conflict, not between patricians and ple- beians, but between a governing class, itself mainly plebeian, and the mass cjf the people, and finally to place at the head of the state a j^atrician Caesar. Nor was the promise of a genuine democracy, offered by the opening of the magistracies and by the Hor- tensian law, fulfilled. For one hundred and fifty Ch. ij The Struggle between the Orders, 67 years afterwards the drift of events was in the opposite direction, and when the popular leaders of the first century B.C. endeavoured to make gov- ernment by the people a reality, it was already too late. CHAPTER II. THE CONQUEST OF ITALY. The period occupied by the struggle between tlie ■orders is also that during which Rome slowl}' ad- vanced to supremacy in Italy, for it was only twelve years after the passing of the Lex Hortensia that the repulse of King Pyrrhus left her the mistress of the peninsula. The steps by which this supremacy was won have now to be traced. Under the rule of her Etruscan princes Rome had spread her sway over the lowlands of Latium, and her arms were a terror to the warlike highlanders of the Sabine and Volscian hills. But with their fall this miniature empire fell also, and at first it seemed as if the infant reimblic, torn by internal dissensions, must succumb to the foes who threatened it from so many sides at once. It was only after one hundred and fifty years of almost constant war that Rome succeeded in rolling back the tide of invasion and in establishing her supremacy over the neighbouring lowlands and over the hill country which bordered them to the cast and south. The close of this first stage in her external growth is conveniently marked by the first collision C8 The Conquest of Italy. 69 with the SabelHan peoples beyond the ^ ^ / 411 A.U.C, Liris in 343 B.C.' In marked contrast with the slowness of her advance up to this point is the fact that only seventy-five years 4ii-8s A U.C more were needed for the virtual subjuga- tion of all the rest of the peninsula (343-269 B.C.). The expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome, fol- lowed as it seems to have been by the emancipation from Etruscan supremacy of all the country between the Tiber and the Liris, entirely altered the aspect of affairs. North of the Tiber the powerful Etruscan city of Veii, after a vain attempt to restore the Tar- quins, relapsed into an attitude of sullen hostility towards Rome, which, down to the outbreak of the final struggle in 407 B.C., found vent in constant and harassmg border torays. The Sabines recommenced their raids across the Anio ; from their hills to the south-east the yEqui pressed forward as far as the eastern spurs of the Alban range, and ravaged the plain country between that range and the Sabine mountains ; the Volsci overran the coast-lands as far as Antium, League with established themselves at Velitrae, and andnlrni- cven ravaged the fields within a few miles '^*"^" of Rome. But the good fortune of Rome did not leave her to face these foes single-handed, and it is a significant fact that the history of the Roman advance begins, not with a brilliant victory, but with a use- ful and timely alliance. According to . . -^ ^ 261 A.U.C. Livy, It was in 493 B.C., only a few years after the defeat of the prince of Tusculum at Lake Livy, vii., 29. 70 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book il Regillus, that a treaty was concluded between Rome and the Latin communities of the Campagna.' The alhance was in every respect natural, and may very probably have been only the renewal of an ancient friendship. The Latins were the near neighbours and kinsmen of the Romans, and both Romans and Latins were just freed from Etruscan rule to find themselves as lowlanders and dwellers in towns face to face with a common foe in the ruder hill tribes on their borders. The exact terms of the treaty can- not, any more than the precise circumstances under which it was concluded, be stated with certainty, but two points seem clear. There was at first a genuine equality in the relations between the allies ; Romans and Latins, though combining for defence and offence, did so without sacrificing their separate freedom of action, even in the matter of waging wars independently of each other.'' But, secondly, Rome enjoyed from the first one inestimable advantage. The Latins lay between her and the most active of her foes, the /Equi and Volsci, and served to pro- tect her territories at the expense of their own. Be- hind this barrier Rome grew strong, and the close of the yEquian and Volscian wars left the Latins her dependents rather than her allies. Beyond the limits of the Campagna, Rome found a second ally, hardly less useful than the Latins, in the tribe of the Her- nici (" the men of the rocks "), in the valley of the Trerus, who had equal reason with the Romans and Latins to dread the Volsci and .^Equi, while their ' Livy, ii., 33 ; Cic, Pro Balbo, 23. * I.ivy, viii., 2. Ch. 21 The Conquest of Italy. 7 1 position midway between the two latter peoples made them valuable auxiliaries to the lowlanders of the Campagna. The treaty with the Hernici is said to have been concluded in 486 B.C.,' and the confederacy r 1 1 1 -r-. T • % 368A.U.C. of the three peoples — Romans, Latms, and Hernicans — lasted down to the great Latin war in 340 B.C. Confused and untrustworthy as are the chroniclers of the early wars of Rome, ... 1 ,1 -1 , . , . 414 A.U.C. it IS clear that, notwithstandmg the acqui- sition of these allies, Rome made but little way against her foes during the first fifty years of the ex- istence of the republic. In 474 B.C., it is , . . , 380 A.U.C. true, an end was put for a time to the harassing border feud with Veil by a forty years' peace, an advantage probably due not so much to Roman valor as to the increasing dangers from other quarters which were threatening' the Etrus- . . ° 305AU.C, can states. But this partial success stands alone, and down, to 449 B.C. the raids of Sabincs, vEqui and Volsci continue without intermission, and are occasionally carried up to the very walls of Rome. Very different is the impression left by the annals of the next sixty years (44g-'?QO B.C.). T^ ■ 1 • • , 1 • • . / 305-64 A.U.C. During this period there is an unmistak- able development of Roman power on all sides. In southern Etruria, the capture of Veii (396 ' ^ ^-^^ Capture ot B.C.) virtually gave Rome the mastery as a u^c' far as the Ciminian forest. Sutrium and Nepete, " the gates of Etruria," became her allies, > Livy, ii., 40. * From the Kelts in the north especially. 72 OtUlines of Roma^i History. [Book II and guarded her interests against any attack from the Etruscan communities to the north, while along the Tiber valley her suzerainty was acknowledged as far as Capena and Falerii. On the Anio frontier we hear of no disturbances from 440 B.C. until 308 A.U.C. , , V , T^ some ten years after the sack of Rome by the Gauls. In 446 B.C. the yEqui appear for the last time before the gates of Rome. After 418 B.C. they disappear from Mount Algri- 336 A.U.C. /. ^^ ^, dus, and ni the same year the communi- cations of Rome and Latium with the Hernici in the Trerus valley were secured by the capture and col- onisation of Labicum. Successive invasions, too, broke the strentjth of the Volsci, and in 361 A.U.C. T • 1 r , , 393 B.C. a Latm colony was founded as far south as Circeii. In part, no doubt, these Roman successes were due to the improved condition of affairs in Rome itself, consequent upon the great re- forms carried between 4150 and 442 B.C. ; 304-ia A.U.C . . , 1-t » but it is equally certam that now as often afterwards fortune befriended Rome by weakening, or by diverting the attention of, her opponents. In particular, her rapid advance in southern Etruscan Etruria was facilitated by the heavy blows power. inflicted upon the Etruscans during the fifth century B.C., by Kelts, Greeks, and Samnites. By the close of this century the Kelts had expelled them from the rich plains of what was afterwards known as Cisalpine Gaul, and were even threatening to advance* across the Apennines into Etruria proper. The Sicilian Greeks, headed by the tyrants of Syra- cuse, wrested from them their mastery of the seas; MAP I. Jokn Bartholcmew & Co .Ediii Ci Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 73 and finally, on the capture of Capua by the Samnites in 423 B.C., they lost their possessions in the fertile Campanian plain. These con- quests of the Samnites were part of a great south- ward movement of the highland Sabellian peoples, the immediate effects of which upon the fortunes of Rome were not confined to the weakening of the Etruscan power. It is probable that the cessation of the Sabine raids across the Anio was partly due to the new outlets which were opened southwards for the restless and populous hill tribes which had so long disturbed the peace of the Latin lowlands. We may conjecture, also, that the growing feebleness exhibited by Volsci and yEqui was in some measure caused by the pressure upon their rear of the Sabel- lian clans, which at this time established themselves near the Fucine Lake and along the course of the Liris. But in 390 B.C., only six years after the great vic- tory over her ancient rival Veii, the Ro- , f ,111 Sack of Rome man advance was for a moment checked by the Gauis, 363 A.U.C. by a disaster which threatened to alter the course of history in Italy, and which left a lasting impress on the Roman mind. In 391 B.C. a Keltic horde left their newly won lands on the Adriatic, and crossing the Apennines into Etruria, laid siege to the Etruscan city of Clusium (Chiusi). Thence, provoked, it is said, by the conduct of the Roman ambassadors, who, forgetting their sacred character, had fought in the ranks of Clusium, and slain a Keltic chief, the barbarians marched upon Rome. On July 18, 390 B.C., only a few miles from Rome, 74 Outli7ics of Roman History, iBook u was fought the disastrous battle of the Alha. The defeat of the Romans was complete, and Rome lay at the mercy of her foe. But hi character- istic fashion, the Kelts halted three days to enjoy the fruits of victory, and time was thus given to put the Capitol at least in a state of defence. The arrival of the barbarians was followed by the sack of the city, but the Capitol remained impreg- nable. For seven months they besieged it, and then in as sudden a fashion as they had come, they dis- appeared. The Roman chroniclers explain the re- treat in their own way, by the fortunate appearance of Camillus with the troops which he had collected, at the very moment when famine had forced the garrison on the Capitol to accept terms. More prob- ably the news that their lands across the Apennines were threatened by the Veneti, coupled with the unaccustomed tedium of a long siege and the diffi- culty of obtaining supplies, inclined the Kelts to accept readily a heavy ransom as the price of their withdrawal. But, whatever the reason, it is certain that they retreated, and, though during the next fifty years marauding bands appeared at intervals in the neighbourhood of Rome, and even once pene- trated as far south as Campania (361-360 393-94 A. U.C. \ i t;^ i i • i e • B.C.), the Kelts never obtained any footmg in Italy outside the plains in the north which they had made their own. Nor, in spite of the defeat of the AUia and the Annexation sack of tlic City, was Romc weakened ex- ofsouthcrn ^ , i t^ i • i Etruria. ccpt for the momcnt by the Keltic attack. The storm passed away as rapidly as it had come on. Ch. 21 The Conquest of Italy. 75 The city was hastily rebuilt, and Rome dismayed the enemies who hastened to take advantage of her mis- fortunes by her undiminished vigour, fler conquests in southern Etruria were successfully defended against repeated attacks from the Etruscans to the north. The creation in ^87 B.C. of four new 367 A.U.C. tribes (Stellatina, Sabatina, Tromentina, Arniensis) marked the final annexation of the territory of Veii and of the lands lying along the Tiber valley. A few years later Latin colonies were established at Sutrium and Nepete for the more effectual defence of the frontier, and finally, in 353 B.C., the subjugation of South Etruria was complet- ed by the submission of C?sre (Cervetri) and its par- tial incorporation with the Roman state as a muni- cipiiun sine suffr agio — the first, it is said, of its kind.' Next to the settlement of southern Etruria the most important of the successes gained by Rome between 390 and 343 B.C., were those won acrainst her old foes the ^^qui and Volsci, ^^^ainst o T ' i'Equi and and her old allies the Latins and Herni- ^ y°,l^-fi- 364-411 A.U.C. cans. The .Equi, indeed, already weak- ened by their long feud with Rome, and hard pressed by the Sabellian tribes in their rear, were easily dealt with, and after the campaign of 389 B.C., we have no further mention of an yEquian war until gs^A.u.c. the last ^quian rising in 304 B.C. The 450A.UC. Volsci, who in 389 B.C. had advanced to Lanu- vium, were met and utterly defeated by M. Furius ' For the staUis of Caere, and the "Caerite franchise," see Mar- quardt, Staatsverw., \.,2Zsq. ; Madvig, A'. Ver/., i., 39 ; Beloch, lUzL Bund, 120. 76 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ll Camillus, the conqueror of Veii, and this victory was followed up by the gradual subjugation to Rome of all the lowland country lying between the hills and the sea as far south as Tarracina. Latin colonies 369,375A.u.c. Were established at Satricum (385 H.C.), 4o6,396A.u.c. ,^^ gg^j^ ^^^^ j^_^ >^^ ^^^ ^^ Antium and Tarracina some time before 348 B.C. In 358 B.C. two fresh Roman tribes (Pomptina and Publilia) were formed in the same district.' Rome had now nothing more to fear from the foes who, a century ago, had threatened her very existence. The lowland country — of Re-organisa- i • , , tionofthe wliich shc was the natural centre, from Latin league. .... ..p, . the Ciminian forest to Tarracina — was quiet, and within its limits Rome was by far the strongest power. But she had now to reckon with the old and faithful allies, to whose loyal aid her present position was largely due. The Latins and Hernicans had suffered severely in the yEquian and Volscian wars ; it is probable that not a few of the smaller communities included in the league had either been destroyed or been absorbed by larger states, and the independence of all alike was threat- ened by the growing power of Rome. The sack of Rome by the Kelts gave them an opportunity of reasserting their independence, and we are conse- quently told that this disaster was immediately followed by the temporary dissolution of the con- federacy, and this again a few years later by a series of actual conflicts between Rome and her for 371-96 A. u.c. mer allies. Between 383 B.C. and 358 B.G ' Livy, vii., 15. ch. 21 ^^ Conquest of Italy. jy we hear of wars with Tibur, Praeneste, Tusculum, Lanuvium, Circeii, and the Hernici. But in all Rome was successful. In 382 B.C. Tusculum was , ,, . 1 • 1 1 -n, o 372 A.U.C. fully mcorporated with the Roman State by the bestowal of the full franchise ' ; in 358 B.C., according to both Livy and Polybius, the 1 • 1 39^ A.U.C. old alliance was formally renewed with Lat- ins and Hernicans. We cannot, however, be wrong in assuming that the position of the allies under the new league was far inferior to that accorded them by the treaty of Spurius Cassius.'' Henceforth they were the subjects rather than the equals of Rome, a posi- tion which it is evident that they accepted much against their will, and from which they were yet to make one last effort to escape. We have now reached the close of the first stage in Rome's advance towards supremacy in Italy. By 343 B.C. she was already mistress both of the low country stretching from the Ciminian forest to Tarracina and Circeii and of the bordering highlands. Her own territory had largely increased. Across the Tiber the lands of Veii, Capena, and Caere were nearly all Roman, while in Latium she had carried her frontiers to Tusculum on the Alban range, and to the southernmost limits of the Pomp- tine district. And this territory was protected by a circle of dependent allies and colonies reaching northward to Sutrium and Nepete, and southward to Sora on the upper Liris, and to Circeii on the coast. Already, too, she was beginning to be rec- ' Livy, vi., 26. ° Mommsen, R. G,, i., 347, note ; Beloch. //a/. Bund, cap ix. 78 Outlines of Roman History. tsook M ognised as a power outside the limits of the Latin lowlands. The fame of the capture of Rome by the Kelts had reached Athens, and her subsequent vic- tories over marauding Keltic bands had given her prestige in South Italy as a bulwark 400A.U.C. . Ill- T agamst northern barbarians. In 354 B.C. she had formed her first connections beyond the Liris bv a treaty with the Samnites, and 406A.U.C. . ' r ,1 , r . m 348 B.C. followed a far more nnportant treaty with the great maritime state of Carthage.' Rome had won her supremacy from the Ciminian forest to the Liris as the champion of the compara- tively civilised communities of the low- Advance , , . , 1 1 • 1 1 1 -1 beyond the lauds agauist tlic rudc highland tribes Liris, and i • i i i i i the samnite whicli threatened to overrun them, and wars 11- f 1 1 T • • SO, when her legions first crossed the Liris, it was in answer to an appeal from a lowland city against invaders from the hills. While she was en- gaged in clearing Latium of Volsci and ^qui, the Sabellian tribes of the central Apennines had rapidly .spread over the southern half of the peninsula. Foremost among these tribes were the Samnites, a portion of whom had captured the Etruscan city of Capua in a.2\ r..c.. the Greek Cuma^ in 331-334 A.U.C. ^ J 1 , • .1 1 , 420 B.C., and had since then ruled as masters over the fertile Campanian territory. But in their new homes the conquerors soon lost all sense of relationship and sympathy with their highland brethren. They dwelt in cities, amassed ' Livy, vii., 27. F"or the whole question of the early treaties with Carthage, see Polybius, iii., 2.1 ; Mommsen. R. G., i., 413, and A'. Chronol., p. 320; VoUmer, Rheim. Mus., xxxii., 614. Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 79 wealth, and inherited the civilisation of the Greeks and Etruscans whom they had dispossessed '; above all, they had before long to defend themselves in their turn against the attacks of their ruder kins- men from the hills, and it was for aid against these that the Samnites of Campania appealed to the rising state which had already made herself known as the bulwark of the lowlands north of the Lin's, and Av'hich, with her Latin and Hernican allies, had scarcely less interest than the Campanian cities themselves in checking the raids of the highland Samnite tribes. The Campanian appeal was listened to. Rome with her confederates entered into alliance with Capua and the neighbouring Campanian towns, and war was formally declared n"e war" (343 B.C.) against the Samnites.^ While 411 a u c to the Latins and Hernicans was en- trusted apparently the defence of Latium and the Hernican valley against the northerly members of the Samnite confederacy, the Romans themselves undertook the task of driving the invaders out of Campania. After two campaigns the war was ended in 341 B.C. by a treaty, and the Samnites withdrew from the lowlands, leavin^T Rome the recoijnised suzerain of the Cam- panian cities which had sought her aid.' ' For the Samnites in Campania, see Mommsen, R. G., i., 353; Schwegler-Clason, K. C, v., 9S uj. ; Beloch, Campatiii'ii, Berlin, 1879. * Livy, vii., 32, - For the difficulties in the traditional accounts of this war, see Mommsen, R. G,, i., 355, note ; Schwegler-Clasoa, R, C, v., i.^sq. 8o Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii There is no doubt that the check thus given by Rome to the advance of the hitherto invincible Sa- belHan highlanders, not only made her the natural head and champion of the low countries, south as well as north of the Liris, but also considerably added to her prestige. Carthage sent her congratulations, and the city of Falerii voluntarily enrolled herself among the allies of Rome. Of even greater service, how- ever, was the fact that for fifteen years the Samnites remained quiet, for this inactivity, whatever its cause, enabled Rome triumphantly to surmount a danger which threatened for the moment to wreck her whole position. This danger was nothing less than a des- The Latin pcratc efTort on the part of nearly all her ^*''- allies and dependants south of the Tiber to throw off the yoke of her supremacy. The way was led by her ancient confederates the Latins, whose smouldering discontent broke into open flame directly the fear of a Samnite attack was removed. From the Latin Campagna and the Sabine hills the revolt spread westward and southward to Antium and Tarracina, and even to the towns of the Cam- panian plain, where the mass of the inhabitants at once repudiated the alliance formed with Rome by the ruling class. The struggle was sharp but short. In two pitched battles' the strength of the insur- rection was broken, and two more campaigns suf^ced for the complete reduction of such of the insurgent communities as still held out. The revolt crushed, Rome set herself deliberately to the task of re- ' At the foot of Mount Vesuvius, Livy, viii., 9 ; at Trifanum, iV., Yiii., Ti. Ch.21 The Cofiquest of Italy. 8 1 establishing, on a new and firmer basis, her su- premacy over the lowlands, and in doing so laid the foundations of that marvellous organisa- settlement tion which was destined to spread rapidly ° ^atium; over Italy, and to withstand the attacks even of Hannibal. The old historic Latin league ceased to exist, though its memory was still preserved by the yearly Latin festival on the Alban Mount. Most, if not all, of the common land of the league became Roman territory ' ; five, at least, of the old Latin cities were compelled to accept the Roman fran- chise,'' and enter the pale of the Roman state. The rest, with the Latin colonies, were ranked as Latin allies of Rome, but on terms which secured their complete dependence upon the sovereign city. The policy of isolation, which became so cardinal a prin- ciple of Roman rule, was now first systematically applied. No rights of corinubhnn or coimnerciiim were any longer to exist between these communities. Their federal councils were prohibited, and all fed- eral action independent of Rome forbidden. ° \vl future they were to have nothing in common but the common connection with Rome, a con- nection based in each case on a separate treaty between the individual Latin community and Rome. The Latin allied state retained its internal indepen- dence, and the old rights of intermarriage and com- merce with Rome, but it lost all freedom of action in ' Livy, viii., ii. "^ Livy, viii., 14; Lanuvium, Aricia, Nomentum, Pedum, Tusculum. */(/., Iflc, cit., *' ceteris iMfwis popitlis connvbia coinmerciaqtte et (oncilia inter se ademerunt" 82 Outlines of Rommi History. [Book ii external affairs. It could wage no wars, conclude no treaties, and was bound, so the phrase ran, to have , , always the same foes and friends as Rome and of •' Campania, hcrsclf. In Campania and the coast-lands connecting Campania with Rome, a policy of annex- ation was considered safer than that of alliance. Of the two frontier posts of the Volsci, Antium anil Velitrae, the former was constituted a Roman col- ony, its long galleys burnt, and their prows set up in the Forum at Rome, while the Avails of Velitrre were razed to the ground, its leading men banished beyond the Tiber, and their lands given to Roman settlers. Farther south on the route to Campania, Fundi and Formiae were, after the precedent set in the case of Caere, declared Roman, and granted the civil rights of Roman citizenship ; while, lastly, in Campania itself the same status was given to Capua, Cumae, and the smaller communities dependent upon them.' During the ten years from 3^8 B.C. 416-26 A. u.c. ^ f" , ■' . , to 328 B.C. the work of settlement was steadily continued. Tarracina, like Antium, was made a Roman colony. Privernum, the last Vol- scian town to offer resistance to Rome, was subdued 424 AUG ^'^ 33° v,.<^., part of its territory allotted to Roman citizens, and the state itself forced to accept the Roman franchise. Lastly, to strengthen the lines of defence against the Sabellian tribes, two colonies, with the rights of Latin allies, were established at Fregelht and at Cales. The set- ' For the controversy as to the precise status of Capua and the equites Campani (Livy, viii., 14), see Beloch, Ital. Bund., 122 sq. ; id,, Campanien, 317 ; Zumj)!, Comment. P pigraph., p. 290. Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 83 tlement of the lowlands was accomplished. From the Ciminian forest to the southern extremity of the Campanian plain, the lands lying between the sea and the hills were now, with few exceptions, Roman territory, while along the frontiers from Sutrium and Nepete in the north to Cales in the south stretched the protecting line of the Latin allied states and colonies. As a single powerful and compact state, with an outer circle of closely de- pendent allies, Rome now stood in sharp contrast with the disunited and degenerate cities of northern Etruria, the loosely organised tribes of the Apen- nines, and the decaying and disorderly Greek towns of the south. The strength of this system was now to be tried by a struggle with the one Italian people who were still ready and able to contest with Rome the . , . , _, . Second Sam- supremacy 01 the penmsula. i he passive mte war. 412-27 A U C attitude of the Samnites between 342 B.C. and 327 B.C. was no doubt largely due to the dangers which had suddenly threatened them in South Italy. But the death of Alexander of Epirus in 1 1 , • 1 f • , 1 1 422 A.U.C. 332 B.C. removed their onl)' formidable opponent there, and left them free to turn their attention to the necessity of checking the steady advance of Rome. In ^27 b.C=, the year ^ 427 A.U.C. after the ominous foundation of a Roman colony at Fregellae, a pretext for renewing the struggle was offered them. The Cumaean colony of Palaiopolis ^ had incurred the wrath of Rome by ' Livy, viii., 3, 17, 24. ' Livy, viii., 22. 84 Outlines of Rornayi History. [Book 11 its raids into her territory' in Campania. The Sam- nites sent a force to defend it, and Rome replied by a declaration of war. The two opponents were not at first sight unequally matched, and had the Sabel- lian tribes held firmly together the issue of the struggle might have been different. As it was, however, the Lucanians to the south actually sided with Rome from the first, while the northern clans, Marsi, Vestini, Pseligni, Frcntr.ni, after r. feeble and lukewarm resistance, subsided into a neutrality which was exchanged in 304 L.C. for a formal al- 450A.U.C. . . ^ liance with Rome. An even greater ad- vantage to Rome from the outset was the enmity existing between Samnites and the Apulianj, the latter of whom at once joined Rome, and thus gave her a position in the rear of her enemy, and in a country eminently well fitted for maintaining a large militar;^ force. These weaknesses on the Samnite side 7/cre amply illustrated by the events of the war. The first seven or eight years were marked by one serious disaster to the Roman arms, the defeat at the 433 A.u.c. Caudine Forks (321 B.C.); but, when in 436 A.u.c. 218 B.C. the Samnites asked for end obtained a two years* truce, Rome had succeeded not only in inflicting several severe blows upon her enemies, but in isolating them from outside help. The Lucanians to the south were her allies. To the east, in the rear of Samnium, Apulia acknowledged the suzerainty of Rome, and Luceria, cap- 434 A.u.c. ^ . tured in 320 B.C., had been established as a base of Roman operations. Finally, to the north the Romans had easily overcome the feeble resist* Ch.2l The Conquest of Italy. 85 ance of the Vestini and Frentani, and secured through their territories a safe passage for their legions to Apulia. On the renewal of hostilities in 316 B.C., the Samnites, bent on escaping' ^ ° 438 A.U.C. from the net which was being slowly- drawn round them, made a series of desperate efforts to break through the lines of defence which pro- tected Latium and Campania. Sora and Fregellae on the upper Liris were captured by a sudden attack ; the Ausones in the low country near the mouth of the same river were encouraged to revolt by the appearance of the Samnite army ; and in Campania another force, attracted by rumours of disturbance, all but defeated the Roman consuls under the very walls of Capua. But these efforts were unavailing. Sora and Fregellae were recovered as quickly as they had been lost, and the frontier there was strengthened by the establishment of a colony at Intcramna. The Ausones were punished by the confiscation of their territory, and Roman supremacy further secured by the two colonies of Suessa and Pontia (312 B.C.). The con- . . 442 A.U.C. struction of the famous Via Appia,' the work of the censor Appius Claudius Caecus, opened a safe and direct route to Campania, while the capture of Nola deprived the Samnites of their last import- ant Gtronghold in the Campanian lowlands. The failure of these attempts broke the courage even of the Samnites. Their hopes were indeed ^ 444 A.U.C. raised for a moment by the news that Etruria had risen against Rome (310 B.C.), but their ' Livy, ix., 23. 86 Otitlines of Roman History. [Book lii daring scheme of effecting a union with the Etrus- cans was frustrated by the energy of the Roman generals. Five years later (305 B.C.) the Romans revenged a Samnite raid into Campania by an invasion of Samnium itself. Arpinum, on the other frontier, was taken, and at last, after a twenty-two years' struggle the second Samnite war was closed by a renewal of the ancient treaty with Rome (304 B.C.).' The six years of peace w4iich followed (304-298 B.C.) were characteristically employed by Rome in still further strengthening her position. 450-56 A. u.c. ^ =* ^ Already, two years before the peace, a rash revolt of the Hernici '' had given Rome a pre- text for finally annexing the territory of her ancient allies. The tribal confederacy was broken up, and all the Hernican communities, with the exception of three which had not joined the revolt, were incorpo- rated with the Roman state as municipia, with the civil rights of the Roman franchise. Between the Ilernican valley and the frontiers of the nearest Sabellian tribes lay what remained of the once for- midable people of tlie yEqui. In their case, too, a revolt (304 B.C.) was followed by the 450 A u.c. . ^ , . . , . f annexation 01 then- territory, which was marked in this case by the formation there (301 B.C.) of two Roman tribes (Aniensis and Teren- 453 A. u.c. ^ tina).' Not content with thus carrying ' Livy, ix., 29. * Livy, ix., 45. "'.-yy, i- 45. Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 87 the bori.^rs of their own territory up to the very frontiers of the Sabellian country, Rome succeeded in finally detaching from the SabelHan confederacy all the tribes lying ' between the north-east frontier of Latium and the Adriatic Sea. Henceforward the Marsi, Paeligni, Vestini, Marrucini, and Frentani were enrolled among the allies of Rome, and not only swelled her forces in the field, but interposed a useful barrier between her enemies to the north in Etruria and Umbria, and those to the south in Sam- nium, while they connected her directly with the friendly Apulians, Lastly, as a security for the fidelity at least of the nearest of these allies, colonies were planted in the Marsian territories at Carseoli and at Alba F'ucentia. A significant indication of the widening range of Rome's influence in Italy, and of the new responsibilities rapidly pressing upon her, is the fact that when in ^02 B.C. the Spar- &.^7. A IJ C tan Cleonymus landed in the territory of Sallentini, far away in the south-east, he was met and repulsed by a Roman force. ^ Six years after the conclusion of the treaty which ended the second Samnite war (298 B.C.), news arrived that the Samnites were harassing Third the Lucanians. Rome at once interfered ^"^ar! to protect her allies. Samnium was in- ""^ vaded in force, the country ravaged, and one strong- hold after another captured. Unable any longer to hold their own in a position where they were hedged round by enemies, the Samnite leaders turned as a ' Livy, X., g. ' Livy, X., 2. 88 Outlines of Roman History. fBook ii last hope to the communities of northern Etruria, to the free tribes of Umbria, and to the once dreaded Kelts. With a splendid daring they formed the scheme of uniting all these peoples with themselves in a last desperate effort to break the power of Rome. For some forty years after the final annexation of southern Etruria (351 B.C.) matters had remained unchanged in that quarter. Sutrium and Romans in .i. i i i n N. Etruria, Nepcte still cjuarded the Roman frontier ; 403A.U.C. ^ ° ... the natural boundary of the Ciminian forest was still intact ; and up the valley of the Tiber Rome had not advanced beyond Falerii, a few miles short of the most southerly Umbrian 443A.U.C. ^ . , ,^ . , town Ocnculum. 13ut in 31 1 B.C., on the expiry, apparently, of the long truce with Rome, concluded in ^51 B.C., the northern Etrus- 403 A.u.c. '^•' cans, alarmed, no doubt, by the rapid advances which Rome was making farther south, rose in arms and attacked Sutrium. The attack, however, recoiled disastrously upon the heads of the assailants. A Roman force promptly relieved Su- trium, and its leader, Q. Fabius Rullianus, without awaiting orders from home, boldly plunged into the wilds of the Ciminian forest, and, crossing them safely, swept with fire and sword over the rich lands to the north. Then, turning southward, he met and utterly defeated the forces which the Etruscans had hastily raised in the hopes of intercepting him at the Vadimonian Lake.' This decisive victory ended the ' Livy, ix., 39. Ihne [K. G., i., 351 sq.) throws some doubts on the traditional accounts of this war and of that in 296 R.c. Ch.2] Hie Conquest of Italy. 89 war. The Etruscan cities, disunited among them- selves, and enervated by long years of peace, aban- doned the struggle for the time, paid a heavy indem- nity, and concluded a truce with Rome / o N T 1 , 445-46 A. u.c. (309-308 B.C.). In the same year the promp- titude of Fabius easily averted a threatened attack by the Umbrians, but Rome proceeded, nevertheless, to fortify herself in her invariable fashion against future dangers on this side, by an alliance with Ocriculum, which was followed ten years later by a colony at Nequinum,' and an alliance with the Picentes, whose position in the rear of Umbria rendered them as valuable to Rome as the Apulians had proved farther south. Fourteen years had passed since the battle on the Vadimonian Lake, when the Samnites appeared on the borders of Etruria, and called on the Battle of peoples of northern Italy to rise against ^"gs^Bx. the common enemy. Their appeal, backed ^^^ by the presence of their troops, was successful. The Etruscans found courage to face the Roman legions once more ; a few of the Umbrians joined them ; but the most valuable allies to the Samnites were the Kelts, who had for some time threatened a raid across the Apennines, and who now marched eagerly into Umbria and joined the coalition. The news that the Kelts were in motion produced a startling effect at Rome, and every nerve was strained to meet this new danger. While two armies were left in southern Etruria as reserves, the two consuls, Fabius and Decius, both tried soldiers, marched ' Narnia, Livy, x., lo, go Outlines of Roman History. leook n northwards up the valley of the Tiber and into Umbria, at the head of four Roman legions and a still larger force of Italian allies. At Sentinum, on the farther side of the Apennines, they encountered the united forces of the Kelts and Samnites, the Etruscans and Umbrians having, it is said, been with- drawn for the defence of their own homes. The bat- tle that followed was desperate, and the Romans lost one of their consuls, Decius, and more than 8,000 men.' But the Roman victory was decisive. The Kelts were annihilated, and the fear of a second Keltic attack on Rome removed. All danger from the coalition was over. The Etruscan communities gladly purchased peace by the payment of indemni- ties. The rising in Umbria, never formidable, died away and the Samnites were left single-handed to bear the whole weight of the wrath of Rome. During four years more, however, they desperately defended their highland homes, and twice at least, 461M62 A.U.C.. ^ ' ' HI 293 r.-C. and 292 B.C., they managed to place in the field a force sufificient to meet the Roman legions on equal terms. At last, 464A.U.C. . in 290 B.C., the consul M. Curius Dentatus finally exhausted their power of resistance. Peace was concluded, and it is significant of the respect in- spired at Rome by their indomitable courage that they were allowed to become the allies of Rome, on equal terms, and without any sacrifice of inde- pendence." ' Liv}', X., 27. * Livy, Epil., xi., " pacem /)ctenUbus Samnitibus focdtis quarto reno- vatutn est." Ch,21 The Cotiquest of Italy. 91 Between the close of the third Samnite war and the landing of Pyrrhus in 281 B.C., wc find Rome engaged, as her wont was, in quietly extending and consolidating her power. In southern Italy she strengthened her hold on Apulia by plant- ing on the borders of Apulia and Lucania the strong colony of Venusia.' In central Italy the an- ' "^464 A.U.C. nexation of the Sabine country (290 B.C.) carried her frontiers eastward to the borders of her Picentine allies on the Adriatic." Farther east, in the territory of the Picentes themselves, she estab- lished colonies on the Adriatic coast at Hadria and Castrum (285-283 B.C.).' By these meas- 1 ^ 1 r \ 1 T^ 1 f 469-471 A.U.C. urcs her control or central Italy from sea to sea was secured, and an effectual barrier inter- posed between her possible enemies in the north and those in the south. North of the Picentes lay the territories of the Keltic Senones, stretching inland to the north-east borders of Etruria, and these too now fell into her hands. Ten years after their defeat at Sentinum (285-284 B.C.) a Keltic force . . . ^ . 470 A.U.C. descended into Etruria, besieged Arretium, and defeated the relieving force despatched by Rome. In 28^ B.C. the consul L. Cornelius Dola- . 471 A.U.C bella was sent to avenge the insult. He completely routed the Senones. Their lands were annexed by Rome, and a colony estabhshed at Sena on the coast. This success, followed as it was by the decisive defeat of the neighbouring tribe of the ' Dion. Hal., Exc, 2335 ; Veil. Pat., i., 14. "^ Livy, Epit., xi.; Veil. Pat., i., 14. ' Livy, Epit. , xi. 92 Outlines of Roman History. [Book il Boil, who had invaded Etruria and penetrated as far ;^outh as the Vadimonian Lake, awed the Kelts into quiet, and for more than forty years there was com- parative tranquillity in northern Italy.' In the south, however, the claims of Rome to supremacy were now to be disputed by a new and formidable foe. At the close of the third War with . i /— i • • pyrrhus, Samuitc war the Greek cities on the 201-875 B.C., 473-479 southern coast of Italy found themselves A.u.c. ■' once more harassed by the Sabellian tribes on their borders, whose energies, no longer absorbed by the long struggles in central Italy, now found an attractive opening southward. Naturally enough the Greeks, like the Capuans sixty years before, appealed for aid to Rome (283-282 B.C.), and like the Capuans they offered in return to recognise the suzerainty of the great Latin republic. 471-2 A.u.c. ^ ° ^ , . In reply a Roman force under C. Fabricius inarched into South Italy, easily routed the maraud- ing bands of Lucanians, Bruttians, and Samnites, and established Roman garrisons in Locri, Croton, Rhe- gium, and Thurii. At Tarentum, the most power- ful and flourishing of the Greek seaports, this sudden and rapid advance of Rome excited the greatest anxiety. Tarentum was already allied 453A.U.C. ^ , ^ by treaty (301 B.C.) with Rome, and she had now to decide whether this treaty should be exchanged for one which would place her, like the other Greek communities, under the protectorate of Rome, or whether she should find some ally able and willing to assist in making a last stand for inde- ' Livy, Epit., xii. ; Polybiiis, ii., 20. Ch. 21 The Conquest of Italy. 93 pendence. The former course, in Tarentum, as before at Capua, was the one favoured by the aristocratic party ; the latter was eagerly supported by the mass of the people and their leaders. While matters were still in suspense, the appearance, con- trary to the treaty, of a Roman squadron off the harbour decided the controversy. The Tarentines, indignant at the insult, attacked the hostile fleet, killed the admiral, and sunk most of the ships. Still Rome, relying, probably, on her partisans in the city, tried negotiation, and an alliance appeared likely after all, when suddenly the help for which the Tarentine democrats had been looking • 1 -n, 1 J 473-4 A.U.C. appeared, and war with Rome was resolved upon (281-280 B.C.).' King Pyrrhus, whose timely appearance seemed for the moment to have saved the independence of Tarentum, was the most brilliant of the military adventurers whom the disturbed times following the death of Alexander the Great had brought into prominence. High-spirited, generous, and ambitious, he had formed the scheme of rivalling Alexander's achievements in the East by winning for himself an empire in the West. He aspired not only to unite under his rule the Greek communities of Italy and Sicily, but to overthrow the great Phoenician state of Carthage — the natural enemy of Greeks in the West, as Persia had been in the East, Of Rome it is clear that he knew little or nothing ; the task of rid- ding the Greek seaports of their barbarian foes he no doubt regarded as an easy one ; and the splendid ' Livy, Epit., xii. ; Plut., Pyrrh., 13. 94 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii force he brought with him was intended rather for the conquest of the West than for the preliminary Avork of chastising a few Itahan tribes, or securing the submission of the unwarHke Itah'an Greeks. Pyrrhus's first measure was to place Tarentum under a strict military discipline ; this done he advanced into Lucania to meet the Roman consul Laivinus. The battle which followed, on the banks of the Liris, ended in the complete defeat of the Roman troops, largely owing to the panic caused by the elephants which Pyrrhus had brought w^ith him (280 B.C.).' The Greek cities expelled 474 A.u.c. ^ ' . ^ their Roman garrisons and joined him, while numerous bands of Samnites, lAicanians, and l^ruttians flocked to his standard. But, to the dis- appointment of his Greek and Italian allies, Pyrrhus showed no anxiety to follow up the advantage he had gained. His heart was set on Sicil}- and Africa, and his immediate object was to effect such an arrangement with Rome as would at once fulfil the pledges he had given to the Greeks by securing them against Roman interference, and set himself free to seek his fortunes westward. But, though his favourite minister, Cineas, employed all his skill to win the ear of the senate, and, though Pyrrhus himself lent weight to his envoy's words by advan- cing as near Rome as Anagnia (279 I5.c.), 475 ** . U . %-> . nothing could shake the resolution of the senate, and Cineas brought back the reply that the Romans could not treat with Pyrrhus so long as he remained in arms upon Italian soil. Disappointed ' Plin., N. H., viii., 6. Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 95 in his hopes of peace, Pyrrhus in the next / o N , 1 • r • 476 A,U.C. year (278 B.C.) turned his forces against the Roman strongholds in Apulia.' Once more, at Asculum, he routed the legions, but only to find that the indomitable resolution of the enemy waa strengthened by defeat. Weary of a struggle which threatened indefinitely to postpone the fulfilment of his dreams of empire, Pyrrhus resolved to quit Italy, and, leaving garrisons in the Greek towns, crossed into Sicily. Here his success at first was such as promised the speedy realisation of his hopes. The Sicilian Greeks hailed him as a deliverer ; the Car- thaginians were driven back to the extreme west of the island, and Eryx and Panormus fell into his hands. But at this point fortune deserted him. His efforts to take Lilybaeum were fruitless ; the Cartha- ginians recovered their courage, while the unstable Greeks, easily daunted by the first threatenings of failure, and impatient of the burdens of war, broke out into open murmurs against him. Soured and disappointed, Pyrrhus returned to Italy (276 B.C.) to find the Roman legions steadily moving southwards, and his Italian allies disgusted by his desertion of their cause. One of the consuls for the year (275 B.C.) M. Curius Dentatus, the conqueror of Sam- nium, was encamped at Beneventum awaiting the arrival of his colleague. Here Pyrrhus attacked him, and the closing battle of the war was fought. It ended in the complete victory of the Romans. Pyrrhus, unable any longer to face his opponents ia ' Plut., Fyrrk., 21. 96 Outlines of Roman History. [Book 11 the field, and disappointed of all assistance from his allies, retreated in disgust to Tarentum, and thence crossed into Greece.' A few years later (272 B.C.) Tarentum was sur- rendered to Rome by its Epirot ^rarrison ; It was granted a treaty of alliance, but its walls were razed and its fleet handed over to Rome. 84AUC ^" ^7^ ^•^' Rhegium also entered the ranks of Roman allies, and finally, in * ^ ■ ■ ' 269 B.C a single campaign crushed the last efforts at resistance in Samnium. Rome was now at leisure to consolidate the position she had won. Between 273 B.C. and 263 B.C three 481-491 A.U.C. '^ 1 , • c new colonies w'ere founded in Samnium 481 486 491 ^^^ Lucania — Paestum in 273 B.C., Bene- A.u.c. ventum in 268 B.C., TEsernia in 263 B.C. In central Italy the area of Roman territory was in- creased by the full enfranchisement (268 486A.U.C. ^ ^ B.C.) of the Sabines,' and of their neigh- bours to the east, the Picentes. To guard the Adri- atic coast, colonies were established at 486 A.U.C. Ariminum (268 B.C.), at Firmum, and at . ,, „ Castrum Novum (264 B.C.), while to the <90 A.U.C ^ ' -" already numerous maritime colonies was added that of Cosa in Etruria.^ Rome was now the undisputed mistress of Italy. ' Livy, Epit., xiv. ; Plut., Pyrrk., 26. 'Veil. Pat., i., 14, " suffrar^ii feri-Vili jus Sahinis datum." * Veil. Pat., i., 14 ; Livy, Epit., xv. I have followed Beloch {Ital. Bund, 142) in identifying the " Cosa" of Veil., loc. cil., and Livy, Epit., xiv., with Cosa in Etruria ; cf. Plin., N. H., iii., 8, 51, Mommsen and Madvig both place it in Lucania. ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy, 97 The limits of her supremacy to the north were repre- sented roughly by a Hne drawn across the 1 r 1 , r , « "S-ome. as the penmsula from the mouth of the Arno on mistress of \ Italy. the west to that of the y^sis on the east.' Beyond this hne kiy the Ligurians and the Kelts ; all south of it was now united as " Italy " under the rule of Rome. T?ut the rule of Rome over Italy, like her wider rule over the Mediterranean coasts, was not an absolute dominion over conquered subjects. It was in form at least a confederacy under Roman protec- tion and guidance ; and the Italians, like the provin- cials, were not the subjects, but the " allies and friends " of the Roman people.' Marvellous as are the perseverance and skill with which Rome built up, consolidated, and directed this confederacy, it is yet clear that both her success in forming it and its stability when formed were due in part to other causes than Roman valour and policy. The disunion which in former times had so often weakened the Italians in their struggles with Rome still told in her favour, and rendered the danger of a combined revolt against her authority remote in the extreme. In some cases, and especially in the city states of Etruria, Campania, and Magna Graecia, where the antagonism of the two political parties, aristocrats and democrats, was keen, Rome found natural and valuable allies in the former. Among the more back- ward peoples of central Italy, the looseness of their political organisation not only lessened their power ' Mommsen, R. G., i., 428, note ; Nissen, I/ol. Landeskunde , p. 71. ' Beloch, Ital. Bund, 203 ; Mommsen, R, G., i., 428, note. 9 98 OMt/iiics of Roman History. [Book ii of resistance, but enabled Rome either to detach tribe after tribe from the confederacy, or to attack and crusli them singly. Elsewhere she was aided by ancient feuds, such as those between Samnites and ^Vpulians, or Tarentines and lapygians, or by th^ imminent dread of a foe — Kelt, or Samnite, or Lu- canian — whom Roman aid alone could repel. And, \\liile combination against her was thus rendered difficult, if not impossible, by internal dissensions, feuds, differences of interest, of race, of language, and habits, Rome herself, from her position in the centre of Italy, was so placed as to be able to strike promptly on the first signs of concerted opposition. All these advantages Rom.e utilised to the utmost. We have no means of deciding how far she applied elsewhere the principle upon which she acted in northern Etruria and Campania, of attaching the aristocratic party in a community to Roman interests, by the grant of special privileges ; but it is certain that she endeavoured by every means in her power to perpetuate, and even to increase, the disunion which she had found so useful among her allies. In every possible way she strove to isolate them from each other, while binding them closely to herself. The old federal groups were in most cases broken up, and each of the members united with Rome by a special treaty of alliance. In Etruria, Latium, Campania, and Magna Groecia the city state was taken as the unit ; in central Italy, where urban life was non-existent, the unit was the tribe. The northern Sabellian peoples, for instance, — the Marsi, Paeligni, Vestini, Marrucini, Frentani, — were now constituted Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 99 as separate communities in alliance with Rome. In many cases, too, no freedom of trade or intermarriage was allowed between the allies themselves, a policy afterwards pursued in the provinces. Nor were all these numerous allied communities placed on the same footing as regarded their relations with Rome herself. To begin with, a sharp distinction , ' ^ . . , , The Latins. was drawn between the Latmi and the general mass of Italian allies. The Latins of this period had little more than the name in com- mon with the old thirty Latin peoples of the days of Spurius Cassius. With a few exceptions, such as Tibur and Pra^neste, the latter had either disap- peared or had been incorporated with the Roman state, and the Latins of 268 B.C. were . . 480 A.U.C. almost exclusively the Latin colonies — that is to say, communities founded by Rome, com- posed of men of Roman blood, and whose only claim to the title Latin lay in the fact that Rome granted to them some portion of the rights and privileges formerly enjoyed by the old Latin cities under the Cassian treaty.' Though nominally allies, they were, in fact, offshoots of Rome herself, bound to her by community of race, language, and interest, and planted as Roman garrisons among alien and conquered peoples. The Roman citizen who joined a Latin colony lost his citizenship — to have allowed liim to retain it would no doubt have been regarded as enlarging too rapidly the limits of the citizen body ; but he received in exchange the status of a ' For the colonic Latince founded before the first Punic war, see Beloch, 136 sq. loo OiUlines of Ro7nan History. [Book ii favoured ally. The Latin colony did not, indeed, enjoy the equality and independence originally pos- sessed by the old Latin cities. It had no freedom of action outside its own territory, could not make war or peace, and was bound to have the same friends and foes as Rome. But its members had the right of commercium, and, down to 486 A.u.c. ^^ , , , . , • 1 -n. 268 B.C., of connubmm also with Roman citizens. Provided they left sons and property to represent them at home, they were free to migrate to Rome and acquire the Roman franchise. In war time they not only shared in the booty, but claimed a portion of any land confiscated by Rome and de- clared public. These privileges, coupled with their close natural affinities with Rome, successfully se- cured the fidelity of the Latin colonies, which became not only the most efficient props of Roman supremacy, but powerful agents in the work of The Italian Romanising Italy. Below the privileged «nies. Latins stood the Italian allies ; and here again we know generally that there were consid- erable differences of status, determined in each case by the terms of their respective treaties with Rome. We are told that the Greek cities of Neapolis and Heraclea were among the most favoured ^ ; the Bruttii, on the other hand, seem, even before the Hannibalic war, to have been less generously treated. But beyond this the ab- ' The year of tiie foundation of Ariminum, the first Latin colony with the restricted rights ; Cic, Pro Crec, 35 ; Mommsen, R. C, i., 421, note ; Marquardt, S/aa/sverw., i., 53. Beloch, 155-158, takes a dififerent view. » Beloch, Cam/>., 39 ; Cic, Pro Balbo, 22. Ch. 21 The Conquest of Italy. lOi sence of all detailed information does not enable us to go. Rome, however, did not rely only on this policy of isolation. Her allies were attached as closely to her- self as they were clearly separated from each other, and from the first she took every security for the maintenance of her own paramount authority. Within its own borders, each ally was left to man- age its own affairs as an independent state.' The badges which marked subjection to Rome in the provinces — the resident magistrate and the tribute — were unknown in Italy. But in all points affecting the relations of one ally with another, in all ques- tions of the general interests of Italy and of foreign policy, the decision rested solely with Rome. The place of a federal constitution, of a federal council, of federal oflficers, was filled by the Roman senate, assembly, and magistrates. The maintenance of peace and order in Italy, the defence of the coasts and frontiers, the making of war or peace with fon eign powers, were matters the settlement of which Rome kept entirely in her own hands. Each allied state, in time of war, was called upon for a certain contingent of men, but, though its contingent usually formed a distinct corps under officers of its own, its numerical strength was fixed by Rome, it was bri- gaded with the Roman legions, and was under the orders of the Roman consul.* ' For the relation of the socii lialici to Rome, see Mommsen, R. G., i., 422 ; Beloch, Ital. Bund, cap. x. - Beloch, 203. The importance of this duty of llie allies is ex- pressed in the phrase, ''socii nominisve Latini quilms ex forjnula Ui^atijruin milites in terra Italia iinperare solent." I02 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii This paramount authority of Rome throughout the peninsula was confirmed and justified by the The Roman ^"^^"^ 'Cci'AX. Rome herself was now infinitely state. more powerful than any one of her numer- ous allies. Her territory, as distinct from that of the allied states, covered something like one-third of the peninsula south of the iEsis. Along the west coast it stretched from Caere to the southern borders of Campania. Inland, it included the former terri- tories of the ^qui and Hernici, the Sabine country, and even extended eastward into Picenum, while beyond these limits were outlying districts, such as the lands of the Senonian Kelts, with the Roman colony of Sena, and others elsewhere in Italy, which had been confiscated by Rome and given over to Roman settlers. Since the first important annexa- tion of territory after the capture of Veii 358 A.u.c. ■' , (396 B.C.), twelve new tribes had been formed,' and the number of male citizens registered at the census had risen from 152,000 to 290,000.'' Within this enlarged Roman state were nov/ included Colonies and Humcrous communitics with local institu- municipia. tions and government. At their head stood the Roman colonies {coloni(£ civiimi Rojuano- rum), founded to guard especially the coasts of ' Four in South Etruria (387 B.C.), two in the Pomptine territory (358), two in Latium (332), two in the territory of the southern Volsci and the Ager Falernus(3i8), two in the /Equian and Hernican territory (299). The total of thirty-five was completed in 241 by formation of tlie Velina and Quirina, probably in the Sabine and Picentine districts, enfranchised in 268. See Beloch, Q2. '• Livy, £/>iL, xvi. ; Eutrop., ii., 18; Mommsen, J?, G., i., 423; Beloch, cap. iv., p. 77 sc/. Ch,2i The Conquest of Italy. 103 Latium and Campania." Next to these eldest chil- dren of Rome came those communities which had been invested with the full Roman franchise, such, for instance, as the old Latin towns of Aricia, Lanu- vium, Tusculum, Nomentum, and Pedum. Lowest in the scale were those which had not been consid- ered ripe for the full franchise, but had, like Csere, received instead the civitas sine suffragio, the civil without the political rights.'' Their members, though Roman citizens, were not enrolled in the tribes, and in time of war served not in the ranks of the Roman legions, but in separate contingents. In addition to these organised town communities, there were also the groups of Roman settlers on the public lands, and the dwellers in the village communities of the en- franchised highland districts in central Italy. The administrative needs of this enlarged Rome were obviously such as could not be adequately satisfied by the system which had done well enough for a small city state with a few square miles of ter- ritory. The old centralisation of all government in Rome itself had become an impossibility, and the Roman statesmen did their best to meet the altered requirements of the time. The urban communities within the Roman pale, colonies and iniinicipia, were allowed a large measure of local self-government. In all we find local assemblies, senates, and magistrates, to whose hands the ordinary routine of local admin- istration was confided, and, in spite of differences in ' Ostia, Antium, Tarracina, Minturn^, Sinuessa, and, ou th« Adriatic, Sena and Castrum Novum. • ^ To both these classes the term miinicipia was applied. I04 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii detail, c. g., in the titles and numbers of the magis- trates, the same type of constitution prevailed tliroughout.' But these local authorities were care- fully subordinated to the higher powers in Rome. The local constitution could be modified or revoked by the Roman senate and assembly, and the local magistrates, no less than the ordinary members of the community, were subject to the paramount au- thority of the Roman consuls, praetors and censors. In particular, care was taken to keep the administra- tion of justice well under central control. The Roman citizen in a colony or niiinicipiiun enjoyed, of course, the right of appeal to the Roman people in a capital case. We may also assume that from the first some limit was placed to the jurisdiction of the local magistrate, and that cases falling outside it came before the central authorities. But an addi- tional safeguard for the equitable and uniform ad- ministration of Roman law in communities, to many of which the Roman code was new and Prefects. unfamiliar, was provided by the institu- tion of prefects {prcsfccfi juri diciindd)^ who were sent out annually, as representatives of the Roman praetor, to administer justice in the colonies and niu- nicipia. To prefects was, moreover, assigned the charge of those districts within the Roman pale where no urban communities, and consequently no ' For details, see Beloch, Ital. Bund, caps, v., vi., vii. The en- franchised communities in most cases retained the old titles for their magistrates, and hence the variety in their designations. - For \.\ie frccfecli, see Mommsen, R. G., i., 419, and /vVw. Slaats- recht, ii,, 569 ; Beloch, 130-133. Ch. 2J The Conquest of Italy. 105 organised local government, existed. In these two institutions, that of municipal government and that of prefectures, we have already two of the cardinal points of the later imperial system of government. A word must lastly be said of the changes which the altered position and increased responsibilities of Rome had effected in her military sys- xhe military tern.' For the most part these changes system, tended gradually to weaken the old and ii?timate connection between the Roman army in the field and the Roman people at home, and thus prepared the way for that complete breach between the two which in the end proved fatal to the republic. It is true that service in the legion was still the first duty and the highest privilege of the fully qualified citi- zen. Every assiduus was still liable to active mili- tary service between the ages of seventeen and forty-five, and proletarii and freedmen were still called out only in great emergencies,' and then but rarely enrolled in the legions. But this service was gradually altering in character. Though new legions were still raised each year for the summer campaigns, this was by no means always accompanied, as for- merly, by the disbandment of those already on foot, and this increase in the length of time during which the citizen was kept with the standards had, as early as the siege of Veii, necessitated a further deviation from the old theory of military service — the intro- ' Mommsen, K. G., i., 438 ; Madvig, l^er/. K. Reichs, ii., 467 sq. ; Livy, viii., 8 ; Polybius, vi., 17-42. * E. g., before the battle of vSentinum (296 B.C.), Livy, x., 21. To6 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii duction of pay.' Hardly less important than these changes were those which had taken place in the organisation of the legion itself. In the early days of the republic the same divisions served for the soldier in the legion and the voter in the assembly. The Roman army in the field, and the Roman people in the comitia on the Campus, were alike grouped according to their wealth, in classes and centuricE. But by the time of the Latin war the arrangement of the legion had been altered. In the new manipu- lar system, with its three lines, no regard was paid to civic distinctions, but only to length of service and military efficiency, while at the same time the more open order of fighting which it involved de- manded of each soldier greater skill, and therefore a more thorough training in arms than the old phalanx. One other change resulted from the new military neces- _. sities of the time, which was as fruitful of The pro- ' consulate. results as the incipient separation between the citizen and the soldier. The citizen soldiers of early Rome were commanded in the field by the men whom they had chosen to be their chief magis- trates at home, and still, except when a dictator was appointed, the chief command of the legions rested with fhe consuls of the year. But, as Rome's mili- tary operations increased in area and in distance from Rome, a larger staff became necessary, and the inconvenience of summoning home a consul in the field from an unfinished campaign became intolera- ble. The remedy found, that of prolonging for a further period the impcrium of the consul, was first ' Livy, iv., 59. Ch. 2] The Conquest of Italy. 107 applied in 327 B.C. in the case of Q. 427 a.u.c. Publilius Philo,' and between 327 and ^ . /• 1 • • • 427-490 A.u.c. 264 B.C. instances of triis prorogatio im- perii became increasingly common. This pro- consular authority, originally an occasional and subordinate one, was destined to become first of all the strongest force in the republic, and ultimately the chief prop of the power of the Caesars. Already, within the limits of Italy, Rome had laid the foun- dation stones of the system by which she afterwards governed the world — the municipal constitutions, the allied states, the proconsuls, and the prefects. * Livy, viii., 23, " ut proconsulc rem gereret quoad debellatum essei." BOOK III. ROME AND THE MEDITERRANEAN STATES- 265-146 B.C. ROME AND THE MEDITERRANEAN STATES— 26^-146 B.C. INTRODUCTION. We have now reached the period during which the Latin community on the banks of the Tiber, already the mistress of Italy, established her suzerainty over the countries bordering the Mediterranean Sea. For the history of this period we are no longer depend- ent on tradition. The events of the struggle with Carthage, the wars with Macedon, and with Anti- ochus, the relations of Rome with the states of west- ern Asia, were recorded by contemporary historians, Greek and Roman, and in contemporary official documents. Of these contemporary authorities indeed, only a few fragments are now extant. We cannot read the very words of Fabius Pictor, of L. Cincius Alimentus, the prisoner of Hannibal, or of Hannibal's companion and historiographer, the Greek Silenus, or handle the original text of the treaties with Carthage or Antiochus. But the im- portant fact remains, that it is on these records that 112 Outlines of Roman History. LBook in our two chief extant authorities, Polybius and Livy, based their narratives, while of the last thirty years of the period, Polybius himself writes with the au« thority of a contemporary. The chief interest of the history naturally centres in the great wars which for a hundred years absorbed the energies of Rome. In the internal affairs of the state there is at first sight nothing of striking import- ance to record. The strain and stress of foreign war left little energy or leisure for political debate, or reforming zeal. The great controversy which had divided men in the previous period was closed ; those which were to divide them in the next had not yet taken definite shape. Yet beneath this outward political calm changes were silently at work of the utmost moment for the future of the state. The Rome which emerged victorious from the conflicts of a century was still, as regarded the form of her political system, a Latin city state, — in fact, she was an imperial power ruling wide and distant provinces, and with a citizen body scattered over the coasts of the Mediterranean. Nor could the disproportion between the primitive machinery of the old republi- can constitution and the administrative necessities of an empire which stretched from the pillars of Hercules to the river Halys, long escape notice. To these administrative difficulties were added others, created directly or indirectly by the rapid expansion of Rome during this period ; for this expansion brought with it a revolution in the conditions, habits and beliefs of Roman society, which undermined the very foundations on which the republican system Int.] Introduction!. 1 1 3 rested. The statesmen of the Gracchan, and still more of the Ciceronian, age had consequently to face the fact that the ancient constitution was almost as ill-suited to the temper and tone of the Roman peo- ple as it was inadequate to the task of governing the civilised world. In the following chapters we shall then, first of all, trace the growth of Roman dominion outside Italy, and, secondly, consider its effects upon the Roman state itself. 8 CHAPTER I. ROME AND CARTHAGE — THE CONQUEST OF THE WEST. Though marked out by her geographical position as the natural centre of the Mediterranean, Italy had hitherto played no active part in Mediter- 489-608 A. u.c. ,. . , , , , ranean politics, but, now that she was tor the first time united, it was felt throughout the Mediterranean world that a new power had arisen, and Rome, as the head and representative of Italy, found herself irresistibly drawn into the vortex of Mediterranean affairs. With those of the eastern Mediterranean, indeed, she was not immediately called upon to concern herself. Her repulse of Pyr- rhus, and the news that the Greek cities of South Italy had acknowledged her suzerainty, had, it is true, suddenly revealed to the Eastern world the existence of a powerful Italian state. Egypt sought her alliance, and Greek scholars began to interest themselves keenly in the history, constitution, and character of the Latin republic which had so sud- denly become famous. But this was all, and not until fifty years after the retreat of Pyrrhus did 114 Rome and Carthage. s 1 5 Rome seriously turn her attention eastward. West- ward of Italy the case was different. The western coasts of the peninsula were the most fertile, popu- lous, and wealthy ; it was westward rather than east- ward that the natural openings for Italian commerce were to be found. But it was precisely on this side that Rome had serious ground for anxiety. The great Phoenician republic of Carthage was now at the height of her power. To a commercial and maritime supremacy, as great as that of Tyre and Sidon had ever been, she had added a dominion by land, of a kind to which they had never aspired. Not content with her wide and fertile territories in northern Africa, she had planted her feet firmly in Sardinia and Sicily, in close proximity to the shores of Italy, while her fleets swept the seas and jealously guarded for her benefit alone the hidden treasures of the West. In the east of Sicily, Syracuse still upheld the cause of Greek independence against the hereditary foe of the Greek race ; but Syracuse stood alone, and her resources were comparatively small. What Rome had to fear was the establishment, and that at no distant date, of an absolute Carthaginian domination over the Western seas — a domination which would not only be fatal to Italian commerce but would be a standing menace to the safety of the Italian coasts. Rome had indeed long been con- nected with Carthage by treaty, and the older purely commercial treaties had quite recently been replaced by a close alliance formed in face of the common danger to which both had been exposed by the ad- venturous schemes of Pyrrhus. But this danger was 1 1 6 Outlines of Roman History. [Book iii past, and it is probable that others besides Pyrrhus foresaw that on the old battle-ground of Greeks and Phoenicians a struggle must soon be fought out be- tween the Phoenician mistress of the Italian seas and the Latin rulers of the Italian peninsula. First Punic j^- ^^^g abovc all tilings essential for vvar, o 489-5?3A.u!c K-Oi''^e that the Carthaginians should ad- 482A.U.C. vance no farther eastward. But already in 272 B.C. Tarentum had almost fallen into their grasp, and seven years later Rome was threatened with a danger at least as serious, the establishment of Carthaginian rule in the east of Sicily, and within sight of the Italian coast. In 265 B.C. a 489A.U.C. ° . body of Campanian mercenaries, who had seized Messana, found themselves hard pressed by Hiero, King of Syracuse. One party among them appealed for aid to Carthage. The Carthaginians readily responded, and a Carthaginian garrison occu- pied the citadel of Messana. But at Messana, as once at Tarentum, there were others who turned to Rome, and, as Italians themselves, implored the aid of the great Italian republic, offering in return to place Messana under the suzerainty of Rome. The request was a perplexing one. Both Hiero and the Carthaginians were allies of Rome, and Messana, if rescued from the latter, belonged of right to Hiero and not to Rome. Apart, too, from treaty obliga- tions, the Roman senate naturally hesitated before acceding to an appeal which would precipitate a collision with Carthage, and commit Rome to a new and hazardous career of enterprise beyond the sea. Finally, however, all other considerations gave way Ch. n Rome and Carthage. 1 1 7 before the paramount importance of checking the advance of Carthage. The Roman assembly voted that assistance should be sent to the Mamertines, and in 264 B.C. the Roman legions for - , 490A.U.C. the first time crossed the sea. Mes- sana was occupied, and, after sustaining a de- feat, the Carthaginians and Syracusans were forced to raise the siege and withdraw. The opening years of the war which was thus begun gave little promise of the length of the struggle, and it seemed likely at the outset that Rome's immediate object, the expul- sion of the Carthaginians from Sicily, would be soon attained. The accession to the Roman 491 A.U.C. side of King Hiero (263 B.C.) not only confirmed the position which Rome had already assumed in Italy of the champion of the western Greeks against barbarians, but provided her in east- ern Sicily with a convenient base of operations and commodious winter quarters, and in Hiero himself with a loyal and effective ally. In the next year ("262 B.C.) followed the capture of Agri- ' . . 492 A.U.C. gentum, and in 261 B.C. the Roman sen- ^ , , , . , 493 A.U.C. ate resolved on supplcmcntmg these suc- cesses on land by the formation of a fleet which should not only enable them to attack the ^,^j. ^^.^^ maritime strongholds which defied the Ro^^^n fleet, assaults of their legions, and protect their own coasts, but even to carry the war into Africa itself. In the spring of 260 B.C. the first regular Roman . 494 A.U.C. fleet, consisting of one hundred quinque- remes and twenty triremes, set sail ' ; and the bril- ' Mommsen, R. G., i., 515. ii8 Otitlines of Roman History. [Book ill liant naval victory of Mylae, won by the consul C. Duiiius in the same year, seemed to promise the Romans as much success by sea as they had won by land. But the promise was not fulfilled ; 4g8A.U.C. , . ^ 1 • • r and m 256 li.c. the senate, impatient 01 the slow progress made in Sicily, determined on boldly invading Africa. It was a policy The invasion i • i -r a*!- • i j of Africa by for wliicli, if Afnca wcrc once reached, KeEulus. the defenceless state of the Carthaginian territories, the doubtful loyalty of her Libyan sub- jects, and the unwarlike habits of her own citizens gave every hope of success, and, but for the blunders of the Romans themselves, it might have succeeded now as it did fifty years later. The passage to Africa was opened by the defeat of the Carthaginian fleet off Ecnomus ; the two consuls, L. Manlius Vulso and M. Atilius Regulus, landed in safety and rapidly overran the country. But these successes led the senate, at the close of the summer, into committing the serious blunder of recalling one of the consuls, Manlius, with a large portion of the troops. It was one of many instances in which the rules and tradi- tions of the old republican system proved themselves inconsistent with the new requirements of an ex- tended warfare. The consul came back to hold the elections; his soldiers returned, as the custom had been, to their homes after a summer's campaign ; but the efficiency of the expedition was fatally impaired. The rashness and over-confidence of Regulus aggra- vated the effects of the senate's action. Emboldened by further successes, and notwithstanding his dimin- ished forces, he met the Carthaginian propo^.als for Ch. 1] Rome and Carthage. 119 peace by terms so harsh that the latter, though the Romans were almost at their gates, their soldiers dis- heartened, and the nomad tribes swarming on their frontiers, indignantly broke off the negotiations and prepared to resist to the last. At this crisis, so the story runs, the arrival of Xanthippus, a Spartan soldier of fortune, changed the face of affairs, as that of Gylippus had formerly done at Syracuse. His superior mili- tary skill remedied the blunders of the Carthaginian generals ; confidence was restored ; and in . 499A.U.C. 255 B.C. he triumphantly routed the Ro- man forces a few miles outside the city. Regulus was taken prisoner,' and only a miserable rcinnant of two thousand men escaped to the Roman camp on the coast. Here they were rescued by a Roman fleet, but their ill-fortune pursued them. On its way home the fleet was wrecked, and all but 80 vessels out of a total of 364 were lost. Still, though abandoning the idea of invading Africa, the Romans were unwilling to renounce all thoughts of facing their enemy on the sea. But fresh disasters followed. The hopes raised (254 B.C.) by the capture of Panormus 500 a u c were dashed to the ground the next year (253 B.C.) by the total destruction in a 501 a.u.c. storm of the victorious fleet on its way home from Panormus to Rome. Four years later a second fleet, despatched under P. Claudius to assist in the blockade of Lilybzeum, w^as completely de- feated off Drepana, while, to make matters worse, ' For criticisms of the story of Regulus, see Mommsen, i., 523; Ihne, ii., 69 ; Ranke, Weltgeschichtc, ii., 185. I20 Outlines of Rornaii History. [Book in Claudius's colleague, L. Junius, who had been hastily sent out with reinforcements, was wrecked near the dangerous promontory of Pachynus. Disheartened by these repeated disasters, the senate resolved to trust only to the legions, and by sheer force of perseverance slowly to force the enemy out of the few positions to which he still clung in Sicily. But, though for five years (248-243 506-511 AUG l^-C-) no fresh naval operations were at- tempted, no compensating success by land followed. Hamilcar Barca, the new Carthaginian commander, not only ravaged with his fleet the coasts of Italy, but from his impregnable position at Ercte incessantly harassed the Roman troops in the west of the island, and even recaptured Eryx. Convinced once more of the impossibility of driving the Carthaginians out of Sicily as long as their navy swept the seas, the Romans determined on a final effort. The treasury was empty ; but by the liberal contributions of private citizens a fleet was equipped, and C. Lutatius Catulus, consul for 242 512 A.u.c. ]},.(:. ^ started for Sicily early in the sum- mer of that year with two hundred quinqueremes. From Drepana, whither he had gone to aid in the blockade, he sailed out to meet a Carthaginian fleet despatched from Africa against him ; and a battle took place at the ^Egates islands, some twenty miles „ . _, from the Sicilian coast, in which Catulus h.na 01 the ' ^^"- completely defeated his enemy. The end of the long struggle had come at last. The Cartha- ginian government, despairing of being able to send further aid to their troops in Sicily, authorised Ch. 11 Rome and Carthage. 121 Ilamilcar to treat for peace. His proposals were accepted by Catulus, and the terms agreed upon between them were confirmed in all essential points by the commissioners sent out from Rome. The Carthaginians agreed to evacuate Sicily and the ad- joining islands, to restore all prisoners, and to pay an indemnity of 2,300 talents. In its duration and severity the first Punic war is justly ranked by Polybius above all other wars of his own and preceding times, though Ohsrsctcr neither in the military talent displayed and lessons , . - . , of the war. nor m tlie importance of its results can it be compared with the war that followed. It was distinguished by no military achievement compara- ble with Hannibal's invasion of Italy, and with the single exception of Hamilcar it produced no general of the calibre of Hannibal or Scipio. It was in fact a struggle in which both Rome and Carthage were serving an apprenticeship to a warfare, the condi- tions of wliich were unfamiliar to both. The Roman legions were foes very unlike any against which the Carthaginian leaders had ever led their motley array of mercenaries, while Rome was called upon for the first time to fight a war across the sea, and to fight with ships against the greatest naval power of the age. The novelty of these conditions accounts for much of the vacillating and uncertain action observa- ble on both sides, and their efTect in this direction was increased by the evident doubts felt by both antagonists as to the lengths to which the quanel should be pushed. It is possible that Hamilcar had already made up his mind that Rome must be at- 122 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ill tacked and crushed in Italy, but his government attempted nothing more than raids upon the coast. There are indications also that some in the Rom.an senate saw no end to the struggle but in the destruc- tion of Carthage ; yet an invasion of Africa was only once seriously attempted, and then only a half- hearted support was given to the expedition. But these peculiarities in the war served to bring out in the clearest relief the strength and the weakness of the two contending states. The chief dangers for Carthage lay obviously in the jealousy exhibited at home of her officers abroad, in the difificulty of con- trolling her mercenary troops, and in the ever-pres- ent possibility of disaffection among her subjects in Libya — dangers which even the genius of Hannibal failed finally to surmount. Rome, on the other hand, was strong in the public spirit of her citizens, the fidelity of her allies, the valour and discipline of her legions. What she needed was a system which should make a better use of her splendid materials than one under which her plans were shaped from day to day by a divided senate, and executed by ofificers who were changed every year, and by soldiers most of whom returned home at the close of each summer's campaign. The interval between the first and second Punic wars was employed by both Rome and Carthage in strengthening their respective positions. The interval ^r,., .. ^ . tti between the Of the islauds lying off the coast of Italy, first and ... second the most important, Sicily, had fallen to Punic AAfars. '- •' Rome as the prize of the recent war. The eastern end of the island was still left under the rule Ch. 1] Rome and Carthage. . 123 of King Hiero as the ally of Rome, but the larger western portion became directly subject to Rome, and a temporary arrangement seems to have been made for its government, either by one of the two praetors, or possibly by a quaestor,' Sardinia and Corsica had not been surrendered to Rome by the treaty of 241 B.C., but three years 513A.U.C. later (238 B.C.) on the invitation of the 516 a.u.c. Carthaginian mercenaries stationed in the islands, a Roman force occupied them ; Carthage protested, but, on the Romans threatening war, she gave way, and Sardinia and Corsica were formally . -' Annexation ceded to Rome, though it was some seven ,°5?.t'l^-"'' ' o and Corsica. or eight years before all resistance on ^Rom"n the part of the natives themselves was provinces, crushed. In 227 B.C., however, the senate 527 a.u.c. considered matters ripe for the establishment of a separate and settled government, not only in Sar- dinia and Corsica, but also in Sicily. In that year two additional praetors were elected ; to one was assigned the charge of western Sicily, to the other that of Sardinia and Corsica," and thus the first stones of the Roman provincial system were laid. Of at least equal importance for the security of the peninsula was the subjugation of the Keltic tribes in the valley of the Po. These, headed by subjugation the Boii and Insubres and assisted by and'^i*ns^ubr°e3 levies from the Kelts to the westward, '" ^- ^*^^y- had in 225 B.C. alarmed the whole of Italy 529 a.u.c. ' Marquardt, Rom. Staatsver., i., 92; Mommsen, R. G., i., 543; Appian, Sic, 2. ^ Livy, Epii., xx. jf24 Outlmes of Roman History. [Book ill by invading Etruria and penetrating to Clusium, only three days' journey from Rome. Here, how- ever, their courage seems to have failed them. The}- retreated northward along the Etruscan coast, until at Telamon their way was barred by the Roman legions, returning from Sardinia to the defence of Rome, while a second consular army hung upon their rear. Thus hemmed in, the Kelts fought des- perately, but were completely defeated and the flower of their tribesmen slain. The Romans fol- lowed up their success by invading the Keltic terri- tory. The Boii were easily reduced to submission. The Insubres, north of the Po, resisted more obsti- nately, but by 222 B.C. the war was over, 532 A , U .C. and all the tribes in the rich Po valley acknowledged the supremacy of Rome. The con- quered Kelts were not enrolled among the Italian allies of Rome, but were treated as subjects beyond the frontier. Three colonies were founded to hold them in check — Placentia and Cremona in the ter- ritory of the Insubres, Mutina in that of the Boii ; The Via '^'^^ ^^'^^ grcat uorthcm road (Via Fla- Fiaminia. mjnia) was completed as far as the Keltic border at Ariminum. On the Adriatic coast, where there was no Car- thage to be feared, and no important adjacent Chastisement islauds to bc auncxcd, the immediate in- oftheUlyrian . r n 1- -^ j i. j • pirates. tercsts oi Romc were hmited to rendermg Rome and , c r t 1 • it Greece. tlic sca satc tor Italian trade. It was 52s A.U.C. with this object that, in 229 B.C., the first Roman expedition crossed the Adriatic, and in- flicted severe chastisement on the Illyrian pirates Ch. 11 Rome and Carthage. 125 of the opposite coast.' But the results of the expe- dition did not end here, for it was the means of estabhshing for the first time direct poHtical rela- tions between Rome and the states of Greece proper, to many of which the suppression of piracy in the Adriatic was of as much importance as to Rome herself. Alliances were concluded with Corcyra, Epidamnus, and Apollonia ; and embassies explain- ing the reasons which had brought Roman troops into Greece were sent to the .'Etolians, the Achaeans, and even to Athens and Corinth. Everywhere they were well received, and the admission of the Romans to the Isthmian games' (228 B.C.) formally acknowledged them as the natural allies of the free Greek states against both barbarian tribes and foreign despots, a relationship which was destined to prove as useful to Rome in the East as it had already proved itself to be in the West. While Rome was thus fortifying herself on all sides, Carthage had acquired a possession which promised to compensate her for the loss of Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. The genius ginians . . , . in Spain. of her greatest citizen and soldier Hamil- car Barca, had appreciated the enormous value of the Spanish peninsula, and conceived the scheme of founding there a Carthginian dominion which should not only add to the wealth of Carthage, but supply her with troops, and with a base of operations for that war of revenge with Rome on w^hich his heart was set. The conquest of southern and eastern ' Polyb., ii., 8 sq. "■ Polyb., ii., 12. 126 Outlines of Roman History. [Book \\\ 518-526 A.u.c. Spain, begun by Hamilcar (236-228 B.C.), and carried on by his kinsman Hasdrubal 526-533 A. u. 0.(228-22 1 B.C.), was completed by his son Hannibal, who, with all his father's genius inherited also his father's hatred of Rome, and by 2 19 B.C. the authority of Carthage had been extended as far as the Ebro. Rome had not watched this rapid advance without anxiety, but, probably owing to her troubles with the Kelts, she had con- tented herself with stipulating (226 B.C.) 528 A.U.C. , 1 fc> V / that Carthage should not carry her arms beyond the Ebro, so as to threaten Rome's ancient ally, the Greek colony Massilia, and with securing the independence of the two nominally Greek com- munities, Emporiaeand Saguntum,' on the east coast. But these precautions were of no avail against the resolute determination of Hannibal, with whom the conquest of Spain was only preliminary to an attack upon Italy, and who could not afford to leave behind him in Spain a state allied to Rome. In 535 A.U.C. .1 r J- J- .u 219 B.C., therefore, disregardmg the pro- test of a Roman ' embassy, he attacked and took Saguntum, an act which, as he had foreseen, ren- dered a rupture with Rome inevitable, while it set his own hands free for a further advance. A second war with Carthage was no unlooked-for Second Punic ^vcut at Romc ; but the scuatc seems to 3^0^=536-553' ^"lave confidently expected that it would A.U.C. i^g waged at a distance from Italy — in Africa and in Spain, wlicre Saguntum would have given them a convenient point of support ; and to ' Livy, xxi., 2, 5 ; rdyb., iii., 15, 31. Ch. n Rome and Carthage. 127 this hope they clung even after Saguntum was lost. In 218 B.C., the first year of the war, one 17,^ 1- o • • , 1 , 536 A.U.C. consul, r. Cornelius bcipio, was despatched to Spain, and the other T. Sempronius Gracchus, to Sicily, and thence to Africa. But Hannibal's secrec}- and promptitude baffled all their calculations. Lea\'- ing New Carthage early in 218 ]'..C., in the space of five months he crossed the Pyrenees, reached the Rhone just as Scipio arrived at Massilia on his way to Spain, passed the Alps in spite of endless difficul- ties and hardships, and startled Italy by Hannibal descending into the plains of Cisalpine '"^*'^"'*"'y- Gaul. In two battles on the Ticinus and the Trebia he defeated the forces hastily collected to bar his progress southwards ; the Keltic tribes rallied to his standard ; and at the beginning of the next year he prepared to realise the dream of his life and carry fire and sword into Italy itself. His own force num- bered 26,000 men ; the total available strength of Rome and her allies was estimated at over 700,000.' But Hannibal's hope lay in the possibility that by the rapidity of his movements he might be able to strike a decisive blow before Rome could mobilise her levies, or get her somewhat cumbrous military machinery into working order. From a first success he expected no less a result than the break-up of the Roman confederacy, and the isolation of Rome her- self, while it would also increase the readiness of his ' Polybius (ii., 24 j^.) enumerates the forces of Rome and her allies at the time of the Keltic invasion of 225 B.C. For a criticism of his account, see Mommsen, R. Fo7-sch., ii., 398 ; Beloch, Ital. Bund, 80. For Hannibal's force see Polyb., iii., 35, 56. 128 Outlines of Roman History. fBook in own government to render him effective support. His trust in himself and his army was not misplaced, for to the last he had the advantage over the Roman legions wherever he met them in person. Except, however, in South Italy, his brilliant victories and dashing marches brought him no allies, and it was his inability to shake the loyalty of northern and cen- tral Italy and of the Latin colonies everywhere, even more than the indomitable perseverance of Rome and the supineness of Carthage, which caused his ultimate failure. In the spring of 217 B.C. Hannibal crossed the Apennines and marched southwards through the Battle at the lowlauds of eastern Etruria, the route Tra^sjmene ^^]^q^-^ before him by the Keltic hordes. ^^"^ ■ ■ ■ In April he annihilated Flaminius and his army at the Trasimene Lake," and pushed on to Spoletium, only a few days' march from Rome. But Rome was not yet his goal ; from Spoletium, wliich had closed its gates against him, he moved rapidly eastward, ravaging the territories of Roman allies as he went, till he reached the Adriatic and the fertile lands of northern Apulia, where supplies and espe- cially remounts for his Numidian cavalry' were plentiful, communication with Carthage easy, and where, moreover, he was well placed for testing the fidelity of the most recent and the least trustworthy of the Italian allies of Rome. A second victory here, on the scale of that at the Trasimene Lake, • For the date see Ovid, Fast., vi., 765 ; Weissenborn on Livy xxii., 5 ; Mommsen, Ji. G., i., 594. " Livy, xxiv., 20. Ch. 1] Rome and Carthage. 129 might be the signal for a general revolt against Roman rule. It was not, however, until the summer of the next year that his opportunity came. The patient tactics of O. Fabius Cunctator had become unpopular at Rome ; and the consuls of 216 r,.C., L. ^^milius Paulus and C. Terentius Varro, Battle of took the field in Apulia, at the head of a Revou^f larger force than Rome had yet raised, a^ndofSyrL^ and with orders to fight and crush the ''"^Rom^ daring invader. The result realised for 538A.U.C. the moment Hannibal's highest hopes. The Roman army was annihilated at Cannae ; and South Italy, with the exception of the Latin colonies and the Greek cities on the coast, came over to his side. Nor did the Roman misfortunes end here. Philip of Macedon concluded an alliance with Hannibal (215 B.C.), and threatened an invasion of , ^ 539A.U.C. Italy. In the very next year, Syracuse, no longer ruled by the faithful Hiero, revolted, and a Carthaginian force landed in Sicily; lastly, in 212 B.C. came the loss of the Greek cities on S42 A.U.C. the south coast. But the truth of Polybi- us's remark, that the Romans are most to be feared when their danger is greatest, was never better illus- trated than by their conduct in the face of these accumulated disasters. Patiently and undauntedly they set themselves to regain the ground they had lost, Philip of Macedon was first of all forced to retire from the allied city of Apollonia which he had attacked (214 B.C.), and then effectually diverted from all thoughts of an attack on Italy by the formation of a coalition against him in 130 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book lii Greece itself (211 B.C.) ; Syracuse was recaptured in Siege and re- 212 B.C. after a lengthy siege, and Roman capture of . ,,.,,.„.., , Syracuse. authority re-established ni bicily. In 543. 542 A.u.c. Italy itself the Roman commanders took advantage of Hannibal's absence in the extreme south to reconquer northern Apulia ; but their main efforts were directed to the recovery of Campania, and above all of Capua. The imminent danger of this town, which he had named as the successor of Rome in the headship of Italy, recalled Hannibal from the south, where he was besieging a Roman garrison in the citadel of Tarentum. Failing to break through the lines which enclosed it, he re- solved, as a last hope of diverting the Roman legions from the devoted city, to advance on Rome itself. But his march, deeply as it impressed the imagina- tion of his contemporaries by its audacity and promptitude, was without result. Silently and rap- idly he moved along the course of the Latin Way, through the heart of the territory of Rome, to within three miles of the city, and even rode up with his advanced guard to the Collina gate. Yet no ally joined him ; no Roman force was recalled to face him ; no proposals for peace reached his camp ; and, overcome, it is said, by the unmoved con- fidence of his foe, he withdrew, as silently and rapidly as he had advanced, to his head- Recovery of Capua, quarters in the south. The fall of Capua 543 A.u.c. ^ ^ followed inevitably (211 B.C.),' and the ' Livy, xxvi., 16, 33, gives the sentence passed on Capua : "Ager omnis et iecia publica P. R. facia, habitari tanium tanqua7n urbfvt, corpus nullum civitatis esse." For the condition of Capua subse- quently, see Cic, L. A^r., i.. 6 : compare C. I. L., 566 t^. - Ch. 1] Conquest of the West. 131 Roman senate saw with relief the seat of war removed to Lucania and Bruttium, and a prospect opening of some relief from the exhausting exertions of the last five years. Their hopes were quickly dashed to the ground. The faithful Massiliots sent word that Hasdrubal, beaten in Spain, Defeat of was marching to join Hannibal in Italy, t^e^rlver Me- The anxiety at Rome was intense, and taurus. every nerve was strained to prevent the junction of the two brothers. Equally great was the relief when the news arrived that tiie bold march of the consul Claudius had succeeded, and that Hasdrubal had been defeated and slain on the river Me- ^ ,, ^ 547 A.U.C. taurus (207 B.C.). The war in Italy was now virtually ended, for, though during four years more Hannibal stood at bay in a corner of Bruttium, he was powerless to prevent the restoration of Ro- man authority throughout the peninsula. Sicily was once more secure ; and finally in 206 B.C., o ^ ,, ,- ■' ' 548 A.U.C. the year after the \'ictory on the Metaurus, the successes of the young P. Scipio in Spain (211- 206 B.C.) were crowned bv the complete ,. -1 ^ .'. - , Expulsion of expulsion of the Carthaginians from the the cartha- , , ginians from peninsula. Nothing now remained to Spain. ^ ... 543-548A.U.C. Carthage outside Africa but the ground on which Hannibal desperately held out, and popu- lar opinion at Rome warmly supported Scipio when on his return from Spain he eagerly urged an im- mediate invasion of Africa. The senate hesitated. Many were jealous of Scipio's fame, and resented his scarcely concealed intention of appealing to the people, should the senate decline his proposals. 132 Outlines of Roman History. [Book Hi Others, like the veteran Q. Fabius, thought the attempt hazardous, with exhausted resources, and while Hannibal was still on Italian soil. But Scipio Invasion of gained the day. He was elected consul sc^p^o.''^ 205 B.C., and given the province of Sicily, ^^^ ■ ■ ■ with permission to cross into Africa if he thought fit. Voluntary contributions of men, money, and supplies poured in to the support of the popular hero ; and by the end of 205 B.C. Scipio had collected in Sicily a sufKicient force for his purpose. 550 A.U.C. ^ . ^ ^ In 204 B.C. he crossed to Africa, where he was welcomed by the Numidian prince Masinissa, whose friendship he had made in Spain. 551 A.U.C. , . , ^ 1 1 /- 1 in 203 B.C. he twice defeated the Cartha- ginian forces, and a large party at Carthage were anxious to accept his offer of negotiations. But the advocates of resistance triumphed. Hannibal was recalled from Italy, and with him his brother Mago, who had made a last desperate attempt to create a diversion in Italy by landing in Liguria. Mago died on the voyage, but Hannibal returned to fight his Battle of ^'^'^^ battle against Rome at Zama, where zama. Scipio, who had been continued in com- mand as proconsul for 202 B.C. by a special 552 A.U.C . r !, , 1 . • vote 01 the people, won a complete vic- tory. The war was over. The Roman assembly gladly voted that the Carthaginian request for peace should be granted, and intrusted the settlement of the terms to its favourite Scipio and a commission of ten senators. Carthage was allowed to retain her own territory in Africa intact ; but she undertook to wage no wars outside Africa, and none inside without Ch. 1] Conquest of the West. 133 the consent of Rome. She surrendered all her ships but ten triremes, her elephants, and all prisoners of war. Finally she agreed to pay an indemnity of 10,000 talents in fifty years. Masinissa was rewarded by an increase of territory, and was enrolled amon^- the " allies and friends " of the Roman people." The battle of Zama decided the fate of the West. The power of Carthage was broken, and her supremacy passed by the right of under ro- T-> TT r 1 T» "^3" rule. conquest to Kome. Henceforth Rome had no ri\'.'d to fear westward of Italy, and it rested with herself to settle within what limits her suprem- acy should be confined, and what form it should take. The answer to both these questions was largely determined for her by circumstances. For the next fifty years Rome was too deeply involved in the affairs of the East to think of extending her rule far beyond the limits of the rich inheritance which had fallen to her by the defeat of ^ , , . ., 629 A.U.C. Carthage; and it was not until 125 B.C. that she commenced a fresh career of conquest in the West by invading Transalpine Gaul. But with- in this area considerable advance was made in the organir.ation and consolidation of her rule. The rate of progress was indeed unequal. In the „. ., , i '=> 1 Sicjly and case of Sicily and Spain, the immediate Spain, establishment of a Roman government was impera- tively necessary, if these possessions were not either to fall a prey to internal anarchy, or be recovered for Carthage by some second Hamilcar. Accord- ingly, we find that in Sicily the former dominions ' Livy, XXX., 43 ; Polyb. xv., i8. 134 Outlines of Romafi History. [Book li; of Iliero were at once united with the western half of the island as a single province, under 553 A.u.c. ^j^^ ^.^j^ ^^ ^ Roman praetor (201 B.C.)/ and that in Spain, after nine years of a A.u.c. provisional government (206-197 B.C.), two provinces were in 197 B.C.' definitely estab- lished, and each, like Sicily, assigned to one of the praetors for the year, two additional praetors being elected for the purpose. But here the resemblance between the two cases ends. From 201 =■^1 A U C B.C. down to the outbreak of the Slave ei8 A.u.c. war in 136 B.C. there was unbroken peace in Sicily, and its part in the history is limited to its important functions in supplying Rome with corn and in provisioning and clothing the Roman legions.^ It became every year a more integral part of Italy; and a large proportion even of the land itself passed gradually into the hands of enterprising Roman spec- ulators. The governors of the two Spains had very different work to do from that which fell to the lot of the Sicilian praetors. Although the coast towns readily acquiesced in Roman rule, the restless war- like tribes of the interior were in a constant state of ferment, which from time to time broke out into open revolt. In Sicily the ordinary praetorian au- thority, with at most a few cohorts, was sufificient, but the condition of Spain required that year after ' Livy, xxvi., 40. The union was apparently effected in 210 ; but the first prater of all Sicily was sent there in 201. ' Livy, xxxii., 27 ; cf. Marquanlt, StaatsvervK, i., 100, ami IlUbnei in Hermes, i., 105 sq. 'Livy, xxvii., 5, ^^ pace ac bello fulissimitm amiorne subsidiwn" ; (f. xxjiii., 27. Ch. 1] Conquest of the West. 135 year the prxtor should be armed with the consular authority, and backed by a standing force of four legions, while more than once the presence of the consuls themselves was found necessary. Still, in spite of all difficulties, the work of pacification pro- ceeded. To the elder Cato (consul igi; N J . n--u • o • r- 559 A.U.C. B.C.), and to 1 iberuis bempronms Grac- chus (pnetor and propraetor 180-179 B.C.), 574-575 father of the two tribunes, is mainly due a.ij.c. the credit of (|uietingthe Celtiberian tribes of central Spain ; and the government of Gracchus was fol- lowed by thirty years of comparative tranquillity. The insurrection headed by Viriathusin 140 , , , , , .605 A.U.C. B.C. was largely caused by the exactions of the Roman magistrates themselves, while its obstinate continuance down to the cap- ture of Numantia in 133 B.C., was almost ^^' a.u.c. as much the result of the incapacity of the Roman commanders. But the re-settlement of the country by Scipio Africanus the younger in that year left all Spain, with the exception of the highland Astures and Cantabri in the north-west, finally and tranquilly subject to Rome. Meanwhile the disturbed state of the interior had not prevented the spread of Roman civilisation on the seaboard. Roman traders and speculators flocked to the seaport towns and spread inland. The mines became centres of Roman industry ; the Roman legionaries quartered in Spain year after year married Spanish wives, and when their service was over gladly settled down in Spain, in preference to returning to Italy. The first Roman communities established outside Italy were both 136 Outlines of Roman History, [Book ill planted in Spain, and both owed their existence to the Roman legions.' Spain even in 133 B.C. gave promise of becoming in time " more Roman than Rome itself." In Africa there was no question at first of the in- troduction of Roman government by the formation of a province. Carthage, bound hand and third Punic foot by the treaty of 201 B.C., was placed 153-146 B.C. under the jealous watch of the loyal =6o8A.U.C. . . -Z ... 11. ,f .,1- 1 prmce ot JNumidia, who hunselt willmgly acknowledged the suzerainty of Rome. But it was impossible for this arrangement to be permanent. Every symptom of reviving prosperity at Carthage was regarded at Rome with feverish anxiety, and neither the expulsion of Hannibal in 195 57! Aiuic! B.C. nor his death in 183 B.C. did much to check the growing conviction that Rome would never be secure while her rival existed. It was therefore with grim satisfaction that many in the Roman senate watched the increasing irritation of the Carthaginians under the harassing raids and encroachmcntsof their favoured neighbour, Masinissa, and waited for the moment when Carthage should, by some breach of the conditions imposed upon her, supply Rome with a i^retext for interfer- 603 A.U.C. ^ ' , , . ence. At last in 151 B.C. came the news that Carthage, in defiance of treaty obligations, was actually at Avar with Masinissa. The anti-Cartha- ginian party in the senate, headed by M. Porcius Cato, eagerly seized the opportunity ; in spite of the protests of Scipio Nasica and others, war was de- ' Italica (206), Appiaii, Ibcr., 38 ; Carteia (171), Livy, xliii., 3. Ch.1] Conquest of the West. 137 dared, and nothing short of the destruction of their city itself was demanded from the despairing Car- thaginians. This demand, as the senate, no doubt, foresaw, was refused, and in 149 B.C. the siege of Carthage began. During the next two years little progress was made, but in 147 P. Corne- ... . . 607 A.U.C. lius Scipio ^milianus, son of L. ^Emilius Paulus, conqueror of Macedonia, and grandson by adoption of the conqueror of Hannibal, was, at the age of thirty-seven, and though only a candidate for the sedileship, elected consul and given the command in Africa. In the next year (146 B.C.) ^ ' 608 A.U.C. Carthage was taken and razed to the ground. Its territory became the Roman province of Africa, while Numidia, now ruled by the three sons of Masinissa, remained as an allied state under Roman suzerainty, and served to protect the new province against the raids of the desert tribes. Within little more than a century from the com- mencement of the first Punic war, the whole of the former dominions of Carthage had been brought under the direct rule of Roman magistrates, and were regularly organised as Roman provinces. In Italy itself the Hannibalic war was inevitably followed by important changes, and these changes Avere, naturally enough, in the direction of an increased Roman predominance. In the north the Keltic tribes paid for their sympathy with Hannibal with the final loss of all separate political existence. Cispadane Gaul, studded with colonies and flooded with Roman settlers, was rap- idly Romanised. Beyond the Po in Polybius's time, 138 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ii\ about sixty years after the Hannibalic war, Roman civilisation was already widely spread. In the ex- treme north-east, the Latin colony of Aquileia, the last of its kind, was founded in 181 B.C., 573A.U.C. to hold in check the Alpine tribes, while in the north-west the Ligurians, though not finally subdued until a later time, were held in check by the colony of Luna (180 B.C.), and by the ex- tensive settlements of Roman citizens and Latins made on Ligurian territory in 173 581 A.U.C. ^ J I J B.C.' In southern Italy the effects of the war were not less marked. The depression of the Greek cities on the coast, begun by the raids of the Sabellian tribes, was completed by the repeated blows inflicted upon them during the Hannibalic struggle. Some of them lost territory'' ; all suffered from a decline of population and loss of trade ; and their place was taken by such new Roman settle- ments as Brundusium and Puteoli.' In the interior the southern Sabellian tribes suffered scarcely less severely. The Bruttii were struck off the list of Roman allies, and nearly all their territory was con- fiscated." To the Apulians and Lucanians no such hard measure was meted out ; but their strength had been broken by the war, and their numbers dwin- ' Livy, xlii., 4. ^ E.g.^ Tarentum, Livy, xliv., 16. A Roman colony was established at Croton in 194, and a Latin colony (Copia) at Thurii in 193 (Livy, xxxiv., 45, 53). ' Brundusium was established after the first Punic war. Puteoli was fortified during the second Punic war, and became a Roman colony in 194 (Livy, xxxiv., 45). * Appiaii, Haiiii., 61 ; Cell., x., 3. Ch.11 Conquest of tJie West. 139 died ; large tracts of land in their territories were seized by Rome and allotted to Roman settlers, or occupied by Roman speculators. That Etruria also suffered from declining energy, a dwindling popula- tion, and the spread of large estates is clear from the state of things existing there in M^ B.C. . . ^ . '^ "^-^ 621A.U.C. It was mdced in central Italy, the home of the Latins and their nearest kinsmen, and in the ne\v Latin and Roman settlements throughout the peninsula, that progress and activity were henceforth concentrated, and e\'cn within this area the Ro- man, and not the strictly Latin, element tended to preponderate. Of the twenty colonies r J J u . J ^ 553-608 A.U.C. lounded between 201 B.C. and 140 B.C. only four were Latin. CHAPTER II. ROME AND THE EAST — 2OO-133 B.C. Ever since the repulse of Pyrrhus from Italy, Rome had been slowly drifting into closer contact with the Eastern states. With one of the three great powers which had divided between them the empire of Alexander, with Egypt, she had formed an alli- 481 AUG. ^^CQ in 273 B.C., and the alliance had been cemented by the growth of commercial intercourse between the two countries.' In ^^ ■ ■ ■ 228 B.C. her chastisement of the Illyrian pirates had led naturally enough to the establish- ment of friendly relations with some of the states of Greece proper. Further than this, Rome for the time showed no desire to go. The connections al- ready formed were sufificient to open the eastern ports to her trade, and the engrossing struggle with Carthage left her neither leisure nor strength for active interference in the incessant feuds and rival- ries which had made up Eastern politics since the falling asunder of Alexander's Empire. In 214 B.C. ' Eg>'pt had supplied corn to Italy during the second Punic war jPolyb., ix., 44). Z40 Rome and the East. 1 4 1 the alliance between Philip and Hannibal, and the former's threatened attack on Italy, First Mace- forced her into war with Macedon ; but '^°"'^" ^^'■• 540A.U.C. even then she contented herself with head- ing a coalition of the Greek states against him, which effectually frustrated his designs against herself ; and at the first opportunity (205 B.C.) she . 549A.U.C. ended the war by a peace which left the position unchanged. Yet the war had important consequences ; it not only drew closer the ties which bound Rome to the Greek states, but inspired the senate with a genuine dread of Philip's restless am- bition, and with a bitter resentment against him for his union with Hannibal. The events of the next four years served to deepen both these feelings. In 205 B.C. Philip entered into a compact . . . . . 549 A.U.C. with Antiochus of Syria for the partition between them of the dominions of Egypt,' now left by the death of Ptolemy Philopator to the rule of a boy king. Antiochus was to take Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, while Philip claimed for his share the dis- trict subject to Egypt on the coasts of the yEgean and the Greek Islands. Philip no doubt hoped to be able to secure these unlawful acquisitions before the close of the second Punic war should set Rome free to interfere with his plans. But the obstinate resistance offered by Attains of Pergamum and the Rhodians upset his calculations. In 201 ^ , . , r^ , 553 A.U.C. B.C. Rome made peace with Carthage, and the senate had leisure to listen to the urgent ap- peal for assistance which reached her from her East- ' Polyb. , iii., 2, xv., 20; Livy, xxxi., 14. 143 Outlines of Rotnaii History. [Book III ern allies. With Antiochus, indeed, the senate was not )'ct prepared to quarrel ; and though Egypt was assured of the continued friendship of Rome, Antio- chus was allowed to work his will in Coele-Syria.' With Philip it is clear that the senate had no thoughts of a peaceful settlement. Their animosity against him had been deepened by the assistance he had re- cently rendered to Carthage. Always an unsafe and turbulent neighbour, he would, if allowed to become supreme in the ^gean, prove as dangerous to her in- terests in the East as Carthage had been in the West ; nor, lastly, could Rome, in honour, look quietly on at the ill-treatment of states, which, as Greeks and as allies of her own, had a double claim on her protection. To cripple, or at least to stay the growth of Philip's power was in the eyes of the senate a ne- cessity ; but it was only by representing a Macedonian invasion of Italy as imminent that they persuaded the assembly, which was longing for peace, to pass a declaration of war' (200 B.C.), an ostensi- 554 A.U.C. . ' ble pretext for which was found in the invasion by Macedonian troops of the territory of Rome's ally, Athens. The war commenced in the summer of 200 B.C.; and, though the landing of the Roman legions in Epirus was not followed, as had been hoped, by Second , . . . T^, .,• 1 Macedonian any general rismg agamst Philip, yet the ^"■- latter had soon to discover that his allies, 200-197 B.C. ... 1 • • f -n =554-557 if they were not enthusiastic tor Rome, A.U.C. were still less inclined actively to assist ' Livy, .xxxiii., 19. • Livy, xxxi. , 6, 7. Ch.2] Rome and the East. 143 himself. Neither by force nor diplomacy could he make any progress south of Bceotia. The fleets of Pergamum and Rhodes, now the zealous allies of Rome, protected Attica and watched the eastern coasts. The Achaeans and Nabis of Sparta were obstinately neutral, while nearer home in the north the Epirots and yEtolians threatened Thessaly and Macedonia. His own resources both in men and in money had been severely strained by his constant wars,' and the only ally who could have given him effective assistance, Antiochus, was fully occupieil with the conquest of Coele-Syria. It is no wonder, then, that, in spite of his dashing generalship and high courage, he made but a brief stand. T. Quinctius Flamininus (consul 198 B.C.), in his first year of command, defeated him on the •^ . 555A.U.C. -Vous, drove him back to the pass of Tempe, and in the next year utterly routed him at Cynoscephalae. Almost at the same moment the Achaeans, who had now joined Rome, took Corinth, and the Rhodians defeated his troops in Caria." Further resistance was impossible ; Philip submitted, and early the next year a Roman commission reached Greece with instructions to arrange terms of peace. These were such as effectually secured Rome's main object in the war, the removal of all danger to herself and her allies from Macedonian aggression.^ Philip was left in possession of his kingdom, but was degraded to the rank of a second- rate power, deprived of all possessions in Greece, ' Livy, xxxiii., 3. ** Livy, xxxiii., 17. * Pulyb., xviii., 44-7 ; Livy, xxxiii., 30-4. 144 Outlines of Rornan History. [Book HI Thrace, and Asia Minor, and forbidden, as Carthage had been in 201 B.C., to wage war without 553 A.U.C. *' the consent of Rome, whose ally and friend he now became. Macedon thus weakened could no longer be formidable, but might yet be useful, not only as a barrier against Thracians and Kelts,' but as a check upon anti-Roman intrigues in Greece. The second point in the settlement now effected by Rome was the liberation of the Greeks. The liberation T-'t ,i c ^ c r^ ti i • i of Greece ^ ^^ ireedom ot Greece was proclamied at the Isthmian games amid an outburst of enthusiasm,' which reached its height when two years later (104 B.C.) Flamininus withdrew 560 A.U.C. ■' \ -y^ ; his troops from the " three fetters of Greece " — Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth.' There is no reason to doubt that, in acting thus, not only Flamininus himself, but the senate and people at home, were influenced, partly at any rate, by feelings of genuine sympathy with the Greeks and reverence for their past. It is equally clear that no other course was open to them. For Rome to have annexed Greece, as she had annexed Sicily and Spain, would have been a flagrant violation of the pledges she had repeatedly given both before and during the war; the attempt would have excited the fiercest opposi- tion, and would probably have thrown the Asiatic as well as the European Greeks Into the arms of ^ Polyb., -Kviii., 37. ' Livy, xxxiii,, 32, 33. 5 Livy, xxxiv., 48-52. \ Ch. 2] Rome and the East. 1 45 Antiochus. But a friendly and independent Greece would be at once a check on Macedon, a barrier against aggression from the East, and a promising field for Roman commerce. Nor while liberating the Greeks did Rome abstain from such arrange- ments as seemed necessary to secure the predomi- nance of her own influence. In the Peloponnese, for instance, the Achaeans were rewarded by considerable accessions of territorj' ; and it is possible that the Greek states, as allies of Rome, were expected to refrain from war upon each other without her consent. The failure of the policy, after all, was due to the impracticability of the Greeks, and the intensity of their civic and tribal feuds. To suppose as some have done that Rome intended it to fail is to attribute to the states- men of the generation of Scipio and Flamininus even more than the cynicism of the time of L. Mummius.' Antiochus III. of Syria, Philip's accomplice in the proposed partition of the dominions of their common rival, Egypt, returned from Antiochus the conquest of Coele-Syria (198 I^-C-) 56^-^565 a uc to learn first of all that Philip was hard pressed by the Romans, and shortly after- Avards that he had been decisively beaten at Cynos- cephalse. It was already too late to assist his former ally, but Antiochus resolved at any rate to lose no ' For the conflicting views of moderns on the action of Rome, see Mommsen, R. C, i., 718 ; and on the other side, Thne, R. C, iii., 52-63, and C. Peter, Studien zur Rom, Gesch., Halle, 1863 pp. 158 sq. 146 Ouili^ies of Roman History. LBook m time in securing for himself the possessions of the Ptolemies in Asia Minor and in eastern Thrace, which Philip had claimed, and which Rome now pro- nounced free and independent. In 197-196 B.C. 557-558 ^^^ overran Asia Minor and crossed into A.u.c. Thrace." But Antiochus was pleasure- loving, irresolute, and above all no general, 562 A.u.c. ,^j.j^ j^ ^^^^^ ^^^ until 192 B.C. that the urgent entreaties of the ^Etolians, and the withdrawal of the Roman troops from Greece, nerved him to the decisive step of crossing the yEgean ; and even then tlie force he took with him was so small as to show that he completely failed to appreciate the nature of the task before him.'" At Rome the prospect of a conflict with Antiochus excited great anxiety, and it Avas not until every resource of diplomacy had been exhausted that war was declared.' At a distance, indeed, Antiochus, the great king, the lord of all the forces of Asia, seemed an infinitely more formidable opponent than their better-known neighbour Philip, and a war against the \'aguely-known powers of the East a far more serious matter than a campaign in Thessaly. War, however, was unavoidable, unless Rome was to desert her Greek allies, and allow Anti- ochus to advance unopposed to the coasts of the Adriatic. And the war had no sooner commenced than the real weakness which lay behind the magnifi- cent pretensions of the " king of kings " was revealed. ' I-ivy, xxxiii., 38 ; Polyb., xviii., 50. ' I.ivy, XXXV., 43. ' Livy, XXXV., 20, xxxvi., i. Ch. 2] Rome and the East. 147 Had Antiochus acted with energy when in 192 B.C. he landed in Greece, he might have won , . 562 A.U.C. the day before the Roman legions ap- peared. As it was, in spite of the warnings of Hannibal,' who was now in his camp, and of the ^Etolians, he frittered away valuable time between his pleasures at Chalcis and useless attacks on petty Thessalian towns. In 10 1 B.C. Glabrio ,,,,,-. . , 563 A.U.C. landed at the head of an nnposmg force ; and a single battle at Thermopylae broke the courage of Antiochus, who hastily recrossed the sea to Ephesus, leaving his y^tolian allies to their fate. But Rome could not pause here. The safety of her faithful allies, the Pergamenes and Rhodians, and of the Greek cities in Asia Minor, as well as the neces- sity of chastising Antiochus, demanded an invasion of Asia. A Roman fleet had already (igi .563 A.U.C. B.C.) crossed the ^gean, and \\\ concert with the fleets of Pergamum and Rhodes worsted the navy of Antiochus. In igo B.C. the new consul, L. bcipio, accompanied by his famous brother, the conqueror of Hannibal, led the Roman legions for the first time into Asia. At Magnesia, near Mount Sipylus in Lydia, he met and defeated the motley and ill-disciplined hosts of the great king.* For the first time the West, under Roman leadership, successfully encountered the forces of the East, and the struggle began which lasted far on into the days of the emperors. The ' Livy, XXX vi., ii. * Livy (xxxvii., 40) describes the composition of Antiochus's army. 148 Outlines of Ro^naji History. tBook ill Settlement tcrms of tlic pcacc which followed the of western victoiy at Magnesia tell their own story clearly enough. There was no question, any more than in Greece, of annexation ; the main object in view was that of securing the predominance of Roman interests and influence throughout the peninsula of Asia Minor, and removing to a safe distance the only Eastern power which could be considered dangerous,' The line of the Halys and Taurus range, the natural boundaries of the peninsula eastward, was established as the boundary between Antiochus and the kingdoms, cities, and peoples now enrolled as the allies and friends of Rome. This line Antiochus was forbidden to cross ; nor was he to send ships of war farther west than Cape Sar- pedon in Cilicia. Immediately to the west of this frontier lay the small states of Bithynia and Paph- lagonia and the immigrant Keltic Galatae, and these frontier states, now the allies of Rome, served as a second line of defence against attacks from the east. The area lying between these " buffer states " and the ^gean was organised by Rome in such a way as should at once reward the fidelity of her allies and secure both her own paramount authority and her safety from foreign attack. Pergamum and Rhodes were so strengthened — the former b)' the gift of the Chersonese, Lycaonia, Phrygia, Mysia, and Lydia, the latter by that of Lycia and Caria — as not only amply to reward their loyalty, but to constitute them effective props of Roman interests and effective ' I-ivy, xxxvii., 55, xxxviii., 38 ; Polyb., xxi., 17 Ch.2] Rome and tlie East. 149 barriers alike against Thracian and Keltic raids in the north and against aggression by Syria in the south. Lastly, the Greek cities on the coast, except thoi^e already tributary to Pergamum, were declared free, and established as independent allies of Rome. In a space of little over eleven years (200-189 B.C.) Rome had broken the power of Alexander's successors and established throughout the => 554-565 eastern Mediterranean a Roman protecto- a.u.c. rate. It remained to be seen whether this protecto- rate could be maintained, or whether Rome would be driven to that policy of annexation which she had adopted from the first in Sicily and Spain. It was in the western half of the protectorate in European Greece that the first steps in the direction of annexation were taken. The , . Third Mace- enthusiasm provoked by tne liberation donian war. of the Greeks had died away, and its place 171-168B.C. -^ ' . \ 583-586 A.u.c. had been taken by feelings of dissatisfied ambition or sullen resentment. Internecine feuds and economic distress had brought many parts of Greece to the verge of anarchy, and, above all, the very foundations of the settlement effected in 197 B.C. were threatened by the reviving pow- . , 557 A.u.c. er and aspirations of Macedon. Loyally as Philip had aided Rome in the war with Antiochus, the peace of Magnesia brought him nothing but fresh humiliation. He was forced to abandon all hopes of recovering Thessaly, and he had the morti- fication to see the hated king of Pergamum installed almost on his borders as master of the Thracian Chersonese. Resistance at the time was unavailing, 150 Oiitli7ics of Roma7i History. [Book ill g but from 189 B.C. until his death (179 B.C.) A.u.c. i^g laboured patiently and quietly to in- crease the internal resources of his own kingdom,' and to foment, by dexterous intrigue, feelings of hostility to Rome among his Greek and barbarian neighbours. His successor, Perseus, his son by a left-handed alliance, continued his father's work. He made friends among the Illyrian and Thracian princes, connected himself by marriage with Anti- ochus IV. of Syria and with Prusias of Bithynia, and, among the Greek peoples, strove, not without success, to revive the memories of the past glories of Greece under the Macedonian leadership of the great Alexander." The senate could no longer hesi- tate. They were well aware of the restlessness and discontent in Greece ; and after hearing from Eu- menes of Pergamum, and from their own officers, all details of Perseus's intrigues and preparations they declared war.' The struggle, in spite of Perseus's courage and the incapacity at the outset of the Ro- man commanders, was short and decisive. The sympathy of the Greeks with Perseus, which had been encouraged by the hitherto passive attitude assumed by Rome, instantly evaporated on the news that the Roman legions were on their way to Greece. No assistance came from Prusias or Antiochus, and Perseus's only allies were the Thracian king Cotys and the Illyrian Genthius. The victory gained by L. ' Livy, xxxix., 24 sq, ' Livy, xlii., 5. ' Livy, xlii., 19, 36. Ch. 2] Rome atid the East. 151 /Emilias Paullus at Pydna (168 B.C.) ended , ^ / .536 A.U.C. the war." Perseus became the prisoner of Rome, and as such died in Italy a few years later.' Rome had begun the war with the fixed resolution no longer of crippling but of destroying the Mace- donian state. Perseus's repeated proposals for peace during the war had been rejected ; and his defeat was followed by the final extinction of the kingdom of Philip and Alexander.' Yet Macedonia, though it ceased to exist as a single state, was not definitely constituted a Roman province.* On the contrary, the mistake was made of introducing some of the main principles of the provincial system — taxation, disarmament, and the isolation of the separate com- munities — without the addition of the element most essential for the maintenance of order — that of a resident Roman governor. The four petty republics now created were each autonomous, and each sepa- rated from the rest by the prohibition of conwicr- ciuin and connubiiim, but no central controlling authority was substituted for that of the Mace- donian king. The inevitable result was confusion and disorder, resulting finally (140-146 , . , ^ , ;. 605-608 A.U.C. B.C.) m the attempt of a pretender, An- driseus, who claimed to be a son of Perseus, to resuscitate the ancient monarchy.' On his defeat ' Livy, xliv., 36-41 ; Plut., ^mil., 15 sq. ' Diod., xxxi., 9 ; Livy, xlv., 42 ; Polyb., xxxvii., 16. ' Livy, xlv., 9. •* Livy, xlv., 17, 29 ; Plut., ALniiL, 28 ; Mommsen, R. G., i., 769 ; Ihne, R. G., iii., 216 ; Marquardt, Rom. S/aatsvci-v., i., 160. ° Polyb., xxxvii., 2 ; Livy, Epit., i. T52 Outlines of Roman History. TBook III in 146 B.C. the senate hesitated no longer, Macedonia a ^,^^j Maccdonia bccame a Roman pro- Koman pre- *■ vince, vincc, wilh a Roman magistrate at its 60S A.U.C. 1 , , head. The resuhs of the protectorate in Greece, if less dangerous to Roman supremacy, were quite as Affairs in Unfavourable to the maintenance of Greece. ox^<^u But from 1 89 B.C. to the defeat 565-587 °^ Perseus in 167 B.C., no formal change A. u.c. Qf importance in the status of the Greek states was made by Rome. The senate, though forced year by year to listen to the mutual recrim- inations and complaints of rival communities and factions, contented itself as a rule with intervening just enough to remind the Greeks that their freedom was limited by the paramount authority of Rome, and to prevent any single state or confederacy from raising itself too far above the level of general weakness which it was the interest of Rome to maintain. After the victory at Pydna, however, the sympathy shown for Perseus, exaggerated as it seems to have been by the interested representations of the Romanising factions in the various states, was made the pretext for a more emphatic assertion of Roman ascendency. All Greeks suspected of Macedonian leanings were removed to Italy, as hostages for the loyalty of the several communities,'"' and the real motive for the step was made clear by the exceptionally severe treatment of the Achaeans, ' For the boundaries of the province, see Ptolemy, iii., 13 ; Mar* quardt, loc, cit., 161. ' Livy, xlv., 31. Ch. 2] Rome and the East. 1 53 whose loyalty was not really doubtful, but whose growing power in the Peloponnese and growing independence of language had awakened alarm at Rome. A thousand of their leading men, among them the historian Polybius, were carried off to Italy. In yEtolia the Romans connived at the massacre by their so-called friends of five hundred of the oppo- site party. Acarnania was weakened by the loss of Leucas, while Athens was rewarded for her unam- bitious loyalty by the gift of Delos and Samos. But this somewhat violent experiment only an- swered for a time. In 148 B.C. the Achaeans rashly persisted, in spite of warnings, in attempt- settlement ing to compel Sparta by force of arms to ^'.e b^cT' submit to the league. When threatened ^osa.u.c. by Rome with the loss of all that they had gained since Cynoscephalae, they madly rushed into war.' They were easily defeated, and a *' commission of ten," under the presidency of L. Mummius, was appointed by the senate thoroughly to resettle the affairs of Greece.' Corinth, by orders of the senate, was burnt to the ground, and its territory confis- cated. Thebes and Chalcis were destroyed, and the walls of all towns which had shared in the last desperate outbreak were razed to the ground. All the existing confederacies were dissolved ; no com- vurciuui was allowed between one community and another. Everywhere an aristocratic type of con- stitution, according to the invariable Roman prac- ' Livy, Epit., li., Hi. - Livy, Epit., Hi.; Polyb., xl., f)sq.; Pausanias, vii., 16 ; Mommsen, R. G., ii., 47 sq. 154 Outlines of Ronia7i Histcny. rBook in lice, was established, and the payment of a tribute imijosed. Into Greece, as into Macedonia 53/A.U.C. . ^ r •,• f X f m 107 B.C., the now famihar features of the provincial system were introducetl — disarma- ment, isolation, and taxation. The Greeks were still nominally free, and no separate province with a governor of its own' was established, but the needed central control was provided by assigning to the neighbouring governor of Macedonia a general supervision over the affairs of Greece. From the Adriatic to the ^gean, and as far north as the river Drilo and Mount Scardus, the whole peninsula was now under direct Roman rule.' Beyond the /Egean the Roman protectorate worked no better than in Macedonia The Roman protectorate and Grcccc, and the demoralisinfj recrimi- in Asia. _ _ *-* _ '89-146 B.c- iiations, quarrels, and disorders which 565-608 A.U.C. _ ' ^ _ flourished under its shadow were aggra- vated by its longer duration, and by the still more selfish view taken by Rome of the responsibilities connected with it.' At one period indeed, after the battle of Pydna, it seemed as if the more vigorous, if harsh, system then initiated in Macedon and Greece was to be adopted farther cast also. The levelling policy pursued towards Macedon and the ' Mommsen, loc. cit., note; Marquardt, Kd»i. Slaais7Jer'u'., i., 16^ sij.; A. W. Zumpt, Coinmailt. Epigraph., ii., 153. • North of the Drilo, the former kingdom of Perseus's ally Gen- thius had been treated as Macedon \vas in 167 (Livy, xlv. , 26) ; cf. Zippel, Rom, HcrrscJiafl in Illyrien, Leipsic, 1877. Epirus, which had been desolated after Pydna (Livy, xlv., 34), went with Greece; Marquardt, i., 164. ^ Mommsen, R. (/., i., 771-780, ii., 50-67. Ch. 2] Rome and the East. 155 Achaeans was applied with less justice to Rome's two faithful and favoured allies, Rhodes and Pergamum. The former had rendered themselves obnoxious to Rome by their independent tone, and still more by their power and eommcrcial prosperity. On a charge of complicity with Perseus, they were threatened with war, and though this danger was averted ' they were forced to exchange their equal alliance with Rome for one which placed them in close dependence upon her, and to resign the lucrative pos- . . . . . .565 A.U.C. sessions in Lycia and Caria given them in 189 B.C. Finally their commercial prosperity was ruined by the establishment of a free port at Delos, and by the short-sighted acquiescence of Rome in the raids of the Cretan pirates. With Eumenes of Per- gamum no other fault could be found than that he was strong and successful ; but this was enough. His brother Attains was invited, but in vain, to be- come his rival. His turbulent neighbours, the Galatffi, were encouraged to harass him by raids. Pamphylia was declared independent, and favours were heaped upon Prusias of Bithynia. These and other annoyances and humiliations had the desired effect. Eumenes and his two successors — his brother and son, Attains H. and Attains HI. — contrived, in- deed, by studious humility and dextrous flattery to retain their thrones, but Pergamum ceased to be a powerful state, and its weakness, added to that of Rhodes, increased the prevafent disorder in Asia Minor. During the same period we have other indi- ' Livy, xlv., 20 : Folyb., xxx., 5. 156 Outlines of Roman History. tBook ill cations of a temporary activity on the part of Rome. The frontier of the protectorate was pushed forward to the confines of 7\rmcnia and to the upper Euphra- tes by alliances with the kings of Pontus and Cappa- docia beyond the Halys. In Syria, on the 590A.U.C. -^ . ^ , ^ death of Antiochus Epiphancs (164 B.C.), Rome intervened to place a minor, Antiochus Eupa- tor, on the throne, under Roman guardianship. In 168 B.C. Egypt formally acknowledged the 586A.U.C. , r 'T~\ \ • ^ 1 suzerainty of Rome, and m 163 B.C. the senate, in the exercise of this new author- 591 A.U.C. , 1 T-» 1 -ni •! 1 • ity, restored rtolemy 1 hilometor to his throne, but at the same time weakened his position by handing over Cyrene and Cyprus to his brother Euergetes. This display of energy, however, was short-lived. From the death of Eumenes in 159 B.C. down to 133 B.C. Rome, secure in the absence of any formidable power in the East, and busy with affairs in Macedonia, Africa, and Spain, relapsed into an inactivity the disastrous results of which revealed themselves in the next period in the rise of Mithradates of Pontus, the spread of Cretan and Cilician piracy, and the advance of Parthia. To the next period also belongs the conversion on the death of Attalus III. of the kingdom of Pergamum into the Roman province of Asia. Both the western and eastern Mediterranean now acknowledged the suzerainty of Rome, but her rela- tions with the two were from the first different. The West fell to her as the prize of victory over Carthage, and, the Carthaginian power broken, there was no c Ch.2] Rome and the East. 157 hindrance to the immediate establishment in Sicily, Sardinia, Spain, and finally in Africa, of direct Ro- man rule. To the majority, moreover, of her west- ern subjects she brouglit a civilisation as well as a government of a hiijher type than any before known to them. And so in the West she not only formed provinces, but created a new and wider Roman world. To the East, on the contrary, she came as the liberator of the Greeks ; and it was only slowly that in this part of the empire her provincial system made way. In the East, moreover, the older civil- isation she found there obstinately held its ground. Her proconsuls governed and her legions protected the Greek communities, but to the last the East remained in language, manners, and thought Greek and not Roman. CHAPTER TIL THE ROMAN STATE AND PEOPLE DURING THE PERIOD OF THE GREAT WARS. At the close of a century first of deadly struggle and then of rapid and dazzling success, Rome found herself the supreme power in the civilised world. " By all men," says Polybius, writing at the end of this period, " it was taken for granted that nothing remained but to obey the commands of the Ro- mans." We have now to consider how this period of conflict and conquest had affected the victorious state. Outwardly the constitution underwent but little change. It continued to be in form a moderate de- Thc consti- rnocracy. The sovereignty of the people tution. finally established by the Hortensian law remained untouched in theory. It was by the peo- ple in assembly that the magistrates of the year were elected,' and that laws were passed ' ; only by" order ' Cic, Leg. Agr., ii., 7. 17, " omnes polcstalcs, iinpcria, cura- tioncs, ah utiivcrso populo Romano proficisci convenil." * Cic, Pro Flacco, vii., ^'^ qua; scisceret pkhs, aut qmr populns jti- beret ; suminota conlinitc, disfributis pardbiis, trihutini ct centuria' timjuberi vetarique voluerunl." 158 The Roman State and People. 159 of the people " could capital punishment be inflicted upon a Roman citizen. For election to a magis- tracy, or for a seat in the senate, patrician and plebeian were equally eligible.' But between the theory and the practice of the constitution there was a wide difference. Throughout this period tlu; actually sovereign authority in Rome was that of the senate, and behind the senate stood an order of nobles ( nobiles ), who claimed and enjoyed privileges as wide as those which immemorial custom had formerly conceded to the patriciate. The ascend- ency of the senate, which thus arrested the march of democracy in Rome, was not, to any appreciable extent, the result of legislation. It was .^^^ the direct outcome of the practical nece^ ascendency of the senate. sities of the time, and when these no longer existed, it was at once and successfully chal- lenged in the name and on the behalf of the consti- tutional rights of the people. Nevertheless, from the commencement of the Punic wars down to the moment when with the destruction of Carthage in 146 B.C. Rome's only rival disappeared, this ascendency was senate and complete and almost unquestioned. It assembly, was within the walls of the senate-house, and by decrees of the senate, that the foreign and the ' A few priestly offices were still confined to patricians, e. g. those of the rex sacroruin and the Jlamen dinlis. The first plebeian cjirio maximns was elected in 2og B.C. Only a patrician could fill the occasional office of interrex. On the other hand, no patrician coiUd hold a plebeian magistracy (tribune or sedile of \.\\^ pkhs). MiiUuiofcu, R;)m. Forsch., i., 77-127. i6o OutliiLcs of Roman History. [Book III domestic policy of the state were alike determined. It is true that the rights of a magistrate to propose, and of the people to pass, any measure, were never formally restricted. But, in the first place, it became an understood thing that a magistrate should not bring any proposal before the assembly, except with the approval, and by the direction of the senate ; and the initiative thus conceded to the senate was before long claimed as a right. The action of the tribune C. Flaminius (2^2 B.C.), in carry- 52a A.U.C. . .... , r 1 ing an agrarian law m the teeth ot the " senate's authority," ' and that of the praetor M. Tuventius Thalna ( 167 B.C.), in submit- 587 A.u.c. ■'. , . \ ' . , T^, , tmg the question of war with Rhodes to the assembly without having previously consulted the senate,'' were condemned as dangerous and unprecedented. In the second place, there was an increasing tendency on the part of the magistrates to refer to the assembly only in those cases where the authority of the people was constitutionally necessary. In other cases, and even in some where a reference to the people had been previously cus- tomaiy, it was the senate alone that was consulted, and it was by a simple decree of the senate that the point was settled. Thus the prolongation of a magistrate's command {^prorogatio imperii), though at the time of the Samnite wars it was held to require an order of the people, was during the Punic wars and afterwards effected as a rule by decree of ' Polyb., ii., 21 ; Cic. De Seneci., iv. '■' Livy, xlv., 21, '* noz'o maloque exemplo rem higressus erat^ guod non ante consuUo senatu . . . regationetn ferret." Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. i6i the senate alone." Though a treaty could only be ratified or war declared by the people," it was in the senate that the terms of peace were settled, and that audience was given to foreign ambassadors. It was the senate which made alliances,' regulated the yearly levies of troops," decreed the annexation of provinces, and laid down the lines on which they should be governed." In matters of finance its author- ity was equally great. The control of the supplies, the most powerful weapon that a popular assembly can wield, was wielded at Rome, not by the people, but by the senate. To quote Polybius, " the senate was master alike of all the income and of all the expenditure of the State." " Lastly, in the various departments of domestic administration, it was to the senate, rather than to the people that questions of difficulty or importance were referred.' This monopoly of government by the senate, to the exclusion of the people, was accompanied by a change in the relations of the senate with „ o senate and the magistrates. The latter, from being magistrates, its superiors, became its subordinates, seeking its ' For the older practice, see Livy, viii., 23 ; for the later, Livy, xxvi., I, XXX., 27, etc. Polybius (vi., 15) expressly includes the proro- gation of a command among the prerogatives of the senate. -Polyb., vi., 14; Livy, xxi., 18; Sail., Jug.., 39. ^ Polyb., vi., 13 ; Livy, xliii., 6. ^ Livy, xxiv., 11, ^' de republica beUoqtie ga-endo ei quantum capiartim ei ubi qucBque essent consules ad senatum retttderunt. " '•" Compare the decree as to Macedonia, Livy, xlv., 17, 18. '' Polyb., vi., 13 ; Cic. In Vatinium, xiii., 36. '' E. g. the prevalence of foreign worships, Livy, xxv., i. See gen. erally Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii., 11 74-1 193. 1 62 Oiitlines of Roman History. [Book lii advice on all occasions, and yielding to the advice w hen given the obedience due to a command. It became the iirst duty of a magistrate to be the loyal minister of the senate, and to be always amenable to its authority.' Senatorial decrees gradually acquired something of the binding force of statutes. Many of them were acted upon year after year by successive magistrates, and were quoted as authoritative in the law-courts.* It was even held that a decree of the senate could suspend for a time the operation of a law." It was only natural that, as the senate acquired this new and commanding position, it should endea- vour to get rid of everything in its composition and forms of procedure that savoured of inferiority or dependence. In one most important The com- . . a i i i position of pomt it succeeded completely. Although the senate. ^ . , ... . , the magistrate s original prerogative of creating senators was not taken away, he was grad- ually so restricted in its exercise as to leave him no freedom of choice.' It is clear from the accounts wji possess of the manner in which the vacancies in 'Cicero {^Pro Stsfio, \\v., 137) states tliis view fully: '' seuafum reipuhlicie cuslodem , prccsidtin , propU[^)iatori'm cuUocaveriint ( iiiajores); hiijus ordiiiis anctoritale nti 7iiagistra(iis it quasi i/iiiiislios gra7'issi»ii consilii esse valuer iiiiiy • E. g. those which regulated the oiganisalion and adiuinisliation of provinces. .. '^ E. g. the law of ajipeal was held to he suspended by the decree ' ' dnreiit operam coiisnles 7ie quid respiiblica delrimeiiti caperet " (Sail., Cct/., 29). * Festus, p. 246, describes the kings and consuls as freely selecting senators '^ iit reges sihi legebaiit^ suhlegehantque quos in contilio pub- liiff haberenl ita . . . consnles . , . conjunctissimos sibi . . , legebant." Che 3] The Roman State and People. 163 the senate were filled up in 216 B.C., that there was then a well understood order of preference, which the magistrate was expected to follow. Those who had held any curule magistracy, if not already sena^ tors, had the first claim ; next after them came those who had been tribunes of the plebs, aidiles of the plebs, or quaestors ; finally those private citizens who had won distinction in war.' But in that year, thanks to the losses at Cannae, the number of vacan- cies was exceptionally large. Ordinarily, we maybe certain that the magistrate had no need to travel be- yond the list of those who, as having held a magis- tracy since the last revision of the senate, had by law or custom a preferential claim to a seat.'' The senate thus ceased to be a body of advisers freely chosen by the magistrate from all ranks of the communit)'. Instead, it was regularly recruited according to established rules, and the magistrate had practically no choice but formally to admit into the senate the persons entitled to a seat. But it was not only the magistrate's discretion in choosing senators that was restricted. It seems clear that, in some way or other, during this period his power of expulsion was limited also, and that a senator, once admitted, re- ' Livy, xxiii., 23. ' I^ivy (xxii., 49) speaks of those " qui eos magi stratus gessissent, UHili' ill senatitin legi dehcreni" and these magistracies were evidently the curule offices. At what period the tribunate of the plebs first entitled its holder to a seat in the senate at the next revision is un- certain. The privilege was first legally attached to the quasstorship Ijy Sulla. But in the time of the Gracchi it was clearly customary for a seat in the senate to follow as soon as possible after the quaes torship. 164 Outlines of Roman History. [Book in tained his seat for life, unless he were found guilty of some gross and scandalous conduct. One other point must also be noticed. The senate was, under this system, not only recruited without reference to the discretion of the magistrate, but it was rccruitcil on!)' from the official class, from those who had held a magistracy. The result was that the Ir.y element disappeared. The senate of the latter years of this period consisted entirely of magistrates and ex- magistrates. It became an essentially bureaucratic and official body. Nothing more clearh' proves the Tto .^ subordinate relation in which the senate Its pro- cedure, originally stood to the magistrate than its rules of procedure. They were e\'idently based on the assumption that the senate could only advise the magistrate when consulted by him, that he might accept or reject its advice as he chose, and that its expression of opinion only acquired authori- tative force when adopted and acted upon by him. But this assumption, in the period with which we are dealing, had ceased to correspond with the facts of the case, and it appears that some attempt \vas made to bring the forms and rules of senatorial pro- cedure into closer conformity with the actual state of affairs. It was probabl}', to take a few instances, during this period that it became etiquette for a magistrate, when laying a matter before the house, to abstain from anticipating the decision of the sen- ate by making any ])roposal of his own,' and that the ' The usual formula was " quid / Causes of the are not difficult to discover. In the first ascendency place, the two assemblies, through which ° ^Nauire the Roman people exercised their sover- ofthe ,. f 1 .• 11-1 assembly. eign prerogatives of election and legisla- tion, the co7tiitia of the populits by its centuries, and the concilntui of the plebs by its tribes, were hampered in their action by one serious defect. Neither could act unless set in motion by a magistrate. They could only m.eet when convened by a magistrate, and though there were many da}'s on which a magistrate could not convene an asscm- ' For this privilege, " egredi relationem," see T«c., Ann., ii., 38 ; Gell., iv., 10; Cic, Ad Fatn., x. 28. * Mommsen, Staatsrecht, iii., 994. 1 66 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book 111 bly,' there were not, as at Athens, any fixed days on which he was obhged to do so. Moreover, when once assembled they could only act in response to the question {rogatio) addressed to them by the pre- siding consul, praetor, or tribune.^ There were, of course, certain cases in which the magistrate was bound to convene an assembly and to ask the people to express their will. But there were a vast number of cases in which this procedure was not constitution- ally necessary, and in these it rested with the magis- trate to consult the people or not as he chose. A large field was thus left to his discretion, and in the exercise of his discretion he was guided by circum- stances. As it happened, throughout this period circumstances were all unfavourable to a frequent consultation of the people. The assembly, whether of \\\& popiihis or plebs, could only meet in the city, or just outside the walls in the Campus Martins. But the voters were a large body, many of them resident at a great distance from Rome ; or away on service with the legions ; to get them together was inconvenient and difficult ; nor when assembled were they specially qualified to decide the intricate ques- tions of military or foreign policy which occupied the attention of Roman statesmen at the time. By com- parison with the assembly the senate appeared to great advantage. It could be easily and quickly ' E. g. dies fasti and nefnsti, and days set apart as holidays or for thanksgiving. In Cicero's time the number of days on which comitia could be held {dies comitiales) was not large. '^ Cell., X., 20, " Caput ipsum et origo et qjtasi frojis ' rogatio ' est . , . nam ni populus aitt plebs rogetur, nullum phbis ant populi Jussum Jiiri potest" Ch. 31 The Rojuan Stale and People. 167 summoned. It included within its ranks the most experienced soldiers and statesmen of the day. The fact that its members owed their seats ultimately to their having been elected by the people to a magis- tracy, gave it some sort of title to speak with author- ity in the people's name. Finally, in the senate- house, the careful and deliberate discussion which the forms of the assembly precluded were always possible. But these were not the only considerations which led the magistrates of this period to turn ^^ ° '^ Changes in to the senate rather than to the people for the magis- counsel and direction. The habitual def- tracy, erence which they paid to the senate was largely due to changes which had taken place in the magistracy itself, and in the nature and amount of the work which it had to do. Nothing is more characteristic of the Roman constitution than the width and com- pleteness of the " power of command " {imperinvi) with which the Roman people invested their chief magistrates. The magistrate " with the irnperium " was in theory and for the time all-powerful. Senate and assembly met only when he convened them, and considered only what he laid before them. He was equally capable of administering justice at home and of leading the legions abroad. While holding the itnperhini he was irresponsible and irremovable. But this plenary authority, though exercised to the full by the first consuls, and at a later time by the Caesars, was exercised in a much more restricted fashion by the magistrates of the period of the great wars. It had been, as we have seen, the object of 1 68 Oiillinc^i of Roman History. [Book II5 att;ick during the early days of the struggle between the orders. The Valerian law of appeal had taken away from the consuls the jjower of inflicting capital punishment ui)on Roman citizens within the city, and by the institution of the tribunate, their action inside the city bounds was rendered liable at any moment to interference. In 435 B.C. the 319 A.U.C. . 1 • 1 1 nnportant duties connected with the census were separated from the impcrinvi and trans- ferred to two censor cs. By the Hortensian law (2S7 B.C.) the i^lebeian tribunes finally obtained 467 A.U.C. . , , . , , ^ . . . a rival and mdependent power 01 initiat- hig legislation, and to this was added afterwards that of convening and consulting the senate.' But it was not only by these attacks from without that the position of the magistrates with the imperiuui was weakened. As Rome expanded, and the business of administration increased, it was found necessary to increase their number. The original " college " of two praitor-consuls was gradually enlarged. In 364 B.C. a third praitor, the pnvtor iirbanus, 390 A.U.C. 1,1 1 1 • -1 ..... was added, and the cuil jurisdiction between citizens intrusted to him.' A hundred and twenty years later, a fourth was appointed to take charge of cases in which the " aliens," now becoming numerous, were concerned.' The annexation of ter- ' Varro ^Ap. Cell., xiv., 8) implies tlial the tribunes ol)taiiit.!l Ibis right before the pleliiscitiini Atinimn. Unfortunately the date of this plebiscite is unknown. Mommsen would assign it to the Grac- chan period (133-102 H.C.). * Livy, vi., 42 '' qui jits iiiier cives iHcerel." * Livy, Epit., 19, " praetor perci^rinns." Ch.3] The Roman State and People. 169 ritories beyond the sea involved a further enlarge- ment. In 227 B.C. two praetors were first , , , • . 1 , r 1 527 A.U.C. elected to administer the newly-formed provinces of Sicily and Sardinia ; in 197 B.C. two more were found necessary for ^^^ a.u.c. the government of Hither and Farther vSpain.' Thus, throughout the last fifty years of this period, there were no less than eight magistrates invested w^ith the inipcrium, to whom must be added a variable but steadily increasing number of pro- consuls and proprcEtors. The eight actual uiagis- fratus cum iinpcrio elected each year formed a col- lege, each member of which was capable individually of exercising any or all of the powers belonging to the iniperiiun. The endless confusion which the existence of so many parallel authorities was likely to produce was partially guarded against by certain rules of precedence. To the two original members of the college, now known as "consuls," a certain priority was granted over the remaining six, to whom the old title prtetorcs was confined. The consuls were said to have the inajusimpcriuni, — a convenient term of which the C?esars made dexterous use, — and in any conflict of authority the lesser impcriwnoi the praetors gave way to theirs." So, too, a collision between equals, between consul and consul, praetor and prsetor, was provided for by the rule that " he who prohibits is stronger than he who commands." ° ' Livy, Epit., 20 ; ih., xxxii., 27. * Cic. Ad Ait., ix., g, ^^ prcetores . . . conlegcc consulum, qttprmn esi iiiajus imperiitin ; Cell., xiii., 15, " i?nperium ininus prcetor, inajus habet coitsu!." ^ Cic, Dd Legg. , 3. 1 70 Outlines of Roman History, iBook ill It is obvious, however, that these rules did not go very far towards securing either the exact division of labour or the harmonious and well-directed co-opera- tion, ^vhich was necessary for the right conduct of the ever-increasing business of Roman government. For this purpose some central regulative authority was needed, and nowhere but in the senate could such an authority be found. As early, at the latest, as the commencement of the second Punic war, it was the senate which, at the beginning of the year, determined what the departments to be filled should be, and decided which should be consular and which praetorian.' The individual magistrates, as a rule, readily conceded to the senate a control which relieved them of a heavy responsibility, and gave unity and cohesion to the action of the state, and the occasions were rare on which, during this period, a magistrate ventured to dispute its authority. But though the ascendency of the senate was mainly due to the fact that without it the govern- _. ment of the state could scarcelv have been The ■> nobility. carried on, it was strengthened and con- firmed by the close and intimate connection which existed between the senate and the nobility. This " nobility " was in its nature and origin widely different from the old patriciate? Though every patrician was of course '' noble," the majority of the families which in this period styled themselves ' At the first meeting of the senate each year the new consuls formally referred to it the question of the provinces ; e. g. Livy, xxvi., I. ' Momnisen, Koin. Gesch., i., 783. Ch, 31 The Roman State and People. \ 7 \ noble were not patrician but plebeian, and the typical nobles of the time of the elder Cato, of the Gracchi, or of Cicero, the Metelli, Livii, or Licinii were plebeians. The title nobilis was ap- parently conceded by custom to those plebeian families one or more of whose members had, after the opening of the magistracies, been elected to a curule office, and which in consequence were entitled to place in their halls, and to display at their funeral processions the imagines ' of these distinguished ancestors. The man who, by his election to a curule office thus ennobled his descendants, was said to be the " founder of his family," ' though himself only a new man.' Legally, therefore, this " nobility " was wathin the reach of any citizen who obtained even the curule oedileship. Nor did it cany with it any rights or privileges whatever. It is certain, moreover, that during the first sixt}^ or seventy years of this period it was generally accessible in practice as well as in theory, and that almost every year some fresh plebeian family was ennobled. It was, for instance, from the time of the Punic wars that the Caecilii Metelli, the Aurelii Cottae, the Flaminii, the Calpurnii, and other great houses of the later republic dated their nobility." Gradually, ' Cicero (Ftvv-., v., 14), speaking uf liis own election to a curule office, says that it gave him "Jus iinaginis ad viemoriajit posterila- temque prodendcE." Cf. Polybius, vi., 53. ' " Atictor generis sui" or ^^ princeps" Cic, Ad Fam., ix., 21 ; Ds Leg, Agr., ii., 100. * " Novus konio," Sail., Cat., 23 ; Jug., 63, etc. * See the calculations of Willems, Le Sinat Roinain, i., 274, 3991 172 Outlines of Roman History. [Book in however, a more exclusive spirit and policy pre- \ailed. Office brought wealth and prestige, and both wealth and prestige were freely employed to exclude " new men " and to secure for the "■ noble families'" a monopoly of office. The ennobled plebeians not only united with the patricians to form a distinct order, but outdid them in 537 A.U.C. pride and arrogance. As early as 217 B.C. it was openly said that the only true plebeians were the " new men," and that the plebeian nobles had begun to despise the plebs ever since they them- selves ceased to be despised by the patri- 621 A.U.C. * . . '■ clans.' By the close of this period ( 1 33 r>.c.) it was already rare for any one not of a noble family to attain high ofifice, while the cadets of the noble houses looked forward to an ofificial career as their birthright." Thus both the magistracies and the senate to which they gave admission, though open in theory to all freeborn citizens, were in fact mon- opolised by a single class. And in return the whole wealth and influence of the nobility went to support the senate, whose ascendency they regarded a.s essential to the maintenance of their own usurped position as the governing class, and which Avas identified with themselves in its sympathies and interests. ' Livy, xxii., 34, " Non fincnt belli ante habituros, qitam consulem vere plcbeium id est homincni novum fecisscnt, nam phbeios ttobiles jam eisdcm {i. e. as the patricians) initiatos esse sacris, et contemnere plebem ex quo conlcmni a patribus dcsierunt, ccrpisse." ' The consulship in jiarticnlar was regarded as reserved only for nobles. Sail., Cat., 23 ; Jug., 63. Ch.3i The Roman State and People. 173 The establishment of senatorial ascendency was not the only result of this period of growth ^^^ Provin- and expansion. During the same time the and the^pr^- foundations were laid of the provincial sys- consulate, tem, and with this of the new and dangerous powers of the proconsuls. In dealing with the new dependencies beyond the sea, Rome did not adhere to the principles which she had followed in Italy. The transmarine communities, with few exceptions, were indeed like those in Italy, dignified with the honourable title of "allies" {socii) and in the case of some of them the alliance was, as in Italy, a real one based upon an actual treaty with Rome, and implying some sort of equality. But these " treaty states " ' were a small minority, and as Rome grew stronger it was but rarely that she condescended to admit any community to this privileged position. The vast majority of these new allies were allies only in name, and the " alliance " was little better than a fiction which imperfectly concealed their actual sub- jection. Between them and the genuine allies of Rome, in or out of Italy," lay all the difference involved in the fact that thev were disarmed, were taxed, and, above ' Civitaies fosderaia; ; of the sixty-eight communities which in Cicero's time formed the province of Sicily, three \\&x& fccderativ. In Hither Spain, Pliny mentions only one, and in Farther Spain three, of which the most famous was Gades, whose treaty dated from the second Punic war. Cic, Verr., iii., 6; Pliny, A'. H., xxxvii., 18-30. ^ The only part of the Italian peninsula that was treated as a pro- vince was Cisalpine Gaul. 174 Outlines of Roman History, [Book iti all, were grouped as provinces under the immediate control of a resident Roman magistrate.' The creation of a province, that is, of a separate Formation of '^^^^ permanent magisterial department of The°iex""^''' administration, was a step which, as virtu- provinciac. ^jj^ implying annexation, Rome was often slow in taking/ But whenever carried out, the " re- duction into the form of a province " ' of a group of communities was affected in much the same way. The main lines on which the new province was to be organised were usually laid down by decree of the senate, and the work of organisation then intrusted to a commission of senators." " The result of their labours was embodied in what was called the lex pro- vincice!' This was in fact a provincial constitution, by which the extent of the new department, the number and status of the communities included within it, ' It was this creation of a separate department under a resident Roman magistrate which marked tlie "formation of a province." Thus Macedonia was disarmed and taxed in 167 B.C., but no province was created there till 146. Provincia meant properly the " depart- ment " or "sphere of command " assigned to a Roman magistrate. ' This was conspicuously the case in the East. See above, book iii., chap. ii. ^ " In formani provinciij: redigere" (Tac, Ann., ii., 56). * E. g. in the case of Sicily, Cic, Vcrr., ii., 16, 40; Macedonia, Livy, xlv., 29. •"' The lex was usually distinguished by tiie name of the cliief com- missioner {e. g. the " lex Rupilia" [Sicily], Cic, /. c. ; " lex Poinpeia " [Bithynia], Pliny, £j>p. ad Traj., 79), who was said '' dure leges," Livy, xlv., 30. Z<'x( = fixed conditions) was similarly used of the municipal constitutions granted to towns by Rome, and of the terms fixed by the censors for the collection of the state revenues (lex censoria). Mommsen, Staatsrccht, iii., 308, 309. Ch,3] The Roman State a7id People. 175 their rights and obhgations, the mode and amount of the taxation, as well as a variety of details con- nected with the administration of justice and with local government were determined. Its provisions were binding not only upon the communities of the province, but also upon the Roman magistrate,' nor, apparently, could they be modified or supplemented without the sanction of the Roman senate or people.' The general spirit of these provincial constitutions was far more liberal than the harshness which char- acterised the actual administration of the provinces would lead us to expect, though the liberality may have been mainly due to the reluctance of the Roman government to undertake more of the bur- dens of administration than was necessary, to its unwillingness to wound the susceptibilities of newly- conquered allies, and no doubt also to a sense of the danger involved in leaving too wide a discretion to its own officials in the government of great and often distant dependencies. A Roman province, as a glance at the lists in Pliny's Natural History ^ will show, was an aggregate of separate communities ' Cicero charges Verres with violating the provincial constitution of Sicily ( lex Rupilia) which all governors before him had respected. V'err., ii., i6, 40. '"' Not only were these constitutions frequently amended by decrees of the senate or statutes of the assembly, but occasionally a complete revision was found necessary. The Sicilian constitution, for instance, was thus revised after the great slave war by P. Rupilius (consul 132 B.C.). On the other hand, the constitution of Bithynia by Pom- pey (65 B.C.) was still in force when the younger Pliny was there as governor (hi a.d.). Pliny, Epp. ad Traj,, 79. ° Books iii. and iv. lyb Outlines of Roma?i History. [Book in {civitates), and in fixing the number of these, and the extent of their territories, Rome evidently re- spected where possible, the already existing political divisions. It is true that federations which might prove dangerous were dissolved, or reduced to harm- less religious associations; that some communities were rewarded by an accession, others punished by a loss of territory ; but, in the more civilised provinces especially, the integrity of the existing civitates was, as a rule, preserved and even in provinces such as Hither Spain, where few or no city states existed, Rome did not refuse at starting to recognise the native tribes or clans, though, as time went on, these older lines of division were gradually obscured by the growth of towns, and the formation of new centres of life.' The communities, whether urban or tribal, within the limits of a province were all subject to the suzerainty of Rome. All alike were required, as indeed the Italian allies had been, to have the same friends and foes as the Roman people, to contract no independent alliances, and not to violate the Roman peace by waging independent wars." The farther ' The re^ones en\.\vaera.ie(\ by Pliny (yV. //. , iii., iS) along the sea- board of Hither Spain all bear the names of tribes, and appear to represent the original divisions of tlie Roman province. In parts of Macedonia, and in Gallia Narbonensis the old tribes remained intact as civitates, though, as happened also in Spain, the tribal name was superseded by that of the central town, the caput getttis, such as Vienna AUobrogum (Strabo, i86). In other cases two or more towns arose within the tribal canton and obtained recognition as indepen- dent civitates. ^ Strabo, 189, notes the beneficial effect in Gaul of the stoppage by Rome of the incessant trilial wars. Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. i77 step of prohibiting intermarriage and " commerce," between the separate communities of a province, seems to have been only taken by Rome in the earlier days of her empire, when her confidence in her strength was not yet fully established.' Under these limitations each civiias was recog- nised as a self-governing community, though the degree of self-government allowed varied Lo^ai seif- widely. There was, in the first place, a government. wide difference between the " free states " and the rest. The former, whether treaty states, like Gades, or states to which Rome had voluntarily granted " freedom," as for instance Centuripai in Sicily,^ were, strictly speaking, outside the province. They were not subject to the authority of the resident governor, they paid no taxes, and they enjoyed complete local independence, subject only to the recognition of Roman suzerainty.' The autonomy of the ordinary provincial community was of a much more restricted kind. They paid taxes, and were con- sequently often styled stipendiai'icB, or in Sicil}^ decumance. They were farther directly under the control of the Roman governor. It Avould also seem that, in many cases, it was left to the governor to de- cide what amount of local self-government could be ' The prohibition of connnbium and commerciiim was enforced in Sicily (Cic, Verr., iii., 40) and in Macedonia (Livy, xlv., 29). - Cicero describes Centuripoe as "sine fcedere ittnitunis ac libera '* {^Verr., iii., 13). ^ They could be called upon to aid Rome in war with men, ships, and supplies. See for further details Marquardt, i., 347, 399. No Roman troops could be quartered on a free state. 178 Outlines of Ro77ta7i History. [Book III conceded to them, and that he had the right to super- vise the local officials, to examine the accounts, and to modify or even cancel the local constitution.' But the cases in which a provincial community was abso- lutely refused the privilege of using its own " laws and magistrates," must have been vcr\' few. In the relations made for the administration of justice by the Roman ofificials, a similar regard was shown for local usages and rights. Even in the matter of taxation, the Roman republic left things Taxation. . r o- m • 1 much as it found them. In Sicily, with the exception of certain communities, the existing system of tithes was retained unaltered " ; and the same was the case at first in the province of Asia." In the other provinces in Spain, Africa, and Mace- donia, Rome merely fixed the amount of the tribute ^ to be paid annually, and left the local authorities to raise it as best they could in their own way. Nor, if the case of Macedonia was not exceptional, Avas the amount demanded excessive.' It would indeed have ' Cicero {Ad Alt., vi., 2) describes himself as allowing the com- munities of his province " snis legibiis etjudiciis uli" and as having inspected the local accounts for the previous ten years, Apamea, on the contrary, protested against such an inspection by Pliny, on the ground that it was privileged "sua arbitrio reinpiiblicain adminis- trare" (^//. ad Tyy., 47). Cicero declares that, in allowing "au- tonomy," he was following the policy of his predecessor ScKvola (93 B.C.) " ut Graeci inter se disreptfnt siiis kgiljiis " (Ad Att., vi., l). * Compare the regulations in Sicily mentioned by Cicero ( Ferr.,\\. 1 3). *Cic., Ver}'., iii., 6. The "law of King Iliero" {lex Ilieronicci) continued to regulate the payment and collection of the tithes. * Cic, Ad Q. fr., i., I, 33, for the change made by the younger Gracchus. ' Cic, J'err., ill., G ; " Tcctigal eertuniquod stipendianun dicitur," Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. 1 79 been better had the republican statesmen gone further and anticipated the emperors by placing the taxa- tion of the provinces on a sound basis, and bringing it directly under the control of the central authorities. The provincial taxpayer would probably have paid less, and the Roman treasury would certainly have received more.' On the whole, however, little fault can be found with the regulations made by Rome for her pro- \iiicial allies. The misfortune was that she took no sufficient precautions to secure their observance, and in the autocratic power wielded by the governor in charge of a province lies the explanation of her failure. The governor of a Roman province was no doubt in theory bound to respect the constitution of the province, as well as all other rules laid down for his guidance by senate or people ; of a prTvTn" e*^ and he was, like any other magistrate, expected to ask and to follow the advice of the senate on important matters. In fact, however, his position was such that these checks were of little use. He held the inipcriinn, but the restrictions imposed upon its exercise in Rome ceased to operate across the sea. He shared his authority with no colleague; no law of appeal limited his power of life and death over the subject provincials ; he was beyond the reach of the tribune's veto, and often at a safe distance from the senate. The supplies voted ' The Macedonian tribute was half that previously paid to th» Macedonian kings. Livy, xlv., i8. i8o Outlines of Roman History. [Book ill him from home ' and the taxes paid by the pro- vincials were at his free disposal,* If he needed more he had ample authority to requisition what he wanted from within the province' — while his demands were backed by the swords of his Roman troops. Even in matters of frontier policy a wide discretion was alloAved him, and he could be warlike or pacific as his tastes and ambitions directed. Nor in the exercise of this absolute and undivided authority was he assisted or controlled by any body of ex- perienced civil servants. The whole administrative staff* came out and went back with him, and were strictly subordinate to him. Even the quaestor, though deriving his authority directly from the Roman people, was in the management of the finances subject to the governor's authority ; he was, moreover, a young untrained man, and expected to pay to his chief the implicit deference of a son to a father." It must be remembered, also, that the men ' To each governor was voted by decree of the senate an equip- ment (oniaiid) for his province. The decree fixed the number of his legates, the size of his army, and gave him besides money for tlie payment of his troops and the expenses of himself and his staff. Cic, In Fison., xvi., 37 ; Far., ii., i, 13, 14, 17. * Except in the case of the two tithe-paying provinces, Sicily and Asia. In no case does it seem that before the Lex Julia of 59, any strict account of his expenditure of public money was exacted from the governor. •' These requisitions, especially those made for the expenses of (he governor and his staff, were the curse of the provinces, and repeated efforts were made to check them by law, hut in vain. '' Of Verres' staff {cohors pro'torid) Cicero says, ' ^ plus malt dedil Silicics quum centttni cohortes ftigitivorum.^' ' Cic, Pro Plancto, 28 ; Ad Q. fr., i., I, 3. Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. 1 8 1 to whom this absolute power was given were not necessarily experienced administrators, nor were they carefully selected for the posts to which they were sent. It must often have happened that a man went out to a province, as Cicero did, with no more knowledge of provincial administration than he might have picked up years before as a quaestor, while to which province he went was a point decided by mutual arrangement, or the chances of lot ; nor did the brief term ' for which he held his command, while it quickened the anxiety of the worser sort to reap the golden harvest they expected, enable the better governors to master the varied duties of their office. That an authority so wide, exercised at such a dis- tance from home, and amid innumerable temptations to abuse " should have been frequently abused was inevitable. Yet for the abuse of his powers by a governor no really effective penalty was provided. It is true that the establishment in 140 7 605A.U.C. B.C. by the Lex Calpurnia of a special court to try cases of magisterial extortion in the provinces " gave the provincial for the first time a recognised means of obtaining redress. But the remedy did not fully meet the case. The new court ' The normal term was one year, though towards the close of the republic there was a tendency to extend it. Verres was three years in Sicily. " A vivid picture of these temptations is drawn by Cicero {Ad Q. fr., i., i) in his letter toQuintus Cicero, then governor of Asia, "//-<» vincia corruptrix," as Cicero calls it. ' This law established the first ^^ qtiastio perpetua de pecuniis rs- petundis." Cic. , Brut., 27 ; De Off., ii., 21. 1 82 Outlines of Roman History. [Book HI " for the recovery of monies " sat in Rome, and to bring documents and witnesses to Rome from Spain or Asia was a costly matter. It was, until 122 B.C., composed of senators,' that is, of men who either had been or were looking forward to being them- selves governors of provinces, and who as Romans and nobles were more in sympathy with the accused than with his accusers. No proceedings, moreover, could be taken against a governor until his term of office was over, when the injuries inflicted were often already irreparable, or the evidence difficult to collect. But extortion, whether it took the shape of illegal requisitions, of systematic blackmailing,^ or straight- forward robbery, was after all an evil which, under an honest governor, — and there were many such, — was mitigated if not removed. A far more serious defect in the system was that it rendered a comprehensive and consistent imperial policy impossible. Under it the provinces were not so much departments of one empire, as separate principalities, ruled by autocrats absolutely independent of each other, and virtually independent of the home government. Even within the limits of the single province one governor might undo what his predecessor had done. Neither a settled frontier policy, nor a proper adjustment of taxation, nor even a proper estimate and control of imperial expenditure were possible. ' By a law of Gaius Gracchus men of equestrian census (400,000 sesterces) were substituted for senators. ^ E. g. the vectigal prntoriia/i, the sum paid by commynities to avoid having Roman troops quartered upon them (Cic. , Ail Ait., v., 21), or the vectigal cedilicium, i.e., the requisitioning of beasts for the aedilf's panics: ia lU):;,e (Cic, Ad Q. />., i., 1,9; I ivy, >!., m). Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. 1 83 But this independence of the provincial ^^^ procon- govcrnors was, in addition, a source of suiate. danger to the republican constitution. While the prevalent confusion and misgovernment brought dis- credit upon the authority of the senate and people of Rome,' their authority itself and that of the magistrates of the state was seriously weakened. To this result a change which was made towards the end of this period largely contributed. At the out- set the government of a province was intrusted to one of the " magistrates with the iiiipcriuni " for the year, and, unless special circumstances called for the presence of a consul,' to one of the praetors. But as the number of provinces, and also the amount of business devolving upon the consuls and prsetors at home, increased, this arrangement broke ' ' ° 608A.U.C. down. After 146 B.C. the praetors were never employed abroad, and the consuls only in case of war. The place of both in the regular government of the provinces was taken by " pro-magistrates," ' ' Compare the words of Tacitus as to the acquiescence of the provinces in the rule of Augustus, Ann., i., 2: ^^ suspecto sonatus pop tilt que imperio ob certamina potentium et avaritiatn magistratuum , invalido leguni atixelio." "Sardinia was intrusted to a consul in i-j-j B.C.,'' pripter Belli magtii- tudinem " (Li\7, xli.,8) ; for another instance, see Livy, xxxiii., 45. ' In 167 B.C. a praetor was prevented from taking his province by press of judicial business in Rome (Livy, xlv., 16). The establish- ment of the qucestio de repetundis (149 B.C.) permanently reduced the number of prsetors available for foreign service to three, since neither the pr.-urbanus nor the pr.-peregrinus could leave Italy. Meanwhile the number of provinces had risen to six. * For this convenient term see Mommsen, Staatsrecht, i. , 520. Pro magistratu was used as equivalent to pro consule^ pro prmlore, ia 184 Outli7ies of Roman History. iBook III by men invested with the imperium pro 4e7A.U.C. -^ , T • I conside ox pro prcetor. It is true that, as early as 327 B.C.,' Rome had been obliged to de- part from the old principle that the imperiiim could only be exercised by a magistrate duly ap- pointed by the people. But the departure was at first slight. The appointment of a pro-magistrate was an exceptional thing, — it required an express vote of the people, — and the pro-magistrates were, in fact as well as in name, the deputies and subordinates of the actual magistrates. It was during the second Punic war that they were first commonly employed,' and at the same time it became customary to appoint them simply by decree of the senate without refer- ence to the people. Their real importance, however, dates from the time when to them was intrusted year after year the care of the provinces beyond the sea. The effect of this change was in the first place to deprive the people of any direct voice in the ap- pointment of the men who were to govern their de- pendencies, an infringement of their constitutional rights against which the popular leaders of the fol- lowing period effectively protested.' In the next place, the old relations between the magistrates and legal phraseology, e.g. in the Lex Rubria and Lex Acilia de pec units repetundis. ' See above, p. 97. '^ In the year 214 B.C. there were at least seven (Livy, xxiv., 10). They were then, and until the year 52 B.C., usually the consuls and praetors of the preceding year. ■^ E.g., in the case of Marius and the command in Numidia ; Pompcy in 67, 66, and 55, and Caesar in 59 received their commands directly from the people. Ch. 3] The Roman State and People. 1 85 the pro-magistrates were inverted. The pro-magis- tracies lost their occasional subordinate character. They became regular offices, filled up year after year, The pro-consul or pro-pra:tor, though still technically inferior in rank to the consul or prietor, was to all in- tents and purposes independent of him.' Nor was this all. The position of the real magistrates in Rome, of the responsible heads of the executive, could not compare in attractiveness with that of their supposed deputies abroad. The routine duties and restricted authority of the former contrasted unfavora- bly with the wide powers and splendid opportunities for acquiring wealth and fame open to the latter. By the close of this period even the consulship was by many valued chiefly as a stepping-stone to the pro-consulship, and the way was preparing for the time when the authority of a pro-consul would be in- voked even by consuls for the maintenance of order in Rome, and finally be established in the heart of the city itself as the supreme power. The opening of the world to Rome, and of Rome to the world, produced a change also in every de- partment of Roman life, and every class „, „ c ' -' 1 he Koman of Roman society. The subjugation of people — the the Mediterranean countries, by placing at ^^ ^^^ the disposal of Rome, not only the great natural resources of Africa or Spain, but the accumulated treasures of Greece and Asia Minor, caused a sud- den and rapid rise in the standard of wealth, and ' Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii., 219. The consuls continued in theory to enjoy a paramount authority (Cic, Ad Aft., viii., 15 ; P/ii7.,iv., g " oinncs eniin in constiUs jure et imperio dcbent esse provincia:"). 1 86 Outlines of Roman History, [Book in a marked change both in llic sources from which that wealth was derived, and in the manner in whicii it was distributed. Tlie Roman state itself no longer drew its revenues only from the public lands in Italy or from the " tribute " imposed upon its own citizens. In every province it was the owner of wide domains. The territory of Carthage in Africa, the mines of Spain, the crown lands of the Macedonian kings,' were all now the property of the Roman peo- ple. To them also belonged the tithes of Sicily, the yearly tribute of the five other provinces, and the proceeds of the customs duties throughout the cm- jn're. And though, thanks to a wasteful system of finance, these new sources of revenue did not greatly enrich the Roman treasury, they enabled the gov- ernment to dispense for the future with all direct taxation of Roman citizens. After 167 ^ ^ ■ ■ ■ B.C. the tribi(tii))i was never again levied in Italy, until Italy became in fact a province.' But the wealth drawn from the provinces by the state was, after all, trifling in amount compared with that which flowed into the pockets of individual citizens. Of the booty taken in war, by far the greater part was usually appropriated by the suc- ' See the list of properties owned by the Roman state in tlie prov- inces, Cicero, De Leg. Agr., ii. , 5. - The tributuin was an occasional tax levied to meet the cost of war. When the state of the treasury rendered it possible, it was re- mitted or even repaid, e.g., in 293 B.C. (Livy, x., 46), and in 187 u.c. (Livy, xxxix., 7). That it was not levied after 167 r..c. is stated by Cicero, De Off., ii., 22 ; Pliny, N. II., xxxiii., 56, Its re-introduc- tion, though in a different form, into Italy was the work of Diocletian. Marquardt, Slaalsvcyw.,\\., 158, 171, 217. Ch,3] The Roman State and People. 187 cessful general and his soldiers.' Nor was it only the great campaigns against Phih'p or Antiochus that were profitable ; a rich harvest was yielded even by the " little wars " with Spanish, Iliyrian, or Keltic tribes, and tlie gold ornaments of the latter were as welcome as the "royal treasures" of King Antio- chus, and the statues and bronzes of Greek cities.' The spoils of peace v/ere richer than those of war, and were more easily won. To every class the provinces offered a field for money-making. The nobles who, in one capacity or another, as governors, legates, or quiestors, served in the provinces, the contractors {pubiicaiii^ who collected the customs duties or worked the state lands and mines, the "men of business" {iwgotiatoi'cs) who, as money- lenders, corn-brokers, speculators in land, or as mer- chants, penetrated to every corner of the empire, and even beyond its frontiers, rivalled each other in the success with which they exploited the provinces for their own profit. Even the population of the capital at home got their share of the spoil in the frequent distributions of corn and money, and in the ' This was aa abuse, and Cato protested vigorously against this diversion oi what was due to the state into private pockets. See the fragment of his speech, De prada inilitibiis dividenda, ap. Cell., ii., 18. In another speech Cato takes credit to himself for not dividing the spoils of war among his friends (Fronto, Ep. ad Ant., i., 2). A glaring instance was the misappropriation of the " money of King Antiochus," Livy, xxxviii., 54, '^ Livy, xxxiv., 4: "/«;« in GrcBciam Asiamque transcendimus, rcgias etiam afircctainns gazas, signa ab Syracusisillata" In 184 B.C. C. Calpurnius Piso brought back from Spain eighty-three goldsn crowns and 12,000 lbs. of silver. 1 88 Outlines of Roman History. [Book ill splendid spectacles provided for their benefit.' It is true tliat Horace contrasts the age of Cato with his own as an age of simplicity and frugality.' None the less is it certain that a conspicuous fc i i 1 J 5 T-i << 1 Cato s protests, repealed. i he luxury of the table," the favourite vice of Roman society for long afterwards, became a subject of legis- lation in 181 B.C., and the Lex Orchia/' carried in that year, was supplemented before the close of this period by two others, *Plut., Cato^ S, lov 'I'dojiiaiooy dtj/CGoy Go/jjui/uevov dKcxipoo? STti diro/ierpicxi kcxl diavo/iai. Cf. Livy, xxxii., 57. The first gladiatorial show was exhibited in 264 B.C. The Floyalia were instituted in 238 B. C, the Ludi Apollinarcs in 212 B.C. '' Hon, Od., ii., 15, 11. * Livy, xxxiv., 4 : " avaritia et luxuria civitatem labor are" ^ Livy, xxxiv. , i : " ;/at" (Livy, xxxvii., 45). " Livy, xxxvii , 58, of L. Scipio, ^'qui ttf cognomhii fratris caderet, Asiaticutn se apellari voliiii," Ch.3] The Roman State and People. 197 finery, but their un-Roman freedom of manners, and their impatience of control.' These changes were not unopposed, though in most cases the opposition was prompted by a con- servative dishke of innovation," and a Roman con- tempt for and suspicion of everything foreign, rather than by any clear appreciation of the danger to the republican system involved in them. Repeated ef- forts were made by decree of the senate or by legis- lation to check the growth of luxury and license,' or to exclude from Rome and Italy foreign religious rites,* and the foreign teachers of the new learning.* Of this opposition the heart and soul was M. Porcius Cato (consul 195 B.C., censor 184 B.C.), the jggA.u.c. type for all time to come of the old- 57oa.u.c. fashioned Roman citizen. To all the new fashions of the day he offered an indiscriminate hostility, which his honesty, fearlessness, and his rude elo- quence rendered especially formidable. He de- nounced the Roman official who carried the poet Ennius with him in his train," with scarcely less fer- ' Livy, xxxiv., 2 ; cf. the Lex Voconia (l6g B.C.) : " nequismuHerem hercLUm bistittileret." It is said that the first instance of divorce at Rome occurred in 231 B.C. (Dionysius, ii., 25). - Livy, xxvi., 22. Manlius Torquatus (consul 211 B.C.) declared: " ?ieque ego vestros mores fe^Te peter 0, neque vos imperiutn jneum." ^ See above, p. 188. ■• E.g., the Bacchanalian orgies (186 B.C.), Livy, xxxix., iS. ^ H.g., the expulsion of Carneades iu 155 B.C. (Plut., Calo, 22. In 161 B.C. a senatus-consultum was passed against ''■ philosophi et rhetores Latini, uti Rome tie esscnt'" (Cell, xv., 11). ' Cic , Tusc, i., 2 : " oratio Catonis in qua ohjecit ztt probriim M. Nohiliori (consul 189 B.C.) qtiod in provinciam poetas ditxis^ : duxerat aiitem — Ennium." 1 98 Outlines of Ro77ian History. [Book III vour than he attacked those who robbed the treasury or the provincials, in their haste to grow rich. As censor (184 B.C.) he used the whole au- 570A.U.C. . thority of the ofifice, to which the duty of maintaining ancestral custom specially belonged, to discourage in high and low alike any departure from the ancient ways.' But the opposition, even when inspired by Cato, was powerless to stem the tide, and the feeble resistance offered by the republican system in the face of political revolution was largely due to the fact that Roman society was already in structure and temper thoroughly unrepublican. * Livy, xxxix., 41 : " tristis et aspera in omnes ordines censitra.** BOOK IV, THE PERIOD OF THE REVOLU TION-133-49 B.C. THE PERIOD OF THE REVOLUTION— 133-49 B.C. CHAPTER I. FROM THE GRACCHI TO SULLA — 1 33-8 1 B.C. For a century and a half the senate had governed Rome, but we have now reached the moment when its supremacy was first openly and seriously chal- lenged, in the name and on the behalf of the consti- tutional sovereign, the Roman people. Throughout the greater part of the period included in this chapter, the political controversy which divided parties was that between the rival claims of the sen- ate and assembly. In the next period, indeed, this controversy receded into the background before a struggle in which the supremacy of senate and assembly alike was threatened by foes from without, the legions and the proconsuls. But down to 81 B C. the chief aim of the popular leaders was to re- assert the independence of the assembly, while the re-establishment of senatorial ascendency was the great object of Sulla's legislation. 202 Outlines of Roman History. IBook IV In the position of the senate there was from the first one inherent weakness. Its authority had no sound ,., , , constitutional basis, and with the removal NVeakness of ' the senatorial q[ j^g accidental suDDorts it fell to the government. ■rx ground. It could merely advise the magistrate when asked to do so, and its decrees were strictly only suggestions to the magistrate, which he was at liberty to accept or reject as he chose.' It had, it is true, become customary for the magistrate not only to ask the senate's advice on all important points, but to follow it when given. It was obvious, how- ever, that if this custom were weakened, and the magistrates chose to act independently, the senate was powerless. It might indeed anathematise' the refractory official, or hamper him if it could by set- ting in motion against him a colleague or the tribunes, but it could do no more, and these meas- ures, though as a rule effective in the case of magis- trates stationed in Rome, failed just where the senate's control was most needed and most difficult to maintain, in its relations with the generals and governors of provinces abroad. The vir- 608A.U.C. , . , , , , tual mdcpendence of the proconsul was before 146 B.C. already exciting the jealousy of the senate and endangering its supremacy.' Nor again ' The senators' whole duty is sententiam dicere. The senator was asked quid censes ? the assembly, quid velitis juheatis ? Cf. also the saving clause, Si eis videretur {sc. consulibus, etc.), in Seta., e. g., Cic, Fhil., v., ig. * By declaring his action to be contra rempublicam. The force of this anathema varied with circumstances. It had no legal value. ^ Livy, xxxviii., 42, of Cn. Manlius Vulso in Asia, 189 B.C. ; cf, also the position of the two Scipios. Ch.1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 203 had the senate any legal hold over the assembly. Except in certain specified cases, it rested with the magistrate to decide whether any question should be settled by a decree of the senate or a vote of the assembly.' If he decided to make a proposal to the assembly, he was not bound except by custom to obtain the previous approv^al of the senate,* and the constitution set no limits to the power of the assem- bly to decide any question whatsoever that was laid before it. The right of the people to govern was still valid ; and though it had long lain dormant, any year might see a magistrate in ofiflce resolved on re- calling the people to a larger share in the conduct of affairs by consulting them rather than the senate, and an assembly bent on the exercise of its lawful prerogatives. And from 167 B.C. at least, onwards, there were increasing indications that both the acqui- 1 1 r 1 587A.U.C. escencc of the people and the loyalty of the magistrates were failing. The absorbing excitement of the great wars had died away ; the economic and social disturbance and distress which they produced were creating a growing feeling of discontent ; and at the same time the senate provoked inquiries into its title to govern by its failure any longer to govern well. In the East there was increasing confusion ; in the West, Viriathus had, single-handed, defied the * Hence the same things, c. g., founding of colonies, are done in one year by a Scium., in another by a lex ; cf. Cic, De Kep., ii., 32 ; Phil., i., 2, of Antony as consul, " viuiaia omnia, nihil per senatum, omnia per popuhttn . " ' There was no legal necessity, before Sulla's time, for getting the " senalns aiictoriias " for a proposal to the assembly. 204 Outlines of Roma7i History, [BookiV power which had crushed Carthage. At home the senate was becoming more and more simply an organ of the nobility, and the nobility were becoming every year more exclusive, more selfish, and less capable and unanimous.' The first systematic attack upon the senatorial gov- ernment is connected with the names of Tiberius and „,, „ . . Gains Gracchus, and its immediate occa- 1 he Gracchi, ' g33'_g" ^■^- sion was an attempt to deal with no less a A.u.c. danger than the threatened disappearance of the class to which of all others Rome had owed most in the past." For, while Rome had been extend- ing her sway westward and eastward, and while her nobles and merchants were amassing colossal for- tunes abroad, the small landholders in many parts of Italy were sinking deeper into ruin under the pressure of accumulated difficulties. The Hannibalic war had laid waste their fields and thinned their numbers, nor when peace returned to Italy did it bring with it any revival of prosperity. The heavy burden of military service still pressed ruinously upon them,' and in addition they were called upon ' See generally Mommsen, R. G., i., bk. iii., cap. 6 ; Lange, Rom. Alterih., vol. ii. ; Ihne, v., cap. i. The first law against bribery at elections was passed in i8i B.C. (Livy, xl., 20), and against magisterial extortion in the provinces in 149 {^Lcx Calpurnia de pccuniis rcpciiin- (lis). The senators had special seats allotted to Iheui in the theatre in 194 B.C. (Livy, xxxiv., 44, 54). "^ Mommsen, i., bk. iii., cap. 12, bk. iv., caj). 2 ; lime, iv., 173 S(j., V. 1-25 ; Nitzsch, Die Gracchen ; Long, Decline and Fall of Ihe Rotnan Republic ; Beesly, The Gracchi^ Marius, and Sulla ; Green- idge, History 0/ Rome, vol. i. ^ To Spain alone more than 150,000 men were sent bttwceu 196 and log (Ihne, iii., 319; ; compare the reluctance of the people to de- Ch. 1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 205 to compete with the foreign corn imported from be- yond the sea/ and with the foreign slave-labour pur- chased by the capital of the wealthier men. Farming became unprofitable, and the hard, laborious life with its scanty returns was thrown into still darker relief when compared with the stirring life of the camps with its opportunities of booty, or with the cheap provisions, frequent largesses, and gay spec- tacles to be had in the large towns. The small holders went off to follow the eagles or swell the proletariate of the cities, and their holdings were left to run waste or merged in the vineyards, oliveyards, and above all in the great cattle-farms of the rich, Avhile their own place was taken by slaves. The evil was not equally serious in all parts of Italy. It was least felt in the central highlands, in Campania, and in the newly settled fertile valley of the Po. It was worst in Etruria and in southern Italy ; but every- where it was serious enough to demand the earnest attention of Roman statesmen. Of its existence the government had received plenty of warning in the declining numbers of ablebodied males returned at the census,'' in the increasing difficulties of recruiting for the legions,' in servile outbreaks in Etruria and clare war against Macedou in 200 B.C., and also the case of Spurius Ligustinus in 171 (Livy, xlii., 34). ' Mommsen, i., 837 sq. Ihne (v., 16) thinks that Mommsen has exaggerated the depressing effects of foreign competition, but hardly makes out his case. '■* Beloch, Ital. Bund, 80 scj. ^ Livy, xliii., 14 ; Epit., xlviii., Iv. During this period the mini- mum qualification for service in the legion was reduced from 11,000 to 4,000 asses. 2o6 Outlines of Roman History. fBookiv Apulia.' And between 200 B.C. and 160 554-594 ^ A.u c. B.C. a good deal was attempted by way of remedy. In addition to the foundation of twenty colonies/ there were frequent allotments of land to veteran soldiers, especially in Apulia and Samnium.' In 1 80 B.C. 40,000 Ligurians were removed from their homes and settled on vacant lands once the property of a Samnite tribe,^ and in 160 B.C. the Pomptine marshes were drained for the pur- pose of cultivation.* But these efforts were only partially successful. The colonies planted in Cisalpine Gaul and in Picenum flourished, but of the others the majority slowly dwindled away, and two required recolonising only eight years after their foundation.* The veterans who received land were unfitted to make good farmers ; and large numbers, on the first opportunity, gladly returned as volunteers to a sol- dier's life. Moreover, after 160 B.C. even these efforts ceased, and with the single exception of the colony of Auximum in Picenum (157 B.C.) nothing was done to check the spread of the evil, until in 133 B.C. Tibe- rius Gracchus, on his election to the tribunate, set his hand to the work. „.. . The new tribune was by no means the Tiberius •' Gracchus. conventional demagogue. Though a ple- beian, he came of a family which had ranked as noble ' Livy, xxxii., 26, xxxiii., 36, xxxix., 29, 41. * Sixteen Roman and four Latin colonies. See Marquardt, Stoats- verw., i., cap. i. ^ E. g. Livy, xxxi., 4, 12, 39 ; xxxii., 1. * Livy, xl., 38. * Livy, Epit., xlvi. * Sipontum and Buxenlum in 186 (Livy, xxxix., 23X Ch. Ti From the Gracchi to Sulla. 207 for several generations. His father had been both consul and censor. His mother, Cornelia, was the daughter of Scipio Africanus the elder, and the most accomplished woman of her time. His sister was the wife of the younger Scipio, and he himself married a lady of the great Claudian house. Among his friends were P. Mucins Scaevola (consul 133 B.C.), the greatest jurist of his time, and P. Licinius Cras- sus, an orator, and, like Scaevola, learned in the law. Gracchus himself had been carefully educated by his mother. He was a scholar, an eloquent speaker, and had already won a reputation as a soldier and ad- ministrator. His noble birth and connections, his abilities and accomplishments, his high character, all justified the expectation that he would be able to carry through the delicate task of reform which public opinion summoned him to undertake. The lines on which any attempt to increase the numbers of small landowners in Italy would have to be made were sufficiently clearly The "public marked. To confiscate private land for lands.- the purpose was out of the question, to purchase it would have been ruinously expensive. But the Roman state owned vast domains in Italy. These "■ public lands " were the property of the Roman people, and intended for their benefit. In fact, however, the greater portion of them was either held in occupation by wealthy men or leased out, chiefly for grazing, to large cattle farmers. To abolish this monopoly of the public lands by a rich minority, and to use them for the advantage of the ' Mainly in S. Italy, where, as the evidence shows, the Gracchaa commissioners did most of their work. 2o8 Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv community was a course for which there was ample precedent. At the very outset of Rome's career of conquest, tribune after tribune had asserted the principle that the right method of deahng with the lands won by conquest was to parcel them out into allotments, and assign them to the poorer citizens.' The method encouraged agriculture, increased the number of landowners, and helped the poor. But the wealthier citizens had always preferred another and a very different method from that of allotment. In the case of waste lands, the custom had been to invite persons to settle down upon them {pccupare) and cultivate them,* each man taking for himself as much as he could manage. There was no parcelling out or assigning of the land.* The state remained the owner ; while the squatter was only the possessor. He had no lease, but if he could show that he had "squatted " with the permission of the state, he was guaranteed as^ainst disturbance.' This method was probably intended as a means for " scttlitig up " lands ' Livy, iv. , 48 : " ut ager ex hostihus captus viritim dividcretur" ; and ibid., iv., 51. The technical phrases wexQagrum divider e, agrum dare, assiguare. The laud v. as carefully surveyed and a map {fonna) showing the lots and their l)Oundaries was made. The allotments be- came the absolute property of the allottees. ® Appian, B. C.,\. 7 : EitEHTjpvrrov roi'i ¥}i\ov6iv exTtovETv; ibid., i., 718 : Hijfjvy/ta vr)v dvenijruv kiepyd^Edbai. ^ Sibi stimere (Lex Agraria, line 2, C. I. L., i., 200) * Agrimensores (ed. Lachmaiin), p. 13S : '' Jiontni agroriim iniUiun est aes, nulla forma gjioniani non ex mensnris aclis quisque accepit sed quod aut excolvit, aiit in spein colendi occupa-rit." Livy says of Rome when hastily rebuilt after its sack by the Gauls that it had the look of a city " occiipntiz luagis quam divisa " (v. 55). * Hy the pi.Tetor's interdict, the squatter had to show that he had not come into possession ' ' clam aut vi, aut prerario " (Bruns. Fontes Juris Horn,, p. i3i). Against resumption of his land by the state, the Ch.1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 209 which Vv-ere unfit for allotment. But its character gradually altered. It became popular with the rich ; to please them it was applied to other than waste lands; the occupations increased in size, and the occupiers in many cases, instead of tilling the land, used it for grazing, or even for pleasure-grounds. This monopoly of the state lands by a few wealths- occupiers was rendered more irritating by the fact that even from the open pastures belonging to the state the poor citizen was gradually excluded by the rich graziers. To meet these evils the Licinian lavv-^ had forbidden any one person to occupy more than 500 acres, or to turn out on the public pastures more than 100 cattle or 500 sheep. But the Licinian law had not been properly enforced, and of the wide tracts of land acquired by Rome after the Samnite wars, and again after the second Punic war, the greater part had either passed into the occupation of rich nobles, or had been leased for grazing to wealthy companies of cattle and sheep farmers.* The remedy proposed by Gracchus' amounted in effect to the resumption by the state of as much of occupier could only plead the moral claim based on lulnslas possessionis. ' It is probable that the Licinian law was of much more recent date than tradition would have us believe. The maximum of 500 acres implies a larger area of public land than could have been owned by Rome in 377 B.C. * The extensive grazing-groimds fsaltus pnHidj in Samnium and Apulia were mostly leased to pecuarii. * Plut., T. G., 9-T4 ; Appian, B. C, i., 9-13 ; Livy, E/>i(., Iviii. ; Cic, L. Agr., ii., 31. Compare a\::o Mommsen, R. C, ii., 63 sq, ; Ihne, v., 25 : Marquardt, Rov>. Stnnfs7nrw., i., 437, j-^. /Lange, Rom. Altert'!., iii., 8 sq.j Nitsch, Gracchen, 2i^j ; Dureau de la Malic, Econ, politique des Romains^ ii., 280, 2IO Ouilines of Roman Histo7y. [Book IV Ti,» ^.^ the " common land " as was not held in 1 he pro- T*ibeHuI occupation by authorised persons and Gracchus. conformably to the provisions of the Licinian law. Unauthorised occupiers were to be evicted ; in other cases the occupation was reduced to a maximum size of 1,000 acres.' The land thjis rescued for the community from the monopoly of a few was to be distributed in allotments/ and a com- mission of three men was created for the double purpose of deciding what land should be taken, and of carrying out the work of allotment.' It was a scheme which could cjuote in its favour ancient pre- cedent as well as urgent necessity. Of the causes which led to its ultimate failure something will be said later on ; for the present we must turn to the constitutional conflict which it provoked. The senate from the first identified itself with the in- terests of the wealthy occupiers, and Tiberius found himself forced into a struggle with the senate, which had been no part of his original plan. He fell back on the legislative sovereignty of the people ; he re- suscitated the half-forgotten powers of interference vested in the tribunate in order to paralyse the action of the senatorial magistrates, and finally lost his life ' Or possibly 750 ; it was in excess of the limit fixed by the Li- cinian law ; App., B. C, i., g. • Compare the inscription of Popillius Lasnas, consul 132, C. I. L., i-> 551 ■> Wordsworth, Fragments of Early Latin, p. 221. ' The allotments were to be inalienable, and were charged with payment of a quit-rent (App., B. C, i., 10 ; IMut., C. G., 9). Their size is not stated. It is doubtful if the tliirty jttgera held agri colendi causa (compare the Lex Agraria, in n.c.) refer to the Sem- pronian allotments. See C. I. /-., i., 200, and Mnmmsen's notes. Ch. 1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 211 in an attempt to make good one of the weak points in the tribune's position by securing his own re- election for a second year. But the conflict did not end with his death. It was renewed on a wider scale, and with a more deliberate aim, by his brother Gaius, who on his election to Gracchus^ the tribunate (123 B.C.) at once came for- 31 . . . ward as the avowed enemy of the senate. The latter suddenly found its control of the administration threatened at a variety of points. On the invita- tion of the popular tribune the assembly proceeded to restrict the senate's freedom of action in assign- ing the jorovinces.' It regulated the taxation of the province of Asia" and altered the conditions of mili- tary service.' In home affairs it inflicted two serious blows on the senate's authority by declaring the summary punishment of Roman citizens by the consuls on the strength of a senatus considhuti to be a violation of the law of appeal,* and by taking out of the senate's hands the control of the newly- established court for the trial of cases of magisterial misgovernment in the provinces.^ Tiberius had committed the mistake of relying too exclusively on the support of one section only of the community; ' Lex Sempronia de provinciis coitsularibtis ; Cic, Pro Domo, 9 ; De Prov. Cons., 2, 7 ; Sail., y^ig., 27. ^ Lex de provincia Asia ; Cic, Verr., 3, 6; Fronto, Ad Veriim, ii., p. 125. * Plut., C. 6"., 5 ; Diod., xxxiv., 25. ■» Plut., C. C, 4 ; Cic. Pro Domo, 31 ; Pro Rab. Perd., 4. •^ QjtcesHo de repeliaidis, 149 B.C. See Plut., C. G., 5 ; I. ivy, Epit., Ix.; Tac, Ann., xii., 60; App., B. C, i., 21. For the kindred Lex Acilia, see C. I. L., i., 19S ; Wordsworth, Fra^ni., 424. 212 OutlUies of Rommi History. [Book iv his brother endeavoured to enhst on the popular side every available ally. The Latins and Italians had opposed an agrarian scheme which took from them land which they had come to regard as right- fully theirs, and gave them no share in the benefit of tlie allotments.' Gains not only removed this latter grievance," but ardently supported and himself brought forward the first proposals made in Rome for their enfranchisement.' The indifference of the city populace, to whom the prospect of small hold- ings in a remote district of Italy was not a tempting one, was overcome by the establishment of regular monthly doles of corn at a low price.* Finally, the men of business — the ptiblicani, merchants, and money-lenders — were conciliated by the privilege granted to them of collecting the tithes of the new province of Asia, and placed in direct rivalry with the senate by the substitution of men of their own class as judges in the qu(UStio de repetiindis, in place of senators.' The organiser of this concerted attack upon the position of the senate fell, like his brother, in a riot. ' They had succeeded in 129111 suspending the operations of the agrarian commission. App., B. C, i., 18 ; Livy, Epit., lix. ; Cic, Da Rep., iii., 41 ; cf. Lex Agraria, line 81 ; C. I, L., i., 200. * Lange, R. A., iii., 32 ; Lex Agraria, lines 3, 15, 21. ' The Rogatio Fulvia, 125 B.C.; Val. Max., ix., 5, i ; App., B.C., i., 21. * Plut., C 6"., 5 ; App., i., 21 ; Livy, Epit., Ix.; Festus, 290. ' Hence Gaius ranked as the founder of the equestrian order. Plin., N.H,, xxxiii., 34 : " judicur?i appellaiione separare eti/n ordinem . . . instituere Gracchi"; Varro, Ap. Non., 454: ^'' bicipilem civiia- tem fecit." Ch. 1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 2 1 3 The agrarian reforms of the two Gracchi had little permanent effect.' The as^rarian commis- ^ ° Failure of sion, though between 120-122 B.C. its the attempt ° _ -^ at agrarian action was suspended in deference to the reforni. 625- '■ . _ 632 A.U.C. outcry raised by the occupiers, evidently made some progress with the work of allotment, especially in south Italy." But the colonies which Gains founded in Italy to supplement his brother's .scheme came to nothing." Even in the lifetime of Gaius the clause in his brother's law rendering the new buildings inalienable was repealed, and the pro- cess of absorption recommenced.* In 118 B.C. a stop w^as put to further allotment of 636 a.u.c. occupied lands,^ and finally, in 1 1 1 B.C., the 643 a.u.c. whole position of the agrarian question was altered by a law which converted all land still held in occupation into private land. The old controversy as to the proper use of the lands of the community was closed by this act of alienation. The contro- ' Traces of the work of the commission survive in the Miliariiim Popilianum (C. /. Z., i., 551), in a few Gracchan termini (ibid., 552, 553. 554. 555). ii^ the limites Gracchani (Liber Colon., ed. Lachmanii, pp. 20Q, 210, 211, 229), etc. Compare also the rise in the numbers at the census of 125 B.C. (Livy, Epit., Ix.). - Livy, Epit., Ix. ; Appian, B. C, i., 23. Two of them, Tarentum (Plut., C. G., 8) and Scylacium (V^ell. Pat., i., 15), were clearly in- tended to supply the new settlers in Calabria and Bruttium with con- venient ports. ^ Lex Minucia, 121 v,.c.; Ap})., i., 27 ; Oros., v., 12 ; Festus, 201. * The so-called Lex Thoria ; App., i., 27; Cic, Brut , 36; cf. Wordsworth, Fragm., 441. ^ The Lex Agraria still extant in a fragmentary condition in the ,nuseum at Naples. See Mommsen, C. I. I.., i., 200 ; Wordsworth, 441 sq. ; Bruns, Fontes Juris Rodi., 54-67 ; App., i,, 27. 214 Outlines of Romayi History. [Book I v versy in future turned, not on the right of the poor citizens to the state lands, but on the expediency of purchasing other lands for distribution at the cost of the treasury.' But though the agrarian reform failed, the political conflict it had provoked continued, and the lines on which it was waged were in the main those laid down by Gaius Gracchus. The sovereignty of the people continued to be the watchword of the popular party and a free use of the plebeian machinery perfected during the old struggle between the orders, of the tribunate of the plebs and the concilium plebis remained the most effective means of securing their aims. At the same time the careers of both Tiberius and Gaius had illustrated the weak points in this machinery — the uncertain temper and varying com- position of the assembly, the limited tenure of office enjoyed by the tribunes,^ the possibility of disunion within their own body, and lastly, the difficulty of keeping together the divergent interests which Gaius had for a moment united in hostility to the senate. Ten years after the death of Gaius \\\q populares once more summoned up courage to challenge the ., . supremacy of the senate ; and it is im- "e"" ^'^" poi'tant as marking a step in advance that '^•'^•c it was on a question not of domestic reform but of foreign administration that the conflict 'Cic, Lex Agr., ii., sect. 65. - Efforts were repeatedly made to get over this difficulty, ^. g., l.iy the LexPapiria, 131 B.C. ; L ivy, >?///., lix. Gaiuswashiraself tribune for two years, iio-i09(r/". Sall.,y//^., 37 : " trilinni conti?i»a>e magistra* turn nitebantur "), and Saturninus in 100 B.C. Ch. II From the Gracchi U Sulla. 215 was renewed. The course of affairs in the client state of Nuniidia since Micipsa's death in u8 B.C. had been such as to discredit a *36 a.u.C stronger government than that of the senate.' Ixi open defiance of Roman authority, and relying oil the influence of his own well-spent gold, Jugurtha had murdered both his legitimate rivals, Hiempsal and Adherbal, and made himself master of Numidia. The declaration of war wrung from the senate (112 B.C.) by popular Indignation had 64a a.u.c. been followed by the corruption of a consul* (i 1 1 B.C.) and the crushing defeat •« a.u.c. of the proconsul Albinus.* On the news of this crowning disgrace the storm burst, and on the pro- posal of the tribunes a commission of inquiry was appointed into the conduct of the war.* But the popular leaders did not stop here. Caicilius Mctellus who as consul (100 B.C.) had succeeded to the command in Numidia, was an able soldier but a rigid aristocrat ; and they now re- solved to improve their success by intrusting the command instead to a genuine son of the people. Their choice fell on Gaius Marius, an experienced officer and administrator but a man of humble birth, from the old Volscian town of Arpinuni, who, though no politician, was by temperament and train- ing a hater of the polished and effeminate nobles ' Sallust, Jag., 5 ,w,'. y Livy, /;"//.'., Ixii., Jxiv. ^ Calpurnius Bestia ; Sallust, yug.y 20. '/^■,38, 39 2 1 6 Outlhies of Roman History. [Book IV v/ho filled the senate.' He was triumphantly elected, and, in spite of a decree of the senate, continuing Metellus as proconsul, he was intrusted by a vote of the assembly with the charge of the Avar against Jugurtha.* Jugurtha was vanquished ; and Marius, who had been a second time elected consul in his absence arrived at Rome in January 104 B.C., brmgmg the captive prince with him in chains.' But further triumphs awaited the popular hero. The Cimbri and Teutones were at the gates of Italy; they had four times defeated the senatorial generals, and Marius was called upon to save Rome from a second invasion of the barbarians.' After two years of suspense the victory at Aquai Sextiae (102 L.C.), followed by that on the Rau- dine plain (loi B.C.), put an end to the danger by the annihilation of the invadincf 853 A.U.C. fc) / fa hordes, and INIarius, now consul for the fifth time, returned to Rome in triumph. There the popular party welcomed him as a leader, and as one who would bring to their aid the inipcrium of the consul and all the prestige of a successful general. Once more, however, they were destined to a brief success, followed by disastrous defeat. Marius be- came for the sixth time consul ' ; of the two popular ' Ib.^ 63 ; Plut., Marius^ 2, 3. For the question as to the position of his parents, see Madvig, Ftr/as., i. 179 ; Died., xxxiv., 38. ^ Sallust, Jug. , 73. ^ li., 114. For the chronology of the Jugurthine war, see Momm- sen /?. C, ii., 146, note; Pelhara, jfouni. of Phil., vii, gr. •* Livy, Epit., Ixvii. ; Plut., Mar., 12. ; Mommsen, ii., I71, sf, ' Uyy, E^it,^ Ixix. ; App., B. C, i. 28 tg. Ch. 1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 2 1 jr icaders Glaucia became praetor and Saturninus tri- bune. But neither Marius nor his allies ^ . , Saturninos were statesmen of the stamp of the Grac- ^ ^Cfel^ chi ; and the laws proposed by Saturninus '^"'"• had evidently no other serious aim hi view than that of harassing the senate. His corn law merely re- duced the price fixed in 123 B.C. for the monthly dole of corn, and the main ponit of his agrarian law lay in the clause appended to it requiring all senators to swear to observe its provi- sions.' The laws were carried ; the senators, with the exception of Metellus, took the oath ; but the triumph of the popular leaders was short-lived. Their recklessness and violence had alienated all classes in Rome ; and their period of office was drawing to a close. At the elections fresh rioting took place, and at last Marius as consul was called upon by the senate to protect the state against his own partisans. In despair, Saturninus and Glaucia surrendered ; but while the senate was discussing their fate they were surrounded and murdered by the populace. The popular party had been worsted once more in their struggle with the senate, but none the less their alliance with Marius, and the position in which their votes placed him, marked an epoch in the history of the revolution. The six consulships of Marius represented not merely a party victory but a protest against the system of divided and rapidly- ' For the leges Appukice, see Livy, SpiL, Ixix. ; App. K, 29 ; Cic« Pro Balbo, 21 \Attct. ad Hcremiium, i.. 12, 21. They Included also allotments to M^iuk's veterans; AucK de Fir. /U., 6a. 2i8 Outlines of Roman Nistojy. [Sookiv changing commands, which was, no doubt, Ihe system favoured by the senate, but was also an integral element of the repubhcan constitution ; and in assaih'ng it the populace weakened the repubhc even more than they irritated the senate. The transference of the political leadership to a consul who was nothing if not a soldier was at once a con- fession of the insufificiency of the purely civil author- ity of the tribunate, and a dangerous encouragement of military interference in political controversies. The consequences were already foreshadowed by the special provisions made by Saturninus for Marius's veterans, and in the active part taken by the latter in the passing of his laws. Indirectly, too, Marius, though no politician, played an important part in this new departure. His military reforms' at once democratised the army and attached it reforms of morc closcly to Its leader for the time being. He swept away the last traces of civil distinctions of rank or wealth within the legion, admitted to its ranks all classes, and substituted voluntary enlistment under a popular general for the old-fashioned compulsory levy. The efHciency of the legion was increased at the cost of a complete severance of the ties which bound it to the civil community and to the civil authorities. The defeat of Saturninus was followed by sev- eral years of quiet ; nor was the next important ' Sallust, Jttg, , 86 : " ipse ititerea viilites scribere, ttcn vi9rt pta- jorum ncque ex classibus, ted ufi ctijttsque lubido erai, capiU tensM fkrosqiie." For details, cf. Mommsen, R. C, ii. 19a ; Msdvig Vei/,, ii. 468, 493 ; Marquardi, Staatsverm., W. 417, 4SI. Ch.lJ From the Gracchi to Sulla, 219 crisis provoked directly by any efforts of the dlscred« ited popular party. It was due partly to the rivalry which had been growing more bitter each year between the senate and the commercial class ; and secondly, to the long-impending question of the enfranchisement of the Italian allies. T\\^ptiblicani, ncgotiatorcs, and others, who constituted what was now becoming known as the equestrian order, had made unscrupulous use of their control of the courts, and especially of the qnccstio dc repetundis, against their natural rivals, the official class in the provinces. The threat of prosecution before a hostile jury was held over the head of every governor, legate, and quaestor who v^entured to interfere with their opera- tions. The average official preferred to connive at their exactions ; the bolder ones paid with fines and even exile for their courage. In q^ . ^ ^^661 A.U.C. B.C. the necessity for a reform was proved beyond a doubt by the scandalous condemnation of P. Rutilius Rufus,' ostensibly on a charge of extortion, in reality as the reward of his efforts to check the extortions of the Roman republicani in Asia. The need of reform was clear, but it was not so easy to cany a reform which would certainly be opposed by the whole strength of the . , -,., . ,. Discontent equestrian order, and which, as mvolving of the Italian allies. the repeal of a Sempronian law, would arouse the resentment of the popular party. The difficulties of the Italian question were more serious. That the Italian allies were discontented was noto » Livy, Epit, Ixx. ; Vel. Fat,, ii.. t3. 220 Outlines of Roman History. [Book r» rious. After nearly two centuries of close alliance^ of common dangers and victories, they now eagerly coveted as a boon that complete amalgamation with Rome which they had at first resented as a dishon- our. But, unfortunately, Rome had grown more selfishly exclusive in proportion as the value set upon Roman citizenship increased. The politic liberality with which the franchise had once been granted had disappeared. The allies found their burdens increasing and their ancient privileges di- minishing, while the resentment with which they viewed their exclusion from the fruits of the con- quests they had helped to make was aggravated by the growingly suspicious and domineering attitude of the Roman Government.' During the last forty years feelings of hope and disappointment had rap idly succeeded each other; Marcus Fulvius, Gaius Gracchus, Saturninus, had all held out promises of relief, but nothing had yet been done. On each occasion they had crowded to Rome, full of eager expectation, only to be harshly ejected from the city by the consul's orders.* The justice of their claims could hardly be denied, the danger of con- tinuing to ignore them was obvious, yet the difficul- ties in the way of granting them were formidable in the extreme. The temper of senate and people alike was still jealously exclusive ; and from a higher than a merely selfish point of view there was much ' Mommsen, R, G., ii., 2i8 ; Ihne, iv., 151, v. 253; Marquardt, Staa(sve?-w., i., 57, 58. • Lex jfjinia, Cic, De Off., iii., 11 ; Lex Licinia Mmcut, Cic, iPw Co*n., h, xo; Ascon.jp. 67. Ch.l] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 221 to be said against the revolution involved in so sud- den and enormous an enlargement of the citizen body. Marcus Livius Drusus, who as a tribune gallantly took up the task of reform, is claimed by Cicero ' as a member of that party of the centre Marcus to which he belonged himself. Noble, Livius ° Drusus, wealthy, and popular, he seems to have 91 b.c. hoped to be able by the weight of his position and character to rescue the burning ques- tions of the day from the grasp of extreme partisans and to settle them peacefully and equitably. But he, like Cicero after him, had to find to his cost that there was no room in the fierce strife of Roman politics for moderate counsels. His proposal to re- form the law-courts excited the equestrian order and their friends in the senate to fury. The agrarian and corn laws which he coupled with it ' alienated many more in the senate, and roused the old anti- popular party feeling ; finally, his known negotiations with the Italians were eagerly misrepresented to the jealous and excited people as evidence of complicity with a widespread conspiracy against Rome. His laws were carried, but the senate pronounced them null and void.' Drusus was denounced in the senate- house as a traitor, and on his way home was struck down by the hand of an unknown assassin. ■ Cic, De Oiat., i., 25, and De Donio, 50 ; Appian, B. C, i., 35 ; Diod. Cic, xxxvii., 10 ; Ihne, v., 242. ^ For the provisions of the Leges Livics, see App., B. C, i., 35 ; Livy, Epit., Ixxi. They included, according to Pliny, //. N., xxxiii., 3, a proposal for the debasement of the coinage. * Cic. Pro Domo, 16 222 Outlines of Roman History. [Booki\ The knights retained their monopoly of the courts, but this and all other domestic controversies were ^j^g silenced for the time by the news which qo-sq'b^'"^' f'^llo^^'ctl hard upon the murder of Drusus 664-665 A. u.c.j_)^.^|- j-]^^ Italians were in open revolt against Rome. His assassination was the signal for an outbreak which had been secretly prepared for some time before. Throughout the highlands of Central and Southern Italy the flower of the Italian peoples rose as one man.' Etruria and Umbria held aloof; the isolated Latin colonies stood firm; but the Sabellian clans North and South, the Latinised Marsi and Paeligni, as well as the still Oscan-speaking Samnites and Lucanians, rushed to arms. No time was lost in proclaiming their plans for the future. A new Italian state was to be formed. The Pselig- nian town of Corfinium was selected as its capital and rechristened with the proud name of Italica. All Italians were to be citizens of this new metropo- lis, and here were to be the place of assembly and the senate-house. A senate of five hundred members and a magistracy resembling that of Rome com- pleted a constitution which adhered closely to the very political traditions which its authors had most reason to abjure. Now, as always in the face of serious danger, the action of Rome was prompt and resolute. Both consuls took the field ^; with each were five legates, among them the veteran Marius and his destined ' For the Social War, see besides Mommsen, Ihne, Lange, also Kiene, D, Ro7nische Biindcsgenosscnkrieg, Leipsic, 1845. 'App., B.C.y i. 39-4'j ; Livy, Epit., Ixxii.-lxxvi. Ch.1] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 223 rival L. Cornelius Sulla, and even freedmen were pressed into service with the legions. But the first year's campaign opened disastrously. In Central Italy the Northern Sabellians, and in the South the Samnites, defeated the forces opposed to them. And though before the end of the year Marius and Sulla in the North, and the Consul Caesar himself in Cam- pania, succeeded in inflicting severe blows on the enemy, and on the Marsi especially, it is not surpris- ing that, with an empty treasury, with the insurgents' strength still unbroken, and with rumours of disaf- fection in the loyal districts, opinion in Rome should have turned in the direction of the more liberal policy which had been so often scornfully rejected, and in favour of some compromise which should check the spread of the revolt, and possibly sow discord among their enemies. Towards the close of the gg^ a.u.c. year 90 B.C. the Consul Caesar carried the ^^and'^Lex lex Julia^ by which the Roman franchise pl'^ria^ was offered to all communities which had ^^ a.u.c. not as yet revolted ; early in the next year (89 B.C.) the Julian law was supplemented by the lex Plantia Papiria, introduced by two of the tribunes, which enacted that any citizen of an allied community then domiciled in Italy might obtain the franchise by giving in his name to a praetor in Rome within sixty days. A third law {lex Calpiirnid), apparently passed at the same time, empowered Roman magis- trates in the field to bestow the franchise there and ' For the Lex Jnlia see Cic, Pro Balho, 8 ; Gell., iv., 4 ; App. B. C.,\., 49. For Lex Platttia Papiria, see Cic, Pro Archia, 4, and Schol Bob. , p. 353. 2 24 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book I v then upon all who were willing to receive it. This sudden opening of the closed gates of Roman citi- zenship was completely successful, and its effects were at once visible in the diminished vigour of the insurgents. By the end of 89 r..c. the Samnites and Lucanians were left alone in their obstinate hostility to Rome, and neither, thanks to Sulla's brilliant campaign in Samnium, had for the moment any strength left for active aggression. The enfranchisement of Italy was an accomplished fact, though the exact status of the new citizens was not settled until a few years later. Politically, Italy ceased to be a confederacy under Roman leadership, and the Italian allies of Rome entered as municipali- ties within the pale of the Roman state. But this act of enfranchisement, just and necessary though it was, added to the difficulties which beset the old republican constitution. It emphasised the absurdity of a system which treated the nobles and plebs of the city of Rome as the representatives of the Roman people, and which condemned the great mass of that people to a virtual exclusion from politics. Between the new citizens in the country towns and districts, and those in Rome a coolness sprang up. The con- tempt with which the latter regarded the miinicipales and rustici was repaid by a growing indifference on the other side to the traditions and institutions of a narrow polity in which they had only a nominal place, and by a growing mistrust of Roman politi- cians and politics. When the crisis came even Cicero's influence failed to excite among them any enthusiasm for the republican cause. I Ch.l] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 225 Meanwhile the termination of the Social War brought no peace with it in Rome. The old quar- rels were renewed with increased bitterness, while the newly-enfranchised Italians tliemseh^es resented as bitterly the restriction," wdiich robbed them of their due share of political influence by allowing- them to vote only in a specified number of tribes. The senate itself was distracted by violent personal rivalries, and all these feuds, animosities, and griev- ances were aggravated by the widespread economic distress and ruin which affected all classes." Lastly, war with Mithradates had been declared ; it was no- torious that the privilege of commanding the force to be sent against him would be keenly contested, and that the contest would lie between the veteran Marius and L. Cornelius Sulla.' It was in an atmosphere thus charged with the elements of disturbance that P. Sulpicius Rufus as tribune* brought forward his laws. He p guipicius proposed — (i) that the command of the sf'sx! Mithradatic war should be given to ^^^ a.u.c. Marius, (2) that the new citizens should be distrib- ' Veil. Pat., ii., 20 ; App. B. C, i., 49, 53. Madvig (R. Verf., i., 27) follows Appian in holding that the tribes to which the new voters were confined were newly-created tribes. Cf. Mommsen, Jioni. I'ribtis, ii. 2 App., B. C, i., 54, and Mit/ir., 22 ; Oros., v., 18; Livy, Epit., Ixxiv. ^ It had already been declared a consular province for 87, and early in 88 seems to have been assigned to Sulla by decree of the senate. * Cf. Cic, De Oral., i., 25, iii., 31, and Brutus, 214 ; Veil. Pal., ii., 18, for Sulpicius himself. For his laws, see App., B. C, i,, 55 uj. ; Livy, Epit,, Ixxvii. ; Plut., Sulla, 8, sq. 2 26 Outlines of Ro7nan Histoj'y. iBook iv utecl through all the tribes, (3) that the freeclmcn should no longer be confined to the four city tribes, (4) that any senator owing more than two thousand denarii should lose his seat, (5) that those exiled on suspicion of complicity with the Italian revolt should be recalled. Whatever may have been Sulpicius's intentions, these proposals inevitably provoked a storm. The old voters bitterly resented the swamp- ing of the existing constituency ; the senate rallied its forces to oppose the alteration in the franchise of the freedmen and the proposed purging of its own ranks ; and lastly, both the senate and Sulla himself, now one of the consuls, prepared to resist the trans- ference of the Asiatic command to Marius. Both sides were ominously ready for violent measures. The consuls, in order to prevent legislation, pro- claimed a public holiday.' Sulpicius replied by arming his followers and driving the consuls from the forum. The proclamation was withdrawn and the laws carried, but Sulpicius's triumph was short- lived. From Nola in Campania, where lay the legions commanded by him in the Social War, Sulla advanced on Rome, and for the first time a Roman consul entered the city at the head of the legions of the republic. Resistance was hopeless. Marius and Sulpicius fled," and Sulla, summoning the assembly of the centuries, proposed the measures he considered ' App., loc. cit., -fn-iEpcDV apyia? TtoXXcSv — a favourite stroke of policy. C/. Cicero, Ad Q. F., ii. 4, 4 : ^\h'es comitiales exemit omnes . . Laiinainstanrantiir, ncc deerant snpplicationes." * Marius finally escaped to Africa (see Marius) ; Sulpicius was taken and killed ; App., i., 60. Ch.i] From the Gracchi to Sulla. 227 necessary for the public security, the most important being a provision that the sanction of the senate should be necessary before any proposal was intro- duced to the assembly.' Then, after waiting in Rome long enough to hold the consular elections, he left for Greece early in 87 B.C. Sulla had conquered, but his victory cost the republic dear. He had first taught political parti- sans to look for final success, not to a ., . . ' Manus and majority of votes in the forum or campus, cmna, but to the swords of the soldiery ; and he had shown that the legions, composed as they now were, could be trusted to regard nothing but the commands of a favourite leader. The lesson was well learnt. Shortly after his departure, Cinna as consul revived the pro- posals of Sulpicius'^; his colleague Octavius at the head of an armed force fell upon the new citizens who had collected in crowds to vote, and the forum was heaped high with the bodies of the slain. ^ Cinna fled, but fled like Sulla, to the legions. When the senate declared him deposed from his consulship, he replied by invoking the aid of the soldiers in Cam- pania on behalf of the violated rights of the people and the injured dignity of the consulship, and, like Sulla, found them ready to follow where he led. The neighbouring Italian communities, which had lost many citizens in the recent massacre, sent ' App., B. C, i., 59 : fiJjdsv sttI dnpofiovXevrov t? rov dyfiov E6 I • sulship of smce bulla s death \\\ 78 B.C., been m- Pompey. cessantly agitating for the repeal of his ^"'^ a.u.c. most obnoxious laws, and needed onl}- a leader in order successfully to attack a government discredited by failure at home and abroad. With the return of Pompey from Spain their opportunit}' came. Pom- pey, who understood politics as little as Marius, was anxious to obtain, what the senate was more than likely to refuse to give him, and \\hat he was not legally entitled to, a :riumph, the consul- 1 • r 1 r \ , 1 ^^4 A.U.C. ship for the next year (70 B.C.), and as the natural consequence of this an important command in the East. The opposition wanted his name and support, and a bargain was soon struck. Pompey, and with him Marcus Crassus, the conqueror of Spartacus, were elected consuls, almost in presence j6 24-2 Oiitliiies cf Roman History. [Book iv of their troops, which lay encamped outside the gates in readiness to assist at the triumph and ovation granted to their respective leaders. Pompey lost no time in performing his part of the agreement. The tribunes regained their prerogatives.' The " perpetual courts " were taken out of the hands of the senatorial judiccs, who had outdone the eques- trian order in scandalous corruption/ and finally the censors, the first since 86 B.C., purged the senate of the more worthless and disreputable of .Sulla's par- tisans.^ The victory was complete ; but its chief significance for the future lay in the clearness with which it showed that the final decision in matters political lay with neither of the two great parties in Rome, but with the holder of the military authority. The tribunes of the plebs were no longer, as the Gracchi had been, political leaders. The most prominent and active of them, Gabinius, Manilius, Clodius, and the younger Curio, were little more than the lieutenants of this or that great military leader, using their recovered powers to thwart his opponents in the senate, or to carry measures on his ' The exact provisions of Pompey's law are nowhere given ; Livy., Ej>i /., xcvW. : ^^ iribuniciam polcstati'in 7-cstitueruiit." Cf. Velleius, ii., 30. A lex Anrelia, in 75 B.C., had already repealed tlie law dis- qualifying a tribune for further office ; Cic, Com., fr. 7S. ' This was the m ork of L. Aurelius Cotta, prcetor iii this year. The ptiiict-s \\&r& to l)e t.il.en in equal proportions from senators, equiles, and tribuni cerarii. l-'or llie latter, and for the law generally, see Madvig, Verf., i., 1S2, ii., 222 ; Lange, R. All., iii., 193. Com- pare also Cicero's language, III Verr., i., i, 15. The prosecution of Verres shortly preceded the Irx Attrelin. ^ Livy, Kpit,, xcviii. Sixty-four senators were expelled. Cf, Pint., Pomp,, 22 ; Cic. /;/ />/-;-., i., i, 15. I Ch. 21 From Snlla to Ccesar. 243 behalf through the assembly. The change was fatal to the dignity of politics in the city. In proportion as the mass of the Roman community in Italy, and able aspirants to power, like Caesar, became con- scious of the unreality of the old constitutional controversies, they became indifferent to the ques- tions which agitated the foruvi and the curia, and contemptuously ready to alter or disregard the con- stitution itself, when it stood in the way of interests nearer to their hearts. Of this growing indifference to the traditional politics of the republic, against which Cicero struggled in vain, Pompey is an excel- lent example. He was absolutely without interest in them, except in so far as they led up to important military commands, and, though he was never rev- olutionary in intention, his own career, in its quiet defiance of all the established rules of the consti- tution, did almost more than the direct attacks of others to render the republic impossible. When his consulship ended, Pompey impatiently awaited at the hands of the politicians he had befriended the further gift of a ""'^'MlniHau foreign command. He declined an ordin- ^^'^' ary province, and from the end of 70 B.C. to 67 B.C. he remained at Rome in a somewhat affec- 684-7 A. u. c. tedly dignified seclusion. But, as before in the case of Marius, a crisis abroad now opened the way to the gratification of his ambition, and the popu- lar parly were enabled at once to thwart the senate, and to reward their champion by measures for which ' Velleius, ii. 31 ; Plut., Pomp., 23. 244 Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv the safety of the empire could be pleaded as a justi- fication. The ravages of the Cilician pirates, encour- aged, in the first instance, by the inactivity which had marked Roman policy in the East after 167 B.C., and by the absence of an\' effective Roman navy in the Mediterranean, had now risen to an intolerable height, and the spasmodic efforts made since 81 B.C. had done little to check them. The trade of the Mediterranean was paralysed, and even the coasts of Italy were not safe from their raids.' Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, and a follower of Pompey, now 687 A. u. C. 1 -' ' proposed {61 B.C.) to the people to intrust Pompey with the sole command against the pirates.* His command was to last for three years. He was to have supreme authority over all Roman magistrates in the provinces throughout the Mediterranean and over the coasts for fifty miles inland. Fifteen legati, all of praetorian rank, were assigned to him, with two hundred ships, and as many troops as he thought desirable. These powers were still further enlarged in the next year by the Manilian law (66 B.C.) 638 A. U. C. . which transferred from Lucullus and Gla- brio to Pompey the conduct of the Mithridatic war in Asia, and :\'ith it the entire control of Roman polic}' and interests in the East.^ The unrepublican char- acter of the position thus granted to Pompey, and the dangers of the precedent established, were clearly enough i)ointed out by such moderate men as Q. Lutatius Catulus, the " father of the senate," and ' See the brilliant sketch by Moaimsen, R. C, iii. 39 stj. ■ riut., Pomp., 25 ; Die Cassius, xxxvi. 6 ; I. ivy, Epil., c. " Cic. P>o Lfge Manilia; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 25; Pint., Pomp., y). Ch. 2] From Sulla to Ccesar. 245 by the orator Hortensius ; but in vain. Both laws were supported, not only by the tribunes and the populace, but by the whole influence of the piibli- cani and ncgotiatorcs, whose interests in the East were at stake. Pompey left Rome in 6"] B.C., and did not return to Italy till towards the end of 62 B.C. The interval was marked in Rome bv ^H\ ^T' -^ A. U. C. the rise to political importance of Caesar and Cicero, and by Catiline's attempt at revolution. When in 70 B.C. the removal of the rcstric- ^„ , „ ^ ' 684 A. U. C. tions placed upon the tribunate restored to the popular part\- their old weapons of attack, Caesar was already a marked man. In addition to his patri- cian birth, and his reputation for daring and ability, he possessed, as the nephew of Marius and the son- in-law of Cinna, a strong hereditary claim to the leadership of the popular and Marian party. He had already taken part in the agitation for the restora- tion of the tribunate ; he had supported the Manilian law ; and, when Pompey's withdrawal left the field clear for other competitors, he stepped at once into the front rank on the popular side.' He took upon himself, as their nearest representative, the task of clearing the memory and avenging the wrongs of the great popular leaders, Marius, Cinna, and Saturninus. He publicly reminded the people of Marius's ser- vices, and set up again upon the Capitol the trophies ' Professor Becily, in liic essay on Catiline, lias vainly endeavoured to show that Catiline and not Csesar was the popular leader from 67 to 63 B.C. That this is the inference intentionally conveyed by Sallust, in order to screen Ca?sar, is true, but the inference is a false one. 246 Outli?ies of Ro7na7i History. [Bookiv of the Cimbric war. He endeavoured to bring to justice, not only the ringleaders in Sulla's bloody work of proscription, but even the murderers of Saturninus. and vehemently pleaded the cause of the children of the proscribed. While thus carrying on in genuine Roman fashion the feud of his family, he attracted the sympathies of the Italians by his efforts to procure the Roman franchise for the Latin communities beyond the Po, and won the affections of the populace in Rome and its immediate neighbour- hood by the splendour of the games which he gave as curuleaedile (65 E.c.\ and by his lavish 689 A. U. C. . expenditure upon the improvement of the AppianWay. But it is characteristic of Caesar and of his time that these measures were with him only means to the further end of creating for himself a position such as that which Pompey had already won ; and this ulterior aim he pursued with a skill and with an audacious indifference to constitutional forms and usages unsurpassed even by Sulla. His coalition with Crassus, soon after Pompey's departure, se- cured him an ally whose colossal wealth and wide financial connections were of inestimable value, and whose vanity and inferiorit}' of intellect rendered him ^„ . ,, ^ a willincr tool. The storv of his attempted 689 A. U. C. t> - I coup d'etat in Tanuarv65 ?..c. is probabh- 691 A. u. c. ^ . " . false,' but it is evident that by the begin- ning of 63 B.C. he was bent on reaping the reward of his exertions by obtaining from the people an ' The story is so told by Suetonius (y«/. 8). In Sallust (G(/., i8), it appears as an intrigue originating with Catiline, and Caesar's name is omitted. Ch.2] From Sulla to Ccssar. 247 extraordinary command abroad, which should secure his position before Pompcy's return ; and the agrarian law proposed early in that year by the tribune Rul- lus had for its real object the creation, in favour of Cssar and Crassus, of a commission with powers so wide as to place its members almost on a level with Pompey himself.' It was at this moment, when all seemed going well, that Caesar's hopes were dashed to the ground by Catiline's desperate outbreak, which not only discredited every one connected with the popular party, but directed the suspicions of the well-to-do classes against Caesar himself, as a possible accomplice in Catiline's revolutionary schemes.' The same wave of indignation and suspicion which for the moment checked Caesar's rise carried Marcus Tullius Cicero to the height of his fortunes. Cicero, as a politician, has been equally misjudged by friends and foes. That he was deficient in courage, that he was vain, and that he attempted the impossible, may be admitted at once. But he was neither a brilliant and unscrupu- lous adventurer nor an aimless trimmer, nor yet a devoted champion merely of senatorial ascendency.^ ' Cic, Lex. Agr., ii., 6: "' nihil aliud actum nisi tit decern reges constitucrentur. " 2 That Caesar and Crassus had supported Catiline for the consulship in 64 B.C. is certain, and they were suspected naturally enough of fa- vouring his designs in 63 B.C., but their complicity is in the highest degree improbable. ■^ Mommsen is throughout unfair to Cicero, as also are Drumann, and Professor Beesly. The best estimates of Cicero's political posi- tion known to me are those given by Professor Tyrrell in the Intro- duction to his edition of Cicero's Letters, and by Mr. Strachan Davidson in his recent volume on Cicero. 248 Outlines of Roman History. LBookiv He was a representative man, with a numerous fol- lowing, and a policy whicli was natural]}' suggested to him by the circumstances of his birth, connec- tions, and profession, and which, impracticable as it proved to be, was yet consistent, intelligible, and high-minded. Born at Arpinum, he cherished, Hke all Arpinates, the memory of his great fellow-towns- man Marius, the friend of the Italians, the saviour of Italy, and the irreconcilable foe of Sulla and the nobles. A vinnicipat himself, his chosen friends and his warmest supporters were found among the well-to-do classes in the Italian towns.' Unpopular with the Roman aristocracy, who despised him as a percgri)ins'' and with the Roman populace, lie was the trusted leader of the Italian middle class, " the true Roman people," as he proudly styles them. It was they who carried his election for the 6 1 A u c consulship ' (63 B.C.), who in 58 IJ.C. in- 6g6 A.u.c. sisted on his recall from exile,* and it was his inlluence with them which made Citsar so anxious to win him over in 40 B.C. Me 705 A.u.c. . . -^ rei)resented their antipathy alike to socialistic schemes and to aristocratic exclusiveness, and their old-fashioned simplicity of life in contrast with the cosmopolitan luxury of the capital." By birth, too, he belonged to the ecjuestrian order, the foremost representatives of which were indeed still \.\\c piibticani and ncgoiiatorcs, but which, since the ' Cic, Ad Ait,, i., 491 : " loctipkUs . . . itostrr t\xcrcitits." " Cic, Pro Sulla, 7 ; Sail., Cal., 31 : " i>t; 258 Otitlincs of Roman History. [Book iv senate were equally bent on bring-incr his Propose! ^ J ^ ^ recall Command to an end at the leral time, and ot Cffisar. ... so obliging him to disband his troops and stand for the consulship as a private person, or, if he kept his command, on preventing his .standing for the consulship. Through u B.C. and 703-704 A. u.c. ... 50 P..C. the discussions in the senate and the negotiations with Caesar continued, but with no result. On 1st January, 4Q B.C., Caesar 705 A. u.c. -^ /' ^^ ' made a last offer of compromise. The senate replied by requiring him on pain of outlawry to disband his legions. Two tribunes who supported him were ejected from the senate-house, and the magistrates with Pompey were authorised to take Caesar crosses ^easures to protcct the republic. Ccesar theRubicon. hcsitatcd no lougcr ; he crossed the Rubi- 705 A. u.c. j,Q,-, ^j-j^ invaded Italy. The rapidity of his advance astounded and bewildered his foes. Pom- pey, followed by the consuls, the majority of the senate, and a long train of nobles, abandoned Italy as untenable, and crossed into Greece.' At the end of March Cajsar entered Rome as the master of Italy. ' Cicero severely censures Pompey for abandoning Italy, but strate- getically the move was justified l)y the fact tliat Pompey's strengtii lay in the East, where his name was a power, and in his control of the sea. Politically, however, it was a blunder, as it enabled (^lesar to pose as the defender of Italy. MAP ///. w> m c CHAPTER III. THE EMPIRE DURING THE PERIOD OF REVOLUTION. The external history of Rome during the period covered by the two preceding chapters forms an instructive commentary on the course of domestic politics. The inadequac}'- of the old machinery to administer successfully the affairs of an empire was amply proved by the repeated disasters for which the incapacity or inexperience of the Roman generals was mainly responsible, by the insurrections which the exactions of Roman ofificials provoked, and by the financial exhaustion which maladministration produced even in such wealthy provinces as Sicily and Asia. On the other hand, the policy which the popular leaders favoured as a ready means of thwart- ing the senate, that of concentrating a wide executive authority in the hands of a single man specially designated by vote of the people, was justified b}' the brilliant achievements of Marius, Pompey, and Caesar. At the same time, the position which such men were thus enabled to attain was fraught with danger, not only to senatorial ascendency, and to the system of divided authority, and changing magis- trates bound up with it, but equally so to the 259 26o Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv supremacy of the popular assembly which had made, but could not unmake, its powerful favourites. The circumstance that one of the two great parties in the state was thus always ready, for its own pur- poses, to set aside the rules and restrictions of the old system, and to give the freest possible hand to the men of its choice, helps to explain the fact that it was during this period of domestic conflict, and even of civil war, that the high-water mark of Roman advance was reached. With the nations outside who confronted her during the next four centuries, with the Germans on the north, and with Parthia on the east, Rome was brought face to face by the conquests of Caesar in Gaul and of Pompey in Asia. Between Rome and the Germans at the opening of this period lay the Keltic tribes, extending as they Rome and ^^'^ J^i an almost unbroken line from the alau^'ne' Atlantic to the Danube. Over the Kelts *^^"'' nearest at hand, in the plains of North Italy, Roman supremacy was already established, and in this district, apart from petty wars provoked by the raids of the highland Alpine tribes, or by the eagerness of Roman nobles to earn a triumph,' there is nothing to record but a steady progress in civili- sation and prosperity, which made Cisalpine Gaul ir the time of Cicero the most populous and thrivin; part of the Italian peninsula.' .South of the Po, not ' Cic, In Piso)Uy it, ot T-. Crassus (consul 95 B.c.^ : " speciilispropk xcrtitatKs est Alpes, ut itl'i hostis non eral, ibi ln'ninj>~, , causam aliquaiti quan'crel. " « Cia Ad Att., i., I ; Phi!., ii., 30. Ch. 31 The Empire During the RevolMtion. 261 only a Roman civilisation, but even a Roman popu- lation must have been firmly established before the Social war. Along the line of the Via /Emilia, running from Ariminum westward, lay five great colonies, Bononia, Mutina, Parma, Placentia, and Cremona,' all founded betw^een 218-184 B.C., while farther to the west was Dertona," on the road leading southward to Genoa. To the colonies must be added not only the fora^ established by Roman magis- trates as centres for traffic, and for the administration of justice,' but the numerous settlements of Roman citizens up and down the country, with their charac- teristically euphemistic names, Industria, Faventia, Pollentia, Fidentia, Valentia, Florentia. The con- struction of the first Roman road, the Via yEmilia, now as then the great thoroughfare through the valley of the Po, had been followed by that of others, such as those running along the coast past Genoa to the Maritime Alps, and northward from Genoa through the heart of the Ligurian highlands to Der- tona ^ ; north of the Po, there were besides Cremona ' Cremona lay north of the Po, but was founded at the sanae time as Placentia (21S B.C.), and as part of the same scheme of defence. ''■ The date of the foundation of Dertona is uncertain ; Mommsen connects it with the construction of the Via Postumia (148 B.C.), Corp. 1. I. at., v., p. 831. ^ They bear, as a rule, the name of the consul or proconsul who established them, e. g.. Forum Cornelii, Forum Livii, etc. ■* The Via .Fmilia from Ariminum to Placentia was made in 187 B.C. by the consul M. ^Fmilius I.epidus. The ^'ia Postumia (Sp. Postumius Albinus, cons. 148 r..c.) ran from Placentia by Dertona to Genoa. M. ^milius Scaurus (censor 109 B.C.) carried a second Via 262 Otitlines of Roman History. [Book iv only two colonies, Aquileia and Eporedia," and the traces of Roman settlements are comparatively slight. But the Keltic tribes in this region were being rap- idly Romanised. The old cantonal organisation with its open villages was breaking down. Old tribal centres, such as Mediolanium," were becoming large towns, and rapidly superseding the tribes as the political divisions of the country. How great the advance had been was shown by the fact that, when in 80 B.C. the Roman franchise was granted 665 A.U.C. 1 ^- , . . 1 ,T- to the Cispadane communities, the 1 rans- padanes received Latin rights, and only twenty years later were fully enfranchised.^ It was appar- ently by Sulla, in 81 B.C., that the whole of Cisalpine Gaul was formed into a prov- ince with a proconsul of its own." The reasons for the step are probably to be found in the increasing administrative needs of a populous region, and still more in its military importance as a frontier district. I>ut the policy of the step was doubtful. The pro- consul of Cisalpine Gaul, wielding the autocratic authority of a provincial governor, and backed not only by his legions, but by the great resources in .-Emilia from the end of the Via Aurelia at ^'olatel■ra', iia^^t C.eiioa to Vada Sahhata ; C. I. L., v., p. 885. ' Aquileia founded 184 li.c, to protect the eastern frontier. Fpo- redia founded 100 B.C., in the extreme north-west. ■■' The '■ caput gevtis " of the Tnsul)res ; Polyb., ii., 34 : xvpiGora- ro^ roTto?. ^ The grant of the "Jits Lalii " w as due to Cn. Pompeius Strabo, father of I'ompey the Creat ; Ascon, In Fis., p. 3 (Orelli). The Roman franchise was given in 49 B.C. by Caesar ; Dio Cass., xli., 3^ *Mommsen. Rom, Cfsch., ii., 371. Ch. 3] The E^npire During the Revolution. 263 men ' and money which his province possessed, was, as Caesar showed, a dangerous neighbour. As had so often happened elsewhere, it The Trans- r • 1 r /-• 1 •, alphine Kelts: was a request for aid from a Greek city annexation that first brought Rome into colhsion with oaui. the Kelts beyond the Alps. Among the oldest and most faithful of the allies of Rome was the Phocsean colony of Massilia. Whatever truth there may be in the tradition which dated the alliance from the time of Tarquinius Priscus, it is certain that from the close of the first Punic war onwards it was close and intimate." For not only had Rome and Massilia a common interest in checking the raids of Ligurian free-booters and pirates, but from the moment when Rome acquired an interest in Spain, and still more after the formation of the two Spanish provinces (107 B.C.), Mas::ilia became of the first im- T^ r , . • 657A.U.C. portance to Rome from her position on the route to Spain. Roman governors on their way to or from their province found a welcome there,' and the powerful aid of Rome was several times in- voked by the Massiliots against their Ligurian neigh- bours." It was, however, not until 125 -^ 629 A.U.C, B.C. that Rome intervened decisively and effectually in Transalpine affairs. By that time the ' In 58 B.C. Caesar was able in a few days to raise two legions in Gallia Cisalpina ; Caes. , B. G., i., lo, 24. "^ Herzog., Gall. Narbonensis, pp. 37-42 (Leipzig, 1864). ^ Livy, xxxvii., 57 and xlii., 4. * In 154 B.C. a Roman force under the consul Opimius was sent to punish the Oxubii and Decietse, who had attacked Antipolis and Nic£ea ; Polyb., xxxiii. 5 ; Livy, Epit,, xlvii. 264 OiUlines of Roman History. [Book IV Ligurian tribes 011 the Italian side of the Alps had been thoroughly subdued. Roman roads had been carried through the Ligurian highlands. Roman settlements have been planted on Ligurian terri- tory, and Roman supremacy extended to the very frontiers of southern Gaul. The immediate object uf the expedition, headed by Marcus P^ulvius I'laccus (consul I2S), the chastisement of the Sa- 629 A. u. c. ^ _, . . luvii, a Ligurian tribe occupying the high- lands above Massilia, of whose raids the Massiliots had complained,' was easily effected by Flaccus, and by his successor, C. Sextius Calvinus, who finally defeated the Saluvii in 12; B.C., and cstab- 631 A. u. c. . . lished on the site of the old tribal strong- hold a Roman military post, afterwards famous as Aquse Sextiae.'' But the area of the war rapidly extended to the neighbouring Keltic tribes. The Vocontii, immcdi- ately to the north, and in the rear of the Saluvii, had been reduced by Flaccus.' Beyond the Vocon- tii lay the Allobroges, and wnth them and with their powerful patrons, the Arverni, across the Rhone/ an excuse for war was found in the raids ' T.ivy, Epit., Ix. ; Florus, iii. C. For the geographical position and nationality of the Salluvii, see Desjardins, La Gaule Roinaine, i., pp. 65 sqq. ^ Livy, Epit., Ixi. Theyizj// records a triumph uf Iluvius in 123 B.C., and of Sextius in 122 B.C. The statement of Livy's epitomater, " ColoniafK Aquas Sex/ias condidil," is probably a blunder. See Herzog., GalL Narh., p. 50. ^ Flaccus triumphed ' ' dt- Vocontiis. " * Tac, Attn., xi., 25. For the feud between the Arverni and ^tdui, see Caesar, B. G., i., 31. Ch, 3] The Empire During the Revolution, 265 which they continued to make upon the territory of their ancient rivals, the ^dui, now the allies of Rome, and in the shelter given to the fugitive king of the Saluvii." The struggle was short and deci- sive. In 121 B.C. the consul, Q. Fabius . . 633 A. U. C. Maxinius, defeated the united forces of the two tribes at the confluence of the Isfere and the Rhone." The Allobroges at once submitted, and in the next year a second defeat at the hands of the proconsul, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, broke the spirit of the Arverni.' The victory was apparently followed by the submission to Rome of the tribes lying between the Arverni and the coast on the right bank of the Rhone, over whom, as over the Allobroges, the Arverni had previously claimed suzerainty.* It is significant of the importance which Rome attached to this conquest, that she proceeded at once to lay foundations of a regular provincial organisation.* No precise settlement of the bounds of the new province seem to have been attempted, and the limits of the territory now brought within Rome's " sphere of influence " can only be roughly traced. The main ' Livy, Epit., Ixi. ; Florus, iii., 2. ' Pliny, H. N., vii., 51 ; Livy, Epit., Ixi. ^ It seems clear that Fabius's victory on the Is^re preceded that of Domitius. See the note in Herzog. , Gall. Narb., p. 46. * The most important of these tribes were the Helvii, the Volcse Arecomici, and the Volcoe Tectosages, no conquest of whom is men- tioned, but all of whom were included in the new province. Herzog. /. c. * The settlement of the new territory was intrusted to Cn. Domitius, who remained in southern Gaul for two years more. He celebrated his triumph at Rome in 218 B.C. Mommsen, R. G., ii., 163. 266 Outlines of Romaji History. [Book iv portion of it lay eastward of the Rhone, and extended from the sea-coast along the left bank of that river to the northernmost limits of the territory of the Allo- broges and the lake of Geneva, while to the east it was separated from Cisalpine Gaul by the still unsub- dued tribes of the Maritime and Cottian Alps. Be- yond the Rhone it included the coast-land as far as the Pyrenees, and stretched inland to the foot of the Cevennes, and to the southern borders of the Arverni. That this territory was now placed under the command of a resident Roman proconsul may be taken for granted, but how much was effected for the internal organisation of the province it is impos- sible to say.' The position of Massilia, as an inde- pendent ally, remained technically unaltered. The native Keltic and Ligurian tribes, though not broken up, and only imperfectly pacified, probably suffered some loss of territory, and were forced to pay tribute. Two Roman castclla were established, one at Aqua: Sextiae in the eastern, one at Tolosa in the western portion of the province." The existing coast road from the Rhone to Spain was reconstructed under the name of the Via Domitia,' and to guard it a Roman colony was founded at Narbo, as an outpost and "bulwark of the Roman empire." ^ ' lierzog., pp. 47-5(), and p. 63 nolc ; Dcsjardins, La Gaulf Komaine, i., 287 sqq. ' Strabo, p. 180; Dio Cass., fiagm. 90. * Polybius, 3, 39, mentions a coast road marked with Roman mile- stones. Cic., Pro Fotiteio, 7, speaks of the \\& Domitia as needing repair {circa 75 B.C.). *Vell.,i. 15; Cic, Bru/., 43; Pro Fontcio, 5: " Xarho Mar- tins colonia nostroruni civiu/ii, specula P. K. ac propicgnacidum" Ch. 3] The E/npirc During the Revolution. 267 Nine years after the foundation of Narbo, the eruption of the Cimbri and Teutones , 1 -r-> f 1 T^i^ invasion threatened Rome for the moment, not of the • 1 1 I f 11 1 1 1 • Cimbri. only with the loss of all she had won m southern Gaul, but with an invasion of Italy itself. This, the first recorded descent of northern barba- rians upon southern Europe, was no doubt provoked, like those that followed it, by the need of more land, and a craving for the spoils of the south. Issuing from their homes by the northern sea, where their people still dwelt in the days of Augustus,' the Ger- mans marched southward, with their women, children, and wagons, till they reached the barrier of Keltic tribes which covered the frontiers of the Roman empire, from the Rhone in the west to the bordere of Thrace in the east. But this barrier had already been weakened by Roman attacks from the south, and at the point where the Cimbri first touched it the Keltic tribes had been in conflict with the legions and could offer little resistance.* At Noreia, in the heart of what was afterwards the province of Noricum, and in the territory of the Keltic Teurisci, the first conflict between Romans and Germans took place, and resulted in the defeat of the consul Cn. Papirius Carbo (113 B.C.).' ' Strabo, 292 : '' nal yap vvv e'xovdi rrjv ^ta/'jar rjv Eixov TtpoTFpov." Their home was the Cimbric Chersonese (Jutland) ; Desjardins, i., 303. * In 115 B.C. M. ^milius Scaurus celebrated a triumph over the Kelts of the Carnic Alps. In 141 B.C. Livy, Epit., Ixiii., mentions a campaign against the Scordisci ; according to Strabo, p. 293, the Cimbri, after being repulsed by the Boii, crossed the Danube to the territories of the Scordisci and Teurisci " yiai rovroui FaXara?." ^ hivy, £j>it., Ixiii. ; Strabo, p. 214, mentions the scene of the battle. 268 Otitlines of Romati History. [Book IV Ikit although this victory appeared to lay Italy open to attack on its most defenceless side, where the colony of Aquileia alone guarded the entrance to the rich plains of the Po,' no advantage was taken of it. When the Germans reappeared, four vcars later, in lOQ B.C., it was on the 645A.U.C. ' . -^ . northern frontier of the territory 01 the AUobroges, where they a second time defeated a Roman consul, M. Junius Silanus.^ It would seem that in the interval they had moved westward behind the screen of the Alps, and after being repulsed by the Belgic Gauls, had reached the frontiers of the Roman province through the land of the Helvetii.' Again, however, the victorfous Germans halted, and did no more than send ambas- sadors to the senate with an impossible request for lands.^ But their presence, and the sight of the booty they had won, stirred the ambition of the Helvetii,^ a section of whom had already joined them, and fought by their side against Silanus." Two years later (io7 B.C.) the same Hel- 647A. u.c. ' 4.U -r- • • J A A • ^ vetian clan, the 1 igurini, descended into ' Aquileia was founded to guard the entrance into Italy from fllyricum. Strabo, 214: " tTtireixKi^f-^ toz? vTtepxsi/iivoti fiapfidpoi'^." '^ Livy, Epil., Ixv. ^ Strabo, 196, says that they were repulsed Ijy the Belga?, and, p. 293, that from the land of the Teurisci they went to that of the Helvetii. ■• Livy, Epit., Ixv. 'Strabo, 193: " Ini Xr^drstav rpaTtsdQai rai r^v Ki/xfipoov evTtoftiaiidovrai." * The Tigurini ; Floras, iii., 3. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revolution. 269 southern Gaul, swept across it as far as the Atlantic, and on their return met and routed the consul L. Cassius Longinus in the country of the Allobroges.' How much these successive defeats had weakened Roman prestige was proved by the insurrection (106 B.C.) of the Tolosates, who surprised , , 1 -r-. . 648 A. u. c. and captured the Roman garrison at Tolosa." But a far more serious catastrophe was at hand. In 105 B.C. the united hordes of Germans and Helvetians invaded the Roman province, routed and took prisoner the legate, M. Aurelius Scaurus,' and, on October 6th, utterly annihilated at Arausio (Orange) two com- plete Roman forces, under the command respec- tively of the consul, M. Mallius, and the proconsul, O. Servilius Caepio.* This disaster, following as it did on the defeats of Carbo, Silanus, and Cassius, raised to fever height the popular indignation with senatorial mismanagement, which the Jugurthinc scandals had already excited.* The popular hero, Marius, though still absent in Africa, was elected ' Livy, Epit., Ixv. : " consul Cassius a Tigurinis Gallispago Helveti- ortiiii . . . in finibus Allobroguin casus." Cf. Cassar, B. G., i., 12. Strabo, pp. 183-293, mentions the Tougeni. Oros., v., 15, states that the invaders reached the Atlantic. '^ Dio Cass., fragm. 90. The insurrection was crushed by Q. Servilius Caepio, who carried off and appropriated to his own use the treasure in the temple at Tolosa (fl«r«w Tolosanuvi) ; Cic, De Nat. Dear., iii., 30; Strabo, p. 1S8. ^Livy, ^///., Ixvii. •• Livy, Epit., Ixvii. ; Oros., 5, 16 ; for the date, see Plut., Lucullus, '2.1 . * Csepio vias deprived of his command, and his property confiscated ; Livy, Epit., Ixvii. 270 Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv consul for 104 B.C., and intrusted with the 650 A. U. C. ... , . . /• T 1 task of repelhng the invasion of Italy, which seemed to be imminent.' Fortunately, how- ever, for Rome, and for Marius, the Cimbri passed on southwards into Spain, ravaging as they went, while their kinsmen the Teutones, and their Hel- vetian allies, remained stationary and inactive in Gaul.^ Not until late in 103 B.C., on the 651 A. u. c. . , .^. , . , , return of the Limbri, was the attack which all Italy had been anxiously awaiting decided upon. It was arranged that while the Cimbri re- traced their steps and endeavoured to force their way into Italy from the side of Illyricum, the Teutones and Helvetii should take the more direct route through southern Gaul. The duty of repel- ling the Cimbri was assigned to Q. Lutatius Catulus, who had been elected consul with Marius for 102 B.C. Marius himself, who had spent the two years 104 and 103 B.C. in quieting the Keltic tribes within the province,' and in pre- paring for war,* awaited the advance of the Teutones at Aquai Scxtiae, the defences of which he had en- larged and strengthened, and here in two successive battles he not only defeated, but dcstroy-ed the invadin^r force." But though all dancrer from the 'Sail., y«i'., 114: ' consul abscns est /actus ft ci dccrcla provincia Gallia.'' "^ Livy, Epit., Ixvii. ^ The Volcae Tectosages ; Pint., Sull., 4. That the I,igiirians were also meditating revolt is implied by Frontinus, Strategem., \. 2, 6. '• riut., Afarius, 15 ; Veil., ii., 12 : " tertius {consulatus) inapparatu belli cousumptus" * Livy, Epit., Ixviii. ; Plut., Marius, I. c. Ch. 3] IJic Empire During iJie Revohdion. 2 7 1 Teutones was over, the Cimbri had still to be met and repulsed. In the spring of loi B.C., Marius, now consul for the fifth time, crossed into Italy and hastened to the assistance of his former colleague Catulus,' an accomplished man, and the head of the " optimate " party, but no soldier, who had been defeated by the Cimbri and driven back to the Adige. On July 30th, loi B.C., a decisive battle was fought on tlie " Raudine Plains."" One hundred thousand of the enemy were captured or slain, and the first German invasion was at an end. From this time down to the moment when Caesar assumed the command, the situation in Transalpine Gaul underwent but little change. The peace of the Roman province was indeed repeatedly disturbed by risings among the Keltic tribes.^ But in spite of these, and of the distress and discontent caused by Roman misgovernment, Cicero's speech in defence of Fonteius, governor of the province .U . .t, A 1 ^79-681 B.C. 75-73 B.C., proves that southern Gaul was already becoming Romanised, and that a strong tide of immigration from Italy had set in. " Gaul," he declares, " is crowded with Roman men of business, farmers, graziers, monev-lenders, and statc-con- ' Veil., ii., 12 ; Livy, Epit., Ixviii. ; Plut., Mariits, I. c. - Near Vercellse. Plut., Marius, 25 ; Veil., ii., 15. Of this cam- paign a good account is given by Ihne, J?. C, v., 1S8 sqq. 'In 77 B.C. Pompey, then on his way to Spain, hatl to suppress a general revolt. In 66 R.c. arising of the Allobroges was put down by Calpurnius Piso ; Dio, xxxvi., 21. Cicero calls Piso /rtivyffi?/*);- Allohrognm {.4d Alt,, i., 13). A second rising of the Allobroges occurred in 62 B.C. ; I-ivy, Epit., ciii. 272 Oiitlines of Roman History. [Book iv tractors." " No money passed," he adds, " except through Roman hands." ' In the year 59 B.C. Farther Gaul was, together with Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum, placed under the command of Caesar for a period of five Cxsar in i i -i r r ^ i Gaul. 695 years, and the defence ot the entn-e A. U.C. northern frontier from the Rhone to the Save and Drave was thus committed to his care, as the defence of the eastern frontier of the empire had previously been to Pompey. The wisdom of TheHeivetii. ''^^''^ Step was quickly proved. In the 696 A. U.C. spring of 58 B.C., the news reached Rome that the Helvetii were again in motion, but on this occasion it was not merely a raid by a single clan that was in prospect. The whole Helvetian people had deliberately resolved to leave their land and find a new home in Gaul. The resolution 693 A. u. c. , . ^ was taken m 61 B.C., and two years were devoted to completing the arrangements for what was intended to be a final abandonment of their native country. Their strongholds, villages, and crops were destroyed ; provisions sufficient for three months were collected, and their neighbours to the north and east, the Rauraci, Tulingi, Latobriges, and Boii, persuaded to join them. Finally, the 28th of ?vlarch, 58 B.C., was fixed as the day on which the whole body should assemble on the right bank of Cic, Pro Fonteio, 5 : " referta Gallia negoiiatorttm est, plena aviUfit Romanorum ; nemo Gallorion sine cive Romano qnicquam vegotii gerit ; nummiis in Gallia niillus sine civium Romanorum tabulis cominovetur — ex ianio tiegotiatorum, colonorum, puhliian' oruni, ara/onim, peeuariorjim itumero" 'Suet., Cersar, 21 ; Oros., vi., 7. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revolutio7i. 2 jt, the Rhone, near Geneva, whence an easy and open route would lead them through the territory of the Allobroges.' The report of their intention reached Caesar in Rome. Eight days later he reached the Rhone,'' with a single legion, and such native levies as he had been able to raise on his way among the tribes of Farther Gaul. In front of him, across the river, lay the Helvetii and their allies, numbering all told 368,000 persons.' Caesar instantly destroyed the bridge not far from Geneva by which the motley host had hoped to cross, and then carried a line of entrenchments* along the left bank of the Rhone, from the lake of Geneva to the foot of the moun- tains which enclose the Pas d'Ecluse. These pre- cautions were effective, and the Helvetii were forced to attempt the difificult and toilsome route leading through the passes of the Jura into the territory of the Sequani,' whence they hoped to make their way to the pleasant lands of Aquitaine, which the Tigurini had reached fifty years before." On 'Caesar, B. C, i., 2-6. "Plut., CcEsar, 17. He apparently travelled by the Great St. Bernard route ; Desjardins, La Ganle Romahte, 74, 75, and ii., 597- "Caesar, B. G., i., 29 ; the number of men capable of bearing arms was 92,000. ^ Ibid., i., 8 ; for the position and nature of these entrenchments, see Desjardins, ii., 599. ^ Ctesar, B. C, i., 6; Desjardins, ii., 601. * Cassar, B. C, i., 10: " zV^ r in Santonutn fines facere, qui non longe a Tolosatium fmibits ahsunt, qucz civitas est in provincial The description of the Santones as " not far distant from the territory of Toulouse" is inaccurate. See Desjardins, ii., 603. 2 74 Otitlines of Roma7i Ilisfory. , Book IV learning their intention, Caesar left Labienus to guard the defences on the Rhone, and hurried to Italy to collect fresh troops.' At the head of five legions he recrossed the Alps,'' and inarched rapidly through the territories of the Vocontii and Allo- broges, till he reached the Rhone near Vienne.^ Then turning northwards he overtook the Helvetii while crossing the Saone on their way westward, between Lyons and Macon,* and cut to pieces their rearguard, consisting of Rome's former enemies, the Tigurini. This done, he crossed the Saone, and followed the main body of the enemy, until the difficulty of provisioning his army'' obliged him to turn aside, and make for the ^duan stronghold Bibracte, where grain in plenty was to be had." Finding, however, that the Helvetii, taking courage from his abandonment of the pursuit, had resolved in their turn to become his pursuers, he halted in a strong position, some eighteen Roman miles south of Bibracte, and awaited their attack. The battle which followed resulted in the complete defeat of ' Caesar, B. G., i.. lo. - He seems to have followed the route by Susa (Segusio) throu!;h the Cottian Alps ; Desjardins, ii., 603. ■'Opposite to the land of the Segusiani. Caesar, B. G., i., 10: " iibAflohrogibus in Segusianos — hi sunt extra proTiticiani trans l\ltodanuvi primi." ■• Cresar, B. G., i., 12; Desjardins, ii., 605. ^ The difficulty was mainly due l.i (lie intrigues of the ^^duan chief Dumnorix ; Crcsar, B. (7., i., 16-19. ^ Ibid., i,, 23: '^ oppiJo Aidiioriim longe maxinio et copiosissimo." The site of Bibracte has been fixed at Mt. Beuvray. For its rela- tion to the later tribal capital, Augustodunum (Autun), see Des- jardins, ii., fiOQ, note. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revolution. 275 the Helvetii.' The survivors, after a vain attempt to make their way to the Rhone through the terri- tory of the Lingones, surrendered at discretion. They were disarmed and ordered to return to their homes, but of the mighty host which in the spring had mustered on the banks of the Rhone, less than a third Hved to recross the river/ The task which Csesar had undertaken of defend- ing Gaul against invasion was not ended by the defeat of the Helvetii. By the Gauls ... . , Ariovistus themselves he was at once mvited to nd and the •111- Germans. them of a still more formidable intru- der. Some fourteen years before,^ on the invitation of the Arverni and Sequani, a force of fifteen thou- sand Germans, under Ariovistus, had crossed the Rhine to aid these tribes in their ancient quarrel with the yEdui,* and after a protracted struggle had completely defeated the ^dui in 60 B.C. at Mageto- briga.^ In the extremity of their distress 11 1 1 T^ f . , 694 A.U.C. the latter appealed to Rome for aid, but with little effect, for in 59 B.C. Ariovistus was • The scene of the battle is placed at Mont Mort, to the south of Autun. Stoffel, Guerres des Ce'sa?- et d'Arioviste, p. 36 (Paris, 1891). '■' Csesar, B. C, i., 2S, 29. The Boii were allowed, at the request of the ^dui, to remain in the territory of the latter. The re- occupation of Helvetia was desirable as a precaution against Ger- man inroads. Florus, iii., 10: "' gentcm in sedes suas qtiasi greges in stalnila pastor drdiixit." ^ Cf. Caesar, B. C. , i., 35, where Ariovistus declares that his Ger- mans had not slept under a roof for fourteen years, •• Ibid., i., 31. '- Ibid., I.e.; Cic, Ad At(., i., 19. 276 Outlmes 0/ Roman History. [Book iv formally enrolled among the " friends " of 695 A.U.C. , T^ , ,,.,-,.„ the Roman people, and the title of kmg which he had assumed was recognized by the senate.' The plight of the y^dui was bad enough, but that of Ariovistus's allies, the Sequani, was even worse, for one hundred and twenty thousand Germans were established in their territory, and Ariovistus had re- cently ordered them to make room for twenty-four thousand more. At a council of chiefs, the .^duan Divitiacus, whose unswerving loyalty to Rome had won him the full confidence of Csesar, urged upon him that not only was Rome bound in honour to res- cue her faithful allies from their imminent peril, but that she could not afford to stand by and allow Gaul to be overrun by the Germans. Caesar was con- vinced, all the more easily as the territory of the Sequani, where Ariovistus was established, was only separated by the Rhone from the Roman province of Farther Gaul. Envoys were at once sent to Ario- vistus, but brought back only messages of haughty defiance, while at the same time the news arrived that fresh swarms of Suevi were about to cross the Rhine and join their countrymen in Gaul. In order to crush Ariovistus before these reinforcements reached him, Caesar started at once ; he occupied and garrisoned Vesontio (Besangon), the chief stronghold of the Sequani, which Ariovistus was said to be intending to attack. Seven days later r^ scries of forced marches brought him by a circuitous route within reach of Ariovistus, who was apparently encamped on the farther side of the Vosges moun ' Caesar, B. C, i., 34 ; Pint., drsar, 19. Ch. 3] The Empire Dttrhig the Revolution. 277 tains in the plain country between that range and the Rhine.' After ten days spent partly in fruitless negotiation and partly in vain attempts on Cassar's part to force an engagement, a decisive battle was fought. The Germans were defeated ; Ariovistus escaped across the Rhine/ and the Suevi, abandon- ing their projected invasion of Gaul, returned home. Gaul was now freed from invaders, but the legions which had chased the Helvetii to their homes, and driven Ariovistus across the Rhine, were not withdrawn from Gaulish soil. Though Caesar returned to Cisalpine Gaul, his troops re- mained in the territory of the Sequani,' and this military occupation was naturally interpreted as im- plying an intention on the part of Rome to extend her suzerainty beyond the limits of the " province." By the Belgee especially, the most warlike of the Gaulish peoples, the presence of six Roman legions so near their frontiers was regarded as menacing their own independence." A council of chiefs, sum- moned to consider the situation, declared enthusias- tically for instant war, and contingents from the various tribes were promised, amounting in all to nearly three hundred thousand men.^ But the pros- pect of a stubborn resistance which these formidable preparations held out was by no means fulfilled. ' Desjardins, ii., 620-622 ; Stoffel, Cesar el Ario7ao curiouo to learn something of the almost un- known land whose cliffs were visible fiom the Gallic shore.' .Mthough, therefore, the sunnncr was draw- ing to a close, an expedition to Britain was resolved upon. A fleet was hastily collected, of which the vessels employed against the Veneti in the previous year formed a part. On this fleet Caesar placed two legions, which he considered a sufficient force for what was intended to be rather a military reconnais- sance than a serious invasion. Sailing from the Portus Itius, near Boulogne, he landed, in spite of the resistance of the natives, on the low shore, near Pevensey,' where he erected a camp. But the late- ness of the season, and the damage inflicted upon his fleet by a high tide, decided him to postpone further operations in the island until the next year, and on " the day after the equinox " he re-crossed the Channel. During the winter preparations were made for an expedition on a larger scale, and late in the , „ ^ spring of 54 B.C., after a delay caused by 700 A.U.C. 1 fc> JT- » J J symptoms of disaffection among the Gaul- ish tribes, he again set sail from the Portus Itius with five legions and 2,000 Gaulish cavalry.' But this second expedition had scarcely more permanent results than the first. For though he advanced to ' Caesar, B. C, iv. , 20. ^ //nt/., iv., 23 ; Desjardins, i., 348 s////. ; Ridgeway in JotirnaloJ Philoloj^y, vol. xix., p. 200. 3 J bid., v.. S. Ch. 3] The E7npirc During the Revolution. 283 the Thames,' and crossed it, and though he broke the power of his most formidable opponent Cassive- launus, and received the formal submission of several tribes in the south-eastern regions, he returned at the close of the summer without having done more than prove for the benefit of his successors that an invasion of the island was feasible.' It is probable, however, that Caesar „. . ^ ' ■> ^ Risings in would not have remained satisfied with °*"'- these meagre results, but for the ominous symptoms of disturbance and discontent which were showing themselves in Gaul. The attempted rising r x.t- T- • • r ., , , 700A.U.C. 01 the 1 reveri m 54 B.C. was followed by a series of insurrections in almost every part of the coun- try. The first to raise the standard of revolt were the tribes in the north-eastern districts, who, finding that Csesar had been compelled by the scarcity of corn to distribute his legions for the winter over an unusually wide area, determined to make a simultaneous attack upon the isolated camps." The Eburones,' who struck the first blow, decoyed from its camp, and treacherously cut to pieces, the legion stationed in their territory ; the Nervii attacked O. Cicero ; the Treveri besieged Labienus ; while in the west, the Armorican tribes threatened the position of the single legion quartered among the Esuvii, But the desperate tenacity with which Cicero defended lii.^ camp gave Caesar time to march to his relief. ' Caesar, B. G., v., ii. * JHd., v., 11-23 ; Elton, Origins of Etiglish History, pp. 105-111. ^ Ibid., v., 24. * Ibid., B. G., v., 26.5S. 284 Outlines of Roman History. tBook IV The Nervii were defeated ; the Treveri, who had vainly endeavoured to persuade the Germans to come to their aid, were routed by Labienus ; while the Armorican tribes dispersed on hearing the news of the Roman successes. In spite, however, of this severe check, the insurrectionary movement was by no means crushed. Cssar remained in Gaul through- out the winter, and early in ^\ B.C. ho 701A.U.C. , , , , learnt that not only were the north- eastern tribes again taking up arms, but that, south of the Seine, the Senones and Carnutes had thrown off their allegiance.' With characteristic prompti- tude he resolved to strike at once before the insur- gents could complete their preparations. From his headquarters at Samarobriva (Amiens) he marched rapidly against the Nervii, who, taken completely by surprise, at once submitted. Moving southward he held a "durbar" at Paris,* in the immediate neigh- bourhood of the Senones and Carnutes. The chiefs of the latter abstained from attending, but on Caesar's advancing against them, in force, their courage failed, and they laid down their arms. The rest of the summer was devoted to the pacification of the districts along the Rhine,' where the Menapii, Eburones, and Treveri still held out. By the autumn order was so far restored that Caesar, after holding his usual " durbar " at Reims, was able to revisit Italy.* ' Caesar, B. G., vi., 2 s(jij. ^ Ibid., vi., 3 : " coitcilhmi Luictiavi Parisiorum transfert." * It was on this occasion that Cassar for the second time crossed the Rhine ; B. G., iv., 10-29. * Ibid., vi., 44. Ch. 3; Tke Empire During the Revoluiion. 285 His departure was, however^ instantly followed by a fresh outbreak. The new revolt broke out, not in north-eastern Gaul, but among the tribes Rising in of the central and southern districts. The *^^s*Ju{h^ern leaders in the movement were the Arverni, *^*"ver"cm- and with them were soon united most of gctonx. the clans dwelling between the Seine and the Ga- ronne.' The insurgents were thus able at once to threaten the Roman province of Southern Gaul, and to intercept communication between that province and the legions in the north. For the first time, moreover, the insurgent tribes were united under the leadership of a single able and resolute man, the young Arvernian chief Vercingetorix. Caesar, who had recrossed the Alps on the first news of the out- break, found himself as his enemies had calculated, with no other troops at his disposal but such as he had brought from Italy or could raise in the prov- ince. The hope, howev^er, which the Gauls enter- tained of preventing a junction between the legions and their general was disappointed. Hastily posting garrisons to check the threatened invasion of the province by Lucterius, chief of the Cadurci,* and with only a small force of cavalry, he crossed the Cevennes in spite of the deep snow, descended as if from the clouds into the territory of the Arverni, pushed on to the Rhone, and then turning northward effected a junction with his legions in the country of the Lin- ' Caesar, B. G., vii., 4 : ''^ Senones, Parisios, Piciones, Cadurcos, Turones, Aulercos, Lemovices, Andes reliquosque omnes, qui Oceanuiit attingunt." ■■* Ibid.^ vii., 7. 286 Outlines of Rofiian History. iBook iv goncs, before the insurgciUs had recovered from their first surprise.' Once at the head of liis legions, CcEsar assumed the offensi\-e, and marciiing south- wards, capturetl in rapid succession \'elIaunodununi, Cenabum (Orleans), Noviodunum (Nouan), and after a protracted siege Avaricum (Bourges), the chief town of the Biturigcs.* The winter was now over, and CiEsar (52 B.C.) resolved to force on 702 A.u.c. , ■ . , • 1 -I a decisive battle with Vercingetorix be- fore the revolt spread further. Sending Labie- nus with four legions to hold the Senones in check, and secure him against a rising in his rear, he re- solved to march at once upon the chief Arvernian stronghold Gergovia,^ whither Vercingetorix followed him. But his hopes of thus putting a speedy end to the war were disappointed by the unexpected revolt of his old and faithful allies, the yEdui. Fearing that their example might be followed by a general rising of the tribes,* which had as yet remained quiet, he reluctantly raised the siege of Gergovia, and marching northwards again joined Labienus and his legions in the country of the Senones. But his retreat, and the news of the defection of the yEdui gave the signal for the rising which he had feared. A council of chiefs from all parts of Gaul was held at the vliduan capital Bibracte,' and Vercingetorix, who was elected commander-in-chief, explained the ' Caesar, B. G., vii., 9. ' Ibid., vii., 13-31. Ibid., vii., 34. For the .site of Gergovia, see ])csjardins, ii., O7S ; it was five miles south of Clermont. * Ibid., vii., 43. i Jbid., vii., 63. Ch. 3] The Empire Dtiri^ig theRevohition. 287 plan of campaign which he proposed to adopt. While he, with the main body, maintained a harassing guerilla warfare against Caesar and his legions, the Roman province to the south was to be invaded at three separate points simultaneously.' On learn- ing of the danger which threatened the province, Caesar marched to its relief. The direct road was closed by the revolt of the .^dui, and he was forced to adopt a longer and more circuitous route through the territory of the Lingones and Sequani. On his way Vercingetorix attacked him in force, but was repulsed and forced to retreat to the impregnable fortress of Alesia.' Thither Caesar followed him, and while Vercingetorix \\\\\\ his infantry held the town, emissaries were sent in all directions inviting the Gauls to rise in a body and crush the invaders. In response to the appeal, a force consisting of 250,- 000 infantry and 8,000 cavalry, drawn from everj^ part of Gaul, assembled in the territory of the ^dui, and marched to Alesia.^ The struggle which fol- lowed was more desperate than any in which Caesar had as yet been engaged. While the newly-arrived levies endeavoured to carry the Roman lines of entrenchment from the rear, Vercingetorix, issuing from Alesia, assaulted them in front. Twice the legions repulsed the enemy with great slaughter, ' Caesar, B. G., vii., 64. ' Ibid., vii., 68 : " Alesiam, quod est oppidmn Mandnhiorjiiu" The latter were a tribe dwelling on the borders of the Sequanian territory, and were possibly clients of ihe .Tldiii ; Desjardins, ii., 468. Alesia is identified with Alise St. Keinc ; Ibid., ii., 6y5. - Caesar, B, G., vii., 75. 288 Outlines of Roman History. [Book w only to find themselves attacked a third time with even greater fury than before. But their courage and discipline finally triumphed. Disheartened by their losses, the Gaulish levies dispersed in confusion to their homes, and their retreat sealed the fate of their kinsmen in Alesia. Vercingetorix counselled surrender, and chivalrously offered himself as a victim to appease the wrath of Rome.' Seated in front of the entrenchments which had been so gallantly attacked and defended, Caesar received the submission of the garrison, and announced their fate. Vercingetorix himself became a prisoner, and was reserved to grace his conqueror's triumph in Rome, and die by the hands of a Roman execu- tioner. His followers, with the exception of the ^dui and Arverni, whom Caisar kept as hostages, were distributed as part of the spoils of war to the victorious legions. The final effort made by the Gauls to recover their liberty had failed. The capture of Alesia rf*GauT*'°" had destroyed their confidence in the im- pregnability of their strongholds, the best of their warriors were dead or captured, and with Vercingetorix they had lost the one leader capable of enforcing even a temporary union among ^ „ ^ their tribes. From the close of the sum- 702 A.U.C. mer of 52 P..C. down to the moment of his final departure for Italy at the end of the year 50 B.C., Cn^sar had merely to deal with 704 A.U.C. -^ . . ^ local risings chiefly among the few tribes who had not as yet felt the full weight of the Roman 'Caesar, B. G., vii., 89. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revohition. 289 arm, and of these all but two were checked or suppressed without difficulty. It was only by the Bellovaci ' in the north, and by the Cadurci and their allies in the extreme south,° that any serious resistance was offered to the legions. By p ^ 703A.U.C. the autumn of 51 B.C. the pacification of Gaul was complete, even the Iberian tribes in the south-west of Aquitaine having acknowledged the suzerainty of Rome.^ The year 50 B.C. was, f . . ^- , • ^ 1 704 A.U.C. except for a visit to Cisalpine Gaul, where he received an enthusiastic welcome from the people, devoted by Caesar to strengthening and confirming the authority of Rome, more especially among the Belgic clans, whose love of war, as well as their proximity to the Germans, marked them out as the most likely to disturb the peace of the country. Late in that year, after reviewing his faithful legions in the territory of the Treveri, he left for Italy,* The result of Caesar's campaigns had been to bring the whole of Gaul within the Roman sphere of influence. The tribes were all enrolled as the allies of Rome, and bound to respect the majesty of the Roman people. It is also probable that Ca;sar required from them both hostages and the payment of a tribute. But the establishment of a regular provincial system was delayed hy the out- break (49 B. c.) of the great Civil War, and was in fact the work, not of Caesar, but of Augustus. ' Csesar, B. G. , viii. , 7-ao. "^ Ibid., viii., 26-45. ^ Ibid., viii,, 46. * Ibid., viii., 55. »9 290 Outlines of Rojnan History. LBook iv To the cast of Italy, in the regions stretching north- ward from Epirus and Macedonia to the Danube, the advance of Rome had been slow and ir- Roman regular. Nor had the frequent wars with advance o t Danu'be *^^ Keltic, Illyriau, and Thracian tribes, which the defence of the frontier, or the ambition of Roman generals provoked, resulted in any large and permanent extension of Roman rule.' Had Caesar lived, he would no doubt have brought under Roman authority the regions lying Illyria. . ^• \ 1 ' r t 1 i 1 '^ mimediately eastward ot Italy, and have carried Roman rule up to the Danube, as he had already carried it to the Rhine. As it was, how- ever, throughout the whole of the period we are con- sidering no great advance was made in this direction. Wars indeed were frequent, and triumphs scarcely less so : we read of expeditions against the tribes which lay immediately outside the " gate of Italy," Aquileia," and against those farther south, along the Adriatic seaboard.' But though Istria is said to have been conquered,^ and though the frontiers of the so-called province of Illyria or lllyricum were possibly pushed as far north as Salona,^ no real con- ' Zippel, /?£'>«. //tv-rj-^Z/rt// 7;/ ///I'rzV;/ (Leipzig, 1877); Cons, /<.■ Province Roiiiaine de Dalniatie (Paris, 1882). " Against the Tapudes in 129 H.c, the Stoeni, " gi'nitDi sub radice Alpiian si/avi" in 118 R.r., the Kami in 115 ; Livy, Epit., lix., Ixii. "Against the Dalniatre in 119, 117, 85 B.r. ; App., Illyr., 10; Livy, Kplt., Ixii.; Eutrop., iii., 7. *■ Pliny, A\ I/., iii., 19, states that Senipronius Tuditanus (cons. I2Q B.C.) subdued the Istri. * At what date Illyria was made a separate province is uncertain. It was already so when Ccesar received it in 59 li.c. See Marquardt, Staatsvcrw., i., 141 sqq. Ch. 3] TJie E^npire Du7'i7ig the Revoluiio7i. 29 1 quest of the districts afterwards known as Upper and Lower Illyricum was effected. Very much the same was the case with the country lying between the province of Macedonia and the Dan- ^ Macedonia. ube. From 114 B.C. down to 92 B.C., raids by Keltic or Thracian tribes upon the province, and retaliatory expeditions led by the governors of Macedonia, follow each other in rapid succession.' The defeat of C. Sentius in 92 B.C. was followed by a series of attacks, some of them prompted antl assisted by Mithridates, which endangered the ver}- existence of Roman rule in Macedonia. Though checked for a time by Sulla's vigorous measures in the spring of 85 B.C.,^ they recommenced with' re- newed vigour in 78 B.C., and several years of in- cessant war followed.^ The successes gained by Curio (75-73 B.C.), and by Marcus Lucullus (73-70 B.C.y broke for a time the strength of the most formidable tribes, and Curio actually penetrated to the Danube. But the defeat of Antonius (consul 63 B.C.) by the Dardani in 62, and the description given by Cicero of the state of affairs on the Mace- donian frontier six years later,* sufficiently prove that the situation had not materially changed. Over the regions afterwards included within the provinces of Thrace and Moesia, as over Illyricum, the Repub lie never obtained anv real hold. ' Livy, Epit., Ixiii., Ixx. ' Eutrop., v., 7. ^ Eutrop., vi., 2; Livy, Epit., xci. ^Eutrop., vi., 6, 7, Oros., vi., 3. ^ Cic. In Pisonem, 16 : "/// sevipr-r Macedonicis hyiperatorihus HJe,.^ jines provincic? ftterhil, qui gladionini atque pilontm," 292 Outlines of Roma^i History. [Book iv The year which was marked in the domestic his- „ . torv of Rome bv the tribunate of Tiberius Kome and ' ' the East. Gracchus, witnessed also the creation of the first Roman province on Asiatic soil. For though _.. the province of Asia was not definitely The province 1 of Asia. organised until the suppression of Aris- tonicus's rising in 129 B.C., the year 133 15. C, in 6a A u c which Attains III., king of Pergamus, bequeathed his kingdom to the Roman people, was othcially accepted as the year of its foundation. ' The new province included Mysia, Lydia, Ionia, and Caria, the most fertile, wealthy, and populous districts of the peninsula of Asia Minor.* From the first it took rank as the most valuable and lucrative of Roman dependencies. The revenues derived from it became at once the mainstay of the Roman treasury, and a source of profit to the Roman pnblicani \\\\o collected them, while Roman officials and Roman men of business found there an inex- haustible field for money-making in every form. But the results of this first annexation of Asiatic terri- tory did not end here. The creation of a Roman province of Asia brought home to the Eastern world the fact that the "lordship of Asia," which had anciently belonged to the half-m}-thical kings of Ph.iygia, which had since then been held in turn ' The ofilcial era of tlie province was reckoned from 133 B.C. It was actually organised in 129 B.C. by M. Aquillius and a commission of ten senators; Strabo, p. 646. Comp. Livy, .£///., Ivii., lix. ; Plin., A'. II., xxxiii., 140; Marquardt, Staatsverw., i., 177. ■■' Phrygia was attached to the province in 116 B.C. ; Justinus, xxxviii., 5. Comp. the inscription edited by Ramsay. Journ. Hell,^ 1887, p. 4o''> ; Reinach, Milh^-., pp. 51, 457. Ch. 31 TJie Empire Durmg the Revohttion. 293 by Cyrus and Darius, by Alexander of Macedon, and by Antiochus, had passed to Rome, and that the place of the Great King, the king of kings, was now filled by an Italian republic. At the time, indeed, there seemed little probability that this claim of a Western state to rule in Asia would be seriously disputed. Of the three powers which had once contended for supremacy in the near East, Macedon was a Roman province, the Ptolemies in Egypt were the obsequious allies of Rome, while the Seleucid monarchy with diminished terri- tories was distracted by dynastic feuds, and men- aced by foreign invasion. Nor within the peninsula of Asia Minor itself was there apparently any state strong enough to challenge, with any hope of success, the sovereignty of Rome. Yet, within little more than forty years after the annexation of the Pergamene kingdom, that sovereignty was all but overthrown by the ruler of a hitherto obscure prin- cipality beyond the Halys ; and this danger past, Rome found herself face to face on the Euphrates with a new and powerful Oriental kingdom, whose pretensions were as lofty as her own, and whose rulers had assumed the titles and claimed to be the heirs of Cyrus. The kingdom of Pontus ' took its rise, like its neighbours to the west and south, Bithynia and Cappadocia, during the troublous times ^jiti,ridates which followed the death of Alexander °*^ Po"tus. ' Appian, jSIitliridat., 9 ; Mommsen, R. C, ii., 270 ; Th. Reinach, Mithridate Eupator {V&r'\s, 1890); Wroth., Coinage 0/ Pon/iis {ImW' don, 1889). 294 OtUlincs of Roman History. [Book iv the Great. Its founder, Mithridates the First (281 B.C.) claimed descent from one of the seven 473 A.U.C. Persian nobles who conspired against the Pseudo-Smerdis, or, according to a later version, from the royal house of the Achaemenida? itself. ' More than a century later, in the reign of the fifth king, Mith- 584-634 ridatesEuergetes(i56-i20B.c.),Pontuswas A.U.C. enrolled among the allies of Rome, and both during the third Punic war and on the occa- 621 62 ^^°" of Aristonicus'srebellion(i33 -129B.C.), A.U.C. |-j^(j loyally assisted her pou'erful patron. Euergetes died in 120 B.C., and six years later his eldest son Mithridates Eupator, after- 634 A.U.C. , , - .. 1 . , 1 /-« wards famous as Mithridates the (jreat, suddenly appeared in the Pontic capital, Sinope, deposed his mother, the regent Laodice, and reigned in his father's stead.* But the narrow limits' of his hereditary kingdom could not satisf}- the boundless ambition of the young prince, nor, though from motives of policy he continued outwardly the lo}'al ally of Rome, was he the man to remain content with the inglorious position of a client king. The object which he set before himself was, if not at first the expulsion i>{ the Romans from Asia, at least the creation of a powerful Asiatic monarchy, which should set bounds to European aggression, and reclaim Asia for the Asiatics. I^'or such a task he was pre- eminently well qualified. His personal beauty, his marvellous bodily powers, his prowess as soldier, ' App., /. c. 9, 192 ; Sail., Hist, fra^^m,, 2, 6. ' Reinach, 55. ' Straljo, xii., 3, i. Ch. 3] The Empire Dtcri/i^ the Revolution. 295 and huntsman, ' fascinated the warhke tribes, Thra- cian, Scythian, or Colchian, whom he enlisted under his banner. To the native populations of Asia Minor he appealed as the lineal descendant of the great Persian monarchs who had formerly claimed all Asia for their own, ' while to the Greek cities he was recommended as the son of a father whose services to them had won him the title of " the Benefactor," and as a prince who, though Persian by descent, was Greek by education, who everywhere proclaimed himself their protector, and who posed as the suc- cessor, not only of Cyrus and Darius, but of Alex- ander. In the use which he made of these advantages Mithridates was, it is true, unscrupulous, treacherous, and cruel, but he showed also that, both as a states- man and a general, he had few equals among his contemporaries. Fortune, too, favoured him ; for during the first fourteen years of his reign the attention of the Roman senate was too much engrossed by affairs in the West, by the Jugurthine war and the Cimbric invasion, to be able to pay any close attention to the East. Mithridates thus succeeded, almost un- observed, in carrying out the first part of his great scheme. By 95 B.C. his authority was recognised along the coasts of the Euxine, from the mouths of the Danube to Colchis and Lesser Armenia, alike by the Greek cities and by the barbarian tribesmen. Once master of the Euxine and of its inexhaustible resources in men and supplies, he turned his atten- ' App. Mithr., 112. 'Hdt.,i.,4; r^v ydp''A6iT}v. . . oixtjiiivrai oi Uepdai 296 Outlines 0/ Roman History. iBook iv tion to strengthening his position in Asia Minor, and it was his action here that first provoked Roman intervention. In 02 B.C., L. CorneHus Sulhi, 662 A.U.C. , . ,. ^1 the future dictator, was sent to Lappado- cia, with orders to restore King Ariobarzanes, whom Mithridates had deposed in favour of his own son Ariarathes.' Mithridates acquiesced, but only for the time ; and when, in go B.C., the Social 664 A.U.C. „. , , • T , 1 • 1 1 • vVar broke out m Italy, he seized his op- portunity, and not only once more expelled Ario- barzanes, but put a creature of his own on the throne of Bithynia, in the place of Rome's ally Nicomedes. Again Rome intervened, and again Mithridates allowed the exiled kings to be restored, and professed unalterable respect for the authority of Rome. Meanwhile, he laboured ceaselessly and secretly to consolidate and extend the great coalition which he hoped to lead against Rome.'^ The Greek cities of the Euxine, and their barbarian neighbours, Thracians, Scythians, Bastarni, and Sarmata:, awaited his orders. The kings of Greater Armenia and Parthia were his allies, and emissaries of his were in treaty with Egypt and Syria. In Pontus itself he had collected and equipped an army of 250,000 infantry and 40,000 cavalry, as well as a fleet of 400 vessels.^ Nothing more was needed but a pretext for war, and this was supplied by the incredible rashness and folly of the Roman officials in Asia. Indeed, no better proof of the weakness of the republican system ' Livy, Epit., Ixx.; I'lulaich, Snlla, 5 ; App., Miihr., 10. ''App., Miihr., 15. ■' App., Mithr., 17. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revoliction. 297 could be given than the fact that by the unauthorised action of a few representatives abroad, the Roman government found itself, without any previous warn- ing, suddenly engaged in a serious war against an opponent more formidable than any whom it had encountered since the fall of Carthage, and this in the midst of a serious domestic crisis. It was at the instigation of M. Aquillius ' that, in 89 B.C., the recently restored king of Bithynia, Nicomedes, invaded the territories of Mithridates, and ravaged the country unopposed as far as Amas- tris. Mithridates formally protested against the injury inflicted upon him, but the Roman of^cers, possibly deceived by his pacific attitude, refused all satisfaction, and peremptorily ordered his envoy to leave the camp.' War was now inevitable, , , . ,T. . First Mithri- and early m 88 B.C. Nicomedes mvaded datic war. •^ . ... 666 A.U.C. Pontus. Oppius, proconsul of Cilicia, ad- vanced into Cappadocia, while Aquillius and L. Cassius, proconsul of Asia, covered Bithynia and Phrygia. Numerically, their forces were formidable enough, but they consisted for the most part of un- trustworthy levies, hastily raised in Phrygia and Galatia, and the commanders were no match foi Mithridates and his experienced Greek general'., Neoptolemus and Archelaus. The cam- ... T.y. Successes of paign was short and decisive : Nicomedes Mithridates >■ ° in Asia. was utterly routed on the river Amnius, ' He had been sent out from Rome to effect the restoration of Nico- medes and Ariobarzanes. He was the son of the Aquillius who, in 129 B.C., organised the province of Asia. * App., Mithr., 16. 2cjS Outlines of Romaji Histo/y. [Book IV and fled first to Pergamus and then to Rome, leaving his kingdom at the mercy of the enemy.' His Roman alHes, whose troops for the most part refused to fight, were even more easily driven from their positions. L. Cassius escaped to Rhodes, Oppius and AquiUius were both captured, and the latter put to death. The senate at Rome learnt, to their amazement, that Mithridates was already the undis- puted master, not only of Bithynia, Cappadocia, and I'hr}'gia, but of their own province of Asia, of Lycia and Pamphylia." The announcement of this com- plete and unexpected revolution was followed by the still more terrible news of the simultaneous massacre by the Greek cities of the Romans resident among them, an act of deliberate barbarity suggested by Mithridates himself.' Meanwhile the latter, though foiled in his attack on Rhodes, had reduced to sub- jection the islands near the coast of Asia Minor. But his dreams of conquest were not yet completely fulfilled, and he aspired to detach Greece itself from its western rulers, and unite it to Asiatic empire. Archclaus, who was despatched for the purpose, met with little resistance ; and not only the Athenians, but the Boeotians, Achaeans, and Lacedaemonians, became the allies of the king of Pontus." The suzerainty which Rome had won for herself a century before on the field of Magnesia was for the moment ' App., Mithr., i8. ' Ibid., 20 ; Livy, EpiL, xxvii. ' App., Mithr., 23 ; Livy, Epit., Ixxvii. Eighty thousand Romans and Italians perished ; Val. Max., ix., 2-3. riutaixh puts the num ber at 150,000 ; Sulla, 24. ■* App., Milhr., 27-29. Ch. 3] The E7npire During the Revolution. J99 transferred to Mithridates. His success, however, had been largely due to the domestic troubles which occupied the attention of the Roman govern- ment, to the incapacity of the Roman generals opposed to him, and to the absence of any sufficient body of Roman troops in Asia Minor. All this was changed when, early in 87 B.C., Sulla, in conformity with a decree of the senate, I^Jna takes assumed the command, and appeared in *'^^m\°n'd! Greece at the head of five legions. His arrival was the signal for a hasty repudiation of their nculy-formed alliance with Mithridates by the states of the Peloponncse, an example which, as Mithridates found to his cost, the Greeks of Asia Minor were ready enough to follow. It was against Athens, which Archelaus and his ally Aristion occupied in force, that Sulla directed his first attack. The defence uas obstinate, and it was not until the spring of 86 i;.C.' that the city itself first of 668 a.u.c. all and then the Peira^us were taken. ^Tth'e^ns.^ Sulla now marched northwards into Boeotia chaeronea to meet the army despatched by Mithri- ^" menos' dates for the conquest of Macedonia, but which was now hurrying to the relief of Athens. A battle fought on the historic field of Chaeronea ended in a complete victory for Sulla, and a few months later, at Orchomcnos, he gained a second victory over the reinforcements sent from Asia to support Archelaus." An end was thus put to Mith- ridates's short-lived supremacy in European Greece, ' Athens ^^as taken on March i, S6 B.C.; Plut., Sulla, 14. * App., Mithr., 42-44, 49 ; Plut., Sulla, 15-21 ; Eutrop., v. 6. joo Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv In Asia Minor his cruelties and exactions had already made him unpopular, and the growing disaffection was increased by the news of Sulla's victory at Charonea. The savage measures by which he en- deavoured to intimidate his new subjects, his treach- erous murder of the Galatian chiefs, and his brutal treatment of the Chians, alienated barbarians and Greeks alike. The Galatians expelled the satrap sent to govern them, and several of the Greek cities, following the lead of Ephesus, openly declared for Rome.' The defeat at Orchomenos was a for^peace'°"^ fresli blow to liis hopcs, and he at once empowered Archelaus to open negotia- tions with Sulla. ^ Nor was Sulla without strong reasons for desiring peace. The counter revolution in Rome whicii followed his departure for Greece " had placed his bitterest opponents at the head of affairs. He had been declared an outlaw, and his command transferred to L. Valerius Flaccus, consul for 86 B.C." It was true that he could trust his legions to follow him as readily against Flaccus as they had followed him from Nola to Rome in 88 B.C. But before engaging in a civil war, he was anxious to secure the fruits of his recent victories, and, destitute as he was of ships and money, there seemed no better method of attaining this object than the conclusion of an honourable treaty. The terms which he now pro- ' App., Miihr., 46-48. Ephesus declared for Rome at the end of 87 B.C. See the extant decree given by Reinach, Mithr., p. 463. Le Bas and Waddington, No. 136. "^ App., Mithr., 54. •'• See above, p. 228. ■• Livy, Epit., Ixxxii.; App., Mithr., 51 ; Phit., Sulla, 22, 23. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revolution. 301 posed to Archelaus amounted, in effect, to the restoration of the status quo as it existed before the war. Mithridates was to abandon Cappadocia, Bithynia, Asia, and Paphlagonia, to hand over to Rome seventy fully equipped ships of war, and to pay an imdemnity of 2,000 talents.' In reply, Mith- ridates asked'' to be allowed to retain Paphlagonia and to keep his ships. Sulla, however, was firm, and the course of events during the early '^ ■' 66g A. U. C. part of the year 85 B.C. increased the anxiety of both parties for a peaceful settlement. Sulla had spent the winter of 86-85 in Thessaly, ^ and had apparently devoted the spring to chastising the various tribes, Keltic, Illyrian, and Thracian, who for the last four or five years had incessantly har- assed the province of Macedonia.* Meanwhile his destined successor Flaccus had, shortly Murder of after reaching Asia, been murdered by Fimbdl m Fimbria at Nicodemia ; ' the latter as- ■^^'*' sumed command of the troops, and though u man of the worst possible character, showed him~ self no mean general. He advanced into the Roman province of Asia, captured Pergamus, and finally forced Mithridates to take refuge in Mitylene." These successes decided the latter to accept what ' App. , yl//i/ir. , 54; Plut., Sulla, 22. ''Ibid., 55. ^Ibid., 51. ^ Ibid., 51 ; Livy, Epit., Ixxxiii. ; Eutrop. , v., 7. ^App., Mithr., 55 ; Livy, Epit., Ixxxii. Flaccus was murdered either at the end of 86 B.C. or early in 85 B.C.; Veil. Pat., ii., 24. •"App., Mithr., 52. In tliis campaign Fimbria sacked Ilium, though under Sulla's protection ; Livy, Epit., Ixxxiii. 302 Outlines of Roman History. iBook iv terms he could get from Sulla, while Sulla himself realised that no time was to be lost if Fimbria was to be prevented from carrying off the honours of the war. Advancing through Thrace to the Asia-'" Hellespont, where Lucullus joined him MUhndrtes. ^^''th the long-expcctcd fleet, he crossed to Asia.' At Dardanus, in the Troad,'' he met Mithridates, and peace was concluded on the terms originally proposed. Mithridates retired to Pontus, Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes were restored for the third time to the thrones of Bithynia and Cappadocia, and finally Fimbria, deserted by his legions, who went over to Sulla, fell by his own hand.' In calm defiance of the sentence of outlawry passed upon him, Sulla had won two pitched battles, had concluded an important treaty with a foreign power, and now proceeded with unshaken confidence to settle the affairs of the province of Asia which he had recovered. The measures he took, if partially justified by the savage massacre of 88 B.C., were at any Sulla's rate not calculated to restore peace and settlement of Asia. prosperity to a country harassed by war and impoverished by the exactions of Mithridates. All persons who had been prominent as partisans of the king were arrested and put to dcLith." The whole province was ordered to pay not only the arrears of the "tithe " which had accumulated durinsf the last five ' App., Mithr,, 56. Lucullus, as qu.netor, had been engaged for x year and a half in collecting ships from Phfenicia, Rhodes, Cyprus, etc. » Plut., Sulln, 24. * App., Mitkr., 6o. ^ Ibid., 6i ; Gran. Liciniaiius, j). 35. Ch. 3] The Empire During the Revolution. 303 years, but also a further sum of 20,000 talents, as an indemnity for the costs of the war.' With a view to the payment of this indemnity, Sulla divided the province into forty-four districts,' and fixed the quota which each district should pay,^ as well as the time of payment. It is true that he did not oinit to reward the fidelity of such communities as had re- mained loyal by a grant of " freedom," and in some cases of an extension of territory," But these fa- vours counted for little by comparison with the finan- cial ruin which his demands brought about in the province which he claimed to have reorganised.^ In order to meet them, the communities of Asia were 'App., Mithr. 6i : itivre IrcSv i xliz'. rfgiones Sulla di visit." ■*App., /. c: 8iaip-i]Soa xard ttoAez?. Cic. Pro Flacco, 14: " omnes Asia civitates pro portione descripsisset" ; Atl Q. Frat., i., I, J 1 ; '^ vectigal, qiiod iis a-qualiter Sulla discripserat." The indem- nity for war expenses exacted by Pompey in 64 B.C. was assessed according to Sulla's arrangement ; Cic. Pro Flacco, I. c. * Appian (yV//Mr. , 61) mentions Ilium, Chios, Lycia, Magnesia; Tacitus {Ann., iii., 62) Rhodes. To the Rhodians were assigned the Caunians on the south borders of the province, and some of the islands; Cic, Ad Q. Fr., i., i, 11. Laodicea {ad Lycuni) and Ephesus were also declared free ; C. I. L., i., 587 sqq. ^App., /. c. What the extent of the reorganisation was it is im- possible to say, but the era in use throughout Phrygia and Lydia was reckoned from 85 B.C. ; Marquardt, Siaatsverw., i., 180 ; Ramsay, Geog, of Asia Minor _ 441, 452. 304 Oittlines of Roman History. [Book IV forced to borrow at exorbitant rates from Roman money-lenders ; with the result that fourteen years later their debt had increased to six times its origi- nal amount.' To add to their difficulties, the Cilician pirates began, even before Sulla left the province, a series of devastating raids, which he took no measures to check'' ; while the legions which he left behind liini were content to live in luxurious ease at the expense of the hard-pressed provincials whom they should have protected, and to carry out only too faithfully the demoralising lessons which Sulla had taught them.^ Greece, the scene of Sulla's victories, suf- fered only less than Asia. There, too, Sulla's course was marked by robbery, devastation, and distress,^ the traces of which were plainly visible forty years latcr.^ Even more characteristic of Sulla's cynical indifference to all but the object immediately in view, was his omission to guard against a recurrence of the danger which he had for the moment repelled. The province of Asia was left as defenceless, the restored kings of Bithynia and Cappadocia as help- less, as before, while Mithridates himself was free to recruit his strength, and plan fresh scliemes of con- quest. It is probable, indeed, that neither side accepted the settlement made at Dardanus as final. In ' Plut., Luc, vii., 20 ; it had risen to 120,000 talents. ■•* App., Mithr., 62. ^Hnd.,6:^; Sallust, Cat., 11— " Sulla ex ere i turn . . . quo sibi fidum faccret . . . htxuriose nimisque liberaliter habuerat . . Ibi primuminstievit exeicittis populi Roniani a}7tare, potare" etc. * Plut., Sulla, 12; Diodor., fr. 38, 37 ; Reinach, Mithr., 155. * See Servius's letter to Cicero, Ad Fam., iv., 5. Ch. 31 The Empire During the Rcvohition. 305 83, 82, and 81, L. Murena, then gov- ernor of Asia, conducted three expeditions Mithrfdafic into the territory of Mithridates ; ' and 671, 672 ,"673, ' though these raids, which Appian digni- fies with the title of the" Second Mithridatic war," were stopped by Sulla's orders, Murena was granted the triumph,'' which had been his main object in making them, and the Roman senate steadily de- clined to grant the king's repeated requests for a formal written treaty. On the other hand, Mithri- dates retained his hold over at least a part (if C"a[)- padocia, and continued his prei:)arations for a renewal of hostilities with Rome. The death of Sulla in 78 r..C., the sue- e e a u c cess of .Sertorious in Spain, and the outbreak of a serious frontier war in Macedonia ' (77 B.C.) emboldened Mithridates to make ^' ' ' .... &77 A.U.C. more overt steps for recovermg liis lost position. With all his old activity he sought allies in every direction against the common enemy. Once more he summoned to his aid the warlike tribes to the north of the Euxine. ^ His son-in-law Tigranes, now the ruler not only of Armenia but of Syria, was persuaded to invade Cappadocia. ' The friendship of the Cilician pirates was assured by the efforts which Rome was at last making to crush them.' Finally, ' App. , Mithr. , 64-66. ^ Cic, Fro Lege 3 f anil., 3. *Eutrop., vi., 2 ; Livy, Epi/., xci. * App. , Mithr. , 69. * App., Milhr., 67. Tigranes carried off 300,000 men to people his new capital Tigranocerta. *ln 78 B.C. P. Servilius was sent against them ; Oros., v., 23. 3o6 Outlines of Romaji History. LBook IV he solicited and obtained an alliance with Sertorius in the far West, thus uniting, as Cicero said, " the Atlantic with the Euxine " ' in his great coalition. Early in 74 B.C. Nicomedes, the sorely-tried king Third ^^ Bithynia, died, leaving his kingdom, MUhridatic ^^ Attalus had done, to the Roman people, 680A.U.C. and the senate at once declared Bithynia a Roman province. ^ Mithridates replied by invading the vacant kingdom, possibly in the name of a sur- viving son of Nicomedes,' at the head of a large force, and supported by a well-equipped fleet. Both the two consuls of the year were sent from Rome to repulse him,* a most unusual measure at the time, one of them, M. Aurelius Cotta, being specially charged with the defence of Bithynia. But Cotta was no general ; he was easily defeated by Mithridates, and forced to take refuge within the walls of Chalcedon, leaving Bithynia at the mercy of the enemy. Mithri- dates next advanced against Cyzicus — the capture of which would have supplied him with an admirable base of operations by sea and land against the western and most wealthy districts of the province of Asia ''—while a second force invaded and overran Phrygia. But Mithridates was not destined to sweep Siege of "^^^ before him as he had done in 88 Cyzicus. J, ^j -pj^g citizens of Cyzicus obstinately 'Cic, Fro Miir., 15 ; App., Mithr., 6J). ' App., Mithr., 69 ; Eutiop., vi., 6 ; Livy, Epit., xciii. *See his letter to the Parthian king Arsaces ; Sail., Hist., 4. fr. 20, 9. * App., Mithr., 70 ; Cic, Pro Miir., 15. 'App., Mithr., 72 ; Eutrop., vi., 6 ; Cic, Pro Mnr., 15 : *' Asia janunm, tjtta effractn et rt-Tolsa, Iota pal^ret prp7 Death of retrace his steps northward ; and while in Mithridates. Palestine, the news reached him that Alitliridates, deserted by his troops, and closely besieged in the citadel of Panticapa^um by his own son Pharnaces, had put an end to his life (6^ B.C.). '^ 691 A.U.C. The death of Mithridates removed for the time all fear of any open resistance to Rome in Western Asia. Pompcy returned first of all to Pontus, where he received the submission of Pharnaces, and thence by slow degrees through Greece to Italy. From a military point of view, Pompey's achieve- ments in the East cannot bear comparison •11 c r- • i^TTT^ 'T*'' results with those of Caesar in the West. But of Pompey-a , . campaigns. they impressed the public imagination far more deeply, and their historical results were at least as important. It is true that an air of Oriental exaggeration pervades the accounts which have come down to us of his triumphal return.* He was > welcomed as a conqueror, not only of Mithridates, but of the kings and peoples of the East, and as the man who had extended the rule of Rome to the Euphrates and to the frontiers of Egypt. On a tablet, carried aloft in his triumphal procession, he claimed to have taken 800 vessels of war, to have ^ Ibid., 39 ; Dio, xxxvii., 15 ; App., Syria, 4S. * App., Miihr., II4-I18. 32 2 Outlines of Rovian History. [Book iv founded twenty-nine cities and conquered seven kings, — claims to which the long train of captive princes which followed his car, and the splendid trophies in gold and silver which were paraded before the eyes of the Roman populace, lent a powerful support. And exaggeration apart, he had in fact achieved great things, and his name must be as closely identi- fied with the rule of Rome in the East, as that of his future rival, Caesar, was destined to be with the rule of Rome in the West, On this side the Euphrates no power was left capable of disputing with Rome the sovereignty over Western Asia. There were still kings, but there was no longer "a king of kings," for even the claim of the Parthian monarch to this title was explicitly rejected by Pompey.' The re-establishment of Roman suzerainty in the near East was, moreover, accompanied by important extensions of Roman territory. Bithynia, which had been bequeathed to Rome in 74 B.C., was, together with the western half of the 680 A.U.C. .^ . . kingdom of Pontus, formed into a prov- ince, and the constitution now framed for it by Pompey, was still in force in the reign of Trajan." Cilicia was placed permanently imder a Roman governor, and the bounds of his province were extended to include Pamphyliaand Isauria. P'arther still to the east the fertile region lying between the sea and the Syrian desert was incorporated with the > Plut., Potnp., 38. 'Strabo, p. 5.41 ; I'lin., Epp. ad Try'., 112 ; Marquardt, Staals. Vino., i., 191. Ch. 31 The Empire During tJic Rez'oluiion. 323 empire as the province of Syria. Outside these provinces the area covered by the Roman protec- torate was still left in the hands of native rulers, of whom, within Asia Minor itself, the two most important were Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia, and the Keltic chief, Deiotarus of Galatia, whose services to Rome in tlie recent wars were rewarded by extensive grants of territory in the north-east. Tlicse two great native states were to be the chief props of Roman ascendency in the central and eastern districts of the peninsula.' It is, moreover, to Pompey's credit that he recog- nised the fact that the natural allies of Rome in the East were the city communities rather than the native chiefs and tribesmen, and that in binding these closely to Rome, and in increasing their num- ber lay the best security for the permanence of Roman rule. It is possible, indeed, that personal vanity quickened his sense of the value of this policy, and that the most recent conqueror of the East was not unwilling to appear as a founder of cities after the manner of Alexander and the Seleucid kings. Rut the policy was a sound one, and did as much to attach the Greek communities to Rome as Sulla's shortsighted harshness had done to alienate them from her. Even the Greek names given to the new cities are significant of the intentions with which they were founded. Pompeiopolis, Nicopolis, MagnopoHs are as characteristic of Roman policy in the East as the Latin names of the new towns 'App., Mitkt ., 114 ;Mommsen, R. C, iii., 141 sqi^. 324 Outlines of Roman History. [Book iv in Spain and Gaul are of Roman policy in the West. ' Not the least important result of Pompey's work was that Rome was now brought directly face to face with the Oriental kingdom, which, throughout the history of the empire, divided with her the allegiance of the eastern world. It was not, indeed, possible as yet for a Roman historian to write of the king of Parthia as the rival on equal term of the Roman Caesar." Pompey treated with contempt the claim of King Phraates to be styled " king of kings " ; he refused the latter's request that the Euphrates should be recognised as the boundary between Rome and Parthia,^ and even assigned to Rome's now dependent ally, the king of Armenia, provinces nominally subject to Parthian rule. It is possible that he contemplated bringing the fertile district of Mesopotamia within the area of the Roman protectorate. But the fact remained that, Avith the collapse of Tigranes's power and the annexation of Syria, the responsibility devolved upon Rome of protecting the Greek East against the advance of a purely Oriental power. What this responsibility might mean was shown The defeat of '^^^^•'^y Guough ouly eight ycars later, crassus. when M. Licinius Crassus was defeated and slain in Mesopotamia' (53 B.C.). Under the ' App., Mithr., 115 ; Mommsen, R. C, iii., 144. 'Tacitus, Ann., ii., 56 of the Armenians: '' Maxiniis i>nj>ei-iis interjecti." Cf. ihiJ., ii., 60: "77 Parthorum ant Romana potentia." ■■■Plut, Pomp,, 33. ^Plut., Crassus, 17 sq8 Otdlines of Roman History. I Book v OJ ing on Dyrrhachium." For the moment it seemed as if he would repeat in Epirus and Macedonia the brilhant march by which he had won Italy in the spring of 49 B.C. But Pompey arrived from Mace- donia in time to arrest the enemy's ad\'ance at tin- river Apsus, and Caesar, who had only half his arni\- with him, was obliged to await the arriv\'d of the rest of his troops, under M. Antonius, before resumini;' the offensive. At last came the news that they had landed, but at a spot considerably higher up the coast, at Lissus, so that Pompey might easily have pre- vented their junction with Caesar. Once more, how- ever, Caesar was too quick for the leisurely pace of his dignified opponent. He not only succeeded in join* ing Antony, but, by a sudden dash, seized and occu- pied the neck of land by which alone Dyrrhachium could be approached, and thus cut off Pompey from his headquarters and his supplies. The latter, how- ever, with forces numerically superior, and with absolute command of the sea, seems to have thought with Philip I. of Spain that time and he were a match even for C;Tssar, and entrenching himself at Petra, a short distance south of Dyrrhachium, re- mained obstinately on the defensive. To this policy of masterly inactivity Caesar replied by an attempt, which nearly succeeded, to blockade Pompey where he stood. But the extent of ground over which Caesar had to carry his lines of circumvallation was too great. Just when Pompey was beginning to feel the pressure of scarcity, a weak point in the lines was discovered. Through this he forced his way, inflict- ' Caes., B. C, iii., 8-12. Ch. 1] The Dictatorship of ytilitis. 339 ing such heavy loss on the enemy that Caesar, by his own confession, was within an ace of complete and ruinous defeat.' With Pompey's escape from Petra the last stage of the conflict begins. Csesar's object now was to draw his enemy away from his natural base of operations on the coast, and transfer the seat of war to the in- terior. Pompey was expecting reinforcements from the East by way of Macedonia, and Caesar hoped by marching in force against these to oblige Pompey to move to their assistance. His plan completely suc- ceeded. From Apollonia he marched into Thessaly, recalled the two legions previously despatched to hold Pompey's reinforcements in check, and encamped with his entire force near Pharsalus. Pompey fol- lowed him, and taking up the fresh troops from the East on his way, encamped at Larissa, in the heart of the Thessalian plain, some miles north of Phar- salus. Reluctant as ever to risk a decisive engage- ment, he would have halted there, but the nobles in his camp would hear of no delay," and, against his better judgment, he advanced to Pharsalus. Even now, when the two armies were face to face, some days elapsed before a blow was struck. Pompe\''s position was too strong to be attacked, and he could not be induced to leave it. At last, on August 9, Cnesar, who had resolved by a feigned retreat to decoy the enemy from their vantage-ground, noticed that the Pompeians were drawn up in line at a greater ' Cses., B. C, iii., 42 sqq. Stoffel, Guerre Civi/e, i., 764 sqq. ' Caes., B. C, iii. 83 : " iiec quibns rationibus superare possent, sed qtiemaJmodnm ti(i victoria deberent, cogitabant" 340 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v distance than usual from the hill on which their camp was placed. He at once abandoned all thoughts of a retreat, and, in spite of his inferiority in numbers, prepared for an instant attack.' Perceiving that his chief danger lay in the possibility that, while his centre was engaged, Pompey's numerous cavalry would turn his right wing and take him in the rear, he trusted that part of his line to the famous tenth legion, and supported it by his cavalry and a reserve force of infantry, the whole being under the com- mand, strangely enough, of a nephew of the man from whose hands Caesar had once barely escaped with his life, the dictator Sulla. Next to these troops Caesar stationed himself, facing that portion of the enemy's line where Pompey himself was in command. The centre he intrusted to Domitius Calvinus, the left to Antony.' His own infantry numbered in all about 22,000 men, that of the enemy over 45,000. The disparity in cavalry between the two forces was still greater, and the Pompeians confidently awaited the moment when Caesar's legions, exhausted by their charge, should be encircled and swept away by the horsemen of the East. When the battle began it seemed as if Pompey's confidence in the result would be justified. His infantry received without flinching the charge of the Caesarians, while his cavalry, supported by the archers and slingers, advanced on the left, drove back the cavalry opposed to them, and began the flanking movement which was to decide the fortune ' Ibid., iii., 85. " Caes., B. C, iii., 89. Ch. 1] The Dictatorship of yulius. 341 of the day. But at this moment the aspect of affairs was suddenly changed by the valour of the six cohorts stationed by Caesar on his right wing. This reserved body of picked troops charged and routed the Pompeian horsemen, who fled in disorder: then driving before them the archers and slingers, they fell with fury upon the left flank of the infantry. At the same moment Caisar ordered the wliole of his reserve to advance, and this last movement was decisive. The Pompeian legions, exhausted by their gallant resistance to the first charge of the enemy, deserted by the cavalry and light troops, and now attacked l)Oth in front and on the flank, broke and fled. The victorious Caesarians, pressing forward, in spite of the mid-day heat, stormed and took the Pompeian camp, and, without waiting to seize on the rich spoil it contained, started in pursuit of the main body of the fugitives. Early the next morn- ing, what remained of Pompey's army, some 24,000 men, surrendered at discretion. So ended the first of the three historic battles, Pharsalus, Philippi, and Actium, which decided the fate of the Roman world. All three were fought in the debatable land of the Greco-Macedonian penin- sula ; all three were in some degree a trial of strength between East and West ; and in all. Western discipline and courage triumphed over the less trustworthy levies of the East. Nor must it be forgotten that the success of Cciesar at Pharsalus, like that of his great nephew at Actium, was gained in defence of Rome and Italy, against a would-be invader, who, though Roman, relied chiefly on the 342 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v resources of the kingdoms of the East. It was consequently with the Caesars, and not with their opponents, that the growing sentiment of Itahan jKitriotism was allied. Pompey himself had not perished on the scene of his first defeat. When his camp was night and 111 death of stormed he escaped on horseback to Pompey. Larissa, and thence to the coast. His case was not yet desperate, for his fleet commanded the seas, and the province of Africa was still his. But the shock of misfortune paralysed his energies; accustomed for years to unbroken success, and to be hailed on all sides as " Pompe}' the Great," he could not set himself to the task of rebuilding his shattered fortunes, and the conviction that his cause was lost, which Cicero tells us had filled the minds of "all kings and peoples"' was clearly shared by himself. From the Thessalian coast he crossed the /Egaean, over which eighteen years before he had sailed in triumph, to Mitylene, and thence to Cilicia and Cyprus, only to find that the power of his name was gone, and that the East would no longer rise at his call. From Cyprus he went to Egypt, hoping to find an ally in the boy-king Ptolemy, and there, as he landed at Pelusium, he was treacherously murdered." The victory at Pharsalus, followed as it was by TheAiexan- ^^^ death of his great rival, might have dnnewar. been cxpcctcd to sccurc for Caisar undis- puted supremacy, and set him free to reorganise the ' Cic, Ad Att., xi., 6. * Cses., B. C, iii., 103, 104 ; Pint., Po?/ij>., 77-79. Ch. n The Dictatorship of yulius. 343 government of the state. But although the wiscf men of the vanquished party, headed by Cicero, accepted defeat,' Caesar's own rashness, in the first place, and then the irreconcilable animosity of some of the Pompeian leaders, involved him in a scries oT fresh conflicts. Hurrjang in pursuit of Pompey, he reached Alexandria (October 48 B.C.) with . ' 706A.U.C. a small force — only to hear of his death. His demand that the young king Ptolemy and his sister and rival Cleopatra should disband their forces and submit to his arbitration was resented as an unwarrantable interference," and he found him.sclf blockaded in Alexandria by the royaHorces. Even when_seL^ee_Jhy;_jthe arrival of a relieving force under the command, strangely enough, of a reputed son of the great Mithridatcs, he lingered in Egypt, held a prisoner, it was said, by the charms of Cleo- patra. It was not until Tune 47 U.C. that ^ . J T/ 707A.U.C. he left for Syria, and was there met by the news that Pharnaces, the son and heir t)f Mithridatcs the Great, taking advantage of the master- Defeat of less condition of Asia to renew on a Pharnaces. smaller scale his father's ambitious schemes, had defeated Domitius Calvinus, and recovered his he- reditary kingdom of Pontus,' Leaving Syria in the charge of Sextus Caesar, he sailed to Cilicia. In a durbar held at Tarsus, he hastily arranged the afTairs of the province, and then marched through Cappadocia to Pontus — where a ^Q\z., Ad Ait.,yi\.,t ; Ad. Fatn., xv., 15. ■ Ca2s. , B. C, iii., 107. ' Bell. Alex., 34-40. 344 Otdlines of Ro}} mil History. [Book v single battle decided the fate of Pharnaces, who was completely defeated at Zela,' Towards the end of 47 B.C., Ca:sar at last reached Italy, The African , , , . . , / War. but only to leave it agam at once, for the enemies whom he had crushed in the East were now making head against him in the West. Africa was wholly in their hands, and the allegiance of Spain had been shaken by the misgovernment of Caesar's legate, Cassius Longinus. The 708 A.u.c. ^ ^ . ^ . . , f Atrican campaign occupied the spring or 46 B.C. It was closed by the battle of Thapsus (April 46 B.C.) and by the suicide at Utica of the Death of cato y^^^S^'' Cato, the inflexible stoic and at utica. republican, who, far more than the so- called " last of the Romans," Brutus and Cassius, represented all that was best in the opposition to Caesarism.^ Between June 46 B.C., when he left Africa, and the end of October in that year, Caesar enjoyed a brief respite from campaigning ; but in November he was again in the field. Farther Spain, irritated by the misrule of Cassius, and The second \ Spanish cHcou raged by the presence of Labienus war. fi> .? I and of Pompey's eldest son, was in open revolt. Caesar hurried to the province, and the last of his victories was won at Munda, in 709 A.u.c. ' southern Spain, on the 17th of March 45 B.C.' Towards the end of the summer he returned to Italy, he received fresh honours from senate and people, and to take up again the work of reform so ' Ibid., 72-77. "" B. A/r., %osqq. ' B. Hispan., 27 sqq. Ch. 1] The Dictatorship of Julius. 345 oTtcn interrupted. His civil wars were over, and he was at leisure, not merely to restore order at home, but to frame schemes worthy of the wide authority he wielded, for the consolidation of the empire. In especial, he was anxious to secure it against attack from without, and it was no doubt with this view, as well as from a desire to avenge the defeat of Crassus, and recover the lost standards, that he ^ a r ' Murder of planned an expedition against Parthia.' caesar. But his dazzling successes, and still more the avowed, though humane, absolution of his government, were intolerable to the Roman nobles, who could see in his rule only the degradation of their order, and in the ruler nothing but a tyrant of the Greek type.' On the fated ides of March 44 B.C. he was 70A.U.C. attacked in the senate-house and murdered, leaving his task but half accomplished, and the Roman world a prey to renewed anarchy and civil war. Yet short as were the intervals of rest allowed him during the five stormy years which followed his entry into Rome in March 49 B.C., it is difficult to overrate the importance of the work he did. The fact that he dissociated the idea of personal rule from the evil Sullan traditions of party revenge, and made it rather the embodiment of imperial unity and good order, is sufficient of itself to justify his claim to be regarded as the founder of that system of government under which the civilised world lived contentedly for three centuries. ' Plut., Cas., 64; App., B. C, ii., 110. * Cic, Ad Fam., iv., 5. 346 Outlines of Roman History, iBook v The task which he had to perform was no easy Dictatorship oiie. It cauie iipfjii liini suddenly; foi' ^z^^ls'k. there is no sufficient reason to beheve 706-10 . . . j.j^^j^ Caesar had long premeditated revolu- tion, or that he had previousl}' aspired to anything more than ;.uch a position as that which Fompey had already won, a position unrepublican indeed, but accepted even by republicans as inevitable.' War was forced upon him as the alternative to political suicide, but success in war brought the responsibili- ties of nearly absolute power, and Caesar's genius must be held to have shown itself in the masterly fashion in which he grasped the situation, rather than in the supposed sagacity with which he is said to have foreseen and prepared for it. In so far as he failed, his failure was mainly due to the fact that his tenure of power was too short for the work which he was required to perform. From the very first moment when Pompcy's ignominious retreat left him master of Italy, he made it clear that he was neither a second Sulla nor even the reckless anarchist which many believed him to be.^ The Roman and Italian public were first startled by the masterly rapidity and energy of his movements, and then agreeably surprised by his lenity and moderation. No pro- ' On this, as on many other points connected with Caesar, diver- gence has here been ventured on from the views expressed by Mommsen in his brilliant chapter on Caesar (A'. G., iii., 446 ,>y.) Too much stress must not be laid on the gossip retailed by Suetonius, as to Caesar's early intentions. * Cicero vividly expresses the revulsion of feeling produced by Caesar's energy, luimanity, and moderation on his first appearance in Italy. Compare .4 (//i//., vii.,ii, wiih Ad All., viii., 13. Ch. 1] The Dictatorship of Julius. 347 scriptions or confiscations followed his victories, and all his acts evinced an unmistakable desire to effect a sober and reasonable settlement of the pressing questions of the hour; of this, and of his almost superhuman energy, the long list of measures he carried out or planned is sufficient proof. The " children of the proscribed " were at length restored to their rights,' and with them many of the refugees' who had found shelter in Caesar's camp during the two or three years immediately preceding the war ; but the extreme men among his supporters soon realised that their hopes of novce tabnlcz and grants of land were illusory. In allotting lands to his vet- erans, Caesar carefully avoided any disturbance of existing owners and occupiers,^ and the mode in which he dealt with the economic crisis produced by the war seems to have satisfied all reasonable men/ It had been a common charge against Caesar in former days that he paid excessive court to the pop- ulace of Rome, and now that he was master he still dazzled and delighted them by the splendour of the spectacles he provided, and by the liberality of his largesses. But he was no indiscriminate flatterer of the mob. The popular clubs and guilds which had helped to organise the anarchy of the last few years ' Dio, xli., 18. 'App-jii., 48; Dio, xli., 36. * Plut., Cccs., 51 ; Siieton., 37 : ^' adsigiiavil agros,scci iioii con- iinuos, ne qtds possessoriim expelleretiiry C/., App., ii.,94. ■* For the " lex yiilia de pectoriis mtiinis," see Sueton., 42 ; Cassar, />. C, iii., i; Dio, xli., 37; App., ii., 48. The fern eratores were satisfied; Cic, Ad fa;/;., \\\\. i-j. But the law displeased anarchists like M. Civliiis Rufus and 1'. Cornelius Dolabella. 348 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v were dissolved.* A strict inquiry was made into the distribution of the monthly doles of corn, and the number of recipients was reduced by one-half.'' Finally, the position of the courts of justice was raised by the abolition of the popular element among the judiccs.^ Nor did Caesar shrink from the attempt, in which so many had failed before him, to mitigate the twin evils which were ruining the prosperity of Italy, — the concentration of a pauper population in the towns, and the denudation and desolation of the country districts. His strong hand carried out the scheme so often proposed by the popular leaders since the days of Gains Gracchus, the colonisation of Carthage and Corinth. Allotments of land on a large scale were made in Italy ; decaying towns were reinforced by fresh drafts of settlers ; on the large estates and cattle farms the owners were required to find employment for a certain amount of free labour ; and a slight and temporary stimulus was given to Italian industry by the re-imposition of harbour dues upon foreign goods." To these measures must be added his schemes for the draining of the Fucinc Lake and the Pomptine Marshes, for a new road across the Apennines, and for turning the course of the Tiber.^ It is true that these vigorous efforts to revive the agrarian prosperity of Italy were made along the old lines laid down eighty years before ' Sueton., 42. 'Sueton., 41 ; Dio, xliii., 21. * Sueton., 40; Dio, Ixiii., 25. ■* Sueton., 42, 43. *■ Plut., Crj-,, 58; Sueton., 44; Dio, xliii., 51. Ch. n The Dictatorship of yulius. 349 by the Gracchi, and that their final success was no greater than that of preceding efforts in the same direction ; but they are a proof of the spirit in which Caesar understood the responsibilities of absolute power, and their failure was due to causes which no legislation could remove. The reform of the cal- endar ' completes a record of administrative reform which entitles Cssar to the praise of having governed well, whatever might be thought of the validity of his title to govern at all. But how did Caesar deal with what was, after all, the greatest problem which he was called upon to solve — the establishment of a satisfactory govern- ment for the empire? One point, indeed, was already settled — the necessity, if the empire was to hold together at all, of placing the army, the prov- inces, and the control of the foreign policy in more vigorous hands than those of a number of changing magistrates independent of each other, and only very imperfectly controlled by the senate at home. Some centralisation of the executive authority was indis- pensable, and this part of his work Cssar thoroughly performed. From the moment when he seized the moneys in the treasury on his first entry into Rome,'' down to the day of his death, he recognised no other authority but his throughout the empire. He alone directed the policy of Rome in foreign affairs ; the legions were led, and the provinces governed, not by independent magistrates, but by his legates ' ' See Mommsen, R. C. , iii., 550; and Fischer, Rom. Zeittafeln, 2Q2 sq, * Plut., 35. ^ Dio., xliii., 47. 7,^0 OiLtli7ies of Romiui History. Book v and the title impcrator, which he adopted, \va> intended to express the absolute and unlimited nature of the imperiiiin he claimed, as distinct from the limited spheres of authority possessed by republican magistrates.' In so centralising the ex- ecutive authority over the empire at large, Caesar was but developing the policy implied in the Gabin- ian and Manilian laws, and the precedent he estab- lished was closely followed by his successors. It was otherwise with the more difficult question of the form under which this new executive authority should be exercised, and the relation it should hold to the republican constitution. We must be con- tent to remain in ignorance of the precise shape which Cjesar intended ultimately to give to the new system. The theory that he contemplated a revival of the old Roman kingship * is supported by httle more than the popular gossip of the day, and the form under which he actually w ielded his authority can hardly have been regarded by so sagacious a statesman as more than a provisional arrangement. This form was that of the dictatorship ; and in favour of the choice it might have been urged that the dictatorship was the office naturally marked out by republican tradition as the one best suited to carry the state safely through a serious crisis, that the powers it conveyed were wide, that it was as dic- ' Sueton. , 40 ; EHo. , xiiii. , 44. For this use of the title imperator, see Mommsen, R. G., iii., 466, and note. - See Mommsen, iii., 467, and Ranke, WeUgeschichU, ii., 319 sq. According to Appian (ii., no) and Plu'arch {Ozs., 64), the title rex was only to be used abroad in the East, as likely to strengthen Caesar's position against the Farthians. Ch. r The Dictatorship of y-idins. y^ r tator that Sulla had reorganised the state, and that a dictatorship had been spoken of as the readiest means of legalising Pompey's protectorate of the re- public in 5S-5-- The choice, nevertheless. _ •I J ^ ^ 7 701 . JHJ2 was a bad one. It was associated with ^ ^- ^■ those verj' Sullan traditions from which Csesar was most anxious to sever himself: it implied neces- sarily the suspension for the time of all constitu- tional government ; and, lastly, the dictatorship as held by Csesar could not even plead that it con- formed to the old rules and traditions of the office. There was, indeed, a precedent in Sulla's case for a dictator " reipublitcv constituc7ida^ causal but Csesai was not only appointed in an unusual manner, but appointed for an unprecedentedly long period,' and the " perpetual dictatorship " granted him after his crowning victor\- at ^funda (45) was a .... ' , ^^^' J. . 709A. u.c. contradiction m terms and a repudiation of constitutional government which excited the bit- terest animosity.* The dictatorship serv^ed well enough for the time to give some appearance of legality to Cjesar's autocratic authority, but it was not — even, it is probable, in his own eyes — a satis- factory- solution of the problem. A second question, hardly less important than the establishment and legalisation of a strong central ex- ecutive authority over the army and the provinces, ' Csesar's first dictatorship in 49 was simply * ' comiiiorum hahfn- dorum causa" and lasted only eleven days. He was appointed dictator again for one year in 4S, for ten years in 46, and for life in 45. 'Cicero {Phil., i., 2) praises Antony, '^ quum tiictahyrjs H4?mrn . pro^'fr perpetutT diftalura receHUm mtmariam futidiius tx tiiul-'icj suitutissei. " 352 Outli7ies of Roman History. [Book*) was that of the position to be assigned to the old constitution by the side of this new power. So far as Caesar himself was concerned, the answer was for the time sufficiently clear. The old constitution was not formally abrogated. The senate met and deliberated; the assembly passed laws and elected magistrates : there were still consuls, praetors, aediles, qua:^stors, and tribunes ; and Caesar himself, like his successors, professed to hold his authority by the will of the people. But senate, assembly, and magistrates were all alike subordinated to the paramount authority of the dictator; and this subordination was, in appear- ance at least, more direct and complete under the rule of Caisar than under that of Augustus. Caesar was by nature as impatient as Augustus was tolerant of established forms ; and, dazzled by the splendour of his career of victory, and by his ubiquitous energy and versatility, the Roman public, high and low, prostrated themselves before him and heaped honours upon him with a reckless profusion which made the existence of any authority by the side of his own an absurdity.' Hence, under Caesar, the old constitution was repeatedly disregarded, or suspended in a way which contrasted unfavourably with the more respectful attitude assumed by Augustus. Foi months together Rome was left without any regular magistrates, and was governed like a subject town by Caesar's prefects."* At another time a ' For the long list of these, see Appian, ii., io6 ; Dio, xliii., 43-45; Plut., 57; Sueton., 76. Cf. also Mommsen, R. C, iii., 463 sq.\ Watson, Cicero s Letters, App. x. ; Zumpt, Studia Koinana, igg sq. (Berlin, 1859). "Zumpt, Stud. Rom., 241; Sueton., 76. Ch, 1] The Dictatorship of yuli7is. 353 tribune was seen exercising authority outside the city bounds and invested with the iiiipcriuni of a praetor." At the elections candidates appeared before the people backed by a written recommenda- tion from the dictator, which was equivalent to a command.* Finally, the senate itself was trans- formed out of all likeness to its former self by the raising of its numbers to 900, and by the admission of old soldiers, sons of freedmen, and even " semi- barbarous Gauls." ^ But, though Caesar's high-handed conduct in this respect was not imitated by his im- mediate successors, yet the main lines of their policy were laid down by him. These Avere (i) the muni- cipalisation of the old republican constitution, and (2) its subordination to the paramount authority of the master of the legions and the provinces. In the first case he only carried further a change already in progress. Of late years the senate had been rapidly losing its hold over the empire at large. Even the ordinary proconsuls were virtually inde- pendent potentates, ruling their provinces as they chose, and disposing absolutely of legions which recognised no authority but theirs. The consuls and praetors of each year had since 81 been stationed in Rome, and immersed in purely municipal business ; and, lastly, since the enfranchisement of Italy, the cotnitia, though still recognised as the ultimate source of all authority. 'Cic. Ad AH., X., 8a. ^ Seuton., 41 : '^Ccesar dictator , . . commendo vobis ilium, et illmn, tit vestro snffragio suam dignitatem teneattt." ^Sueton., 41, 76; Dio, xliii., 47. 23 354 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v had become little more than assemblies of the city populace, and their claim to represent the true Roman people was indignantly questioned, even b)- republicans like Cicero. The concentration in Ca-'sar's hands of all authority outside Rome com- pletely and finally severed all real connection between the old institutions of the republic of Rome and the government of the Roman Empire. And though Augustus and Tiberius elevated the senate to a place beside themselves in this govern- ment, its share of the work was a subordinate one, and it never again directed the policy of the state ; while from the time of C^tsar onwards, the old magistracies are merely municipal offices, with a steadily diminishing authority, even in the city, and the comitia retain no other prerogative of imperial importance but that of formally confirming the ruler of the empire in the possession of an authority which is already his. But the institutions of the -epublic not merely became, what they originally had been, the local institutions of the city of Rome ; they were also subordinated even within these nar- row limits to the paramount authority of the man who held in his hands the army and the provinces. And here Caesar's policy was closely followed by his successors. Autocratic abroad, at home he was the chief magistrate of the commonwealth ; and this position was marked, in his case as in that of those who followed him, by a combination in his person of various i:)owers, and by a general right of preced- ence, which left no limits to his authority but such as he chose to impose upon himself. During the Ch. 1] TJie Dictatorship of yulius. 355 greater part of his reign he was consul as well as dictator.' In 48, after his victory at ^, , , . , -, • • 706A.U.C. Pharsalus, he was given the tribiinicia pot est as for life/ and after his second success at Thapsus the prccfectm-a nioruin for three years.' As chief magistrate he convenes and presides in the senate, nominates candidates, conducts elections, carries laws in the assembly, and administers justice in court." Finally, as a reminder that the chief magistrate of Rome was also the autocratic ruler of the empire, he wore, even in Rome, the laurel wreath and triumphal dress, and carried the sceptre of the victorious imperator.'' Nor are we without some clue as to the policy which Cssar had sketched out for himself in the ad- ministration of the empire, the government of which he had centralised in his own hands. The much- needed work of rectifying the frontiers he was forced, by his premature death, to leave to other hands, but our authorities agree in attributing to him the design of extending the rule of Rome to its natural geogra- phical limits — to the Euphrates and the Caucasus on the East, to the Danube and the Rhine, or possibly the Elbe, on the North, and to the ocean on the West. Within the frontiers he anticipated Augustus in lightening the financial burdens of the provincials, ' Watson, op. cif., Ajip., x. ; Zunipt, S/tid. Rom., loc.cil.; Sueton.^ 76 : "terliitm et qunrliini consitlatiiin liliilo tenus gessit." - Dio, xlii.,20. ^ Ibid.,\\\\\., 14, Sueton., 7G. ^Sueton.,43: "yV/j laboriosissime ac severissime dixit ^ ' App., ii., 106; Dio, jcliii,, 43. 156 Otit lines of Roman History. [Book v and in establishing a stricter control over the pro- vincial governors, while he went beyond him in his desire to consolidate the empire by extending the Roman franchise and admitting provincials to a share in the government. He completed the Romanisation of Ital)' by his enfranchisement of the Transpadane Gauls, and by establishing throughout the peninsula a uniform system of municipal government, which, under his successors, was gradually extended to the provinces. CHAPTER II. THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE TRIUMVI^ RATE— 44-27 B.C. Between the day of Caesar's murder in 710 a.u.c. March, 44 u.c., and the ist of January, 27 727 a.u.c. B.C., when his great nephew restored the The struggle repubhc, under the presidency of himself after°c&'sar" as princcps, or first citizen, hes a dreary death. period of anarchy and bloodshed.' The knot of jealous and resentful nobles who had assassinated the great dictator claimed, indeed, to have freed Rome from the rule of a tyrant, but the general feel- ing was one of dismay at the prospect of renewed confusion and conflict. " If Caesar," writes a Roman man of business to Cicero, " could not find a way out of our difficulties, who will find one now?'"' Even Cicero, earnestly as he strove to convince himself and others that a genuine restoration of the republic was now impossible, was forced to confess that the "libera- ' For this period see Merivale, Romans Under the Empire, vol. iii.; Gardthaiisen, Aiigusliis; Lange, Kom. Al/rri/iiii/ier,\\\.,^'](i S(jtj. Tlie chief ancient authorities, besides Cicero, are Dio Cass., bks, xliv.-li., App., B. C, ii.-v. 2 Cic, Ad Att., xiv., i. 357 358 Outlines of Ro77ian History. fBook v tors" had not half done their work,' and though he set himself with indefatigable energy to the task of re-establishing the old constitution, it was beyond his powers to alter the course of events. The tragedy of the Ides of March was followed, not by a republican restoration, but by a war of succession, a conflict in which even Cicero's eloquence went for little by comparison with the swords of the legionaries. Of the rival claimants to the place which Caesar had filled, the most conspicuous at the moment of Caesar's death was Marcus Antonius, once Csesar's master M. Antonius. , , , 1 1 • i- • t 1 of the horse, and his lieutenant in Italy, now sole consul, and as such the official head of the state. A brilliant soldier, an effective speaker, and the close friend of the great dictator, he was, as Cicero recognised, a far more formidable person than either M. iEmilius Lepidus or Sextus Pompeius. M. L>epidus and Sextus The former, though a great noble, and Pompeius. r 1 governor of the two important provinces of Hither Spain and Narbonese Gaul, possessed neither ability nor resolution enough to win for him- self the prize to which he aspired. The latter, though he had succeeded in collecting a force, and making good a position in Farther Spain," was as yet an out- law, bearing indeed a great name, but a man of whom little was known, and from whom little was feared. Moreover, with both Lepidus and Sextus Pompeius Antony had established friendly relations. He had given his daughter in marriage to Lepidus's son, and ' Ibid., xiv., 12 : (3 TTpd^Ecci naAyS /niv drsXovi Si f — c/. ibiJ., xiv., 21. » Dio, Jilv., 10. Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 359 ( promised to secure for the father the oflfice oipontifex X^maximus left vacant by Caesar's death.' The bribe oiTercd to Scxtus was the repeal of the sentence of outlawry and the restoration of his father's property.* , " Matters thus arranged with the only rivals whom he saw any reason to fear, Antony proceeded, in his own reckless fashion, to play the part of Caesar in Rome. Caesar's papers had been intrusted to his care by the dictator's widow Calpurnia, and of these he made unscrupulous use ; laws were carried, prov- inces assigned, exiles recalled, property granted or confiscated ; and for everything Antony professed that he found authority in the " Acts of Caesar." ' The one thing wanting to establish his position, a military command, he proposed to secure by trans- ferring to himself the province of Cisalpine Gaul, with the legions at present in Macedonia.* But he had now to reckon with an opponent in- finitely more dangerous than Lepidus or Sextus. Gains Octavius was at Apollonia when his 1 1 1 A^ 1 • Octavius. great uncle was murdered. On hearmg that Caesar had made him his heir he crossed to Italy (April, 44 B.C.), and travelled to Rome to ... .710 A.U.C. claim his inheritance.* He was only in his nineteenth year, and, as yet, had little to rely upon but his relationship with Caesar. But from the first he displayed all the astuteness, self-control, and ' Ibid., xliv., 53. ' Ibid., xlv., 10. »Cic., Phil., i., 8-10. * Dio, xlv., 9 ; it had been assigned to Decimus Brutus. * Ibid., xlv., 3 ; Sueton., Aug., 8. 360 Oittli)LCs 0/ Roman History. LBook v tenacity of purpose which made him ultimately far more than a match for his reckless and headstrong rival. While professing to have no other object than to claim his rights as Caesar's heir and adopted son, and avoiding all risk of rupture with Antony,' he quietly strengthened his position, both with the veterans who eagerly welcomed a second Caesar, and with the Roman populace. In October, Antony, already alarmed at the growing popularity of his young rival, went to Brundusium to meet the legions from Macedonia. Octavius seized the opportunity to tamper with the newly-arrived troops, and ulti- mately succeeded in detaching from Antony one whole legion. At the same time he raised a force The war of ft^om amoug CsEsar's veterans in Cam- Mutina. pania.'' He was now at the head of a considerable body of troops, but what use he would make of them was still uncertain, and as yet he held no command from senate or people.' In December, however, Antony arrived in Cisalpine Gaul, shut up D. Brutus in Mutina, and proceeded to take forcible possession of his province. Octavius saw his oppor- tunity. He came forward as the defender of the republic against Antony, and marched northward to the relief of Brutus. On January i, a\ 7n A.U.C. J J 1 ^J B.C., the senate formally recognised their ' Dio, xlv., 5. •' Dio, xjv., 12, 13. ■'' Mon. Anc. Lat., i., i : " annos tmdeviginti natus exeixituin pri- vato consiho et privata impensa comparavi ; per quern rempublicam \do\mi7jatione factionis oppressatii in Ubertatem vindica\vi\." "•Cic, Phil., v., 17; Dio, xlvi., 29. That this was Octavius's object Cicero clearly saw ; AJ Alt., xvi., 8 (November 44 B.C.): *^J>lane hoc special ut sc ditcc hclluDi geratur cwn Anlonio" Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 36 1 self-appointed champion. Octavius was made a senator, with consular rank, invested with the ini- periiini, and authorised to conduct the war against Antony in conjunction with the two consuls of the year.' The so-called " War of Mutina " was ended, toward the close of April, by a battle near Mutina, in which Antony was defeated and compelled to raise the siege of that town. But the consul Hirtius was killed in the battle, and his colleague Pansa died shortly afterwards of wounds received in an earlier engagement.* Octavius had now every right to ex- pect that the sole command would be given to him ; at Cicero's suggestion, however, the senate passed him over in favour of Decimus Brutus, and refused his demand to be elected consul.^ He replied by marching on Rome at the head of eight legions, and his arrival decided the matter. On Au- octavius gust 19 he was elected consul, though con^'i^f only twenty years of age.* Meanwhile 43B.C. Antony had already, in May, joined forces with Lepidus near Forum Julii. Later in the ^ •' Til A.U.C. autumn they were strengthened by the adhesion first of Asinius Pollio, governor of Farther Spain, and then of Plancus, governor of Northern Gaul. A final blow to the hopes of Cicero and his ' Mon. Anc. ImI., i., 3 : '* Sctuilus . . . in irdincm siiuin m[e adlegit] . . . con\suld\rein locum \simuldans] . . . i»i- perium mihi dedit." App., B. C, iii., II. "^ Dio, xlvi., 38, 39 ; App. B. C, iii., 71. ' Dio, xlvi., 41. * Afon. Anc. Lai. i., 7, 8 ; Dio, xlvi., 44. He had been saluted as ^' imperator" after the defeat of Antony in April; Dio, xlvi., 38 : C. I. Z., X., 8375. 362 Outlines of Roman History. fBook V friends was the death of Dccimus Brutus at Aqui- leia.' The legions of M. Brutus and Cassius were too far off to be of immediate service, and the sen- ate could only await in passive helplessness the issue of the approaching meeting between the young Caesar and his rivals. Octavius marched from Rome at the head of his legions, and met Antony and Lep- idus in conference near Bononia.* A coalition was Tu-.-^„„^ formed, and a division of power agreed The second ' i o Triumvirate, ypon. In Novcmbcr thc three new mas- ters of the Roman world appeared in Rome, and by a hurried vote of thc terrified people the provisional government, usually known as the Second Triumvi- rate, was established, Antony, Lepidus, and Octavius being appointed commissioners " for the reorganisa- tion of the state " for a period of five years." Their first acts were of evil omen for the peace and order of the empire. They revived the hateful Sullan traditions" of proscription and confiscation, and Death of amoug their victims was the great orator, Cicero. ^^,]^Q j-Qj. |.|^^, i^^j- eighteen months had been jvaging an unequal contest '' with words against swords," ' on behalf of the ancient civic constitution, ' He was murdered while making his way to join M. Brutus in Macedonia; Dio, xlvi., 53; App., />. T. , iii., 97. ' Dio, xlvi., 55 ; App., B. C, iv., 2. ' Mon. Am. Lai., i., 9. Livy, Epit., cxx. : " ut Illviri reipub- lieu: coHsiituenda per quinquennium essent." Dio, xlvi., 56 ; App., B. C, iv., 7. ■• Dio, xlvii., j: rd Si dXXa oda Ini tov StiA/lof itporepov InenpaxTo yai tote dwEcpepFro. * Cic, Ad Fam., xii., 22: " /w« pari condicione, contra arma verbis." Cn. 2] Govevmncnt of the Triumvirate. 363 which he had once saved, and which he did not care to outHve. His murder was Antony's reply to the Philippics, and, brutal as the act was, it significantly marked the changed order of things. The irrecon- cilable puritanism of Cato found many imitators under the rule of the Caesars, but the long line of orator statesmen, who swayed the destinies of free civic communities by the force of persuasive speech, closed with Cicero.' Throughout December 43 B.C., and through the early months of 42 B.C., the reign of ter- ror lasted.^ Its horrors are said to have exceeded those of the Marian and Sullan proscrip- tions, and they were aggravated by the desperate straits to which the triumvirs were driven 713 A.U.C. in order to satisfy the demands of the turbulent soldiery ' who filled the city, and to pre- pare for the war with Brutus and Cassius. rr^, . . . . . . f Reign of There is a certam grnn irony m the fact terror in that the authors of these enormities ostentatiously represented their work as one of righteous vengeance on the murderers of Caesar.* The name of the dictator was invoked to Honours lustify a policy of bloodshed and plunder paid to •" -^ * "^ . Julius. — which was the very reverse of his own, — and while the forum swam with blood, and the streets were incumbered with corpses, the supreme ' For Cicero's murder, see Plut., Cicero, 47; Die, xlvii., 8. "■ Dio, xlvii., 1-17 ; App., B. C, iv., 5. ' According to Appian (i5. C, iv., 3), the territories of eighteen Italian towns were selected, and lands assigned to the soldiery in them. ■* App., B. C, iv., 8 s^^. 364 Outlines of Roman History. iBook v honour of deification was paid to the dead Juh"us.' The foundations of a temple dedicated to his memory were laid on the spot where his body had been burnt, and triumvirs, senate, and people swore always to observe and uphold his ordinances.'' The chief responsibility for the atrocities is laid upon Antony and Lepidus, but the audacious fiction which described them as nothing more than an act of filial duty to a murdered father is at least characteristic of Octavius.' The triumvirs were now masters of Rome and Italy; of the provinces, Spain and Gaul ■' . ^ ^ War with were also theirs. But tlicy were far from Brutus and Cassiu'^. being supreme throughout the empire. In the West Scxtus Pompeius was daily growing stronger. His fleet commanded the western Medi- terranean, he was in possession of Sicily, and the recent massacres had sent hundreds of fugitives to swell the ranks of his adherents.* In the East, Brutus and Cassius had overborne all opposition, and were masters of Macedonia and Achaia, of Asia Minor and Syria. The attempt to dislodge Sextus Pom- peius from Syria was abandoned as impracticable,* ' /. R. JV., 5014 : " quein Senalus Populuique Roinanus in deorum numerum rctiulit." The deification probably took place early in 42 B.C. ; Mommben, Si. A*., ii., 717. * Dio, xlvii., 18 ; the " herown yulii," or "cedes divi Julii" was dedicated by Octavius in 30 B.C. * The reference to the proscriptions in the .\ncyran Monument is significant ; Mon. Anc. Lat., {., 10: " qui parentem meum [inter' /ecei] u)il in exilium expvli." * Dio, xlvii., 12, 36. * Ibid., xlvii., 37. Ch. 21 Government of the Triumvirate. 365 and leaving Lepidus to look after Italy, Antony and Octavius sailed early in the autumn from Brundusium to face Brutus and Cassius at Philippi, in Macedonia, where the latter were already encamped within easy reach of the sea and of their fleet.' The circum- stances of the final encounter bore a certain resemblance to those which attended the battle at Pharsalus. The forces of Antony and Thebatuc Octavius were, like those of Caesar, drawn "* ^42'B.c'. mainly from Italy and the West, while 712A.U.C. the more numerous army of their opponents was largely composed, as that of Pompey had been, of eastern auxiliaries.'' Moreover, while it was the object of the triumvirs, as of Caesar before them, to force on an engagement, Brutus and Cassius had, like Pompey, everything to gain by delay, and it was only the impatience of their troops which obliged them to fight. The first day's battle was indecisive. Brutus defeated the troops opposed to him under Octavius ; but, on the other hand, Cassius was out-manoeuvred by Antony, and hastily imagin- ing that all was lost, slew himself. Brutus now assumed the sole command, and prepared to wear out his enemy by a policy of masterly inactivity. The triumvirs found their supplies running short, and winter coming on ; and their position was fast becoming untenable, when J^rutus, like Pompey, was ^ Ibid., xlvii., 37-49; App., /). C, i\., ?>•] S(jq. ; Plut., Brutus, 38, 53- '•' Gardthauben, Augustus, i., 170; App., B, C, iv., 88. Willi Brutus and Cassius were not only Tliracians and Illyrians, but mounted archers from Arabia, Media, and Parthia. 366 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v reluctantly forced by his officers to leave his entrenchments and fight. The battle ended in his complete defeat. The last of the republican leaders fell by the hand of a friend. His troops, to the number of some 14,000 men, surrendered at discre- tion ; of his officers, some, like Horace, escaped by flight, others were captured, or avoided capture by suicide. The fleet alone sailed away unharmed, the greater part of it going to swell the growing forces of Sextus Pompeius, while a squadron under Cn. Uomitius Ahcnobarbus remained in the yEgaean. The victory was followed by a fresh division of Division of authority between the conquerors.' An- thc Empire, tony Undertook what no doubt seemed at the time the more attractive and lucrative task of restoring order in the unsettled provinces and vassal states of the East, and of collecting there the funds needed to redeem the promises made to the victor- ious legions. To Octavius was intrusted the duty of allotting the promised lands in Italy to the veter- ans, and of crushing Sextus Pompeius. The arrange- ment had consequences which it is possible that Octavius at least foresaw. While Antony was launched on a wild career of extravagant adventure in the East, which gradually alienated from him the sympathies of the Roman world, Octavius, securely established at Rome, in the ancient seat of govern- ment, and with full control of the constitutional machinery of the state, became not only master of the West, but the recognised champion of Roman civilization and supremacy. ' Dio, xlviii., i. Ch. 21 Government of the Triumvirate. 367 At the outset, however, such results as these seemed remote enough. In carrying out octaviusip the allotments of land to the veterans, a The Perusine war. work which he commenced early in 4I 713A.U.C. B.C., Octavius provoked a crisis which, for a few months, threatened entirely to ruin his position. Antony's brother Lucius, encouraged and directed by the former's ambitious and unscrupulous wife Fulvia, after failing to get himself associated with Octavius in the business of allotment, came forward as the patron of all those who had been evicted or were threatened with eviction from their lands.' Supported by these malcontents, by such of the soldiery as bribes or their own attachment to his brother Marcus could detach from Octavius's side, and by a few senators, he formed a formidable party, seized one or two strong places, and prepared to supersede Octavius in the government of Italy, The outbreak of actual hostilities was delayed by fruitless negotiations, but, probably towards the end of the summer, Lucius marched upon Rome, and entered it. On Octavius's advance, however, he again left the city and moved northwards. At Per- usia he was overtaken and blockaded. The siege seems to have lasted throughout the autumn and early winter, but in January 40 B.C. Lucius surrendered, and the last civil war waged on Italian soil for more than a century came to an end.'' The victory at Perusia gave Octavius the ' Dio, xlviii., 5 sqq, * For the Perusine war, see Livy, Epit., cxxv, ; Veil. Pat., ii., 74 ; Dio, xlviii., 13 sqq.; App., B.C,,\., 21 x^q. 368 Outlines of Rommi History. [Book v control of Italy, and he now hastened to secure for himself the entire West, before the news of his brother's defeat should rouse Antony to action. Spain and Numidia had been assigned to him by the agreement made after Philippi ; but Gaul and the old province of Africa belonged, under the terms of the same agreement, to Antony. Nevertheless, in July 40 B.C., Octavius crossed into Gaul 714 A.U.C. 1 -1 A /■ • rr 1 and secured it, while Africa was otiered to Lepidus in exchange for his nominal rule of Italy, an offer which Octavius hoped would bind both that province and Lepidus to his own side. Meanwhile he prepared to take decisive measures against Sex- tus Pompeius, whose power was daily on the increase, and whose fleet was not only ravaging the Italian coasts, but intercepting the corn supplies of Rome itself. Marcus Vispanius Agrippa, who now first appears as the ablest and most devoted of his lieu- tenants, was despatched to South Italy, with orders to dislodge Sextus from his formidable position in Sicily. For the moment, however, all operations against Antony in Scxtus wcrc Suspended by the news that the East. Antony, yielding at last to the entreaties of his ])artisans, was on his way to Italy to assert his rights. The period which had elapsed since the victory at Philippi he had spent in the East, where his conduct had been that rather of a reckless soldier of fortune than of a responsible statesman,' The enormous sums which he levied from the Greek com- munities he squandered in riotous living, and his ' Dio, xlviii., 24 sqq.; Pint.. Anton., 24 scjq. Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate . 369 own extravagance was equalled by that of his favour- ites, male and female. Penalties and rewards were distributed, rulers set up and deposed, as the fanc}' of the moment dictated. Discarding the severe dignity of the Roman imperator, this new master of the East preferred to parade himself before the Greeks under the style and title of the god Dionysos. At Tarsus, where he had summoned the vassal kings and princes to appear before him and learn his pleas- ure, he first met the brilliant and ambitious Meeting with princess who now claimed to be the rep- cieopatra. resentative and heiress of the Ptolemies, and in an evil moment for himself he became the devoted lover and obedient slave of Cleopatra. When she returned to Egypt he followed her, and lounged away the winter of 41-40 B.C. as the fore- ^—^'ty ' r • 1 . 713-714 most of her favourites and courtiers at a.u.c. Alexandria. In the spring of 40 B.C. he at last nerved himself to leave Egypt : he sailed to Asia, and 714 AUG thence to Greece, where he learnt from Fulvia the news of the capture of Perusia. He at once crossed to Italy, and on being refused admis- sion into Rrundusium, landed with troops and com- menced to lay siege to the town. A renewal of civil war seemed inevitable, but in reality neither Octavius nor Antony were The Treaty . ' .of Brundus- anxious to push matters to an extremity. ium. ' , 714A.U.C. The former, though overwhelmingly su- 40B.C. perior by land, had every reason to dread a coalition between Sextus Pompeiusand Antony, whose united fleets could easily blockade Italy, and cut off all sup- 370 Oui/ines of Roman History. [Book V plies from outside.' On his side Antony had compara- tively few troops, and, above all, he was anxious to get back to the East, where a Parthian war had broken out. A formidable obstacle to peace was removed by the death of his wife Fulvia, and during the autumn the "treaty of Brundusium " postponed for nine years more the final struggle between the two rivals.* For the third time a partition of the empire w-as made. Octavius retained Italy and the western provinces, while Antony took over the whole of the East, including Macedonia and Achaia. Lepi- dus, whom neither of his colleagues cared even to consult, was obliged to be satisfied with the single province of Africa. Finally, as a pledge of their renewed friendship, Antony married his rival's sister, Octavia. In the next year, ^g B.C., to the 715 A.U.C. . r ■ 1- r r T^ it 1 The Treaty mfinite rcIicf of Romc and Italy, a treaty ofMisenum. i 1 1 t,«^- concluded at Misenum put a stop, though only as it proved, for a short time, to the piratical raids of Sextus Pompeius.^ In tlie course of the summer Octavius left Rome for Gaul, to resume the work of organisation there which the threatened war with Antony had interrupted, and about the same time Antony departed from Greece. ' Dio, xlvii., 2g. The two had, in fact, atjreed to make common cause against Octavius. " Dio, xlviii., 28 ; Veil., ii., 76 ; App., B. C, v., 60-65. " Livy, /:/>{/., cxxvii.; Veil., ii., 77 ; Dio, xlviii., 34. Sextus was confinned in possession of Sicily and Sardinia, and was given in addition the province of Acadia, for five years. A free pardon and permission to return to Italy was granted to those who had taken refuge with him. Ch. 21 Goverjimejit of the Triumvirate. 371 Meanwhile, in the East, matters had r , ■, . 1 , The Parthian gone from bad to worse, and at one mo- invasion of , .. _ 1 • 1 Asia Minor ment it seemed as 11 Rome was destmed 4° b.c. 714 A.U.C. to lose all that she had won in Western Asia. The necessities of civil war had compelled Brutus and Cassius to seek the alliance of the Par- thian king Orodes, and a body of Parthian cavalry had fought side by side with their legions at Philippi. The defeat of his allies, and the news that Antony was coming eastward, intent, it was said, on that in- vasion of Parthia which Caesar had planned, no doubt deterred Orodes from seizing the reward of his alli- ance, and occupying the defenceless province of Syria. But Antony passed on to Egypt to waste precious time at the feet of Cleopatra, leaving both Syria and Asia Minor at the mercy of any invader. It was, however, by a Roman officer that Orodes was persuaded to seize this opportunity of ousting the Romans from Asia. Q. Labienus,' the son of the man who had been at first Caesar's most trusted officer and then his bitterest enemy, had visited the Parthian court as the envoy of Brutus and Cassius, and after their defeat had remained there under Parthian protection. Forgetful, like his father, of his duty to Rome in his desire for revenge, he urged Orodes to strike at once, and promised himself to lead the armies of Parthia. His arguments, backed as they were by Orodes's fiery son Pacorus, prevailed, and the Parthian forces crossed the Euphrates. The Roman troops in Syria who had fought for Brutus and Cassius were easily won over by Labienus'^ and ' Dio, xlviii,, 24. '^ Ibid., xlviii., 25. 372 Outlines of Ro7nan History. [Book v with the exception of the impregnable seaport of Tyre, both Syria and Judaea submitted to the in- vader. Crossing the Taurus, Labienus overran Cihcia, and entering the province of Asia, forced Antony's legate, Munatius Plancus, to abandon the mainland and take refuge in the is- 714A.U.C. , , T^ , , ,. , lands. By the end of the year 40 B.C., while Octavius and Antony were celebrating their reconciliation by festivities in Italy, the provinces beyond the sea were in Parthian hands, lost as they had been once before in 88 B.C., thanks to the ruinous quarrels which paralysed the power of Rome. The treaty of Brundusium, followed as Ba^sus^in'"^ it was early in 39 B.C. by the conclusion ^I^^A.u^c. <^f peace with Sextus Pompeius, must have sorely disappointed Labienus, who had relied, with some reason, on the prospects of a destructive civil war in Italy. Antony, indeed, loi- tered as usual on his way eastward,' with characteristic indifference to his own reputation and to the plight of the unhappy provincials of Asia, who in the space of three years had suffered from the exactions of three differeiit masters. Fortunately, however, he sent on in advance P. Ventidius Bassus, an officer of vigour and ability, whose career, with its marked vicissitudes, was characteristic of the stormy times in which he lived.'' Made a prisoner as a boy at the siege of Asculum during the Social war, he had fig- ured as a captive in the triumphal procession of Cn. Pompeius Strabo (89 B.C.); after earning a living, so ' Dio, xlviii., 3(). 'Gell., Noel. Alt., XV., 4. Ch. 2] Government of the Triuinvirate. '^^^'^^ his enemies said, as a dealer in mules,' he entered the army as a common soldier, where he attracted the notice of Caesar. Thanks to Caesar's patronage, he rose rapidly, becoming tribune of the plcbs and praetor. After Caesar's death he joined Antony, and was outlawed by the senate along with his leader. On the formation of the second triumvirate he re- turned to Rome, and at the close of 43 B.C. 11-11 1 1 • •> ,711 A.U.C. was rewarded with the consulship, and then with the gov^ernorship of Narbonese Gaul. The duty now intrusted to him of reconquering the eastern provinces was discharged with brilliant success. He at once crossed to Asia, and Labienus, taken completely by surprise, at once evacuated the peninsula, and retreated to the Taurus,' where he summoned the Parthian force in Syria to his aid. Ventidius followed, and in a single battle decisively defeated both Labienus and his allies. Labienus's army dispersed, and Ventidius, pressing forward a second time, routed the Parthians, who were holding the passes* into Syria. The latter, however, were not yet reconciled to the loss of their acquisitions west of the Euiihrates. In the followino- 716 AUG Spring (38 15.C.) a Parthian army crossed the river, but only to be again defeated with fright- 'Gell., Nod. Alt., xv. 4: '' coiiiparainiis /niilis dt ve/dculis . magislraiibtis qiii so)-titi provincias foreii!." According to Gellius, it was in the perfornLince of these commissariat duties that he became known to Ceesar. ** Gellius (xv., 4) quotes the verses written in Rome on the occasion' " tnitlos qui fricabiit, consul fac/us est" ° Dio, xlviii., 39. * The passes of Mens Amanus ; Dio, xlviii., 41. 374 Outlines of Roma7i History. [Book v fill slaughter, among the dead being their prince Pacorus.' Ventidius had, in the course of little more than a year, restored Roman ascendency in the East. In the autumn of 38 B.C. he returned to Rome, and rode in triumph through the streets, along which fifty years before he had been led as a captive." Ventidius's recall is said to have been due to An- tony's jealous)' of his lieutenant's success. At any rate, in the summer of 38 B.C. he left Greece and its pleasures, and started for the East. The two rivals, who parted from each other after the peace of Mise- num in 39 B.C., were destined to meet but once again before the final conflict at Actium. The inter- val was spent by each in a manner thoroughly characteristic of their different characters. Octavius was engaged without intermission in patiently con- solidating his power in the West, in restoring pros- perity and confidence, and in obliterating by good government the memories of the bloodshed and robbery which had stained the commencement of his rule. On the other hand, Antony ran riot in a wild career of adventure and pleasure, better befitting an Eastern sultan than a Roman noble and senator. In the West Octavius succeeded at least in establish- ing order; while in the East the anarchy consequent on ten years of civil war was made worse instead of better by the reckless ambition and capricious ex- travagance of his rival. 'The battle was fought at Gindarus, on June 9, 38 B.C., ou the same day of tlie year as the defeat of Crassus in 53 n.c; Diu, xlix., 21 ; Strabo, p. 751. * Dio, xlix., 21. It was the first Parthian triumph celebrated in Rome. Cb, 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 375 It was probably early in -^S B.C. that „ » . ^ J J -J Octavius in Octavius married Livia,' the wife of 3'J,!3^"c" Tiberius Claudius Nero, once a warm 'His'^arrVagc supporter of L. Antonius, to whom she ^'^^^ Livia. had already borne one son, the future Emperor Tibevius, and by whom she was already pregnant with another, when her husband was forced to sur- render her at the bidding of her powerful lover. The second son, Drusus, born three months after the marriage, became famous as the conqueror of the Raeti, and as the father of Germanicus, and of the Emperor Claudius. Livia herself became the con- stant and prudent counsellor of her new husband, and after his death guided as empress-mother the policy of Tiberius. The truce which had been patched up 1 /-. ■ If- -r. . War with between Uctavms and bextus rompems sextua Potnpeius. (39 B.C.) was but a hollow one.'^ It was impossible for the former to leave Sicily longer than he could help in the hands of a rival, and the latter had every reason to suspect that Octavius would only respect the treaty of Misenum while it suited his convenience to do so. The inevitable rupture between them w^as provoked (38 B.C.) by the treachery of Sextus's freedman and admiral Menas,^ who surrendered Sardinia to Oc- tavius, together with the fleet and troops under his ' Dio, xlviii., 44. He had divorced his wife Scribonia the year before ; ibid., xlviii., 34. ^Tac, Ann., {., 10; ^' Pompeiutn imagine pads . , . deceptum." * Dio, xlviii., 45. Appian {B.C., v. 78) calls the freedman " Meno- donis." T^"](i Outlines of RoJiian History. [Book v coniniaiid. Octavius had no scruple in profiting by this act of perfidy. Menas was rewarded with the rank of .i Roman knight, and received a post in the service of his new master. War followed at once ; but though Octavius can have expected no other result, he found to his cost that Sextus's well- equipped fleet and skilful admirals were far more than a match for his own clumsily handled vessels. In the first sea-fight, ofT Cumae, neither side could claim any decided advantage ; but in the second, off the Scyllaean promontory, the Pompeians, assisted by a storm, completely defeated their enemy. Sextus, elated with his success, was hailed by his Greek sail- ors as the son of Poseidon, and the invincible master of the sea.' Octavius abandoned his projected inva- sion of Sicily and contented himself with posting garrisons to protect the coasts of Italy, while he set about constructing a new and more numerous fleet with which to renew the war. With a wisdom justi- fied by the result, he intrusted the duty of preparing 717 A u c ^^^'^ fresh armament to Marcus Agrippa, now consul (37 B.C.), whom he recalled from Gaul for the purpose. It was during the year 37 B.C." that the last friendly ^ , ^ meeting between Octavius and Antony Renewal of " .' I'Jrate'^'""" ^'^*^''^' P^^cc. The lattcr arrived off Brun- 7^7^% c dusium with a fleet of three hundred sail, professedly in response to Octavius's ap- ' Dio. xlviii., 48 ; Plin., A'. //., ix., 55. ^ The date is uncertain. Appian (B. C, v. 93) places the meeting in the spring uf 37 ij.c. l^io (xlix., i) puts it at the close of that year or the beginning of the next. ch. 2i Government of the Triumvirate. 377 peal for assistance against Sextus Ponnpeius. But no\T, as before, in 40 B.C., the harbour of Brundusium was closed against him, and he landed instead at Tarentum, full of resentment against his colleague. F"or the second time, however, a reconciliation was effected, thanks to the mediation of Octavia, and probably also to the skilful diplomacy of Maecenas, who from this time forward shared with Agrippa the confidence of Octavius.' The provisional govern- ment of the triumvirate was renewed for five years more.^ Antony gave Octavius one hundred and twenty ships to assist him in the war with Sextus, and received in exchange twenty thousand Roman legionaries.' Matters being thus amicably settled, the rivals parted ; Antony sailed away to Syria, leaving his wife Octavia behind in Italy, and Octavius pro- ceeded quietly with his preparations against Sextus. By the summer of 36 B.C. all was ready. A nu- merous fleet had been built, the vessels ^jsa u c being of unusual height and strength, and '"""^^s^kiry equipped with moveable wooden towers, from which the soldiers on board could command the enemy's decks." Twenty thousand slaves had been enlisted to man the ships ' ; and throughout the ' It was on this occasion that Horace accompanied Mcccena^ to Brundusium ; Sat., i., 5. '^ The period for which the triumvirs iiad been appointed expirctl on December 31, 38 B.C. It was now extended to the end of 33 B.C. Mommsen, Staatsr., ii., 675. ^ App., B. C, v., 95. The agreement was known as the '' focdtts Tarcntiniun" ; Tac, Ann., i., 10. * Dio, xlix., I ; Serv., A J Ann., viii., 693. • Sueton., Aug., 16. 3/8 Oidlines of Rontan History. [Book v winter the crews had been carefully drilled in the secure and spacious harbour which Agrippa had con- structed in the innermost corner of the roadstead of Baia:.' On July 1st the fleet set sail for Sicily ; the island was to be invaded from three sides at once, by Oc- tavius and Agrippa on the north, by the squadron which Antony had left behind on the East, and by Lepidus from Africa on the south." The concerted attack was, however, at first a failure. Lepidus was in no hurry to assist his powerful colleague, and a gale obliged Octavius to seek shelter at Lipara. Leaving his fleet there he returned to Italy, and putting his legions on board the Antonian squadron, which had reached the Straits of Messina, he landed at Tauromenium. But here he was instantly attacked by Sextus Pompeius. Once more, it was said, his courage failed him, and he sought safety on the mainland. The legions, which he had deserted, were now harassed on all sides by the light troops of Sex- tus. Their supplies began to run short, and they were helpless before the attacks of an enemy who obstinately refused to come to close quarters." As a last resource, their leader Cornificius resolved to force his way across the island, to effect if possible ' It was in reality two harbours, the inner one being formed by the lake of Avernus, the outer by the Lucrine lake. A canal con- nected the two. Access to the Lucrine lake from the open roadstead was given by cutting through the dam known as the Via Herculanea. Dio, xlviii., 50; Virg., Geor<^., ii., 161 ; Veil. Pat., ii., 79 ; Gardt Hansen, At/g., i., 257; Beloch, Cainpanion, 169. ' App., B. C, v.. 97, 98. * Dio, xlix., 7 ; App., B. C, v., 116. Oh. 2j Government of the Triumvirate, 379 a junction with Agrippa, who, after defeating Sex- tus's Admiral Demochares off Mylae, had captured both ^^yla; and Tyndaris. The attempt succeeded, and from this moment the fortune of war changed. Sextus, now fully engaged with Agrippa and Corni- ficius, was unable to prevent Octavius from again landing in Sicily. At the same time Lepidus at last arrived in the island, and the two joined Cornificius and Agrippa at Myla;. Against such a force Sextus could effect nothing, his only hope lay in recovering his mastery of the sea. On September 1 /- 1 rr 1 r -K-r Victory at 3rd, 36 B.C., on the i^romontory of Nau- Nauiochus. lochus, and in full view of the legions on shore, his fleet engaged that of Agrippa, and was completely defeated. Sextus himself escaped with a few ships, but the rest of his vessels were captured or destroyed, and his land forces at once surrendered. Octavius had now to reckon with his col- „ Deposition league Lepidus. The latter had occupied of Lepidus. Messina ; he was at the head of twenty-two legions," and the moment seemed to have arrived when he might demand satisfaction for the wrongs which he had suffered during the past seven years at the hands of his colleagues in the triumvirate. But his soldiers were tired of war; they listened readily to the solici- tations of Octavius, and deserted their leader. Lepi- dus had now no choice but to submit. His life was spared, but he was deposed from offlce, and sent a ' This date is given by the Kalendar of Amiternum, C. I. Z., x.. 8375. But the reference may be to the surrender of Lepidus. If so, the battle at Nauiochus was fought towards the end of August. * Sueton., Aug., i6 ; Veil., ii., 80; App., B. C, v., 123. 380 Outlines of Roman History. [Book V l>risonci' to Circeii, where he resided until his death in 12 F..( .' The adventurous career of Sextus Pom- -\ik IT c. pe-ius came to an end in the year following se"tus°^ his defeat. He had escaped to Lesbos, in- r5°BX.'""'' tending to seek the protection of Antony. 7rg A. u. c. [."^ncouragcd, however, by rumours that the latter had met with disaster beyond the Euphrates, lie was already forming plans for making himself master of Asia Minor, when he was arrested and put to death by Antony's legates.^ If he achieved noth- ing else, he at least proved the value of that maritime supremacy, the advantages of which his father had thrown away after his defeat at Pharsalus. For seven years, with a fleet commanded by Greek freedmen, and manned by runaway slaves, he had held his own, and the son of the conqueror of the pirates made a name for himself as the last and the most formidable of the corsair chiefs in the Mediterranean.* After thirteen stormy years, the West was at last Octavius as peacefully united under the rule of a single master of the ^ "^ . . ° West: man. The two provinces of Africa, so lon^j 36-33 B.C. , ^ ,. . . ,^ 718-721 A. u.c. the prey of contendmg parties, were quietly occupied and firmly governed by Statilius Taurus.* In Spain the last echoes of disturbance had died away under the vigorous rule of DomitiusCalvinius.* In Northern Gaul Marcus Agrippa had assisted his ' Sueton., Aug., 16; Dio, xlix., 12; Livy, Epit., cxxix. ^ Dio, xlix., 17, 18; Veil., ii., 79; Livy, Epit., cxxxi. " Comp. Augustus's record of his victory, Mou. Anc. Lai., v., i ; " mare pacavi a prtrdonihus." Ibid., v., 33 ; " Siciliam el Sardiniam occupatas bcllo servili reciperavi." * Dio, xlix., 14. » Veil., ii., 78. Ch. 21 Government of the Triumvirate. 381 master in building up the system of government to which Livia's infant son Drusus was destined to put the finishing touch twenty-four years later. In Italy itself there was no individual or party able orwilling to challenge the supremacy of the conqueror of Sextus. Already men spoke as if the age of civil war was over, and a period of peace and prosperity about to begin.' But everything depended on the use which Octavius would make of his success. Would he, as in 43 B.C., be only a revengeful partisan, or would he follow the example of the great dictator whose name he bore? Octavius was now only in his twenty- seventh year, and he had as yet had little oppor- tunity for showing that his claim to be Caesar's heir was justified by his ability to carry on Caesar's work. But his conduct during the four years of comparative quiet which followed the victory at Naulochus was a sufficient answer to all doubts ; and when, in 32 i;.C., war with Antony became imminent and inevitable, he had already won the complete confidence of the western world. Before leaving Sicily he had succeeded in staving off a threatened mutiny among his soldiers. The huge force now under his sole command, consisting, we are told, of 45 legions, 24,000 cavalry,and more than 35,000 light troops,^ could not safely be disbanded. But the veterans who had fought at Mutina and Philippi were discharged, and lands were found for them in Italy and in Southern Gaul.^ A handsome ' App., B. C, v., 130. - Ihid., v., 127. ^ Ibid., v., 128 ; Dio, xlix., 13, 34 ; Mon. Anc, Lat., v., 36 ; Strabo, p. 259- 3 Si Outlines of Roman History. [Book v tlonalive temporarily satisfied tlie rest. His return to Rome in November was followed, not by proscrip- tions and confiscations, but b}' vigorous measures for securing the public safety and restoring confi- dence. Of the runaway slaves who had taken refuge with Sextus Pompeius 6,000 were crucified, and 30,000 sent back to their masters. ' The brigands of all kinds, whether impoverished peasants, discharged soldiers, or men rendered desperate by the loss of property and position during the civil wars, were sternly repressed alike in Rome and in the country districts of Italy.^ Some of the taxes recently imposed were taken off, arrears due to the treasury were cancelled, while, as a pledge of restored peace and harmony, the records of the reign of terror, the lists of suspected persons, the sentences of outlawry, and similar documents were publicly burnt.' Octa- vius even professed now, as afterwards in 726 A.U.C. . . 28 B.C., his desire to restore the regular constitutional government, which had been virtually suspended since the creation of the triumvirate. Its formal restoration must, he declared, be postponed until Antony's return ; meanwhile he encouraged the ordinary magistrates to resume their duties. It is true that during his own absences 719-730 A.U.C. . from Italy in 35 and 34 B.C. the main- tenance of order was intrusted, as it had been in ' App., B. C, v., 129; Moil. Anc. Lai., v., i. ' Appian(./9. C, v., 132) dates the establishment of a regular police in Rome from this time. Sueton., Aug., 32 : '' grassaturas dispositis per opportima loca stationibtis inhibiiit." For inscriptions referring to these patrols, see C. I. /,., ix., 3907, 4503. ^ App., B. C, v., 132. Ch. 2] Gover7iment of the Triu7nvirate. 383 ^6 B.C., to Maecenas, who was neither a magistrate nor even a senator.' But the sedileship of Marcus Agrippa in 33 B.C., with its splendid achievements for the well-being ^ . ^ yai A.U.C. of Rome, was a testimony at once to the good intentions of the new authorities and to their respect for republican tradition.' At the same time public opinion already clearly pointed to the personal supremacy of Octavius as essential to the welfare of the state. The honours showered upon him on his return from Sicily in 36 B.C., and in particular the grant of the tribunician power, at once raised him above the level of a republican magistrate.' He was already, over one-half of the empire, " master of all," * and with him were already associated the able ministers Agrippa and Maecenas, whose names were to be inseparably connected with his. The only war in which Octavius was engaged between 36-^2 B.C. was waged, not against „ „•,„ •J -J o ' o Pannonian political rivals, but in furtherance of the 35.333^0'^ work which now devolved upon him as a.'&x! ruler of the West, the rectification and defence of the frontiers. The tribes of Illyria had long been dangerous neighbours to Italy, and during the civil wars both the lapydes immediately east of Aquileia and the Pannonians along the line of the ' Dio, xlix. 16 ; Tac, Ann., vi., ii. ^ For Agrippa's work as sedile, and especially his reformation of the water-supply of Rome, see Frontinus, De Aquceductibus, 9 ; Plin., A^. H., xxxvi., 24 ; Dio, xlix., 43. *Dio, xlix., 15 ; Oros., vi., 18. ^ Mo7i. Anc, vi., 14. 384 Outlines of Roman History. LBookV Save had made frequent forays across the frontier. In thesummer of 35 B.C. Octavius marched ^'^ ■ ■ ■ against them.' The lapydes were easily quieted, but the Pannonians, a warlike race, who could put 100,000 men in the field,' offered a more obstinate resistance. The capture, however, of their great stronghold Siscia (Sessik), on the Save, broke their spirits for the time, and with the occupation of Siscia by a Roman garrison the way was prepared for a final establishment of Roman authority along the lines of the Save and the Drave. Further than this Octavius could not go. In the summer 721 A.U.C. of 33 B.C. the menacing attitude of Antony obliged him to abandon all other schemes and pre- pare for the final conflict with his colleague and rival. While in the western half of the empire men were already congratulating themselves on the Antony in . ^ , ^ , , the East. restoration or peace, under the auspices 38-33 B.C. r ' r 716-721 of a second C^Esar, matters in the East A.U.C. ' had gone from bad to worse. Antony had indeed shown no reluctance to play the king ; but his policy, when it ceased to be regulated by his own caprices, was dictated by the overmastering ambition of Cleopatra. He had set out '' ' ■ ' from Athens in 38 B.C. full of his intended Parthuui war, but after a brief stay in the East had returned to Italy. Towards the end of 717A.U.C. ^ 37 !'..c. he was again in Syria,' and this ' Dio, xlix., 34 ; App., Illyr., i6. ''App., lUyr., 22. For tins war nnd its results, see Mommsen, N. C, v., pp. 8, g. ^ Dio Cass., xlix., 22 sqt/. ; Plut., Ant., 'itsqq. Ch. 2] Government of the Triitmviraie. 385 time everything seemed to favour the execution of his long-talked-of scheme. His legate in Syria, C. Sosius, had completed the work which Ventidius had begun, by taking Jerusalem and deposing the Parthian nominee Antigonus, while P. Canidius Crassus had temporarily re-established the suzerainty of Rome over the tribes of the Caucasus. In Parthia itself there was a new king, Phraates IV., whose cruelties ' had alienated many of the Parthian nobles, and driven one of them, Mona^ses, to seek a refuge within the Roman province of Syria. Elated b}'- the favourable turn of events, Antony resolved to invade Parthia ; but again the enchantments of Cleo- patra, whom he summoned to join him, held him spell- bound in the luxurious city of Antioch." Here he spent the winter and spring (^7-^6 B.C.), .; . , . . '^ 717-718 A. u.c. at one moment gratifymg his vanity by putting down and setting up kings and princes, at another shocking Roman feeling by robbing the Roman people to enrich his Greek mistress. Herod replaced Antigonus on the throne of Judea; Amyntas, once the secretary of King Deiotarus, was installed as ruler of Galatia ; in Cappadocia the old dynasty was ousted in favour of the Greek Archelaus, whose mother Glaphyra had for a moment caught the fancy of the amorous sol- dier. To Cleopatra were given grants of territory, not only in Arabia and Palestine, but e\en in the R.oman provinces of Syria and Cilicia.^ ' Dio, xlix. 23. *Plut., Afit., 36; Livy, Efiit., cxxx, * Dio, xlix., 22, 32 ; Plut., Ant., 36 35 J J S6 Outlines of Roman Histoi-y. LBook v At length, early in the summer of 36 B.C., Antony started, at the head of an imposing force The Parthian . ,, • , , war. 36 B.C. of Sixteen legions and 40,000 allied troops. 718A.U.C. ° . He crossed the Euphrates, but instead of invading Parthia, he yielded to the request of Arta- vasdes, king of Greater Armenia, and marched northwards against Artavasdes's personal enemy, the king of Media. A long and circuitous route brought him to the frontiers of Media, and there leaving his baggage and two legions under Oppius Statianus behind him, he pressed forward to attack the Median fortress of Gazaca." Scarcely, however, had he begun the siege when the news arrived that Oppius had been attacked by a combined Median and Parthian force. Antony hurried to the rescue of his legions, but arrived only to find that Oppius and his troops had been overwhelmed by numbers and cut to pieces. Returning to Gazaca, he resumed the siege. Gazaca, however, held out obstinately, while the Parthian and Median forces harassed him by constant attacks and cut off his supplies. The summer, too, was over, and the approach of winter made it impossible either to advance farther or to remain where he was. The inevitable retreat was commenced in October. Avoiding the plains, for fear of the Parthian cavalry, the legions marched toilsomely through a wild and mountainous country.' 'Veil., ii., 82 ; Livy, Epit., cx.xx. ; Pint., Ani., 31. 'Or Phraasi).a; J)io, xlix., 25 ; Strabo, p. 523 ; Gardthausen, Aui^'., 2. p. 153. •'The route was indicateil !)>• a Roman soldier who hail been taken atCarrhae ; Veil., ii., 82. Ch. 2] Govermnent of the Triumvirate. 387 For nearly a month they marched amid untold pri- vations from cold and hunger, and harassed at every step by the light troops of the enemy. At last, on the 27th day, they reached the frontiers "of Armenia.' But, whether in doubt of the good ^ faith of the Armenian king, or from anxiety to re- ■ join Cleopatra, Antony would not halt here. Late as the season was, he hurried southwards, through the bleak Armenian highlands, to Syria. The in- vasion of Parthia had come to nothing, the " grand army " was a wreck,' and though amid the dangers and dif^culties of the retreat he had proved himself once more a courageous and skilful soldier, the issue of the campaign inflicted a fatal blow on his prestige. For these and all other troubles, how- Antony in ever, Antony found consolation in the ^3'J"^b c' society of Cleopatra. It is true that he '*° a.u.c. still talked of a '" Parthian war," and in the spring of 35 B.C.' he prepared for a second cam- 719 ^ u c paign. But the project was dropped, and it was not until 34 B.C. that he again put ^'° himself at the head of his troops. His object, however, this time was not the conquest of Parthia, but merely the humiliation of his former ally, the king of Ar- menia, to whose lukewarmness, if not treachery, he attributed the disastrous campaign of 36 B.C., and it was easily and cheaply attained. Artavasdes was induced, under pretence of a friendly conference, to enter the Roman camp, and was at once imprisoned ' Dio, xlix., 28 ; Livy, Epit., cxxx. * Veil., ii., 82. 2 Dio, xlix., 33. 388 Outlines of Roman History. iBook v and deposed, while his son Artaxes, whom the Armenian troops had placed on his father's throne, found resistance hopeless, and fled to Parthia." Antony returned to Alexandria, taking with him Artavasdes and his family, and there _ commemorated in due form his inglorious conquest of Armenia. Of far more serious consequence were the events that followed. His proceedings in Egypt Antony and ^ ^ n Cleopatra in duruicr the next fcw mouths ( ^A-'? 3 B.C.) Alexandria. ^ ^-^7 -^ -^ ' 720-721 A.u.c.g^v^ convincing proof, not only of the ascendency which Cleopatra had gained over him, but of her intention to use that ascendency to wrest the sovereignty of the East from Rome. The Roman world was startled by the announce- ment that Cleopatra had been proclaimed " queen of kings," " that to her and her sons had been assigned the Roman provinces of Syria, Cilicia, Cyprus, Africa, and the Cyrenaica ; and that Caesarion, her natural son by Csesar, was openly put forward as the true heir of the great Julius, in opposition to Octavius.' It was even rumoured that Cleopatra would not be content with the lordship of Asia, which she claimed as the heiress of the Ptolemies, but that she aspired to be enthroned as queen on the Capitol at Rome,* It was in any case clear that Antony must henceforth be regarded, not as a ' Dio, xlix., 39-40; Livy, Ep., 131; Plut., Ant., 50; Veil., ii., 82. ' Dio, xlix., 41; Pint., Ant., 54; Cohen, M^dailks Rom., i., p. 57,, " regina repiin, filiortim region." * Dio, /. c. ; Plut., Ant., 54. * Horace, Or/., i., 37, 6. ; Eutrop., vii., 7 ; Dio, 1., 5. Ch. 2] Goz>ernment of the Triumvirate. 389 Roman triumvir, but as the obsequious servant of a foreign potentate. That a struggle with Antony was inevitable, Octa- vius had for sometime foreseen, but that TK„„.„t. ' The rupture it should come in a form which enlisted a„A1*^^^'! Antony and Italian sympathy on his own side, as the Octavius. defender of Rome against Oriental aggression, was more than he could have hoped for. As it was, he eagerly took up the challenge which Antony had rashly thrown down, and alike in the senate house and the forum he denounced his fellow triumvir as a traitor to the State. In the summer of ■^^ , . . r A -^-^ ^T. A.U.C. B.C. war seemed mimment, for Antony, after once more \asiting Armenia, Avhere he formed an alliance with his former foe, the king of Media,* turned westward to Ephesus, and with a large force crossed into Greece.^ At Athens, however, he halted, and spent the winter feasting with Cleopatra. Meanwhile at Rome the tide of indignation against him rose rapidly ; his will, in which Cleopatra's sons were named as his heirs, was discovered and pub- lished,' and the discovery was followed by the news that he had divorced, evidently at the bidding of Cleopatra, his injured wife Octavia. While the indig- nation was at its height, Octavius struck 722AU.C the decisive blow. Early in 32 B.C. the senate b}^ decree deprived Antony of his command, and declared war upon Cleopatra.' ' Dio, xlix., 44. - Plut., Ant., 56. He had i6 legions and 800 ships. ' Dio, l.,3; Suet., Atig., 17. < Dio, I.e., 4. i / y 390 02ii lines of Roman History. iBook v Once more Octavius had reason to be thankful for his rival's want of promptitude. Antony Acfiu^*'^"'^ was, in 32 B.C., far better prepared for war than his opponent. He was in Greece, within striking distance of Italy ; he had a large army, a numerous and well-equipped fleet, and above all, the money, which Octavius could with dif^culty raise by fresh demands upon the hardly tried popu- lation of Italy, was showered upon Antony by the lavish hand of Cleopatra.' Had Antony invaded Italy in 32 B.C. the issue of the war might have been different. As it was, he advanced no farther than Corcyra, and then, leaving the bulk of his fleet and army at Actium, returned to winter at Patrae. The spring of 31 B.C. 733A.U.C. , ,^ , , ,,/.,, found Octavius ready to take the field. His plan of campaign was simple. Sending Agrippa forward with a fast-sailing squadron, to occupy Antony's attention by harassing his garrisons on the Peloponnesian coast, and intercepting his supplies ;Tom Egypt and Asia,' Octavius himself crossed from Brundusium to the Epirot coast, hoping to shut up Antony's fleet in the land-locked gulf where it had lain through the winter, and thus prevent the threatened invasion of Italy. The plan was com- pletely successful. The entrance to the narrow strait which gives access to the Ambraciot gulf is commanded by two promontories. The southern one, crowned by the ancient temple of Actian Apollo, was occupied by the Antonian troops, while close by, ' Dio, 1., 10 ; Plut., Anl., Ivi., 58. * Dio, i. c , 12; Oros., vi., 19, 33. Ch. 2] Government of tlic Triumvirate. 391 and just within the straits, their fleet was moored in the bay of Prevesa.' Octavius on his arrival at once stationed his own vessels so as to close the mouth of the straits, while his legions were posted on the northern promontory, and protected. by in- trenchments from any attack on the landward side. Antony arrived from Patra^ only to find his fleet imprisoned within the straits, while his enemy was unassailable by land, and in complete command of the open sea. It was still possible for him to withdraw his troops, and decoy Octavius, as Caesar had decoyed Pompey into the open plains of Thessaly, where his superior numbers and greater military skill might have given him the advantage ; and such was the advice pressed upon him by his Roman officers. Antony, however, refused to move, and instead wasted time in useless attempts tc invest Octavius's position. Towards the close of the sum- mer Agrippa arrived with his fleet off the mouth of the strait, and a second time his officers implored Antony to retreat, while there was still time, from a position which was fast becoming untenable. But though his supplies were failing, and though sick- ness and desertion were thinning his ranks," Antony . could not bring himself to take a step, which not / only was opposed by Cleopatra, but would involve the sacrifice of his fleet, and possibly the withdrawal of his Asiatic allies, whose courage was visibly sink- \ ing, and some of whom, notably the astute Greek adventurer Amyntas, had already deserted his cause. ' Dio, /. <-., 12. ' Dio, /. c, 13-15 ; Veil., ii., 84 ; Hor., Epod., ix,, li. 392 Outlines of Roman History. [BookV He resolved instead to adopt the only Battle of alternative open to him, and force a pas- sage to open sea through the blockading fleet. As many of his troops as possible and all his treasure were placed on shipboard/ and on Septem- ber 2, ^i B.C. ' the fleet advanced in close 723 A.U.C. , , , f 1 • T r order to the mouth ot the strait. In front were the huge unwieldy galleys, which, with their six or even ten banks of oars, their lofty sides, and deck-towers crowded with soldiers, resembling float- ing castles rather than ships.' In the rear was the fast-sailing Egyptian squadron attached to the service of Cleopatra herself. From the shores on each side the opposing legions watched the fight which was to decide their fate. The intention of the Antonian admirals was to await the enemy's attacks within the straits. Agrippa, who commanded Octavius's fleet, was equally resolved not to risk an engagement in a confined space, where his light cruisers would be of little avail against the huge vessels of Antony.* At length, about eleven o'clock, fortune once more favoured Octavius. The wind freshened, and An- tony, to obtain more sea room for his crowded ships, was forced to leave the shelter of the straits and ad- vance into open water. He was instantly attacked rn the front and on the flanks. The Antonian ' Plut., A til., 64. ' Kal. Amit, C. I. L. 10, 8375 ; Dio, li., i. * Plut., Ant., 61 ; Florus, iv., 11 ; Verg., ^«., viii., 692. * Plut., Ant., 65 ; Dio, /. c, 16, 32 ; Florus, iv., 11 ; Agrippa's vessels were built on the model of the notorious Liburnian pirate galleys. Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 393 vessels fought like " hoplites in a square," while Agrippa's light galleys darted hither and thither, now charging at full speed and then as quickly re- treating out of reach of the fire from the deck-towers and of the deadly grappling irons. Suddenly, while the fight was at its hottest, the Egyptian squadron, headed by Cleopatra's own galley, was seen to hoist sail and make for the open sea, followed closely by Antony himself, a piece of selfish treachery and cowardice which, it was afterwards said, had been previously agreed upon between the two lovers. Still the Antonian fleet fought on, until towards the close of the afternoon, the fireballs, with which Octavius supplied his ships, decided the issue of the battle.* One after another the great ships of this earlier armada took fire, and the rising wind spread the flames with a rapidity which no efforts could check. By nightfall the splendid fleet was a wreck, and the morning light showed only smoking hulks and a sea strewn broadcast with the rich spoils of Egypt and the East." A few days later the An- tonian troops at Actium, disheartened by the de- struction of the fleet, and deserted by their leader, laid down their arms.' The victory at Actium had been mainly the work of Agrippa ; it now remained for ^Asfa'^af-ao Octavius, always more statesman than sol- ^,3.^2^ <^ ^.c'. dier, to reap the fruits. Above all, it was necessary to recover for himself and for Rome the ' Dio, /. c. 34 ; Suet., Aug., 17 ; Verg., ^n., viii., 694. ■^ Florus, iv., II ; Oros., vi., 22. 'Veil., ii., 85 ; Dio, li., i ; Zonaras, x., 30. 394 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v provinces and vassal states beyond the /Ega^an which Cleopatra had audaciously claimed for her own, and to effect such a settlement of Eastern affairs as would at least secure order until he had leisure to under- take in earnest the work of reorganisation. Of any open resistance to the conqueror of Antony there was little fear, and Octavius' skilful diplomacy made submission easy. The Roman provinces were at once " recovered " for the Roman State,' and the Greek cities discovered to their relief that the new general of the republic had some other policy than that of plunder. Their stolen statues and treasures were restored, their municipal liberties respected, and the second Caesar showed himself as warm an admirer of Greek literature and Greek traditions as the first.' The rulers of the native states, many of whom had sided with Antony' as much from necessity as from choice, were as ready as the provincials to tender their submission, and found, as the provincials had done, that they had now to deal, not with a reckless soldier of fortune, but with a prudent statesman. The more powerful among them had been placed on their thrones by the favour of Antony, and no doubt ex- pected that his downfall would involve their own. One and all, however, Amyntas in Galatia, Archelaus in Cappadocia, Polemoin Pontusand Lesser Armenia, Herod in Judaea, were confirmed in the possession of ' Mon. Anc. Z.., 5, "^2, provincias — reciperavi. Compare the legend " Asia recepta " on coins ; Cohen, i., p. 64. * 3fon. Atu. L., 4, 49 ; Dio, li., 2. * Plut., Ant., 61, gives a list of those who either accompanied An- tony to Europe, or sent troops to his aid. Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 395 their dominions. Even Artaxes II., son of the Ar- tavasdes whom Antony had treacherously seized and carried off to Egypt, though the ally and almost the vassal of Parthia, was for the present left undisturbed in Greater Armenia.' Nor, fortunately for Octavius, was Parthia herself in a condition to necessitate active measures against her. Phraates IV. had in *■& 721 A.U.C. 33 B.C. been expelled by a rival claimant and kinsman Tiridates, and though when Octavius reached Syria in 30 B.C. he was again on , ^ . . . ^ ,7^4 A.U.C. the throne, he was m no position to do more than solicit the friendshij) and alliances of Rome. Octavius, postponing to a future occasion the recla- mation of the standards lost at Carrhs, granted his request, but at the same time conceded to his rival Tiridates an asylum in the province of Syria, where his presence would serve as a wholesome check on any anti-Roman schemes which Phraates might form.' To the conciliatory policy which Octa- octavius in vius adopted in the East there was one ^^"^^' necessary exception. It was impossible to leave Cleopatra in possession even of the semblance of power, and the kingdom of Egypt could not be simply " mediatised " like a second-rate native state in Asia Minor. Indeed, Cleopatra had no sooner reached Alexandria in safety, and been there joined by Antony,' than she gave ample proof that she was still dangerous. Treasures were collected, ships built, the kings and princes of the East were again invited ' Dio, li., 16 ; Tac, Ann., ii., 3. ' Dio, li., 18 ; Justinus, 42. ' Dio, li., I ; Plut., Ant., 69. 396 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v to enrol themselves under the heiress of Alexander, and vague schemes were formed of landings in Gaul or Spain, or of a new empire to be founded in the remote East.' Even when her newly-built ships were burnt, and her efforts to rally the East around her failed, she did not despair. Determined to save herself and her kingdom, and confident in her powers, she opened negotiations with Octavius ixi-'vo B.C.). 723-724 A. u.c. ° VJ J / But she had now to deal with a nature as crafty and as tenacious of its purpose as her own. Octavius, who was busy in Asia, accepted her gifts and amused her with empty promises of safety until his work there was done. But in the spring of 30 B.C.'' he advanced from Syria and seized Pelusium, while from the west Cornelius Gallus, at the head of some of Antony's old legions, marched upon Alexandria. Antony, to whose offers of negotiation and most characteristic challenge to single combat Octavius had vouchsafed no reply,' deserted by his former troops, and, it was rumoured, betrayed by the mistress for whom he had sacrificed everything, now made a last effort to stop the invaders. But the conflict was too unequal. His fleet went over to the enemy, and his inferior levies were easily routed. In despair, increased, it was said, by a false report of Cleopatra's death, he fell by his Deaths of i i ,^ • • i a i Antony and own hand. Octavms occupied Alexan- Cleopatra. , • i , , , . , 111 dna, but the proud prmcess, whom he had ' Dio, li., 6 ; Verg., ALn., viii., 687. ' Plut., Ant., 74. » Plut., Ant., 72 ; Dio, I.e. * On August I, 30 B.C. ; Dio, li., 4 ; Oros., vi., 19. Ch. 2] Government of the Triumvirate. 397 destined to be the choicest ornament of his triumph, eluded his grasp. From the unbearable ignominy of entering as a captive the city where she had hoped to be enthroned as queen, she saved herself by death. Octavius was politic and perhaps chivalrous enough to pay due honour to the remains of his former col- league, and of the daughter of a line of kings, whose hold on the reverence of the Egyptian people was still strong. Antony and Cleopatra were buried to- gether in the mausoleum of the Ptolemies. The two boy kings, who were to have divided between them the empire of the East, were sent to Rome, and found a shelter with Antony's injured wife, Octavia.^ For Octavia's own daughters by Antony a more splendid destiny was in store. From one, by her marriage with Cn. Domitius, was descended the Em- peror Nero, from the other, who became the wife of Drusus, the Emperors Gains and Claudius. Egypt itself, the splendid inheritance of the Ptole- mies, was formally annexed as a province to the dominions of the Roman people, while,* as . ..^ r r ' ' Annexation if to mark the fact that the sceptre of of Egypt. Alexander had passed finally into Roman hands, Octavius had the head of Alexander engraved upon his signet ring, and in imitation of the great Mace- donian, founded near Canopus a new city to com- memorate his victory.' ' Plut., Ant, 87 ; Dio, li., 15. ^ Dio, li., 17 ; Mon. Anc. Lat., v., 24 ; C. I. Z., 6, 701, 2. "yEgypto in potesiaierfi P. R. redacia." ^ Suet., Aug., 50 ; Dio, li., 18 ; Strabo, p. 795. CHAPTER III. THE FOUNDATION OF THE PRINCIPATE AND THE RULE OF AUGUSTUS. The capture of Alexandria took place on August I, 30 B.C. On January 11, 29 B.C., the temple of . „ ^ Janus was closed, for the first time for two 724 A.u.c. •' ' , „ ^ hundred years.' In the summer of that 725 A.u.c. -^ year Octavius returned to Italy, and in letu^rn'to^ August he Celebrated in Rome a three ^*^ ^" days' triumph." On all sides he was greeted, not as the successful combatant in a civil war, but as the man who had re-established the sovereignty of Rome throughout the civilised world, as the restorer of peace, and the saviour of the repub- lic, and of his fellow-citizens.* Nor was Octavius backward in showing that, so far as he was concerned, the long years of conflict and bloodshed were over, and a new and better age about to commence. Lands were allotted to the veterans, but the soldiers of An- tony shared with his own in the distribution, and ' C. I. Z., i., p. 384 ; Dio, li., 20. ' Mon. Anc. L., i., 21 ; Macrob., Sat., i., 12, 35 ; Dio, li., 21 ; Suet., Attg., 22. ^ Cohen, Med., i., p. 60, '^'' civibus servateis," C, I. L., 6, 783, ' republica conservata. " 398 ch. 31 Foundation of the Prmcipate. 399 the lands taken for allotment were obtained, not as in 43 B.C. by confiscation, but by purchase.' Antony's Roman partisans were allowed to return home in peace, and it was regarded as of happy omen for the future that Octavius's colleague in the consulship (30 B.C.), and his legate in Moesia, M. Licinius Cras- sus, had been an adherent both of Sextus Pompeius and of Antony, and that Carrinas, who shared his triumph, was one of those " sons of the proscribed " whom Sulla had declared to be for ever incapable of holding office in the State.'' Scarcely less welcome was the relief which the treasures of Egypt enabled him to give to the impoverished population of Italy. Arrears of taxation were cancelled,^ and a munificent largesse distributed among t\\Q plebs of Rome.* As a proof of returning confidence it was noticed that the rate of interest in the capital fell from 12 to 4 per cent.* Octavius was now as unquestionably supreme as Julius had ever been, and he had already shown that in the use of his power he intended ^^^ Restora- to follow the example, not of Sulla, but tionofthe of Julius. But he had still to solve the ^^" problem, which the latter had been forced to leave untouched, that of investing an authority won by the sword, with a constitutional character, and of har- ' Mon. Anc. Z., iii., 22, " penmiam [pro\ agris qnos in consnlaiu meo quarto . . . aJsignavi militibiis, sohn nntnicipis " — the sum paid was 600,000,000 sesterces ; Dio, li., 4. ' Dio, li., 4, 21. ^ Dio, li., 21 ; liii., 2. * Mon. Anc. Z., iii., 7 ; Suet., Aug., 41. * Dio, li., 21 ; Suet., Aug., 41 ; Oros., vi., 19. 400 Outlines of Ro7na7i History. [Book v monisins: it with the institutions and traditions of the old republic. That such an authority was neces- sary the experience of a century had conclusively shown ; that as things stood, Octavius alone could wield it was equally clear. But it was also essential that, after twenty years of irregular and provisional rule, the State should have a government not only strong, but legitimate. An undisguised autocracy would have shocked public opinion in Rome and Italy, and might have involved the second Caesar in the fate of the first. On the other hand, a literal Character of restoration of the republic meant renewed Octavius. anarchy. To the delicate task of recon- ciling personal rule with at least the forms of repub- licanism Octavius now set himself, and no man was ever better fitted for the task. By birth and tem- perament, in habits of mind and life, he had far more in common with the average Italian than his great uncle, whose daring genius and dazzling patrician descent from gods and heroes removed him to an infinite distance above the level of ordinary men. But Octavius belonged by birth to that municipal aristocracy,' of which Cicero had been the representa- tive and the panegyrist." With this Italian bour- geoisie, which, far more than the nobles or plebs of the capital, represented all that was most healthy and vigorous in the Roman people, Octavius was naturally in touch. He shared their thrifty habits, their simplicity of life, their respect for respecta- ' His grandfather was a burgher of Velitrre, ' ' /nunicipalibits tnagis- ieriis covtenius" ; Suet., Aug., 2. ' See above, p. 248. Ch. 3] Foundation of the Principate. 401 bility, and even the vein of homely superstition, which in him, as in Louis XI. of France, contrasted curiously with great political acuteness and resolute tenacity of purpose." To them also his political ideal of a united and imperial Italy was infinitely more attractive than either the selfish narrowness of the nobles, who had ridiculed Cicero as a " foreigner," or the spirit of cosmopolitan comprehensiveness which animated Julius.'' Nor would the more splendid qualities of the great dictator have served Octavius better in the work he had to do than his own inbred caution and self-control, his astuteness, and his invariable indifference to the mere externals of power. To these qualifications he added, as all authorities agree, the art of choosing his friends and ministers well, and retaining them firmly. Both the constitutional settlement which he effected, and the mode in which he carried it out, were characteristic of the man.' The ~. Ine settle- political drama was skilfully arranged, and ^"^g c^J^"" the chief actor played his difficult part 726 a.u.c. with a success which deserved and has won the applause of the world. The drama opened with a series of measures all calculated to convince Roman society that a restoration of the old days was seriously intended. The overgrown senate was purged of its unworthy members, and restored to ' Suet., Aug., 90-92. "^ Suet., Aug., 66. ' Mommsen, Staatsr., ii., 707 sqq.; Herzog., Gesch -j. SysUm d. roin. Verfassung, ii., pp. 126 sqq. ; Pelham, Journal of Philol,, viii., 30. 402 Outlines of Roman History. [Book V its " ancient shape and dignity." ' The temples and shrines of the gods throughout the city were re- stored, foreign rites were prohibited ^ ; and after an interval of forty years, the solemn purification of the people was duly performed in the Campus Martius.' In the course of his sixth con- ra? A.U.C. sulship (28 B.C.), Octavius issued tiic famous edict,* in which he cancelled the irregular enactments made under the triumvirate, 726 A.U.C. and fixed January i, 27 B.C., as the da\- on which he would lay down his extraordinary authority." On the day named, the first day of his seventh consulship, he entered the senate house and formally "gave back the Commonwealth into the l^eeping of the senate and people." " In return, and unquestionably in accordance with his own inten- tions, Octavius received back from the hands of the senate and people the more essential of his former powers. He was given the imperium for ' Suet., Aug., 35 : " senator um ajffluente77i mimerum defortni eiincon- dita turba . . . ad modum pristinum et spkndo7-em redegit." This purging of the senate was carried out by Octavius and Agrippa, in virtue of the " censoria poicstas " given them for the purpose. ' Mo7i. Anc. L., iv., 17 ; Die, liii., 2 ; Hor., Od., iii., 6-1. ^ Mon. Anc. L., ii., 2 ; Dio, liii., i ; C. I. L., ix., 422. *T2i,c.,Ann.,\\i., 28, '' sexto cousttlalu . . . quce triumviratiijus- serat abolevit." Dio, liii., 2. Si evoi Ttpoypdju^aro? Har£Xv6sr. ' This authority Octavius describes as resting on public consent. Mon. Anc. L., vi., 14, "/^r consensum ^iniversorutn," Possibly the powers of the triumvirate which legally expired at the end of 33 B.C., were held to have continued. Tac, Ann., i., 2 " post to ttiumviri nomine." * Mon. Anc. L., vi., 14 ; " rempuHicam ex mea potestate in senat- \us populique Romani d^rbitriutn transtiili." Ch. 3] Foundation of the Prijicipate. 403 ten years, with the government of certain specified provinces.' He was, moreover, declared commander- in-chief of all the forces of the State, and granted the exclusive right of levying troops, of making war and peace, and of concluding treaties.* This authority abroad, an authority wider than that given to Pompey in 67-66 B.C., he was to exercise as consul ; and he would consequently be also the chief magis- trate of the State at home, with precedence over all other magistrates in Rome or in the provinces. Finally, in recognition of his pre-eminent services, he was authorised by decree of the senate to assume the cognomen of Augustus.' Such in its original form was the famous settle- ment on which in theory the rule of the Roman Caesars was based. It was a transaction 1-1 1-1 • General which admitted, and was intended to nature ofthe settlement. admit, of different interpretations. Ac- cording to the official version of things, there had been a restoration of the republic. The affair was so described by Augustus himself,* and by the courtly writers ofthe time.^ The 13th of January 27, B.C., the day on Avhich the settlement A\'as completed, was marked in the calendar as the day on which the re- public was restored ; ° and on coins Augustus was ' Dio, liii., 12 ; Suet., Aui^., 47. - Dio, /. c. Strabo, p. 840. Wilnianns, /■'.xi't/iJ'Li, 917. ' Mon. Am-. L., vi., 16. •• Mon. Anc. /,., vi., 14. '' Ovid, Fasii, i., 589 : " redditaque t'st onniis popuin provincia vos- tro" ; Veil., ii., 89 ; Tac, Aii:i., i., 9 ^ C. T. 1.., \., p. 384 ; " tj2ipd rcmpubUcam P. A\ restituit" ib., 6, 1527, ''' pacato orbe terrmrum , restitnta reptihlica." 404 Outlmes of Roma7i History. [Book v honoured as " the champion of the freedom of the Roman people." ' But, for the general public, the essence of the matter lay in the recognition by law of the supremacy of Caesar, and in the establishment not of a republic, but of a personal government. Such was the view taken by the municipalities of Italy and the provinces, and by Greek provincial writers. To them Augustus was not so much the first citizen of a free commonwealth, as the " guardian of the Roman empire, and the governor of the whole world." " Both versions were, in fact, correct. The republic was in a sense restored ; the old constitu- tional machinery was set going again ; senate, assem- bly, and magistrates resumed their old functions.' Nor was the position assigned to Augustus techni- cally inconsistent with republican law and custom. He was not king, dictator, or triumvir.^ He could state truly that he accepted no office which was " con- trary to the usage of our fore-fathers," * and it was only in dignity that he took precedence of his col- leagues.° Other citizens before him had been ' Eckhel., Doctr. Nunun., vi., 83 : "Imp. Ccssar divi f. cos VI. libertatis P. R. vindex." * Wilm., Ex., %9,'i{cenotaphia Pisana) ; C. I. L., xii., 4333 ; Strabo, p. 840; Dio, Hi., I : ex Si tovtov ^lovapx^id^oci avOii dufti/SaJi Tjpc,avTO. * Veil., ii., 89 : " prisca etantiqua reipublica forma revocata " ; Suet., Aug., 40 ; " comitiorum pristimim ius reduxil." * Tac, Ann., i., 9 : " nan regno tamen, neque dictatura, sed prin- cipis nomine constitutam rempublicam." ' Mon. Anc. Gk., iii., 17 : dpxTfv ovSsjuiav Ttapd tcx itdrpia eOrf Sido)xevjjv dvE8ei,erson should be in the main those conferred upon Augustus.^ But to the last the Roman emperor was legally merely a citizen whom the senate and people had freely invested with an exceptional authority for special reasons. Unlike the ordinary sovereign, he did not inherit a great office by an established law of succession ; and in direct contrast to the modern maxim that " the king never dies," it has been well said that the Roman" principate," died with the/r///- ccps!' Of the many attempts made to get rid of this irregular, intermittent character, none were com- pletely successful, and the inconveniences and dangers resulting from it are apparent throughout the history of the empire/ Two other features in the original arrangement deserve notice. Under it Augustus was ... ... , Growinc entrusted with a special department 01 power of the princcps. administration, all outside of this remain- ' yourn. of Philol., xvii., 47, sqq. '^ These powers were at an early period embodied in a form of statute, which was carried for each emperor in turn ; Dio, liii., 32. Of the statute carried in favour of Vespasian, several clauses are still extant ; Wilm., Excinpla, 917. The statute is referred to by Gains, i., 5, as the source of the emperor's authority : " Ipse imperaior per legem iiiipcriuin ULcipiai" and Ulpian, Dig., \., 41 : "Lege qmc de imperio eius lata est." ^ Mommsen, Staaisr., ii., 1038. He notices that the institution ol the interregnum did not apply to the principate. * See below, Bk. vi., chap. i. 4 1 2 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v ing under the control of those whom he himself calls his " colleagues." ' Within this department he was as absolute as a provincial governor in his province. Its limits were fixed, and could be altered, in the or- dinary way, by decree of the senate or vote of the assembly. In fact, even during the lifetime of Augustus these limits rapidly extended, and the ex- tension continued under his successors. By the close of the first century A.D. the department assigned to Xhe prificcps covered three fourths of the area of the empire,' and included, in Rome and Italy, such im- portant branches of administration as the control of the roads, of the corn supply, the water supply, and the police.' But it was not only by the steady expan- sion of his own department that the authority of Caesar grew. Augustus had been invested also with a niaius imperiiun over all officials of state other than the consuls ;. and this was gradually interpreted as giving him and his successors a direct control even over those departments which technically lay outside their jurisdiction. The original independence of praetors in Rome, and of proconsuls abroad, was rapidly lost, and they became as completely sub- ordinate to Caesar as his own legates ; * even the consuls, though in law his equals, found the equality impossible to maintain, when the strength lay all on one side."" ' Mon. A tic. Lat., vi., 23. * The number of provinces governed by Csesar had reached twenty-five. ' These had all been transferred lo Cfesar by the end of the reign of Claudius, and most of them in the lifetime of Augustus. •* .See Did. Aniiq., s. v. Frinceps, ii., p. 487, and below. * Tiberius in one place describes the consul as the chief magistrate: Ch. 3] Foundation of tJic Principate. 413 For a period of forty years Augustus himself pre- sided over the working of the system which he had estabhshed. To gain a clear A*ugus\us. idea of what he accomplished during that time, it will be convenient to follow as far as possible the chronological order of events. Roughly speak- ing, it may be said that from 27 B.C. to ^ -^ , . 735A.U.C. October, 19 B.C., he was mamly occupied with the reorganisation of the provinces and of the provincial administration. From October, 19 B.C., until some time early in 16 B.C. he was 735.730 A.U.C. busily engaged at Rome in the work of domestic reform, and to this period belongs the great series of the Julian laws. By the close of the ten years' term, for which his iuiperiuui had originally been voted to him, he had at least laid the foundations of that new and better order of things at home and abroad, the commencement of which was commemo- rated by the celebration of the Saccular games in Tune, 1 7 B.C.' During the remainder of his •' ' ' ° . 737 A.U.C. principate, though many important re- forms were made, the questions which came most prominently forward were those of the relations of *' cuius vigiliis niter etur respublica " {Ann., iv., 19) ; in another (lb,, iii., 53) he claims a higher dignity for ih.Q princeps : " noit ego considis aul praloris . . . paries sustineo, maius quiddarii et excelsius a principe postulatur . " ' Moti. Anc. Lat., iv., 37 ; Dio, liv., 18. The official record of the celebration of these games, inscribed by order of the senate on a marble pillar, has recently been found at Rome. It states that the hymn sung on the third day of the festival was composed by Q. Hora- tius Flaccus. The text of the inscription and a commentary by Monuuben will be found in the Moiiiiiienii Antichi, vol. i., part 3, of \h& Acadetnia dei Lincci{Voii till- li-};atc.' In tlic piovimc^;, which were not his own, the re- Tiic 'i.nbiii '""iii'u; tiiiii'v of AnjMistus had U-ss free provinces." ^^.o,)r ; .ui, I 1 Ilu-M' •• |Mil)lui.i..vimv.," thr evils and al)uscs ol ll old systi-ni still liniu-rcd. I'.ut though the sanir caicud scli-ition of the orHcial . .iimI thr strict pcisonal supervision over l hem wrtc not |>()ssil>lc hero, yet a eonsideiahle inipiovement was rlTectcil." The proconsuls of the puMic provinces were still selected l)\' lot lioni anionj; the i cnsn/d/ts •.\\u\ prd'torii, oi at least live years' standing;; tlie\ still took out with thcui a ipia-^.tor and le\- the si-t t lenient of '7 !'..('. inJ|)osi'd ct)nsiderable limitations on their authorit \-. The majority ol the " public provinces " were situate in the peaceful, cen- tral districts of the emi)iie, where few troops were ' Kor ttic rcliilioiis lictwcrii li'^;uU- ;imi1 i)roiiiiati)r, sec Tac, AiiH- eola, 15, Ann., xiv., jg. "* S\xt{., Au^,, i^T :** provinciasvtilidiori:': ifn>ionsiilii>us sortito prrtnisit" Tnc, Attn., ii., j ( ; " iis, i/nf sotte ii«/ missn pnni:i(>is obtinerent." ' Tut'., Ann., iii., |iS. " nniiis ttnni proconsuUire impcrin/K." *Suet., 'J'ili., 31. A (Itpulation from Africa to Tilicrins was t)y liim referred to llieionsuls. I'ac, Ann., xiii., 4, " iv(Nero) manJiifis (■\fri.itil>us lonuiltnt wn copisulum f/ i/>itMii/i/>ns /tu/ta t( publKa pn>- vimi^i iidiistoent. " Ch. 3] FottndcUion of the Principaie. 4 1 9 needed ; and questions of frontier policy did not arise.' In any case the supreme military authority. and the exclusive control of foreign affairs now be longed to the princeps. In financial matters, too, the proconsul's powers were restricted. The right of making requisitions within his province, the most fruitful source of oppression under the republic, was taken away : and of the revenues drawn from the province, all those appropriated to Caesar were man- aged not by himself or his quaestor, but by Caesar's procurators. It would seem, too, that the discretion- ary power formerly enjoyed by proconsuls in grant- ing freedom or immunity to provinciaJ communities, and in enfranchising individual provincials, was, if not taken away from them, yet rarely if ever exer- cised. Above all, the mains imperium granted to Augustus over proconsuls was interpreted by both parties in such a way as to give the former a real control even over the public provinces. We read of instances in which appeals from such provinces are heard by him, and not by the consuls and senate, and of instructions issued by him to proconsuls, as well as to his own legates ; while in the course of his journeys between 27-19 B.c, he visited and arranged the affairs of public provinces such as Sicil}' or Bithy- nia, as well as those of Gaul or Syria. Naturally e:;Ougli it was to Caesar rather than to the consuls and senate that both the proconsul and the provincial he governed looked for guidance or for redress. The division of authority in the provinces was * Tac., Hist., vi., 48 : " provincitt inermis" 420 Otitlines of Roman History. iBookV real enough to hamper and delay reform, but it can scarcely be said to have ever seriously impaired the supremacy of Caesar. Twenty years of civil war following upon a century and a half of extravagance, mismanagement, and peculation had produced complete financial exhaus- tion throughout the greater part of the empire. The change from this state of things to the Financial widely diffused prosperity, of which reforms. Pliny's Natitml History gives perhaps the best picture, was not wholly due to the reforms which Augustus introduced into the financial sys- tem. We must take into account the cessation of the desolating wars which had left scarcely a single province untouched, the re-establishment of settled government, the suppression of brigand- age by land and piracy by sea, and the improve- ments effected in the means of communication. Yet the financial system, of which he at least laid down the main lines, played an important part. Under the republic there was no possibility of estimating either the income or the expenditure of the empire as a whole, and neither over income nor expenditure was there any central control. It was Augustus who first attempted to lay a sound foundation for an imperial system of finance, by obtaining an estimate of the resources of the state. He compiled a statis- tical survey, which included great part, if not all, of the empire ; and brought together a vast mass of information as to the number and status of the com- munities in each province.' The imperial census, which was so prominent an ' On the survey and census of .\ugu<;tus, see generally ^Tarqua^(lt, Staatwfriv.y ii., 10^8-599 ; Hirsclifeld, Untimuhitn^en, pp, 1-52. Ch. 31 Fouudaticm of the Principate. 4.21 institution in the second century A.D., with its elabo- rate returns of land and owners, was but a develop- ment of the census taken by Augustus's orders in his own provinces.' It seems probable, too, that on the basis of this census he established the two great imperial taxes which replaced the miscellaneous im- ports levied under the republic, the land tax,(/rz"/^?//7/;« so/t,) and the tax on personal i^xo^^xVy Ijtribiitiim capi- tis). Over the revenue raised and over its expendi- ture Augustus had complete control within the limits of his own provinces; and even outside these limits, over the revenues accruing to the old state treasury, and over their expenditure, both in Rome, and in the provinces, he exercised an authority which, if less direct," was not less real. From him dates consequent- ly the first approach to anything like a comprehensive imperial budget. He published year by year the accounts of the empire,' and he left behind him after his death a complete statement of the financial condi- tion of the empire.* In other ways, also, he brought relief to the provincials. The multifarious requisi- tions, legal and illegal, which Roman officials had been accustomed to levy were abolish.ed, and fixed allow- ances substituted." The resources of the provinces were developed by a liberal expenditure on public works, while provincial commerce and industry were freed from the crippling restrictions which the re- public had imposed upon them. Finally, whereas hitherto the burden of taxation had fallen mainly on ' E.g., in Gaul. Livy., Epit., cxxxiv. ; Dio, liii., 22 ; Tac. , .4>ii!., , 31 ; in Syria, Luke, ii., i ; in Lusitania, Wilmanns, 1608. ''It seems to have been exercised through a decree of the senate. "Suet., Calig., it: ^' rafiovfs iDiptTu n/i Aitgiislo proponi so// fas.' * Tac, AtfH., i., I ; Suet., Aug., loi. ' Suet,. Aug., 36. 42 2 O^Ulines of Roman History. [Book v the provincials, Augustus, while maintaining the immunity of Italian soil from tribute, forced Roman citizens to bear a share, if not a large one, of the cost of governing and protecting the empire.' The aim which Julius is said to have placed before Csesar- himself of welding the diverse communi- worship ^jgg ^pjj races of the empire into a single and ^ * the Provin. State, with cqual laws and rights, was not ciai Councils, ^j^^ ^j^^ ^f Augustus. While improving the government of the provinces, he held fast to the political ascendency of Rome and Italy, and to the dis- tinction between the Roman state and its dependent allies. With the policy of assimilation, initiated by Julius, and revived by Claudius and the Flavian em- perors, he had little sympathy." But if the bond of union created by the spread of Roman citizenship, Roman law, and Roman municipal institutions was the work of his successors, it was otherwise with the powerful tie of allegiance to the central authority of Caesar. Caesar- worship as a whole was not the creation of any Caesar. It was the natural expression of a wide- spread sentiment of homage which varied in form in different parts of the empire, and in different classes of society, and which had its roots in long-established ideas and customs.' But the statecraft of Augustus I ' Especially by means of the legacy duty, established in 6 a.d.; Suet., Aug., 49 ; Dio, Iv., 25. ' Suet., Aug,, 40: ** civitatem Romanam parcissime dedit." •On this point see Mr. Bevan's article Eng. Hist. Review, No. 64 (October, 1901), also Kornemann in Beitrage t. altgn Geschichte, i., p. 51. Ch.3] Foundation of the Principate. 423 was conspicuously shown in the skill with which he made use of this sentiment to develop something like an imperial patriotism and connect it closely with the rule of the Caesars. The worship of the deified Julius, alike in Rome and in the provinces/ was the starting point of that official worship of the deified Caesars, the divi, which invested the long and irregu- lar succession of the emperors with a certain sanctity and with an appearance at least of continuity. Of more importance politically was the worship of Rome and Augustus. As early as 29 B.C. this worship was formally authorised in Asia Minor'; but its definite establishment as the public official worship of a pro- vince or part of a province dates from the foundation in 12 B.C. of the famous altar to Rome and Augustus at Lyons, as a new religious centre for the "three Gauls.'" With the altar were connected the provin- cial council, the annually chosen priests of Rome and Augustus, and the annual festival. The gradual diffusion of this new imperial cult cannot be traced here.' But by the commencement of the second cen- ' In 29 B.C. the worship of divus Julius and Rome was authorised for Roman citizens in EpiiebUs and NicKa, Dio, li., 20. ^ Dio, li., 20. ' Mommsen, J?. C, v., p. 84 ; C./.L., xiii.. pp. 22-j sq. Cf. ibid., no. 1674 : " Sacerdos Ronict et Augusti ad aram ad conjluentes Araris et Rkodani." * The ara Rjiuce et Augusti in the territory of the Ubii was clearly meant to be the centre of the worship for the short-lived province of Germany, and must have been erected before the defeat of Varus in 9 A.D. 424 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v tury A.D. each province of the empire had its council, its priests, its altar and temple of Augustus; and Cssar-worship in this form was the one ofificial cult common to the whole empire, a symbol at once of imperial unity, and of the rule of the Caesars.' In October, 19 B.C., Augustus returned to Rome from the East. The reorganisation of the Domestic . . . reforms. provinccs and of the provincial adminis- 71S AUG tration was practically completed, and he now turned his attention to Rome and Italy. But though the legi.slation of the next two 736-737 A.u.c ^ & J 1 t , • years (18-17 B.C.) was regarded by lum- self and by the republic as inaugurating a new and better age for the Roman people,' it can only be fairly judged if taken in connection with his gener- al domestic policy. The formal restoration of the republic nine years before was of little use of itself. The old constitutional machinery needed both re- pair and alteration before it could be adopted to the new situation. The fabric of Roman society, shat- tered by half a century of revolution and civil war, had to be reconstituted, and finally, alike in the city and in Italy, an efificient system of administra- tion had to be created. In the performance of these diflficult tasks Augustus followed steadily the policy ' .See Marquar Cic, Pro Sulla, 7. ^ Horace, Od,, iv., 15, 12 : " veieres 7U'voravit arles per quas I.aii- ntim namen el Italice crevere vires " So Od., iii., 5, 9 the Marsianand Apulian are heirs of the glories of Rome. (Compare Sellar ; Vergil, p. 327. 43^ Outlines of Roman Histo7'y. [Book v The lesson was taught in a hundred different ways. The old '^\\^ gods whose ruined temples he re- vvorships. built,' and whose ancient festivities he revived "^ were for the most part the older deities whose worship was common to all Italians. Such were Jupiter, Juno, Mars, the Dea Dia, the Penates and Lares.' But side by side with the temples of the old national gods rose others which reminded the people of the debt which they owed to Csesar and his house. The temple of the "deified Julius" in the old forum, and that of Mars the Avenger* in the new forum of Augustus, commemorated the services of the great dictator and the vengeance which had over- taken his murderers. More impressive than either was the temple built on the Palatine Mount,' on the site of the City of Romulus, and dedicated to the god Apollo who, from his shrine at Actium, had helped to win the day for Rome. To these memorial tem- ples must be added the numerous public prayers, thanksgivings, and festivals, in which the safety of Augustus was prayed for, and his victories, his ser- ' Mon. Ant. Lat., 4, 17: ^'' duo et octoginta iempla deum in urbe consul \\. . . refed" Ovid, Fasti, ii., 59; Hor., Od.. iii., 6. '■'Suet., Aug., 31: *^ von7iulla ex antiquis ccBrimoniis faullatitn abolita 7-estituit ttt Salutis augurium, Diah Jlaminium , sacrum Luper- cale, ludcs Scrculares et Compitalicia." '^ Mon. Anc. Lat. , iv., 1-26. The Dea Dia was the goddess honoured by the Arval Brethren, for the restoration of this priestly college. See Ilenzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalijim (Berlin, 1874). * Mon, Anc. Lat., iv., 21 ; Suet., Aug., 29. '' A/o/i. Anc. Lat., iv., 2; Suet., Aug., 39. I.anciani (Ancient Rome, p. 110) gives a graphic description of the temple and the buildings connected with it. Cf. also Pcopertius, ii., 31. Ch 3] Fotindation of the Principate. 437 vices.' even the chief anniversaries of his life, were commemorated. From this close association with the gods to his enrolment among their number was not xhe worship a long step. Officially, indeed, Augustus ofcassar. was not added to the list of gods worshipped by the Roman people until after his death. Yet during his life he was clearh' in the eyes of the people, and not only in the language of courtly poets, " a present deity." ^ In the country towns of Italy there were temples of Augustus and priests of Augustus.' In private houses and in the wards of the city of Rome, the genius of Augustus was placed with the Lares, and shared the worship offered to them, as a '• third god."' That this homage was spontaneous there is little reason to doubt, but we cannot doubt either that Augustus himself realised the political useful- ness of a worship which, without degenerating into direct adoration of a living man, conveniently ex- pressed the common allegiance to the one ruler of the empire. ' Of the number of these commemoration praj'ers and festivals, the extant ancient calendars afford ample proof. See Mommsen, C. I. L., i. pp., 382-410. - With the language of Ovid {Fasti, iv., Q4q), Horace ((9(/., iii., 5), ^' priTsens divus," compare Suetonius'sstury (A iig., 9S) of the homage paid by the sailors in the harbour of Puteoli : " candidati coronatiqzie et tura libantes." 3 At Pompeii (/. J^. iV., 2231, 4, 5), Pisae (Wilm., 883), Perusia, (Orelli, 607), Pola (Orelli, 6S6). * Ovid, Ep., ii., 8, 9 ; Hur., 0ancT," under the prafactus vigihivi the " cohortes vigilum " ; Mommsen, /. c. ^ See Mon. Arte. Lat., iv., 1-25 ; Suet., Aug., 28 : " marmurea»i se relinquere, quam latericiatn accepissel" ; Lanciani, Ancient Rome, chaps. 4, 5 ; Friedlaender, Siitengesch., i., i. * Suetonius {Aug., 72) remarks on the .simplicity of Augustus's house on the Palatine. ' Suet., Aug., 31. • For the .Septa Julia and the Diribitorium (where the votes were counted) see Pliny, N. H., xxxvi , 4, 24 ; Dio, Ivi., 1 ; Suet., Aug., 43 ; Middleton, Ancient Rome ^ 390. 450 Outlines of Roman History. LBook v enough is known to justify the assertion that to him belongs a large share of the credit for its prosperous condition in the time of the elder Pliny. The po- litical unification of the peninsula had been affected 714 A.u.c. ^s early as 43 B.C., when Cisalpine Gaul onie^Ar"" ceased to be a separate province,' and pine tribes, becamc a part of Italy, a step fully justified by recent experience ; thenceforward it could no longer serve as a convenient basis of operations from which an ambitious governor could overawe the authorities in Rome. But this step involved another. The farmers in the rich lowlands had been con- stantly harassed by the raids of the highland clans of the Alps,^ and were even liable to attack from the lUyrian tribes at the head of the Adriatic. The former, the Inalpini, as they were called, were re- duced to subjection, and the pacification of the highlands was commemorated by a trophy set up near Monaco, on which the names of the conquered Alpine peoples were inscribed.' Towards Illyricum the bounds of Italy were extended to include the peninsular of Istria,* and to the old frontier colony of Aquileia were added a group of military settle- ' Marquardt, Staatsve?-'u'., i., 21. * Pliny, A'. H., xviii., 182. * The inscription is quoted by Pliny, M. //. , iii., 136 : it was set up in 7-6 A.D., but the pacification was probably completed by 14 B.C., Cf. Mon. Anc. Lai., v., 12 ; Schiller, Gfsch. d. Kdiserzeit, i., 215. Of the tribes some, e. g., the Salassi, were almost exterminated, others were added to the territory of some neighbouring lowland town such as Brixia or Verona, while others, e. g., those of the Cottian Alps, were left as dependent native states under native rulers. * C. I. L., v., 1, pp. I sqq. ; Pliny, A'. //., iii., 1 26. It was in- cluded in the tenth of the Augustan regiones. Ch. 3] Foundation of the Pi'incipate. 451 merits,' intended to guard the approaches to Italy on this side. The security of the " sacred land " ' was rendered still more complete by the conquest and annexation of the districts lying on the farther side of the Alps, RcXtia and Noricum,' and by the final subjugation of Pannonia." To the peninsula iisclf Augustus gave not only the quiet for which it craved after twenty years of turmoil, but means and opportunities for developing its natural resources. The ^°ohfmes^ great roads, notably the great north road, the Via Flaminia, were repaired,^ the extension of the Italian road system to the provinces was taken in hand," and Avhile these measures, and the sup- pression of brigandage stimulated traffic by land, the high seas were at length rendered safe for that sea- going commerce, the rapid extension of which, in his own day, struck Pliny as almost a sinful tempting of Providence.' The practice of providing for time- ' Concordia, Tergeste, Pola, and possibly Parentium ; C, I. L., v., 1 ; iii., 5. ' Pliny, iV. H., iii., 138 : " Ho'c est I/alia diis sacra." ^ The Rseti and Vindelici were conquered by Tiberius and Drusus in 15 B.C.; Veil., ii., 39; 1-ivy, Ep., 13S ; Ilor., C^/., iv., 4, 17; Noricum, by P. Silius in 16 B.C. ; Dio, liv., 20 ; Marquardt, Staats- verw.,\., 134, 155 ; Mommsen, R. C, va.. chap. i. * In 9 A.D., after the great Pannonian war ; Mommsen, R. C, I. c. ' Dio, liii., 22 : cf. inscription on arch at Rimini ((7. /. /,., xi., 365) " V \ia Jlamin{\a \et reUquci\s celeberriineis Italiix vieis cousilio \et sitmptib\us \eius mii\niteis." Mov. Anc. Lai., iv., 19, places the repair of the Flaminian Way in 27 n.c. * Mommsen, J*?. G., v., 17: tlie communication thus established was, as Mommsen remarks, as important from a commercial as from a military point of view. ' Pliny, A". //,, xix, , 3-6. 452 Outlines of Rowan History. [Book V expired legionaries by grants of land in Italy had, as carried out by Sulla, or by the triumvirs, been pro- ductive only of confusion, discontent, and distress. But Augustus, when founding colonies and allotting lands after the crowning victory at Actium, avoided the errors of which he himself, as triumvir, had been guilty. Where lands were taken from municipalities they were fairly paid for ; ' in other cases the oppor- tunities were seized to repopulate and bring again into cultivation some of the districts which had been deserted and run to waste. Perusia rose from her ashes, and even \''eii once more took her place among the towns of Italy." As regards administration, the military patrols in the country districts and the squadrons at Misenum and Ravenna were, of course, under Augustus's sole authority, and it is probable that the great high- roads were so also.' Generally speaking, however, Italy remained still in theory subject to the super- vision and jurisdiction of the consuls and praetors,^ ' Alon Anc. Lai.,i\\,, 22 : of lands taken in 30 B.C., and afterwards. - I'or Peaisia, see C. I. L., xi., 1923 ; for Veii, C. I. Z., xi., 3797. In Men. Anc. Lat., v., 35, Augustus states that he had founded twenty- eight colonies in Italy, which were all thriving. A complete list cannot be made with certainty, but among iheni were, besides those mentioned above, Augusta Praetoria, Augusta Taurinorum, Brixia, Ateste. Fanum, Firmum, Hispellum, Tuder, Capua, Venafrum, Nola, Minturnae, Beneventum. Cf. Mommsen, Hermes, xviii., 160. ^ Hirschfeld ( 6'«/f/'J«("//., p. 109) following Suetonius ^Atig. 37), includes the " cura via rum " among the new offices instituted by Au- gustus. The " curatores viarivii " were senators of at least pra'torian rank. They are meiuidned in the S*^"". of 11 B.C., ([uoLed by Fron- tinus, loi. ■* Tac. , Ann., xiii., \\ " Consttlum tribunalibus Italia it /mblica firovinciee adaislerent," Ch.3J Foundation of the Prificipate. 453 to whom we may assume that the quaestors stationed at Ostia and elsewhere were subordinate.* But it was by the local authorities of the cipli^^yrtem! municipalities that the routine work of administration was carried on, and to Augustus must be assigned the credit of encouraging a healthy and vigorous municipal life as a substitute for those political interests and ambitions, from which, after all, the average Italian had been practically excluded by distance from Rome, if not by Roman law. Under his auspices the work begun by the great " Local Government Act " of Caesar, the " Lex Julia Municipalis " was completed. '^ The account of Italy given by Pliny is confessedly based on Augustus's description of all Italy,* and it proves that, with a few exceptions, the municipal system prevailed throughout the peninsula, even in the more back- ward di-stricts of Transpadane Gaul. What modifi- cations Augustus may have introduced into the municipal constitutions is uncertain, but one munici- pal institution which dates from his time is so characteristic of his policy as to require a brief notice. There is much that is obscure connected ' Dio, Iv., 4 ; Tac, Ann., iv., 27 ; Suet., Claud., 24. - F"or the Lex Julia, see C. I. L., i., p. 119 ; it was carried in 45 hJ.c, probably only a few months before Caesar's death. It can hardly have come into full operation until Italy settled down under the rule of Augustus in 36 B.C. * Pliny, N. H., iii., 46: "■ auctorem nos divum Augvstum secu- toros." His colonisation and allotments involved a considerable rearrangement of municipal territories. The Agrimensores (ed. Lachmann), i., irg ; il>., i., 18, refer to an " oratio divi Augusti de statu 7/111 ni dpi or tan,'" 454 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v _j^^ with the origin and position of the Au- Augustaies, gustales,' but that they were insiituted by Augustus cannot be doubted ; nor that the object of the institution was to find an outlet for the social ambition of the freedmen, and to connect them with himself and his rule. True to his policy of defining clearly the line between the free-born citizen and the emancipated slave or alien, he declared freed- men to be ineligible for municipal office, or for a seat in the municipal council.^ As a compensation, he created for their benefit a magistracy and a council, in which nothing was real but the cost and the out- ward show.^ The sexviri August ales were freed- men,* appointed each year by the local senate of their town/ Their office was, in a sense, purely honorary, for its holders had no magisterial duties or authority, but the honour had to be paid for by a contribution to the municipal chest, and by the exhibition of games. Out of these annual sex- viri August ales grew an or do August aliii^n* a freedman-aristocracy, which ranked immediately be- low the genuine municipal aristocracy of the decuri- ones, much as the order of Roman knights did below the senate.' To gain a place among the Augus- ' Mommsen, Siaatsr., iii., 453 sqq. * Mommsen, /. c, 453, note i. ' //'/arz]ani . regendain trndidi." Dio, Iv., 9; Tac, Ann., ii., 3. ■• Tac, Ann., ii., 3 : " inter Parthorum et Romanas otes injidn ' Ii.. ii., 56 : " Maximis iniperiis interjecti." Ch.3] Foundation of the Principate. 459 as on the southern, the organisation of an efficient system of frontier defence was not among the achievements of Augustus. But here, as on the north, he seems to have recognised the necessity of placing over the heads of the provincial governors a trusted officer, invested with the command of the East. This important command, entrusted to Agrippa for ten years (23-13 B.C.),' was^^^__^^^ ^^ ^ analogous to those established on the Rhine and the Danube ; and in the East as in the West, it did much to remedy the evils which the decentralisation of authority customary in former days had produced. On the north the considerations in favour of a forward policy were stronger.'' The con- quest of Gaul, and the increasing weakness ^''"V°ontfer', of the Celtic and Illyrian tribes which still lay between the civilised Mediterranean lands and the great rivers, had imposed upon Rome the duty of protecting the former against the northern bar- barians. In this direction the traditional policy ' to which Augustus had adhered in the East was im- possible, for with the single exception of the kingdom of Noricum,' there were no states capable of filling the place of " buffer " between Rome and her foes. Annexation was inevitable, and Augustus ac- ' Josephus, Aniiq., xv. , g, lo ; xvi., 3. "^ Mommsen, R. G., v., chaps, i, 4, anri 6. * Mon. Anc. Lat., v., 26 : " majoruni nosiroruui exemplo." Tac, Agric, xiv. : " vetere ac jam prideiii recepta P. R. consuetudine , ul haberet instrumetita servitutis et rcges." •* Noricum, after its conquest, was still styled a kingdom, though administered by a procurator, as resident political agent. Marquardt, Staatsver-w., i., 136 ; C. I. L., iii., 4828 : "'procurator regni Norici." 460 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v cepted the necessity. By the close of his reign a continuous chain of provinces had been formed along the line of the Rhine and Danube from the German Ocean to the Black Sea. These frontier provinces, Gallia Belgica, Raetia 739A.U.C. ^ fc> ' (15 B.C.), Noricum (15 B.C.), Pannonia' (10 A.D.), Moesia (6 A.D.),^ completely covered the peaceful districts to the south, and all were under Caesar's rule. The debatable land between Romans and Germans had thus been annexed by Rome, but a further question remained to be decided: Was the natural boundary line of the Rhine and the Danube to be accepted as marking the frontier? In the case of the Danube " the question seems to have been at once answered in the affirmative, but with the Rhine it was otherwise. The Elbe offered an alternative frontier-line, which, if adopted, would have removed the danger of a German invasion farther from Italy and southern Gaul, and which Julius himself is said to have preferred.' Nor can we doubt that the object of the campaigns carried on beyond the Rhine by Augustus's two 741-760 A.u.c. ^ ^ ^ , ^., . , step-sons, Drusus and libenus (13 B.C.- 6 A.D.), had for their object the extension of Roman rule up to that river. For a time, too, this forward ' After the great Pannonian war, 6-9 A.D. Marquardt, /. c, i-, 137- ' The first mention of a legate of Moesia belongs to this year. Dio, Iv. , 29. The country had been subdued as early as 'Ag B.C. by P. Crassus, proconsul of Macedonia. Dio, li., 25. •* Mon, Anc. Lni., v., 45 : '''' protuliqiie fi7us Illyrici \ad\ ri\^p\am Jluminis Dan[uT']t " The expedition " [frtijj^s Daiutvium " in Anc, I. c. 49, merely chastised the Dacians ; it is placed by Mommsen in 5 A.D. Mommsen. Ad Mon, Anc, p. 132. * Plut., Casay, 58. Ch.3] Foundation of the Principate. 461 policy seemed to be justified by success. Drusus reached the Elbe in 9 B.C.,' and after his death in that year Tiberius carried on his work. By o A. D. considerable progress had r to ^gj A.U.C. been made' towards the creation of a Roman province of Germany beyond the Rhine. Roman troops were regularly stationed there. Bridges, roads, and canals were in course of con- struction. Roman administration and Roman taxa- tion had been introduced, and Roman civilisation was beginning to make way among the natives, and, most significant of all, the of^cial worship of Rome and Augustus had been introd uced, the chief seat of which wasthealtar of Augustus in the territory of the Ubii.* But this gradual work of pacification was brought to an abrupt end by the defeat of Varus (9A.D.),* and Au- gustus, already failing in health and strength, had not the heart to renew it. He withdrew behind the Rhine, and in his last testament solemnly warned his succes- sors against attempting to advance be}'ond it.* Of the final adoption of the Rhine frontier, and of the system of defence organised both on the Rhine and the Dan- ube by his successors, we shall speak in a later chapter. ' Dio, Iv., I. '^ Mou. Aiic. Gk.. xiv., 5; FEpuaviav . . . j^isxptoro/uaroi "AXfito^ Ttozapio (y) iv ^iprfvi^i KavE6rr}6a. ^ Dio, Ivi., 18. Tacitus mentions a fort of Drusus on the Taunus {Ann., i., 56), a castellum on the Lippe (i(5., ii., 7) ; pontes longi {ib., i., 62,) ', fossa Drusiana (ib., ii,, 3), for the ara Ubiorum, see Tac, Ann., i., 57. * Dio, Ivi., 18 sqq. On the vexed question of the scene of Varus's defeat, see Mommsen, D. Oertlichkeit d. Varusschlacht {Berlin, 1885); ib., R. G., v., 43. Hofer, Die Varusschlacht (Leipzig, 1888). It was near Paderborn in Miinster. ' Tac, Ann., i., ir : " addiderai consilium coercendi intra terminos imperii." 462 Outlines of Roman Hisioyy. [Book V In the north, however, as in the east, Augustus fol- lowed the policy of centralising the administration. Throughout nearly the whole of his reign the com- mand of the Rhineland was united with the governor- generalship of the " three Gauls,'" and for a time at least the Danubian provinces were similarly united under one authority/ The military reforms of Augustus are inseparable from his frontier policy. At the close of the repub- lican period the Roman armv was at once The army. ^ ' a source of polilical danger to the home government and an intolerable burden upon the provincials. In theory, it was still a militia called out year by year for the defence of the state ; in fact, it had become a standing army, and the result was complete confusion. The old regulations, under which every Roman citizen took his turn of service in the legion, and when the campaign was over returned home to resume his ordinary business, had become obsolete. Large numbers never served at all, nor for those who did was any definite period of service fixed. When discharged the veteran had no legal claim to pension or reward ; his sole hope lay in the ability of his leader to procure from senate and people by political agitation a grant of money or land, in return for which he was expected to sup- port by his vote, or even by his sword, his leader's political schemes. Nor was this army subject to any single control ; it was, in fact, not so much an ' The command was held by Agrippa, Tiberius, and Drusus in turn. Marquiirdt, SlaatsTcriv, i., 116. ^ Under Ajiiip^ja in 13 B.C. (Dio, liv., 28) ; Tiberius in 6 A.D. (Dio, Iv., 20). Ch.3] Fottndation of the Pri^icipate. 463 army as a group of armies raised, led, and maintained by independent and often hostile generals ; faithful tvj these rather than to the state, but faithful even to them only while booty was plentiful. In the in-^ tervals of active service the soldiers lived at free (piarters in the provinces at the expense of the pro- x'incials. During the stormy period of the civil wars the total number of troops arrayed under the ban- ners of rival leaders increased rapidly, and at the close of that period there were no less than fifty legions on foot.' Augustus's first act was to re- ° The legions. duce this unwieldy force by one half, the discharged soldiers being either granted lands or sent home with a gratuity in money." The remainder, consisting of about twenty-five legions,^ he organised as a permanent, regular force for the defence of the empire. The supreme command was vested in him- self. Only by his orders could fresh levies be raised.' Each recruit took an oath of allegiance to Caesar, according to a form drawn up by Augustus himself ; ' from Augustus he received his pay while serving with the eagles, his formal discharge when his time ' Mommsen, Ad Mon. Anc, p. ,7. "^ AT 071. Anc. Lat., i., 17-19. Tlie number tlischarged lie gives at more than 300,000, but these figures possibly include those disbandri! after Philippi, and again after the defeat of Sextus Pompeius in 36 B.p. //-'., Laf., iii., 17, states that in 29 B.C. about 120,000 discharged soldiers in his colonies received gratuities. ^Tac, Ann., iv., 5, about 150,000 men. ■• Dio, liii., 17 ; Dig., xlviii., 4, 3. ' Dio, Ivii., 3. Suet., Aug., 49 : "ad ceriavi slipeiidi»r'nm, /;■(/"- miorumq7te formulam adstrin.xit, dcfmitis pro gradu cujusque et tem- porihus militicE, et commodis ?nissio?iii/n, tie ant estate aut inopia P'ost missionem, sollicitari ad res novas, possetjt." 464 Outlines of Roniaii History. [Book V was up, and his reward in land or money. The con- ditions of service, moreover, were fixed. The old liability to military service resting on all Roman citizens was not abolished, nor could any one but a Roman citizen serve in the legions. But it was only rarely that a forced levy was necessary.' The estab- lishment of peace diminished both the demand for fresh troops and the losses by war ; the spread of the Roman franchise enlarged the area from which recruits could be drawn, and the fresh drafts required to keep the legions effective were, as a rule, obtained by voluntary enlistment. The term of service in the ranks was fixed at sixteen years, and four years " more were spent in the reserve.^ After twenty years' service the legionary could claim his discharge and a gratuity — the money for the latter being provided out of a " military chest " created by Augustus in 6 A.D. and fed by special taxes.^ The legion now became in theory, as well as in practice, a standing corps, as is shown by the fact that of the twenty-five legions on foot at the acces- sion of Tiberius, eighteen were still in existence in ^ E.g., after the defeat of Varus in 9 a.d. Tac, Ann., i., 31. Cf., ib., iv., 4 ; xiii., 7. ■^ This term was probably fixed when the " pension chest " was created in 6 A.D. Mon. Anc. Lat., iii., 38, gives twenty years' service as the minimum period entitling to a gratuity, and this regula- tion was upheld by Tiberius. Tac, Ann., i., 78. ^ " Sub vexillis." Tac, Ann., i., 17 ; ?^. , i., 36 : " missionein dari vicena stipendia meritis, exauciorari qui sena dena fecissent, ac retinire sub vexillo, ceterorujn itnmufies, nisi propnhandi hostes." * The '''^ arariwn mililare " established 6 a.d. Mon. Anc. Lat., iii., 36 ; Suet., Aug., 49. It was fed by the legacy duty and the " ccnte- sima rerum venaliion." Dio, Iv., 25 ; Tac, Ann., i., 78 ; ii., 42. Ch.3] Fou7idation of the Principate, 465 the third century ; ' it bore a distinctive number and name, and was commanded by its own legionary legate.^ Naturally, too, the characteristic features of the ancient civic militia disappeared. The old principle, according to which the people chose the men who were to " go before them " to battle,' was finally abandoned/ The Roman of senatorial or knightly dignity no longer entered the ranks, and the common soldiers only rarely rose to the rank of officer/ The legions, under the system introduced by Augustus, formed the first line of the imperial army. Behind them stood the auxiliary forces, the "allies," as they continued to be auxiiiai^es*^. called, in memory of the days when the Italian contingents had fought side by side with the legions of Rome. Auxiliary troops drawn from the provinces, or from vassal states, or even from warlike frontier tribes, had been largely used in the latter days of the republic, and still more during the civil wars. But from Augustus dates their institution as a regular supplement to the legions." They were ' Dio, Iv., 23 ; Plitzner, Geschichie d. rom. KaiserUgionen (Leip- zig, 1881). Marquardt, Staatsveriv., ii., ^,"^0 sqq. '^ The '' legatus legionis" was a senator, and usually, though not always, of praetorian rank ; Tac. , Hist., i., 48 ; Ann., ii., 36. ' The prcsior — GrpdTTjyoi. ^ A proportion of the " tribuni militum " had been elected by the people, and these " tribuni milituni a popalo" occur on inscriptions of the Augustan period. It is doubtful, however, if they really served ; Mommsen, Staatsr., ii., 543. ' The two forms of service were distinguished as " militia equestris " and " militia caligata." * Marquardt, Staatsveriv., ii., 448 sqq. 3« 466 OiUlincs of Roman History. iBook v drawn from the more warlike provinces, and the martial spirit of Gauls, Spaniards, and Galatians was thus afforded an outlet, which compensated them for the dull days of peace, which had come with Roman rule, and at the same time bound them by the tic of military loyalty to Rome and to Caesar. These auxiliary cohorts and squadrons bore the name of the tribe or district from which, at least in the early days of the empire, they were recruited, and retained in some cases their native equipments and mode of fighting.' But while their national or tribal pride was thus gratified, long service with the legions, usually under Roman officers, far away from their native land, helped to make them soldiers of Rome, while when his twenty-five years of service were over, the auxiliary received, on his discharge, the full citizenship of Rome for himself and his descendants.'' The distribution of this force clearly indicated the chief purpose which it served. Italy and the peace- ful provinces in the heart of the empire ?f theafmy" saw little or nothing of the force which protected them, and gradually ceased even to contribute soldiers to its ranks. At the end of Augustus's reign ' twelve legions guarded the north- ern frontier, four were stationed in Syria, and four more garrisoned Egypt and the African provinces. 'I'here were, besides, three in Spain and two in Dalmatia. ' Ih., I. c, 454 ; Tac, Ann., ii., 16 ; xiii., 37. - Marquardt, /. r. , 525 ; and the numerous inscriptions giving the order of discharge granted to auxiliaries. •* Tac, Ann., iv., 5. Ch.3J Foundation of the Principate. 467 Augustus had used the powers entrusted to him well. He had reformed the administration The question both in the provinces and at home; he had of ti e ^ succession. at least marked out the frontiers of the em- pire, and organised an irriperial army for their defence. Within these bounds the "Roman peace" Avas se- curely established, and the echoes of distant border wars scarcely reached the ears of the quiet populations of the central provinces. But his powers, though con- tinued to him during his life, by successive renewals,' would expire with his death, and it was urgent!}' necessary to provide beforehand that there should be some one able and ready to fill his place. He could not transmit his authority by any act of his own, nor on his death would the senate and people be legally obliged to grant such powers to any one at all. What he could do, was to make clear to every one who it was that he wished should succeed him, and to give him opportunities of gaining the necessary experience and prestige. This object Augustus kept steadily in view almost from the commencement of his principate, in spite of disap- pointments which might have daunted a weaker man." The trusted friends of his early days, Mne- cenas and Agrippa, were too old for his purpose, though both were valuable colleagues, and though Agrippa for fifteen years was his partner in the gov- ernment of the empire, vested with the imperinvi and with the tribunician power." He had no sons ' Dio, liii., 16; ypur>ia! 0/ P/ii/ohqy, xvii., 27. - Tac , Am?/., i., 3. ** From 28-12 B.C.; Dio, liv., 12; rrAXn- te ^| i,6ov Ttrj hrvrco 468 Outlines of Ro7na7i History. [Book v of his own, and it was on his nephew Marcellus,' the son of his sister Octavia, that his choice first fell. But in 23 B.C. Marcellus died, at the 731 A.U.C. . "^ age of nineteen, to the grief of the Roman people, by whom, for his own and his mother's sake, he was sincerely loved.^ Augustus's thoughts seemed to have turned next to his two step-sons, Tiberius and Drusus. On the death of 742 A.U.C. Agrippa (12 B.C.) both were promoted to high commands in Illyricum and in Germany.^ But Drusus died in 9 B.C., and though three years later Tiberius was invested with the tribunician power (6 B.C.) and entrusted with a mis- sion to Armenia,* Augustus's special favour was bestowed on the two young sons born to Agrippa by his own daughter Julia, whom he had adopted in 17 B.C.' In 737 A U C. spite of the fact that Julia had, after Agrippa's death, been married to Tiberius, the latter found himself thrown into the shade by the two young Caesars.* It was, however, only for a time. Lucius ■Koi TT/v l^ov6iav rrjv Sr/jnapxtHrjv (18 B.C.). At the Secular Games in the next year, the prayers and sacrifices were offered by Augustus and Agrippa, as the recently discovered record of the festi- val tells us. For the legal nature of the colleagueship, see Momm- sen, Staatsr., ii., 1040 sqq. ' His father, C. Claudius Marcellus, vv-as consul in 50 B.C. 5 Dio, liii., 30 ; Plin., N. H., xix., 6; Propertius, iii., 18, 15 ; Serv. ad JEn., vi., 862 ; Veil, ii., 93 ; Tac, Ann., i., 3. 3 Dio, liv., 31, 32. * Dio, Iv., 9. ' Dio, liv., 18 ; Tac, A:tn., i., 3. « Suet., Tii., 10; Mon. Atic. Z., iii., 1-6; Tac, Attn., i., 3; '' principes juventutii appellari, destinari consules," Cf. Wilmanns, 883. Ch.3i Foundation of the P^'incipate. 469 Caesar died at Massilia in 2 A.D., and in the next year his elder brother, Gains, who had been consul in I A.D., died on his way home from Armenia, the death of both being hastened, it was said, by the arts of Tiberius's ambitious mother, Livia.* In the year following (4 A.D.), Tiberius was adopted by Augustus as his son, and reinvested with the im- perium and the tribunician power,* Ten years later (13 A.D.) he was formerly authorised to take the census, and to administer the provinces in conjunction with Augustus.^ On August 19, 14 A.D., the anniversary of his election to his first consulship, Augustus Death of died at Nola. at th2 age of 75/ During Augustus. forty-one years hehad successfully played the difficult part of ruling without appearing to rule, of being at once the autocratic master of the civilised world, and the first citizen of a free commonwealth. He had gained the affections of the provincials and of the Italian people , he had pleased the Roman plcbs, and he had done his best to conciliate the nobility. He left behind him an adopted son, of whose fitness to fill his place there could be little doubt, a trained administrator, a tried soldier, and by birth as noble as any Caesar. It was with good reason that he asked for the applause of his audience as he left the stage.* His ashes were deposited in the Mausoleum ' Tac, Ann. i., 3; Dio, Iv., 12, - Dio, Iv., 13. * Dio, Iv., 28 ; Afon. Afic. L., ii., 9; Veil, ii,, 21 : " -ut cequum H jus in omnibus provinciis exey'ciiibusque essetr Suet,, Tib., 21, ■* Tac, Ann. i, 9 ; Siiet,, Aug., 100 ; Dio, Ivi., 30, ^ Suet., Aug., 99 : " ecquid viderehtr minium vita commode trans, egisse" et sqq. 4/0 Oulliucs of RoiiUDi History. iBock V which he had erected at Rome,' and near which stood the bronze tablets," on which were recorded by his orders, " his acts and all that he did, how he brought the world under the rule of Rome, and the moneys which he spent upon the commonwealth and the Roman people." Of this unique epitaph a copy is still extant, the famous " Anc)'ran Monument."' ' Suet., Aug., lou ; " iiiUf- J-iamiiiia/ii viam, ripumqut: Til)i:ris." ■ Suet., Aug., loi : " qiu^ a)ite /MaiisohiiDi statuerentitr." ^ f>o called from Ancyia in Galatia, wliere it was found. The best edition (with comnientan) is that by Mommsen, Berlin, 1S83. The extant copy is headed, " Reruni gestarum divi Angustt, quibus orbifm i(rfa\^rii//i\ impirio populi Rout, siibj^cit et impinsarjim qiias in r^'m- pniiuaiu popuhiinqtir' Ro\i)ia\mi))i Jecil, incisaruni in dualnis a/ie/ifis puis, quce su\n\t Roma posits, exemplar stib[j^ect»m," CHAPTER IV. THE JULIO-CLAUDIAN LINE. 14 A.D.-69 A.D. For more than half a century after the death of Augustus, his place was filled by emperors who, cither by blood or adoption, claimed kin- ship with himself and with Julius, and all „ T^' of whom at least professed to rule accord- ing to the " maxims of Augustus.'" The first and by far the ablest, Tiberius, was over fifty at the time of his accession.^ He is described as tall 1 1111- -1 1-1 Tjberiu5. and noble-iookmg, with great physical strength and an iron constitution.' He was highly cultivated, and both on his father's and his motliei 's side he came of a distinguished line of ancestors.* In addition, he had shown himself a brave and skilful commander; he had ruled great provinces, ' Suet., Nero, 10: " ex Augusti pmscrip/p." " He was born in 42 B.C. and was therefore fifty-six years old. Suet., Tib., 5 ; Dio, Ivii., 2, 14. 3 Suet., Til>., 68. * His father was Tiberius Claudius Nero ; his mother Livia came of one of the noblest of the plebeian families. Among her ancestors were the consul of 207 B.C., M. I.ivius Salinator, the conqueror of Has- drubal, and M. I.ivius Drusus, the tribune of gr B.C. Hefore his adoption by Augustus he was styled " Tiheriiis Clmidius 7'i . Jil .Vcro ," afterwards Tiberius Caesar, finally " Tiberius Cccsar divi Aug. /• Augustus.'' 471 472 OtUlines of Roma7i History. iBookv and was thoroughly well-versed in the business of administration both at home and abroad. Yet few rulers have ever been more unpopular In their life- time, or more violently denounced when dead. Of his unpopularity there seems no doubt, and it is not difficult to explain. Its causes are to be found partly in his personal temperament, partly in the circumstances of his position. Unfortunately for himself, he inherited to the full the hereditary pride, which had made the great Claudian house proverbi- ally unpopular with nobles and commons alike.' Towards those who stood nearest to him, towards his mother Livia, his brother Drusus, and his first wife Agrippina,^ he was capable of intense and en- during affection ; but towards the rest of the world he showed himself cold, reserved, and taciturn, with something more than a tinge of cynical melancholy.' These traits in his character had been developed and confirmed by the dangers, sorrows, and disappoint- ments which clouded the first forty-six years of his life. The hardships of his childhood,^ the forced separation from Agrippina,' his ill-starred marriage ' Tac, Ann., i., 4 : " maturum annis, spectatiim bello, sed vetere aiquc iiisita Claudia: familice superbia." ■ Suet., Tib., vii., 8 ; Tac, Ann., v., 3 : " invcteratwn erga matron ohsequimn." ^ Our chief ancient authorities for Tibei'ius's character and policy are Tacitus, Suetonius, and Dio ; for modern literature see Schiller, Gcsch. d. Kaiserzeit, i.; Furneaux, Annals of Tacitus, vol. i., Introd. ; Freytag, Tacitus u. Tiberius (Berlin, 1870). Tarver, Tiberius the Tyrant (London, 1902). Pelham, Quarterly Review, April, iq05. ^ Suet., Tib., 6 : " infantiam laboriosam et exercitam" owing to the exile of his parents after the Perusine war. •Suet., Tib., 7. Ch.4] The Julio-Claudiayi Line. 473 with Julia, the death of his brother Drusus, and the gloomy years of seclusion from 6 B.C. to 2 A.D., when he saw himself thrust aside in favour of the two young Caesars, had all left their marks upon him.' It is easy to understand how irksome such a man must have found the difificult and delicate part, which tried the patience even of so accomplished and versatile an actor as Augustus. For the serious business of government he had both a liking and a rare capacity, but to govern, under the condition of respecting fictions, in which no one believed, of pampering the tastes of a populace whom he despised, and of conciliating a nobility whom he disliked and suspected, was a task which was for him " a wretched and oppressive slavery," ' and for which he was, of all men, the most unfitted. The plebs of Rome resented his contemptuous indifference to their pleasures, his parsimony in the matter of games,' and, though far less deeply, the withdrawal from them of the right to play at electing the magistrates of the year." The nobles both feared and disliked the dour and stern Csesar, whose exclusiveness ofTended, and whose somewhat cynical courtesies frightened them. Nor outside Rome, in Italy and the provinces, though respected as a just and vigorous ruler, did he win, or even care to win, popularity. Augustus was personally ' Suet., Tib., 12 ; Dio, Iv., 9. ^ Suet., 24 : " iniseram et onerosam servitutem,^* 'Suet., 34; Tac, Ann., i., ^,4 :'' civile redaiur (Aug.) misceri voluplatibiiii nolgi, alia Tiberio mortun via." * Tac, Ann., i., 15. 474 Outlines of Roman History. [BookV -^-____^__^^ i known in every province; Tiberius's longest journey was to Capri.' His severe economy was an unwei- conie contrast to the splendid liberality of Augustus. He exhibited no games ; he gave but few largesses, and he was no munificent builder of temples, aque- ducts, and bridges." The situation, too, was difficult : Tiberius did not enjoy the unbounded personal prestige which strengthened Augustus's hands in 27 B.C. The anomalous character of the princeps' position, which had been forgotten during the long reign of his predecessor, became evident the moment that it had to be created afresh for his successor,' and even his claim to fill it might not impossibly be disputed by this or that wealthy noble,* or even by his nephew and adopted son Germanicus.^ The mutinies in Pannonia and on the Rhine (14 A.D.), and the con- spiracy of Libo Drusus (16 A.D.) indicated the quar- ters whence dangers threatened him as it threatened not a few emperors after him. The latter event specially deepened, if it did not first arouse, that suspicious mistrust of the old nobility, the irrecon- cilable foes of Julius, the secret rivals occasionally even of Augustus, which ultimately drove him into a violent onslaught upon them.* Yet even Tacitus ' Suet., 38., 39. • /i^.. 46 : " pecunice pare us actenaxe" ; 47: ^' tiags opera ulla •nat^nijicia fecit ; neqite spcclueula onuiitio edidit" ib., 48. ' Tac, Ann., i., 12 ; .Suet., 24. ■* Augustus had indicated three possible rivals. Tac, Attn., i., 13. * Tac, Ann., i., 7. '' Tac, Ann., ii., 27 ; Suet., 27 : " lupum auribus tetteo," Ch. 41 The Julio-Claitdiiui Line. 475 can praise liis conduct of the government during the first nine years of Iris reign.' From that period on- wards e\eryLhing conspired to intensify the defects in his cliaracter. The deaths of his own son Drusus, his destined successor (23 A.D.), and of his mother and constant counsellor, Livia," seemed to leave him alone among open or secret enemies. His court was distracted by palace intrigues and feuds,' and even his closest adviser, the ambitious and unscrupulous Sejanus, proved faithless and unworthy. For the remaining six years of his life, the lonely old man, soured and disappointed, lived unattended, except by dependents in the island of Capri. Such was one side of the picture, and it is the one which the genius of Tacitus has fixed in the memory of posterity. He drew his materials, for the most part, from writers bitterly hostile to Tiberius, who exaggerated his faults, misinterpreted his motives, and recklessly adopted any story, however baseless, which agreed with their view of his character.* They belonged, as a rule, to the senatorial order, or to the literary and philosophic circles with whom republi- canism was the fashion, or, like the younger Agrip- ' Tac, Ann., iv., 6, 7. " //'., v., I. Livia died in 2g A.D. ^ These family feuds had begun earlier. Tac, Ann,, ii., 43. " divisa nanique et discors aula erat, tacitis in Drustiin aiit Germani- cuni sludiis," cf. ib. iv. , 17, 40. The women played a prominent pari, l.ivia on one side, and the two Agrippinas, Germanicus's wife and daughter, on the other. "•Tac, Attn., iv., Ti : as to the story that Tiberius pdffeoned his son Drusus, " neque quisquain sc7-iptor tain insensus exsiitit ut Tiberio ob- jcctarct, cum omnia alia conquircrent, intenderentque" 476 Outlines of Roman History. [Book v pina, had personal and family wrongs to avenge,' and they painted Tiberius as nothing but a treacher- ous and cruel tryant. The version of his conduct, which they had set in circulation, Tacitus accepted, not, it is true, without doubts and reservations, but with far too ready a faith, and devoted himself rather to heightening its effects by all the devices of rhet- oric, than to weighing the evidence on which it rested. It must be remembered, also, that it was in Rome, and in his relations with Roman society, that Tiberius was seen at his worst. Yet beyond these narrow limits, neither Tacitus nor his authorities cared to cast more than a passing glance. They judged of the emperor and of the imperial govern- ment from this point of view. Of the manner in which the empire was ruled, of the condition of the provinces, they tell us little, and probably did not care to know much. But a critical study even of their narrative, and still more of the comparatively impartial evidence supplied by provincial writers, and by inscriptions, enables us to form a more correct judgment. Tiberius was not a lovable man ; he was morose and suspicious, and suspicion, as it increased its hold upon him, made him in his later years a terror to all who could be suspected of treason. He was hated in Rome, and not without cause. Yet there is no doubt that he w as a capable and vigorous ruler, and that the empire fared well under his care. He enforced justice in the government of the pro- vinces ; he maintained the integrity of the frontiers ' Tacitus refers by name to the "Commentaries of the Younger Agrippina," as an authority. ^ln/i.,\v., 53. Ch.4] The Jiilio-Claiidian Line. 477 and the discipline of the legions ; he husbanded the finances, and left a full treasury behind him. In the details of administration, and on questions of social and economic reform, he displayed judgment and common-sense. Utterly unlike as he was to Augus- tus, yet, as the ruler of a great empire, he justified the latter's choice of a successor, and his deliberate opinion that the virtues of his adopted son out- weighed his vices.' A very different verdict must be passed on the three remaining emperors of the JuHan . line. All three were immeasurably inferior in capacity and force of character, and only one, the Emperor Claudius,has any claims to serious considera- tion as a statesman. Tiberius died in March, 37 A.D., and a few days later'' Gains Caesar was saluted as imperator, and invested with the prerogatives once given to Augustus.' The new princeps was ac- cepted with enthusiasm. He was young ^; he was the son of Germanicus, the grandson of Drusus, and, through his mother Agrippina, the great grandson of Augustus himself ; a relationship on which he laid especial stress.^ The legions in particular wel- comed the son of their favourite general, who had himself been brought up in their midst.* At first, too, Gaius's own conduct served to justify the gen- ' Suet., 21. * On March i8. Acta Fratr. Arv., ed. Henzen, p. 63. ^ Dio, lix. 3 ; Suet., Gains, 13. ^ He was in his twenty-fifth year, having been born in 12 A.D, ^ He frequently mentions it on coins, to the exclusion of other re- lalionships. Cohen, Af/d., i., p. 237. ^ Suet., Gai'f/s, q ; hence his cognomen "Caligula." 47*^ "Outlines of RoJiiau History. [Book V cral liope of a return to the liberal and genial govern- ment of Augustus. The senate was gratified by his declared intention of respecting its prerogatives and tiiose of the magistrates,' though it probably laughed in secret at his idea of restoring to the people the elective duties which Tiberius had taken from them." Equally popular were his remissions of taxation, his release of political prisoners, his removal of the ban placed on the writings of Cremutius Cordus, and, above all, the revival of the public largesses and games. But Gains had sat but a few months in the seat of Augustus before the difference between the "young Augustus " as he was called, and his great namesake became clear to every one. Even Tiberius was regretted, for Tiberius, stern and gloomy though he was, had at least ruled,' while Gains was the slave of all who pandered to his pleasures, and neither in his good nor his bad actions knew any other guide than his own wild caprices and uncontrolled passions. If he posed at first as a liberal and popular ruler it was from a desire to insult the memory of Tiberius and glorify himself, rather than from any serious con- siderations of policy. But this mood soon passed, and his conduct during the rest of his brief reign was that of a madman intoxicated with a delirious sense of omnipotence, and w'ith no other aim in the use of his power than the gratification of the fancy of the moment. He wasted the savings accumulated by Tiberius in countless excesses, and when they were ' Dio, lix. 3 ; Suet., Gauis, xv., i6. ' Dio, lix., 9 ; Suet., /. c, i6. ' Dio, lix., Ch.4] TJie yitlio-Claiidiaii Line. 479 gone he plundered the rich/ and alike in Italy and in Gaul men were hurried to execution, whose only crime was their wealth. While claiming divine hon- ours for himself, he heaped insults on the senate and magistrates, and preferred the society of grooms ;ind jockeys. Abroad, the contrast with the firm rule of Tiberius was shown by his mock invasions of Germany and Britain,'"' by his reckless liberality to worthless native princes at the expense of the dignity and safety of the empire, and by the insult wantonly offered to the religious feelings of the Jews. That Rome tolerated him so long proves the helplessness of the community before the master of the praetorian guards; that he inflicted no more lasting injury on the empire was due partly to the stability which the administrative system had acquired under Augustus and Tiberius, partly to the small share of attention he cared to give to the affairs of the government. On January 14, 41 A.D., this parody of a reign was ended by the assassination of Gains in one of the passages of the vast palace which he had built for liimself on the Palatine.^ Tiberius Claudius Caesai/ the son of Drusus and the brother of Germanicus, ii'c^ a."d". was fifty years old at the time of his ' Dio, lix., 10. * Dio, lix., 21, 59; Suet., xliii. 44; Tac, Germanicus., 37 " ingenies C. Casaris mince in liidibriiiju vtrsa-." ^ Suet., Gains, 58 ; C. I. L., i., p. 385. * For the reign of Claudius see besides Merivale and Schiller, Gesck. d, JCaiserzeit, i., 314 sqq. ; Lehmann, Clatidiiis v. ihre Zfil (Gotha, 1858). 480 Oiitlines of Roman Histo7'y. [Bookv nephew's murder.' That he should ever wear the imperial purple had been considered by every one both improbable and undesirable. From his boy- hood upwards his sluggishness, his ungainly figure, awkward manners, and indistinct utterance, had made him an object of contempt and ridicule.* Even his mother declared that " nature had begun but never finished him." His grandmother Livia heartily despised him, and Augustus despaired of ever mak- ing him a presentable figure in the eyes of the Ro- man public.^ Throughout the reign of his uncle Tiberius he lived in seclusion. He was known to be a student, with a love of curious learning, but with an equally strong love for low society and coarse pleasures, a combination of tastes in which, as in other points, he curiously resembled our own King James I. On the accession of his nephew Gains he was made consul, to the amusement and surprise of Rome; but his consulship over, he relapsed into his former position. His constitutional timidity and indolence, and his boorish habits, made him the butt of the court, Avhile even his life was not always safe from his nephew's wild outbreaks of fury against everybody and everything around him. When, after the murder of Gains, he was dragged from his hiding-place in the palace, and carried to the prxtorian camp,* neither he himself nor the senate, which was ' Suet., C/rt?/(/., 2. He was born at lAigdunum on Aug. i, 10 E.C., the day on whicli the altar to Rome and Augustus was dedicated. * Suet., Clmiii., iii., 7. ^ Suet., /. r. * Suet., 10 ; Dio, Ix., i. The discovery of the only surviving Caesar is commemorated hy the coins, bearing the legend, "imper* \atore\ rfcej>t\p\." Cohen, i., p. 254. Ch.4i The yiilio-Clatidian Line. 481 already discussing the restoration of the republic,' nor the passers-by, who imagined that he was being hurried to execution, thought of him as a successor to Augustus. But the populace and the guards demanded "a single ruler"'; the senate gave way; and after two days of painful suspense, Claudius was formally invested with the customary honours and powers of the principate. Of his merits as a ruler during the thirteen years of his reign, it is not easy to form a clear opinion. On the one hand, our authorities are never weary of representing him as a dull, undignified, pedantic, and timid man, ruled by women and freedmen,^ and addicted to coarse pleasures. Yet even the ancient historians recognise that he was something more than this, and the record of what was achieved by him or in his name confirms the impression. No doubt the mixture of good sense and folly, which Suetonius notices,^ is as apparent in him as in James I. His blind belief in unworthy favourites frequently misled him ; his pedantic antiquarianism, and fussiness, were constantly exciting ridicule, and occasionally marred the effect of his most statesman- like acts ; it must be allowed, too, that his nervous timidity was apt to make him suspicious and cruel. Yet when all is said and done, the fact remains that ' Suet., CfTmj-, 60 ; Claud., 10: " asseriu7-j comtmaiem libertaiem." Dio, Ix., I. '' Suet., I. c. : " umnn 7-ectorem exposcenie." ^ Dio, Ix,, 2 ; kdovXoKparrjBrj ts a/ta nai eyvvaiHo-HfiaTrjf^jj. So the writer (? Seneca) of the skit on Claudius's apotheosis, describing his reception by the gods, *' putares omnes illius esse Kbertos, adeo ilbtm tie?}to curabai." * Suet,, Claud., 15. 31 482 02itli7ies of Roman Ilistory. (BookV the rule of Claudius left a deep and abiding mark on the history of the empire. To his reign belongs the annexation of Mauretania, of South Britain, of Thrace, and Judaea.' The Romanisation of the fron- tier lands along the Rhine and Danube received its first powerful impulse from him/ by the foundation of Cologne (Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensis) on the Rhine, and the gift of Roman rights to several towns inNoricum. Thechiefsoflhe GaulishclanoftheiCdui were admitted to senatorial dignity, and, if Seneca may be trusted, Claudius was as lavish of the Roman franchise as Augustus had been sparing.^ In Rome and Italy his name was commemorated by solid and useful works, which contrasted equally with the par- simony of Tiberius and the senseless extravagance of Gains, the two great aqueducts. Aqua Claudia and Anio Novus, the harbour at Ostia, the draining of the Fucine lake, and the continuation along the Adriatic coast of the Via Valeria/ It was under Claudius, too, that a most important advance was made in the exten- sion and organisation of that imperial administrative machinery, which Hadrian was to develop still further.' The quaestor at Ostia was replaced by a procurator of Csesar," an imperial procurator of "the public waters" appears for the first time,' and, more significant still, ' See below, p. 502 sqq. '' Plin., N. II., iii., 146. The construction of the Via Claudia Augusta over the Brenner Pass, ' ' a Jlnmine Pado ad fluvium Danu- viu?n," Wilm., 818, was an important part of the work. * Tac, Ann., xi., 23; Class. Review, 1895, p. 441. * Suet., 20: ^^ opera magna, potiusque necessaria qiiam tnulta per- fecit." Dio. Ix., 11 ; /. R. N., bi^b. '■' Hirschfeld, Unterstich., 286 sqq. " Suet., Clattd., 24. ' Frontinus, De Aqu., 46. 49^ Outlines of Roman in sto7'y. [BookV The transformation of Caesar's personal servants into officials of state was even more than the trans- formation of his personal friends into The freed- ^ men of courticrs a poHtical necessitv." The more Ciesar. >■ ■' ^ _ important of the ofificesin Caesar's service, such as the prefecture of the corn supply, the pre- fecture of Egy]5t, the provincial procuratorships. inevitably ranked from the first as virtually pubhc posts, and A\'cre filled almost invariably by Roman knights. But, before the time of Vitellius, the do- mestic offices in his household and about his person were filled, as in private households, by freedmen and slaves.'' The influence wielded by the imperial freedmen, especially under Claudius and Nero, was naturally a sore point with the Roman aristocracy/ It was bad enough that a low-born prefect of the prretorian guard should be a greater man than the consuls and praetors,"* but the wealth and power of a Pallas or a Polybius were a worse scandal still. The truth, however, is that neither the weakness of Claudius, nor Nero's dislike of affairs, nor even their own ability, had so much to do with the prominence of these freedmen, as the vast importance of the out- wardly humble posts they held. A great part of the ' Forwhat follows see Friedlriider, Si/fcjii^t'sc/i., i., 63 ; Ilirchsfeltl Uii kr sue hiDigen, passim. -Tac, Hist., I., 58: '^ »iinisie)-i(i prificipatus a libertis agi solita." "Tacitus, Ann., iv., 7, says of Tiberius, ''' ?i?odt'sfa seriniia, paiui liberti," Cf. Claudis, /^7;«., 12-60: " libi'rtos qitos rei faniiliari pr. Ann., xiv., 29: "Veranius (57-58 a.d.) modicis excursibus Silures populatus." ' Tac, Ann., xii., 32, and xiv., 31. *" Municipio Verulamio," Ann,, xiv., 33. Ch. 41 The Julio-Claudiaii Line. 507 son stationed there. The legateship of Suetonius Faulinus was rendered memorable by the revolt of the Iceni (61 a.d.) under Queen Boadicea. Prasutagus, Iving of the Iceni, had voluntarily become the friend and ally of Rome in 43 A.D., and his adhesion had been of the utmost value. On his death in 61 A.D. liis kingdom lapsed to Rome, and his property was left to the Roman emperor jointly with his two daughters.' The Roman officials eagerly seized their opportunity, and proceeded to annex the Icenian ter- ritory as if it had been conquered in war. Their excesses provoked arising which threatened to sweep the Romans altogether out of Britain. The insur- gents pouring into Essex stormed the infant colony at Colchester, and cut to pieces the 9th legion which was hastily marching against them from Lincoln ; nor was it until they had sacked Verulam and Lon- don that they were defeated and the revolt crushed by Suetonius Paulinus. That his victory was fol- lowed by the formal annexation of the territory of the Iceni, and the consequent inclusion within the Roman province of Norfolk and Suffolk, may be taken for granted. Otherwise the remaining years of Nero's reign witnessed no important advance, and in 69 a.d. Chester and Lincoln were still the most northerly posts held by Roman troops. Within the frontiers the administration of the provinces were conducted, in the main, un the lines laid down by Augustus. Instan- condition of • . the emoire. ces 01 misgovernment are mentioned, but almost without exception, in the " public provinces," ' Tac, Ann., xiv., 31 sqq. 5o8 Outlines of Roman riistoyy. [Book v and the superiority of Caesar's administration over that of the proconsuls, was shown not only by the transference to him, early iii Tiberius's reign, of Achaia and Macedonia,' but by the case of Sardinia, which in 6 A.D. was placed under the care of Au- gustus, and in 6"] A.D. was restored to the con- suls and senate in a prosperous condition.' Of discontent in the provinces the traces are few. Tacfarinas, in Africa, was the leader, not so much of an insurrection from within as of a hostile attack from without. The rebellion, headed I y Julius Sacrovir, in North-Eastern Gaul,' was almo. L entirely confined to the less civilised tribes near the Rhine frontier, who had to bear the burden of the German wars, to whom the orderly methods t)f Roman government, the census, and the regular tax- ation were irritating novelties, and who resented still more keenly the omnivorous activity of Roman traders and usurers. Elsewhere, too, the establish- ment of civilised government among a barbarous or half-civilised people produced, naturally enough, friction and disturbance.' But against these isolated instances, must be set the abundant evidence which exists, of a widesjaread prosperity. The Natural History of the elder Pliny bears witness to a rapid develo])ment of commerce, to the advancing civilisa- tion of the new, and to the revived prosperity of many of the old provinces; above all, to a marked ' Tac, Ann., i., 76. ^ Pausanias, ^^i., 17. ■* In 21 A. P., Tac, Ann,, iii., 34. ■• In Cappadocia, Tac, Ann,, vi., 41; among the Frisii, ii., iv., 72. Ch.4] The ytUio-Claudian Line. 509 rise in the general standard of wealth. Spain and GauT were fast becoming Roman in language and manners, and beginning to contribute honoured names to the ranks of Latin oratoiy and literature. From Cordova came the two Senecas, and the poet Lucan. Autun (Augustodunum), and still more Lyons (Lugdunum), were rising into fame as schools of rhetoric. Valerius Asiaticus, a senator of high rank, and a great orator, was a native of Vienna,* while Gaius Julius Vindex, legate of Gallia Lugdu- nensis in 68 A.D., was an Aquitanian chief. In the eastern half of the empire, in the "provin- ces beyond the sea," there is nothing corresponding to the rapid advance made by Gaul and Spain. Here, and especially in Asia Minor, the dominant civilisation was not Latin, but Greek, and the exten- sion of Greek civilisation over the central and eastern regions of the peninsula belongs to the second and third centuries rather than to the first. In Asia Minor again the reforming energy of the Caesars had less scope. Throughout great part of this period, there still existed important native states, under native rulers, and even within the limits of Roman territory there were still free towns, within whose bounds the Roman governor had in theory no juris- diction, holy cities governed or misgoverned by priestly dynasts, and half-civilised tribes ruled by their own chieftains. But the East shared with the West the benefits of the Roman peace, and if not progressive, was at least prosperous. ' Mommsen, R. C , v., chaps. 2 and 3 ; Jung, D. romanischen Lnudschafteu, chaps. I and 3. * Tac, Ann., xi., i. BOOK VI. THE ORGANISATION OF CESAR'S GOVERNMENT AND THE FIRST CONFLICTS WITH THE BARBARIANS. THE ORGANISATION OF C/ESAR'S GOVERNMENT AND THE FIRST CONFLICTS WITH THE BARBARIANS. CHAPTER I. THE FLAVIAN AND ANTONINE C^SARS 69-I93 A.D. The fall of Nero, and the extinction of the "pro- geny of the Caesars," ' was followed by a war of succession, in which the legions of Spain, the house- hold troops in Rome, the army of the Rhine, and, finally, the army of Syria, in turn awarded the imperial purple to the man of their choice, and in which Italy, after the lapse of a century, became once more the theatre of civil war. The signal for revolt against Nero was given by C. Julius Vindex, legate of Gallia Lugdunensis (March, 68 A.D.). By descent he was a Gaulish chief of high rank, and this circumstance, coupled u ith the fact that he relied forsupport mainly, if not entirely, on Gaulish levies, gives some colour to the view, apparently held at the time, that his real aim was the restoration ' Suet., Galba, i : ''progenies desarum in A' t rone de fecit." 33 513 514 Ozitlines of Roman History. [Book VI of Gallic independence.' But his hastily raised forces were no match for the legions of the army of Upper Germany, who, though indifferent to Nero, were ready enough to crush a Gaulish revolt. Defeated at Besan^on (May, 68 A.D.), he fell by his own hand. Somewhat better fortune attended on Servlus Sul- picius Galba, legate of Hither Spain. In response to an appeal from Vindex he had, after a moment's hesitation, thrown off his allegiance to Nero, without at first himself claiming the succession. But early in April he was saluted "imperator" by his troops, and in June, on hearing of Nero's death, he adopted the cognomen " Caesar."* His claims to sit in the seat of y\ugustus were considerable, for not only was he a consular and a patrician, but he was reputed to be a good soldier and an eflficient and upright administra- tor; and when he reached Rome in October, it seemed a ; if these claims were generally recognised not only by tlic senate but by the army.' On January i, Gk), Galba entered as emperor upon his second consul- ship, and on January loth, in view of his advanced age, he provided, as he hoped, for a peaceful succession by adopting as his son L. Calpurnius Piso." But there were already two rivals. The nearest at hand and the first to strike was M. Salvius Otho, who, as legate of Lusitania, had joined Galba and accom- ' Mommsen, Hermes, xiii., go ; Henderson, Nero, pp. 395, 496. ^ Suet., Galba, 9-1 1 ; Plutarch, Galba, 4-7 ; Die, Ixiv., 6. "^ Tac, Hist., i., 6-1 r; ibid., 40: ''omnium consensu capax imperii, nisi imperasset. " * C. I. L., vi., 1268, 2051 ; on adoption he took the name " Serv. Sulpiciiis Galba Caesar." Cf. Tac, Hist., i., 18. Ch. 1] Flavian and Aiitonine Ci?sars. 515 panied him to Rome.' Taking advantage of the dis- content existing among the praetorian cohorts, who looked coldly on a Caesar, not of the old line, nor chosen by themselves, and whose frugality con- trasted disagreeably with Nero's lavishness, Otho easily secured their support for his own claims. On January 15th he was saluted "imperator," and on the same day both Galba and his adopted son wqxc mur- dered in the Forum." On January 16th the new em- peror was duly invested by the senate Avith the customary powers and titles.* Otho was popular with the soldiery and populace of Rome, to whom the comparatively young and dashing noble was infinitely more attractive than Galba could ever have been ; and outside Rome his accession was at least acqui- esced in by the Illyrian legions, and by those of Syria and Judaea.* But the armies of Upper and Lower Germany had, even before the adoption of Piso, put forward a candidate of their own. On January 2d the lower army, led by Fabius Valens, legate of the 1st legion, had saluted as emperor their newly arrived commander, Aulus Vitellius, and on January 3d the upper army followed their example.^ Without delay two strong columns under Valens and C'.'ecina were despatched southward, and when on March 14th Otho left Rome to encounter these formidable opponents the Vitellian forces had already crossed the Alps. ' Tac, Hist., i., 13 ; Suet, Otho, 3 ; Pint., Galb., 20. 2 Tac, Hut., i., 27. " Tac, Hist., i., 47 ; the confirmation l>y the people was given on February 28, Acta Fr. Arv. (ed. Henzen), xcii. and p. 65. « Tac, Hist., i., 76. ' Tac, Hist., i., 57. 5t6 Outlines of Ronia7i History. [Book VI A month later, at Bedriacum,' between Cremona and Mantua, Otho's troops were defeated, and Otho com- mitted suicide. In July Vitellius entered Rome. But the victory of the German legions and their leader was at once followed by the news that the East had declared for Vespasian. On July ist, the day from, which he afterwards dated his reign,* the troops in Egypt took the oath of allegiance to him ; and before the end of the month he had been adopted as em- peror not only by the legions in Syria and Judaea, but by those nearer to Italy in Moesia, Pannonia, and Dalmatia. Early in the autumn the latter, led by Antonius Primus, swept into Italy; towards the end of October, Cremona, where the Vitellian legions liad entrenched themselves, was taken and sacked.' The fleet at Ravenna had already joined the Flavians, and on December 17th the praetorian cohorts, which were on their way northward to arrest the advance of Antonius, declared for Vespasian.* Three days later the Flavian troops entered Rome. Vitellius was seized while attempting to escape and put to death. On December 21, 69 A.D., the senate for the third time within twelve months conferred the name of Augus- tus, the tribunician power, and the other prerogatives, upon a new princeps,' With the accession of Vespasian, the history of the empire entered upon a new phase. Although the ' For the topographical and other difficulties connected with the battle of Bedriacum, see Mommsen, Hermes, v., pp. i6i sqq. » Tac, Hist., ii., 79 ; Suet., Vesp., 6. » Tac, Hist., iii., 26-34. * /?»■(/., iii., 67 * Tac, Hist., iv., 3 ; Dio, Ixvi.. i. Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antomne CcBsars. 5 1 7 name and traditions of Augustus were still appealed to, yet in almost eveiy department of government there was a departure from the Augustan policy, and a corresponding change in the aspect and condition of the empire. The anomalous position of the princeps had not been without inconvenience, even under position of Caesars whose relation to Augustus c«sar. silenced all questions as to their claims to inherit his powers. But it was found intolerable when, on the extinction of the old line, the principate became in fact, as well as in theory, a prize open to all comers. For the integrity, tranquiUity, and good govern- ment of the empire, it was essential that the position and authority of i\\Q princeps should be placed on a more regular footing, that the rule of Caesar, which was acknowledged to be indispensable, should be declared legitimate and recognised as permanent. The necessity of in some way legalising Caisarism, pressed with especial force upon Vespa- ^^^^j^pg^g^g sian himself. He succeeded to power at °f this period. a moment when public confidence had been rudely shaken by insurrection and civil war, and his low birth provoked contemptuous comparisons, not only with the Julii and Claudii, but with Galba, Otho, and Vitellius. Galba was after all a patrician ;' Otho came of an old and honourable Etruscan house, and both his father and grandfather had been senators; even Vitellius was at least the son of a senator, and the grandson of a Roman knight." But Vespasian > The -Sulpician gens was patrician ; Suet,, Galba, ii., 3. * Suet., Otho, I ; Vilellixts, i. 5iS Outlines of Roman History. [Book VI was not even of equestrian rank. His grandfather, a native of the little Sabine town of Reate, had been a centurion, and then a collector of small debts. His father, after being a collector of customs duties in Asia, ended his life as a money-lender among the Helvetii.' Verginius Rufus, legate of Upper Germany, and the conqueror of Vindex, is said to have considered his birth a disqualification for the position of emperor, but compared with Vespasian, Verginius Rufus was noble. Of Vespasian's suc- cessors during this period none were so hopelessly plebeian as he was. Yet with the exception of Nerva, not one belonged by descent to the old governing class, and with the exception of Vespasian's two sons, Titus and Domitian, and of Commodus, none had any dynastic claim to the throne. Trajan and Hadrian were Spaniards, Marcus Aurelius was of Spanish descent, while the family of his predecessor, Antoninus Pius, came from Nemausus (Nimes) in Transalpine Gaul. For emperors so circumstanced, nothing was more natural than the endeavour to make of tin? Attempt to legalise piincioate a permanent office with a rt'"u- Caesansm. . lar law of succession, and inherent prerog- atives. There was, indeed, no open or formal break with the Augustan traditions, but the drift of their ])olicy is unmistakable. Vespasian himself, the shrewd, thrifty, homely Sabine, who made no secret i)f his birtli, and treated with equal contempt the sneers of Roman society and the clumsy compliments of courtly pedigree-makers.' u'as as conscious of the greatness of his position, and as firmly resolved to ' Suet., Vesp,, i. ' Suet., Vesp,, 12, Ch.l] The Flavian and Anionine CcEsars. 519 maintain and transmit it, as any of the Csesars.' From him dates the final transformation _. of the family names of the early Caesars «tuiature. into an ofificial titulature, borne by all emperors in turn, and which, as such, not only expressed the continuity of the office, but distinguished the cmpcror froni all private citizens, and placed him on a level with the Parthian "king of kings." Thenceforward, though additions were made by the vanity of latcr Caesars, or the servility of their subjects, the " Ini- perator Cassar Augustus " could challenge compari- son with the fiaGiXcb: fiaaiktayv diuaw? enKpavf/i (piXiXXfjv beyond the Euphrates." To establish a law of succession was a more difficult „. matter, and, in fact, no rule of succession succession. was ever formally laid down. Yet the attempt was made, not without some measure of success, to es- tablish at least the fiction of hereditary descent. Ves- pasian was fortunate in the possession of two grown sons.' Nerva, Trajan, and Hadrian, in default of any natural heirs, had recourse to adoption. Moreover, the son, whether real or adopted, was marked out as the intended heir in a somewhat novel manner. The old family surname "Caesar" now began to be the distinctive title of the heir apparent, and it was con- ferred upon him by a formal and public act.* His head ' Dio, Ixvi., lu. ' For the style and titles of t!ic Parihian kings, see Gardner, J'/i^ Parthian Coinage^ l-ond'->ii, 1P77. ' Vespasian frankly designated Titus as his successor ; Dio, Ixvi., \z : s^k i-ikv v'ioZ dtads^STixt. XI ovSeii aA.A.oC " In the senate-house, Dio, Ixvi., i ; Ixviii., 4 : ^r ra) dxjvs^p'ui Kai6apa aTCeSetcS (Ner%'a-Trajan) ; so Antoninus Pius received the name from Hadrian. 520 Outlines of Roman History. iBookVi appeared on the coins, and his name was coupled with that of the emperor in the pubHc prayers.' To the same desire to invest Czesarism with an hereditary character, we may attribute the prominence given to the recitation, on inscriptions, of an official imperial pedigree, the apparent continuity of which concealed the actual breaks in the line. Just as Vespasian ap- propriated the names which belonged of right to the Julian emperors, so Severus not only adopted the name of Pertinax, but styled himself the son of Marcus Aurelius, and Caracalla was thus able to represent himself as the lineal descendant of Nerva." This official pedigree was, moreover, dignified, and the sanction of religion given to the authority of the reigning emperor, by the deification of his predeces- sors. Of the nine emperors of this period, all but two, Domitian and Commodus, were deified, and thus a line of deified ancestors was formed, which linked each new Caesar with the past. The official list of the " Divi," the public worship of the " Divi," and the commemoration of their birthdays, were symbols of the continuity of and legitimacy of Caesarism.' These attempts to disguise the fact that the au- thority of each Caesar was a purely personal author- ity, which he had not inherited, which he could not transmit, and which expired with him, were power- fully aided by the practical necessities of administra- ■ E.g., in Acta Fr. Arvalium. See generally, Mommsen, Staatsr., ii., 1044 sqq. ' See Wilmanns, 989, Acta Fr. Arval. (ed. Henzen), p. 186. ' Acta Fr. Arv,, p. 186, records a sacrifice to the " Divi," sixteen in number. Ch.u The Flaviaji and Anto7iine CcBsars. 521 tion. The maxim that the " king never dies " was never explicitly laid down by Roman lawyers. But the permanence and continuity of Caesar's authority were assumed as a working hypothesis alike by the officials who administered, and by the jurists who formulated and interpreted the law. The patronage which the emperors of this period extended to the latter, was amply repaid by the service which they rendered in making Caesarism an integral part of the constitution. The division of labour established by Augustus between Caesar and the regularly con- Cscs3.r And stituted authorities of the state, the mag- the republican ° institutions. istrates and the senate, had been unreal enough in the first century. In the second, even the professed respect for it shown, for example, by Nero on his accession, became superfluous, as the reasons of policy which prompted it, the desire to conciliate republican feeling, and to avoid wounding the pride of the old republican noblesse, ceased to exist. Though in certain circles of Roman society it was still the fashion to affect a Platonic admiration tor the republic,' republicanism was extinct as a polit- ical force ; and though the senate could still be offended by discourtesy, or goaded into hostility by persecution," the applause of the new men, the municipals or provincials who filled the senate house, was easily purchased by a few compliments, while their acquiescence in the supremacy of Caesar was ' An admiration quite compatible, as in the cases of Tacitus and the younger Pliny, with loyal service to Caesar. ' As, for instance, in the latter part of Domitian's reign. 52 2 Onlliiics of Rouiaii IlUtory. [BookVi cuiiiplctc and unquestioning. The " dual control " The set up by the Augustan system was always magistracies, inconsistent with efficient government, and though not formally abolished, was systemati- cally ignored in practice. On the one hand, the re- stricted sphere of administration which, at the close of the first period, had been left to the old magis- tracies, was still further narrowed. The administra- tive and judicial supremacy of consuls and praetors in Rome and Italy was destroyed by the ever-widen- ing authority of Caesar's prefect of the city,' and of the prefect of the praetorian guard. It may be taken for granted that, of the judicial business from Rome and Italy, which formerly came before consuls and praetors, the greater part now went to one or other of these two great officers. A further movement in the same direction is indicated by the appearance under Trajan of imperial commissioners intended to supervise the local government of Italian towns,^ and by the creation under Hadrian and M. Aurelius of the consulars and jiiridici^^' By the close of the century such jurisdiction as remained to the consuls and praetors was of a strictly departmental and subordinate kind. Even the criminal jurisdiction of the consuls sitting with the senate, though still ' Under Domitian, llie city prefect already exercised juri-sdiction outside Rome. At the beginning of the third century, Ulpian states {Dig., i., 12) '^ omnia omnino crimina prafectura urbis sibi vindicavit . . . extra urban intra Italiatn." "^ For these curatores see Marquardt, Staatsverw., i., 487. * Marquardt, Siaatsverw., i., 72; Vit. Hadr., 9.2: "" quattiior con- sulares per omnem Jtaliam judices constituit" ; Vit, M. ..lur., Ii: " daiiijiiridicii Italice comuluit." Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antonine Casars. 5^3 exercised, was exercised more and more rarely, and, as a rule, only at the suggestion, or by the permissioi: of the emperor.' Not less significant as a symploiu of the decline of these magistracies was the growiiiL,^ importance attached to the obligation of exhibiting games,^ a duty which survived all the more impor- tant functions. The senate suffered scarcely Thescnatf;. less. Apart from Caesar, it rarely ventured to act, and though most of the emperors of this period attended its meetings when in Rome, laid business before it, and used its degrees as an in- strument of legislation, the proceedings, as a rule, consisted only of the imperial speech, and the " ac- clamations " which invariably followed it.' After Hadrian the senate, even as a channel of legislation, ceased. In proportion as the importance of the old magis- tracies and of the senate, regarded as Cse-^jj^gg^gt^^,^, sar's colleagues in the work of government, o^^^r. declined, their importance as constituting an imperial aristocracy increased. The development of the sena- torial order into an imperial peerage received a power- ful impulse from Vespasian. The precedent set by him of freely admitting to the senate men not qualified by election to the qu^storship was followed by his ' Instances of the trial of a proconsul before the senate are rare after Trajan. Dio (Ixxi., 28) represents the exercise of this jurisdic- cion as a concession on the part of Cresar ; comp. Vit. Marci, 10. Under Commodus, a proconsul of Sicily was tried by the prcefectus braiorio. 2 Tac, Agric, 6. -• Pliny, Epp. vii., 14 ; Mommsen, Staatsr., iii., 951. 524 Outlines of Roman History. [Book vi successors.' The number of men thus ennobled di- rectly by Caesar, and the popularity of this short and easy road to senatorial honours, steadily increased. One result was to swamp the element in the senate, which had given the early Csesars most trouble. The old Roman families gradually disappeared, and their place was filled by new men of a different stamp, with different traditions, and often of low birth.'' Their claims to promotion were various : in some cases wealth and local influence, in others fame as an orator, sophist, or lawyer; in others again, good work done as an official in Caesar's service.' The senatorial dignity became an imperial order of merit open to the whole empire. At the same time its connection with the tenure of the old magistracies and with the senate became looser. It was no longer necessary, either for entrance into the senate or for promotion to a higher grade, to have held a magis- tracy. In many cases a man was placed on admis- sion among the /rc?/c;'/vV, and thus at once qualified for the consulship; and though in this period the highest rank, that of consularis, was not given, ex- ' For the use of the method of adlcctio, see Diet. Aniiq., s. v. " Senatus " ; Mommsen, Staatsr., ii., 877. ' Vit. M. Aur., 10: multos ex amicis adlegit" ; Vit. Pert., 6 : " Commodus adlectionibus innumeris prcetorios miscuisset." Pertinax himself was " liber tini Jilins" and was a procurator in Dacia at the time of his promotion to senatorial rank. ^ Instances in point are Herodes Atticus, Fronto, Polemo, and Favorinus. Among those thus promoted, the inscriptions mention municipal magistrates (Wilm., 1151), & prafcctus virgilum{C. I. Z., xii., 3166), a subprafectus vchiculorum {ib., xii., 1857), a procurator of Lusitania {ib., vi., 1359). Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antonine Casars. 525 cept to those who had been actually consuls, the consulship was now held only for two months, so that there must have been many consnlares whose tenure of office in Rome was limited to this brief period, and who had never been praetors, jediles, quaestors, or tribunes. To such men the rank of con- sularis was of far greater importance than the consulship. There are indications also that the possession of senatorial dignity no longer implied that its holder sat and voted in the curia, or even resided in Rome. The provincial who had risen almost at a bound to consular rank had few ties with Rome, and probably little liking for the business of the senate-house. He preferred to return home, to air his new dignity among his neighbours, and trans- mit it to his children. Trajan, indeed, enacted that all senators of foreign birth should invest one third of their property in Itahan land ; ' but Marcus Aure- lius reduced the portion to one fourth.' In the latter part of this period the senator of consular rank is a distinguished and not infrequent figure in provincial society.' In proportion as the magistracies and senate tended to become municipal institutions of the city of Rome, the senatorial order became im- perial in extent and distribution, while at the same time it was more closely connected than ever with Csesar. ' Pliny, Epp., vi., 19. ''■ Vit. M. Atir., 11. ^ Philostratus {Vit. Sophist.) supplies many instances of provincial families of consular rank (yivo'i VTtaTtHuy) ; C. I. Z., ii., 1174 (Spain): '' consular is filia, senatoris uxor, soror, mater" ; ib.,\\.. 4129 : " consularis filia." 526 Outlines of Roman History. tsookvi One more change in the machinery of government icnuiins to be noticed, the complete organisation The imperial °^ Cassar's owH administrative seivicc. service. Tiiroughout the first century, but espe- cially under Claudius, this service had steadily grown in numbers and importance, as the business u liich fell to Caesar increased in amount. It was, however, from the emperors of the second century that it received its elaborate organisation, and its ofiicial recognition as a state service, and among these emperors the credit for the work belongs mainly to Hadrian.' Under him, the most important of the household ofifices were taken out of the Hadrian. hands of freedmen, and uitrusted to Roman knights.^ These offices thenceforward ranked ■ as " procuratorships," and were incorporated with the regular civil service of the empire/ Within this ser- vice a regular system of promotion was established, leading up from the lower to the higher posts.^ Its ' See besides Ilirschfeld, Unlcrsuckuitgeu^ and Liebenain, D. Lauf- iahnd. Proctem/orc>i,Schur/., Dc Mulalionibus in Iiiiperio Rornano ab Hadriano Factis. (Bonn, 1S83.) ' Vit. Hadr., 21 ; ''* ah epistulis ct a libelUs primus equites Romanos habuil." To these inusi be added the office " r? rationibus." " C. I. L , ix , 54-1.0 : '' />roc. Aui^. a ralionibus" ; Orelli, 801 : ^' proc. ab epistulis."' Comp. Friedlander, Siltetigesch., i., \bQsqq, * See the tables of precedence in I.ieiienam. M. Bassa^us Rufus, prnetorian prefect under M. Aurelius, was successively procurator of Asturia and Galltecia, procurator of Noricuui, procurator of Belgica and the two Germanies, proc. a rationibus, prcefectus annona, prefect of Egypt, and praetorian prefect, C. I. Z., vi. , 1599. In ibid., 1625, the order is '^procurator monetcB, procurator xx heredi- iatum, proc. Belgica, proc. a rationibus, prcef. annona, prcef. ^Egypti." Ch.t] The Flavian and A lit oniiie Ccesars. 527 sphere of action was enlarged by the final abolition of the old system of farming taxes/ and by committing to the care of imperial officials the main- tenance of the imperial post.^ As its field of opera- tions widened, a more minute subdivision of labour and a more complete official apparatus became necessary. The inscriptions of the latter part of the second century indicate an increase in the number, not only of procurators, but of the subordinate officials attached to them, and of the separate bureaux, each with its staff of clerks and assistants." It was no doubt in the department of The admini. * stration of finance that the organisation was most justice. complete, but it is noticeable in all the various departments of government. In the administration of justice, especially, important changes were made. The amount and variety of the judicial business falling to Caesar obliged even the most industrious of emperors to delegate a portion of it to others. Jurisdiction, indeed, continued to form an important part of the emperor's work, not only when he was in Rome, but when on his travels, or residing at one or another of his country houses in Italy. On the other hand, however, the practice of delegating juris- diction to others became more regular and syste- matic. Such a delegated jurisdiction was already " Dio, Ixix., 16. "^ Vit. H., 7: '■'■ cursum fiscahin iusiitirii'.'" I'or the officials in charge, the "■' prcefecti vehiculorttm,'" see Liebenam, p. 50. ^ Thus we find a su/)-fra/. aniwiK?, sul'-prtrf. vehiciilonun , an "adjutor ab epistulis" a "proxnnnis n raiionibjis." See Liehenam's tables. See also Ephemeris Epigraphica, v., p. 105. 528 Ottt lines of Roman History. [B 00 k v 1 exercised at the beginning of this period in Rome and over great part of Italy, by the imperial prefect of the citv. In the course of the second Praefectus -^ praetorio. century occurred the curious change by which the prefect of the prsetorian guard was trans- formed into a high judicial officer.' At first occa- sionally used by the emperors as their representative, the prefect was, by the beginning of the third century, formally invested with both criminal and civil jurisdiction. He was occasionally in this period, and more regularly in the next, a trained lawyer, and he was assisted by a deputy prefect and by a council of expert advisers.* The concentration of the supreme judicial author- ity in Caesar's hands as the " fountain of justice " gave a new importance, not only to the judicial prin^pu'" of^cersto whom he delegated jurisdiction, but to the assessors whom he consulted." Under the early emperors the practice had prevailed of inviting persons, usually senators, in whom the emperor placed confidence, to assist him with their counsel. It would seem, however, that it was in Hadrian's reign that the " imperial council " was first put upon a permanent footing. He admitted to it not only his personal friends, but professional law- yers,* and after his reign the position of " co7isiliarius 'Mommsen, Staaisr.,\\., 907, 1205. *The jurist Papinian was advocatus fisci under M. Aurelius, proc. a libelUs under Sept. Severus, and then/;-^/. pratorio. 2 Mommsen, Staatsr./n., 925; Hirschfeld, Untersuch., 215. * Vit. Hadr., 18. Among the jurists were Celsus and Salvius Julianus. Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antonine Ccesars. 529 Augusti''' was definite and well recognised. This council, consisting partly of high imperial officials and prominent senators, partly of jurists, rapidly became, in fact, the emperor's privy council. In the fourth and fifth centuries it was known as the " sacred consistory," and both the name and the institution were borrowed by the Popes of Rome from the Roman Caesars. Such is one aspect of the work accomplished by the succession of able and vigorous men who sat in the seat of Augustus during this period: — the legal- isation of Caesarism as a permanent institution, the practical abolition of the dual control shared by Caesar with the regular magistrates, and the organi- sation under Caesar of an elaborate administrative machinery, controlled exclusively by him, and de- riving its authority from him alone, as the fountain at once of power and of justice. In one important point they failed. While they succeeded in defining and establishing the position of Caesar, they left the question who the Caesar for the time should be, dangerously open, and the omission to fix a law of succession again and again imperilled the unity of the empire in the stormy times of the third century. To the emperors who thus consolidated the au- thority of Caesar belongs naturally enough the credit of attempting to weld the empire into a ^^ ^ o ^ The unifica- single state under his supreme rule, and tionofthe o '■ \^ empire. of abandoning the old theory which ' The consiliarii were, at the end of the second century, classified like ihQ prociti-atores, according to the rate of their pay, as ctntetxarii (100,000 sesterces), and sexagcnarii (60,000 sest.) ; Hirschfeld, /. c. 530 Ouilnics of Roman History. [Book VI regarded it as a federation of allied communities under the hegemony of the Roman Commonwealth. Their task was, no doubt, made easier by the gradual disappearance of distinctions of language and man- ners, by the assimilating influence of commercial and social intercourse, and by the extinction of national jealousies and aspirations. But it is equally certain that the tendency of imperial policy was in the same direction. The federal theory of the em- Extension . , '' ofthe pire involved the maintenance of a clear franchise. ' distinction between the dominant Roman community and its alien allies. But the emperors of this period were as liberal as Augustus had been sparing in granting Roman and Latin rights, and in thus gradually assimilating the political status of all the free-born inhabitants of the empire. The en- franchisement by Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, of sev- eral cantons in the " tlirce Gauls," was probably due rather to a desire to reward their own adherents, or to gain fresh ones, than to any more statesmanlike motive.' But the liberal policy enunciated by Claudius was consistently followed by Vespasian and his successors. Vespasian, besides admitting provincials to the senate, granted Latin rights to all the non-Roman communities of Spain,^ and the in- scriptions record the names of some forty " Flavian towns " in the Peninsula.^ It is probable that Hadrian completed the work by fully enfranchising his native country.* Of similar wholesale grants of the fran- ' Tac, Hist., i., 8, 51, 78. ^ See the indices to C. I. L., ii. '■' Pliny., N. II., ii., 30. •■ Momm';en, Hermes, xvi , 471. ch.i] The Flavian a7id Antonine C(vsars. 531 chise, we have no more instances until we reach the famous edict ol Caracalla at the commencement of the next period. But apart from the sneer which Tacitus allows himself at the freedom with which the franchise was granted in his own time," the large number of towns which owed their rank as Roman })ninicipia or colonies to the emperors of the second century proves that Vespasian's successors continued his policy. They are to be found chiefly, no doubt, in the frontier provinces of the north, in Pannonia, Mcesia, and Thrace, and in Trajan's own creation, the province of Dacia,* but they occur also in Africa, and in the East.^ To these miinicipia and colonies must be added, if we are to form a just idea of the rapid extension of the Roman citizen-body, the allot- ments of lands in the provinces to veterans/ the new openings for Roman settlers afforded by the inclusion of the agri deciunates within the empire," and b)' the annexation of Dacia ; finally, the liberality with which the franchise was bestowed on individual provincials must be taken into account. The communities composing the empire exhibited, ' Tac, Ami., iii., 40: "oH/ncuin id larmn iul ,iisi virtuli pri'tium." * In Pannonia, Siscia and Sirmium were created colonies, Novio- dunuin and Scarbanti, munuipla. by Ves;)asiaii. Poetovio became a colony under Trajan ; Mursa (col.), Aquincuin Vindobona, and Carnuntum (mun.) belonjj to Hadrian. In Mcesia, CEsciis and Ratiaria (col.) date from Trajan, Viiiiiuaciuni and Nicopoli.s (uiu.i.) from Hadrian. To Hadrian belongs al^o Augusta Viudelicoiuni, in Rietia. 2 DUrr, Reisen d. K. Hadrian (Wien, 1881), p. 40, nientiun.s .seven mnnicipia incorporated Ly Iladri.in in Africa. * E.^., in Pannonia, by Trajan. Agrimensores, ?., 121, ' Tac, Germ., 29. 532 Outlines of Roman History. [BookVi at the close of the first century, great varieties in outward form and in their local institu- municipai tious and laws. These varieties had not system. disappeared by the end of the second century, but they were to be found, for the most part, only in the remoter or more inaccessible districts ; in almost every province the political unit was a town with a certain area of territory attached to it, and with a municipal constitution. These urban communities, moreover, exhibit a strong tendency to uniformity, both in their internal arrangements and in their relations to the central authority. In the case of the Roman towns, this uniformity is unmistakable. In Italy, it is true, many of the older towns retained distinctive features, L°t?nVwns bating from the days of their indepen- dence. Yet these were, as a rule, limited to the titles borne by their magistrates, or to small points of local usage ; in the main, the statement of a writer in the second century that the " distinctive rights of the municipalities have been obliterated " holds good.' In the Roman towns in the provinces, even these superficial variations are rarely traceable. The vast majority had been founded or incorporated by the Caesars, and their constitutions were all framed upon the same lines.'' Among the non-Roman towns — the " allied communities " — the case is much the ' Aul., Cell., xvi., 13. '^ These lines were laid down by the Lex Jtilia Alnnicipalis (45 B.C.). The charters granted by Domitian to the two Spanish towns of Sal- p»nsa and Malaga are extant. See C. I. L., ii,, s. v. Mommsen, Dei Stadtrechte, Salp. u. Malaga (Berlin, 1855). Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antonme CcTsai's. 533 same. The Latin towns, once the most favoured allies, were under the empire not so much allies as Roman towns with inferior rights, and the grant of the " Latin rights " was a stepping-stone to the acquisition of the full franchise ; the Latin town received, on incorporation, a constitution closely similar to that of the Roman colony or muni- cipiuvi, and was subject to Roman laws.' Among the genuinely foreign allied communities, the local differences were no doubt more numerous and more strongly marked. Here and ^, „. , ** ^ The allied there, among the communities of Gaul, communi- traces of Keltic institutions and usages sur- vived.* The Greek communities of the Eastern prov- inces retained their own institutions and laws, and the necessity of respecting local law and custom is insisted upon by both Roman emperors and Roman lawyers.' But alike in the Greek East and in the Imperial Latin West, the tendency to uniformity municipal was strengthened by the steady and contin- uous action of the authority of Caesar. The interests of the empire were so intimately bound up with the prosperity of the municipalities, that the supervision of the latter became one of the first duties of the im- perial government, and how close and constant this supervision became is shown by the letters of the younger Pliny from Bithynia, and by the numerous im- perial rescripts quoted in the Digest. The first duty ' Plin., Epp., X., 93. •^ Hirschfeld, Gallische Studien, i. (Witn, 1884.) ^ Plin. {Epp., X., 109, 113, etc.) refers to the ^' lex ciijusqne civi- tatis, " and the '"consjietudo provincice. " Gains, i. , 92 : " /cges vtoresque feregri7toru7>i. " 534 Outlines of RouiLxn History. isook Vi of the proconsul, or legate, was to see that the condi- tion of the communities under his care was such as to enable them to discharge their duties to the empire. In serious cases a special commissioner was sent, and even the free towns were not exempt from inspec- tion. As these officials were all responsible to Cicsar, and referred to him for guidance in all doubtful points, a code of regulations was gradually formed, which constituted a common municipal law for the whole empire, and superseded the old local or provincial constitutions, the decrees of the senate, and the edicts of former governors,' It is clear that when Ulpian wrote, there was already a body of law, based mainly on imperial edicts and rescripts, and current throughout the empire, which regulated all points in the internal government of the municipali- ties where imperial interests were even indirectly concerned, or on which the decision of Caesar had been asked for and given.' This increasing regulation of municipal affairs by imperial authority no doubt resulted in the reform of abuses, and quickened the sense of imperial unity. But at the same time it tended to weaken municipal patriotism and energy, and to produce an excessive dependence on the central power. The restless energy, the unceasing vigilance, and the pro- fuse liberality of Hadrian were not without their ' For the universal authority of the rescripts of Caesar, see Pliny, Epp., X., 42 : " qttodin perpetiiuiii inansuruui est, a le coustiiuidifbei." Ulpian, Di^., xlvii., 12. * Of this common municipal law, a (rood idea may be formed from the 50th book of the Digest, especially the sections, " ad tnanhipakm el df incolis," '' de decurionihts," " de tnnneribus et honorii^4* Gli.li The Flavian and ^inioninc Cccsars, 535 dangers, and among the symptoms of weakness apparent, amidst the prosperity of the age of the Antonines, the flagging vigour of the municipahties was one of the most serious. Not the least important achievement of the em- perors of this period was that of developing and completing the system of frontier defence, ^^^ which Augustus had sketched in outline, frontiers, but to which his successors, in the first century, had added little. The care and attention which Ves- pasian, Trajan, and Hadrian bestowed upon the frontier defences were not entirely due to their own soldierly training. The visions of world-wide empire, in which the generation of Horace indulged, iiad passed away, and the prayer of Tacitus, "May the nations continue, if not to love us, at least to hate each other," ' contrasts significantly with the ex- uberant confidence of the Augustan age. The fron- tier lines which Augustus had marked out as fixing the limit of Roman aggression were now to be the defences of Rome against barbarian invasion. The pressure which, in the third century, drove one bar- barian tribe after another into Roman territory, was making itself felt even in the time of Vespasian, and was the justification both for Trajan's annexation of Dacia, and for Hadrian's elaborate fortifications. Recent researches have led to the conclusion that the share of the Flavian emperors in this work of frontier defence was larger than had been generally supposed. On the Rhine, Danube, Kui)!irates, and in ' Tac. Gcnnania, 33 ; cf. his remarks on the camps by the Rhine. His/., iv 23. 536 Outlines of Roman History. [Bookvs Britain, Vespasian and Domitian laid the foundations on which their successors built. On the Rhine, Vespasian, at the very commence- ment of his principate, was called upon to face the ^, „, . most serious crisis that had arisen there The Rhine. Revolt of since the defeat of Varus sixty years be- civihs. {oxQ, the mutiny of the entire auxiliary force stationed on this frontier. The danger of the outbreak was increased, not only by the withdrawal of the picked troops which had marched with Valens and Caecina to Italy, but by the peculiar composition of the auxiliary force itself. The regiments com- posing it were not, as was the case elsewhere, brought from some distant province, and conse- quently strangers both to each other and to the surrounding population. They were recruited from the neighbouring districts of Gallia Belgica and from the Delta of the Rhine. They were clan regiments, each composed of men belonging to the same tribe, Batavians, Nervians, Lingunes, or Treveri, and of- ficered, as a rule, by their own chiefs or men of rank.' They were in addition distinguished for their martial spirit and warlike prowess. For more than seventy years this native army had loyally guarded the Rhine frontier side by side with the legions, and its fidelity had seemed to justify the policy of Augustus and his successors. Yet the risks were great, for disaffection might mean a conflagration on both banks of the Rhine, and the form assumed by the rising of Vindcx had been a plain warning of ' Tac, Hist., iv., 12; of the Batavians, ^' vetere mstituto m- bilissimi populariitm rcgebant"; cf. /l)id.,\y., 19; iv., 55, ch. t] The Flavian and A7itonine CcBsars. 537 what these favoured and trusted troops might do, if for any reason they threw off their allegiance to Rome. But Vindex had to face the legions of Upper Germany in their full strength and under a capable commander. The outbreak of the great mutiny in the summer of 69 found the legionary camps depleted of their best men, the chief com- mand in the hands of the incompetent Hordeonius Flaccus,' and the imperial government paralysed by civil war. The insurgent leader was Julius Civilis, at once a Batavian chief and commander of an auxiliary cohort ; and he was supported at first only by his own tribesmen and their neighbours in the Delta of the Rhine. But the revolt quickly spread. Other native regiments, notably the eight Batavian cohorts which had marched to Italy, but had been sent home by Vitellius,' joined Civilis, and beyond the Rhine the German tribes nearest the river rose also. Early in the next year (70 A.D.) the Treveri, encouraged by the news of the burning of the Cap- itol, declared for a free Gaul.' Finally, towards the close of the same year the great legionary camp at Vetera was actually taken, and the legions there and in Upper Germany swore allegiance to the ivi- periuin Galliarinn.^ The capture of Vetera was the last as it was the greatest success obtained by CiviHs. During the next few weeks dissensions weakened the mutineers, the Gauls showed signs of ' Tac, Hist., i., 9. "^ Ibid., ii., 69. ^ Ibid., iv., 55. '^ Ibid., iv,, 57-60. 538 OiUlincs of Roman History. [Book v I wavering, and the imperial government, freed from the distraction of civil war, was able to take prompt and effective measures for restoring order. The ar- lival of Petilius Cerialis ' was followed by the sub" uiibsion of many of the insurgent clans. Civilis was dri\'en to take refuge in the " Batavian island," and his people renewed their allegiance to Rome.' The reorganisation of the Rhine armies which fol- lowed, showed that Vespasian had taken to heart the lessons of the mutiny. The legions which had dis- graced themselves were disbanded, and their places taken by others'; but, more significant still, the native army was completely reconstituted. After 71 A. D. hardly a trace is discoverable of the old native clan regiments on the Rhine ; some were dis- banded, others transferred to Britain, and Roman officers were substituted for native chiefs as com- manders.* Thenceforward throughout this period there was peace on the Lower Rhine. On the Upper Rhine the rule of the Flavian em- perors was made memorable by a successful annexa- tion of territory bcvond the river, the Annexation ■' •' beyond the first sincc tlic abandonment of the shorl- Rhinc. lived province of Germany in 9 A.D. F'or though the forts and entrenchments constitut- ' Tac, Hist., iv., 71. 2 Ibid., v., 14-22. ' The 1st and i6th legions. * Some of the Batavian regiments were disbanfled. Regiments of Nervii, Menapii, and Morini were sent to Fritn.in. Wc know the names of twentj'-three regiments stationed in Upper Germany between 70-90 a.d. None of them was from Gallia Belgica. I Ch. 1] The Flavian and Antonine Ccesars. 5 j ^ ing the limes Transre nanus ' date for the most part from a later period, it seems certain that it was by Vespasian and Domitian that the territory which they enclose was added to the empire.' The south- ern portion (Baden and Wiirtemberg), once the home of the Helvetii and then of the Marcomanni, had, since the latter removed eastward, been a " no man's land."' Settlers from the Roman side of the Rhine had found homes there, and it was presum- ably the necessity of protecting these emigrants that led the Roman government to depart from the policy of Augustus and annex the country. The annexa- tion was an accomplished fact when Tacitus wrote the Germania in 98 A.D., ^ and we may connect it with a successful campaign made by Vespasian beyond the Rhine in 74 a.d.,* and with the erection at Rottweil of the " Flavian altars," presumably as the centre of the official Caesar-worship for the new territory.' ' Vita Taciti, iv. Tlie fullest information as to the " limes" is to be found in the official publications of the ' ' Reichs-iimes Commis- sion" ; cf. also Mommsen, R. C, v., 136-146. ' Zangemeister, N. Heidclb. yahrb., 1S93. ^Tac, Germ., 28 : "■ dubia possessionis solum" * Tac, Germ., 28. ' Cn. Cornelius Clemens, legate of Upper Germany in 74 A. D., received '^ ornatiienta triumphalia" for a success in Germany (C /. Z., xi., 5274). In this year also Vespasian was twice saluted " imperator" Eph. Epig., iv., 807. Cf. Zangemeister, A^. Heidelb. Jakrb., 1893, for evidence of road-making beyond the Rhine at this time (a milestone at Offenburg, on a road from Strassburg to (?) Raetia). " Ptolemy, xi., 15 ; Tab., Pent, ii., c. The " ara;" were at cross- roads (Brambach, 1643) on the route from Vindonissa to Aug. 540 Outlines of Roman History. [Bookvi The annexation of the northern portion of this area, of the Taunus and the lowlands watered by the Main, was due to different causes, and was apparently the work not of Vespasian but of Domitian. Here, too, it is true there were Roman interests beyond the river which the imperial government could not neg- lect. The hot-springs at Wiesbaden, and the mines in " the land of the Mattiaci," * had attracted Roman settlers and Roman capital before the accession of Vespasian. But the dominant factor in the situation was the ever-present danger of raids by the powerful tribe of the Chatti and their dependent septs nearer the Rhine, such as the Mattiaci of the Taunus.' As far back as the time of the elder Drusus two forts had been built, one to guard the passage of the Rhine op- posite Mainz,' and a second to keep open the road up the Main valley, by which punitive expeditions from Mainz would advance.* But Domitian seems to have made up his mind that nothing short of annexation would be an effective remedy. He crossed the Rhine,* and after some fighting not only annexed the Taunus district, but marked out a frontier, and protected it by forts and a dyke.* He thus at once barred the advance of the Chatti towards the Rhine, Vindelicorum. Strassburg and Windisch, as legionary camps, would be the natural bases of the road system in the new territory. ' Plin., N, H,, xxxi., 30 ; Tac, Ann., xi., 20. ' Tac, Hist., iv., 37 ; Ann., i., 56 ; xii., 27 ; Germ., 29. ' Dio, liv., 33. Now Castel. * Tac, Ann., i., 56. Probably at Heddernheim. ^ Probably in 83 A.D. Frontinus, Strut., i,, i, 8 ; Dio, Ixvii., 3. * Front., Strut., i., 3, 10 ; ii., Ii, 7. Ch.iJ The Flavian and Antonine CcBsars. 541 and cut off the tribes included within the area annexed from their natural allies.' Of the two tribes chiefly in question, the Mattiaci in 98 h.v>. are de- scribed as loyal subjects of Rome, paying no tribute, but furnishing soldiers,' while the Usipii supplied a regiment for service in Britain under Agricola.' The peaceful settlement of the country thus ac- quired by Vespasian and Domitian beyond the Rhine was for a moment arrested by the revolt of L. An- tonius ^ (88 A.D.), legate of the army of Upper Ger- many, and in immediate command of two legions at Mainz. The revolt excited serious alarm. Domitian himself prepared to start from Rome, and Trajan was summoned from Spain. Before, however, either could arrive, the rising was suppressed by L. Appius Norbanus, possibly legate of the 8th legion at Strass- burg. His task was made easier by the sudden breaking-up of the ice on the Rhine, which prevented Antonius's German allies from crossing the river. One incidental result of the outbreak was the aband- onment of the old system of double camps. Hence- forward each legion was to have its own camp.^ The whole of the new territory was now placed under the control of the legate of Upper Germany ; a cordon of forts garrisoned by auxiliary regiments protected the frontier, while in reserve on the Rhine were the legions at Mainz and Strassburg. ' Front., Strat., i., 3, 10. ■■' Tac, Germ., 29. ^Tac, Agr., 28. ■•Suet., Dom., 6, 7; Dio, Ixvii., 3; Mommsen, R, G., v., 137; Hermes, xix., 437 ; Schiller, Gesck. d, Kaiserzeit, i. , 524. * Suet., Dom,, 7. 54- Outlines of Roman History. [Book VI The frontier defences on the Danube were far less complete than on the Rhine. There M'ere no legions in Rsitia or Noricum ; along the frontier The Danube. - ,, . ^ , , of 1 annonia, Larnuntum was the only legionary camp ; while east of Oescus, along the en- tire course of the Lower Danube there was none at all. At the same time there were disquieting symptoms of unrest beyond the river, from the terri- tories of the Marcomanni eastward to the shores of the Caspian. The movements and migration of peoples within this area are, as a rule, only known to us when for a moment the veil is lifted and some tribe or tribes are forced against the barrier of the Roman frontier by pressure from behind. Such a glimpse is given by the epitaph of Ti. Plautius Sil- vanus, legate of Mcesia under Nero.' He describes himself as having given shelter in Roman territory to 100,000 tribesmen from beyond the Danube with their wives and children, as having repressed a " movement " of Sarmatians, and taken hostages from kings of the Bastarna; and Roxolani. In 69 A.D. the outbreak of civil war encouraged the latter people to make a raid in force into Moesia, which, however, ended in their complete defeat." In 70 the attempt was repeated on a larger scale, the Roxolani being on this occasion joined by Dacians and by their own kinsmen the Sarmatian lazyges. They crossed the Danube, stormed the forts held by the auxiliaries, and were threatening the legionary camps when they were driven back by Mucianus,' ' C. I. L., xiv., 3608. * Tac, Hist. , i., 79. ' Tac, Hist,, iii., 46, 47 ; Josephus, B.Jtid,, vii., 4, 3. I Ch.i] The Flavimi and Antonine Ccesars. 543 then on his march from the East to Italy. As serious a matter, however, as these occasional raids was the rapid development of the highland king- dom of Dacia. The accession of Vespasian was followed by some fifteen years of peace, but he did not entirely over- look- the necessity for strengthening the frontier. The camp at Carnuntum was rebuilt and enlarged, and, probably, a new camp formed at Vindobona. The two legions hitherto stationed in Dalmatia were moved up to the front, and additional camps pro- vided at Ratiaria and at Ocscus.' Domitian, however, had to face something like a general rising, in which the Suevian Marcomanni and Quadi, the Sarmatian lazyges, and the Dacians were all concerned, and which coincided significantly with the accession to the Dacian throne of the ablest of its kings, Decebalus." The Dacian war (85 or 86 A. D.) began v/ith a Dacian raid into Moesia, in which the legate of Moesia, Oppius Sabinus, was defeated and killed. No better fortune befell Cornelius Fuscus, prefect of the praetorium. who, apparently in the next year, in- vaded Dacia with a large force. The relics of Fuscus and his troops were found by Trajan. Tettius Julianus in 88 A.D. was more successful, and ad- vanced far enough to threaten the Dacian capital Sarmizegethusa. Decebalus sued for peace, and Domitian, already engaged in the Suebo-Sarmatiari war, granted terms, usual enough in the history of ' Rhein. Museum, 1893, C. 1. L., iii. » Uio, Ixvii., 6 ; Suet., Dom., 6 ; Jordanes, Get., 13. 544 Outlines of Roman History. [Book vi Roman frontier policy, though denounced as dis- graceful by the panegyrists of Trajan.' Of the Suebo-Sarmatian war (89-92 A.D.) we know little more than that the tribes taking part in it were the Quadi, Marcomanni, and the lazyges,'^ and that in the course of it a legion was cut up and its legate killed. It is also noticeable that Domitian celebra- ted no triumph for this war, and that the " Suevi " are found in arms again under Nerva. These renewed disturbances led naturally to fresh precautions on the Roman side. A legionary camp was formed at Aquincum to watch the lazyges, and Mo^sia was divided into two provinces, each with its own legate and legions. In two other quarters of the empire the Flavian emperors accomplished results of importance, in Britain, and on the Euphrates frontier. Britain. t i r i 11 r <^ in the former case the recall of buetonius Paulinus in 6i A. D. has been followed by ten years inaction. But with the accession of Vespasian a fresh stage in the history of the conquest of the island began. A succession of able legates, Petilius CeriaHs(7i-74), Julius Frontinus (? 74-78), and finally Cn. Julius Agricola (78-84), advanced the limits of Roman authority as far north as the line of the Forth and Clyde. ^ The most permanent result of these campaigns ^ was, however, the addition to Ro- ' Pliny, Pan., I2. ' Dio, Ixvii., 7, 12 ; Tac, Ilisl., i., 2, * Tac, Agric, 23. * The phrase, Tac, J list., i., 2, "■ perdo7/iita B7-itannia ft statim viissa" may possibly refer to the abandonment, after 84, of the terri- tory north of the " Wall," which Agricola had temporarily occupied. Ch. 1] The Flaviaii and Antonine CcBsars. 545 man Britain of the area known as Brigantia, from the Brigantes, the most numerous and powerful tribe within it, and extending from the Mersey and the Humber northward to the line afterwards marked by Hadrian's Wall from the Solway to Tynemouth.' York was occupied, and served with Chester as a base for all operations to the northward.'' The annexation, under Nero, of the kingdoms of Pontus and Armenia Minor had extended Roman rule to the line of the Upper Euphrates and the borders of Greater Armenia. But this new frontier was as yet unguarded by legions, and the responsibility for its safety seems to have been divided between the legate of Galatia, who had no legions, and the legate of Syria, whose legions had plenty to do elsewhere.' In 71 or 72 Antiochus IV. of Commagene was deposed ; his kingdom was an- nexed and added to the province of Syria,* whose north-western limits were thus made coterminous with the south-eastern limits of the province of Cappadocia. The latter province, with Pontus and Armenia Minor, was placed under the legate of ' Ta.c., A ^rir., ij : '■'■ civitas nume7-osissimatotinsprovincia'.'''' The territory of Brigantes extended east and west from sea to sea. * The gth legion must have been transferred to York from Lincoln. Chester was still a double camp occupied by the 20th and the 2nd (adjutrix) legions, and was the headquarters of the legate of the province. In Britain, as in Upper Germany, the frontier posts were garrisoned by auxiliaries, the legions remaining in reserve. ^ Tac, Hist., ii., 81 : ''■ inermes legaii regebant^ nondum additis Cappadocice iegionibus," *Jos., Bell. Jud., vli., 7. 35 546 Outlines of Rovi an History. [Book vi Galatia, who had thus the charge of tlie eastern frontier from Mehtene northward to Trapezus on the Euxine.' For its defence " legions were added," * a legionary camp was formed at Melitene,' and pro- bably a second farther north at Satala/ Cilicia was definitely organised as an imperial province under a legate, and the same fate befell Judaea after the capture of Jerusalem by Titus. Trajan ' figures in history as the soldier-emperor whose exploits revived the military prestige of Rome, Trajan. His brilliant campaigns threw into the 98 117 A.D. shade the comparatively uneventful annals of his predecessors, and recalled the heroic days of Caesar and Pompey. But Trajan, though a soldier, and a soldier with a dash of Chauvinism in his nature, was something more. The author of the rescripts to Pliny, and the organiser of the "ali- mentary foundations " in Italy, was clearly a states- Annexation man. Nor as a soldier was he merely a ofDacia. reck'lcss conqucror. The conquest of Dacia, the achievement by which he is best known, was anything but a mere militarj'' adventure prompted by vainglory. It was the result of a deliberate pol- icy, which had for its principal aim the security of the Danube frontier, in view of the increasingly ' C. I. /.., iii., 291, 312. "^ Suet., Vcsp., 8. "Jos., Bell. yiKl., vJi., 7. The I2tli legion was sent to Melitene in 70 A.D. * The 15th legion seems to have been transferred from Carnunt'in to Satala before the accession of Trajan. ' Mommsen, R. G., v., chaps, vi., ix. ; Schiller, Cesch. d. A'aiserzfil, •-. 543 ■!■??■; Francke, TVa/^w (Leipzig, 1840). Ch.lJ The Flavian and Afitonine Ccssm's. 547 menacing attitude of the tribes beyond. The Dacian kingdom, as it stood, was the natural centre round which Suevians and Sarmatians ralHed, and its king, Decebalus, was even better fitted than Arminius had once been on the Rhine to form and to lead a powerful coalition against Rome. But if this moun- tain fortress, overlooking the plains to the west, north, and east, were in Roman hands, Rome would gain a commanding position from wliich to watch and check all movements that might threaten danger. She would acquire also a territory rich in mineral wealth and in fighting men. Moreover, war with Dacia was inevitable ; the peace patched up by Domitian was hollow and un- satisfactory. Decebalus was notoriously arming, and his Suevic allies seem to have been actually in the field in 97.' That Trajan fully realised the situation is implied by what is known of his doings from the moment when he became legate of Upper Germany in 97, down to his return to Rome as emperor at the end of 99 A.D. On the Rhine frontier, it is clear that the development of civil life and municipal institutions went quietly forward.* But in proportion as the Rhine frontier ceased to cause anxiety, it be- came desirable to establish more direct communica- ' At the moment of Trajan's adoption by Nerva, news arrived of a success gained by Trajan on the Pannonian frontier (Plin., Pan., 8 ; Dio, Ixviii., 3). C. I. Z., v., 7425, mentions the decoration of a tribune of leg. i adjutrix by Nerva for services '' bello Siiebico."' - Eutrop., 8. Col. Ulpia Traiana was founded near Xanten. The transformation of the military districts occupied by the armies of Upper and Lower Germany into provinces was the work either of Domitian or Trajan, 548 OiUliiies of Roman History. [Book VI tions between the camps at Mainz and Strassburg and those nearer to the probable theatre of war on the Danube. The natural route lay through the territory recently annexed beyond the Rhine, and a road had already been made leading from Strassburg eastward towards the frontiers of Raetia. This road Trajan continued certainly as far the legionary camps on tlic middle Danube, even if he did not, as a late writer asserts, carry it to the shores of the Black Sea.' While this important line of communication was being made, Trajan also made a careful inspec- tion of the troops stationed along the frontier," In the spring of lor Trajan left Rome for his first Dacian campaign.' His army was divided into two columns, one of which, led by the emperor in person, followed the most westerly of the routes,* leading to the highland plateau of Dacia and to the capital Sarmizegethusa, through the Irongate pass/ The results of this first campaign were not decisive, but in the summer of I02 Decebalus was defeated and foiced to sue for peace. He was left in possession of his kingdom, but he was obliged formally to acknow- ' Aurel, Victor, 13, 3: ^'iter quo facile abusque Po'itico mart in Caliiam permeatur." C. I. L., iii., 1699. gives the famous inscription recording its completion in loi a.d, Cf. Ephem., Epig., ii., 334. ■^ C. I. L., vi., 154S ; Plin., Paii., 12, 56. ^ For the chronology of the Dacian wars see Mommsen, Hermes, iii., 130; Dierauer, Gesch, Trainiis, 72 sqq. * Dio, Ixviii., 6 sqq. Trajan's own line of march is fixed by a frag, ment of his commentaries preserved by Priscian, ed. Keil, ii., 205. * Dio, Ixviii., 8,'ra/S Ti Britain before 146 A. D. , Diploma. 57. * For the organisation of the province of Dacia see Doniaszewski, Archiinlo^, lipigr. Alittheihinfreit, vol, xiii. Rhein. Museum, 1893. * Legio 13 gemina was stationed at Apulum. » C. I. L., iii., 1443. Ch.1] The Flavian and Antonine CcBsars. 551 eluded the strip of lowland to the south, through which ran the roads which connected the plateau with the Danube and the lUyrian provinces. To the westward of this strip the lowlands, as far as the Thciss, were to be watched by the legate of Upper Moesia, and by his legions. Eastward beyond the Aluta, a similar duty was imposed on the legate and army of Lower Mcesia. Dacia became in fact an out- post resting on the Danube, and the legionary camps along its bank, as a base, and this base line was strengthened and the distribution of the garrisons altered to suit the new conditions. The camps at Ratiaria and Oescus were abandoned as unnecessary now that the territory on the opposite bank was Roman.' But to watch the lazyges a new camp (Acumincum) was formed at the confluence of the Theiss and the Danube, and a second at Bregetio, to command the routes into the country of the Suevic Quadi. While the strip of Pannonia lying along the Danube northward from Acumincum was constituted a separate province (Pannonia Inferior),* eastward beyond the Aluta, the Hne of the Lower Danube was held by the three legionary camps of Novae, Durostorum, and Troesmis.' Finally to pro- tect the Greek towns on the seaboard of Mcesia and Thrace against attacks from the north-east, a wall was built across the Dobrudscha from the Danube to the sea.* » They became colonies : Col. Ulpia Ratiaria, Col. Ulpia Oescus. * In 107 A. D. » Now Sistova, Silistria, and Iglitza ; the legions were : i. Italica, V. Macedonica. xi. Claudia. * Jung, d. rovi. Landschaftcn, p. 346. 552 Outlines of Romafi History. [Book VI This scientific reorganisation of the Danube fron- tier gave peace and prosperity to the Danubian provinces for the next fifty years, and is Eastern enough in itself to estabHsh Trajan's claim "rTrajIn^ to be more than an adventurous soldier. "^-''S'^-^- A somewhat different judgment must be passed on Trajan's campaigns in the East, with their dreams of boundless conquest, their transient successes, and tragic issue.' Trajan's activity in this part of the empire was at first confined to developing tiie system of frontier defence, begun by the Flavian emperors. It was probably in lOO A. D. that Cappadocia, with Armenia Minor and Pontus, was separated from Galatia, and constituted as an independent command" under a legate of consular rank who had charge of the Upper Euphrates frontier from Trapezus as far as the north- ern limits of the province of Syria.' South of this point the situation along the Syrian frontier was materially improved by the inclusion in the province of Syria of the kingdom of Herod Agrippa II.,* and ' The chief autlioritics are Dio. Ixviii. 17 jr/.'. ; John Malalas [Script. Byz., cd. LIunii); iMtjiniiu-eii, K. C, v., 31J7 n/q.; Dicraucr, p. 152 sqq. ^ T. Pomponius Bassus {<}(^-ius, viii.. 3. * Dio, Ixviii., 28. In a dii>Ioma of Septembers, 116 (Brambach, 1512), Trajan is Imp. XIII. ; for the coins with " Parthia capta" see Cohen, Med. Traj., No. 1S4. •* The voyage is described in an e>;tract from ^Vrrian's Parthica, Muller, />fl^^ Hist. Gr., iii., 590. Ch.i] The Flavian and Antonine Ccssars. 557 At the height of his glory the offended gods struck. He was forced to hurry back to crush a widespread rising, which threatened him with the loss of all his recent conquests.' A legate was slain and a legion cut to pieces/ and though his brilliant Moorish officer, Lusius Quietus, was more successful, Trajan was forced to pacify the Parthians by giving them a king.' His retreat into Northern Mesopotamia is described as "not without danger or bloodshed."* He reached Antioch worn and ill, only to hear of an outbreak among the Jews." For a moment he thought of again invading Mesopotamia to punish the insurgents, but increasing illness obliged him instead to start homeward, and at Seleucia, in Cilicia, he died (August, 117 A.D.). "All in vain," concludes the ancient historian, "were the toils and the dangers." ' Hadrian^ was, like his kinsman and fellow-country- man Trajan, a soldier by training. He had served in the Dacian wars, and was at the time Hadrian, of Trajan's death legate of Syria. But he "7-'38a.d. ' Dio, Ixviii., 2g. itdvra rd kaXwuora . . . dnidrj]. ' Fronto, Princ. Hist., I. c. ^ Parthamaspates, a son of Chosroes. This concession is repre- sented as a success on the coins, " AVjc Parlhis datus" Cohen, ^red. Trajan, No. 328. * Fronta, /. c. " haudquaquavi secura nee ineruenta regressio.'" * Dio, Ixviii., 32; Euseb., Hist. Eecl., iv., 2; Oros, vii., 12. There were risings in Mesopotamia. Cynrns, Egypt, and Cyrene. Cf. Wilcken, Hermes, 27. •> Dio, Ixviii., 33. f^idrrjv £Tt6i'ri6av uai jtdzijv EHiv8vvEv6av ^ See, besides Mommsen and Schiller, Diirr, D. Reisen d. K.Had. rian. Gregorovius, Hadrian (Eng. Tr.), Macmillan, 1898. 558 Outlines of Rom a n History. IB k v I was essentially a statesman and a lover of peace, who accurately esliinalcd and carefully husbanded the resources of the State. Trajan's campaigns and their ignominious end had created widespread agita- tion and unrest. Hadrian set himself to the task of restoring order, of perfecting the defence of the frontiers, and consolidating the empire. Of Trajan's acquisitions in the East, only Arabia Petraea was re- tained. Chosroes regained the crown of Parthia, and a king replaced the Roman legate in Armenia. As a consequence of the Jewish outbreak, a Roman colony was founded on the ruins of Jerusalem, and after a last desperate insurrection (134-135) Judaia was ruthlessly cleared of its population. Of the care bestowed by Hadrian on the frontier defences, we get an interesting glimpse in the writings of Ar- rian, Hadrian's legate in Cappadocia.' Dacia was retained, and its internal organisation improved by the division of the province. The up- land plateau became Dacia Superior, and here were stationed both the legate and the legion. The belt of lowland connecting the upland with the Danube was administered as Dacia Inferior by a procurator with auxiliary regiments only.' It has been said that Trajan had realised the importance of establish- ing more direct communication betwet n the legionary camps on the Rhine and those on the Danube. It was probably to protect the line of communication constructed by him and also the territories beyond ' Eng. Hist. Review, i8g6, 629 sqq. ' Domaszewski, Rhein. Museum, 1893. Ch.ll The Flavian and Antonine Ccesars. 559 the Rhine, annexed by the Flavian emperors, that the great boundary barrier was constructed, the re- mains of which can be traced from Kelheim on the Danube to Rheinbrohl on the Rhine.' It consists of two portions, one of which ran westward from Kelheim to Lorch and formed the northern frontier of the province of Ra^tia; the other, bending sharp- ly northward from Lorcli to the Main and enclosing the Taunus range, " separated " the districts annexed by Vespasian and Domitian from the barbarians be- }'ond. In the construction of this great barrier, a large share may safely be attributed to Hadrian, v/ho, as his biographer tells us — " in many places separated off the barbarians by wooden palisades.'" A somewhat similar barrier erected by Hadrian was the well-known " wall " in Northern Britain from the mouth of the Tyne to the Solway/ In Africa he created for the third legion (III. Augusta) a new and permanent home at Lamboesis, the extant remains of which supply us with the richest materials for constructing a picture of the composition and life of a Roman legion in a frontier ' The '■'■ li)iies^' has been systematically studied, its course traced, and the forts excavated during the last twelve years. The results are recorded in the ofhcial Limes Blatt (Trier, 1 892-1904), and in the more sumptuous Obergermanisch Roetische Limes (Heidelberg), of which twenty-five parts have appeared. •^ Vit. Hadr., 12. 2 73., II, it is still a matter of doubt whether the existing stone- wall is the " mums " of Hadrian or a later substitute. The more northerly barrier from Clyde to Forth was certainly constructed by Antoninus Pius. 560 Outlines of Roman History. iBookvi province.' Behind and in the neighbourhood of the frontier camps and stations stretched a line of Roman colonies and towns, most of which owed, if not their existence, yet at least their charters of in- corporation, to Hadrian or Trajan, and which served at once as supports and as recruiting grounds for the frontier forces. Hadrian's skilful policy, following on the impres- sion produced by Trajan's feats of arms, Aureiius sccurcd a comparatively long period of 161-180A.D. . ,,,.,.. quiet, broken only by little frontier wars. But it was the evil fortune of Marcus Aureiius War with to bc Called upon to face and repel a the Marco. . , • , 1 • 1 • • 1 • manni. barbarian attack, which, m its audacity and strength, was the most formidable that any Roman emperor had yet encountered. For the first time the barbarian tribes beyond the Danube, pushed forward possibly by pressure from behind^ united in a desperate attempt to force the Roman lines, and win homes in southern lands.* The most prominent were the Marcomanni, and with them were joined Qimdi, lazyges. Vandals, and others. Encouraged by the fact that a portion of the army of the Danube had been withdrawn for a Parthian war, they broke into Pannonia, and for the first time for more than two hundred years the sacred soil of Italy was trodden by barbarian invaders. Aquileia was besieged (167 A.D.), and Opitergium burnt.' ' Cagnat, /-' A rniee d'Afrique, p. 501, chaps, i. and vii., p. 283. '' Mominsen, H. G., v., 209; Schiller, i., 643. *Dio, Ixxi., 3, 2; Vit, Marc, 14; C. I. /.., v., p. 186. Ch. 1] The Flavian and Anto7iine CcBsars. 561 RjEtia and Noricum were invaded at the same time, while, to complete the panic, the troops hastily re- called from the East brought back with them a devastating plague. The war lasted, with only slight intermissions, until Marcus's death at Vindo- bona(i8o A.D.). The integrity of the frontiers was preserved, but the effects of the war, in exhausting the resources of the empire, were plainly visible in the next centur}/. From this war, too, dates the po]ic3% which had in the end such disastrous results, of transplanting barbarians to the Roman side of the frontier. Whole tribes were granted lands in the frontier provinces, in one case even in Italy, at Ravenna, and were enrolled as soldiers of Rome.' The Marcomannic war was not the only warning of impending trouble. The pretenders to the imperial purple, the so-called "tyrants" of ^ . . ^ ^ Revolt of the third and fourth centuries, found a Avidius Cassiiis. prototype in Avidius Cassius, who, after successfully concluding the Parthian war (166-167 A.D.), made an unsuccessful attempt to win for him- self the title and powers of emperor." On the whole, however, despite the increasing pressure upon the frontiers, and the increased strain on the finances which the defence of the Geneial frontiers involved, the period from 69 character of ' » -^ the period. A.D. to 193 A.D, deserves much of the praise which has been lavished upon it. The em- ' Schiller, Gersch. d. Kaiserzfii., i , 649 ; Dio, Ixxi., 16. « Vit. Avid. Cass., Schiller. /. c. 36 562 Outlines of Roman History. [Bookvi perors were, with few exceptions, able and vigorous rulers; the machinery of government was brought to a pitch of perfection never reached before or after- wards; civilisation, Latin or Greek, had reached every' province in the empire, and at no time had literary activity and interest been so w idely diffused, symptomsof ^^^^ symptoms of weakness are not difficult decline. ^Q discover, especially during the latter half of the period. In contrast with the rapid extension of the municipal system stands the fact that towards the close of this period, at anj' The muni- '"^^^ "^ ^^ oldcr provinccs, municipal cipaiities. jjfg ^^^^ losing some of its vigour and attractiveness.' Municipal office was becoming a burden rather than an honour, and exemption from it, rather than admission to it, was the favour bestowed by the emperor on privileged individuals and classes.^ The offices themselves had ceased by the close of the second century to be filled by popu- lar election ; they circulated along with various other public duties among the members of the local senates {decurio7ies)^ In Pliny's letters we already ' Kuhn, Verf. d. rom. Reiches, vol. i. ' Under Augustu.s veterans were declared to be eligible for the decurionate ; at the end of the second century it is their privilege to be exempt from it. So, again, the Augustan legislation gave parents of three or more children a prior claim to office ; in the law of this period such parents claimed exemption from office. ^ The laws of Salponsa and Malaga (DomUian) ])rovide for the elec- tion of the magistrates in the old way. The speeches of iJio Thry- sostorn and Pliny's letters ('I'rajan) speak of jiopular assemblies in the Greek towns. But Ulpian clearly regards the offices {/lonofes) as cir- culating among the dfciiriones^ and popular election, if it survived at all, can have had little more reality than at Rome. Ch.1] Flavian and A lit onine Ccesars. 563 hear of persons compelled to become dccuriones,^ and the imperial law, as stated by Ulpian, enters with great minuteness into the grounds which justify exemption from these civic obligations. It is clear, too, that the "decurionate" was fast becoming not only a burden rather than an honour, but a hereditary burden not easily to be evaded.^ Of the increasing subjection of the municipalities to imperial supervi- sion, and of their increasing dependence on imperial bounty, something has already been said. This tendency to lean on Caesar, fostered as it was by the vigour of the emperors and the complete organisation of the imperial government ° , . . Literature is visible also in the literary life of the and the •' government. time. The old alliance, which even under Augustus had existed between the republican nobil- ity and literature — an alliance which told hardly against the memory of the early Caesars — had come to an end with the virtual disappearance of that nobility. The traces of the traditional feud with Caesarism which lingered under the Flavian em- perors^ disappeared before the reign of Hadrian. Even philosophy ceased to be irreconcilable ; it kept aloof from political speculation, and devoted itself to teaching men how to live.'' The foremost writers and teachers of the time were not only favoured ' Plin., Epp., 112. Comp. the rescript of Antoninus; Dig., i., 1.38. * Ulpian {Dig., i) implies that the son of a decurion was liable in turn to enter the curia. ^ E. g., under Domitian. Suet., Dom., lo. * Zeller, Phil. d. Griechen, iii., 651. 564 Outlines of Roman History. [Bookvi with the patronage and friendship of Cnesar, but for the most part they were paid servants of the govern- ment, holding chairs endowed by the emperor, and with special privileges accorded to them by his edicts.' Many of them were enrolled by his favour in the ranks of the new imperial nobility, and hon- oured with the consulship/ A somewhat similar change is noticeable in the great department of Roman law. Even during the first half of this period the foremost jurists were, as in republican days, men of good birth and position, with whom the study and exposition of the law was a pursuit rather than a profession.' But the lawj^ers of the latter part of the second, like those of the third century, were men of humbler origin, trained in Caesar's ser- vice, who rose to sit on his council, or to fill the pest of praetorian prefect in virtue of their professional skill. Alike in the literature and in the society of this period, two other characteristics deserve notice as being of historical importance. The affec- Archaism. ^ * tation of what was archaic, at which Quintilian sneered in the field of literature, was ' Vit. Had)-., 16: "' honor avit et divites fecit." Vit. Ant. Pii, II : ^^per omnes provincias et hono7-es et solaria detulit." The foun- dation of chairs of rhetoric dates from Vespasian; Suet., Vesp., iS. Quintilian was professor of Latin rhetoric, and received the " 07-}ta- tnetita consularia." Among the exemptions and privileges granted to rhetoricians and sophists were immunity from costly offices and the right of free travelling. " Instances are Fronto, Polemo, Aristocles of Pergamus. lierodes Atticus was consul and also " corrector" of the free towns of Asia. ^ E, g,^ Julius Celsus and Salvius Julianus. Ch.l] The Flavian and Aiitonine CcEsars. ^6 D^D widespread.' The artificial republicanism of the younger Phny and Tacitus, and of their fellows who drank to the memory of Brutus and Cassius while drawing Caesar's pay, was closely akin to the literary purism which preferred Cato and Ennius to Cicero and Virgil." In imitation of Cato, Hadrian wore a beard, and he is said to have quoted Cato in justifica- tion of his foreign policy.' The fashion reappears in the field of art, though here, as was inevitable, it was to Greek and not to Roman models that men returned.^ In the same spirit we find some of the Italian towns laying official stress on their ancient traditions. Capena revived its ancient title of nrbs foederata, and Bovillae its ancient tie with the extinct Alba Longa.* Nor was this return to the past fol- lowed by any renewed creative energy, as in the fifteenth century. It was a confession of weakness and little more. The policy of Augustus had aimed at the ascend- ency not only of the Latin race but of Latin civili- sation; and Greek culture, though liberally cosmo- treated and allowed its own way in the poJ'tan'sm. provinces properly belonging to it, held only a subordinate place. Under the Flavian emperors, partly perhaps in reaction against Nero's phil-Hellen- ism,* Latinism was still dominant, and even under ' Friedlander Sittetigesch., iii. , 3. » Fit. fladr., 16. 2 Vit. Hadr., 5. * Friedlander, /. c. ' C. I. Z., 14, s. vv. • The "freedom" granted to Achaia by Nero was taken away by Vespasian ; Suet., Vdsp., 8 ; Paus., vii., 17. 566 Outlines of Roman History. [Book vi Trajan the two foremost names in literature are Italian. But this state of things could not long continue, as the barriers which separated Italy and the ruling race and the rest of the empire were broken down. The idea of a cosmopolitan civilisa- tion common to the whole empire replaced the narrower theory. The Greek scholars in the time of Cicero were pensioners in the houses of Roman nobles; under Hadrian they were senators and 'consuls. Even professors of Eastern mysticism, from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, were admitted to the imperial presence, and had their train of followers.' This cosmopolitanism accurately reflected the political change which had passed over the empire and the imperial unity under the rule of Caesar, which the emperors of this period strove to bring about. But its result was a civilisation, widely diffused indeed, and which was outwardly brilliant and attractive, but which had no unity and no progressive energy. It flourished while protected by the vigorous government of the Antonine emperors; but in the troubled times of the next century it offered only a feeble resistance to barbarism, whether from the North or the East. Of the two forces which for a time supplied the splendid administrative machinery, elaborated b\' the Caesars of this period with motive power, neither owed much to the composite civilisation of which ' Philostratus, Vit. Sophist,, passim. Vespasian is represented as discussing the form of government, not as Augustus did, with Romans of rank, but with Apolloniusof Tyana and Euphrates. See generally Schiller, i., 67X S(/'6Q^\n^, Notilia Dignitatuni , Bonn, 1853; YioiX'^m, Italy arid her Juvaders, i., 202 sq.; Preuss, DiocUtiun, l.eip/ig, 1S69 ; Seeck, Un- termng d. Antike?i Welt, vol. i. S77 57^ Outlines of Roman History. tBook vil were further strengthened by the proclamation of Constantius and Galerius as CcBsares. Precedents for such an arrangement might have been quoted from the earlier history of the empire;' and the considerations in favour of it at the time were strong. It divided the overwhelming burdens and responsi- bilities of government, without sacrificing the unity of the empire ; for, although to each of the Augusti and Caesars a separate sphere was assigned, the Caisars were subordinate to the higher authority of the Augusti, and over all his three colleagues Dio- cletian claimed to exercise a paramount control. It at least reduced the too familiar risk of a disputed succession by establishing in the two Caesars the natural successors to the higher position of Augusti, and finally it satisfied the jealous pride of the rival armies of the empire by giving them what they had so constantly claimed, iniperatores of their own. The distribution of power between Diocletian and his colleagues followed those lines of division which the feuds of the previous century had only too clearly marked out. The armies of the Rhine, the Danube, and of Syria fell to the lot respectively of Constantius, Galerius, and Diocletian, the central districts of Italy, and Africa to Maximian.'^ A second point in ' Mommsen, Staatsrecht, ii., 1065 s(j. Verus was associated with Marcus Aurelius as Augustus ; Severus gave the title lo his two sons. The bestowal of tlie title " Csjsar " on the destined successor is at least as early as Hadrian. Mommsen, op. cit., 1044, and above, p. 469. " The division was as follows ; — (i) Diocletian — Thrace, Egypt, Syria, Asia Minor ; (2) Maximian — Italy and Africa ; (3) Galerius — lllyricum and the Danube; (4) Constantius — Britain, Gaul, Spain. See Gibbon, ii., 68 ; Aurelius Victor, c. 39. Ch. n From Diocletia7i to Theodosins.. S79 the new system was the complete and final emancipation of the imperial author- charcterof ity from all constitutional limitation and ^^fJtlJ^rity* control. The last lingering traces of its republican origin disappeared. The emperors from Diocletian onwards were autocrats in theory as well as in practice. The divided powers, the parallel jurisdictions, the defined prerogatives of the Augus- tan system all vanished. There was but one legal authority throughout the empire, that of the emperor himself ; and that authority was absolute. This avowed despotism Diocletian, following in the steps of Aurelian, hedged round with all the pomp and majesty of Oriental monarchy. The final adoption of the title dominus, so often rejected by the earlier emperors, the diadem on the head, the robes of silk and gold, the replacement of the republican saluta- tion of a fellow -citizen by the adoring prostration even of the highest in rank before their lord and master, were all significant marks of the new regime.' In the hands of this absolute ruler was placed the entire control of an elaborate administra- Levelling tive machinery. Most of the old local v°^\<'y°^ J Diocletian and national distinctions, privileges, and liberties which had once flourished within the empire had already disappeared under the levelling influence of imperial rule, and the levelling process was now completed. Roman citizenship had, since the edit of Caracalla, ceased to be the ^^g^^^^,j^„ privilege of a minority. Diocletian finally °*" "''jy, ^"yj reduced Italy and Rome to the level of the * Aurel. Victor, 39 ; Eutrop., ix., 26. 580 Outlines of Romaji History. [Bookvii provinces : the provincial land-tax and provincial government were introduced into the former/ while Rome ceased to be even in name the seat of imperial authority/ Throughout the whole area The new ad- ■' , ^ - , , ministrative of the empire a uniform system of admm- syatem. ^ ^ istration was established, the control of which was centred in the imperial palace, and in the confidential ministers who stood nearest the emperor's person/ Between the civil and military depart- ments the separation was complete. At the head of the former, at least under the completed organisation of Constantine, were the four prefects;* next below them the vicarii, who had charge of the dioceses; below these again the governors of the separate provinces {prcEsides, correctoreSy consulares),'' under each of whom was a host of minor officials. Parallel with his civil hierarchy of prefects, vicars, prcEsides, and smaWev officiates was the series of military officers, from the magistri militum, the duces, and comites ' Marquardt, Staafverw., i., 80-83, where a list is given of the seventeen so-called /rt'w'wnVr into which Italy, together with Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, was divided. Each had its own governor, and the governors were subject to the iwo vicarii (vie. urbis, vie. Italia), and they in turn to the prefect of Italy, whose prefecture, however, included also Africa and Western Illyricum. ' The seats of government for Diocletian and his three colleagiies were Milan, Treves, Sirmium, Nicomedia. •' For these last, see Gibbon, ii., chap, xvii., p. 325 ; cf. also A^otitia Dignitaiwn and Bocking's notes. * Prcrfeeti pjuetorio. The four prefectures were Oriens, Illyricuna, Italia, Gallia, to which must be added the prefectures of Rome and Constantinople. ' There were 12 dioceses and 116 provinces ; cf. in addition to the authorities mentioned above, Bethmann-Hollweg, CiviUProzess, iii,, Walter, Cesch. d. rom. Kechts., i., pp. 42S sq. (Bonn, 1845). Ch.il From Diocletian to Theoctositts. 581 downwards. But the leading features of both are the same. In both there is the utmost possible subordination and division of property. The subdi- vision of provinces, begun by the emperors of the second century, was systematically carried out by Diocletian, and either by Diocletian or by Constan- tine the legion was reduced to one fifth of its former strength.' Each official, civil or military, was placed directly under the orders of a superior, and thus a continuous chain of authority connected the emperor with the meanest officer in his service. Finally, the various grades in these two imperial services were carefully marked by the appropriation to each of distinctive titles, the highest being that of illustris, which was confined to the prefects, to the military nmgistri and comites, and to the chief ministers.^ There can be little doubt that on the whole these reforms prolonged the existence of the empire, by creating a machinerv which enabled the ' ... rr • 1 It Effects of stronger emperors to utilise effectively all these ° ^ , ^ reforms. its available resources, and which to some extent even made good the deficiencies of weaker rulers. But in many points they failed to attain their object. Diocletian's division of the imperial authority among colleagues, subject to the general control of the senior Augustus, was effectually discredited by the twenty years of almost constant conflict which fol- ' For this and other charges in the military organisation, see Madvig, ii., 572 ; Marquardt, ii., 584 sqq. * The grades were as follows : illustres, spectihiles, clarissimi, per- fectissimi, egregii. For the other insignia, see Madvig, ii., 590, and the Notitia Dignitatum. See ako generally Schiller, ii., pp. 23-115. For the eomites, see the article in I'auly-Wissowa Real Emyikpcidie, S, V. ^82 Outlines of Roman History. [Book Vli lowed his own abdication (305-323 A.D.). Constan- tine's partition of the empire among his three sons was not more successful in ensuring tranquillity, and in the final division of the East and West between Valens and Valentinian (364 A.D.) the essential principle of Diocletian's scheme, the maintenance of a single central authority, was abandoned. The " tyrants," the curse of the third century, were far from unknown in the fourth, and their comparative paucity was due rather to the hold which the house of Constan- tine obtained upon the allegiance of their subjects, than to the system of Diocletian, This system, moreover, while it failed altogether to remove some of the existing evils, aggravated others. The already overburdened financial resources of the empire were strained still further by the increased expenditure which the substitution of four imperial courts for one necessitated, and by the multiplication in every direction of paid officials. The gigantic bureaucracy of the fourth century proved, in spite of its undoubted services, an intolerable weight upon the energies of the empire.' Diocletian and Maximian formally abdicated their high office in 305 A.D, Eighteen years later, Con- .stantine, the sole survi\or of six rival Constantine ... the Great, empcrors, united the whole empn'c under 323-353 A.D. . his own rule. His reign ot fourteen years was marked by two events of first-rate importance — ' The passion for moulding everything after a uniform official pat- tern extended beyond the departments of civil and military adminis- tration to the professions and to .society. Walter, op, cit,, i.,456; Marqii«rdt, ii., 330 sqq. Ch.li From Diocletian to Theodosius. 583 the recognition of Christianity as the reh'- gion of the empire,' and the building of the "f^chrrs" new capital at Byzantium. The alliance '*"* ^' Avhich Constantine inaugurated between the Christian Church and the imperial government, while it enlisted on the side of the state one of the most powerful of the new forces with which it had to reckon, imposed a check, which was in time to become a powerful one, on the imperial authority. The establish- constan- ment of the new " City of Constantine " as tinopie. a second Rome, with a second senate, a prefect of the city, regiones, and even largesses, did more than pro- claim once again the deposition of Rome from her old imperial position. It paved the way for the final separation of East and West by providing the former for the first time with a suitable seat of government on the Bosporus. The death of Constantine in 337 A.D. was followed, as the abdication of Diocletian had been, by the outbreak of quarrels among rival Caesars. Of the three sons of Constantine, who in 337 A.D. divided the empire between them, Constantine, the eldest, fell in civil war against his brother Constans ; Constans himself was, ten years afterwards, defeated and slain by Magnentius ; and the latter in his turn was in x^x A.D. vanquished by Constantine's '^-'^ ^ •' ^ Constan- onlv surviving son Constantius. Thus for *i"^,^i:' •' ° . 351-363 A.D. the second time the whole empire was united under the rule of a member of the house of Constantine.' But in 355 A.D. Constantius reluctantly ' Gibbon, ii., chaps, xv., xvi.; Ranke, IVeltgesch., iii., 525; Schiller, ii., p. 204 and pp. I-18, where the authorities are given. ' Bury, Hist, of Later Kohigii Empire, i., 50. 584 Outlines of Ro)nan History. LBookvii granted the title of Caesar to his cousin Julian, and placed him in charge of Gaul, where the momentary elevation of a tyrant, Silvanus, and still more the inroads of Franks and Alemanni, had excited alarm. Julian's successes, however,during the next five years, were such as to arouse the jealous fears of Constan- tius. In order to weaken his suspected rival, the legions under Julian in Gaul were suddenly ordered to march eastward against the Persians (360 A.D.). Julian They refused, and when the order was 361-363 A.D. repeated, replied by proclaiming Julian himself emperor and Augustus.' Julian, with prob- ably sincere reluctance, accepted the position, but the death of Constantius in 361 A.D. saved the em- pire from the threatened civil war. The chief importance of the career of Julian, both as Caesar in Gaul from 355-361 A.D., and during his brief tenure of sole power (361-363 A.D.), lies, so far as the general history of the empire is concerned, in his able defence of the Rhine frontier, and in his Persian campaign ; for his attempted restoration of pagan, and in especial of Hellenic worships, had no more permanent effect than the war which he courageously waged against the multitudinous abuses which had grown up in the luxurious court of Constantius.* But his vigorous administration in Gaul undoubtedly checked the barbarian advance across the Rhine, and postponed the loss of the Western provinces, while. ' Schiller, ii., 321. The chief ancient authority is Ammianus Marcelliniis, who accompanied Julian in his Eastern campaign. ^ Tn especial against llie overweening influence of the eunuchs, an influence at once greater and more pernicious tlian even that of the imperial freedmen in the da>s of Claudius ; Schiller, /, c. Ch.1] From Diocletian to Theodosius. 585 on the contrary, his campaign in Persia, brilHantly successful at first, resulted in his own death, and in the immediate surrender by his successor, Jovian, of the territories beyond the Tigris, won by Diocletian seventy years before. Julian died on June 26, 363 A.D., his successor Jovian on February 17, jovian 364 A.D. ; and on the 26th of February 363-364 a. d. Valentinian was acknowledged as emperor tinYa^n'f" by the army at Nicaea. In obedience to 364-375 a. d. the expressed wish of the soldiers that he should associate a colleague with himself, he conferred the title of Augustus upon his brother Valens, , , , . , . 1 • • . f 1 Division of and the long-impendmg division ot the the empire, . 364 A.D. empire was at last effected ; Valentinian be- came emperor of the West, Valens of the East. From 364 A.D. till his death in 375 A.D., the vigour and ability of Valentinian kept his own frontier of the Rhine tolerably intact, and prevented any serious disasters on the Danube. But his death, which deprived the weaker Valens of a trusted vaiens counsellor and ally, was followed by a 364-378 a. d. crisis on the Danube, more serious than any which had occurred there since the defeat of Decius. In 376 A.D. the Goths, hard pressed by Revolt of their new foes from the eastward, the the Goths. Huns, sought and obtained the protection of the Roman empire.' They were transported across the Danube, and settled in Mcesia, but, indignant at the treatment they received, they rose in arms against their protectors. In 378 A.D. at Hadrianople, Valens was defeated and killed ; the ' Schiller, ii., ^l^sqq. : Gibbon, iii., ch. 26 ; Hodgkin, i., 102 sqq. ; Amm. Marcellinus, books xxvii-xxxi. 586 Outlines of Roman History. iBookvii victorious Goths spread with fire and sword over Illy- ricum, and advanced eastward to the very walls of Constantinople. Once more, however, the dosiusi., danger passed away. The skill and tact 378-395 A. D. far/ of Theodosius, who had been proclaimed emperor of the East by Gratian, conciliated the Goths ; they were granted an allowance, and in large numbers entered the service of the Roman emperor. The remaining years of Theodosius's reign (382-395 A.D.) were mainly engrossed by the duty which now devolved upon the emperor of the East, of uphold- ing the increasingly feeble authority of his colleague in the West against the attacks of pretenders. Maximus, the murderer of Gratian (383 A.D.), was at first recognised by Theodosius as Caesar, and left in undisturbed command of Gaul, Spain, and Britain ; but, when in 386 A.D. he proceeded to oust Valen- tinian II. from Italy and Africa, Theodosius marched westward, crushed him, and installed Valentinian as emperor of the West. In the very next year, how- ever, the murder of Valentinian (392 A.D.) by Arbo- gast, a Frank, was followed by the appearance of a Division of ^^^-^ tyrant, in the person of Eugenius, a betJ^n'"^^ domestic officer and nominee of Arbogast M«*if^^iiV,^=*"*^ himself. Once more Theodosius marched Jriononus. 395. A.D. westward, and near Aquileia decisively defeated his opponents. But his victory was quickly followed by his own illness and death (395 A.D.), and the fortunes of East and West passed into the care of his two sons, Arcadius and Honorius.' ' See besides Gibbon, Hodgkin, and Schiller, Richter, Das Wesl Romische Reich. Berlin, 1865. CHAPTER II. FROM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS TO THE EXTINC- TION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE — 395-476 A.D. During more than a century after the accession of Diocletian, the Roman empire had succeeded in holding at bay the swarming hordes of barbarians. But, though no province had yet been lost, as Dacia had been lost in the century before, and though the frontier lines of the Rhine and the Danube were still guarded by Roman forts and troops, there were signs in plenty that a catastrophe was at hand. From all the writers who deal with the fourth cen- tury comes the same tale of declining •^ , ° Distress of strength and energy. From Lactantms to . theprov- ° '^■' _ inces in the Zosimus we have one long series of laments fourth cen- * _ tury. over the depression and misery of the provinces.* To meet the increased expenditure neces- sary to maintain the legions, to pay the hosts of oiflcials, and to keep up the luxurious splendour of the imperial courts, not only were the taxes raised in amount, but the most oppressive and inquisitorial methods were adopted in order to secure for the imperial treasury every penny that could be wrung from the wretched taxpayer. The results are seen ' LJill, Roman Society in ilic LaU Century of the Western Empire. 587 58S Outlines of Roman History. [Book vi, in such pictures as that which the panegyrist Eumenius' draws of the state of Gaul (306-312 A.D.) under Constantine, in the accounts of the same province under Julian fifty years later, in those given by Zosimus early in the fifth century, and in the stringent regulations of the Theodosian code, deal- ing with the assessment and collection of the taxes. Among the graver symptoms of economic ruin were the decrease of population, which seriously dimin- ished not only the number of taxpayers, but the supply of soldiers for the legions ; ^ the spread of infanticide ; the increase of waste land whose owners and cultivators had fled to escape the tax collector ; the declining prosperity of the towns ; and the con- stantly recurring riots and insurrections, both among starving peasants, as in Gaul,' and in populous cities like Antioch.* The distress was aggravated by the civil wars, by the rapacity of tyrants, such as Max- entius and Maximus, but above all by the raids of the barbarians, who seized every opportunity afforded by the dissensions or incapacity of the emperors to cross the frontiers and harry the lands of the pro- vincials. Constantine, Julian, and Valentinian I. had each to give a temporary breathing space ' Eumenius, Paneg., Vet., vii. For Julian's administration in Gaul, see Ammianus, xv.-xvii. ; Julian's own oration to the Athenian senate and people, Juliana Opera (ed. Hertlein, Leipzig, 1875), pp. 346 sq. ; Zosimus, ii., 38. Cf. Gibbon, ii., 333, 412 ; Jung, D. roman. Landschaftcn, 264, 265 ; Hodgkin, i., 600 sq. * Gibbon, ii., 323. ^ For the Bagauda% see Gibbon, ii., 69, and Jung, op. cit., 264, where the authorities arc gi\en. * In 387 A.D. ; Hodgkin, i., 178. Ch. 2] Death of Theodosius. 589 to Gaul by repelling the Franks and Alenianni. Britain was harassed by Picts and Scots from the north (367-370 A.D.), while the Saxon pirates swept the northern seas and the coasts both of Britain and Gaul. On the Danube the Quadi, Sarmata, and above all the Goths, poured at intervals into the provinces of Pannonia and Mcesia, and penetrated to Macedonia ajid Thrace. In the East, in addition to the constant border feud with Persia, we hear of ravages by the Isaurian mountaineers, and by a new enemy, the Saracens.' Even more ominous of coming danger was the extent to which the European half of the empire was becoming barbarised. The policy 1-1111 • 11 A Barbarians which had been maugurated by Augustus within the liimself, of settling barbarians within the frontiers, had been taken up on a larger scale and in a more systematic way by the Illyrian emperors of the third century, and was continued by their succes- sors in the fourth. In Gaul, in the provinces south of the Danube, even in Macedonia and Italy, large bar- barian settlements had been made, Theodosius in particular distinguishing himself by his liberality in this respect. Nor did the barbarians admitted dur- ing the fourth century merely swell the class of half- servile coloni. On the contrary, they not only con- stituted to an increasing extent the strength of the imperial forces, but won their way in ever-growing numbers to posts of dignity and importance in the imperial service." Under Constantius the palace was crowded with Franks.' Julian led Gothic troops ' Amm. Marcel., xiv., 4. * Seeck, Untcrgang d. Antikcn IVcll, i., pp. 179 -^5"/-- 36S S'jy the Wv- sians, 573 Antiochus III. (The Great) of Syria, conquers Coele- Syria, 141, 143; invades Asia Minor and Thrace, 146; defeated at Thermo- pylae, 147, and Magnesia. 147, 148; temis of peace imposed on, by Rome, 148 Antiochus IV. of Com- magenc deposed, 545 Antiochvis V. (Eupator), ac- cession of. 156 Antipater, L. Caelius, as a his- torian, 47 Antium colonised by Rome, 76, 82 Antonius, C, defeat of, 291 Antonius, L., in the Perusine war, 367 Antonius, M., serves under Caesar in Greece, 338, 340; as consul, 358, 359; be- sieges Brutus at Mutina, 360; in the second trium- virate, 362; in the Easl, 366, 368, 369, 371, 384 ct scq.; at war with Parthia, 385 et seq.; invades Arme- nia, 387; meets Cleopatra, 369; makes treaty with Octavius at Brundusium, 369, 370; renews the tri- um\irate with Octavius, 376 et seq.; at war with Octavius, 389 et seq.; de- feated at Actium, 392 ct seq.; rejoins Cleopatra, 395; death of, 396 Apollonia, allied with Rome, 125; attack on, by Philip of Macedon diverted, 129; submits to Cffisar, 337 Appuleian laws, the, 217 Apulia, aUied with Rome, 84, 87. 89; campaign of Pyr- rhus in, 95; entered by Hannibal, 128; state of, Indc. 60 1 after the runic ■nnrs, 138, Aqua Claudia built. 483 Aquae Sextifc, foundation of, 264, 266; battle of, 2ifi, 270 Aquileia, colony of, formed, T.^8, 262, 268; conquest of, 290; besieged by barba- rians, 560 Aquillius, M., in Asia Minor, 292, «. I ; in the first Mith- ridatic war, 297 Aquincum, legionary camp at, 544 Aquitania, subdued b}' P. Crassus, 280; province of, formed, 414 Arabia under Odaenathus, 570 Arabia-Petraea conquered by Trajan, 553 Arausio, battle of, 269 Arcadius. Emperor of the East, 586, 59 T Archaism,fashion of, in Rome, 564 Archelaus, general in the first Mithridatic war. 297 Archelaus, King of Cappado- cia, 385, 394 Argos sacked by the Goths, 572 Ariarathes made King of Cappadocia, 296 Aricia united with the Ro- man State, 81 Ariminum colonised by Rome, 96, 100, n. i Ariobarzanes, of Cappadocia, deposed by Mithridates, 296; restored by Sulla, 302; rewarded by Pom- pey, 323 Ariovistus, in Gaul, 275, 276; defeated by C^sar, 277 Aristion in first Mithridatic "ivar, 299 Aristobulus of Judaea de- throned, 320 Aristodenuis of Cuma; allied to Tarquin, 39 Aristonicus, rising of, 292, 294 Armenia, invaded by An- tony, 387; position of, on the Roman frontier, 458; Roman reverses in, 485; invaded by Vologsses of Parthia, 501; conquered by Trajan, 555; king re- places legate, 558; under Odaenathus, 570 Armenia, Greater, under Ti- granes, 305, 310; invaded by Lucullus, 312, 313; by Pompey, 319; ruled by Ar- taxes II., 395 Armenia, Lesser, conquered by Mithridates, 295; in- vaded by Lucullus, 310; ruled by Polemo, 394; an- nexed by Nero, 545 Arminius, defends Germany against Rome, 498 Annorican tribe, the, rising of, 283, 284 Army, the Roman, early state of, 36; reformed by Servius, 37 cl seq.; changes in, after the conquest of Italy, 105 ; payment of, 105, 106; reformed by Au- gustus, 462 et seq. ; made a standing army, 463 et seq. ; auxiliaries of, 465 et seq.; reformed b}'' Diocletian and Constantine, 577 Arniensis, tribe of, created, 7 5 Arpinum taken by Rome, 86 Arretium besieged by the Se- nones, 91 Arsa. C. Terentillus, law of, Artavasdes, of Armenia, al- lied with Antony, 386; de- posed, 387, 388 Artaxares, see Sassanidae 6o: OiUlincs of Kama It History Artaxata, Lucullus advanrt>s on, 314 Arlaxes II. rules in Greater Armenitv, ,■',95 Arvemi, the, at war with Rome, 264; invite the aid of Ariovistus, ^75; rising of, 285 Ascanius, traditions of, 4, 9 AscuUim, battle of, 05 Asia, first Roman province of, 292, 293; conquered by Mithridatcs, 297, 29S; re- conquest of, by Sulla, 299 et seq. ; settlement of, by Sulla, 302, 303; by Lucul- lus, 309, 310; held by Bru- tus and Cassius, 364; invaded by Partbians, 371; state of, under the Caesars, 509; inider Odre- nathus, 570 Assembly, the, described, 27, 28; powers of, 158 160; ascendency of the Senate over, 159; composition of, 165, 166; procedure of, 164-166; reasserts its in- dependence, 201 ct scq.\ its powers hampered by Sulla, 235; under the "Caesars, 425,489 Ataulf leads the Visigoths into Gaul, 592 Athens, rewarded by Rome, 153; taken by Sulla, 299; Antony and Cleopatra at, 389; sacked by the Goths, 572 Attains III., of Pergamum, bequeaths his kingdor.i to Rome, 292 Attalus made Emperor of the West, 592 Attila leads the Huns into Gaul and Italy, 595; de- feated at Chalons, 590 Auctoritas Pair u 111, described, 2 5 ; limitations of, 65 Atigural College, the, con- fined to nobihty, 236 Augiistales, the, instituted, 454 Augustodunum ( Autun ), school at, 509 Augustulus Romulus, last Fvmperor of the West, 597 Augustus, or C. Octavius {q. v.), receives the principate, 405 et seq. ; reforms of, pro- vincial, 414 et seq., finan- cial, 419 ci seq., domestic, 423 et seq., religious, 434 et seq., social, 438 et seq. ; new buildings and improvc- inents of, 449 ; maintains the supremacy of the Ro- man State over its allies, 422 ; frontier policy of, 455 et seq. ; military reforms of, 462 et seq.; death of. 469; contrasted with Tiberius, 471-476^ Aurelisn. Emperor, 570 Aurelius, M., Emperor, na- tionality of, 518; at war with the Marcomanni, 560 Ausones, the, revolt of, 85 Auxiliaries, the, of the Ro- nian army, 465 et seq. ; mu- tiny of, on the Rhine, 536; reorganised, 538 Auximum, colony of, 206 Avaricum captured by Ca;sar, 286 B Baias, harbour constructed at, 37S Barbarians, on the Roman frontiers, 535; allowed to s^'ttle in Italy, 561, 589; enrolled in the legions, 561, 589, 590. See Marco- manni, Quadi, lazygcs. Vandals, Goths, Alcmanni Bath, Roman occuj^ation of, 505 Index, 603 Bedriacum, battle of, 516 Belgffi, the, at war with Rome, 277, 278 Belgica, province of, formed, ^ 414 Beneventum, battle of, 95; colonised by Rome, go Bestia, L. Calpurnins, con- demned for bribery, 215 Bibracte, CiEsar at, 274; council of insurgents at, 286 Bibulus, M., commands Pom- pey's fleet, 337 Bithynia, allied to Rome, 148; made a Roman pro- vince, 306; conquered by Mithridates, 298; again in- vaded, 306; forms a Ro- man province with western Pontus, 322 ; under Augus- tus, 419 Boadicea, rising of, 507 Boeotians, the, allied with Mithridates, 299 Boii, the, defeated by Rome, 91, 92; invade Etrurin, 123; migration nf, 272 ct seq. ; remain among the ^dui, 275, n. 2 Bononia, colony of, 261 ; con- ference of, 362 Brigantes, the, hostile to Rome, 505 Britain, Caesar in, 281, 2S2; invaded by Gains Cassar, 479; south of, annexed by Claudius, 482; Claudian invasion of, 502 et seq.; territory of the Brigantes annexed, 545; loss of, by Rome, 595 Britannicus supplanted by Nero, 484 Brundusium, colony of, formed, 138; treaty of, 3^9>37o Bruttii, the, defeated by Rome, 9:;; join Pyrrhus against Rome, 94; their status as Roman allies, 100; state of, after the Punic wars, 138 Brutus. D., m Cisalpine Gaid, 359, n. 4; besieged in Mu- tina, 360; death of, 362 Brutus, M., 344; in war of Mutina, 362; at war with the second triumvirate, 364,365; death of, 366 Burrus, Afranius, minister of Nero, 485, 496, «. 4 Buxentum, colony of, 206, n. 6 Byzantium, sack of. by Sev- erus, 569 ; rebuilt by Constantine, 583 C Cadurci, the, rising of, 285, 2 89 Caipio, Q. Servilius, defeated by the Germans at Arau- sio, 269; at Tolosa, 269, n. 2 Cpere (Cerv-etri) becomes part of Roman State, 7 5 Cierleon on Usk (Isca Silu- rum), founded, 506 Ctesar, authority of, 487, 488; growth of the power of, 488, 489; relationship of, to the assembly, 489, to the consvilship, 490, to the senate, 491 , to the nobilitj', 492; royal position of, 493, 494; worship of, 422, 437, 494, 517; honours paid to family of, 494; friends of, 405, 496; f reed- men of, 496 et seq.; office and title of, legalised, 518, 519.529 Cffisar, C. Juhus, rise of, 245; espouses the popular cause, 245, 246; suspected of com- plicity in Catiline's con- spiracy, 247; in the first 6o4 OittliiLCs (>J Kotjuin IILtory Ca:sar, conlinued triumvirate, 252 ei seq.; commands in Farther Gaul. 254, 272 cl seq.; in- vades. Italy, 258; enters Germany, 281; and Brit- ain, 281; in S]jain, 334 et seq.; lands in Greece, 337; blockades Pompey at Dyr- rhachium, 338; and defeats him at Pharsalus, 339 et seq.; at Alexandria, 342; in Cilicia, 343; defeats Pharnaces in Pontus, 343 ; in Africa, 344; defeats Pompeian army at Thap- sus, 344; his second campaign in Spain, 344; returns to Rome, 344; murder of, 345; his dicta- torship reviewed, 346 ct srq. ; foreign policy of, 355 ; deified, 364. 437 Cffisar, L. Julius, commands in the Social war, 222; law of, 223 CiEsar, C. and ]^.. and the suc- cession to Augustus, 467, 468 Cassarion, proclaimed heir of Ca;sar, 388 C'aius Caesar, Emperor, de- scent of, 397; accession of, 477; reign of, 478, 479 Calendar, the, reformed by CcEsar, 349 Cales colonised by Rome, 82 Caligula, cogyiomcn of Caius Caesar, 477, 11. 6 Calpiirnia, wife of Caesar, 359 Calvinus, C. Sextius, sent against the Saluvii, 264 Calvinus, Domitius, at Phar- salus, 340; defeated by Pharnaces, 343; rules in Spain, 380 Camillus Furius, M., relieves Rome, 74; defeats the Vol- sci, 75, 76 Campania, the, annexed bj' Rome, 82; recovered by Rome from Hannibal, 130 Cann;c, battle of, 129 Capena allied with Rome, 72 Capitoline Temple, the, built, , 32- 35 Cappadocia, iillied with Rome, 156; conquered by Mithridates, 298 ; regained, 302; invaded by Tigranes, 311; ruled by Archelaus, 385, 394; annexation of, 501 ; under Vespasian, 545 ; under Odaenathus, 570 Capri, Tiberius in, 474, 475 Capua, captured by the Sam- nites, 73, 79; struggle for, between Hannibal and Rome, 130; battle at, in 83 B. c, 229 Caracalla, Emperor, pedigree of, 520; edict of, 531 Caractacus, rising of, 506 Carbo, Cn.. colleague of Cin- na, 229; flees to Africa, 230; defeated by Pompey, 230, n. 2 Carbo, Cn. Papirius, de- feated at Noreia, 267 Caria, ceded to Rhodes, 148; given up, 155; becomes a Roman province, 292 Carnutes, the, rising of, 284 et seq. Carrhee, battle at, 326 Carrinas, C, under Octavius, 399 Carseoli colonised bj^ Rome, 87 Carthage, in league with Rome, 78; checks Pyrrhus in Sicily, 95; allied with Rome against Pyrrhus, 116; invades Spain, 125, 126; at war with Masi- nissa, 136; siege of, 137; colonised by Caesar, 348; taken by the Vandals, 595. Sec Punic wars Index. 60: Cavus, Emperor, 571; de- feats the Persians in the _ East, 57.^ ("assius, A\'idins, revolt of, 561 Cassius, L., in the first Mith- ridatic war, 297 Cassius Longinxis, C, 344; in war of Mutina, 362 ; at war with the seeond triumvir- ate, 365, 366; death of, , 365 Cassius Longinus, L., de- feated by the Tigurini, 269 Cassius Longinus, Q., mis- rule of, in Spain, 344 Cassius VisceUinvis, Spurius, treaty of, with the allies, 77 Cassivellaunus eonquered by CcEsar, 283 Castrum Novum colonised | by Rome, 91, 96 Catilina, L. Sergius, conspir- acy of, 235, 250, 251 Cato, M. Porcius, in Spain, 135; urges third Punic war, 136, 137 ; opposes Hel- lenic fashions, 197, 198 Cato (the Younger) , death of, at Utica, 344 Catulus, C. Lutatius, defeats the Carthaginian fleet off the yEgates Islands, 120; concludes a treaty with Hamilcar, 121 Catulus, Q. Lutatius, opposes Manilian law, 244; com- mands against the Cimbri, 271 Caudine Forks, the, battle of, 84 Ccnsorcs, the, appointment of, 168 Census, the, of Augustus, 421 Centuripae, a "treaty state," 177 Chaeronea, battle of, 299 Chalcis destroyed, 1 53 Clialons, battle of, 596 Chersonese, the, ceded to Pcr- gamum, 148 Chester (Dcva) under the Romans, 506, 507, 545 Chosroes regains crown (:>f Partliia, 558 Christianity, vmder the Fla- vians and Antonines, 567 ; recognition of, by Constan- ^ tine, 583 Cicero, M. TuUius, and the re- publican institutions, 243; character of, 247, 248; un- der the first triumvirate, 253 et seq.; banished, 255; recalled, 255; retires from public life, 256; submits to Cassar, 343 ; attempts to restore the Republic, 357; death of, 363 Cicero, Q., serves in Gaul un- der Ca;sar, 283, 284 Cilicia, under Roman author- ity, 252; invaded by Ti- granes, 311; made a Roman province, 322; in- vaded by Parthians, 372; under Augustus, 415; un- der Odaenathus, 570 Cilician pirates, tlie, raids of, 304; Pompey despatched against, 244, 317 et seq.; aid Mithridates, 305 Cimbri, the, invade Italy, 216, 267 Cineas, envoy of Pyrrhus to Rome, 94 Cinna, L. Cornelius, conflict of, with the Senate. 227, 228; supreme in Rome, 228. 229 Circeii, colonised, 72; Rome at war with, 77 Cispadanes, the, enfran- chised, 262 City wards of Rome, the, 44 ^. Civil war, the first, 22D c/ seq. ; second, ^,23 etseq. 6o6 Outlines of Roman History. Civilis, revolt of, 537, 538 C-lan regiments on the Rhine, revolt of, 536 Claudius, Emj)eror, descent of. 375' 397' character of, 479; accession of, 4S1 ; as a ruler, 481 et scq.\ public works of, 482, 483 Claudius, Appius, mission of, 31O' 3" Claudius Cascus, Appius, coji- sLructs the Via Appia, 85 Claudius Gothicus defeats the Goths, 572 Claudius, P. .defeated off Dre- pana, 119 Cleonymus, the Spartan, de- feated by Rom.e, 87 Cleopatra, and Caesar, 343; and Mark Antony, 369, 384 ; receives grants of Ro- man territory, 385; claims the Western Empire, 388; Rome at war with, 389 et seq.; worsted by Octavius, 395; death of, 397 Clodius, P., as tribune, 242, 255; laws of, 254 Clusium, siege of, 73 Colchester (Camulodunum) , captured, 504; a Roman colony, 506; taken by the Iceni, 507 Colchis invaded by Pompey, 320 College of Augurs opened to the plebs, 64 College of priests opened to the plebs, 63, 64 Collegia, see Guilds Colonies, the Roman, in Italy, 102; government of, 103 ct seq. Comitia centuriata, constitu- tion of the, 53, 165; ren- dered independent of pa- trician control, 65, 66; and Cassar's dictatorship, 353 Commagcnc, annexation of, 501; added to province of Syria, 501, n. 2 Commodus, Emperor, 51S Common lands, disputes con- cerning, 58 Concilium plehis, described, 57 et seq., 165, 166; legal- ised, 60, 61 ; freed from pa- trician control, 64, 65 Concordia, settlement of, fonned, 451, n. i Consiliarius Augusti, office of, 528, 529 Consilium principis estab- lished, 528 Cou'^tans, Emperor, 583 Constantine I., Emperor, reign of, 582, 583 Constantine II.. Emperor, 583 Constantinople founded, 583 Constantius I., made Caesar, under Diocletian, 578 Constantius II., Emperor, Constitution, the Roman, in early times, 22 et seq.; re- publican form of, 158 et seq. ; settlement of , by Cae- sar, 349 et seq.; by Augus- tus, 401 et seq., 425 et seq.; the latter revised, 406 ct seq.; end of, 579 Consulares, appointment of, 522, 524, 525 Consulate, the, established, 50; position of, 51, 54; patrician monopoly of, at- tacked, 61, 62; reserved for the nobility, 172,^.2; becomes secondary to the proconsulate, 185; enact- ments of Sulla concerning, 235; and the principate, 411, 426 et seq.; under the Caesars, 490 Corcyra allied with Rome, 125 Cordova in Roman times, 509 i Index. 607 Cordus, Cremutius, writings of, 478 Corinth, taken by the Acha^- ans, 143; burned, 153; colonised by Caesar, 348; sacked by the Goths, 572 Com, the supph^ of, in Rome, 446 Comificius, L., serves vmder Octavius in Sicily, 379 Corsica, ceded by Carthage to Rome, 123; government of, by Rome, 123 Cosa, colonised by Rome, 96 Cosmopolitanism, fashion of, in Rome, 565 Cotta, L. Aurelius, law re- form of, 242, n. 2 Cotta, M. Aurelius, in third Mithridatic war, 306 Cotys, king of Thrace, joins Perseus against Rome, 150 Councils, provincial, de- scribed, 423 Courts, the "perpetual," con- trolled by the equestrian order, 219; by the Senate, 236 ; by a mixed body, 242 n. 2 Crassus, M., serves under Oc- tavius, 399 Crassus, M. Licinius, ser\-es under Sulla, 229; defeats Spartacus, 241 ; joins Pom- pey, 241; allied with Cae- sar, 246; joins the first tritimvirate, 252 et seq.; commands in Syria, 256; in Mesopotamia, 324; de- feated by the Parthians, 325; death of, 326 Crassus, P., orator, 207 Crassus, P., sen-^es in Gaul under Caesar, 278; subdvies Aquitania, 280; serves against the Parthians, 326 Crassus, P. Canidius, in the Caucasus, 385 Cremona, Roman colony founded at, 124; colony of, 261; taken and sacked by Antonius Primus, 516 Cretan pirates, the ravages of. 155 Criminal law of Ronie founded by Sulla, 239 Cumae, battle of, 376. See also Capua Cunctator, Q. Fabius, in the second Punic war, 129 Cunobeline of Britain, 504 Curiae, the, described, 24; procedure of, 27, 28; un- der the Republic, 51, 53 Curio, C. Scribonius, as trib- une, 242; in Macedonia, 291; in Sicily, 334; in Af- rica, 334 Cynoscephalse, battle of, t 13 Cyprus ceded to Ptolemy Kti- ergetes II., 156 Cyrenaica made a Roman province, 327 Cyrene ceded to Ptolemy Eu- ergetes IT., 156 Cyzicus, siege of, 306 D Dacia, annexation of, 531, 535. 543. 550; war with, 543, 547, ^i 5£?g. ; loss of, by Rome, 571 Danube, the, Roman rule reaches to, 290, 291 ; boun- dary of the Augustan em- pire, 460; of the empire of the later Caesars, 500, 572; as frontier vmder Vespa- sian, 535 Dardanus, treaty made at, 302 Decemvirate, the, appointed, 58. 59 Decius, Emperor, slain by the Goths, 568 Decius Mus, P., defeated at Sentinum, 90 6o8 O 74 /lines of Roniau History. Deiotarus of Galatia allied with Rome, 323 Deles, ceded to Athens, 153; made a free port, 155; slave market of, 189 Dentatus, M. Curiiis, in the third Samnite war, 90 ; de- feats Pyrrhus hX Beneven- tum, 95 Dertona, colony of, 261 JJirtatorship, the, in the early republic, 54, 65 Dictatorship of Ca?sar, re- viewed, 346 et seq.\ con- trasted with the rule of the later emperors, 3 53.354 Diocletian, Eiriperor, new ad- ministrative system of, 577 et seq. DionysivLS of Halicarnassus as a historian, 46 Divitiacus the ^duan, 276 Dolabella, L. Cornelius, de- feats the Kelts, 91 Doinitian, Emperor, claim of, 518; annexes territory Ije- yond the Rhine, 539; fron- tier policy of, 536 Drepana, Roman fleet de- feated off, 119 Drusus, M. Livius, 221; fail- ure of his plans for reform, 221 Drusus, Nero Claudius, 375, 381; commands in Ger- many, 460, 461; and the succession to Augustus, 468 Duilius, C, defeats Cartha- ginian fleet at Mylae, 1 1 8 Durcjstorum, legionary camp _ ^t, 551 Dyrrhachiiun, Ca»sar re- pulsed at, 337, 338 E liburones, the, rising of, 2 S3, 284 Ecnomtis, defeat of Cartha- ginian fleet off, by Rome, 118 Egypt, seeks alliance with Rome, 114; Roman inter- vention in, 156; as a vassal of Rome, 327 ; made a Ro- man province, 397; under Augustus, 415 Elbe, the boundary of he Augustan empire, 461 Empire, the Roman, under the dictatorship, 355 ei seq.; after Pornpey and Cffisar, 326; at the death of Nero, 486 et seq.; under the CiEsars in the West, 502 et seq.; in the East, 509; under the Flavians and Antonines, 565; at the end of third century, 577; di- vided among Augusti and Csesares, 577, 578 Empires, provincial, first es- tablished, 569 Emporise threatened by Han- nibal, 126 Ennius, Q., Hellenism of, 194, n. 2, 197 Ephesus, in the first Mithri- datic war, 300 ; freedom of, 303. "- 4 Epidamnus allied with Rome, 125 Epirus laid Goths, 572 Eporedia, colony of, 262 Equestrian order, founded, 212, n. 5; exactions of, 219, 242; vmder Sulla, 233, n. I, 236; under Augustus, 439 et seq.; under Hadrian, 522, 527 Ercte, Carthaginian strong- hold in first Punic war, 120 Eryx, taken by Pyrrhus, 95; recaptured for Carthage, 720 Etruria, state of, after the waste by the Index. 609 Punic wars, 139; in the So- cial war, 222; in first Civil war, 229, 234; joins Cati- line, 251; Southern, con- quest and settlement ot, liV Rome, 75 i -Etruscans, the, in the tradi- tions, 12, 19; hostile to Rome, 18, 48, 69 ; origin oi', 32; conquer Rome, 32 et seq.; influence of, on Rome, 90 et seq. ; decline of, the power of, 72, 73 luigenivis, tyrant in Italy, 5S6 F Fabius, C, serves imder Cae- sar in Spain, 334, 335 Fabius, M., defeated by Mith- ridates, 316 Fabius Maximus, Q., wins battle of Sentinum, 89 Fabius, Q., opposes Scipio's invasion of Africa, 132 Fabius, Q., commands in Transalpine Gaul, 265 Falerii, under Roman sway, 72 ; allied with Rome, 80 Faventia, settlement of, 261 Ficana, destruction of, 3 1 Fidentia, settlement of, 261 Fimbria, C. Flavins, sent against Sulla, 229; in first Mithridatic v/ar, 301, 302 Firnium colonised by Rome, 96 Flaccus, L. Valerius, sent against Sulla, 229; in first Mithridatic war, 301 Flaccus, M. Fulvius, sent against the Saluvii, 264, 265 Flamininus, T. Quinctius, commands in Greece, 144; Vv'ithdraws his troops, 144 Flaminius, C, defeated by Hannibal, 128; agrarian law of, 160 Fleet, the first Roman, foi-med, 117 Floralia institvited, 188, ». i Florentia, settlement of, 261 Fonteius. M., in Farther Gaul, 271 For a, defined, 261 Formiai included in Roman State, 82 Franchise, extension of the, under the later Caesais, 530; by Claudius, 482 Franks, the, invade the Em- pire, 571, 589 Freedmen, position of, under the Caesars, 496 et seq. Fregella2, colonised by Rome, 83 ; captured and recap- tured in the second Sam- nite v/ar, 85 Frentani, the, allied v, ith Rome, 84 Frisii, the, subject to Rome, 498 Frontiers, the delimitation and defences of, under Au- gustus in the West and South, 455; in the East, 456 et seq.; in the North, 459; under the Caesars, 498 et seq. ; under the later Emperors, 535 et seq.; re- volt on Danubian, 542 Fucine Lake, the, draining of, 482 Fvilvia, wife of Mark Antony, 3(>7, 3(>9' 370 Fundi included in Roman State, 82 Gabinius, A., supports Poni- pey, 244,317 Gades, a treaty state, 177 Gaiseric leads the Vandals into Africa, 595 Gaius, see Caius Galatie, the, allied to Rome, 148; harass Pergamuin, 6io Outlines of Roman History Galatas, contimicd 155; in the first Mithri- datic war, 300; rewarded by Pompey, 323 Galatia, ruled by Amyntas, 3S5, 394; province of, formed, 414 ; under Augus- tus, 415 Calba, Ser. Sulpicius, 513, >i. 1; descent of, 514; pro- claimed Emperor, 486 Galerius made Caesar under Diocletian, 578 Gallienus, Emperor, reign of, 569- 570 Gallus, Emperor, buj^s of? the Goths, 571 Gallus, C. Cornelius, marches on Alexandria, 396 Gaul, under Octavius, 368, 370; vender Augustus, 415; under the Caesars, 509 ; un- successful revolt of, 513, 5M Gaul, Belgic, province of, 460 Gavil, Cisaljjine, in first Civil war, 229; state of, before Ciesar, 260; made a pro- vince, 262 Gaul, Cispadane, colonised, Gaul, Transalpine, imdcr Rome, 263 et seq.; Cassar in, 254, 255, 272 ei seq.; un- der Roman sway, 289 (jaul, Transpadane, enfran- chisement of, 356 Gauls, the, hostile to Rome, 48 ; sack of Rome by, 63 , 74 Gazaca, siege of, 386 Genabum (Cenabum) cap- tured by Ca?sar, 286 Gentes, see Patricians (jenthius of Illyria joins Per- seus against Rome, 150 Gergovia, Ciesar advances on, 286 Germanicus Ctcsar, as rival of Tiberius, 474; com- mands beyond the Rhine, 498 Germans, the, Rome in con- flict with, 267 et seq.; in- vade Italy, 216, 267 et seq. Germany, Caesar in, 281 ; Ro- man invasion of, 460, 461; invaded by Gains Caesar, 479; Roman advances on, under the Caesars, 498 Glabrio, M., defeats Anti- ochus III. at Thermopylae, 147 Glabrio, M. AcUius. in Mith- ridatic war, 244 Gladiators, rising of, 240 Glaucia, C. Servilius, elected a praetor, 217; fall of , 2 1 7 Goths, the, invade the Em- pire, 572; piracies of, 571; settle in Moesia, 585; re- volt against Valens, 585; invasion of, 589, 590 Governor of a province, the, powers of, 179, 180; term of office, iSi, n. i; his re- sponsibility to the qticcstio ae repetundis, 181, 219; extortions of, 182, 239, 32S Gracchus. Gai\is, attacks the senatorial government in support of agrarian reform, 2116'^ seq. Gracchus, Tiberivis, family of, 206; proposes agrarian re- fonn, 209; opens conflict with the Senate, 210 Gracchus, T. Sempronius, commands in Sicily, 127; in Spain, 135 Gratian, Emperor in the West, 586 Greece, early connection of Rome with, 36; alliance of Rome with, 125; freedom of, proclaimed, 144; Mith- ridatic conquest of, 299; regained by S'.illa, 299; in- vaded by the Goths, 572; Index. 6ii under Roman rule, 152 et seq. Greek culture, its influence on Roman society, 193 et seq. Greeks, the Italian, in con- flict with Etruria, 72; in- voke the aid of Rome against the Sahellians, 92; join Pyrrhus against the Roiiians. 94 Ciiilds, the, of Ror.if;-, 444, 445 II lladria, colonised by Roine, Hadrian, Emperor, descent of, 518, 519; organises the civil service, 497, 526, 527; frontier policy of, 558, 559 ilaniilcar Barca, Carthagin- ian leader in first Pimic war, 120; treats for peace v.ith Rome, 121; his geii- eralship, 121 Hannibal, in Spain, 126; his rnai-ch into Italy, 127; de- feats Roman arm)'^ at Can- nas, 129 ; marches on Rome, 130; retires to Bruttium, 131; recalled to Africa, 132; defeated at Zama, 132; his cxptilsion from C^arthage, 136; joins Anti- ochus HI. in Greece, 147; his death, 136 Hasdrubal, in Spain, 126; marches into Italy, 131; defeated and slain at R. Metaurus, 131 Hellenism, influence of, on Roman society, 193 et seq.; and literature, 193 et seq. llelvetii, the, join the Ger- mans against Rome, 268; migration o", into Gaul, 270 et seq.] defeated by Ca?sar, 274, 275 Heraclea, its status as an ally of Rome, 100 Hemicans, the, allied with Rome, ji et seq.; in con- flict with Rome, 77; rc- ncAval of the treaty with Rome, 77, 79; their terri- tory annexed, 86 Herod the Great, rules in Jn- diea, 394 Iliero, King of Syracuse, at- tacks the Mamertines of Alessana, 116; allies him- self to Rome in the first Punic war, 117; rules in Eastern Sicily under Rome, I 23 Hirtius, A., m war of Mutina. 361 Honorius, Emperor of the West, 5S6, 592 et seq. Horatius Flaccus, Q., escapes from Philippi, 366; at Brundusium, 377, m. i Hortensian law, the, 158, iftS Hortensius, O., opposes Ma- nilian law, 244, 245 Huns, tlie, inva 'e Italy, 5S5 Hyrcanus, accession of, in Judaea, 320 lapydes, the, subdued by Oc tavius, 384 Iberians, the, conquered by Tigranes, 312; conqiiered by Pompey, 320 Iceni, the, subjugation of. 507 Ilerda occupied by Poni- pey's forces, 334 lUyrian pirates, the, pun- ished, 124 lUvricum or lUyria, Ctesar in, 254, 255, 272; made a Ro- man province, 290, n. 5; invaded by Octavius, 383, 6i2 Outlines of Roman History. lUyriciim or lUyria — cont. 384; conquests in, 449; occupied by Alaric, 591 Imperator, title of, defined, 350 _ Imperium, the, defined, 167 Inalpini, the, subdued, 450 Industria, settlement of, 261 Insubres, the, invade Etru- ria, 124; defeated at Tela- mon, 124 Interamna colonised by Rome, 85 Interrex, appointment of, 25 Isauria made a Roman pro- vince, 322 Isle of Wight captured, 505 Isthmian Games, Romans admitted to the, 125 Istria, conquest of, 290; ad- ded to Roman territorj', 450 Italian allies, tlie, their rela- tionship to Rome, 100 et seq.\ claim amalgamation with Rome, 220; revolt of, 222; concessions to, 223 Italy, invaded by Hannibal, 127; ruled as a province imder Diocletian, 579; in- vaded by the Huns, 595 J Janiculum, fortification of the, 31 Jerusalem, taken by Pom- pey, 320; by C. Sosius, 385; by Titus, 567; Ro- man colony at, 558 Jews, dispersion of the, 567 Jovian, Emperor, 585 J udsea, invaded by Parthians, 372; ruled by Herod the Great, 394; annexed by Claudius, 482; province of, 546 Jugurtha, Rome at war with, 21 ^, 2t6 Julian, made Cagsar in Gaul, 584; Emperor, 584; his campaign in Persia, 585 Junius, L., wrecked at Pachy- nus, 120 Juridici, appointment of, 522 Justice, administration of, under the Caesars, 527 K Kelts, the, hostile to Rome, 71, n. 2, 88-go; in conflict with the Etruscans, 72; sack of Rome by, 74; de- feated at Sentinum, 90; under Roman sway, 260 el seq.; of X. Italy finally subdued, 137. See also Senones, Boii, Insubres King, office of, 24 et seq.; method of appointing, 25; prerogatives of, 26 Kings of Rome, 30 et seq. ; abolition of, 39 e/ seq. Kingship, the, and Caesar, ,350 Knights, see Equestrian order Labiciim captured by Rome, 72 Labienus, Q.,in Parthia, 371 ; heads Parthian invasion of Syria, 371 Labienus, T., serves in Gatil under Csesar, 274, 279, 286; defeats of Treveri, 283, 284 Lacedaemonians, the, allied with Mithridates, 298 Laevinus, M. Valerius, de- feated at the R. Liris, 94 Lake Regillus, battle of, 40, 70 Lamboesis, military station founded at, 559 Language, the Latin, 19; Sa- bine element in, 21, «. 2 I ' nc lex. 6i Laniivium, 75; Rotne at war with, 77 ; united with Ro- man State , 8 1 Laodice deposed in Pontus, 294 Laodicea, freedom of, 303, M. 4 Larissa, Pompey at, 339 Lars Porsena invades Rome, 40 Latin League, the, estab- lished, 70; end of, 81 Latin League war, the, 80 Latins, the, traditions of, 4, II, 15; their origin, iS; their aftinities with the Ro- man people, 19; allied with Rome, 70, 77, 70 ; at war with Rome, 80; united to ROine, Si, S2 ; their re- lationship to Rome, 100 Latobriges, the, migration of, 272 ciscq. Latus claims defined, 430 Lavinium, traditions of, 9, 19 Law, Roman criminal, founded by Sulla, 239 Legati, Oifice of, 41 5 ^i seq. Leges; Calpvirnias, 181, 223; 1. Campana, 254 ; 1. Canvileia, 61; 1. Claudia, 191; 1. Cornelia de niajes- tate, 238, «. 3; 1. Cornelia de pro., ord., 23S, «. 3; 1. Didia, 189; 1. Domitirt, 237; 1. Faunia, 189; 1. Ga- binia, 243 ; 1. Hortensia, 65 ; 1. Jvilia, 223; I.Julia agra- ria, 254, 11. 1; 1. Julia municipalis, 452; leges Li- ciniai Sextia?, 61, 63, 189, 209, 210; 1. Manilla, 244, 316, 31S; 1. 0<.nilnia, 04; 1. Oppia, iSSf'l. Orchia, 1S8; 1. Plautia Papiria, 214, 223, )i. I ; 1. provinc-ite, 174, 175 lex sacrata, 55; 1. Valeria de provocatione, 54 ; 1, Vatinia, 254 Lemnos, battle of, 307 Lepidus, M. ^milius, 239 Lepidus, M. ^EmiHus, as rival to M. Antony, 358; joins Antony, 361; in the second triumvirate, 362 ; in Africa, 3 68, 370; in Sicily, 378,379; deposed by Octavius, 379 Licinius Siolo, C., rogatioi.s of, passed, 63 Ligurians, the^ held in check- by Rome, 138; Pvome aids MassiHa against, 263, 266. See Salu\ ii Lilybffium, Roman expedi- tion to, 119 Limes of Hadrian, 559 Limes Transrenanns, 539 Lincoln, Roman occupation of, 507 Lipara, Octavius at, 378 Liris, the, battle at, 94 Lissus, ru. Antony lands at, Literature of Rome, influ- enced by Greek thought, 193, 194; under the Fla- vians and Antonines, 503 Livia, wife of Octavius, 375; aids the succession of Ti- berius, 468 Livy, as an historian, 45; sources of his information, III, 112 Luca, conference of, 256 Lucanians, the, allied with Rome, S4 ; attacked by the Ramnitcs, 87 ; defeated by Rom.e, 90; join Pyrrhvis against Rome, 92; after the Punic wars, 138, 139; in the Social war, 222; in first Civil v/ar, 230, 234 Lviceres, the tribe of, 20, n. i ; Luceria captured bv Rome, Lucterius heads the rising of the Cadurci. 285 6 1 4 Ontihics of Roman History. Lucullus, L., in Macedonia, 291; in tirst Mithridatic war, 302; in third Mithri- datic war, 307 ei scq.; in- vades Pontus, 307.-30Q; invades Armenia, 312; re- called to Rome, 316 Ludi Apollinares instituted, 18S,);. I Lugdvxnensis Gallia, province of, formed, 414 Lugdunum (Lyons'^, school at, 500; battle of, 560 Luna, colony of, formed, 13S I.uperci, race of the, 16 Lusitania, province of, formed, 414; under Au- gusttis, 421 Lycaonia ceded to Perga- murn, 1 48 Lycia, ceded to Rhoder,, 14S; given \ip, 155; conquered by Mithridates, 29S; re- gained, 301 Lydia, ceded to Pergamum, 148; becomes a Ronian province, 292 M Macedonia, made a Roman province, 151; taxation of, by Rome, 178; iinder the Ca;sars, 508; held by Brutus and Cassius, 365 Macedonian frontier, the, wars oxa, 291 Macedonian wars: first, 141; second, 142; third, 149 Machares submits to Lucul- lus, 309 Maecenas, C. Cilnius, joins Octavius, 377; in Rome, 383; and the succession to Augustiis, 467 Magetobriga, the ^dui de- feated at, 275 Magistracy, the, and the Sen- ate, 160 et seq.; and the Assembly, 165; powers of, 1O7 et seq.; constitution of, 169, 170; crippled by Sulla, 235; and Caesar's dicta- torship, 354, 355; under the C'a-sars, 426, 427 et scq. ; vmder the later Caesars, 521, 522 Magnentius, Emperor, 583 Magnesia, battle of, 147, 148 Magnopohs founded, 323 Mago lands in Liguria, 132 Mainz, camp at, 548 Maiorian, Emperor in the West, 596 Mallius, M., defeated by the Germans at Arausio, 269 ^lamilius, O., defeated at L. Regillus, 40 Manilius, C, supports Pom- pey, 242; law of, 244 Marcellus, M., and the suc- cession to Augustus, 468 Marcomanni, the, invade Italy, 560, 561 Marius, C, elected to com- mand in Numidia, 215, 216; defeats the Cimbri and Teutones at Aqua? Sextite and the Raudine plain, 216, 270; allied witli Glaucia and Satitminus, 217; military reforms of, 21S; serves in the Social Avar, 222; contests the command against Mithri- dates, 226; flees from Rome, 226 Marius, C, the Younger, de- feated at Prteneste liy Sulla, 229 Marrucini, the, allied with Rome, 87 Marsi, the, allied with Rome, 84, 87; in the Social war, 223 Masinissa, receives P. Scipio in Africa, 132; rewarded by Rome, 133; leagued Index 615 'A rUi Rome against ("ar- tliage, 1.^6 Massacre of Romans in Ciirck cities, 298 ATassilia, threatened by Ifan- nibal. i2b\ alli<-d' witii Rome, 2br,\ Caesar at, \i.\, >f;ittiaci, the, funiish sol- diers, 540 .Mauretania, allied with Rome, 327; annexed by Claudius, 482, 502 Maximian, Augustus with Diocletian, 577, 582 Maximinus, Emperor, de- feats the Alemanni, 571 Maximus, tyrant in Gaul, 5S6 Media, conquered by Ti- granes, 312; invaded by Anton}^ 386; allied with Anton 3^ 389 Mcdiolanium, growth of, 262 Menapii, the, in^•aded 1)\^ Germans, 280; rising of, 284 Mcnas betrays Sardinia to Octavius, 375, 376 Mesopotamia, Tigranes ii;, 311; invasion of, by Cras- sus, 324, 325; conquered by Trajan, 555 Mes^ana, conflict of Romaiis and Carthaginians at, 116 Metaurus, R., battle of, 131 Metellus, Csecilius, com- mands in Numidia, 215, 216; refuses obedience to the Appuleian laws, 217 Metellus Piits, Q. Cascilius, serves under Sulla, 229 Mezentitis, of Ceere, in the traditions, 34 Military system, the Roman, reformed by G. Gracchus, 711 ; by Marius, 21S; by Augustus, 462 et seq. See also Anny ilisenum, treaty of, 370 Mithridatcs Eucrgetes allied ' with Rome, 294 Mithridates Eupator (the Great), rise of, 156, 294 ct scq.; at war with Rome, in Asia, 297, 298; in Greece, 299; instigates massacre of Romans, 298; defeated by Fimbria, 301 ; makes treaty with Rome, 300 ct sea'.; wages a third war with Rome, 305 ct seq. ; aids Tigranes against Rome, 314, 315; regains Pontus, 316; defeated by Pompey, 319; his exile, 319; death, 321 Mithridates of Pergamus re- heves Caesar at Alexandria, 343 Mithridatic wars, the, first, 297 et seq.; second, 305; third, 306 Miesia, petty wars in. 291; subdivision of, 541; un- der Augustus, 415 Mogontiacum, headquarters of Roman troops, 499 Mons Sacer, treaty of tlic orders at, 55 Mummius, L., presides over a commission in Greece, 153 Munda, battle of, 344 Municipal law in the pro- vinces under the Emperors, 533. 534 Municipal offices, the, wan- ing popularity of, 563 Municipal system of Augus- tus, 453 ; of the later Cassars, 532 Murena. L., carries on second Mithridatic war, 305 Mutina, Roman colony founded at, 124, 261; war of, 361 Myla^ battle of, iiS; cap- tured by M. Agrippa, ^-9 (-1 1 6 Ouilincs of Roinan History Mysia. ceded to Pergarauni, 148; becomes a Roman province, 292 X N jibatsan kingdom, annexa- tion of, 553 arbo founded, 267 arcisstu-;. minister of Claud- ins. 483 aulochus, battle off, 379 avy, the Roman, foimda- tion of, 117 eapolis as an ally of Rome, 100 V^^'o/mtore.'* defined, igo coptolemus in the first Mi- thridatic war, 297 epete, allied with Rome, 7 r ; colonised by Rome, 75; boundar}' of Roman terri- tory, 88 epos, Julius, Emperor of the West, 597 equinum colonised, 89 oro. Emperor, descent of, 397, 484; accession of, 484; aspects of his reign, 434 et scq. ; death of, 486 cro, C. Claudius, defeats Ilasdrubal at R. Mctau- rus, 131 erva. Emperor, descent of, 5i8, 519 crvii, the, subjugation of, 278; rising of, 283, 284 e^.v Carthage, Hannibal at. icomedes of Bithynia,in the first i\Htliridatic war, 296 <•/ seq. ; restored, 302 jcopolis founded, ^i^), n. 2, 323 jger, C. Pescennius, dis- putes accession of Severus, .569 isibis, capture of, by Lu- cullus, 315; by Trajan, 555 Xoblcs. the, position of, 159, 170 ct scq.; under the Crr- sars. 492 Nola captured by Rome, S^ Nomentum united with tbr Roman State, 8x Xorba, m.assacre at, 234 Norbanus, C, defeated bv Marius at Capua, 229; ficts to Rhodes, 230 Noreia, battle at, 267 Xoricum, under Augustus, 415; annexed by Augt^s- tus, 451, 459; invaded by barbarians, 561 Nova;, legionary cam]:) at, Xoviodunum captured I'v C;Esar, 286 Xuma Pompilius, traditions of, to, 30 Numantia, capture of, 135 Xiunidia, affairs in, 215; al- lied with Rome, 327 O Ocriculam allied with Rome, 89 Octavia, wife of M. Antony, 370. .S77' divorced, 389 Octavia, wife of Nero, mur- dered. 485 Octavius, C, rival to M. An- tony, 359 ct seq.; in second triumvirate, 362 ct seq.\ governs in Italy, 366; in the Perusine war, 367, 368; makes treaty with Antony, at Brundusium, 369, 370; rules in the West, 370, 374: marries Livia, 375; at war with Sextus Pompcius, 375 et seq. ; renews the trium- virate with Antony, 377; deposes Lepidus, 379; su- preme in the West, 381 ; rcfonns of, 382; at war with the Pannonians, 383, Index. 6i; 384; at war with Antony, 389 et seq.; his victory at Actium,392 et seq. ; receives the submission of the East, 394 et seq. ; triumph of, 398, 399; restores the Re- pubUc, 399; cliaracter of,- 400, 401 ; assumes the cog- nomen of Augustus [q. V.) Odaenathtis of Palmyra itsurps the power in the East, 570 Odoacer rules in Italv, ^97, 598 Oescus, camp at, 551 Opitergium burnt by barba- rians, 560 Oppius, Q., in the first Mith- ridatic war, 297 (Jrchomenos, battle of, 300 Orders, the two, conflict of, 52 et seq. Orders of Augustus, 43 7 et seq. Orestes, the Pannonian, re- gency of , 597 Oricuni submits to Caesar, 337 Orodes of Parthia allied with Brutus and Cassius, 371 Osca aUied with Caesar, 336 Ostia, foundation of, 3 1 ; ravaged by pirates, 317; harbour of, built, 482 Otho, Emperor, accession of, 515; descent of, 517 Pachynus, Roman fl e e t wrecked at, 120 Pacorus, of Parthia, invades Syria and Judaea.37 i et seq. Paeligni, the, allied with Rome, 84, 87; in the So- cial war, 222 Paestum colonised bv Rome, 96 Palseopolis provokts war with Rome, 83 Palestine, Pompey in, 320 1 Pallas, minister of Claudius, 1 482, 495 I Palmyra, under Odaenathus, I 570; destroyed, 570 i Pamphylia. conquered by ! Mithridates, 298; made a ! Roman province. 322, 414 ; j under Augustus, 415 i Pannonia. under Augustus, [ 415; subjugation of, 451, ■ 460; mutiny in. 474; sub- ! division of, 551 j Pannonia, Inferior. pro- 1 vince of, 551 ; Pannonian war, the, ^83, 3 84 j Panormus, taken by f'yrrhvis, 95; captured by Rome, 119 Pansa, C. Vibius, in war of Mutina, 361 Panticapoeum . siege of, 321 Paphlagonia allied to Rome. 148 Paris. CiEsar at, 284 Parma, colony of, 261 Parthamasiris, King of .Vr- menia, 553; invades Sy- ria, 554; deposed by Tra- jan and executed, 555 Parthia, rise of. 156; inva- sion of, by Crassus, 325; Xero at war with, 501; Trajan at war with, 553 Parthians, the, in Armenia, 310 Patrae, Antony at. 390 Patres, or elders, the, see Senate Patricians, the order of, de- scribed, 51 et seq.: ofiices confined to. 159, n. i. 236 Patricians and Plebeian-.;, conflict between. 52 et seq.; its termination, 6(5 Pauliniis, C. Suetonius, legate in Britain. 507 Paulus, L. .-Emilius, defeated at Cannae. 120; defeats Perseus at Pydna, 151 6i8 Outlines of Roman Histoiy. Pedum united \vitli Lhc Ro- man State, St Pelasgi, the traditions of, 4-7 Pelusium, death, of Poinpey at, 342; taken by Octa- vius, 396 Fe.rg'araum ,alhed with Rome, 141-143, 147, 149; harsh treatment of, by Rome, 155; made a Roman pro- vince, 156, 292 Perseus of Macedon, pro- vokes war with Rome, i 50 ; defeated at Pydna, 151; death of, 151 Persians, the, driven from the Eastern Empire by Odaena- thus, 570-573 Perusia, siege of, 367; re- building of, 452 Perusine war, the, 367, 368 Petra, Pompey at, 338 Petreius, M., serves in Spain, 334; submits to Ca'sar, 337 Pharnaces, submits to Pom- pey, 321 ; recovers Pontus, 343 ; defeated by Caesar at Zela, 344 Pharsalus, battle of, 339 et seq. Philip of Macedon, allied v/ith Hannibal against Rome, 129; withdraws from the alliance, 129; op- position of Rome to, 141; his designs on Egypt, 141; defeated at Cynoscephalag, 143; his attitude to Rome, 149, 150 Piiilippi, battles at, 3^1, 365, 366 Philo, Q. Publilius, law of, 65; the first proconsul, 107 Phraates III., of Parthia, as rival of Rome, 324 Phraates IV., reign of, 385, 395; makes peace with Au- gustus, 457 Phrygia, ceded to Pergamum, 148; becomes a Roman province, 292, n. 2; con- quered by Mithridates, 298; regained, 302 Picentcs, the, allied with Rome, 89; colonised, 91; enfranchised by Rome, 96 Pictor, Q. Fabivis, as an his- torian, 6, 46 Picts and Scots, raids of the, .589^ Piso, C, conspiracy of, 486 Piso, L. Calpurrius, as an historian, 47 Placentia, Roman colony founded at, 124, 261 Plancus, L. Munatius, in war of Mvitina, 361; flees from Asia, 372 Plautius Silvanus, A., Brit- ish expedition of, 504 Plebeians, the order of, de- scribed, 52 et seq.; first secession of, 55; second, 59; offices confined to, 159, }i. I PIcbs iirbana. sec Populace Pola, settlement of, formcJ, 451. «• I Polemo rules in Pontus anr] Lesser Armenia, 394 Police of Rome organised by Augustus, 447, 448 Politorium, destruction of, Pollentia, settlement of, 261 ; battle of, 591 PoUio, C. Asinius, in war of Mutina, 361 Polybius, carried captive to Rome, 153; sources of his information. 1 12 Polybius, minister of Clau- dius, 4S3, 496 Pompeii, earthquake at, 485 Poinpeiopolis founded, 323 Pompeius, Cn. (Pompey the Great), serves under Sulla, :?29; commands in Spain, Index, 6 1 9 240; triumph of, 241 ; com- mands in the East, 244, 245; returns in triumph, 252; heads the first trium- virate, 253 et seq. ; supports Cicero, 255; commands in Spain, 256; elected sole consul, 257; abandons Italy, 258; his comniand in the East, 318 ct seq.; his triumph, 321; gathers forces against Caesar, t,:^^,, 338; marches from Petra, 338; defeated at Pharsalus, 340 et seq.; flight and death of, 342, 343 Pompeius Sextus, as rival to Antony, 358; at Avar with the second trium- virate, 364 et seq.; makes treaty of Misenum with Octavius, 370; defeats Oc- tavius at sea, 376; de- feated off Naulochus, 379; death of, 380 Pomptina, tribe of, formed, 76 Pons sublicius, the, building of, 31 Pontia colonised by Rome, 85 Pontifical college, the, con- fined to nobilit3^ 236 Pontus, allied with Rome, 156; invaded by L. Lucul- lus, 307 et seq.; ruled by Polemo, 394; annexation of, 500; Western, forms a Roman province with Bithynia, 322 Poplicola, P. Valerius, law of, 54 Poppaea, wife of Xero, 485 Populace of Rome, the, com- position of, 191 ; as a polit- ical force, 191 ; in the time of Augustus, 2 2:\et seq. Postumus, tyrant in Gaul, 569; defeats the barba- rians, 570 Praefecti, office of, 416 PrcBJectus annoncB, office of. 446 Prcefectus prcetorio, office of, 523,; made judicial, 528 PrcEJectns tirbis, office of, 447 ; increasing powers of, 522, n. I Prcefectus vigilum, office of, 449 Praeneste, 31; Rome at war with. 77; Cinna receives aid from, 228, n. i, battle at, 229 ; destroyed, 230, "• I, 234 Prcetor nrbanus, office of, cre- ated, 64 Prsetors, the, number of, in- creased, i6g, 236; in west- em Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica, 123; and the prin- cipate. 412, 425 {?i seq. Prasutagus, king of the Iceni, 507 Prefects, the duties of, 104 Principate, the, founded, 405 et seq. ; nature of, 409 et seq. ; growth of the power of, 412, 413; becoines a permanent office, 488, 517. 518 Privemum, colonised by Rome, 82 Probus, Emperor, 570; de- feats the Franks, 572 Proconsulate, the, establish- ed, 106, 183; provincal rule of, 184: preferred to the consulate, 185; and the principate, 412, 425 ct seq. Procurators, office of, 416, 417 ; increased by Hadrian, 526-528 Proscriptions, the, of Marius, 28; of Sulla, 2233; of the second triumvirate, 362, 363 Province, a Roman, defined. 620 Outlines of Roman History Province — continued 174, n. I, 175; organisa- tion of, 174 ct scq.; se!f- goveminent allowed in, 177; position of the gov- ernor of, 179 et seq. Provinces, the Roman, state of, under the Republic, 327 et seq. ; under the Flavians and Antonines, 533, 534; distress in the, under the last Emperors, 587 etseq. Provincial S3^stem, the Ro- man, 173 et seq.; defects of, 181, 327 et seq.; re- formed by Augustus, 414 et seq. Prusias of Bithynia, joins Perseus against Rome, 1 50 ; favoured by Ronie, 155 Ptolemies, the, allied to Rome, 293 Ptolemy Euergetes 11., ob- tains Cyrene and Cyprus, 156 Ptolemy Philometer, restora- tion of, 156 Ptolemy XII. and Caesar, 343 Publicaui, defined, 190; ap- pointed judges in the law courts; sec also Eques- trian order Public lands, the, occupied by the rich, 207, 208; pro- posals for allotment of, 208; by the Gracchi, 209 ct seq.; reoccupation of, 213, 214; granted to vet- erans, 234,451, 531 Public provinces, the, under Augustus, 41 Set seq. Publilia, tribe of, formed, 76 Punic war, the first, 116 et scq. ; general aspects of, 121 et seq.; second, 126; third, 136 Puteoli, colony of, formed, Pynda, battle of, 151 Pyrrhus, King of Epirus, his character and aims, 93 ; aids the Taren tines against Rome, 94; defeats Laevinus at the Liris, 94; in Sicily, 05; attempts to treat with Rome, 95; in Apulia, 95; engages the Carthaginians in Sicily, 95; defeated at Beneventum, 95; quits Italy, 96 Q Quadi, the invasions of, 56c, 5S9. Qiucstio de repetttndis, estab- lished, 181; changes in its constitution, 211, 212, 235 Quaestors, the, position of, 180; nmnber of, increased by Sulla, 236 Quaestorship, the, becomes a plebeian office, 62 R Rabirius, C, prosecution of, 250 Ra3tia, under Augustus, 415; annexed by Augvistus. 451, 460; invaded by barba- rians, 561 Ramnes, the, tribe of, 22 Ratiaria, camp at, 551 Raudine plain, battle on the, 216, 271 Rauraci, the, migration of, 272 et seq. Ravenna, barbarian settle- ments at, 561 Reforms, of Caesar, 348, 349; of Augustus, 412 et seq. Regulus, M. Atilius, Roman general in first Punic war, 118; defeated by Xan- thippus near Carthage, 119 Reign of terror in Rome, un- der Sulla, 233 ct seq.; un- Index. 62T der the second trtumvjr?i,tc, .02, 363 Reims, Caesar iit , 2