V 1BRAR? 
 OF THE 
 
 university 
 Caufor^ 
 

 
7//^ Vatican Council. 
 
 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME 
 
 DUIUNG THE 
 
 VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 IMPRESSIONS OF A CONTEMPORARY. 
 
 By POMPONIO LETO. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL. 
 
 LONDON: 
 JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 
 
 1876. 
 
LONDON : 
 PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,, 
 
 STAMFORD STRKET AND CHARING CROSS. 
 
 faejiy/^jutw 
 
Mis 
 
 PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR. 
 
 The Memoirs of the Vatican Council which are here 
 presented to the public, are the work of a sincere and 
 liberal Roman Catholic, and are inspired by a genuine 
 desire to promote the welfare of that religion. The 
 book is marked by a spirit of frankness and modera- 
 tion, and there is abundant internal evidence to show 
 that the writer had peculiar means and opportunities 
 of closely observing the incidents which he depicts, 
 and of recording them with accuracy. When to these 
 recommendations it is added that the subject is one of 
 universal and enduring interest, enough has been said 
 to justify the attempt that is made to render the work 
 -accessible to the generality of English readers by this 
 translation. 
 
 The Translator is however sensible, that some in- 
 justice may have been done to the original, in a version 
 which has been undertaken by one who is little ac- 
 quainted with the metaphysical arguments in which 
 the Author frequently engages ; and with the technical 
 language in which those arguments are embodied. 
 The general meaning of the original has, it is hoped, 
 been invariably preserved ; but there are refinements 
 
 a 2 
 
 R1S4-8308 
 
iv PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR. 
 
 and distinctions in the Italian, which may not have 
 been always rendered with perfect accuracy, and which 
 the English language is, perhaps, scarcely fitted to 
 reproduce. To errors of this nature, for which the 
 Translator must be held responsible, the Author and 
 the reader will, it is hoped, alike extend their in- 
 dulgence. 
 
NOTICE BY THE EDITORS. 
 
 Tins manuscript, containing a sort of chronicle of the 
 Vatican Council, having been placed in our hands, we 
 have deemed its publication advisable on account of 
 the great national importance for Italy, of all that 
 concerns the time and the subject ; both in itself, and 
 in its connection with the past, the present, and the 
 future. Moreover because, excepting in so far as 
 the question has been dealt with by the periodical 
 contemporaneous press, very few works have appeared 
 in Italy with the view of enlightening the public, and 
 recalling their attention to that memorable event, 
 particularly in its relations, direct and indirect, with 
 the reviving civil and political life of the country. 
 
 This object being especially aimed at in the present 
 work, it seems the better adapted for filling a gap 
 much felt in our current literature, since the proroga- 
 tion of the Vatican Council. 
 
 The book is well suited for general readers, because, 
 as the Author himself explains, it has no kind of 
 theological aim or pretension ; but treats rather of the 
 influence likely to be exercised by the Council on 
 the condition of our people, and their religious state, 
 
VI NOTICE BY THE EDITOBS. 
 
 a consideration which renders it especially important 
 to Italians ; while the narration is made with an 
 absence of party spirit and an impress of truth which 
 may cause it to be useful and instructive for all. 
 
 We present it to our readers as we ourselves have 
 received it, leaving untouched even the anachronism 
 inscribed on the title-page, where it is stated that the 
 book is the work of a contemporary, and yet it bears 
 the name of Pomponio Leto. That the former state- 
 ment is correct is undeniable, that the Author was 
 an eye-witness of all he relates is beyond doubt, as the 
 book itself proves; whereas the name of Pomponio 
 Leto can no more be accounted that of a contemporary 
 at the Vatican Council, than it was at the Council of 
 Trent. Still there has always been, and there will be 
 at least for a long time to come, a Pomponio Leto in 
 Italy. That name embodies a type which arose at the 
 time of the Renaissance, especially in Rome, and was 
 produced by the combination of the genius of classical 
 antiquity with Christian sentiment, and by the Latin 
 spirit of inquiry, in contact with the first source of 
 the principle of authority. It represents resistance, 
 opposition, and investigation slowly progressive, but 
 yet compatible with Catholic feelings and institutions. 
 
 Pomponio Leto was a philosopher who taught in one 
 of the Italian schools of thought and learning at the 
 period of the Renaissance ; and was on that account 
 regarded with much suspicion, and even persecuted by 
 Paul II., but subsequently numbered Paul III. among 
 his pupils, and became himself the friend of two later 
 Popes, Sixtus IV. and Innocent VIII. 
 
NOTICE BY THE EDITORS. Vll 
 
 Our readers must not suppose that we desire to deal 
 in fables, or to set their imagination to work in regard 
 to our manuscript ; for the conditions to which we 
 have referred, were more frequently met with in the 
 fifteenth, than they are in the nineteenth century. 
 
 We only wish to point out that as Italy is morally 
 and intellectually, if not politically, the product of the 
 two great movements of world-wide interest evolved 
 in her and by her, to which we have already alluded — 
 Catholicism, and the questions pertaining to it, must 
 ever have a part in the political combinations of the 
 nation, as philosophy and the old classics have deeply 
 modified her religious feelings. For that reason philo- 
 sophers are bound to attach great weight to spiritual 
 influences, and a Pomponio Leto will always be forth- 
 coming to indite the history of a Council. 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 These impressions, recorded during the Vatican Council 
 at Rome, as the events occurred, were originally in- 
 tended for a periodical Review ; but owing to certain 
 difficulties having arisen, their publication in that form 
 was suspended, and the work itself might have been 
 laid aside, had not some friends who regarded it with 
 favour, encouraged the Author to persevere in his 
 design. He then continued to collect, as he had done 
 before, in their proper sequence, the most notable 
 particulars of that important period of contemporary 
 history ; not only those which of right belonged to 
 the public, but others which by good fortune were 
 rescued from the official secrecy in which they should 
 have been lawfully shrouded. In so doing he had no 
 other purpose but that of endeavouring to fix in the 
 memory of all those interested in these transactions, 
 a true image of that great event, rendering its ex- 
 ternal features, so to speak, as impressive and familiar 
 as possible. 
 
 To make an exhaustive study of such a complex 
 subject as a Council, would involve a far greater 
 effort than either the limits of the present work or 
 the powers of the Author allow, and to this accordingly 
 he has not aspired. Some one placed in more favour- 
 
 a 3 
 
x INTRODUCTION. 
 
 able circumstances may be enabled, before long, worthily 
 to satisfy the desires of those who are intent upon the 
 study of the religious and political history of our age. 
 These pages contain a simple chronicle, or rather 
 they embody the fugitive recollections and impressions 
 retained by the memory of the Author, or the memory 
 of others (where such could be usefully invoked), 
 mingled with the reflections which occurred to him, 
 and which were recorded at the same time. 
 
 In collating these slender notes, little method has 
 been observed. The narrative was originally com- 
 menced at the end of each successive month, so as to 
 form an article : the same plan has been followed here, 
 therefore] every chapter bears the name, and describes 
 the proceedings of the month just elapsed ; and pre- 
 serves the form which the current development of 
 events produced ; each chapter moreover carries with it 
 the impress of the opinions prevailing at the moment, 
 and of the actual condition of affairs. Passing under 
 review the impressions of those earlier months, after 
 the lapse of all the phases which culminated in the 
 declaration of Infallibility, how many mistaken opinions 
 appear ! how many antecedents which failed to pro- 
 duce the results expected from them ! Nevertheless, 
 with the exception of some slight re-touches, rather 
 affecting the form than the substance, and indispensable 
 to preserve a certain unity in the composition, it has 
 been thought preferable to alter nothing that was com- 
 mitted to writing under the force of first impressions. 
 It will consequently not be surprising if the arrange- 
 ment in which the materials are disposed is defec- 
 tive, and the materials themselves are sometimes dis- 
 
INTRODUCTION. xi 
 
 connected or reiterated. But if for such reasons the 
 present book does not pretend to be a history, nor 
 a work of literary merit, it yet possesses a certain 
 stamp of reality which, consistently maintained during 
 the eight months of the duration of the Ecumenical 
 Council, may, perhaps, help others in forming an 
 opinion on this notable period of Ecclesiastical history 
 when it shall belong to the distant past ; and may 
 enable the book even now, in the living present, to 
 direct upon the events it records an amount of light 
 which, though cast here and there in scattered rays 
 from contemporary publications, has not been as yet 
 combined in any other quarter to exhibit them com- 
 prehensively and at once. 
 
 After this preamble, it is hardly necessary to add 
 that the Council is here regarded, not in its bearing 
 on theology and canon law, but in its relation to civil 
 life ; and that it is studied, not from within, which 
 was, indeed, impossible for common spectators, but 
 from without, as the title-page is intended to indicate. 
 
 It only remains for us to assure the reader that, 
 though these sketches may be wanting in the depth 
 and research which so grave a subject demands, yet 
 by way of compensation they are strictly conformable 
 to truth ; for there is very little related of which the 
 Author was not a personal witness, or which he did 
 not receive on authority of equivalent value. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 TAG E 
 
 Preface by the Translator iii 
 
 Notice by the Editors v 
 
 Introduction ix 
 
 DECEMBER. 
 I. — Opening of the Council 
 
 1. Announcement of the opening of the Council. — 2. Its first 
 meeting. — 3. Procession. — 4. Entrance into St. Peter's. — 
 5. Description of the Council Hall. — 6. First Session. 
 — 7. The Fathers do homage. — 8. Benediction by the Pope. — 
 9. The Council is opened. 
 
 II. — The Importance of the Assembly 
 
 1. Importance of the Assembly. — 2. Condition of Christendom. — 
 3. Causes of its divisions. — 4. Present state of affairs. — 
 
 5. The longest interval without an Ecumenical Council. — 
 
 6. Character of this meeting. — 7. Causes that brought about 
 the Council. — 8. The Catholic party. — 9. Reasons for the 
 convocation of the Council. — 10. Bull of Convocation. 
 
 111. — The Meeting of the Council 13 
 
 1. First official document. — 2. Impression it produces. — 3. Invi- 
 tation to Protestants and schismatical bodies. — 4. Proceed- 
 ings of foreign ambassadors. — 5. Objects of the Council. — 
 <>. Further remarks on the same matter. — 7. Hospitality 
 
XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 III. — The Meeting of the Council— continued. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 offered to the bishops. — 8. Nomination of the Commissions. — 
 9. The Civilta Cattolica. — 10. Its article of February 6th. — 
 
 11. The Fulda proclamation and Padre Giacinto's letter. — 
 
 12. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris, and publications of 
 the anti-Infallibilist party. — 13. The programme of the 
 Council is unfolded. — 14. The Archbishop of Westminster. 
 
 IV. — The Kuxes and Conditions of the Assembly 22 
 
 1. Jubilee and preliminaries. — 2. First Papal allocution. — 
 
 3. Order of the Council. — 4. The same subject. — 5. The same 
 subject. — 6. Nomination of the presidents and other officials. 
 — 7. Objections to the Order. — 8. Objections to the nomina- 
 tions. — 9. Position of parties. — 10. Their description. — 
 11. Considered with regard to their nationality. — 12. The 
 French episcopate. — 13. French Opposition. — 14. Opportune 
 declaration. — 15. German episcopate. — 16. The other Ca- 
 tholic bishops. — 17. Italian episcopate. 
 
 V. — First Session 31 
 
 1. Papal allocution at the first Session. — 2. First meeting of 
 the Congregations. — 3. Judges of excuses and complaints. — 
 
 4. Bull for the election of the Pope. — 5. Bull for the limita- 
 tion of censures. — 6. Election of persons to serve on the 
 Commissions for amendments. — 7. The great questions under 
 discussion in the Council. — 8. The first question. — 9. The 
 second question. — 10. The third question. — 11. The Papacy 
 essentially Italian.— 12. The Roman Curia in regard to the 
 Church. — 13. Interests of the Papacy and of Italy. — 14. One 
 question should not prejudice another. — 15. Predictions. — 
 16. Importance of these events. 
 
 JANUARY. 
 
 I. — The Second Session 42 
 
 1. Aspect of the Church of St. Peter's on a feast-day. — 2. The 
 same. — 3. Second Session. — 4. Aspect of the Council Hall. 
 — 5. Defects of the same. — 6. Profession of faith. — 7. De- 
 scription of the ceremony. — 8. Reasons for its taking place. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv 
 
 TAGK 
 
 II. — Tiie Arrangement of the Work. — First Scheme 4G 
 
 1. Classification of subjects. — 2. Ecclesiastical policy is omitted 
 from the Commissions. — 3. Distribution of the schemes. — 
 4. Duty of the Commissions. — 5. Nomination of the same. 
 — 6. Method observed in the debates. — 7. The Assembly 
 sanctions the scheme. — 8. Difference between an Ecclesiastical 
 Council and an assembly of laymen. — 9. On Papal appro- 
 bation. — 10. On the proposals of the bishops. — 11. Compo- 
 sition of the Council. — 12. Addresses against its Order. — 
 13. The Opposition declares itself. — 14. The scheme "De 
 Fide." — 15. Observations on the same. — 16. Debate on 
 the same. — 17. On the Opposition. — 18. Its composition. — 
 19. The Italians. — 20. Admonitions of the presidents. — 
 21. Other provisions. — 22. The scheme "De Fide" sent 
 back. 
 
 III.— First Step towards Infallibility. — Other Schemes .. .. 57 
 
 1. Petition for Infallibility. — 2. The predominant question. — 
 3. The promoters of the address. — 4. Its contents. — 5. Its 
 arguments. — 0. Manner of its publication. — 7. Number of 
 signatures. — 8. Undignified supposition. — 9. Promoters of the 
 address.— 10. Addresses against Infallibility. — 11. Singular 
 situation. — 12. Division of parties in the Assembly. — 
 13. Efforts to promote Infallibility. — 14. Revelations of 
 the Unita Cattolica. — 15. Distribution of new schemes. — 
 16. Their form is displeasing. — 17. The scheme " De 
 Episcopis." — 18. Discourse of the Bishop of Cologne. — 
 19. Speech of the Bishop of Orleans. — 20. General features 
 of the schemes. — 21. The bishops ask for more information 
 on the subjects of debate. — 22. The scheme " De Catechismo." 
 
 IV. The Scheme "De Ecclesia" 67 
 
 1. Distribution of the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 2. On Infallibility, 
 — 3. Arguments to be brought forward. — 4. Continuation of 
 the Congregations without much result. — 5. The number of 
 bishops diminishes. — 6. Opinions on the duration of the 
 Council. 
 
xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 FEBRUARY. 
 
 PAGK 
 
 1. — The Fikst Results of the Scheme "De Ecclesia" 72 
 
 1. Summary of the proceedings of the three previous months. — 
 
 2. On the Canons contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 
 
 3. Summary of their contents. — 4. Fate of the addresses of 
 the Opposition. — 5. Letters of the Bishop of Orleans. — 
 G. Tactics of the Opposition. — 7. Explanation of the tardiness 
 in the deliberations of the Council. — 8. Attempt to obviate 
 this defect. — 9. Italian addresses. — 10. Project for shortening 
 the speeches. — 11. Project of reconciliation. — 12. Failure of 
 the same. — 13. Other plans for bringing about an agreement. 
 — 14. New diplomatic intervention. — 15. The amended 
 schemes. — 16. Affairs of the East. — 17. Debate on the 
 scheme " De Catechismo." 
 
 II. — The Scheme " De Ecclesia" 83 
 
 1. The twenty-one Canons of the scheme. — 2. Summary of the 
 same. — 3. Their probable effect on the world. — 4. Means of 
 escape. — 5. Temporal power before Infallibility. — 6. Re- 
 mainder of the scheme. — 7. Its application. — 8. Conclusion. 
 
 111. — Condition of the Catholic Nations 01 
 
 1. Displeasure caused by the publication of the Canons. — 
 2. Questions for the consideration of the Council. — 3. Ques- 
 tions regarding France. — 4. Catholicism and modern society. 
 — 5. The Revolution. — 6. Dilemma. — 7. Exceptions to 
 preceding observations. — 8. Responsibility of Institu- 
 tions. — 9. Excessive authority. — 10. Intolerance and indul- 
 gences. — 11. Asceticism. — 12. Centralisation. — 13. Rebel- 
 lion. — 14. Conclusion. 
 
 IV.— The New Oeder 105 
 
 1. Objections to preceding arguments. — 2. Address of the Catholics 
 of Coblentz. — 3. Infallibility sole object of attention. — 
 
 4. Close of the first phase of the Council. — 5. The new 
 Order. — 6. Judgment of the majority. — 7. Holidays. — 
 8. Anecdotes. — 9. Different postulata. — 10. Various publi- 
 cations. — 11. Speech at the opening of the Exhibition. — 
 12. Diplomatic interference is aroused. — 13. Predictions. — 
 14. Conclusion. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVil 
 
 MAECH. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 1.— Appendix to the Scheme "De Ecclesia" 118 
 
 1. Distribution of Appendix to the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 
 2. Foreign influence. — 3. Plans for leaving the Council. — 
 4. Great discouragement. — 5. More on politics. — 6. Kecall 
 of the French ambassador. 
 
 y 
 
 II.— A Truck 123 
 
 1. Death of Count de Montalembert. — 2. Funeral service in his 
 honour. — 3. More petitions by the bishops. — 4. Article by 
 Dbllinger. — 5. Suspension of the scheme " De Ecclesia." 
 
 III. — The First Schemes again brought forward 126 
 
 1. The first schemes again brought forward. — 2. Stormy sitting. 
 — 3. Protest of the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio. — 
 4. Speech of the Pope. — 5. Incidents relating to the Eastern 
 bishops. — 6. Theme for a speech at the Roman University. 
 — 7. Withdrawal of some amendments. — 8. Reasons for the 
 same.- — 9. Despatches of Count Daru and of Cardinal Anto- 
 nelli. — 10. Ambassadors. — 11. Relations between France 
 and the Vatican. — 12. The scheme "De Fide" voted in 
 part. — 13. Catholic Art Exhibition. — 14. The same. 
 
 APRIL. 
 I. — The Scheme "De Fide" for the Second Time 137 
 
 1. Cessation of diplomatic intervention. — 2. Definitive voting on 
 the scheme. — 3. Result of the voting. — 4. Easter Festival. 
 — 5. The public Session fixed. — 6. Third Session. — 7. Im- 
 pression it produced. 
 
 II. — The First Scheme "De Fide" .. ..141 
 
 1. Comparison of the first and second schemes. — 2. The same. — 
 3. Description of first scheme. — 4. The same. — 5. The 
 same. — 6. Considerations. — 7. Further reflections. — 8. On 
 faith. — 9. The connection of faith and science. — 10. Dog- 
 matic Theology. — 11. Close of observations od first scheme. 
 — 12. Annotations. 
 
xvm TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 r ao. B 
 
 HI.— The Second Scheme " De Fide" 149 
 
 1. The scheme as a whole. — 2. First and second chapters. — 
 3. Third chapter. — 4. Fourth chapter. — 5. Observations of 
 the bishops. — 6. Their influence. — 7. Continued observa- 
 tions. — 8. Difficulties that beset the scheme. — 9. Reasons 
 for describing the scheme. — 10. Note of the North-German 
 Confederation. 
 
 MAY. 
 I. — The Scheme "De Ecclesia" fob the Second Time 155 
 
 1. The scheme " De parvo Catechismo " for the second time. — 
 
 2. The scheme "De Ecclesia" sent back. — 3. Returns 
 modified. — 4. The scheme "De parvo Catechismo" is voted. 
 — 5. Its amendments are voted, and the scheme is laid aside. 
 — 6. The debate on the scheme " De Ecclesia " is opened. 
 — 7. It is continued. — 8. Speech of the Pope on giving the 
 Prizes at the Exhibition of Catholic Art. — 9. Speech against 
 Infallibility. 
 
 II. — Foreign Policy J60 
 
 1. Despatch by Ollivier. — 2. 'Ce qui se passe au Concile.' — 
 
 3. Disquietude at the Vatican. — 4. Speech by Monsignor 
 Kettler.— 5. Infallibility publicly promoted. — 6. Address 
 of the Roman parish priests. — 7. Unfortunate position of 
 affairs.— 8. Duke of Saldanha.— 9. Feast of St. Peter. 
 
 JUNE. 
 I, — Close of the General Discussion 167 
 
 1. Close of the general discussion on the scheme " De Ecclesia." 
 — 2. Speech of Monsignor Maret. — 3. New protests. — 
 4. Proposal for secret voting. — 5. Resistance to be kept up 
 to the last. — 6. Feast of Pentecost. — 7. Objections to pro- 
 posal of the Archbishop of Malines. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix 
 
 PACK 
 
 11.— Summary of the Question of Infallibility 173 
 
 1. Summary of the question. — 2. The scheme " De Ecclesia " is 
 reduced. — 3. First and second chapters. — 4. Third chapter, 
 and its quotation from St. Gregory the Great. — 5. Doctrines 
 of the scheme " De Primatu." — 6. The time for presenting 
 observations upon personal Infallibility limited to ten days. 
 — 7. Text inserted in the first draft of " De Ecclesia." — 
 8. No special Canon for Infallibility. 
 
 III. — Debate on Infallibility 179 
 
 1. Prognostications and state of parties. — 2. Processions, prayers, 
 and addresses. — 3. Opening of the debate on Infallibility. — 
 4. Approach of summer. — 5. Speech of the Pope on the 
 Festival of Corpus Domini. — 6. The fight begins. — 
 7. History of the question of Infallibility. — 8. The same. 
 — 9. The same. — 10. Continuation and ending. — 11. Speech 
 of Cardinal Guidi. — 12. Speech of Valerga. — 13. Speech of 
 the Archbishop of Osimo. — 14. Predictions. — 15. A third 
 party. — 16. The Opposition pray for a prorogation of the 
 Council. 
 
 JULY. 
 
 I. — Close of the Debates 195 
 
 1 . Effects of the climate. — 2. Weariness of the assembly. — 
 3. The bishops begin to leave Pome. — 4. The first heads of 
 the scheme " De Ecclesia" are voted. — 5. Close of the 
 discussion. — 6. Reasons of the Opposition for accepting 
 it. — 7. The same. — 8. Discussion on the amendments. — 
 9. The Opposition consider their future course. — 10. For- 
 mula of Infallibility. — 11. After the proposal. — 12. The 
 third chapter is voted. — 13. The fourth chapter is voted. — 
 14. The vote on Wednesday, July 13. 
 
 II. — Foubth Session 206 
 
 1. Calculations well founded, but disappointed. — 2. The Opposi- 
 tion send a message to the Pope. — 3. Adjunct to the formula 
 
XX TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 II. — Fourth Session — continued. 
 
 PACE 
 
 of Infallibility. — 4. Protest of the assembly. — 5. Last at- 
 tempts of the Opposition. — 6. Fourth Session. — 7. Re- 
 flections on the vote.— 8. Protests of the Opposition. — 
 . 9. After the event. — 10. Text of the Canons that promulgate 
 Infallibility. — 11. The future. — 12. Mnemosynon. 
 
 Conclusion .. 223 
 
 APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. 
 
 DOCUMENTS. 
 
 I. Bull of Convocation of the Council 259 
 
 II. French Correspondence from the ' Civilta Cattolica ' 262 
 
 III. Proclamation of the Bishops at Fulda 263 
 
 IV. Letter of Padre Giacinto 266 
 
 V. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris 268 
 
 VI. Pastoral of the Bishop of Orleans 273 
 
 VII. Promulgation of the Jubilee .. 294 
 
 VIII. Allocution of the Sistine Chapel .. ., 296 
 
 IX. Bull " Multiplies inter " 298 
 
 X. Allocution at the First Session 303 
 
 XI. Bull for the Pope's Election 304 
 
 XII. Bull for limiting Censures 306 
 
 XIII. The Canons published in the ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' and the 
 
 < Siid-Deutsche Presse ' 311 
 
 XIV. Statistical Extract from Franscini 320 
 
 XV. Last Letter of Montalembert 321 
 
 XVI. Address of the Catholics of Coblenz to the Bishop of Treves . . 321 
 
 XVII. New Order of the Council, &c. Article by Dollinger .. .. 326 
 
 XVIII. The Scheme " De Fide " 332 
 
 XIX. Formula of Adhesion to the Dogma of Infallibility given by the 
 
 ' Italie,' at the end of June 1870 337 
 
 XX. The Scheme " De Ecclesia," from the ' Giornale di Roma ' . . 337 
 
EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 
 
 DECEMBEK. 
 
 I.— OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. 
 
 1. Announcement of the opening of the Council. — 2. Its first meeting. — 3. Pro- 
 cession. — 4. Entrance into St. Peter's. — 5. Description of the Council Hall. — 
 6. First Session. — 7. The Fathers do homage. — 8. Benediction by the Pope. 
 — 9. The Council is opened. 
 
 1. At nine in the morning of December the 8th 1869, the salutes 
 from Monte Aventino and the bells of all the churches in 
 Rome, announced to the world the opening of the Twentieth 
 Ecumenical Council, fifteen centuries after the first so recognised 
 by history — that of Nicea; eighteen after that of Jerusalem, and 
 three after the last Council — that of Trent. 
 
 2. At the same hour, all those called to attend the Council 
 were assembled in the great hall above the portico of the 
 Vatican Basilica, which on this occasion was arranged as a 
 chapel ; though it is generally used for the functions of the 
 Papal Benediction and of the Last Supper. 
 
 The Pope, who on ordinary occasions never leaves his own 
 apartments till all is prepared and ready for his reception, was 
 to-day one of the first to enter the hall, as if to show that he 
 desired to place himself on an equality with those present ; and 
 remained quietly seated till the long cortege was complete 
 which was to pass before him in solemn procession to the 
 Church of St. Peter. There were 47 cardinals present out of 
 the 55 in Rome ; more than 700 bishops out of the 1000 
 
 B 
 
2 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 supposed to form the entire Catholic episcopate ; more than 
 20 mitred abbots, five abbots nullius, and about 30 Generals of 
 Orders ; this being the computation given by the Official Index 
 published in Rome, of those who were present, and had the 
 right of sitting at the Council. 
 
 The Civilta Cattolica gave the complete list of names as 
 723, the Unita Cattolica at 720 — both differing from the Official 
 Index, which declared them to be over 760 ; but, in truth, it 
 was difficult to make the calculation with perfect accuracy, 
 this only being certainly known, that the polling papers 
 gathered at the first sitting of the Council amounted to 678. 
 
 Nine of the Bishops present were Patriarchs, four of the 
 Western Church, and five Oriental. There were five Primates, 
 and above 130 Archbishops ; these, however, had not all the 
 charge of a diocese, and among the Patriarchs were some who 
 had never in their lives left Rome. There were also a consider- 
 able number of Archbishops and Bishops in partibus, who were 
 not diocesans, and scarcely knew the geographical situation 
 of the territories whence they derived their designations ; all 
 these, however, were equally admitted to the Council and 
 allowed to vote. Abbots and Generals of Orders had also a seat, 
 together with the power of voting, although without any real 
 claim to that privilege. 
 
 The result of all these concessions was very materially to 
 affect the action of the Council by admitting to its assemblies 
 a numerous body of dignitaries holding no cure of souls ; 
 and consequently, though equal in dignity to the other ecclesi- 
 astics, inferior to them in that practical knowledge and sense 
 of responsibility which was required to render their vote dis- 
 interested and valuable ; they availed, however, to swell the 
 numbers present, and to make the Vatican Council the largest 
 ever witnessed in the Catholic Church. While the hierarchy 
 were assembled in the upper hall, the rest of the Roman clergy, 
 both regular and secular, arranged themselves along the great 
 staircase, the portico, and the church, and formed two long lines 
 through which the procession passed. 
 
 3. When all were assembled, the Pope rose, prostrated him- 
 self before the altar, and began, with his singularly clear and 
 distinct voice, to intone the hymn to the Holy Spirit, the choir 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 3 
 
 took up the strain, and the procession moved onward in the 
 following order : first, the chamberlains and private chaplains, 
 who headed the cortege, then the consistorial advocates, the 
 promoters of the Council, and the singers ; next to them, the 
 " Abbreviatori di Parco Maggiore," the " Votanti di Segnatura," 
 the " Cherici di Camera," and the " Auditori di Rota," two 
 prelates in each of the four classes last mentioned having 
 the duty of scrutinising the votes of the Council ; then came 
 the Head of the " Sacro Ospizio," and two chaplains carrying the 
 Pope's mitre and tiara. The abbots in ordinary, the abbots 
 vii I/i us, the bishops, archbishops, prelates, patriarchs, and car- 
 dinals according to their order then followed, preceded by an 
 incense-bearer, and the apostolic sub-deacon carrying the Papal 
 cross between two acolytes, the bishops and cardinals being 
 each accompanied by a chaplain or train-bearer. 
 
 Close to them were the senator and the " conservators " 
 representing the municipality of Rome, the vice-chamberlain of 
 the Church, and the Prince of the Pontifical Throne ; then two 
 protonotaries, the cardinal-deacon, the masters of ceremonies, 
 and finally the Pope himself, carried on his chair of state under 
 a canopy ; the generals of religious orders, various other officials 
 and persons in the service of the Council, secretaries, notaries, 
 and lastly, shorthand-writers, who completed the procession. 
 
 4. This long line of dignitaries of the highest grade then passed 
 down the lines formed by the humbler ecclesiastics, and leaving 
 the great hall above the portico, advanced through that which 
 gives access to the Sistine Chapel ; then descending the grand 
 staircase of Bernini, they turned to the right through the portico 
 and solemnly entered the Church of St. Peter, which now ap- 
 peared to be filled for the first time within the memory of man. 
 
 The Pope and the bishops were vested in white, the day 
 being the Feast of the Immaculate Conception ; and the Pope, 
 who usually wears a tiara or a mitre of plates of gold, now had 
 on a costly mitre made especially for the occasion. These 
 particulars have some significance, as they were intended to in- 
 dicate a certain equality with all the other bishops, which, 
 however, did not extend beyond the minor accessories of cere- 
 monial. 
 
 At the entrance of the Church, the Pope descended from his 
 
 B 2 
 
4 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Dkcember. 
 
 Throne and, uncovering his head, proceeded to the Papal altar, 
 where he took up his station. 
 
 5. The Council Hall is situated in the right transept of the 
 Church of St. Peter, in the area in which the ceremony of the 
 Washing of the Feet is held on Maundy Thursday ; it lies 
 between the two pilasters which support the cupola of Michael 
 Angelo, and the space above is filled in by an attic and a tym- 
 panum, under which is a great door that remained open to satisfy 
 the curiosity of the public during the ceremony and, indeed, 
 during all the public sittings of the Council, only being shut 
 when the private Congregations were held. The guardianship 
 of this door belonged, of ancient right and usage, to the Knights 
 of Jerusalem, and they hastened to avail themselves of the privi- 
 lege by placing their services at the disposal of the Council, 
 showing a natural eagerness to follow the deliberations from so 
 favourable a position, rather than to hear them by report from 
 afar. 
 
 As, however, it is the special duty of the " guardie nobili " to 
 accompany the Pope on all occasions, it was found necessary to 
 commit the keeping of the great door equally to them and to the 
 Knights of Jerusalem. Above the door was inscribed in large 
 letters the appropriate text, " Go ye, and teach all nations : I 
 am with you always, even unto the end of the world." 
 
 The hall itself, though simply arranged, presents an imposing 
 appearance, due to its own grand proportions ; at the further 
 end is placed the Pope's throne, next to it the benches for the 
 patriarchs and cardinals, and then the seats for the bishops, 
 descending gradually in seven rows till they reach the level of 
 the floor. Every seat bears a number corresponding to the 
 ticket given to each of the bishops, according to which they 
 were inscribed in the printed catalogue distributed to all 
 members of the Council. The hall is adorned with various 
 paintings, representing the Doctors of the Church, and the 
 Popes who have convened Ecumenical Councils, and above 
 the throne hangs a picture of the Descent of the Holy Spirit ; 
 everything is simple but striking. 
 
 There is, however, one serious defect in the building with 
 reference to public speaking, namely, its want of acoustic pro- 
 perties. The immense height of the vaulted roof, and the 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 5 
 
 grand arches of the nave, seemed to favour the desires of that 
 portion of the Council which was accused of being inimical to 
 discussion, by swallowing up the most learned propositions 
 and the wisest sayings in their vast depths before they could be 
 heard. Indeed, this inconvenience was found to be so serious, 
 that many people believed that the Vatican Hall, prepared with 
 such care, would only be used for public sittings and for the 
 promulgation of decrees, and that the closed meetings would be 
 held in the " Sala degli Svizzeri," or some other of the great 
 courts or churches of Rome. 
 
 6. Towards eleven o'clock all were seated in the Council 
 Hall — the Pope on his throne, the cardinals and patriarchs in 
 their places, and then the bishops, Latin, Greek, Melchitic, 
 Russian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Syrian, Chaldean, Maronite, 
 Copt, and Armenian, all vested in their pontifical attire. They 
 presented one of the most remarkable spectacles ever witnessed 
 by human eyes, especially in our days, when such grand displays 
 of pomp are rare. 
 
 No spectator, however little inclined to sympathise with the 
 assembly, could do otherwise than marvel, not so much at 
 its outward magnificence, as at the moral power inherent in 
 the Papacy which could still avail, after the lapse of centuries, 
 to draw together by a simple letter of invitation multitudes 
 from the furthest corners of the world, men of all nations, united 
 by a discipline almost without perceptible authority ; yet many of 
 them devoted to a degree unknown in any other assembly, even 
 to the furthering of their own abasement, and ready to contend 
 with public opinion, not for the extension, but for the restriction 
 of their own prerogatives. Such a spectacle enables one to com- 
 prehend the sense of indomitable power with which the Popes 
 have always acted ; no other rulers have ever reached such a 
 pitch of authority and grandeur in dealing not only with their 
 own subjects, but with human society at large. 
 
 7. As soon as the Pope entered, the Cardinal- Vicar intoned 
 the mass ; after which, the Secretary of the Council having 
 placed a copy of the Gospels on a superb lectern, the Bishop of 
 Iconium, standing before it, delivered a Latin oration, and the 
 Pope, in his pontifical vestments, received the allegiance of all 
 the members of the Council. This consisted in the bishops 
 
C EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December 
 
 kneeling before him, one after the other, and kissing his knee. 
 What an effort must it have cost him, who bears the humble 
 title of " Servant of the Servants of God," to keep in memory 
 that modest designation during such a ceremony ! 
 
 8. This being ended, the Pope bestowed his solemn benedic- 
 tion on the assembly three times, and pronounced the opening 
 allocution ; after which there was a movement of deep emotion 
 among all present. Every one who knows the Pope is aware 
 how peculiarly sensitive he is, and how liable to strong excite- 
 ment : at that moment he seemed inspired by the deepest faith 
 and enthusiasm, which supported him, notwithstanding his age, 
 through all that long and fatiguing ceremony, and the whole 
 assembly shared his enthusiasm ; for it is in the nature of earnest 
 conviction and intense feeling to find a ready response in the 
 breasts of others. 
 
 The Pope, after pronouncing his allocution, invoked the Holy 
 Spirit and the Virgin, and then rising, extended his arms to- 
 wards Heaven, when the whole assembly simultaneously rose ; 
 it was a solemn sight. None of the differences which were after- 
 wards to cool that enthusiasm and divide those hearts were yet 
 apparent ; and all the fears, the hopes, and the affections of 
 the Catholic world were agitating the breasts of those who 
 formed its universal assembly. 
 
 9. After other prayers, and the hymn to the Holy Spirit, the 
 decree for the opening of the Council was read, and the consent 
 of the assembled bishops being asked, they responded with the 
 liturgical " Placet " ; a thanksgiving followed, and then the first 
 Session closed ; the second being fixed for the 6th of January. 
 Such was the opening of the Vatican Council called together 
 eighteen centuries after Christ, to consider and influence the 
 fate of the Catholic Church, and to decide whether the Western 
 nations of Europe, with their present social and political insti- 
 tutions, have or have no longer a religion. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 
 
 II.— THE IMPOKTANCE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 1. Importance of the assembly. — 2. Condition of Christendom. — 3. Causes of its 
 divisions. — 4. Present state of affairs. — 5. The longest interval without an 
 Ecumenical Council. — 6. Character of this meeting — 7. Causes that brought 
 about the Council. — 8. The Catholic party. — 9. Reasons for the convocation of 
 the Council. — 10. Bull of Convocation. 
 
 1. Thus far we have treated of the Council externally, and in 
 this respect it was indeed splendid, and surpassed all expecta- 
 tions. It was a marvellous sight to behold so many dignitaries 
 from all parts of the world assembled at the Pope's invitation, 
 ready to bend before him, and to encounter on the threshold of 
 the Vatican (as a French writer has observed) the Patriarch of 
 Babylon and the Bishop of Chicago, representatives of by- 
 gone ages and of ages yet to come, met together at a period of 
 highly-developed civilisation, with intentions and purposes of 
 such vast importance. 
 
 But if one turns from these thoughts to bare matters of fact — 
 from the contemplation of externals to that of the subject in 
 itself — the Bishop of Chicago does not represent a Catholic 
 Chicago, any more than the Patriarch of Babylon represents a 
 Catholic Babylon. 
 
 It is no wonder that these two extreme examples do not repre- 
 sent Catholic societies ; but how many of the other bishops are 
 in the same position ! Leaving out of the question all the 
 prelates in partibus injidelium, what do the American bishops 
 really represent in connection with the titles of their dioceses? 
 What, for instance, does the Bishop of New York represent in 
 face of the Catholic or universal Church? or, not to take the 
 countries known to be anti-Catholic, how many are the French 
 bishops able to feel themselves pastors of the whole or the greater 
 part of their flock, or who really represent a Catholic society, or 
 even a true Catholic majority? Among the great nations of 
 Europe such a state of things could only be found in Italy, or 
 more probably in Spain ; in Ireland and Poland, if they be 
 reckoned as nations ; and lastly, less universally, yet more 
 really in some parts of Germany. 
 
 2. If the West has remained Christian, nevertheless, since the 
 
8 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 eighth century, when, with but transitory exceptions, the Catholic 
 or universal Christian faith reached its culminating point, many 
 great nations or races have detached themselves by degrees, and 
 according to their separate tendencies and characteristics, from 
 that faith, and no Councils have been able to prevent their seces- 
 sion. Neither the fourth Council of Constantinople, nor later, 
 the Council of Florence, could hinder the schism of the East, 
 which was the first stage of disunion ; nor could the Council 
 of Trent bring back the German races to the fold, and restrain 
 the advance of Protestantism, which was the second stage of 
 disunion, and cost the Catholic Church the loss of Germany, 
 England, Scandinavia, and through them of America and 
 Australia. 
 
 The third phase, which for nearly a century has menaced 
 Catholicism in the countries still remaining to it, is that which, 
 having as yet no other designation, we may call by the generic 
 name of Revolution. What attitude would the Vatican Council 
 assume with respect to this new phase — how would it face this 
 danger ? Such was the great problem which every one, from the 
 opening of the Council, was endeavouring to solve. 
 
 Would the Council proceed on a principle of selection or of 
 elimination ? Would it take a wide limit, so as to embrace the 
 greater portion of mankind within the Church, or would it 
 choose a narrow limit, and thus throw numbers into revolution ? 
 Such thoughts occupied all earnest minds, because for them both 
 the moment and the subject were most serious, far more so than 
 was apparent to superficial observers. We repeat, the question at 
 stake was to decide whether the Catholic nations of Europe are, or 
 are not to have a religion — not a nominal or outward form merely, 
 but a real religion in common, which should be manifest in their 
 actions, and be in harmony with their customs and institutions. 
 
 3. If the Council of Constantinople did not prevent the schism 
 of the East, or the Council of Trent the Reformation in the West, 
 yet undoubtedly other Councils have, with more or less difficulty, 
 finally triumphed and accomplished the end for which they were 
 convened. Thus, the Councils of Nicea, Ephesus, and Chal- 
 cedon really conquered, not indeed at once but eventually, the 
 errors they condemned, and no traces of those errors remain at the 
 present day. And the reason for this success is, that every time 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 9 
 
 the Catholic Church had to oppose a mere error of judgment, 
 arising simply from differences of opinion, she conquered it with 
 more or less ease, according to its greater or less importance, 
 because in such a case the principle of authority embodied and 
 represented the interests of the great majority of Catholics, who 
 were ready to sacrifice purely speculative differences for the sake 
 of unity. 
 
 When, however, the Church had to confront great interests, and 
 the general or partial, yet weighty tendencies of a race or nation, 
 which either gave rise to some error, or by furnishing a pretext 
 for it, manifested it to the world, then those tendencies strength- 
 ened the error which finally triumphed through their instru- 
 mentality. Who does not recognise in the two great schisms 
 that have rent the Christian world the manifestation of those 
 sentiments, old as the human race, pride in the past and impa- 
 tience for the future? Who does not see in the one, intolerance 
 of the old yoke, and in the other, opposition to the new ? 
 
 If to all this be added the consideration of the other great 
 interests and secondary combinations also at work, a just view 
 may be obtained of the different powers fighting in the camp 
 of Theology, in those ages especially when they could find 
 expression in no other way. 
 
 4. To which of these two cases does the present state of things 
 appertain ? Under what external and internal conditions has the 
 Vatican Council assembled to meet the difficulty, and how will 
 its deliberations affect the progress of society and of the Church ? 
 
 To find the first answer is not difficult, because there is no 
 doubt that behind every inquiry suggested in the Council there 
 lies a great social question of deep moment at the present day, 
 involving an immense amount of living interests. 
 
 The second answer was not so easily perceived at the opening 
 of the Council ; and in order to form some conjectures and make 
 an approximate judgment, it was necessary to review all that had 
 preceded it, and to observe the present course of its deliberations. 
 
 5. From the foundation of the Church up to the present time 
 there never had been so long a period without the assembling of 
 an Ecumenical Council. Many reasons can be adduced for 
 this, to be sought principally in the calm which followed the 
 stormy crisis of the Reformation, in the religious apathy which 
 
10 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 prevailed in the latter centuries, as also in the great difficulty 
 of calling together a General Council, after the last experiment 
 at Trent, which resulted in the position of the bishops being 
 strengthened as regards their flocks, though weakened in other 
 respects ; and in the fact that the authority of the Pope having 
 been secured on this occasion, he had no wish to expose it to 
 another trial. But (without going into further particulars) the 
 main reason is that the Church, which had hitherto formed a 
 sort of constitutional monarchy, emerged from the Council of 
 Trent by virtue of constant and progressive explanation and 
 discussion as a monarchy, only slightly tempered ; and from this 
 came the unwillingness, and even dislike, subsequently shown to 
 the assembling of her States-General. 
 
 If, by a further process of discussion, the Church should 
 become an absolute monarchy, the Vatican Council might 
 prove her last deliberative assembly ; and her meetings, changing 
 their character, might become simply consultative, and therefore, 
 like the consistory of cardinals, rather a solemn ceremony than 
 a real event in the economy of the Church. 
 
 6. It is undeniable that the spontaneous act of the Pope in 
 calling together the Council, when nothing obliged him to do so, 
 and when the episcopate generally was attached and subservient 
 to his wishes, was an act of liberal tendency — a step backwards 
 in the path of absolutism, and a step in advance towards a larger 
 and more complete restoration of the ecclesiastical constitution, 
 because that is founded in the combined opinion of many rather 
 than in the absolute power of one. 
 
 Whoever doubted the good effects of the Council, must logi- 
 cally have doubted also the character and disposition of the epis- 
 copate, the good-will of the Pope in the matter being apparent. 
 Indeed, in summoning this assembly his action was entirely free 
 and spontaneous, though up to a certain degree he may have 
 been influenced by the force of circumstances. 
 
 7. In the year 1859-60, when troubles in Italy seemed to 
 threaten her political existence, Rome, finding her territories 
 slipping from her grasp, and without the means of retaining 
 them, turned for help, as she has always done in similar perils, 
 to the other Catholic nations. But the political condition of 
 Europe being such as to prevent her obtaining assistance from 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 11 
 
 the various Governments, Rome addressed herself (with her 
 peculiar power of adaptation to the exigencies of the moment) 
 to public opinion, instead of to the Cabinets of Europe. In that 
 appeal she availed herself of the press, of public meetings, and 
 of all other means of influence ; in fact, she adopted the policy 
 of partisanship instead of diplomacy. From this beginning there 
 sprung, or rather rose again, the so-called Catholic party, which 
 rapidly increased till it presented a well-organised body, with a 
 strong will, and a clear and definite programme. 
 
 This party was then moulded, disciplined, and kept in 
 constant communication with Rome by means of the different 
 gatherings held there on various occasions, such as the pro- 
 mulgation of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, the 
 centenary of St. Peter, and the canonizing of new saints. Its 
 consolidation was also assisted by the institution of " Peter's 
 pence " for replenishing the Papal finances, by the enrolling of 
 the Zouaves for a short period of service, which was renewed 
 every year, by the issue of different publications and newspapers, 
 by civil and religious festivities, and by many other means ; 
 in fact, the traditional policy of the Church of Rome, though 
 remaining essentially the same, shifted its ground, and created 
 for its service, instead of the Holy Alliance, a cosmopolitan 
 Catholic party, which combined the strongest interests and 
 passions, and fought with good success against the adverse 
 march of the times. 
 
 The Society of the Jesuits was an excellent instrument in the 
 cause, on account of its unique and extraordinary discipline, and 
 of its authority and extension in all parts of the world, which 
 enabled it to work in the matter with a unity of aim and action, 
 otherwise difficult to obtain. 
 
 8. All this could not be accomplished without quitting the 
 field of politics and entering upon that of principles, since in 
 the Papacy, the two powers are so nearly connected as necessarily 
 to act on one another. The Catholic party, which naturally per- 
 sonified the principle of absolute authority, had drawn most of 
 its adherents from the world that was past, and was no sooner 
 arrayed for the combat than it found itself in collision with the 
 world as now existing ; the shock was soon felt, and was as violent 
 as the toleration of the present age admitted. 
 
12 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 Rome was unable to moderate the ardour of this conflict, nor 
 could she, being placed at the mercy of her defenders, maintain 
 the equanimity in action which, notwithstanding her authorita- 
 tive position, or perhaps even on account of it, she had hitherto 
 preserved. 
 
 While the religious movement was in its first stage and only 
 showed itself in the pages of the Civilta Cattolica, the Univers, 
 and the pastoral letters of some of the French bishops, the En- 
 cyclical and the Syllabus came to light, and no one in the Church 
 either raised objections or suggested doubts, all minds being 
 occupied with the peril that threatened the temporal power. 
 Only the Bishop of Orleans seemed to view the course of events 
 with some anxiety, which he indicated in his sibylline treatise 
 on the Encyclical ; but it was of little avail, for the impetus 
 being now given, it was too late to check the progress of events. 
 
 9. The retrograde step embodied in the declaration of the 
 Encyclical, — that the Pope could not follow the spirit of the 
 times, — and the results of the unfortunate battle of Mentana, 
 both combined to render the Pontiff more than ever desirous 
 of finding in the episcopate a real help and support, not only 
 privately and officially, but formally and solemnly, and of ob- 
 taining the aid and advice of the whole Church for the purpose 
 of lightening the responsibility that weighed so heavily upon 
 him. Moreover, on several occasions he had already been 
 brought into contact with great assemblies of the bishops, had 
 become familiar with them, had studied their opinions and dis- 
 positions, and was aware of the important help to be drawn 
 from them in the present difficulty ; besides which, he had 
 found many of the prelates favourably inclined towards an 
 Ecumenical Council. 
 
 10. On the 29th of June, 1868, a few months after Garibaldi 
 had reached the gates of Rome, when revolution had pene- 
 trated beyond the walls of the city even to the doors of the 
 Vatican, and the barracks of the Zouaves were blown into the 
 air, the apostolic letter for the assembling of the Council was 
 published ; the Pope, showing wonderful reliance in his own 
 destiny, having chosen this most grave and dangerous moment 
 for its convocation.* 
 
 * See Appendix, Document I. 
 
1)k« kmber.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 13 
 
 III.— THE MEETING OF THE COUNCIL. 
 
 1. First official document. — 2. Impression it produces. — 3. Invitation to Protes- 
 tants and schismatical bodies. — 4. — Proceedings of foreign ambassadors. — 
 5. Objects of the Council. — 6. Further remarks on the same matter. — 7. Hospi- 
 tality offered to the bishops. — 8. Nomination of the Commissions. — 9. The 
 Civilta Cattolica. — 10. Its article of February 6th. — 11. The Fulda proclama- 
 tion and Padre Giacinto's letter. — 12. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris, 
 and publications of the anti-Infallibilist party. — 13. The programme of the 
 Council is unfolded. — 14. The Archbishop of Westminster. 
 
 1. We now come to the public and official acts of the 
 Council, and from them it is easy to judge of the intentions 
 and aim of the assembly, and also to form some conjectures 
 — though in these caution is necessary — as to the direction in 
 which it would probably move. 
 
 2. The idea of the Council sprang naturally in the Pope's 
 mind from the desire of finding some shelter from the storms 
 which beset him, and of lightening the burden of his heavy 
 responsibilities. The Catholic party easily acceded to the plan, 
 thinking that the bishops, who were in some places harassed, and 
 in others found their powers diminished, would readily meet the 
 wishes of the party, on account of the work they had done, and the 
 energy with which they had successfully fought for the interests 
 of the Church ; besides, the present seemed a favourable occa- 
 sion for inducing the entire episcopate either to accept their 
 views, or at least to become participators in their responsibility. 
 
 It is true that some viewed with unfavourable eyes the calling 
 together of any assembly that could possibly be dispensed with ; 
 but these were a few incorrigible members of the " Curia," 
 or a still smaller body of " prudent " men, the larger number 
 inclining to the other opinion. 
 
 The rest of the Church having for the last eight years heard 
 but one note of alarm, that which was sounding the dangers 
 that threatened the temporal power, turned for help to the Ecu- 
 menical Council, and trusted that it might devise some remedy 
 for the evils which had been so long impending. Public opinion 
 is slow in these days to concern itself with matters not of imme- 
 diate consequence, and did not trouble itself with any far-sighted 
 reflections on the subject of the assembly. 
 
14 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 3. An invitation to join the Council was then sent to the 
 Protestant and schismatical bodies, rather with the pretence of 
 including all Christian denominations in its assembly, than 
 with any expectation that they would come ; for the letters were 
 couched in terms which presupposed entire submission to Rome 
 in all who should attend. The invitations were declined with 
 more or less courtesy, as was to be expected. Further nego- 
 tiations were carried on for a time with some hope of success, 
 but these also proved in the end abortive. 
 
 An attempt was made to obtain from the Russian Government 
 permission for the Polish bishops to attend the Council, but this 
 attempt failed ; and, if the story be true, its only result was to 
 victimise an innocent person, a Polish priest, who happened 
 to be obnoxious to the Russian Government, by whom his expul- 
 sion from the Roman States was demanded as one of the con- 
 ditions preliminary to the grant by the Czar of his " exequatur." 
 The priest was banished ; but, nevertheless, the permission was 
 not granted by Russia, nor did the bishops ever arrive. 
 
 From these preliminaries it gradually became evident that 
 the great questions which divide Christendom would meet with 
 no solution in a Council, from whose deliberations they were 
 excluded one after the other. 
 
 4. One of the first discussions that took place, was on the 
 propriety of admitting the ambassadors of Christian Sovereigns 
 to the meetings of the Council ; but as the Pope had very little 
 desire for their presence, and the several Governments had no 
 wish to meddle in the matter, it was easy to come to an agreement 
 on this point. A Congregation of cardinals was held, in which 
 it was decided that the ambassadors should not be present at 
 the Council, but that the Secretary of State should keep them 
 informed of all the business that was transacted. A great inter- 
 change of notes and despatches followed ; and it was finally 
 determined that at the public Sessions a particular tribune, 
 as was customary at all great ceremonies, should be reserved for 
 the diplomatic body, who were obliged to rest satisfied with this 
 amount of participation in the deliberations of the Council ; and 
 the publications of the Libro giallo (yellow book) confirmed the 
 acceptance of these conditions by the two parties reciprocally 
 interested in the liberty of Church and State. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 15 
 
 5. The Papal Bull, published on the 29th June, 1868, in the 
 vestibule of the Vatican Basilica, enumerates (in its liturgical 
 compilation) the reasons for assembling the Ecumenical Coun- 
 cil as follows : — " The horrible tempest (horribili temjpestate) 
 threatening society and the Church ; " " the authority of the 
 Apostolic See trodden under foot ; " " the abolition of religious 
 corporations ; " " the confiscation of ecclesiastical property ; " 
 " the insults offered to the clergy ;" " the perversity of the 
 press;" "the increase of Sectarianism ; " " the secularisation 
 of education ; " and, finally, " the corruption and impiety of 
 manners, and the unbridled license of thought." Further on it 
 also alludes to the discipline and instruction of the clergy. 
 
 6. If it be borne in mind that the Council was convened 
 on the day dedicated to the Immaculate Conception of the 
 Virgin, so as to be under her patronage, as the Pope had an- 
 nounced in his first" allocution on the subject addressed to the 
 bishops assembled for the Centenary of St. Peter, 30th of June, 
 1867, it will be obvious how he viewed the matter with regard 
 to dogma, and to what end the Council was directed as a means 
 of discipline. 
 
 7. At the same time the Pope addressed a circular to the 
 bishops, offering them hospitality ; this was accepted by some 
 entirely ; by others, in part ; and by others, again, courteously 
 refused, as being able to dispense with it without thereby suffer- 
 ing inconvenience. At the opening of the Council it was 
 reckoned that about three hundred bishops were guests of the 
 Pope, half of them living entirely at his expense, the others being 
 indebted to him for lodging only. It was calculated that this 
 hospitality cost the Pope's private exchequer about 2500 lire a 
 day ; but as such a contingency had been foreseen, a short while 
 before the opening of the Council some of the faithful had 
 imagined a way of meeting the expense. This was by insti- 
 tuting a festival on the fiftieth anniversary of the first mass cele- 
 brated by the Pope ; and the immense amount of money collected 
 on the occasion, amounting to several million francs, served to 
 defray the heavy expenditure occasioned by the Council. 
 
 8. Before the meeting of the assembly, the Pope instituted a 
 Congregation of cardinals to undertake all the preliminary 
 work, and placed at its head the Cardinal-Vicar of Rome ; the 
 
16 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME.   [Decembek. 
 
 members of the body being eight — Reisach, Bernabo, Pane- 
 bianco, Bizzarri, Bilio, Caterini, and Capalti. Six of these were 
 themselves presidents of other Commissions branching out from 
 it, whose duty it was to classify the matters to be treated of in 
 the Council in the following order : — Commission on Dogma, 
 under the presidency of Cardinal Bilio (to whom, in great 
 measure, though perhaps wrongly, the compilation of the 
 Syllabus was attributed) ; Ecclesiastical Policy, under Cardinal 
 Reisach ; Affairs of the East, under Cardinal Bernabo, Prefect 
 of the Congregation " De Propaganda Fide ;" Religious Orders, 
 under Cardinal Bizzarri ; Ceremonial, under the Cardinal- Vicar ; 
 Ecclesiastical Discipline, under Cardinal Caterini. Besides 
 these, the Pope appointed a Commission on Biblical Studies and 
 the Revision of the Index, under the presidency of Cardinal de 
 Luca, but he was not included in the Directive Congregation, 
 and his commission remained on one side, and was not inte- 
 grally connected with the others. It attracted, however, a good 
 deal of public attention by reason of the important nature of its 
 subjects, and was commonly reckoned among the six principal 
 Commissions, that on Ceremonial being omitted as of little 
 moment. The fact is, that the management of this Commission 
 seemed, from the first, displeasing to the authorities, as the 
 affairs relating to the Index were treated of in a large and liberal 
 spirit, and the result was that after a few meetings it entirely 
 dropped. It remained in public opinion as one of the six Con- 
 gregations, but had no status, and all mention of it was omitted 
 in the official organs. It was thus consigned to oblivion, 
 notwithstanding that its members had already commenced much 
 business, important both in matter and in the manner of its 
 transaction. 
 
 The members of these Commissions were theologians and 
 counsellors chosen by the Pope and the Committee of cardinals 
 in Rome and in different Catholic countries. They, of course, 
 received, under the strictest seal of secrecy, information as to 
 the matters to be treated of in the Council, either fully or by 
 degrees, according as they were prepared in Rome. 
 
 Together with the creation of these Commissions, notice was 
 sent to the bishops of a fixed and limited number of subjects to 
 be discussed in the Council, that they might have the oppor- 
 
Dei ember.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 17 
 
 tunity of studying them beforehand ; but, saving these, the 
 Vatican maintained absolute silence towards the bishops with 
 regard to the matters for debate. The result of this was to place 
 the bishops at a disadvantage with reference to those theologians 
 who were admitted to a more intimate knowledge of the con- 
 cerns of the Council than fell to their own lot, these latter 
 being also officially their inferiors. Much was said both in 
 Rome and in Germany against this system of concealment, 
 which kept the bishops in ignorance of matters on which 
 they had a right to give their opinion, and regarding which 
 they would shortly be called to pass judgment ; but the reply 
 from the Vatican was, that these being subjects on which the 
 Pope voluntarily consulted the bishops, the manner and time of 
 the communication must be left entirely to him, and that the 
 greatest reserve was necessary for fear of any interference from 
 the press in Europe. 
 
 9. Meanwhile, the Civilta Cattolica exercised great influence 
 in the Church, and especially in the Vatican ; this paper was a 
 periodical compiled by the Jesuits, which ever since the recent 
 Italian troubles had fought valiantly for the Papacy, and was 
 able, being under a favourable a?gis, to discuss sundry persons 
 and things without fear of contradiction, notwithstanding the 
 restrictions imposed on the press ; consequently, it took an 
 active part in preparing and directing the preliminaries of 
 the Council. Having reached this point, the Civilta Cattolica 
 determined to pursue its advantage, and commenced a series of 
 articles under the heading of " Matters pertaining to the 
 Council," in which, without fear of opposition, and fortified by 
 the official " imprimatur," it set forth a full exposition of its 
 own views on all the subjects that were to be treated of. 
 
 The Jesuits had, indeed, found some difficulty in making the 
 ideas of their organ acceptable to the preparatory Commissions, 
 though many of their order were among the members ; but by 
 reason of this, and of their authority in those assemblies, they 
 felt confident of ultimate success, and began openly to manifest 
 their intentions, and to show, without circumlocution, what in 
 their opinion, should be the programme of the future Council. 
 
 10. For some time past, a spirit of opposition to this sort of 
 dictatorship had arisen in the Church, and a portion of the 
 
 C 
 
18 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 Liberal Catholics who, between the absolutism of the so-called 
 Catholic party on the one hand, and the general carelessness of 
 Freethinkers on the other, had hitherto dragged on a painful 
 existence, and had been reduced to silence by the events of the 
 last ten years, now again showed signs of life. The articles of 
 the Civilta Cattolica, as emanating from Rome, had caused 
 serious apprehensions, and tended to increase this feeling of 
 mistrust wherever it existed, till at length, on the 6th of 
 February, 1869, an article was published, under the heading 
 of " French Correspondence," giving clearly and exactly the 
 whole programme of the Vatican Council, and announcing that 
 its principal objects were the declaration of the Syllabus, of 
 the Infallibility of the Pope, and of the Assumption of the 
 Virgin ; and a further notice caused yet more astonishment, 
 which announced that the work being all arranged, and the 
 opinion of the Church so evident, the Council would have little 
 further to do, and would be of short duration.* At this, the 
 Catholic Opposition broke forth openly ; the Bishop of Orleans 
 among the first, as is well known, openly refuting those ideas 
 as injurious to the episcopate, and the dispute was from that 
 moment carried on by the press with an eagerness very unusual 
 in such matters. The Civilta Cattolica endeavoured, in the 
 April number, to excuse itself by saying that the letter in 
 question was only the production of a French correspondent ; 
 but being entirely in accordance with the well-known opinions 
 of the paper, this reply was of no avail, and the article re- 
 mained as the signal of assault. No one could imagine the 
 reason of such an indiscreet and inopportune because prema- 
 ture attempt on the part of the Civilta Cattolica ; and it was 
 said, in extenuation of the mistake, that the party represented 
 by that periodical had become uneasy as to the ultimate success 
 of the Council, and, fearing that it might not coincide with 
 their wishes, had adopted this means of — as it is sometimes ex- 
 pressed — forcing the situation. However that may be, it is certain 
 that hitherto there had prevailed in Rome full confidence in the 
 power of the Vatican to obtain a unanimous consent, or a large 
 majority, for all its propositions, so that the intelligence of these 
 differences of opinion was most unexpected. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document II. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 19 
 
 11. The strength of the Opposition increased ; letters, articles, 
 pamphlets, and pastorals succeeding one another with great 
 rapidity, but the first ecclesiastical document in a moderate 
 sense of any importance, as emanating from a reunion of the 
 higher orders of the Church, was the pastoral or proclamation 
 of German bishops dated from Fulda.* It was signed by the 
 bishops of all the principal sees in Germany, and was the only 
 protest which had hitherto appeared bearing a local, and not 
 merely a personal character. This document, drawn up in a 
 broad and liberal spirit, was the expression, not of individual 
 opinion, but of the majority of those Catholic populations who, 
 by natural disposition, neither think lightly nor act rashly, and, 
 fortunately for them, are not afflicted either with the levity of the 
 French, or the indifference of the Italian character. 
 
 The number and nature of the signatures bore testimony to 
 this opinion, as it was evident that some of them were affixed to 
 the document only by reason of the strong force of public 
 opinion in their country ; and the pastoral itself was in every 
 respect so well and forcibly framed, that by reason of the authority 
 of its subscribers it was considered entirely beyond the reach of 
 censure, by those even who disliked it most. 
 
 On the other hand, the first document emanating from France 
 was of a noisy and personal character. It was a letter written 
 by a Carmelite friar, Father Giacinto ; and, for that very reason, 
 it attracted the attention of the profane.f It was not accept- 
 able to the ecclesiastical world, being the fragment of an 
 animated disquisition, in which the subjects, instead of being 
 calmly argued, were treated in a hasty manner, and from its 
 nature was only adapted for publication in the newspapers. 
 Rome, acting with magnanimity and shrewdness, took no 
 notice of the work. Dupanloup sharply but courteously disap- 
 proved it ; the French Catholic Liberals were silent on the 
 matter ; and Father Giacinto, by the advice of influential 
 friends, went off to America. 
 
 12. Next in order comes the pastoral letter of the Archbishop 
 of Paris, and this, though somewhat intricate and diffuse, is 
 the ablest among the French documents, and carries the most 
 weight ; j its language and style were displeasing at Rome, but 
 
 * See Appendix, Document III. | Ibid. Document IV. J Ibid. Document V. 
 
 c 2 
 
20 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [December. 
 
 next to the pastoral from Fulda, it was of great importance, from 
 its moderate spirit, from its subject, and from the distinguished 
 position of its author. 
 
 Shortly after appeared the publications of the Bishop of 
 Orleans — his pastoral,* his pamphlet, and his letter to Veuillot. 
 
 The fiery defender of the temporal power, in his pastoral, 
 envelops his repugnance to the doctrine of personal Infallibility 
 with many expressions of devotion to the Holy See ; in the 
 other document he is more explicit, and becomes once more the 
 ardent apologist ; in fact, he constitutes himself the head or 
 official champion of Liberal Catholic opinions in the Latin 
 world. What a grand office might that be, if only the 
 Western nations had a more lively feeling of religion ! and, 
 on the contrary, how characteristic is it of the times, that the 
 bishop should find the exercise of his championship so difficult. 
 
 The book by the Bishop of Sens, Monsignor Maret, entitled, 
 * The General Council and Religious Peace,' next appeared ; 
 and then a publication in Germany, under the assumed name of 
 Janus, entitled, ' The Pope and the Council,' besides many 
 other works of a Liberal Catholic tendency, in France, Italy, 
 and Germany. The two books above mentioned are, however, 
 the most complete exponents of the plan of Opposition, and the 
 latter really sets forth the programme of Catholic resistance 
 in Germany, where alone the Opposition has held its ground 
 and maintained a constant and local character. 
 
 The question was more hotly debated every day ; and in 
 addition to these clear and decided expressions of public 
 opinion, special organs of the Press opposed with great vigour 
 that paper which had for so long held possession of the field. 
 All sorts of stories were circulated, such a religious excitement 
 had not been seen for years, and Rome, which had hitherto 
 remained quiescent, now seemed fully aroused. "Janus" was 
 put in the Index, and the sale or circulation of Maret's work 
 was prohibited ; the Secretary of the Index declaring that, 
 though the Congregation did not consider its tenets reprehen- 
 sible, they were not conformable to Roman doctrine. We may 
 observe, for it is worthy of notice, that the two works thus 
 severely reprobated, were not only written on the subject of the 
 * See Appendix, Document VI. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 21 
 
 Council, but were in a certain sense addressed to it. The 
 Civilta Cattolica, the Univers, and the Uniia Cattolica sufficed 
 to confront the other minor publications of the Opposition. 
 
 13. The result of all these polemics was to lift in some degree 
 the thick veil which ecclesiastical secrecy had so closely drawn 
 over the mysterious work of the Committees, and the public 
 began openly to discuss the questions of the Syllabus, of the 
 Pope's personal Infallibility, and of the Assumption of the Vir- 
 gin in soul and body — that being the series of propositions 
 announced on the 6th of February by the Civilta Cattolica. To 
 these was added a scheme of clerical reformation, with a view of 
 modifying the authority of the different orders of the hierarchy, 
 and with the intention of promoting the advance of the Church 
 from the possession of a limited to that of an absolute sovereignty. 
 There may have been exaggeration in this belief ; but whether 
 the prevalent rumours were true or false, public attention, 
 casting aside all secondary considerations, fastened on the 
 questions of " personal Infallibility," and of " the Syllabus." 
 
 14. Nevertheless, by reason of the secrecy imposed, and at 
 first maintained beyond all expectation, the work of the Com- 
 mittees was shrouded in profound darkness from the gaze of the 
 outer world. Anecdotes and opinions were circulated, but 
 without any certainty of their accuracy. 
 
 The principal support of the Syllabus lay in the fact that 
 it was a Papal act, and once brought before the Council by 
 public opinion, it could scarcely be afterwards invalidated, 
 without the risk of seriously affecting the authority of the Holy 
 Father. As to the question of " Infallibility," its only exposition 
 had hitherto been carried on in the pages of the Civilta Cattolica ; 
 but Monsignor Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, wishing 
 to supplement this deficiency, wrote a pamphlet, in which he 
 supported the doctrine most vehemently. His opinions on the 
 point were already known, and by reason of his rank in the 
 Church, carried considerable weight, if not for the ideas them- 
 selves, at least for the way in which they were brought forward, 
 and the opportune moment chosen for their expression. Indeed, 
 by his activity and energy he became the principal champion of 
 the supporters of Infallibility, as the Bishop of Orleans was of 
 those who opposed it. 
 
22 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 Manning was not long since a Protestant, and not only joined 
 the Catholic Church, but became Archbishop of Westminster : 
 none are so devoted as converts ; and the fact of having been in 
 error the first half of his life did not hinder his becoming in 
 the latter an ardent advocate of Infallibility. At any rate, as 
 his antecedents justified the supposition that he was lacking in 
 the traditional ecclesiastical spirit which is seldom acquired 
 save by early habit and long usage, a presumption further sup- 
 ported by his own immoderate restlessness, it seemed likely 
 that his authority would be somewhat diminished in the esti- 
 mation of that portion of the clerical world whose principles, 
 being conservative, are best able to exercise a calm and impartial 
 judgment. 
 
 IV.— THE KULES AND CONDITIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 
 
 1. Jubilee and preliminaries. — 2. First Papal allocution. — 3. Order of the Council. 
 — 4. The same subject. — 5. The same subject.— 6. Nomination of the presi- 
 dents and other officials. — 7. Objections to the order. — 8. Objections to the 
 nominations. — 9. Position of parties. — 10. Their description. — 11. Considered 
 with regard to their nationality. — 12. The French episcopate. — 13. French 
 Opposition. — 14. Opportune declaration. — 15. German episcopate. — 16. The 
 other Catholic bishops. — 17. Italian episcopate. 
 
 1. On the 11th of April appeared the second Papal document 
 which concerns the Council — the apostolical letters announcing 
 the Jubilee * to be enjoyed by all Catholics during its Session. 
 The bishops thronged in greater numbers to Rome ; and as the 
 day for the solemn opening of the Council drew near, the 
 Cardinal- Vicar issued an edict on November 18th, ordering the 
 public prayers which are usual on great occasions ; and lastly, 
 the municipality invited the citizens to hail the auspicious 
 event with rejoicings and festivities. On the 2nd of December 
 the Pope convened a preparatory meeting of all the fathers in 
 the Sistine Chapel, as a preliminary to the opening of the 
 Council, and on this occasion the third public document was 
 published. 
 
 2. When the bishops were assembled, the Pope made an 
 allocution, in which he again reverted, though more vaguely, 
 
 * See Appendix, Document VII. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 23 
 
 and with fewer details, to the aim of the Council, saying it was 
 " to supply a remedy for the many evils which disturbed the 
 Church and society." * On this occasion, the fathers received 
 copies of the apostolic letter, " Multiplices inter," which is 
 dated November 27th, and is the fourth official document 
 of the Council, containing all the regulations for its manage- 
 ment.! 
 
 3. Foremost among these is that which orders " all the Fathers, 
 officials of the Councils, theologians, doctors of the sacred 
 Canons, and all others who in any way assist the Fathers and 
 the aforesaid officials in the work of the Council, not to divulge 
 or manifest to any outside the Council, the decrees or other 
 matters to be examined, or the discussions or opinions of any 
 that are present." Further on, the same injunction is repeated 
 to those who, not possessing the episcopal dignity, are either 
 servants of the Council, or, by reason of some office, attend 
 at its meetings ; and from such is required the further obligation 
 of an oath. 
 
 4. In the same list of rules, the power of proposing questions 
 is conceded to the Fathers, but with the following stipula- 
 tions : — 
 
 1st. That they be previously communicated in writing to a 
 Congregation of cardinals and bishops specially deputed for 
 this purpose. 
 
 2nd. That they be of general importance. 
 
 3rd. That they can be shown to be opportune. 
 
 4th. That they be in harmony with the mind and traditions 
 of the Church. 
 
 The appropriation of seats then followed, according to which, 
 by reason of a singular prerogative peculiar to the Roman 
 Curia, the cardinals, not themselves bishops, who being without 
 the right, yet enjoy the privilege of a seat and the power of 
 voting in the Council, occupy the first places. 
 
 The patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops, the abbati 
 nullius, and lastly, the abbati generali and Generals of Orders 
 followed in succession ; and thus seven tiers of seats were 
 arranged in the Council Hall corresponding to the same ranks 
 in the hierarchy. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document VIII. t Ibid. Document IX. 
 
24 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 5. The Fathers were forbidden by the regulations to leave Rome 
 during the sittings of the Council, and were therefore released 
 from the obligation of residing in their dioceses for that time. 
 
 6. In the same act the following cardinals were appointed 
 presidents of the Council : — Bilio, De Luca, Capalti, Reisach, 
 and Bizzarri, and along with them the other officers of the 
 Council, beginning with the Secretary, the Bishop of Sant 
 Ippolito ; Monsignor Fessler, a German professor of Canon Law 
 in Vienna ; and with him, the sub-secretary, the clerks, the 
 assistants, the notaries, advocates, examiners of voting papers, 
 promoters of the Council, masters of the ceremonies, shorthand- 
 writers, and the guardians of the Council, who were the two 
 Roman princes assisting at the Pontifical Throne, Colonna and 
 Orsini. 
 
 All the officials swore to fulfil their obligations and to main- 
 tain the secrecy prescribed in the apostolic letter ; and thus 
 terminated the preparatory meeting which preceded the opening 
 of the Council. 
 
 7. The Order produced a most unfavourable impression on 
 the greater part of the bishops in Opposition ; they especially 
 distrusted the article by which the power of initiating a ques- 
 tion was to be subordinated to a Congregation of cardinals, and 
 that one which prohibited their absence from Rome during the 
 Council. They said that the Order left no way open for legal 
 opposition ; and it was reported by tale-bearers in the city, 
 that the dominant party would use it for their own advantage, 
 and were determined, not only to adhere to their programme, 
 but to maintain it to the end, the Pope being with them, and 
 that they would take every means of subduing the Opposition. 
 Above all, the prohibition against leaving Rome was inter- 
 preted as an attempt to shorten the duration of the Council — a 
 suggestion for which the Civilta Cattolica had been much 
 blamed — and as an endeavour to prevent any actual protest 
 against the work of the Vatican. Some, who took exaggerated 
 views, went still further ; they added to the vigour both of the 
 resistance and of the attack, and predicted that scandals would 
 arise in the Church in consequence. 
 
 8. The power of initiative given to the bishops, though 
 subject to the control of a Congregation, was an unexpected 
 
Pkckmber.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 25 
 
 concession, but its value was greatly diminished and the feeling 
 of mistrust, already existing, increased by the fact that the 
 persons composing this Commission as well as all the others 
 were almost exclusively drawn from the ranks of the majority, 
 and were, in consequence, little inclined to favour the proposals 
 of the Opposition. 
 
 A little later, the members of the Congregations were de- 
 clared. There were twelve cardinals : Patrizi, Di Pietro, 
 De Angelis, Corsi, Riario Sforza, De Rauscher, Bonnechose, 
 Cullen, Barili, Moreno, Monaco, and Antonelli ; and besides 
 these, Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, the Archbishop of 
 Tours, Archbishop of Baltimore, Archbishop of Malines, the 
 Bishops of Valenza and Paderborn, a bishop from Chili, and 
 two Oriental Patriarchs ; the rest of the Commissions being 
 composed of Italian bishops — making, in all twenty-six Fathers. 
 Of these by far the greater number represented the Roman 
 Curia, and the Opposition were scarcely represented at all ; some 
 of the bishops clearly inclined to the Catholic party, and others 
 were of no particular shade of opinion. 
 
 In fact, it was evident that this Congregation, in virtue of the 
 number and rank of its members, constituted an assembly which, 
 pretending only to be of secondary consideration, in reality had 
 the power of determining, without appeal, most of the matters 
 to be brought before the Council, even those of serious import- 
 ance, such as the propositions of the bishops, who, from their 
 pastoral office and practical knowledge of the needs of their people, 
 might often bring forward questions well worthy of consideration. 
 
 The Congregation, which had the power of allowing or pre- 
 venting discussion on these proposals, really judged them 
 a priori in a more absolute manner than the Council itself. 
 
 All this did not escape the notice of the Opposition ; and the 
 appointment of so many cardinals, and of the most strenuous 
 supporters of the prerogative of the Vatican to serve in the Con- 
 gregation, caused great alarm among those who were already 
 apprehensive. 
 
 9. The fears and hopes of the different parties grew stronger 
 day by day, and the strength of the contending factions was 
 anxiously reckoned up. The Opposition were fully aware of 
 their small number, which, taking also into account the disfavour 
 
26 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 showed them in the Order of the Council, rendered it very 
 difficult for them to carry out their designs. 
 
 Glancing at the assembly, it appeared that, taking it as a 
 whole, the Opposition might be reckoned as one-fourth or one- 
 fifth ; but if considered only with regard to those who decidedly 
 opposed them, they would be as one to two, leaving out of the 
 calculation all the bishops of undetermined opinion, and those 
 who though nominally adherents of the majority were still 
 susceptible to the influences exercised by the other side. 
 
 10. The Catholic party, properly so called, or the Infallibilist, 
 as it tried to designate itself, predominated with different gra- 
 dations in the Spanish episcopate ; as also among most of the 
 French and Italians, in the small body of English bishops, but 
 more strongly among the Irish. The same opinions prevailed 
 among all the South American bishops, but scarcely among the 
 North American ; among the Orientals with but slight excep- 
 tions ; among the bishops in partibus ; and almost all the re- 
 presentatives of the small Catholic nationalities, excepting the 
 Portuguese, shared the like views. 
 
 The opinions of the rest were of a less decided character, and 
 the more determined among them constituted the Opposition. 
 One of its members reckoned that if they had been able to 
 draw over to their opinions fifty Italian or Spanish prelates they 
 might have held their own in the contest ; but it was not easy to 
 obtain that number, as the Spanish bishops could not be counted 
 on in this respect, and only twenty of the Italian favoured the 
 Opposition. All these estimates were, however, immature, for 
 as yet it was very difficult to form any with accuracy. 
 
 11. In making these reflections, it is well to remember how 
 the bishops were massed together, for it was their habit from 
 the time of their arrival in Rome to group themselves in their 
 meetings according to their nationality, and thus by their separate 
 action they indicated their views and their dispositions. 
 
 12. The French bishops have certainly a leaning towards 
 Rome, in consequence of all they have suffered from the effects of 
 the revolution ; they are drawn towards it as a person stumbling 
 in darkness, and doubting which way to go, turns eagerly to the 
 light that shines from afar to guide him, and owing to this 
 inclination the strength of Gallicanism has been weakened. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 27 
 
 However, this decided proclivity of the French Church is not 
 the result of a pure and simple abdication of her autonomy, but 
 a change in its direction. The bishops, feeling their powers 
 diminishing at home, turned not unnaturally towards Rome for 
 two reasons ; first, on account of the preponderating authority 
 which their numbers and importance would give them there 
 among the rest of the Catholic episcopate ; secondly, because 
 France, always desirous of increasing her influence, was more 
 likely to support them abroad than at home ; and that they 
 judged rightly is proved by the military Occupations in Italy 
 effected by the various French Governments, whereby they have 
 anticipated rather than followed the Ultramontane movement 
 afterwards developed in the French Church. This also accounts 
 for the great docility shown of late by the French prelates 
 towards the Holy See in all disputed matters, even in those of 
 which traditionally they had reason to be jealous, and of the 
 solicitude they manifested for the Papacy in its recent re- 
 verses, instead of endeavouring to curtail its prerogatives still 
 further, after the example of their predecessors before the French 
 revolution. Only the Archbishop of Paris, being consistently 
 moderate in his opinions, stood firm ; and partly from his indi- 
 vidual qualities, partly from his dignified position, he became 
 the centre and rallying-point of all that yet remained of the old 
 Gallican Church. 
 
 13. While, however, the bishops were thus drawn towards 
 Rome, they could not forget that they lived in France ; con- 
 sidering their own interests, as well as their ministerial office, 
 they could not afford to lose any of the influence they possessed 
 there, and so were restrained from directly opposing the tendency 
 of the age and the general spirit pervading their country. The 
 exaggerations of the Catholic party have too often the result of 
 exposing its ecclesiastical adherents to the danger of witnessing 
 the gradual diminution of their flocks. 
 
 Owing to the compact and peculiarly Italian nature of the 
 Roman Curia, it is very exclusive, and could not, without 
 radical modification, yield to the wishes of the French prelates. 
 Accordingly, those bishops who were influenced by the consider- 
 ations we have indicated, formed a sort of confederation, a party 
 distinct from the others, though more in form than in substance, 
 
28 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 and they constituted the French Opposition ; of which Dupan- 
 loup, by reason of his unlimited devotion to Rome, the bent of 
 his mind, and the obligations imposed on him by his literary 
 and social proclivities, naturally became the chief. He was better 
 adapted for the position than Darboy, who remained in a sort 
 of isolation, serene and unmoved even by the prospect of a 
 cardinal's hat. 
 
 14. It is unnecessary to remark that in discussing these 
 various tendencies we refer only to such differences of thought 
 and opinion as the force of circumstances necessarily produces 
 among men, and we do not allude to those deliberate individual 
 purposes which it would be unwise to canvass, and which 
 have little bearing on great and important questions. 
 
 15. The most clear, sincere, disinterested, serious opposition 
 was that of the German bishops, among whom the Ultramon- 
 tanes bore the same proportion as the Liberals among the 
 Spaniards. Their opposition was the most clear, because they 
 made no secret of their wishes, which were well known ; the 
 most sincere, because they pretended no change of opinions, but 
 simply remained as they always had been, moderate ; the most 
 disinterested, because by reason of their antecedents and small 
 numbers, as well as the state of Germany, they could never hope 
 to exercise much influence in the government of the Church ; 
 and the most serious, because they embodied and represented the 
 real opinions of the majority of their flocks. The German 
 bishops derived this character of moderation from the fact of 
 their representing a people whose religion had felt the influences 
 of cultivation and progress, and also to the Protestantism which, 
 prevailing so extensively in Germany, considerably modified 
 the working of Catholicism in that country. 
 
 16. The same state of things does not, as a rule, appear in 
 England, where many of the bishops, with Manning at their head, 
 being more Catholic than the Pope himself, make themselves 
 famous for their Ultramontane opinions ; but there is a reason 
 for this. The German bishops are surrounded by Protestants, 
 but their people are Catholic, and thus Protestantism only works 
 as a rival religion ; whereas in England, Protestantism has the 
 ascendency, and therefore the bishops would hold an isolated 
 and difficult position were it not lor the liberty they enjoy, 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 2D 
 
 which much exceeds that to be found in France. They are sur- 
 rounded by Protestants, and consequently they are more strongly 
 attracted towards the Vatican, the universal centre of their faith, 
 than towards that branch of their Church which exists in Eng- 
 land only by toleration. 
 
 Indeed, it was sometimes remarked that the Irish bishops 
 showed themselves less inclined to the doctrine of Infallibility 
 than the English. The Belgians in this matter followed the 
 French ; Monsignor de Merode trod in the steps of Dupanloup, 
 and both having been champions of the temporal power, became 
 afterwards adversaries of Infallibility, e£ £m quoque Brute, Jill mi! 
 The constitution and liberal tendencies of Belgium naturally 
 influenced its representatives. 
 
 As for the Spaniards, imbued as they are with the traditions 
 of Torquemada, it is so much gained for humanity when they 
 are satisfied with being simply Ultramontanes. The South 
 Americans are merely Spaniards who have crossed the sea ; and 
 the Portuguese, for the most part, are Liberals. 
 
 The bishops from the United States have a character of 
 greater simplicity and individuality, and are little accustomed 
 to ecclesiastical politics, the result of the society in which 
 they live, which is entirely different from that of Europe. This 
 disposition, and the fact that many of them were educated 
 for clerical life in the colleges of Rome, as well as the 
 small amount of consideration they enjoy in a country so little 
 Catholic as America, rendered them more favourable to the 
 ideas predominating in Rome than was expected. Still even 
 they never forgot their country ; they concealed the independence 
 of citizens of the United States under their ecclesiastical dignity, 
 and sooner or later, in greater or less measure, the most reason- 
 able and liberal ideas prevailed among them. 
 
 As to the Orientals, living isolated in heathen countries, or 
 surrounded by schismatical Greeks in the midst of wretched and 
 untaught populations, they naturally looked to Rome as their 
 one object of existence ; and provided there was no question of 
 their privileges, of which they are extremely jealous, showed 
 themselves most subservient to the Vatican. They made a 
 grand display with their splendid vestments, and gave the surest 
 votes to the Ecumenical Council. 
 
30 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 The bishops in partibus were still more devoted to Roman inte- 
 rests ; for having no dioceses and no flocks in connection with 
 the titles conferred upon them by the Pope, they formed together 
 with the Orientals a nucleus directly dependent on the Congre- 
 gation " De Propaganda Fide," and were, with few exceptions, 
 naturally subservient to the " Curia Romana." 
 
 17. There remain, then (leaving out small fractions), simply 
 the Italians, and they being very numerous, were the only body 
 able to set themselves against the French. The Italian episcopate, 
 which, beyond any other, was concerned in many of the questions 
 at stake, could also, when it chose, carry the most weight. 
 
 We have already alluded to the saying attributed to one of 
 the bishops of the Opposition, that if they could reckon fifty 
 Italian and Spanish prelates on their side, they might have 
 hoped to prevail : but no reliance could be based on the 
 Spaniards ; and as to the Italians, it was impossible (for such 
 an end) to count on the support of more than twenty among 
 them. 
 
 If this estimate be incorrect, it is nevertheless true that the 
 Italian episcopate might have been the arbiter of the question, 
 and that those who inclined to the opinions of Maret and of 
 Dupanloup were very few in number. The reason for this is 
 to be found in the nature of the traditional education which 
 prevails among the Italian clergy, and in the little experience 
 they had had up to this time of the questions to which modern 
 civilisation had given rise. Various other reasons might also 
 be adduced, but the principal one must on no account be for- 
 gotten, which is that they were Italian. Nor is it so only because 
 the irritation resulting from recent events so worked on their 
 minds as to render them more devoted adherents of Rome, for 
 that result could only be of a transitory nature ; and even 
 though it occasioned a feeling of displeasure, could never have 
 accounted for the uniform and coherent line of action which 
 they subsequently adopted. The real reason of the conduct of 
 the clergy is found in the fact that the Papacy itself is Italian, 
 not politically, which would be difficult to prove, but essentially. 
 
 What is the authority which has for centuries commanded 
 the obedience of kings and of nations, which at the present 
 day has subjects in the most remote corners of the earth, and 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 3L 
 
 can assemble round its throne the dignified representatives of 
 distant churches for the purpose of acknowledging its supremacy ? 
 By whom has this authority for many centuries been wielded, 
 not occasionally, but according to an invariable tradition? By 
 an assembly of Italian prelates. 
 
 This is the reason why the Opposition of Dupanloup, which 
 touches the Pope's authority, found but few followers among the 
 Italian bishops ; neither did the Syllabus, that cherished formula 
 of the Catholic party, meet on the whole with any warm sup- 
 port. It seemed, therefore, that if the Italian episcopate were 
 up to a certain point in accordance with the " Catholic party " 
 on the matter of Papal authority, it was not prepared to follow 
 its determination to set at open defiance the exigencies of 
 modern society, and, indeed, contrary dispositions began to 
 show themselves in some of the bishops. In the midst of all 
 these conflicting opinions, the Pope, the cardinals, and a few 
 Roman prelates, remained inflexible, prepared to defend the 
 Church from the aggressions of society, and on behalf of the 
 Curia to resist the resumption by the Church of her own proper 
 authority. 
 
 V.— FIRST SESSION. 
 
 1. Papal allocution at the first Session. — 2. First meeting of the Congregations. 
 — 3. Judges of excuses and complaints. — 4. Bull for the election of the Pope. 
 — 5. Bull for the limitation of censures. — 6. Election of persons to serve on 
 the Commissions for amendments. — 7. The great questions under discussion in 
 the Council. — 8. The first question. — 9. The second question. — 10. The third 
 question. — 11. The Papacy essentially Italian. — 12. The Roman Curia in 
 regard to the Church. — 13. Interests of the Papacy and of Italy. — 14. One 
 question should not prejudice another. — 15. Predictions. — 1G. Importance of 
 these events. 
 
 1. In this state of affairs we come to the ceremony described 
 at the beginning of this narrative, the opening Session of the 
 Vatican Council. In the allocution then held, which was the 
 fifth public act of the Council, the enemy against which it 
 would contend was again specified :* " Ilia impiorum conjuratio 
 
 * See Appendix, Document X. 
 
32 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 fortis, opibus potens, munita institutes, et velamen habens 
 malitia? libertatem, acerrimum adversus sanctam Christi eccle- 
 siam bellum omni scelere imbutum urgere non desinit." An 
 indication vague certainly, but of which the application, under 
 a " velamine," was not difficult. 
 
 The style is expansive and full of confidence, as is shown by 
 the expression, " Ecclesia est ipso ccelo fortior," and the dignity 
 of the Papal See is maintained by calling the Council " Unio 
 sacerdotum Domini cum supremo gregis ejus pastore." Par- 
 ticular mention of the City of Rome is also made in the 
 allocution, " Quae Dei munere tradita non fuit in direptionem 
 gentium." Nothing else was said which could throw more light 
 on the subject. 
 
 2. After the first Session, commenced the Congregations, or 
 ordinary assemblies, from which the public were excluded, and 
 in these was unfolded the whole work of the Council. Eccle- 
 siastical secrecy was maintained here as well as in the Commis- 
 sions, the barest formalities only being officially known, though 
 it was impossible to prevent something transpiring to the public 
 of what occurred in an assembly of seven or eight hundred 
 persons. 
 
 3. In the first and second Congregations, held on the 10th 
 and 14th of December, after mass and the usual ceremonies, 
 there followed the voting for the election of the five judges of 
 excuses, and as many of complaints, " judices excusationum," 
 and "judices querelarum." According to Conciliar discipline, 
 the duty of the first is to receive and examine the procura- 
 tions and excuses of the absent bishops, and the applications 
 for leave of absence on just grounds, during the Council, 
 on which, however, they do not decide themselves, but refer 
 the matter to the assembly ; and the second have to judge any 
 controversies arising between those who are gathered together. 
 All these judges are chosen by the votes of the Fathers in 
 
 Council. 
 
 4. The most important event in the first Congregation was 
 the publication and distribution of the Papal constitution in the 
 form of a Bull, by which the Pope, alluding to the reasons that 
 guided him, and citing the examples of Julius II. and Pius IV., 
 ordained that, in the event of his death during the Council, the 
 
December] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 33 
 
 new Pontiff, should be elected as usual by the Cardinals, without 
 any intervention on the part of the Council, which should from 
 the moment of his death be ipso facto prorogued.* 
 
 From this document it is clear that some apprehension was 
 felt lest the ancient rights and privileges enjoyed by the Curia 
 at the election of a Pope should be disputed and called in 
 question. In his allocution the Pope provides for the Church 
 in her relations to society, and in the Bull he provides for the 
 privileges of the Curia in its relation with the Church. This 
 Bull had been compiled in November, but was only now 
 published. 
 
 5. The second Congregation was occupied by another Bull 
 on the limitation of censures, and under this title ecclesiastical 
 censures were again published.! Every one knows, or, rather, 
 every one does not know, how great in number and how various 
 in character these may be. The Pope being well aware of this, 
 abrogates them entirely in the constitution, " Apostolicae Sedis," 
 with the exception of certain titles which virtually include 
 them almost all, so that the whole penal ecclesiastical system 
 is maintained intact. 
 
 These censures are preserved in their ancient style, beginning 
 with " heretics," their abettors, and those that give them shelter. 
 This last would furnish a good moral theme for young students 
 in theology, for how would it apply to the Roman hotel 
 keepers and to the Pontifical Government, who not only give 
 shelter to heretics, but a church in which to celebrate their 
 worship outside the Porta del Popolo ? These censures refer to 
 the cases of those who possess prohibited books — of schismatics 
 — of those who appeal to a future Council — of those who injure 
 ecclesiastical dignitaries — of those who obstruct ecclesiastical 
 jurisdiction — of laity intermeddling with the judgment of eccle- 
 siastical things or persons — of those who falsify apostolic letters : 
 then comes a special censure against the unauthorised bestowal 
 of absolution in confession ; and, finally, one against all those 
 who either invade, destroy, or retain, for themselves or others, 
 the cities, territories, places, or rights that appertain to the 
 Roman Church, or who disturb, usurp, or retain the supreme 
 jurisdiction therein. It is useless to give here the long index 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XI. t Ibid. XII. 
 
 D 
 
34 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 which all may examine for themselves. This act is one of 
 apparent moderation, in that it limits or contracts the cases 
 liable to punishment, but it must be observed that although 
 certain titles are abrogated, those that remain include the whole 
 penal ecclesiastical code in full force. It is obvious that the 
 Pope in abolishing some censures, while he confirms others, 
 exercises supreme authority in matters of discipline, and it 
 should be remarked that he thus acts proprio motu in the face of 
 the Church assembled in the plenitude of her power, for the 
 very purpose of exercising it, and of judging all matters 
 touching ecclesiastical discipline, and consequently, many of 
 those contemplated in the Bull. 
 
 What if the Council had not deemed all those acts worthy 
 of punishment, or at least had not thought well to inflict it 
 in some cases? But we must leave such questions to the 
 bishops, as we freely confess ourselves unable to arrive at their 
 solution. 
 
 6. In the Brief that regulates the proceedings of the Council, 
 four Commissions are instituted instead of the six that undertook 
 the preparatory work. These four are composed of ninety-six 
 bishops in all, twenty-four for each Commission, corresponding 
 to the four parts into which the matters to be treated in the 
 Council are divided — namely, Faith, Discipline, Affairs of the 
 East, and Religious Orders. In the second Congregation, 
 the names of those who should compose these commissions 
 were settled, beginning with that on Faith ; the same subject 
 was discussed in the Congregations held on the 20th and 28th, 
 and with such matters the year 1869 drew to a close. 
 
 7. From all that has hitherto occurred, it is evident that there 
 are three grand questions of principle before the Council, on 
 the solution of which very important results depend, though 
 careless observers might pass them over. The first is the 
 ancient conflict always going on in the Church from the earliest 
 ages, between those who maintain a direct supernatural agency 
 in all matters, and those who, without rejecting it, believe also 
 in secondary causes. 
 
 The infallibility of a single man is a more striking miracle, 
 and a greater infraction of the laws of nature, than the infalli- 
 bility of a large and well-organised assembly under the security 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 35 
 
 of a strong and severe discipline ; it is much more so, because 
 the infallibility of a society with regard to itself is by its very 
 nature relative, while that of an individual towards society 
 cannot be other than absolute. It is reasonable to believe that 
 God protects the Church, as we believe that God protects the 
 world, and that the Church in her own office should be infallible, 
 may be in a certain sense reasonable ; but that God should take 
 away from an individual man the liability to error, which is 
 characteristic of humanity, would be an absolute and standing 
 miracle. In the first case Faith allies herself with reason, in 
 the second she subdues it. 
 
 In the various cases in which, under one form or another, 
 the conflict between these two opinions has been waged in 
 previous Councils, the decision has always been in favour of 
 the absolute miracle. Thus far, we have considered the matter 
 as regards Faith, that is to say, the speculative question. 
 
 The second question is the position of the modern world, and 
 the greater part of its institutions as confronted with the Syllabus ; 
 and as this concerns Discipline, or the practical part of the 
 matter, it is the social question. 
 
 The third touches the position of the hierarchy of the Church, 
 relatively to the Roman Curia, and this I may call the political 
 question. 
 
 8. The first matter, considered as a principle, enters into the 
 region of dogma, and as such, its discussion is neither - useful 
 nor desirable for us ; but in its practical application at a 
 certain point it approaches the third question. 
 
 9. As to the second, the social question — those who can 
 rightly interpret public opinion, will find (notwithstanding the 
 prevalent religious indifference) this to be its clear and emphatic 
 expression. It is the ardent longing of society (looking beyond 
 the narrow limits of party to the wide interests of nations) for 
 the cessation of that antagonism between the claims of civil and 
 religious authority upon conscience among Catholic popula- 
 tions, which in its results has gone far towards depriving them 
 of any conscience whatever. 
 
 Indeed, all who belong to Christian or merely civilised 
 nations, will readily agree in the desire for peace, and in the 
 hope that some settlement of these social and political questions 
 
 D 2 
 
36 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [December. 
 
 may be found other than the alternative of absolutism and 
 rebellion, which seems at our day to be the lot of most Catholic 
 countries. The strength of the Latin nations is exhausted by 
 their constant oscillations between the theories of the Univers and 
 those of the Rappel, between the dogmas of the Unita Cattolica 
 and those expressions of opinion, or rather unbridled instincts 
 for which nothing is sacred ; oscillations which sway backwards 
 and forwards between revolutionary barricades on the one hand 
 and coups oVetat on the other. 
 
 This was the momentous question now before the Vatican 
 Council, most serious because the displacement of the material 
 aims of great societies, regarded merely in its philosophical 
 aspect, is fraught with serious risk to their moral perceptions, 
 and must, therefore, be considered as dangerous by all of whatever 
 shade of opinion. Besides this, it is undeniable that matters 
 of faith which do not influence practice, and practices which 
 do not spring from faith, are especially repugnant to the spirit 
 of the age. Everything at this time seemed to strengthen 
 the desire that the discipline of the Church, which is by nature 
 flexible, should meet the new wants of society by extending itself 
 to as large a number of adherents as it could embrace, rather 
 than that in narrowing its limits it should cast out into un- 
 certainty many of those still in heart adhering to their ancient 
 faith. 
 
 10. As to the third question, that which regards the internal 
 policy of the Church, it presents itself to Italians under a special 
 form, unlike that in which it appears to other Catholic nations. 
 The bishops assembled in Rome might be of different opinions 
 on the various questions proposed to them ; but there is one 
 point on which they would all, Infallibilists or Anti-Infallibilists, 
 be inclined to agree, so far as ecclesiastical discipline allowed, 
 viz., in the preservation and aggrandisement of their own pre- 
 rogative, and consequently in resisting and modifying, if not 
 diminishing, the authority of the Roman Curia. Indeed, not- 
 withstanding the marvellous power of the ecclesiastical insti- 
 tutions of the Church, almost every time that a Council has 
 been convened to consider her organisation and interests, this 
 strife between the bishops and the Curia has been renewed. 
 
 When, on the other hand, we consider the external dealings 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 37 
 
 of the Church in her contact with civil society, we find 
 that the differences between Rome and the episcopate were 
 never very serious, and of late have been less than ever, and 
 for this reason ; that on whichever side the balance of power 
 inclined, the interests of the " Curia " and the episcopate being 
 here identical, no strife would ensue between them, and conse- 
 quently no important change could be effected by the Council. 
 
 On the contrary, in the internal question, the tendency of the 
 episcopate to enlarge or simply to guard its own rights, and 
 that feeling which may be termed the instinct of self-preserva- 
 tion that has always existed with varying fate and intensity, 
 and from time to time has shown itself in the Church ; this 
 feeling, though often subdued and vanquished, has again appeared 
 involved in the question of Infallibility. 
 
 There is, however, a barrier to this tendency, and that is 
 represented by the Pope and the cardinals, who for many 
 centuries have stood firm as personifying the best organised in- 
 stitution in the world ; and, wonderful to relate, owing to their 
 own strength and power, they were followed in the recent struggle 
 by many of the bishops. The only portion of the episcopate 
 to which this observation does not altogether apply, and which 
 has not the same interests as others in this question, is the 
 Italian ; and, as we have already observed, the Italian prelates 
 showed little inclination to join the Opposition. 
 
 11. The Papacy is an institution by nature profoundly and 
 entirely Italian, and in a certain way the most ardent defenders 
 of the Papacy render back with one hand to Italy, regarded as 
 an abstraction, what they take away with the other. If Italy 
 had not always had the art of ruining her own productions, 
 and if her sons of all ranks had not been influenced by the 
 spirit of intestine divisions, what profit might she not have 
 drawn from such a combination ! Every day this fact becomes 
 clearer to the Papacy and to Italy ; and perhaps in the future, 
 when of less importance, it will be plainer still. Would that 
 both one and the other could comprehend. — what, indeed, seems 
 easy to understand — that all power which is inevitable should 
 be so directed as to effect the greatest good, or, at any rate, the 
 least evil ! But we must leave these almost retrospective reflec- 
 tions, and turn to those facts which may enlighten us on the 
 
38 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 special affinity of the internal policy of the Church with the 
 Italian nation. 
 
 12. As long as the Papacy existed by its inherent strength, 
 derived from the principle of its traditions, the practical ap- 
 plication of its authority, and the place which it held in the 
 political organisation of Europe, it never permitted its decrees to 
 be subjected to discussion ; but since it has resorted to the means 
 of help furnished by modern society, that is, to parties, and has 
 received from them the aid of men and money, the force of circum- 
 stances has given to those very auxiliaries a new and powerful 
 influence on the Papacy. They, for the most part, were strangers 
 to Italy and to the Curia, properly so called, and up to the meeting 
 of the Council they had supported the cause of the Pope unani- 
 mously, and had fought valiantly for him in his recent reverses ; 
 but having reached the cross roads opened before them by the 
 Council, they branched off in two divisions, though Dupanloup 
 and De Merode, the leaders of the Opposition, continued as 
 ardent champions of the temporal power of the Pope, as 
 Manning and Deschamps, who were the principal upholders of 
 his spiritual supremacy. These particulars must be borne in 
 mind, because it is by no means certain that all parties, even 
 the most devoted to Rome, would invariably consider it their 
 duty to strive* for the greater glory of the Italian prelates ; and 
 that, in the course of events, they would never desire to take 
 part themselves in the supreme direction of the Church. This 
 is a point that has nothing in common with the doctrine of 
 Infallibility, indeed, events have proved the contrary ; the in- 
 terests, both of the supporters and the antagonists of Infallibility, 
 being here very much the same. Still, this question of the rela- 
 tions of the foreign episcopate to the Roman Curia is in many 
 ways owing to the complex nature of human interests mixed 
 up with that of Infallibility, this latter being the ground and 
 the pretext on which the tendencies above alluded to, enter into 
 Jhe contest with the Roman Curia ; which has always main~ 
 tained a firm and inexorable policy, and notwithstanding all 
 the dangers to which it has been exposed by the course of 
 recent events, and the appeal made to all Catholic nations, has 
 never admitted the slightest change among its members, or the 
 least modification in its institutions. 
 
December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 39 
 
 But how long could such a state of things last? Whatever 
 solutions the other great questions at issue have already found, 
 or are to find, in the Council, will the conditions of the Roman 
 Curia remain as they have been till now, when the course of 
 this religious movement is accomplished ? 
 
 13. This contingency is not an unimportant one for Italy, or 
 for the rest of the Catholic world. If we could imagine a 
 fundamental change in the economy of the Church, affecting s 
 not her temporal power only, but the manner in which she so 
 actively interferes directly and indirectly, in all the most im- 
 portant social and political questions, in such a case, Italy would 
 be as disinterested as other nations. But as that is not probable, 
 it follows that the Papacy, remaining as firmly rooted as ever 
 in the Church, but ceasing to be Italian, and losing thereby that 
 birthright of indigenous tradition which is natural to it and 
 guides it, would change its character as an active agency in 
 the world, and become a problem for all, and Italy could not 
 remain indifferent to such a vicissitude. 
 
 But to resume — omitting the consideration of what is conve- 
 nient for the Church — a question which it is not our object to 
 discuss, Italy would neither derive any advantage herself, nor 
 benefit the world in general, by surrendering the Papacy, with 
 or without modification, into the hands of foreigners. On her 
 own account such a course would be prejudicial, because the 
 national preferences that foreigners bring with them would 
 make an intrenched position in the very heart of Italy, of which 
 all countries by turn would try to hold the keys ; and with 
 regard to the world at large, the change would be detrimental, 
 because if once the Papacy ceased to be Italian, it would lose 
 the traditions that animate it, that are identified with it as its 
 second nature, and would enter upon a new and untried course, 
 of which no one as yet could predict the end. Perhaps, on more 
 than one occasion, Italy has already committed the mistake of 
 endeavouring (more than was either necessary or advisable) to 
 thrust the Papacy into the hands of foreigners ; and that these 
 mistakes have not as yet produced the evil that was to be ex- 
 pected, is due to the cohesion and tenacity of the Roman Curia. 
 
 14. However, such secondary considerations must not dis- 
 tract us from those of a more important character ; which prove 
 
40 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 
 
 how desirable it is, that on every subject and under every aspect, 
 the decisions and the policy of the Church should be as broad, 
 as reasonable, and as conciliatory as possible ; and that her aim 
 should be to connect the religion of the great majority of the 
 Latin race with the increase of their civilisation and the spread 
 of their greatness, rather than to make it a religion fit only 
 for bigots. 
 
 We should learn to be very cautious in the means we adopt 
 for promoting the good, both of the Church and of Italy ; we 
 must avoid the vulgar oratory of declamation, and the enuncia- 
 tion- of grandiloquent and foregone conclusions ; and also espe- 
 cially resist that cynical indifference, which counsels an equally 
 cynical resignation to events which it was unable to anticipate. 
 In order to reconcile conflicting interests, Italy should strive to 
 maintain the initiative of all that is useful in secular concerns, 
 to place herself at the head of the religious movement of our 
 day ; and to carry out the needful reforms in the discipline of 
 the Church ; functions for which her peculiar position renders 
 her well fitted, though in truth she seems too little disposed to 
 take the task upon herself. 
 
 15. At the opening of the Vatican Council it would have been 
 presumptuous to prognosticate its success ; for, putting aside 
 unforeseen contingencies, no one could predict the course of 
 an assembly of about 1000 persons. It was only known that 
 the great majority, speaking in parliamentary language, were 
 Conservative ; so that the promoters of absolutism had more 
 followers in the Council than those who were in favour of a 
 comparatively Liberal policy, and exercised a predominant 
 authority. The Liberal Catholics had to contend with the 
 smallness of their own numbers, and the general constitution 
 of the Council, which was so arranged as to prove a great bar 
 to the initiative of the Opposition. According to various esti- 
 mates, the strength of the Opposition, embracing different grada- 
 tions of opinion, was about 150 or 200 ; and, reckoning on the 
 influence which might be exercised on the wavering, it seemed 
 probable that they might suffice to neutralise the efforts of the 
 partisans of Infallibility, though not to take the initiative them- 
 selves, or still less to imprint a character of liberal reform on 
 the Council. 
 
EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 41 
 
 Certainly the state of affairs was unpromising for the Opposi- 
 tion, though some hope was derived from the general acknow- 
 ledgment of the needs of modern civilisation, and from the 
 longing for reconciliation which extended on all sides and to 
 
 Kl classes. 
 Would this longing suffice to prevent the execution of those 
 ogrammes of absolutism now circulating in the higher spheres 
 of the Vatican ? Optimists answered this question hopefully : 
 but as for the prospect of obtaining any real change in matters 
 of discipline long rooted in the Church, all were fully aware 
 that neither the desire, nor the conditions necessary for such 
 a result existed. 
 
 16. At any rate, if it was then impossible to form a correct 
 judgment as to the future, it was at all events very useful to 
 follow the course of events so important, and, for Italy espe- 
 cially, fraught with such momentous results ; and that is what 
 we propose to do in writing the present work. 
 
42 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. 
 
 JANUARY. 
 
 I.— THE SECOND SESSION. 
 
 1. Aspect of the Church of St. Peter's on a feast day. — 2. The same. — 3. Second 
 Session. — 4. Aspect of the Council Hall. — 5. Defects of the same. — 6. Pro- 
 fession of faith. — 7. Description of the ceremony. — 8. Reasons for its taking 
 place. 
 
 1. EVERY one who has been at Rome knows the peculiar 
 physiognomy of the Church of St. Peter on a day of festival : a 
 mixture of the sacred and the profane ; of the majestic and the 
 vulgar ; of the sublime and the grotesque — such as Shakespeare, 
 perhaps, first dared to depict with congenial energy — is the cha- 
 racteristic of the scene, a mixture which, running through all the 
 varieties of style from Michael Angelo to Pinelli, presents a 
 complete image of Catholic society, from the splendour of a 
 Pope to the squalor of a boor — from the faith of St. Peter to the 
 faith of the Magdalene. 
 
 2. The motley crowd moves under those immense arcades 
 with the easy freedom of men who feel themselves at home, and 
 to whom by long usage the most solemn and mysterious acts of 
 worship have become familiar. Cardinals, peasants, princes, 
 beggars, favourites of fame, followers of fashion, in garments 
 of every shape and colour, sweep past one another with an 
 incessant movement that reminds one of the description given 
 by Dante (Inf. xviii.) — 
 
 " Come i Eoman per l'esercito molto 
 L' anno del Giubileo, su per lo ponte 
 Hanno a passar la gente modo tolto," 
 
 and of a public thoroughfare. From time to time a single group, 
 preceded by an official from the palace, forces its way with 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 43 
 
 difficulty through the surging crowd — probably a king, or one 
 of the great of the earth — while every now and then you may 
 find a wayworn traveller with flowing hair, prostrate in devotion 
 in some corner of the church — a pilgrim who has come from the 
 depths of Galicia to kneel at the shrine of the Apostles. 
 
 3. Such was the aspect presented by the Church of St. Peter 
 on the 6th of January in this year, when the second Session of 
 the Vatican Council was held. There was nothing, however, on 
 this occasion to indicate that any special event occupied the 
 public mind ; the general concourse was smaller, but, owing to 
 the arrival of more bishops, the Council Hall was better filled 
 than at the first Session, and presented a striking appearance. 
 
 4. Unfortunately, the grandeur of the effect was somewhat 
 marred by the necessity of placing the seats very close together, 
 owing to the number of Fathers present ; and as each seat was 
 marked with a figure of large dimensions, it will easily be un- 
 derstood that the appearance presented by the hall when filled 
 (though in one sense imposing) was rather that of a closely 
 packed and numbered multitude, than, as it should have been, 
 a venerable assembly of distinguished persons. 
 
 5. It had been decided to change the hall for the Congre- 
 gations, on account of the serious acoustic defect we have 
 already mentioned, for it was related that in one of the first 
 meetings, when the bishops were interrogated on some propo- 
 sition, that they answered " Nihil intelleximus," instead of 
 " Placet ;" but this plan was soon abandoned, and an attempt 
 was made to remedy the defect, by stretching awnings across so 
 as to reduce the size of the area about one-third, and to crowd 
 the bishops more closely together round the throne. These 
 awnings, being only used for the Congregations, were removed 
 during the public Sessions, and the same hall served for both 
 assemblies, but at the cost of much inconvenience and without 
 a satisfactory result, as it was still very difficult if not impos- 
 sible to hear, a serious embarrassment in the long discussions 
 carried on in an unfamiliar language with every variety of 
 pronunciation. 
 
 6. The procedure of the Council of Trent was followed and 
 imitated on this occasion, though with a different intention. 
 The third Session of that Council was occupied in drawing up 
 
44 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. 
 
 the confession of faith which is contained in the Creed of the 
 Roman Church, as, owing to the tardy arrival of the bishops, 
 no important business could be transacted. 
 
 At the Vatican Council the confession of faith served to 
 occupy the second Session ; because on account of the shortness 
 of the time, and of the unexpected resistance evoked by the 
 first matters proposed, no other work was ready, and no decree 
 prepared for promulgation. 
 
 It was a common practice in all Councils, especially the 
 more ancient ones, on account of the great divisions within 
 the Church which drew people away in all directions, that the 
 assembly, in order to give proof of fellowship, should com- 
 mence its deliberations by reciting a creed or common pro- 
 fession of faith ; in our days, when such divisions are either 
 much lessened or no longer exist, showing themselves, when they 
 do occur, without, not within the Church, such a profession of 
 faith, like many other old traditions, becomes a mere ceremony. 
 
 With this view, the enlarged and precise formula of Pius IV. 
 was selected, because it contains the additions made at the end 
 of the Council of Trent on account of the Reformation, and 
 because it is the one used in all public acts, and obligatory at 
 the University for those who wish to obtain their degrees at the 
 end of the scholastic course. 
 
 7. On the 6th of January, after the Fathers had taken their 
 places in the hall, and the Pope, surrounded by his court, 
 was seated on his throne, the solemn mass, used on such occa- 
 sions, was celebrated, after which the Secretary of the Council 
 placed the book of the Gospels upon the altar. The prayers 
 followed, and the Pope, crossing himself six times, blessed the 
 assembly. The reading of the Gospel and the invocation of 
 the Holy Spirit took place, and then the ritual being com- 
 pleted, the two " avvocati promotori " of the Council approached 
 the Pope's throne, praying him to allow the profession of faith 
 to be made by the Fathers. 
 
 This being complied with, the Pope first recited the formula 
 himself, and after him the Bishop of Fabriano, ascending the 
 ambo, read it aloud ; then all the Fathers, one by one, according 
 to their rank, approached the throne, and kneeling with the right 
 hand on the Gospels repeated in turn, " spondeo, voveo et juro 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 45 
 
 juxtaformulam prela?ctam." Each one repeated this phrase in 
 the language of his own ritual, so that it was heard in six or seven 
 different tongues, and the ceremony lasted over two hours. 
 When it was completed, the two " promoters " of the Council 
 requested the apostolic protonotaries to draw up the record of 
 the proceedings, and with a hymn of thanksgiving the second 
 Session was closed, having, like the first, consisted merely in 
 ceremonies. 
 
 8. The reason for having recourse to this expedient to occupy 
 the second Session, which had been fixed beforehand, but for 
 which nothing was ready, was certainly the shortness of the 
 time ; but also in making the arrangements, no doubt had been 
 entertained as to the celerity with which they could be carried 
 through. 
 
 The first propositions contained only matters of dogma which 
 did not admit of doubt ; so it is no wonder that having reckoned 
 six months as long enough to spend on the questions most open 
 to dispute, it was supposed that one month would amply suffice 
 for the consideration of the others, and that the decrees relat- 
 ing thereto might be published in the first Session after the 
 public opening. 
 
 Matters, however, went contrary to the expectation : the first 
 subjects provoked unlooked-for discussion ; and as the public 
 Session was announced for that day, no other way was found of 
 occupying the time save in having recourse to the profession of 
 faith. But the better to understand this, before proceeding 
 further we will call to mind the rules that guided the progress 
 of the assembly. 
 
 v 
 
46 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 II.— THE AKEANGEMENT OF THE WORK.— FIRST 
 SCHEME. 
 
 1. Classification of subjects. — 2. Ecclesiastical policy is omitted from the Com- 
 missions. — 3. Distribution of the schemes. — 4. Duty of the Commissions. — 
 5. Nomination of the same. — 6. Method observed in the debates. — 7. The 
 assembly sanctions the scheme.— 8. Difference between an Ecclesiastical 
 Council and an assembly of laymen. — 9. On Papal approbation. — 10. On the 
 proposals of the bishops. — 11. Composition of the Council. — 12. Addresses 
 against its Order. — 13. The Opposition declares itself. — 14. The scheme 
 " De Fide.'' — 15. Observations on the same. — 16. Debate on the same. — 17. 
 On the Opposition. — 18. Its composition. — 19. The Italians. — 20. Admonitions 
 of the presidents. — 21. Other provisions. — 22. The scheme " De Fide " sent 
 back. 
 
 1. The matters to be treated of in the Council were classified 
 in five sections — Faith, Discipline, Religious Orders, Eastern 
 Affairs, and Ecclesiastical Policy (omitting the section on Cere- 
 monial as less important), and were prepared in the Commis- 
 sions corresponding to these titles, which were named by the 
 Pope at the convocation of the Council. Consequently, up to 
 the present time these subjects were nothing but propositions 
 set forth by the Pope in order to obtain the opinions of the 
 bishops, whereby the primary object of the Council was very 
 much restricted ; and instead of being a general discussion on 
 the wants and condition of the Church, it was limited to an 
 inquiry from the bishops of what the Pope desired to know. 
 
 2. The section for Ecclesiastical Policy, which naturally in- 
 cluded the relations between Church and State, was subsequently 
 set aside ; owing, probably, to diplomatic considerations and 
 their results. There remained then the four first, and among 
 these the subjects of the fifth section were divided, the section 
 on Discipline receiving the chief accession. 
 
 Accordingly, when the Council selected by vote the five 
 Commissions to take the place of those previously nominated 
 by the Pope, that on Policy no longer appeared, any more than 
 that on Ceremonial. 
 
 The Commissions chosen by the Pope for the preparatory 
 work, no longer existed officially at the opening of the Council ; 
 having completed their duty of compiling all the subjects to be 
 discussed in a series of schemes (schemata), each of which com- 
 prised one set of subjects. 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 47 
 
 3. These schemes were only communicated separately by 
 the Secretaries to the Council, as the time of their discussion 
 arriveJ ; and thus it was impossible for the bishops to know 
 a priori their number and contents. Neither could they learn 
 whether they would all be preserved, and in their original form ; 
 or if, according to the progress of the deliberations, some might 
 not be laid aside or modified otherwise than was indicated by 
 the Bull — "Multiplices inter" — which declared that they should 
 be maintained in their integrity. 
 
 Such a method of proceeding left the bishops in complete 
 ignorance of what would be the next subject, and prevented 
 their forming a just opinion of all on which they had ultimately 
 to judge. It also followed that the order in which the different 
 subjects were presented to the Fathers greatly influenced their 
 reception by the assembly, as sometimes the mere collecting 
 and placing together an assemblage of laws may suffice to prove 
 their value and desirability. 
 
 This was, in fact, one of the chief complaints of the Opposi- 
 tion, of that portion especially, which, belonging to free countries 
 like America, was accustomed to subject all matters to the 
 fullest investigation. They could not understand such mys- 
 terious proceedings, and, generally speaking, the entire Opposition 
 viewed this part of the arrangement as derogatory to their 
 dignity, and injurious to the success of the Council. 
 
 4. As the Pope at the beginning had named the first Commis- 
 sion to prepare his propositions, so now the Council chose an equal 
 number to undertake the amendments. Not five, but four only 
 were named, corresponding to the classification explained at the 
 beginning of this chapter ; indeed, only three were chosen at 
 first, that on Eastern Affairs remaining suspended, till finally 
 nominated in the Congregation of January 19th, 
 
 The gravity and the delicate nature of this subject, together 
 with the international questions it involves, and the difficulties 
 experienced by the Oriental bishops — the only competent judges 
 in such matters — all, perhaps, contributed to this suspension ; 
 and ought to have had great weight in the progressive treat- 
 ment of the Eastern question. In fact, the only business of 
 these Commissions was to receive at second-hand the schemes 
 which, having met with partial or entire disapproval in the 
 
48 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 Council, they then amended according to the views of the 
 assembly ; so that the same schemes which had failed on being 
 presented as the Pope's initiative, might return again to the 
 Council as the proposals of its own Commissions, and modified 
 according to what was believed to be its own opinion. 
 
 5. This part of the arrangements might have been sensible 
 enough, but that which diminished its good effect on the Oppo- 
 sition was the choice of the individuals elected on these Com- 
 missions, which provoked much comment. 
 
 It was said that tickets bearing the names of candidates 
 were photographed in large numbers and distributed to the 
 bishops, many of whom on their arrival, knowing nothing of 
 the persons in question, were likely to accept them at once ; 
 and it was added, that these tickets were actually found in 
 the urn, when the polling papers were scrutinised, having been 
 placed there by some of the Fathers who wished to avoid the 
 trouble of copying them. It was also said, in proof of the 
 moral violence exercised, that some of the Fathers, feeling that 
 it was impossible to contend against this sort of electoral in- 
 fluence, placed blank polling papers in the urn from a feeling 
 of disdain. However that may be, it is undoubted that the 
 names drawn, the first especially, proved to be exactly such as 
 the Civilta Cattolica would have chosen. 
 
 Without overlooking the part that the contending forces in 
 Council might take in the matter, it is certain that the opinions 
 prevailing among the majority of the Fathers, especially at the 
 beginning, contributed greatly to bring about the election of 
 those Commissioners. 
 
 6. By the Bull, " Multiplices inter," was established the order 
 to be followed in the discussion of matters already arranged 
 and settled. The proposed scheme is communicated to all the 
 Fathers, who may then study it with the assistance of one or 
 more theologians, chosen by themselves, and bound to secrecy. 
 Those who intend to speak, either for or against the matter, 
 inscribe their names by turns in a register ; and in one or more 
 Congregations the speakers are heard on every question, after 
 which comes the real debate, the discussion properly so called. 
 
 If the scheme is either universally accepted, or meets with few 
 objections, it is put to the vote, agreed on, and promulgated in the 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 49 
 
 next public Session ; but if it meets with serious resistance, it is 
 sent back to the Commission to which it belongs, to be modi- 
 fied, and then again brought before the assembly. 
 
 A few copies of the speeches and discussions, as reported by 
 the shorthand-writers, are printed at the private office of the 
 Council for the use of the presidents only, all other persons 
 having to depend on their memory for the impressions received 
 in the Congregations. 
 
 7. The schemes approved and compiled in the form of decrees 
 are then put definitively to the vote in the public Sessions ; this is 
 done orally by the scrutineers, who interrogate the Fathers one 
 by one, and having received their answers — " Placet" or " Non 
 placet " — inscribe the answers and the names in a book, and thus 
 ascertain the majority, and the issue of the vote. 
 
 8. According to the ideas of laymen on the constitution of 
 an assembly, the matter is here decided, as the opinion of the 
 majority being ascertained, the point is settled. But in this 
 assembly the vote of the majority, however deliberate, does not 
 constitute the decision, unless approved by the Pope, to whom it 
 is then submitted, and who may either give or withhold his 
 sanction. Only when the vote of the assembly is approved by 
 the Pope does it become law, although the decree speaks of the 
 number or unanimity of the consenting bishops, which shows 
 that the Council is a deliberative, and not simply a consultative 
 one. This rule has generally prevailed in great assemblies of 
 the Church, and on this occasion full advantage was taken 
 of it by Rome ; indeed, the canons of the Vatican Council 
 begin with the formula, " Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, 
 sacro approbante Concilio, ad perpetuam rei memoriam," a title 
 which gave rise to no small complaint on the part of the 
 Opposition. 
 
 According to the very extended application thus made of the 
 principle, not only does the vote of the majority require the 
 Pope's sanction in order to become a binding decree, but the 
 " Curialisti " maintain that the vote of the minority, with the 
 Papal approbation may be of equal value ; although even they 
 allow that prudence would never permit the use of such a power. 
 
 9. Without, however, further entangling ourselves in these 
 questions, one thing is certain, namely, that according to canon- 
 
 E 
 
50 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 ical theory and the practice of Catholic institutions, the appro- 
 bation of the Pope alone gives the authority of a canon to the 
 decision of a general Council. This distinguishes the nature of 
 a Conciliar assembly from that of a civil or political one, as 
 whatever weight may be attached to the vote of a Council, it 
 is still really of a consultative character, since the power of the 
 Pope, instead of being subject to it, actually outweighs it. 
 
 In forming a judgment on these points, this fact must be borne 
 in mind, because it follows, that if in ecclesiastical assemblies the 
 majority lose the authority they possess in meetings of the laity, 
 the minority, on the other hand, obtain it ; for as the reason of 
 a decision may, in the Pope's mind, proceed from expediency 
 and not from numbers, it follows that some minorities may, for 
 special reasons, carry more weight with them than is warranted 
 by their numerical composition. These grounds afforded a 
 reasonable hope of success to the Opposition in the present 
 Council, because, though few in number, they represented popu- 
 lations, societies, and interests of far more importance than did 
 most of the Infallibilists. 
 
 10. It will now be apparent, from the explanations we have 
 given, how many difficulties the Opposition had to contend 
 with. All propositions proceeded from Commissions nominated 
 by the Pope, and when they did not meet with a favourable re- 
 ception, returned to other Commissions composed almost entirely 
 of the same elements as the first. By the Bull, the bishops 
 possessed the right of initiating questions, but these could not 
 come before the assembly until they had received the sanction 
 of a special Congregation nominated by the Pope (and con- 
 taining twelve cardinals), and finally of the Pontiff himself. 
 After all this preparation, they passed into the category of Papal 
 propositions ; but as according to the provisions of the schemes 
 they were only communicated separately to the bishops, it became 
 a very difficult matter for the latter to bring forward any subject 
 themselves. Being left in ignorance of the questions to follow, 
 how could they make propositions that might not be in accord- 
 ance with the course of deliberations? Who can tell what is 
 wanting without knowing what already exists ? How is it pos- 
 sible to prejudge a question which may be reserved for future 
 deliberation ? According to this plan, the bishops would only 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 51 
 
 know at the end of the proceedings many things on which they 
 might wish to deliberate ; and then, how could they take up 
 again matters already discussed, and connect questions that had 
 been considered separately, or would now be most difficult to 
 modify by reason of their previous treatment. The Commission 
 nominated by the Pope to examine the proposals of the bishops 
 met for the first time on Sunday, the 23rd of January ; but the 
 Opposition asked, with reason, what proposals would be accepted 
 for discussion in the Council in the state of affairs just described ? 
 
 11. The same cardinals who presided over the first Commis- 
 sions, which prepared the schemes, presided also over the second, 
 whose duty it was to modify them when they proved unaccep- 
 table ; and three of these cardinals were, at the same time, 
 legates or presidents over the five, who directed the whole 
 procedure of the Council. If to this it be added that (in the 
 present condition of the Church) a great proportion of the 
 bishops present at the Council were simply nominees of the 
 Pope, and not the representatives of the opinions of their 
 dioceses, if we consider the numbers of the bishops in partibus 
 who are all subject to the Curia, of the Vicars- Apostolic, who 
 are dependants of the Propaganda Fide, of the Generals of 
 Orders, who form a sort of Papal army ; and remember, more- 
 over, that the half of these, including men who, from their 
 dignity and position, might be expected to be independent (as, 
 for example, the French cardinals) were guests of the Pope, it will 
 easily be understood how much suspicion was awakened among 
 the Opposition, and how everything concerning the Order of the 
 Council was received by them with greater mistrust than the 
 propositions in themselves seemed to warrant. To all this 
 was added another consideration, of no small consequence, 
 which contributed to keep up the feeling of irritation and 
 suspicion. 
 
 The work of the Council of Trent was settled in its second 
 Session in a sort of Order by which the whole procedure 
 was fixed ; but this Order, like a simple decree, was submitted 
 in the accustomed manner to the " Placet " of the Fathers, 
 discussed and approved by the whole assembly. 
 
 The corresponding act to this in the Vatican Council was a 
 Papal Bull, by which the whole Order of the Council was 
 
 E 2 
 
52 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Januaky. 
 
 settled a priori without discussion, and by the sole authority 
 of the Pope, the assembly having no voice whatever in the 
 matter. 
 
 12. In consequence of this, the Opposition began to con- 
 centrate their efforts on certain principal points; and in order 
 to guard against the dangers threatened by the superior numbers 
 of the majority, they insisted especially on the necessity of una- 
 nimity for any declaration of dogma, and upheld the importance 
 of this maxim to the end. Some of the wisest bishops were of 
 opinion that the modification of the Order should at once be 
 insisted on, as without it, all resistance would be impossible, and 
 could be put down almost as soon as it appeared. With this view 
 two addresses were made to the Pope : the one signed by twenty- 
 eight bishops, praying for the reform of the whole Order ; the 
 other, asking for its partial modification, being signed by a great 
 part of their number. A small number of the French also pre- 
 sented a petition in the same sense, but these addresses produced 
 no effect, and did not even receive an answer. Perhaps, if the 
 Opposition had insisted further, and had shown themselves firmly 
 united from the beginning, they might have been spared great 
 trouble in the end. 
 
 13. The discontent occasioned by the difficulty of hearing 
 in the hall, by the names of the Commissioners, and, above all, 
 by the regulations of the Council having been disregarded, it 
 increased and strengthened the Opposition, by attracting to it 
 some of the uncertain and irresolute, and as soon as it could be 
 legally manifested, it became very formidable. 
 
 14. The scheme " De Fide " was the first published, and it 
 was discussed in the last Congregations in December. It con- 
 tained a sort of dogmatic decree against every modern error, and, 
 indeed, every ancient error as well. It condemned Materialism, 
 Pantheism, and all kinds of philosophical systems under a 
 series of heads, which, beginning with the creation of the 
 world, and continuing to the present day, set forth and affirmed 
 the whole body of Catholic doctrines. The compilation of this 
 scheme was attributed to the Jesuits, and especially to Father 
 Franzelin, Professor of Theology in the Roman College. 
 
 15. Now it is clear that in a Catholic assembly no doubt 
 could arise on these matters, and therefore such declarations 
 
Jakuaky.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 53 
 
 can only concern those who are beyond the pale of the 
 Catholic Church and of Christianity, but here a dispute 
 arose. A Catholic assembly, said some, is called together 
 to legislate for those who recognise it and, in some measure, 
 depend upon it, but those who are out of the Church are 
 already condemned by their own act ; with regard to these de- 
 nunciations the Council might just as well condemn Buddhism 
 or Islamism. 
 
 Then, as to philosophical systems and opinions, they added 
 — the Catholic Church may, if it pleases, oppose its own philo- 
 sophy to that of the Rationalists, or confront Rosmini with the 
 German philosophers ; that would be to fight on the same 
 ground ; but to condemn is not to discuss. We can condemn 
 those who hear us or are subject to us, but we either argue 
 with, or are silent, regarding those with whom we have nothing 
 in common, and who cannot hear us. Every unauthorized con- 
 demnation is useless, and injures, rather than enhances, the 
 dignity of him who pronounces it. Such were the principal 
 arguments of those who opposed the first scheme. Besides, they 
 took exception to other things, and especially to the title that 
 headed the scheme, which began with " Pius Episcopus " instead 
 of " Sacrosancta Synodus," as was usual in the principal Councils, 
 especially that of Trent. Of this title we shall speak hereafter, 
 when we come to discuss the scheme " De Fide ;" but as soon as 
 it appeared it gave rise to vehement objections on the part of 
 the Opposition, as it implied a solution of the whole question 
 which divided the Council before it had been discussed. 
 
 Moreover, the manner in which the scheme was compiled 
 was obnoxious to the assembly, being mean, invidious, trifling, 
 and likely to render its contents anything but acceptable to 
 the ears and the intellects of the nineteenth century. Only 
 conceive the impression produced by the mournful lucubra- 
 tions of the Fathers of the Civilta Cattolica, and of a few theo- 
 logians, little versed in the ways of the world, on all those 
 bishops who, being either themselves highly cultivated, or 
 understanding, even if not sharing, the great movement of 
 modern society, are aware of its importance, and can estimate 
 the great value of the questions it involves. The effect of all 
 this was, that on account of the vehemence of the Opposition, 
 
51 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 the scheme, instead of being promulgated in the second Session, 
 as had been intended, was sent back in its entirety to the 
 ' ' Congregation on Faith," to which it belonged, in order to be 
 revised. 
 
 16. This discussion occupied six Congregations, that of De- 
 cember 28th being the first and the most important, because 
 in it the Archbishop of Vienna, and the Archbishops of San 
 Louis and of Nisibi, spoke extremely well. The Archbishops 
 of Sorrento, Smyrna, and Malta, all unanimously opposed the 
 scheme for the reasons before specified, and the Archbishop of 
 Halifax also spoke against it with great effect. On the 30th 
 the discussion was continued by Strossmayer, Genouhilhac, 
 Caixal y Astrade, and a Roumanian Greek bishop. The same 
 subject was under deliberation on January 3rd ; but from that 
 date the publication of the names of the orators in the Official 
 Gazette, which had hitherto taken place, was prohibited, most 
 probably on account of the interest they had excited in the 
 public mind since the preceding Congregations. On the 4th, 
 8th, and 10th of January the scheme was discussed without 
 interruption, and then, the debate being closed, it was sent back 
 for revision. 
 
 17. This fact rendered it evident that the Opposition, in 
 which people had hitherto been slow to believe, had really 
 acquired importance, and showed that matters would not 
 progress as easily as was pretended by the Civilta Cattolica. 
 Indeed, though it was impossible yet to judge of the final 
 result, it was clear that the vague and uncertain divergences 
 of opinions which had but hitherto prevailed were now concen- 
 trated in a real opposition, not as yet very unanimous and 
 well organised, but far more serious than was expected. Above 
 all, that which gave it weight and constituted its importance 
 was the elements of which it was composed, as we shall now 
 proceed to point out. 
 
 18. The German bishops, being almost unanimous, were fore- 
 most in the Opposition, their leaders being such men as the 
 Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Schwarzemberg, and Mon- 
 signor Hefele, Bishop of Rottenburg, a prelate profoundly versed 
 in ecclesiastical learning. The German episcopate standing 
 very high both in intellectual culture and in social condition, 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 55 
 
 and being firmly united, had drawn together into a common 
 line of action even those members of their body the least dis- 
 posed towards it, such as the Archbishops of Mayence and of 
 Cologne, the former a most remarkable man, and others. The 
 German bishops gave proof, moreover, of the greatest aptitude 
 and vigour in discussion. The Archbishop of Vienna in one of 
 the recent debates showed such vivacity, and caused the president 
 so much embarrassment, that to him was attributed by the public, 
 the substitution of De Angelis for De Luca in the direction 
 of the debates ; the change being effected after that stormy 
 meeting, though it may have been only in consequence of 
 ecclesiastical regulations. 
 
 The eldest of the five presidents usually conducted the pro- 
 ceedings ; and on account of the death of Cardinal Reisach, which 
 had recently occurred, that office fell to Cardinal de Luca ; but 
 he in turn had to cede the place to Cardinal de Angelis, on his 
 nomination to the post of president as being the senior. 
 Schwarzemberg was highly distinguished on account of his 
 birth, his courteous manners, and the decision of his language, 
 and almost all the other bishops were for some reason or other 
 highly esteemed and remarkable men. 
 
 The Bishops of Hungary and Croatia, led by the Primate of 
 Hungary (Strossmayer), the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio, and 
 the Archbishop of Colocza, formed one group with the Germans ; 
 Monsignor Strossmayer being universally considered the most 
 splendid orator, the best Latin scholar, and the person of highest 
 authority. The Archbishop of Colocza, Monsignor Haynald, was 
 much esteemed for his learning, and considered liberal in his 
 opinions, and the final decision regarding the unlucky scheme was 
 attributed to a speech of his. The rest of the Opposition was made 
 up as follows : — About one-third of the French bishops, who fol- 
 lowed with various gradations the steps of the Archbishop of 
 Paris ; the Bishop of Orleans and Maret, author of the book, 
 ' On the General Council and Religious Peace ;' almost the whole 
 of the American episcopate, about twenty Italian bishops, and 
 other small parties. These taken together formed a body which, 
 on account of the learning of its members, the illustrious names 
 it contained, and the nations it represented, made up in impor- 
 tance the weight it lacked in numbers. 
 
56 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 19. Monsignor Tizzani, Bishop of Nisibi in partibus, made 
 some stir among the Italians by the speech already mentioned ; 
 and although blind and aged, he was able to exercise consider- 
 able influence in the assembly by his eloquence, and the strength 
 of his arguments. The Bishops of Casale, Biella, and Salerno, 
 showed themselves able orators in the succeeding discussions, 
 but with slight success ; because, as we have already explained, the 
 Italians who joined the Opposition were few and timid, though 
 at the same time they made but little stir in the opposite camp. 
 It was very difficult to judge correctly of the disposition of the 
 Italian bishops ; as a rule, they inclined towards Rome, but they 
 were by no means inclined to surrender themselves blindly into 
 the hands of the so-called Catholic party, and on many occasions 
 a spirit of moderation seemed gradually gaining ground among 
 them. 
 
 20. A more rigorous observance of the Order of the Council 
 was the consequence of the vote of mistrust which sent back 
 the first scheme for revision, and of the clearer perception of 
 the situation which prevailed after the public Session of 
 January 6th. In one of the first Congregations that followed, 
 the presidents warned the Fathers against the length of speeches, 
 and the useless repetition of things already discussed by others ; 
 and admonished them solemnly on the necessity of secrecy, 
 adding to the simple injunction given in the Order the further 
 threat that those who transgressed it would be considered rei 
 gravis culpce, that is to say, guilty of mortal sin. The effect 
 caused by this last admonition varied according to the different 
 shades of opinion prevailing among the Fathers. Those who 
 considered the Council a sovereign assembly depending only on 
 itself, asked how such an obligation could possibly be made 
 binding upon them; and declared that although this secrecy 
 was a just and mutual obligation for convenience sake, it could 
 never so fetter the conscience as to render those who infringed 
 it guilty. Nevertheless, we must allow that notwithstanding 
 these opinions, secrecy as to the Council was, especially at first, 
 very well preserved, considering that more than a thousand 
 persons were present, and the little that did transpire was 
 gathered from the few words indiscreetly dropped by many, 
 rather than by the revelations of one. 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 57 
 
 21. The bishops were forbidden to print their speeches, 
 even for the use of their colleagues ; just as the ' Diario di 
 Roma ' was not allowed to publish the names of the orators, as 
 had been done for the first Congregations. It really seemed 
 that those who guided the Council were trying to justify the 
 apprehensions to which the first appearance of the Order had 
 given rise, and to foment the prevailing discontent by pushing 
 it to its extreme limits at the expense of the Opposition, against 
 whom every sort of moral violence was adopted ; all of which, 
 as might naturally be expected, ended by bringing about .results 
 very different from those intended. 
 
 22. Meantime, the scheme, having been returned to the Com- 
 mission on Faith, was studied anew ; and if we are correct in 
 believing that this work was entrusted to its original compilers, 
 and among them to Father Franzelin, its opponents could hardly 
 expect any such modification as was likely to content them. 
 
 in.— FIRST STEP TOWARDS INFALLIBILITY.— OTHER 
 
 SCHEMES. 
 
 1. Petition for Infallibility. — 2. The predominant question. — 3. The promoters 
 of the address. — 4. Its contents. — 5. Its arguments. — 6. Manner of its publi- 
 cation. — 7. Number of signatures. — 8. Undignified supposition. — 9. Promoters 
 of the address. — 10. Addresses against Infallibility. — 11. Singular situation. 
 — 12. Division of parties in the assembly. — 13. Efforts to promote Infalli- 
 bility. — 14. Revelations of the Unita Cattolica. — 15. Distribution of new 
 schemes. — 16. Their form is displeasing. — 17. The scheme " De Episcopis." 
 — 18. Discourse of the Bishop of Cologne. — 19. Speech of the Bishop of 
 Orleans. — 20. General features of the schemes. — 21. The bishops ask for 
 more information on the subjects of debate. — 22. The scheme " De Catechismo." 
 
 1. The Infallibilists continued their work outside the doors 
 of the Council. A notice was circulated by the Archbishop 
 of Westminster, and the Fathers of the Civilta Cattolica, along 
 with a letter addressed to the bishops, soliciting the Council 
 to proclaim the personal Infallibility of the Pope in faith and 
 morals. 
 
 2. There was abundant excitement on other matters, but 
 this was the important point, the dominant question of the 
 
58 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 Vatican Council ; all else was of minor consequence, and turned 
 on this. Every individual in his own way, and according 1 to his 
 own ideas and interests, felt that here was the to be or not to be 
 of the matter. 
 
 3. The letter was signed by eighteen bishops from different 
 countries, but scarcely any of them Italian. The address was 
 headed by the signature of the Archbishop of Westminster ; and 
 it was said also by that of the Archbishop of Baltimore, one of 
 the few American Infallibilists. 
 
 4. The address was with much subtlety addressed to the 
 Commission, whose duty it was to receive the proposals of the 
 bishops, and was the first episcopal document of importance 
 presented with the view of obtaining leave for its discussion ; 
 and was all that the Infallibilists had been able to carry out of 
 the programme announced by the Civiltd Cattolica, which said 
 that the Council at its first sitting would proclaim Infallibility 
 by acclamation. 
 
 5. The address was based on what it declared to be the 
 universal opinion of the Church, as previously manifested, and 
 insisted on the necessity of the dogma in order to preserve 
 her unity, citing other Councils in which it had to a great 
 extent been recognised. But the most learned of the Opposition 
 affirmed that these examples were neither exact, nor to the 
 point, because such an explicit and personal declaration as the 
 Infallibilists required, had only up to the present time met with 
 the sanction of a Provincial Council (recently held in Holland, 
 if I mistake not) which, from its inconsiderable numbers, could 
 carry no weight whatever. Who can explain the reason why 
 Holland, the classic ground of Protestantism and Positivism, 
 has, as far as its microscopic proportions would allow, filled the 
 Roman State with Zouaves, and the Council with Infallibilists? 
 Perhaps it is owing to the strength and energy which characterise 
 the movements of robust and determined nations. The contents 
 of the address were calculated to impress very deeply all who 
 considered them calmly, and reflected that they were the expres- 
 sions of men in whose hands are deposited the religious interests 
 of multitudes, and who act as the guides of whole nations ; the 
 tone of indifference, or we might almost say of disdain, with 
 which the writers regard the separations and schisms likely to 
 
kn 
 
 i 
 
 jary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 
 
 sue from their address is most striking, being so entirely at 
 variance with their mission. 
 
 6. It was remarked that this notice or pamphlet was circu- 
 ed without bearing any sort of licence ; and in Rome, as is well 
 
 nown, nothing can be printed without an " approbation," and 
 1 sorts of addresses are absolutely forbidden. Of course this 
 ond restriction could not apply to the Fathers in Council ; but 
 with regard to the first, the omission was evidently intentional, 
 in order to avoid what would have been unbecoming if the 
 Papal authorities had directly sanctioned such a request. 
 
 7. The promoters of this address took much pains to obtain 
 signatures, but the precise number of those subscribed was 
 never ascertained. One of them had affirmed that they could 
 count on 500 bishops, but this was perhaps rather the expres- 
 sion of an arithmetical venture than of certain and individual 
 knowledge. 
 
 On subtracting from the whole number of bishops sitting in 
 the Council those 200 who formed the Opposition, there re- 
 mained certainly about 500, . and the person in question ap- 
 parently assumed that all these would consent to sign the 
 address ; or perhaps he founded his hypothesis on the numbers 
 who had done homage to the Pope, particularly on the festival of 
 the centenary of St. Peter, though between that act of respect, and 
 the declaration of Infallibility, a very wide distance intervened. 
 Later on, when the address had been circulated, the signatures 
 were with greater accuracy calculated at 400, with the prospect 
 of additions, and the best-informed individuals and those above 
 suspicion were satisfied as to the correctness of this total. Any 
 one judging only from the external aspect of opinions in 
 the Council would have considered this number exaggerated, 
 and some tried to reduce it to 200, or even 100 ; but on the 
 whole the most probable calculation was the second one, already 
 stated, as made by the promoters of the address, though there 
 never was entire certainty on the matter. 
 
 8. Some tried to point out to the compilers that the address 
 was not only questionable in itself, but actually inopportune, as 
 tending to preclude a discussion that should have taken place 
 when the question of the Prerogatives of the Roman See were 
 under deliberation, and that therefore it should not have been 
 
60 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. 
 
 mooted beforehand ; but they met with the answer that the assent 
 of the presiding Cardinals had been obtained to the step. The 
 only result of so indiscreet a proceeding was to expose the Curia 
 Romana to the imputation of having sought, without any sense 
 what was becoming, to bring about its own apotheosis. 
 
 9. The more moderate among the clergy were much dis- 
 satisfied with these proceedings, which, as they truly observed, 
 did more harm than good to the cause they were intended to 
 defend. For the Jesuits, the question of Infallibility was a 
 complex one, involving much that concerned their own exist- 
 ence ; and many reasons, too numerous to analyse, induced them 
 by a sort of fatality to declare retrospectively Infallible both 
 Clement XIV., who annulled their order, and Pius IX., who 
 did much the same, and left them to seek a new formula for 
 interpreting the judgment of any Pope who should take a like 
 step hereafter. 
 
 The persistence of the Archbishop of Westminster was per- 
 haps the logical result of his own antecedents. Having been a 
 priest and a Protestant at the outset of his career, he knew his 
 own religion from within and not from without, and the Catholic 
 religion from without but not from within. He was well 
 acquainted with the many divisions and sub-divisions of Protes- 
 tantism, and admired the majestic unity of Catholicism. He 
 did not appreciate the good effects of allowing a moderate 
 degree of liberty, and the constant exercise of the conscience 
 and reasoning powers ; neither did he understand the dangers 
 arising from the excessive authority exercised by United Catho- 
 licism. In fact, he was enamoured of the principle of autho- 
 rity as the slave adores the idea of liberty ; and this want of 
 discrimination and of real Catholic perception in his dealings 
 with the Council was a matter of reproach to him even by the 
 most faithful and devout clergy at Rome. As for all the other 
 Infallibilist bishops, we can only again remark that the ardour 
 they manifested in following out their end was a phenomenon 
 beyond the comprehension of the very Council itself. 
 
 10. The reason adduced by the Infallibilists for the publica- 
 tion of this address was that the Opposition having first done 
 the like, it was impossible for them to be behindhand ; but the 
 comparison was inexact. The addresses of the Opposition 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 61 
 
 which preceded the publication of this one, only concerned the 
 Order of the Council, and in no way prejudged matters that 
 were to be brought forward for discussion, but after the address 
 of the Infallibilists was published, appeared the addresses of the 
 bishops of the Opposition in a contrary sense. They were signed 
 by about forty-five out of fifty-seven of the German and Aus- 
 trian bishops, while others declared that they reserved them- 
 selves to oppose the Infallibilist address whenever the occasion 
 should present itself. 
 
 The Primate of Hungary was at first among these latter ; but 
 he afterwards signed an address, and between twenty and thirty of 
 the French did the like. Some of the French, especially the 
 cardinals, joined that portion of the Germans who held back 
 from making a protest. 
 
 A third address which was prepared by the Italians had 
 twenty or twenty-five signatures. Taking all into considera- 
 tion, the number of representatives of different nations who 
 signed addresses against Infallibility amounted to more than 
 160. The Infallibilists had directed their document to the 
 Council, thus giving it the form of an episcopal proposal, and 
 so the Opposition were obliged to address theirs directly to the 
 Pope. As all proposals after being accepted by the Congre- 
 gation, like the other acts concerning the Council, had to 
 receive the approbation of the Pope, it was absolutely neces- 
 sary that their addresses should be directed personally to him, 
 because where his sanction was withheld, no discussion was 
 possible. 
 
 11. Can anything be imagined more singular than the posi- 
 tion of a man who receives in his house a vast concourse of 
 people assembled with the intention of proclaiming his apo- 
 theosis, and at the same time listens to their earnest prayers 
 beseeching him to forego that honour ? 
 
 12. After the appearance of these addresses, it was possible 
 to divide the assembly with tolerable accuracy, assuming that 
 the figures of the Infallibilists were correct, and the result was 
 as follows. The Infallibilists numbered about 400, the Opposi- 
 tion reached 160 or 200, and there remained about 100 of the 
 timid and irresolute, who preferred to watch the combat rather 
 than take part in it themselves. If the figures of the Infalli- 
 
62 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 bilists were incorrect, the numbers taken from them would 
 swell the sum of those who had not yet made up their minds, 
 and of these a large proportion were Italians. 
 
 13. The Infallibilists, on their part, left no means untried in 
 propagating their doctrines outside the walls of the Council. 
 The Feast of the Epiphany was celebrated early in January, 
 and at that time, owing to some old custom, it was usual to 
 exhibit in the church of St. Andrea della Valle a representation 
 of the Grotto of Bethlehem, with the Holy Family, and the 
 adoration of the Magi, in memory of the extension of Chris- 
 tianity to all nations, which that event prefigured ; this represen- 
 tation lasted for a week, and during that time long discourses 
 were made in the church in different languages. The Infalli- 
 bilists availed themselves of this ceremony to make during those 
 eight days a series of addresses, all bearing directly or indi- 
 rectly on their favourite subject, the style being a concentra- 
 tion of that of the Civilta Cattolica, and sometimes even eclips- 
 ing it. Monsignor di Ginevra, Bishop of Ebrun in partibus, in 
 a speech, asserted so strong a likeness between the Grotto of 
 Bethlehem, the Shrine, and the Vatican — and so close an 
 analogy between the Infant adored in the one and the old man 
 venerated in the other — that the audience, though well dis- 
 posed to judge him favourably, considered his language quite 
 extravagant. Such flights of imagination seemed exaggerated 
 even to the most vehement Infallibilists present ; and one of 
 the clever descendants of the old " Pasquins," remarked, in 
 allusion to the recent death of several cardinals, that fifteen 
 hats were visibly hovering in the air, and that possibly some 
 Father of the Council, being much excited in his mind, might 
 mistake them for tongues of fire, and speak accordingly, as if 
 inspired. 
 
 Father Gallerani, a Jesuit, was especially violent, making his 
 sermon a vehicle for politics quite after the style and fashion of 
 the Unitd Cattolica. The Bishop of Thule, one of the most 
 ardent Infallibilists, about whom many stories were already 
 circulated, and who was noted for the rudeness with which he 
 had received Maret at his arrival in Rome from France, made 
 a long speech to prove the importance of proclaiming Infalli- 
 bility, in order that the world, worn out with vacillation and 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 63 
 
 uncertainty, might find at length a place in which truth re- 
 sided, and a person by whom truth could be proclaimed when- 
 ever it was sought, and thereupon promised universal peace 
 and rest for the conscience. That such a consummation would 
 be very convenient is undeniable, but this kind of argument 
 is akin to those which in political matters, and treating of 
 the sort of peace following on one of the numerous experiments 
 made with that view upon mankind, was expressed in the well- 
 known words, Uordre regne a Varsovie. The orator then pro- 
 ceeded to point out that the present was a suitable time 
 for the proclamation of Infallibility ; and being very bold 
 in this part of his argument, was loudly applauded by part of 
 the audience, which was on that day almost exclusively French, 
 the reason for such an outburst of joy being probably none 
 other than the old habit which causes the public to show 
 transports of delight when some sort of yoke is to be put about 
 its neck. 
 
 14. In the meantime, the Unita Cattolica commenced a new 
 campaign. Wishing to profit by the enthusiasm of the last 
 few years, it promised to its readers, and began to publish, 
 the whole repertory of the protestations and addresses put 
 forth by the various bishops under the pressure of recent 
 political events, using for this purpose extracts from letters, 
 chance phrases, and matters of a private nature, comparing 
 them so as to compromise their authors, and thus to bring 
 the pressure of public opinion to bear on the timid and un- 
 certain. 
 
 15. In this condition of affairs, the second scheme was 
 published ; the first had occupied six Congregations before it 
 was sent back, and the second seemed destined to meet with a 
 like fate. Three or four schemes instead of one, were distributed 
 at the same time to the Fathers as subjects of the next discus- 
 sion, all concerning matters of discipline. The titles were three, 
 because the fourth pamphlet was merely an appendix to the 
 others, " De Episcopis — De Moribus Clericorum — De Cate- 
 chismo." Each of these was divided into several chapters ; the 
 first, for example, containing the following headings : — " De 
 Synodis — De Vicariis Generalibus — De Sede Episcopali Vacante 
 — De Officio Episcoporum — De Residentia — De Visitatione — 
 
64 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 De Obligatione Visitandi sacra Limina — De Conciliis Provin- 
 cialibus — De Synodis Dicecesanis — De Vicario Generali, Sic." 
 
 16. The Congregation of January 12th began to consider 
 these new matters, which occupied it during several sittings ; 
 for this scheme also, though its subjects were such as per- 
 tained to the ordinary ecclesiastical law, met with much 
 resistance. That which generally irritated the Opposition in 
 these projects of decrees — beyond the manner in which the 
 subject was treated — was the shape or form in which they were 
 brought forward, as this always implied that they must be 
 accepted in their entirety as presented, and not otherwise, and 
 this irritation, combined with that caused by the impossibility 
 of in any way shaking off the yoke of the Order of the Council, 
 was shown on every opportunity. 
 
 17. The scheme " De Episcopis " touched several questions 
 of vital concern for the episcopate, and tended to circumscribe 
 their rights with reference to vacant benefices, the appoint- 
 ment of vicars, and other matters of great importance. Paoli 
 Sarpi had said of the bishops who attended the Council of Trent, 
 that they entered the Council bishops, to come out simple 
 priests ; so now the bishops attending the Vatican Council, 
 or a part of them at least, were much alarmed at the idea 
 of finding themselves further despoiled of their dignity, and 
 therefore strenuously opposed every measure tending to diminish 
 their authority within their own dioceses. Six persons spoke 
 in the Congregation of January 15th, and as many on the 
 19th. On the latter occasion, the Archbishop of Paris made a 
 most eloquent discourse, in which he insisted on the necessity 
 of restoring to the bishops the consideration and dignity due 
 to their office, and thus vindicated the position of the Gene- 
 ral Assembly of the Church ; but his views by no means re- 
 sembled those of the proposed scheme. His language was very 
 severe : addressing himself to the partisans of Infallibility, he 
 reproached them with walking in darkness, while he and those 
 who shared his opinions followed the light ; alluding to the 
 mighty power of the age which makes itself felt by all who co- 
 operate in its movement, either by active labour or mental work. 
 Monsignor Darboy had only to stretch out his hand to secure a 
 cardinal's hat, but he preferred the simple satisfaction of doing 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 65 
 
 his duty. The torrent, whose impetuous course he so accurately 
 described, has swept him away into its eddying depths, an elect 
 and noble victim. This speech was, perhaps, his last cry to 
 warn the Church of the danger that threatened her, and then his 
 voice was drowned for ever in one of those terrible convulsions 
 by which society is from time to time degraded, and he disap- 
 peared unregretted and unwept, like a stranger from a world that 
 was unworthy of him. 
 
 18. The deepest impression was made that day by a stirring 
 speech of the Archbishop of Cologne, who, of all the Germans, 
 was considered one of the most Roman in opinion. The views 
 of Darboy had long been patent to all ; but as the Archbishop of 
 Cologne was not supposed to favour the Opposition, his speech 
 struck very deeply as an indication of the general state of 
 opinion. 
 
 19. In the meeting of the 21st, after several Fathers had 
 spoken, the Bishop of Orleans arose ; the greatest attention 
 prevailed, and many prelates left their seats in order to surround 
 him. It was impossible, however, to obtain an accurate report of 
 his words, owing to the difficulty of hearing in the Council 
 Hall, which was very trying to orators not possessed of strong 
 voices. 
 
 20. It appears that the bishops of the Opposition found great 
 fault with the authors of the schemes for the narrowness of 
 their ideas, and it was reported that one of them compared the 
 City of Rome to an enchanted island, the inhabitants of which, 
 having been asleep for three centuries, were quite astonished on 
 awakening to find that the habits and customs of the world had 
 considerably altered. This story, if not true, is at all events 
 well calculated to describe the effect produced by these schemes 
 (the first especially) on the most enlightened and intelligent part 
 of the Opposition. On another occasion, an eminent English 
 statesman, when speaking of the political constitution and tradi- 
 tions of Rome, observed that their consideration produced the 
 same sort of effect on the mind as is felt on raising the marble 
 slab that covers an ancient monument. 
 
 21. Meantime, the bishops never ceased demanding fuller 
 communications on the subjects to be discussed during the 
 Council. Some amount of concession was determined on, in 
 
 F 
 
66 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 order to calm these disturbances ; and it was finally announced 
 that the Pope, seeing that present arrangements were not likely 
 to lead to any conclusion, was disposed to order the compilation 
 of a general index to be distributed to the bishops for their 
 information. It was also said that Cardinal de Angelis, the 
 senior president, was about to circulate some project of adjust- 
 ment on the question of Infallibility, which might be acceptable 
 to both parties, and might, at any rate, avail to divide those 
 dissentients who were united by the pressure exercised by the 
 majority ; but the accuracy of all these reports, though ema- 
 nating from trustworthy sources, could of course only be proved 
 by time. 
 
 Meanwhile, the fifth scheme was promulgated (being the sixth 
 since the beginning of the Council), although two of the four 
 last were not yet completed ; but as no remedy, though so 
 urgently needed, had been found for the very involved state of 
 affairs, it seemed probable that all the subsequent schemes would 
 follow the first, to the office of the Commissions for amendment. 
 
 22. Even the scheme " De Catechismo," which from its nature 
 was closely allied with the daily life of the Catholic populations, 
 appeared likely to share the fate of the others. We must re- 
 member that the Catholic catechism has different formulas — 
 though the substance of all is the same — sanctioned by long and 
 constant use in the various churches ; now the question arose of 
 modifying that catechism, and every one is aware how difficult 
 it is to interpolate changes in matters of tradition, which are 
 identified with feelings and habits contracted at an early age. 
 
 The tendency towards concentration and equalisation in all 
 laws and institutions, which prevails at the present day, is often 
 repugnant to and vehemently resisted by human nature, which 
 rather seeks unity in an allowable variety ; a certain measure of 
 liberty affording the only hope of obtaining an agreement 
 between different races and nations on any one subject. 
 
Januauy.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 67 
 
 IV.— THE SCHEME "DE ECCLESIA." 
 
 1. Distribution of the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. On Infallibility.— 3. Arguments 
 to be brought forward. — 4. Continuation of the Congregations without much 
 result. — 5. The number of bishops diminishes. — 6. Opinions on the duration 
 of the Council. 
 
 1. The sixth scheme, which was distributed at the sitting of 
 the 21st January, came into the hands of the Fathers scarcely 
 dry from the press, a fact which suggested the surmise that it 
 was a fresh edition made under the impression caused by the 
 bad success of the first, and consequently revised and reprinted. 
 As it was better written, this opinion was in some measure cor- 
 roborated, but with regard to its spirit, the essential point, that, 
 as we shall see, gave little reason to believe that any such con- 
 siderations had influenced its compilation. 
 
 Under the heading " De Ecclesia," it really contained all the 
 most serious questions before the Council ; it was a purely dog- 
 matic scheme, treating especially of the Pope's authority, " De 
 Primatu Pontificis," &c, and was said to contain a chapter 
 entitled, " De Potestate Temporale ;" it was, in fact, the battle- 
 ground on which the character and fate of the Council were 
 to be decided, and on that decision depended the solution of all 
 those questions which the volition of men and the force of cir- 
 cumstances had brought before its tribunal. 
 
 2. In this scheme the question of Infallibility, the pivot on 
 which all else turned, was again brought under discussion. A 
 question of the gravest import from its own nature, it assumed 
 still larger proportions from the fact that it involved most of 
 the decrees of the Church, especially the more recent ones, as, 
 for instance, the Syllabus ; and great part of the political and 
 religious system developed in these latter years. If the question 
 of Infallibility were settled in the affirmative, not only would 
 the conclusions of the past receive a solemn confirmation, but 
 any future modification through the united action of the epis- 
 copate would be rendered very difficult ; and yet this latter 
 course was surely the most legitimate and constitutional ex- 
 pression of Catholic opinion. Indeed, after careful observa- 
 tion, it appeared that the question, so far as it treated of absolute 
 
 F 2 
 
68 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 dogma, was already won by the minority, because even the 
 partisans of Infallibility were well aware of the difficulty and 
 danger that exists in forcibly proclaiming a dogma in the face 
 of an intelligent minority amounting to a fourth of the whole 
 assembly. Meantime, the address of which we have spoken had 
 already so far prospered, that if the Council (or the Commission 
 for receiving proposals) had accepted the petition in favour of 
 Infallibility, said to carry 400 signatures, the promoters of that 
 doctrine might well have been satisfied with such a favourable 
 result, in default of the unanimity they desired. 
 
 A rumour also prevailed, that in order to make a sort of com- 
 promise, the Pope had accepted the address as an act of homage, 
 and not wishing the question to be formally proposed, had en- 
 joined silence on the matter. But as no bishop was likely to 
 bring forward a counter-proposition in favour of fallibility, the 
 result of all these proceedings in days to come would certainly 
 be this : that to posterity, ignorant of the details of the matter, 
 it would appear that the great majority of the Vatican 
 Council was in favour of the personal Infallibility of the Pope. 
 Future generations would imagine that the Pope, from con- 
 siderations easily understood, had declined the expression of that 
 wish, but that the fact remained recorded by the Curia Romana, 
 as what is called proxime Jidei ; and if, at the time of which we 
 write, the Opposition did not believe in the full and decisive 
 success of the dogma of personal Infallibility, they had no defence 
 against its being declared proxime Jidei. 
 
 3. The most singular part of the whole proceeding is that, on 
 probing the opinion of Catholics, even of those who in the recent 
 troubles had manifested the greatest zeal for the Papal cause, 
 they showed a great amount of indecision, if not of repugnance, 
 towards a dogmatic declaration of personal Infallibility ; and 
 the like sentiments prevailed even among the clergy up to a 
 certain rank in the hierarchy. But on entering the Council Hall, 
 it was found that between the defenders of the dogma, those 
 who adhered to it, and those who simply submitted to it, there 
 was a large majority in favour of Infallibility. This phenomenon 
 can only be explained by taking into consideration the present 
 constitution of the episcopate, for the conditions that regulate 
 the nomination and election of bishops naturally induce them 
 
January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 69 
 
 to turn more readily to the source from which their authority is 
 derived, than to the people among whom they exercise it ; and 
 thus they reflect the ideas that prevail in the Curia, rather than 
 the public opinion of their flocks. Beyond all doubt, there 
 existed in the very centre of Catholicism a certain spirit of oppo- 
 sition, prepared, not only to hold its own against the aggres- 
 sions of the so-called Catholic party, but also to exact the 
 reforms so urgently needed by the age ; and this opposition was 
 not only constantly engaged in the conflict, but was actually, 
 though slowly, gaining ground. 
 
 It was impossible, on account of the weighty reasons we have 
 already mentioned, to form any conjecture as to the length to 
 which this opposition might be carried ; because it had opposed 
 to it all the strength and vigour inherent in an ancient and 
 well-disciplined institution, which had been gradually moulded 
 by the lapse of centuries, and which possessed not only a com- 
 plete system of education and legislation, the habit of authority 
 with the greatest power and means of enforcing it, but what is 
 of still greater consequence, a familiarity with ecclesiastical 
 policy, and the prerogative of dispensing all the honours and 
 dignities of the hierarchy. 
 
 4. Congregations were held on the 24th and 25th of January, 
 which, including the public Sessions, made fifteen meetings in 
 all since the Council was opened two months previously ; and 
 as no conclusion had yet been arrived at, it was evident that 
 the hope of its short duration would be disappointed. Moreover, 
 as events had turned out so differently from what had been 
 expected, the interests of the Catholic party and of the Opposi- 
 tion became in some cases identical ; for if the latter desired 
 that matters should go slowly, in order to avoid being overcome 
 by superior numbers, so, on the other hand, whenever a strong 
 resistance was made, the former were willing to temporise, and 
 sometimes even to prorogue an assembly so little amenable to 
 their wishes, as to threaten destruction to the edifice which 
 for the last twenty years they had been carefully constructing. 
 
 5. The words attributed by the Constitutionnel to Ollivier, 
 the new French minister, " that it was impossible to treat with 
 Italy for the removal of the French army of occupation while 
 the Council was sitting," tended considerably to strengthen these 
 
70 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 
 
 considerations, and to reconcile the Catholic party to the longer 
 duration of the Council. On the 19th the election by vote of 
 the Commission for Affairs of the East took place, and it became 
 apparent, by the polling-papers collected, that the number of 
 bishops present had diminished by seventy. Of these the greater 
 part had left Rome ; four were dead ; and it was reported that 
 others had absented themselves owing to some concealed dis- 
 content, thus rendering very bad service to their own cause. 
 Moreover, some of the French prelates had been obliged to 
 return to their dioceses on account of political disturbances. 
 From these facts it became evident, that as the summer drew 
 on, the number of absentees would increase, and some persons 
 consequently advised the prorogation of the Council ; but if this 
 course were once adopted all would be uncertainty in the future ; 
 for during the prorogation changes might take place. The 
 bishops, who on returning to their respective dioceses, escaped 
 from the authoritative atmosphere of Rome, would be able to 
 consult the feeling of their flocks ; public opinion, once aroused, 
 must necessarily exert some influence over them, and nothing 
 would in that case have remained of all that had been proposed, 
 save the fact that the Council had been opened. The Catholic 
 party were assured of the permanency of the French occupation 
 — no small thing, seeing that politics were, after all, at the 
 bottom of the affair — and Catholicism secured this advantage, 
 that it could emancipate itself from a rapid and summary fulfil- 
 ment of the programme of the Civilta Cattolica, and gain time, 
 which in cases of difficulty is the best remedy and the best 
 counsellor. 
 
 6. As these opinions gained ground, they coincided with an 
 increasing desire for the prolongation of the Council. The 
 Opposition desired it openly, the Curia acquiesced ; only the 
 most resolute Infallibilists were against it, although neither did 
 their tactics point to its being of short duration. 
 
 They maintained a passive demeanour in the Council before 
 the Opposition ; few, if any of them spoke ; and they did not 
 conceal their hope that, when the spirit of opposition had ex- 
 hausted itself on these first matters of common interest, the 
 furia francese would calm down, and they would triumph more 
 quickly and easily than was at first supposed. But they forgot 
 
Jaxuauy.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 71 
 
 that they had also to deal with the unimpassioned German 
 nature, and with the tenacity of the Italians, who possess tra- 
 ditionally a more intimate acquaintance with the battle-field 
 than any other nation. At the same time the Italians, in order 
 to profit by their advantages, should have clearly recognised 
 the influence they might exercise with regard to the Papacy 
 and the other questions agitating Catholicism and their own 
 great responsibility, of which they must render an account to 
 history. 
 
72 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 FEBRUARY. 
 
 I.— THE FIRST RESULTS OF THE SCHEME "DE 
 ECCLESIA." 
 
 1. Summary of the proceedings of the three previous months. — 2. On the canons 
 contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 3. Summary of their contents. — 
 4. Fate of the addresses of the Opposition. — 5. Letters of the Bishop of Orleans. 
 — G. Tactics of the Opposition. — 7. Explanation of the tardiness in the delibe- 
 rations of the Council. — 8. Attempt to ohviatethis defect. — 9. Italian addresses. 
 — 10. Project for shortening the speeches. — 11. Project of reconciliation. — 
 12. Failure of the same. — 13. Other plans for bringing about an agreement. 
 — 14. New diplomatic intervention. — 15. The amended schemes. — 16. Affairs 
 of the East. — 17. Debate on the scheme " De Catechismo." 
 
 1. The Ecumenical Council had now been sitting three months 
 without arriving at any result. One of the Fathers, on being 
 asked how soon it would finish, answered bj inquiring when it 
 would begin ; and in this story we have a true picture of the 
 state of affairs which prevailed last month, which still existed, 
 and which to all appearance would continue in future. The 
 scheme " De Episcopis " had, like that " De Fide," been sent to 
 the Commission on amendments, and had been closely followed 
 by those " De Moribus Clericorum " and " De Catechismo." 
 
 Up to this time the subjects under consideration were such as 
 did not touch any serious question, at least directly, or any on 
 which the opinions of the Council were substantially divided. 
 But decided resistance was expected when the scheme "De 
 Ecclesia " came under discussion ; it had been distributed in 
 the Congregation of January 21st, and was full of the most 
 difficult questions, such as vehemently stir up the members of 
 the Church, and are of more or less importance to society, ac- 
 cording as Catholic feeling is exercised thereon. 
 
 2. Through some indiscretion, for which we should be grate- 
 ful, the canons of the scheme " De Ecclesia " were published in 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 73 
 
 the Augsburg Gazette, and also in a more detailed form, to- 
 gether with the doctrinal part of the scheme, in the Sliddeutsche 
 Presse. In the part of the scheme entitled " De Romano Pon- 
 tifice," were the rules briefly jet fully expressed, by which not 
 only the most unlimited power was attributed to the Papacy, 
 but in which the temporal power was also indirectly sanctioned, 
 and in the doctrinal part were all those designations such as 
 doctor em etjudicem supremum, which, having been for long used 
 regarding the Pope in official documents, have prepared the way 
 for the declaration of his supreme Infallibility. 
 
 3. But as the explicit declaration of the personal Infallibility 
 of the Pope was not, and could not be, inserted in a scheme 
 which emanated directly from himself, the Infallibilist bishops 
 had last month prepared an address to the Council, in which 
 that declaration was formally demanded. This address followed 
 very closely on the distribution of the scheme " De Ecclesia," so 
 as to complete it, and was addressed to the Commission on 
 " Postulata," as an amendment to be added to the propositions 
 of the scheme itself, in order that the Council, as that document 
 expresses it, " apertis omnemque dubitandi locum excludentibus 
 verbis sancire velit supremam, ideoque ab errore immunem esse 
 Romani Pontificis auctoritatem, quum in rebus fidei et morum, 
 ea statuit ac praecipit, quae ab omnibus Christi fidelibus cre- 
 denda et tenenda, quaeque rejicienda et damnanda sunt." 
 
 Thus were brought to light in a scheme to be afterwards con- 
 verted into a decree, the doctrine or doctrines which have 
 agitated the Catholic world of late years, viz. the exaltation of 
 Papal authority, the principles of the Sjdlabus, and, though 
 much more indirectly and in a less absolute form than these, the 
 Temporal power, the first being at the same time cause and effect 
 of the other two, the very doctrines in fact which settle and de- 
 fine the practical action of the Vatican Council on civil society. 
 
 4. It was not difficult to predict how the assembly would 
 receive the other propositions, as the respective opinions of the 
 Fathers on these points were known (though nothing was cer- 
 tain) ; but, with regard to Infallibility, the number and strength 
 of those who opposed it a viso aperto were patent to all, by means 
 of the various addresses which they had signed. The Opposition, 
 not wishing to make a positive proposal, but only to put forth a 
 negative opinion in reply to the decided " postulatum " of their 
 
74 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [February. 
 
 adversaries, and desirous to make their views known before the 
 debate commenced, were obliged to address themselves directly to 
 the Pope, his approbation being necessary for every matter to be 
 brought forward in the Council, though it had previously been 
 accepted by the Commission. They had done this immediately 
 on hearing a report of the address of the Infallibilists, giving as a 
 reason for inducing the Pope to grant their request and withhold 
 his approbation from the " postulatum," the great diversity of 
 opinions on the matter, and praying him to use his authority 
 to impose a dignified silence on so dangerous a subject. 
 
 The Pope sent all the addresses in this sense to the identical 
 Commission on " Postulata," which had already received the ad- 
 dress in favour of Infallibility. However difficult it be to com- 
 prehend the organisation of the Council, it is plain that this 
 action of the Pope was equivalent to a distinct refusal, for those 
 documents were addressed to him, and not to the Commission, 
 and it was obviously impossible for the latter to entertain a 
 negative demand — a demand which asked them not to make 
 their own petition. It was, of course, open to the Commission 
 to accept or reject a proposal once made ; but if in accepting a 
 proposal they received also the observations in opposition to it, 
 the general discussion would have been insensibly diverted from 
 the subject in itself to the question of its expediency, and its 
 consideration transferred from the general assembly, to the Com- 
 mission on " Postulata," which would have overturned the order 
 of Conciliar treatment, and have displaced and prejudged the 
 question. This refusal, though conveyed with all legal formality, 
 Was displeasing to the bishops who had subscribed the address, 
 as they considered that being 137 in number, and representing 
 about one-third of the Catholic populations, besides including in 
 their body the most illustrious men in the Church, and the 
 pastors of the principal Congregations both in Europe and 
 America, they had a right to expect that the respectful expres- 
 sion of their wishes should meet with a better reception. 
 
 5. However, owing to that great ally of the Curia Romana, the 
 fear of scandal, a feeling that generally governs all its dependants 
 — the most remote as well as the nearest (sometimes really from 
 motives of Christian charity) — the discontent of the Opposition 
 was kept under control outside the Council Hall, and only mani- 
 fested itself from time to time by small explosions, as in the case 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 75 
 
 of the letters of the Bishop of Orleans, which were published in 
 the newspapers, and fully expressed his discontent, and which, 
 notwithstanding their vivacity, were never repudiated by their 
 author. 
 
 In his answer to the Archbishop of Malines, in which he 
 treats of the reimprimatur refused by the censorship, so that 
 he was obliged to publish the letters himself, the Bishop of 
 Orleans points to that very fact as a proof of the treatment 
 to which bishops were subjected in Rome ; and in writing to 
 his Chapter, seems to lament the persecutions falling on him 
 after having given such numerous and undoubted proofs of his 
 devotion to the Church and the Apostolic See. 
 
 6. Within the Council however, this discontent showed 
 itself openly by a systematic and continued opposition, which 
 was no longer a simple diversity of opinion, but had taken such 
 a definite form as alone answered to the position in which the 
 minority were placed. Being only a small body under pressure 
 of rules by which everything was definitively submitted to the 
 action of the legates and the Pope, there remained for them no 
 resource but so far as possible to temporise. To this end they 
 occupied the time with lengthy orations, in which they un- 
 doubtedly had the advantage of their adversaries, from the 
 learning and eloquence of most of their body, many of them 
 being well acquainted with public life, and some, as, for ex- 
 ample, the Hungarians, acquainted with parliamentary pro- 
 cedure, from experience gained in their national Diets. 
 
 Even their adversaries admired the mira venustas of these 
 speeches. They awaited the beneficial results of time, the 
 awakening of public opinion ; they looked to the future and 
 the unknown. Would such tactics render applicable to them 
 the words said of Fabius, that " cunctando restituant rem ?" 
 
 7. These considerations gave a significance to three months 
 of unproductive labour and vain expectation, although nothing 
 remarkable occurred during that time. Every one knows 
 the length of the Council of Basle and its vicissitudes. The 
 Council of Trent lasted eighteen years ; and it is evident that 
 months and years were necessary for the full consideration of the 
 important matters brought before the Vatican Council in such 
 different circumstances, and after the lapse of three centuries. 
 
76 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 But that was exactly what many wished to avoid. They pre- 
 tended that a work so important as the reform, or even simple 
 revision of the Catholic legislation, with the view of bringing 
 it into harmony with the new wants and conditions of modern 
 society, could be accomplished in the same short space of time 
 as would suffice for voting a budget ; and they desired that the 
 Council should be merely a grand ceremony for the solemn 
 fulfilment of a pre-arranged programme, and not an event of real 
 importance. Therefore the fact that the proceedings assumed 
 the character of an actual discussion was in itself a notable 
 circumstance, to which it was impossible not to attach importance 
 when the cause of it was known. 
 
 8. Of course this strategy was very displeasing to the ma- 
 jority, who complained of the waste of time, and the length of 
 the speeches, which occasionally occupied entire " Congrega- 
 tions," as many Fathers spoke on the same subjects, and the 
 same arguments were frequently repeated. Indeed, but for the 
 reasons above given, such laments were worthy of consideration, 
 because, if the time squandered in useless words is to be re- 
 gretted in all assemblies, in this it was more especially so ; on 
 account of the loss occasioned to those who composed it, by a 
 protracted absence from their Sees and their duties at home. 
 Moreover, on this point one disadvantage attending this Council 
 as compared with others, and influencing its duration, was, that 
 no distinction of parties being recognised, there could be no 
 collective expression of opinion, and the orators only spoke 
 their individual mind ; so that any number might speak on the 
 same subject and in the same sense. 
 
 Yet one becomes tolerant of such an abuse, and even grateful 
 for it, on considering how few were the means allowed to 
 the Opposition for defending themselves, and preventing the 
 influence of the dark traditions of the Middle Ages from gaining 
 the upper hand in Catholicism. Such, however, was not the 
 opinion of the majority, and of the legates, who began to seek 
 some means of providing against this, as yet unforeseen, danger. 
 
 9. In the English Parliament, in order to obviate this con- 
 sumption of time, speeches are not read, but delivered viva voce ; 
 a rule which limits the number of orators, and also controls their 
 length. It was proposed, in imitation of this practice, that in the 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 77 
 
 Vatican Council written speeches should be prohibited, and that 
 the orators should depend only on memory ; having, at the same 
 time the permission of placing their manuscript, if they wished, 
 on the president's desk, for the fuller information of the legates. 
 
 It was said -that this project was brought forward by some of 
 the Italian bishops, with the hope of obtaining certain reforms 
 in the Order of the Council, in a restrictive sense ; and that it 
 would thus form an answer by the Infallibilist party to the first 
 addresses of the French and German bishops of the Opposition, 
 who, on their part, had sought for a liberal and extended reform 
 of the same Order. A short while before this, certain Italian 
 bishops, belonging for the most part to the southern provinces, 
 had prepared a petition in favour of Infallibility, interspersed 
 with quotations drawn from the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas 
 and St. Alphonso di Liguori ; and these proceedings would by 
 no means have conduced to imprint the stamp of liberality on 
 the opinions of the Italian episcopate ; the project, however, went 
 no further, but dropped out of notice. 
 
 10. Although the attempt to modify the Order of the Council, 
 with regard to the method of discussion, did not take exactly the 
 intended shape, yet another proposal to the same effect was 
 soon made, which caused great apprehension among the bishops 
 of the Opposition, who saw themselves threatened in their last 
 means of defence ; and those of them who held the highest 
 position prepared to take more definite and determined mea- 
 sures to avert the peril. They endeavoured to procure a protest 
 by the laity from such a quarter as would best insure its 
 being heard, and thereby to defeat the plan which, if success- 
 ful, would deprive the Opposition of the greater part of its 
 means of action, and leave it merely the empty consolation of 
 offering the fruit of its reflections in writing to the Cardinal 
 legates, for their particular information. These precautions did, 
 in fact, stop the matter from being carried further, though the 
 idea was not entirely laid aside. 
 
 The Augsburg Gazette published a telegram from Rome, 
 in which a similar project was set forth, with this difference, 
 however, that the manuscripts were to be consigned to the re- 
 spective Commissions, according to the subjects of which they 
 treated. This was a less radical innovation than consigning 
 
78 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [February. 
 
 them to the presidents ; but at the same time, it hindered them 
 from being publicly known, and made it impossible to maintain 
 a strict control over the most important matters — those con- 
 tained in the written speeches — which are of course fuller and 
 more detailed than such as are made from memory only. This 
 last project, like the other, included a proposition for resolving 
 questions by silence where unanimity was impracticable. 
 
 L'Unita Cattolica, a journal usually well-informed in these 
 matters, did not entirely contradict the truth of this last hy- 
 pothesis, and though it was not carried into effect, no doubt was 
 entertained that every way was tried which might serve to limit 
 the discussions. The Sunday Congregations, on which devolved 
 the duty of examining the petitions of the previous month, also 
 took up the subject, and a special meeting was held for its con- 
 sideration. A last project, which met with greater favour, as 
 being more conciliatory, prohibited the reading of speeches, but 
 allowed them to be given in writing to the Commissions (as in 
 the case of the second project we have mentioned), with this 
 difference, however, that they were to be condensed, printed, 
 and distributed to the Fathers. Afterwards, the oral discus- 
 sion and the voting were to take place. It was said that a clause 
 was added to this project, which provided that the observations 
 and objections of the Fathers could not be simply negatived, 
 but must have appended to them the affirmative opinion of 
 their opponent on the matter in question ; and though this con- 
 dition was not ultimately brought forward, the party predomin- 
 ating in the Council continued to seek for some solution of the 
 difficulty. 
 
 11. Meanwhile it was necessary to remove the existing mis- 
 trust, to divide the Opposition, which, though quite in the 
 minority, greatly embarrassed the proceedings of the Council ; 
 and to endeavour to bring over some part of its members 
 to the opinions of the majority. With this view, a new kind 
 of " postulatum " was circulated, to serve like the first-mentioned 
 (or instead of it) as an appendix to the matters contained in the 
 scheme, " De Romano Pontifice " ; its aim being to obtain the 
 signatures of the less resolute dissentients to a formula in favour 
 of Infallibility, but more moderate in tone than that which had 
 provoked so much resistance. 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 79 
 
 This new project contained three principal points : First, the 
 condemnation (but without an anathema) of those who appeal from 
 the sentence of the Pope to a future Council ; secondly, the con- 
 demnation of the opinion of those who say that only apparent, 
 and not real obedience, is due to the judgments of the Pope ; 
 thirdly, the condemnation of those who affirm that there may be 
 such a real discordance between the episcopate and the Pope as 
 to render it necessary to judge which of them is the greater ; as 
 such a discordance could not occur, and therefore should not 
 be considered at all by the Church. This project was followed 
 by a long commentary on its utility ; and it was declared to be 
 more convenient than a pure and simple declaration of Infalli- 
 bility, which would always afford ground for innumerable dis- 
 cussions among theologians as to the conditions required for 
 proving a case ex cathedra, that being, according to its own pro- 
 moters, the only way in which the matter must be considered 
 as " of faith." It was observable, also, how by this plan such a 
 solution of difficulties would be arrived at, as would obviate the 
 trouble of solving many historical questions very embarrassing 
 for those who desired to reconcile them with personal Infalli- 
 bility ; and ultimately it was strongly urged as the best means 
 of obtaining such a measure of unanimity as was requisite for 
 attaining grave decisions with any safety. It was, indeed, a 
 real attempt at conciliation, the only one, perhaps, then possible. 
 It was so worded as to be in favour of blending (up to a 
 certain point) the Infallibility of the Pope with the Infalli- 
 bility of the Church, and was a return to the ancient Roman 
 theological opinions, which are far more moderate and less 
 definite than the new, for the latter, being produced by 
 the mingled enthusiasm and terror of the Catholic party, are 
 as absolute and exclusive as the sentiments from which they 
 have sprung. 
 
 12. As is usually the case, the idea of a third party did not 
 please either one side or the other ; the Opposition only saw in 
 it an attempt to divide them ; and the Infallibilists, feeling that if 
 it were successful they would be considered beaten, regarded it 
 with no sort of satisfaction. The project was certainly welcomed 
 by those who in all assemblies seek for peace and agreement ; 
 but these quiet spirits are never possessed of much authority, 
 
 
80 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 nor can they settle great questions ; and though the plan obtained 
 the support of a few active members of the Opposition, it failed 
 in regard to" the end for which it was designed, and the diffi- 
 culties remained the same as ever. 
 
 13. Whilst the eager desire to overcome the obstacles that 
 hindered the consummation of their plans, continued to occupy 
 the minds of those most deeply engaged in the impenetrable 
 recesses of ecclesiastical politics, the assembly, which had already 
 been sitting a considerable time, began to divide itself into 
 different parties ; intrigues were formed, and all sorts of reports 
 and projects were spread abroad, the origin and the truth of which 
 it was most difficult to ascertain. Among others, a proposal 
 attracted considerable attention, said to have been originated by 
 one of the most illustrious, if not the most influential persons in 
 the Council ; this was a method of accommodation founded on 
 the acceptance by both parties of the formula of the Council of 
 Florence, with some slight modification. As the reputed author 
 was one of the heads of the Opposition, this plan would have 
 been on his part equivalent to an abdication, and therefore the 
 report, whether true or only circulated from party spirit, acquired 
 particular value. The most violent Infallibilists declared that 
 they must remain firm, without admitting any idea of accommo- 
 dation ; that as a last resource the utmost pressure of authority 
 would be used, and the dogma defined on the strength of a 
 simple numerical majority, leaving the minority out of the 
 question ; as in their opinion it would melt away on meeting 
 with such firm and vigorous resistance, and find itself finally 
 constrained to submit to the " riverenza della somme Chiavi." * 
 
 14. The ever-increasing rumours indicating that some check, 
 at any rate, must be placed on the liberty of discussion, aug- 
 mented the fears of the Opposition to such a pitch, that they (the 
 French especially) turned for succour to diplomacy, which 
 seemed at length inclined to emerge from that state of supine 
 neutrality hitherto observed in all matters concerning the Coun- 
 cil. The Catholic Governments instructed their ambassadors to 
 strengthen the anti-Infallibilist bishops with their authority, 
 and to assist them with some arguments which might prove 
 
 * " The reverence for the keys superlative." 
 
 Longfellow's Daute, Inf. xix. 101. 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 81 
 
 sufficiently convincing to calm the enthusiasm of their adver- 
 saries. 
 
 15. The third point on which the Opposition were agitated, 
 besides the Order of the Council, and the proposal of Infallibility, 
 was the desire of finding out what became of the schemes once 
 sent back ; as by this only could they measure the real value of 
 their own resistance. It was already known that in the Com- 
 missions for emendation the schemes were revised either by the 
 persons who had originally drawn them up, or by others of like 
 opinions; but even supposing that they were amended in this 
 way, what came of it? According to the Order, they could be 
 put to the vote " si nihil obstiterit." The universal opinion 
 was, that they ought not to be again subjected to partial dis- 
 cussion, but put to the vote as entire schemes ; for once amended 
 according to the opinions of the Council, there remained 
 nothing but to submit them to the definitive vote. In this case 
 would the judgment of the majority suffice to change those 
 schemes into decrees ? If that was so, the Opposition would be 
 utterly defeated. Then again, was this judgment sufficient in 
 matters of discipline of great importance, and of dogma ? Was 
 it entirely free from danger, and if this course was not adopted, 
 what other criterion would be thought sufficient ? Such were 
 the speculations, the result of which the Opposition awaited with 
 little satisfaction, considering the temper of the party predomi- 
 nant in the Vatican. The next Session was to make known 
 openly what they had to expect. 
 
 16. Meantime, as usually happens when men's minds are 
 excited, every little incident that would otherwise have passed 
 unnoticed, becomes of immense importance, it is at such mo- 
 ments that "Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda."* 
 
 One of the fixed ideas that the Church and the Propaganda, in 
 that zeal for unity which is now so much felt, have been inde- 
 fatigably working out in these latter years, is the uniting of the 
 different Oriental rites ; not their liturgies, which would be an 
 impossible work, but their laws and privileges, particularly those 
 regarding episcopal elections, of which the Orientals are exceed- 
 ingly jealous, and other special matters of jurisdiction and dis- 
 cipline. Rome had long been able to count for support on two 
 
 * "A little spark is followed by great flame." — Longfellow's Dante, Farad, i. 34. 
 
 G 
 
82 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [Febbuaby. 
 
 of the Oriental Patriarchs who were her sworn lieges, the Latin 
 and the Armenian. The first, Monsignor Valerga, before his 
 promotion to the episcopal dignity, was simply a Roman ecclesi- 
 astic ; the second, Monsignor Hassoun, was as devoted to Rome 
 as a Roman ecclesiastic could be. But the Propaganda had 
 never been able to induce the old Chaldean Patriarch to further 
 its designs, as he remained a firm supporter of the privileges of 
 the Oriental churches, and was followed by a considerable and 
 influential portion of the Eastern clergy, both regular and secular. 
 
 The Pope could not suffer such resistance ; and in the presence 
 of Valerga, who was the interpreter and only witness of his in- 
 terview with the Chaldean, he one day invited the old Patriarch 
 either to submit or to resign his office. Being reduced to this 
 extremity by his imperious brother, the Patriarch chose rather 
 to resign than bend to the Pope's authority, and this episode, 
 which was reckoned as the herald of a new schism long 
 threatening in the East, created a great sensation. 
 
 The rumour of certain retrospective processes to be carried on 
 at the same time by means of the Propaganda before the Holy 
 Office against some bishops under its own immediate jurisdic- 
 tion, who had manifested a want of docility in seconding its 
 projects, also excited much notice, and provoked very undesirable 
 analogous recollections of the detested name of the Holy Inqui- 
 sition. Events of this nature are of common occurrence in eccle- 
 siastical administrations, and might be repeated a thousand times 
 without acquiring great weight or attracting much notice ; but in 
 such a moment as the present, and under prevailing circum- 
 stances, they acquired exceptional importance. 
 
 17. Altogether, the state of affairs was most complicated, and 
 betokened no sort of approach to a conclusion. The Infalli- 
 bilists on their part held that a defeat would be followed by 
 very disastrous consequences for the Pope's authority ; and, on 
 the other hand, the Opposition were so entangled by public 
 opinion and the wishes of their flocks that they could not 
 recede from their position. While events were in this stage, 
 the scheme " De Catechismo " came under deliberation in the 
 Congregations, and the large numbers who inscribed their 
 names as orators on the subject awoke some displeasure. 
 
 The matter in question was no less than an attempt to abolish 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 83 
 
 the catechisms in various forms in the words of which different 
 nations had been ever accustomed to lisp their religious belief, 
 and to substitute for all, one common catechism, probably the 
 Roman. It happened that some bishop, in the heat of discussion, 
 ventured to take exception to the pattern thus set forth as a type 
 to be universally adopted ; but for an individual at Rome to 
 object to the Roman Catechism was a liberty which the Holy 
 City, par excellence, though accustomed to every vicissitude of 
 fortune, could scarcely have expected. 
 
 II.— THE SCHEME «DE ECCLESIA." 
 
 1. The twenty-one Canons of the scheme. — 2. Summary of the same. — 3. Their 
 probable effect on the world.— 4. Means of escape.— 5. Temporal power before 
 Infallibility. — 6. Remainder of the scheme. — 7. Its application. — 8. Conclusion. 
 
 1. The moment for the discussion of the scheme "De Ecclesia " 
 was approaching. Very serious reflections arose from a study of 
 its propositions, as reported by the Augsburg Gazette and the 
 S'dddeutsche Presse, especially those parts which refer to the 
 primacy, the temporal dominion, and the other points which, 
 more or less, directly touch on the Pope's authority.* 
 
 The scope of the twenty-one Canons given by the Augsburg 
 Gazette is partly to reaffirm ancient beliefs and traditions, and 
 partly to sanction certain opinions in their most absolute form, 
 and in the sense of what would be called on the other side of the 
 Alps the purest " Ultramontanism." If there is anything new 
 in them, it is the precise, and I might almost say geometrical 
 form of the system to which these points are all reduced, and 
 the way in which not only many of the most cultivated and 
 flourishing nations of the world are condemned as dissentients 
 from the Church, but even a great part of the customs and insti- 
 tutions of those countries actually in connection with her are 
 included in the same condemnation. 
 
 As to the first point, it was observed by many irreproachable 
 Catholics that all these differences having been already condemned 
 
 * Sec Appendix, Document XIII. 
 
 o 2 
 
84 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 in their own day, it was useless, even for reasons of eccle- 
 siastical policy, to offend and irritate great and powerful nations 
 by reiterating a judgment which there was no hope of their 
 accepting, and that the only result of such a course would be to 
 give them a most unfavourable idea of a religion thus intolerant 
 and aggressive. Then, as to the second point, many asked of 
 what avail could be the endeavour to cast Governments and 
 nations out of the Church, and to narrow and restrict her limits, 
 instead of endeavouring to enlarge them — a duty indicated by 
 her very name and mission ? 
 
 Such were the considerations to which the publication of this 
 document gave rise, and indeed a perusal of its contents makes 
 one wonder with what object it was compiled and to whom the 
 greater part of it was addressed. So far as dissentients from its 
 doctrines are concerned, they (as we already remarked) have 
 been long since condemned, and their position with regard to the 
 Church has been clearly settled. Freethinkers will only class 
 these Canons with those that preceded them, and see an additional 
 reason for disregarding them all, so that there remain only the 
 Catholics, rightly and properly so called. They seldom err on 
 the side of tolerance, and all these judgments enter, more or less 
 directly, into the habits and feelings of their religious education, 
 which, if it needs anything, certainly requires to be deepened 
 and enlarged rather than narrowed and restricted. 
 
 2. The first Canon, as published by the Augsburg Gazette, 
 affirms the identity and autonomy of the Catholic Church ; the 
 second its immutability ; the third its exterior and sensible 
 action ; and the fourth reverts to its autonomy excluding all 
 dissentient bodies. The fifth lays down that the Catholic Church 
 is the one only way of eternal salvation. The sixth declares, by 
 Divine authority, that no other confession of faith can be tolerated. 
 The seventh affirms the infallibility of the Church, and the 
 eighth its perfection. The ninth extends its Infallibility, even to 
 unrevealed truths, and in so doing claims for the Church un- 
 limited and supreme power over all human society. In the 
 tenth the Church is withdrawn from the control of the State. 
 The eleventh establishes the supremacy of the episcopate. The 
 twelfth authorises temporal punishments for disobedience to the 
 law of the Church. Finally, as a corollary of all this, the 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 85 
 
 thirteenth Canon pronounces an anathema against all who say 
 that salvation can be found out of the one holy Catholic Apo- 
 stolic Church of Rome. We leave it to the authors of the 
 scheme to consider what, in our days, such a declaration can 
 avail to the millions of Catholics who, along with all the rest 
 of the human race, are thereby again condemned. With the 
 fourteenth Canon commence those declarations on the primacy 
 of the Pope within the Church, which, by progressive steps, 
 reach their culminating point in the sixteenth, where it is said 
 that he has " plenam et supremam potestatem jurisdictionis in 
 universam Ecclesiam," and also " ordinariam et immediatam in 
 omnes ac singulas Ecclesias." 
 
 Theologians may determine what power can remain to diocesan 
 bishops in their own churches after such a declaration as this ; 
 but it baffles the comprehension of secular persons. 
 
 The relations between Church and State are thus adjusted 
 upon a system of gentle gradations, which the seventeenth Canon 
 explains. The eighteenth vindicates the Divine right in all 
 power that governs civil society. The nineteenth condemns 
 those who uphold the supremacy of the civil right. By the 
 twentieth all secular power is declared to be in subjection to the 
 laws of the Church, and in the twenty-first these latter are with- 
 drawn entirely from the cognisance of the State. 
 
 3. Now, on summing up these Canons, what do they amount 
 to? Sole religion the Catholic — sole head the Pope — "qui 
 habet plenam et supremam potestatem ; " his laws superior to 
 those of the State on which he exercises his judgment "de 
 licito et de illicito," and disposes of permissions and punish- 
 ments. Dante has imagined an Emperor and a Pope, who 
 between them should direct the world ; but if the idea of these 
 Canons were fully carried out with regard to civil society, there 
 would remain the Pope only. 
 
 It is not the aim of the present work to discuss the theological 
 view of such decrees, so we limit our considerations to the social 
 and civil aspect of the question. What feelings and expec- 
 tations would be awakened in other religious and constituted 
 powers, by the enunciation of an authority so complete and 
 absolute as that set forth in these articles? This question was 
 asked on all sides by those bishops especially who, living in 
 
86 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 civilised countries, and among liberal and cultivated nations of 
 different religious professions, are obliged to form an opinion on 
 these points. It was said that an American prelate, having 
 this in mind, expressed his feelings in the apposite quotation 
 from Tacitus : " non obtrectari a se urbanas excubias, sibi tamen 
 apud horridas gentes e contuberniis hostem aspici." 
 
 4. It would appear that it was intended in some degree to 
 mitigate the condemnations of the doctrinal part of the scheme ; 
 for instance, a distinction is made with regard to errors of faith 
 between invincible ignorance and that which is wilful. But how 
 are we to define invincible ignorance? for immediately, and it 
 would seem as a commentary on this distinction, there follows 
 the condemnation of liberty of conscience. This term has many 
 meanings, and the only one which is true, and should be agree- 
 able to all, pleases no one, and for that reason is accepted neither 
 by its eulogists nor by its enemies. Its condemnation, thus 
 simply expressed, answers the question we have proposed, by 
 excluding the testimony of conscience from being the justifica- 
 tion of invincible ignorance, which it limits to the material 
 incapacity for acquiring knowledge, though that is a^state of 
 things rarely met with in our day, and restricted to cases which 
 have no relation to our society. "~~\ 
 
 Such a condemnation carries with it an antithesis, making the 
 Church of Rome the point of divergence between the just and the 
 unjust — between light and darkness — up to an absolute dualism 
 between good and evil ; between Christ and Belial, or between 
 Rome and all that is not of Rome. 
 
 The same may be said of the civil power, to which is con- 
 ceded the sanction of Divine right, in return for its submission 
 to ecclesiastical power ; but after describing the intimate union 
 between Church and State as the source of great advantage to 
 the latter, the scheme proceeds to assert that that union is a 
 Divine law, and is not left free to the choice of man. If it is the 
 duty of mankind, taken individually, to submit to the true 
 religion, it is no less their duty, when taken collectively ; and 
 thus carrying out the syllogism to its last result, the scheme, 
 asserts that if individual believers are to be in subordination to 
 the Church, the State, which is a union of believers, should be 
 the same. 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 87 
 
 In another place it adds as a corollary that, for the same reason, 
 the State has both the right and the duty (irrespective of the 
 obligation of maintaining public order) of inflicting penalties on 
 persons who offend against religion. 
 
 The doctrinal portion of the scheme concludes by observing 
 (as we have already pointed out) that to the Church belongs the 
 supreme judgment over all questions of morals in civil society 
 and of what is lawful in public affairs ; and that as she is the guide 
 and teacher of men in the way of salvation, those Sovereigns 
 who have not the Church for a mother, have not God for their 
 Father. 
 
 5. Sometimes the scheme rises above this narrow and jealous 
 style, and delineates with vivid colours the benefits to be de- 
 rived from the influence of religion upon the State ; and a 
 passage of this sort taken independently, and considered apart 
 from the claims of unlimited power that otherwise predominate 
 in the scheme, has an excellent effect. The one we refer to, is 
 in these terms, " that religion teaches submission to lawful 
 authority, not from fear, but for conscience sake ; and while it 
 inculcates obedience to kings, it also enjoins on them the care 
 of their people, because power was given them not to satisfy the 
 desire of dominion, but in order to exercise justice, for God 
 has created both small and great, and has equal care of both." 
 When, on the contrary, the scheme speaks of the temporal power, 
 which it says " singulari divina? Providentiae consilio dato " to 
 the Roman Church, it returns to the old style, which may be 
 perhaps well adapted to the political question. It reverts to 
 liturgical phrases on the benefits of that temporal power, and 
 on the impiety of all " quovis insidiarum et violentiarum genere 
 labefactare ac convellere adnitantur," and in consequence con- 
 demns those who affirm " repugnare juri divino ut cum spirituali 
 potestate in Romanos Pontifices civilis conjungatur," and also 
 the perverseness of those " qui contendunt Ecclesiae non esse 
 de hujus principatus civilis ad generale Christianae reipublica? 
 bonum relatione quidpiam cum auctoritate constituere adeoque 
 licere Catholicis hominibus ab illius decisionibus hac de re 
 editis recedere aliterque sentire." 
 
 Now, seeing that the Pope is supreme judge, and embodies in 
 himself the judgment of the Church under the severest penalties, 
 
o» EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 it follows that, according to this proposition, it is unlawful for 
 any one to entertain opinions on the temporal power differing 
 from those of the Pope. It is most unlikely that the Pope should 
 himself decree the downfall of his own power, but rather from 
 sincere conviction promote its continuance, and therefore his 
 decree would, in such a case, be a priori strengthened by the 
 judgment issued against all those who are not of his way of 
 thinking. That would constitute in the public law of nations 
 a State which, in the heart of Europe, would set at defiance, 
 as being itself superior to law, all the vicissitudes and necessities 
 of the age, an eternal State. 
 
 Still, it cannot be denied that the formula we have just 
 quoted was relatively moderate, though it acquired great im- 
 portance from the general character of the decree in which it 
 was incorporated. One of the greatest difficulties arising from 
 the want of any limit to Papal authority in the constitution of 
 the Church, is that of assigning some bounds to the matters on 
 which the Pope has the right of judging ex cathedra, hence 
 the danger of his making everything dogma, like the King of 
 Phrygia who turned all that he touched into gold. And here a 
 hypothesis presents itself: supposing that one day a Pope, either 
 from humility or from eccentricity, should voluntarily abdicate 
 his temporal power (though we admit such a thing is very 
 unlikely), what would the Infallibilists who are so fond of that 
 power, then think of the doctrine of Infallibility ? 
 
 In such a case the chances are that they would not care to 
 recognise in the occurrence a natural condition of the Church 
 expressed by its living word, but would rather consider themselves 
 to be suffering from the caprice and tyranny of an individual. 
 Many similar instances might be cited to prove what, indeed, is 
 nothing new, but old as the world itself, namely, that all 
 absolute power is a two-edged sword that wounds both friends 
 and enemies ; whereas, liberty affords protection to both. The 
 Infallibilists made no account of such considerations, and 
 argued thus, Who habitually directs the Church in the absence of 
 the exceptional and comprehensive influence of Councils ? The 
 Pope. How would the Church proceed if this guidance could 
 be false ? By this argument they showed that they were unable to 
 appreciate the slow but collective action of society ; and like 
 
Febbuary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 89 
 
 all men who submit to the influence and allurements of des- 
 potism, could not relish an authority which was not distilled 
 through the arbitrary will of one individual. 
 
 6. The rest of the scheme, if the report of it be true, was 
 interspersed with the arguments of the Syllabus, and the 
 favourite doctrines of the Catholic party more or less distinctly 
 enunciated. It condemned, among other things — liberty of con- 
 science — universal suffrage^— lay teaching — the suppression of 
 ecclesiastical immunities — the abolition of religious orders — the 
 confiscation of the property of the clergy — the exaction of mili- 
 tary service from ecclesiastics, and so forth. In speaking of these 
 things the scheme, like the Syllabus, abounds too often in that 
 sort of metaphor which, taking a part for the whole, confuses 
 the evils of a system with the system itself, and passes judg- 
 ment on a whole category of facts, only some of which are 
 really reprehensible ; as if one were to say, " thirst is wrong 
 because it leads to inebriety." 
 
 With regard to lay teaching, the scheme certainly specifies 
 that those only are condemned who exclude ecclesiastics from 
 giving instruction ; but with regard to universal suffrage, it 
 seems indistinctly to condemn all those who guide their actions 
 by public opinion or the voice of the majority ; whereas, 
 though such a criterion is not, of course, infallible, it is often 
 the truest, and in many cases the only one to be had in modern 
 society. There are some just remarks to be found in the 
 scheme mixed with the most exorbitant exactions. Still the 
 tenor of the whole document tends to enforce the ideal set forth 
 in the formula we have described — one fold and one shepherd, 
 by whom civil society is to be directed and guided — thus render- 
 ing it the object and instrument of the absolute and exclu- 
 sive regime imposed by his irresponsible and unlimited will, 
 and in so doing society carries into action the mind of the 
 Church, and thus becomes, as it were, her embodiment and 
 representative. 
 
 7. It is evident that all conceptions destined to become 
 matters of deliberation in an assembly whose object it is to 
 influence civil society should be not only specious, but oppor- 
 tune, and of a feasible nature ; and, therefore, the theologians, 
 who are the authors of this scheme, in compiling the treatise 
 
90 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February 
 
 " De Monarchia," failed to render it serviceable to the living 
 institutions and practical interests of the day, though they made 
 it closely accord with the ideal of their own minds. 
 
 8. Of course, their programme, considered merely in its specu- 
 lative part, and as an argument of faith, only concerns those 
 who believe in it, but as its doctrines are inseparable from the 
 working of civil institutions, with which they are substantially 
 identified, and as their practical application is distinctly con- 
 templated, did the theologians who drew it up in very indifferent 
 Latin under the safe shelter of the Vatican, ever consider what 
 its result would be ? Did those theologians ever attempt to 
 estimate the harm that must be done, and the blood that must 
 be shed, ere this scheme could be carried into effect? The 
 man of the greatest intellect of the age in Italy, " Cavour," 
 well-knowing the inflexibility of the traditions of Rome, con- 
 sidered the separation of Church and State, the "Chiesa 
 libera in Stato libero," as the only logical solution of the 
 eternal and difficult problem, the conditions of which are 
 Church and State. The scheme implicitly rejects such an 
 idea, and explicitly condemns all those who say that the 
 separation of Church and State is requisite for the good of 
 society ; and thus, when it is once accepted, only two hypotheses 
 remain. The one is to Consider speculatively any Catholic 
 society active and powerful, as portrayed by the schemes, trying 
 to carry out its ideal at the present day in the world ; and you 
 tremble at the thought of the resistance it would provoke, and 
 the misfortunes it would entail. The other is to reflect practi- 
 cally on the number of adherents that such a programme would 
 find among Catholics themselves, and you receive a very dif- 
 ferent impression from the disproportion between the grandeur 
 of the challenge, and the poverty of the means of sustaining 
 it. In both alternatives the mind reverts to the Bull of Con- 
 vocation of the Council, which states that it was assembled for 
 the purpose of providing a remedy for the needs and evils of 
 society. If the first case were possible, in what would this 
 remedy consist, but in exile, in imprisonment, in the Inquisi- 
 tion, in religious warfare, in schisms, and all the other evils 
 which have already resulted from that system — sad remedies 
 indeed ? If, on the other hand (as is more probable), the second 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 91 
 
 alternative were accepted, where then is the remedy ? Cruelty 
 or contempt, tyranny or impotence, a fatal dilemma to which 
 sooner or later every absolute and inexorable system is 
 reduced, according to its power or its object. 
 
 III.— CONDITION OF THE CATHOLIC NATIONS. 
 
 1. Displeasure caused by the publication of the Canons. — 2. Questions for the 
 consideration of the Council. — 3. Questions regarding France. — 4. Catholicism 
 and modern society. — 5. The Revolution. — 6. Dilemma. — 7. Exceptions to 
 preceding observations. — 8. Responsibility of Institutions. — 9. Excessive 
 authority.— 10. Intolerance and indulgences. — 11. Asceticism. — 12. Central- 
 isation.— 13. Rebellion.— 14. Conclusion. 
 
 1. The publication of the documents in the German papers 
 caused the greatest excitement at the Vatican ; a searching 
 investigation was the result, and several persons slightly con- 
 nected with the Council fell into trouble. Some were deprived 
 of their office, others were obliged to leave Rome, and punish- 
 ment followed all those supposed to be the authors or accom- 
 plices of these indiscreet revelations. It is clear that one of 
 the principal causes of this discontent was the sensible effect 
 produced by these documents, in those countries especially 
 where such questions are of great importance ; but this was 
 unreasonable, as it was far better for the Vatican that its 
 schemes should be known beforehand, than later. It was a 
 matter of serious import that Europe should receive, either 
 with indifference or with disfavour, the decrees of the Catholic 
 Assembly, as they were of much greater consequence than the 
 simple propositions of a number of theologians, even though 
 emanating from the Vatican. Public opinion, so severely 
 reprobated by the scheme, is, nevertheless, very often of the 
 greatest utility ; and the refusal to take any account of it is 
 sometimes the cause of serious and irremediable mistakes. 
 
 2. If, for example, public opinion could be so far heard in 
 the Church, as to substitute for the Canons we have described 
 some other scheme treating of the subjects that now occupy 
 men's minds, and loudly call for a rational solution, might 
 not the attention of the Council be turned to matters of more 
 general importance, though of equal consequence to Catholicism, 
 
92 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [February. 
 
 than the scholastic subtleties contained in the Canons ? Are 
 there no defects in the Catholic religion save those regarding 
 its authority? Is that the only subject worth consideration? 
 Is the loss of the temporal power the sole evil on which we 
 should deliberate? 
 
 Could no other matters be found worthy to occupy the atten- 
 tion of the Ecumenical Council, called together with such 
 solemnity after the lapse of three centuries, to deliberate on 
 the interests of religion ? 
 
 For instance, would it not be a suitable inquiry for the 
 Ecumenical Council of the nineteenth century, to examine into 
 the cause of the various evils that affect the Catholic popula- 
 tions of our age — their abnormal condition in many ways — the 
 slowness of their growth, and their relative inferiority, moral, 
 civil, and political? an inferiority which is in proportion to the 
 greater or less prevalence of the system described in the scheme. 
 
 No very profound statistical knowledge is necessary ; one can 
 see with a glance the difference in prosperity and of civilisation 
 to be found in Spain as compared with England, and in Ireland 
 as compared with the sister Isle — or as between Portugal and 
 Holland ; between South and North America ; between Italy 
 and Germany ; between Savoy and Switzerland ; and in this 
 latter country between the Catholic and Protestant cantons ? 
 
 Does not the contrast involuntarily strike the mind of any 
 person who, sailing along the shores of the Lake of Geneva, 
 has the opportunity of observing the relative condition of the 
 Savoyard and the Swiss villages ? Again, we must remember 
 that in the conflict between the Austrians and the Prussians — 
 both of the same German race — the advantage was not for the 
 former. 
 
 Or to take another test, what progress has been made in these 
 latter days by the first-named countries as compared with the 
 second, in all those useful institutions by which mankind can 
 render homage to the Creator in the pursuit of art and science, 
 and in grand undertakings ? 
 
 I say in recent times, in order to point out the epoch at which 
 began not only the consolidation of those great differences which 
 have divided Christendom, but also the formation of that system 
 of Catholic Government which the Vatican Council has striven 
 still further to enforce. We will not, however, proceed further 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 93 
 
 with these comparisons, but only observe that as the scheme 
 "De Ecclesia" asserts that the Church is a visible society of 
 men, and exists on earth for their salvation, she cannot be 
 entirely indifferent to the conduct of her followers. 
 
 3. The best illustration of these reflections is found on turning 
 to France, for she presents two views to the observer, both of 
 them well adapted to throw light on our subject. By the one 
 she appears as the centre of life and of civilisation, by the other 
 she affords matter for serious consideration to all who either 
 observe her, or are influenced by her. By the first, she appears 
 as the rival of the greatest nations ; but by the second she 
 seems to share the lot of those countries that are less pros- 
 perous, and that have before them a dark and uncertain future. 
 To whom does France owe that part of her civilisation which 
 enables her at the present time to rank among other great 
 nations ? I mean her culture, her science, her industry, and her 
 material prosperity. Beginning from the encyclopedists down 
 to the learned men of the present day, how many of the savants, 
 and of those who have in any way assisted the growth of modern 
 France, would have been recognised by Rome as her children ? 
 How many laws, how many institutions, and what an amount of 
 learning, would have been of necessity lost to France, had the 
 voice of Rome prevailed in that country? Imagine the con- 
 sequences to France as regards culture and science, had her 
 intellectual progress been subjected for a century to the cor- 
 rections and revisions of the Roman Index? What part can 
 the influence of Catholicism (using the terms in the very sense 
 adopted by its own party), what part can that influence claim in 
 the civil glory and intellectual progress of France ? So far we 
 have considered her under the aspect in which she equals the 
 most cultivated and civilised nations of the world, but at the 
 same time, what nation is more deeply affected than France by 
 grave and dangerous social questions, or is in a condition less 
 favourable for their resolution? Considered from this view, 
 which concerns her social and political state, France affords 
 ample material for the reflections, which we shall shortly make, 
 on the political condition of the Catholic populations.* 
 
 * When these pages were written no one could have foretold the misfortunes 
 so soon to fall upon France, but it seems well to leave them in their original form. 
 
94 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Febeuaey. 
 
 4. But turning from France, to view the matter in a more 
 general light, how have the doctrines of absolutism — to which 
 we have already alluded — affected the progress of the great 
 institutions, enterprises, and discoveries of modern times, and 
 how many of these latter — beginning even from the days of 
 Galileo — have been carried out in spite of those doctrines ? 
 
 What place can Catholicism claim for its tenets in the increase 
 of liberty, the toleration, and the amicable and peaceful inter- 
 course, which, after much useless destruction of humanity, seems 
 to be the settled character of society in our days ? 
 
 What part did the Catholicism of Torquemada and of 
 Philip II. take in the grand discovery and colonisation of those 
 new countries which are the glory of the two last centuries? 
 Who has profited by the work of Christopher Columbus and of 
 Amerigo Vespucci? What has Catholicism, following, though 
 more quietly, in the same track of discovery, effected in North 
 America ; a country entirely free, in which all religions emulate 
 one another ; and, again, in Australia ? These two parts of the 
 world came into being, as it were, in a moment, through the 
 diffusion and expansion of the European, and therefore Christian 
 race ; and what part in the miracle can be attributed to Catholi- 
 cism ? Has not the Catholic Church, on the contrary, reason for 
 sad meditation on the spectacle presented by Mexico, and the 
 other unhappy republics of the South, which are entirely under 
 her sway? Here one would think are plenty of subjects 
 well deserving the whole attention of the Catholic hierarchy 
 assembled in Rome ; for such facts may be more or less appre- 
 ciated, may be understood in one sense or another, and attributed 
 to this or that cause ; but their existence cannot be denied, and 
 therefore they ought to be considered. 
 
 5. Another question might also be asked, which, without 
 entering into details — that are liable to be questioned by many 
 — is really matter of fact. Whence comes that disordered 
 spirit by which in our days Catholic societies exclusively are 
 agitated — the spirit of revolution ? In using this word I do 
 not here intend to apply it in the widest sense — that which 
 expresses a universal law felt more or less deeply, but common 
 to all humanity. I use it in that special way which signifies 
 the violent, brutal, and envious form of revolution, which, 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 95 
 
 from the end of the last century up to the present day, has 
 rent and distracted the most beautiful countries of Europe. 
 Germany, England, Switzerland, and America, have their 
 revolutions in ideas, their modifications, their progress, their 
 changes for the better or for the worse. But all this is car- 
 ried on without anger and violence, without blows and blood- 
 shed. They may have other evils, because humanity can never 
 be exempt from such, but they are free from that terrible 
 social plague — chronic revolution ; the not being able to say 
 to-day what may happen to-morrow ; and what is more, these 
 nations have not, like us, their only hope of existence in the 
 exercise of force, which seems at the present time to have 
 become our sole means of persuasion. 
 
 Which of the Catholic nations can live like England and 
 America in the exercise of the greatest activity, and in a state 
 of constant social and political agitation, without a large standing 
 army ? In how many Catholic countries has not the Govern- 
 ment more than once collapsed during recent years ; and how 
 many of them can look forward to a more secure future? Here 
 we have another series of inquiries which, according to the 
 promises contained in the Papal Bull, we might expect the 
 Council to take into consideration. 
 
 6. At first sight only two answers seem possible to these 
 questions. Either such a state of things is the effect of the 
 education that prevails among the populations we have men- 
 tioned, or else the form of religion in question has assimilated 
 itself, and has prospered best among the nations that exist 
 under those conditions. 
 
 Some try to explain away these facts by alleging the unfavour- 
 able effects of climate and the fatality of race, but they forget 
 that the same results are met with among different peoples 
 and in different latitudes ; and even if their hypothesis were 
 admissible as to the first alternative, they could not escape from 
 the second. Thus from which ever side the subject is viewed, 
 we necessarily return to one of the two parts of the dilemma, 
 both of which are equally deserving of the most serious con- 
 sideration. The partisans of the absolute prefer to accept 
 implicitly the second solution as being the most easy, though 
 humiliating, for humanity, and, if true, involving irreparable evil ; 
 
96 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 while generous and liberal minds are content to take the first 
 hypothesis as the least discouraging, and affording the best hope 
 of remedy. Those who adhere to the former opinion exonerate 
 existing institutions from all responsibility as to the evil wrought 
 within their range, considering it sufficient that they oppose that 
 evil, as, indeed, they do to the uttermost. But then, they overlook 
 the responsibility inherent in these institutions, not only as to 
 the substance of their teaching, but as to the way in which they 
 set about their work ; and not only as to their aims, but as the 
 means they use for carrying out their intentions. Indeed, an 
 excess of zeal often leads to a contrary effect ; as, for example, 
 absolutism generates rebellion, and extreme severity in a law 
 secures impunity to the law breaker. Events balance themselves 
 in human affairs, the chain which begins with the inquisitor 
 finishes with the sectary ; and the partisan of Mazzini stands at 
 one end of the diameter, the opposite point of which is occupied 
 by the " Sanfedista." England does not possess either the 
 Univers or the Rappel, at least her existence is not daily threat- 
 ened by similar publications; neither has she inquisitors nor 
 revolutionary fanatics, and Fenians come only from the neigh- 
 bouring shores of Ireland. 
 
 7. Of course there are exceptions to the comparisons that we 
 have made in this chapter, but they really illustrate those com- 
 parisons more clearly, because among the Catholic populations 
 where they are found, they correspond in very exact measure 
 to the influence that has been exercised by large and liberal 
 ideas, or rather to that which has been lost by the contrary 
 ideas, and thus they from a scale which, taking the Campagna di 
 Roma as a starting point, culminates in the prosperity of Belgium. 
 Moreover, there is another way of measuring these exceptions, 
 less precise, but more convincing for Catholics, as being within 
 the bosom of the Church itself, and that is, by means of those 
 bishops who in the Council, resisted the spirit prevailing at the 
 Vatican. 
 
 8. At the same time it would be not only unjust but useless 
 to fasten the responsibility of these results upon Catholicism 
 itself, one might as well charge them upon that Christianity 
 which has animated all modern civilisation. Up to the sixteenth 
 century there were no effective and visible distinctions amongst 
 
Febbuary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 97 
 
 Christians in the West, and the influence of the religious 
 movement which was formally accomplished in that century only 
 affected the civil and political condition of Europe at a later 
 date. Still later within the bosom of the Catholic Church 
 herself was more decidedly manifested that spirit (called in 
 France Ultramontanism) which, rapidly increasing after the 
 Revolution, and as a reaction from it, reacted again upon the 
 Curia Romana, where it had first originated. Gaining ground 
 there by little and little, it disclosed its own desires, pressed 
 forward its own aims, and succeeded in giving a distinct and 
 separate existence to those political and religious conceptions 
 which, though habitually possessed by the Curia, had always 
 hitherto preserved an indefinite character, having been wisely 
 shrouded in the prudent and traditional policy of that body. 
 Now, in our day, those ideas are crudely, and with much ex- 
 aggeration, asserted by the party calling itself " Catholic " 
 par excellence, which has exercised so great an influence in all 
 that concerns the Vatican Council. 
 
 This became gradually visible at every outbreak of the revo- 
 lutionary spirit, first in France and then generally in the world, 
 though the chief causes of that revolution were the very system 
 and the very ideas which in their latent state had prepared the 
 way for it both in France, and in the other countries (principally 
 Catholic), where revolution seems particularly rooted ; because 
 in such cases a tardy rebellion takes the place of the reforma- 
 tion undergone twc\centuries before, by the nations of the North. 
 Perhaps even this reformation was affected by the resistance it 
 encountered ; and it is possible that both crises might have 
 been moderated, or even prevented, by a slow and progressive 
 transformation moving continually round the immutable centre 
 of eternal truth, conformably with the variations of the times 
 and of moral conditions. This idea, which some may consider 
 daring, is not only confirmed by the example of those countries 
 which are the most deeply affected by the evils we have enume- 
 rated, but receives satisfactory illustration from a strict and dis- 
 passionate investigation of the spirit that generally prevails in 
 the education of Catholic populations. It would not be difficult 
 to specify, one by one, the laws (and very often their interpreta- 
 tions), the customs, the institutions, the habits, and the abuses, 
 
 H 
 
98 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 which have long prevailed, but more especially in the latter 
 centuries, in Catholic education ; and are the principal causes of 
 the evils we have indicated. It is certainly neither our desire 
 nor our business to investigate fully these grave and compli- 
 cated questions, many of which have been already well dis- 
 cussed ; but wishing to assist with a few general outlines those 
 who study the matter in good faith, some few salient points 
 naturally occur to the mind. When these particular evils are 
 understood, it remains for us to judge whether they can be 
 remedied by empirical restrictions and fresh condemnations, or 
 whether, on the other hand, it is not more likely that such 
 remedies only serve to increase the evil, and like the doctors of 
 an old Italian medical school who are much addicted to bleed- 
 ing, in endeavouring to cure they do not really kill the patient. 
 9. The principle of authority by its very nature is predomi- 
 nant in Catholicism, of which, indeed, it is the strength and 
 characteristic ; but this principle, owing to the natural tendency 
 of the institutions founded upon it, has been always exaggerated 
 to such an extent in Catholic education, that on all subjects, 
 and in every way, it has usurped the first place, and has 
 produced the blindest submission corresponding to the most 
 absolute power. This thirst for authority, called forth in the 
 first instance by the insubordination of the age, and kept up 
 with the view of maintaining order and unity in the Church, too 
 often results in destroying the first and impairing the second ; 
 it tends to paralyse the collective action of the hierarchy of 
 the Church, and concentrates it in the Head, thereby isolating 
 the clergy from the rest of society. Moreover, the excessive use 
 of authority in relation to the masses has the result of weaken- 
 ing and sometimes of suppressing the working of individual 
 consciences, by absorbing their sense of personal responsibility 
 in the sole conscience of Church authority, and so the perception 
 of good and evil ceases to be personal and spontaneous, and 
 becomes reflective and obligatory. It often happens that a 
 Catholic, unless gifted with an unusual superiority of mind, has 
 no knowledge of good and evil other than that which he derives 
 from the external authority, which in many cases is represented 
 by any chance individual. Nor is this only with regard to ques- 
 tions of principle, where such help may be sometimes both 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 99 
 
 desirable and salutary, but the same external direction is 
 applied on all occasions, in all contingencies, in the every-day 
 life of the people, and is carried by simple natures into trivial 
 details, and matters of no importance. 
 
 The consequence of such an excessive submission to authority 
 is that the human conscience, being often illguided, is likely to 
 go astray ; at any rate, never having learned to reflect and judge 
 for itself, it loses the capacity for so doing, grows gradually 
 weaker, and at last becomes impotent, just as the members of 
 the body, if never used, lose their strength. A double evil, and 
 a very serious one, results from this state of things. In the 
 first place, when a Catholic, brought up as we have described, 
 is deprived of the external guidance which supports him, he has 
 no rule or restraint to keep him straight, and the recoil from 
 such a despotism at the present day frequently throws the pupils 
 of the Jesuits into the wildest revolutionary excesses. In the 
 second place, the external authority can only find expression 
 through words spoken or written, and being unable to follow 
 the infinite complexities of human action or to discern the secret 
 recesses of the human heart, cannot give a rule of right and 
 wrong to meet all contingencies ; so that there must still remain 
 many cases in which an individual being without that guidance, 
 can only ascertain the right course by consulting the delicate 
 and indefinable instinct of his own conscience. Hence arise the 
 subtleties, the mental compromises, and the disingenuousness 
 too frequently met with, among our people. 
 
 10. Another tendency much to be deplored, is the disposition 
 of Catholics to inculcate great intolerance for all errors of the 
 intellect, while they regard with much leniency errors of the will ; 
 yet these latter are surely infinitely more culpable than the former. 
 
 It is deplorable that a man should not know and understand 
 what is right ; but if he is guilty, he is surely less so than a man 
 who well knowing his duty, either neglects or transgresses it. 
 Faults of intellect do not deteriorate the character, whereas 
 faults of the will (making every allowance for human frailty) 
 are far less excusable. 
 
 Dante lived in an age that was certainly not given to religious 
 indifference or to be over tolerant, yet in the 'Divina Corn- 
 media' he places heresiarchs among those who err from want of 
 
 II 2 
 
100 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [February. 
 
 self control, apart from the abode of those who had sinned with 
 intent, thereby showing that he regarded the guilt of the first, as 
 distinguishable from, and less worthy of punishment than that 
 of the latter. Besides, the working of the mind has always an 
 ennobling effect, while the indulgence of the passions brutalises 
 human nature. A society educated for many centuries under 
 the stimulus of the double direction we have described, not only 
 loses the power of exercising the individual conscience, but 
 yields up the exercise of its own judgment to a certain set or 
 distinct class of persons whose duty it becomes to think and to 
 judge for the rest. Such a society becoming disinclined and 
 inapt for the exercise of thought on account of the trouble it 
 involves, and following only the inclinations of nature, seeks 
 what is pleasing to the feelings and affections, and readily 
 transgresses by yielding to the passions which appear not only 
 attractive in themselves, but, as we have already remarked, have 
 the promise of greater tolerance than is extended to errors of 
 the mind. We do not mean to say that severity in principle, 
 and charity towards frailty, are not, when united with wisdom 
 and moderation, two marvellous characteristics of Christianity — 
 more true to human nature than a vague indecision on the first 
 point, and an inflexible severity on the second ; but having 
 been abused, like many other good things, they led, the one to 
 the institution of the Inquisition, and the other to the adoption 
 of a systematised indulgence, and such subjects are surely well 
 worthy of deep consideration on account of their influence on 
 Catholic populations. 
 
 11. A third point for reflection, is the tendency of Catholic 
 education to turn aside its followers from the numerous duties of 
 practical life, and to incline them to an ascetic and speculative 
 existence which does not always correspond to the inexorable 
 necessities of human nature. Two evils result from this 
 tendency when fully developed, as often occurs among the most 
 faithful of the Catholic populations. The first is, that this 
 tendency, when carried into private life by a mistaken ap- 
 plication of a sublime contempt for terrestrial matters, dis- 
 poses men to go through the world with their eyes turned 
 upwards, and their thoughts entirely abstracted from the earth. 
 Human nature soon takes advantage of such a disposition to 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 101 
 
 justify one of its most common and pernicious propensities ; 
 industry and independence give place to idleness and mendi- 
 cancy ; and this disposition when coupled with an abuse of 
 outward forms often inclines people to superstition. The second 
 evil, and one of equal importance, is, that a Catholic, though for 
 the most part a good subject, is not always a good citizen, 
 because though his religious education teaches him the duty of 
 passive obedience, at the same time it tends to absorb him, and 
 to draw him away from the civil society in which he moves ; 
 and- these conflicting attractions of the Church and of society, 
 though sometimes useful as counterpoises, really weaken Catholic 
 communities, which are seldom able to unite the two interests 
 and to conciliate the two powers. 
 
 Besides those eternal moral laws on which there can be 
 but one opinion, there are an infinity of subjects which do 
 not absolutely represent either good or evil ; and with regard 
 to which the Catholic is often placed in a difficult position 
 between his kinsmen, his country, his station in life, and his 
 Church. In such cases the Church either draws him to herself 
 by a powerful attraction, or if he resists, abandons him and casts 
 him out. Hence, the phenomenon frequently met with in 
 Catholic societies, though rarely, if ever, in others, that religion 
 hinders the advancement of the nation, and that patriotism 
 subverts religion. 
 
 12. A fourth source of great difficulty for Catholic popu- 
 lations is the undue centralisation which prevails in the 
 exercise of authority. All the laws, general and particular, 
 which inform and regulate the consciences of the Catholic 
 world, proceed, with the weighty sanction we have mentioned, 
 from a very small nucleus ; a narrow centre of individuals, who, 
 with the best intentions and the greatest solicitude, are yet 
 incapable of judging and of appreciating the varying feelings and 
 needs of populations so many and so different. This fact tends 
 to form instead of a Catholic world a Catholic party, gradually 
 separating it in all countries from the habits, the interests, 
 and the affections of the rest of the nation. 
 
 13. There remains a yet greater evil than any we have spoken 
 of, and it is this ; these tendencies and impulses if developed to 
 the highest degree might form a society sui generis, little dis- 
 
102 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 posed to intellectual or material growth, and little fitted for the 
 production of civil greatness, and the mischief would stop here. 
 The practical result, however, is that as such a regime can only 
 apply to a restricted number of people, and never to society in 
 general, the fetters imposed on the heart and intellect by this 
 jealous authority, and this artificial state of mind, often pro- 
 duce, especially among the young, a corresponding reaction, and 
 the more intelligent such people are, the stronger is this reac- 
 tion. A great proportion of the young on reaching mature 
 age are necessarily affected by the influence of the times ; and 
 being without the safeguards of solid instruction, and such 
 an acquaintance with practical interests as would serve to 
 restrain, or at least to occupy their minds, they look back- 
 wards, and in so doing fall into serious errors, confounding the 
 abuses of a system with the system itself. In their retrospec- 
 tion they confuse God with the priest, become equally unmind- 
 ful of both, and turning their backs on religion altogether, 
 either rush headlong into the pursuit of pleasures, burying in 
 them all the aspirations and regrets of a wasted life, or if of 
 too noble a nature to incur such moral suicide, they fall into 
 another snare equally dangerous, if in some ways less deplor- 
 able. Their ardent and youthful minds endeavour to find some 
 means of reconciling the old faith with the newly enlightened 
 reason, of making the two compatible, but as soon as they set 
 about it, they discover such a process to be quite impracticable ; 
 for the Church endeavours in every way to repel them, and 
 liberty presents every attraction that can allure them. In the 
 face of this impossibility they are driven to revolt ; no rebellion 
 is so desperate as that of a slave, and youthful multitudes of 
 great promise, but without conscience, unused to exercise their 
 judgment, and blinded by the heritage of hatred and of rancour 
 that results from the moral conflicts they have experienced, are 
 driven to swell the ranks of revolution in increasing numbers, 
 as one generation succeeds another. 
 
 They become involved in that terrible revolution whose 
 standard is negation, and whose aim is destruction ; that cosmo- 
 politan revolution which has already avenged, and unless 
 restrained by Providence may yet more deeply avenge such 
 outraged souls. Those, meanwhile, on whom devolves the re- 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 103 
 
 sponsibility of such misfortunes will learn perhaps too late, and 
 at too dear a price, that a just balance is indispensable both in 
 the moral and material world ; and that by endeavouring to 
 make a man grow in the swaddling-clothes of an infant, either 
 he will become a cripple, or his bands will be rent into shreds. 
 All that has been said of the superior and intelligent portions 
 of society, applies equally to the less cultivated and more im- 
 pulsive multitudes, who with the same defects of character and 
 reasoning power, pass through the like moral phases uncon- 
 sciously and mechanically. The defects of the lower classes 
 may be at first sight less apparent than those of their superiors, 
 but when they do break out openly, the consequences are more 
 disastrous. The result of this deadly conflict between authority 
 and reason, between the spirit and the letter, is to diminish the 
 number of the faithful in Catholic societies, and to drive many 
 into rebellion in will or in deed ; the first class are wanting in 
 real force, the second lack not only order and discipline, but 
 very often morality ; both are proficients in the art of destroy- 
 ing Governments, but are alike incapable of establishing one 
 on a solid basis, the first for want of power, the second for 
 want of knowledge. 
 
 The first class are immovable instead of Conservative, the 
 second revolutionary instead of progressive : they have no com- 
 mon ground, and their differences instead of finding expression 
 in changes of administration (as happens in all rational coun- 
 tries) find it instead in changes of Government, in which there 
 is always a conqueror and a conquered, and therefore a triumph 
 and a defeat with the usual consequences. The happy results of 
 a Conservative spirit, combined with the desire of progress, are 
 found in all well-governed and prosperous nations ; but from 
 their very nature are difficult and almost impossible of attain- 
 ment in Catholic countries, especially those in which the doc- 
 trines of absolutism prevail, for such usually relapse into confusion 
 and disorder as soon as the strong pressure which an absolute 
 Government exercises over them is removed. Disorder and 
 anarchy are too often the lamentable political condition of the 
 southern nations of Europe, as compared with the state of regular 
 and uniform progress found among the northern ; and this com- 
 
104 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 parison affords ample grounds for reflection on the causes why 
 revolution is so specially rooted in Catholic countries. 
 
 14. In addition to these primary considerations suggested by 
 the condition of Catholic populations, others of still greater 
 importance might be cited contingent on the ordinary course of 
 events, and leaving untouched the defects of men, which naturally 
 have deeply affected their institutions : but we will not proceed 
 further, and would only remark in conclusion, that the religious 
 education of our people is negative rather than positive; and 
 though usually sufficient in externals (though even here greater 
 elevation is desirable), is too often lacking in substance, that 
 is to say, in the moral and practical part. 
 
 These remarks have already led us beyond the limits we had 
 assigned to our subject, and therefore we merely leave this 
 outline for the consideration of those who desire to study the 
 matter more deeply. It is a true picture of the state of things 
 prevailing at the present day in all communities governed by 
 the Ultra-Catholic regime, though of course varying in different 
 countries according to their respective conditions. We find in 
 them many churches, but few schools ; more devotion than 
 virtue ; more passion than judgment ; general intolerance, and 
 scanty prosperity, with fluctuations of submission and rebellion ; 
 they are characterised everywhere by a craving for authority, 
 whether in a convent or a sect, but without any appreciation of 
 the real nature of authority, which is alternately adored with 
 servility and subjected to outrage. 
 
Febkuaky.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME, 105 
 
 IV.— THE NEW ORDER. 
 
 1. Objections to preceding arguments. — 2. Address of the Catholics of Cob- 
 lentz. — 3. Infallibility sole object of attention. — 4. Close of the first phase 
 of the Council. — 5. The new Order. — 6. Judgment of the majority. — 7. Holi- 
 days. — 8. Anecdotes. — 9. Different Postulata. — 10. Various publications. — 
 11. Speech at the opening of the Exhibition. — 12. Diplomatic interference 
 is aroused. — 13. Predictions. — 14. Conclusion. 
 
 1. Owing to the entire lack of independence in judgment, and 
 to a determination to look on all persons either as slaves or 
 enemies, such observations as we have just made are usually 
 considered to bear a hostile character, and are therefore held to 
 be injurious by those to whom they are displeasing, and by all 
 who follow in their steps. Such persons are accustomed to re- 
 lieve themselves of any responsibility as to human affairs by 
 charging the blame on particular associations, the Freemasons, 
 for instance ; and, in recent times, on the Government of the 
 country. But the existence of those associations affords better 
 ground for incrimination than for apology, inasmuch as they 
 are not produced, and have no means of affecting society except 
 by its institutions, in which they are generated as insects in 
 bodies, a phenomenon depending on their own decay. This 
 is illustrated by the fact that healthy and virtuous communities 
 which live in the exercise of liberty, are either free from such 
 organisations, or afford them no resting-place. Freemasonry 
 has served much the same purpose for the Catholic party as the 
 Society of Jesuits has for the Liberals ; they are respectively 
 accused as being the cause of all the evil in the world. Then, 
 with regard to Governments, who doubts that if they had the 
 chance they would very soon act up to the Pope's principle, so 
 far as they could ? whereas, at the present day, they are obliged 
 to content themselves with such a measure of authority as is 
 permitted by the spirit of the age. 
 
 2. Even among so-called Liberal Catholics, the religious 
 question is rarely treated on general grounds. In nearly all the 
 publications they have issued of late years, the subject is con- 
 sidered only partially, and not with that fulness which alone 
 presents it in a true light. The address of the Catholics of 
 
106 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [February. 
 
 Treves* to the Archbishop of Coblentz, though of a special 
 character, seems, however, to rise to a more elevated tone ; 
 and any Catholic wishing to find a remedy within the Church 
 for the evils we have already noticed, might well adopt the 
 words of the address, which are as follows : — 
 
 " We cannot hide from ourselves that it is impossible for a 
 General Council to undertake the particular examination and 
 solution of the difficulties arising from the numerous wants of 
 mankind which are rooted in the manifold life of the Church. 
 The organisation of the Church ought to establish in its various 
 parts, with freedom to develop their powers in the most salutary 
 manner, such agencies as may best overcome evil." 
 
 The address concludes by praying for the re-establishment of 
 those assemblies, or synods, national, provincial, and diocesan, 
 which have always considered and provided for the different 
 needs, both old and new, of the Church in general, and for their 
 portion of it in particular. Taken as a whole, this address is 
 one of the most remarkable documents produced on these sub- 
 jects. It contains an answer and a remedy for all the questions 
 and all the evils which we have pointed out ; and its theory of 
 the relations between Church and State is the most precise and 
 reasonable commentary, on the maxim, " A free Church in a 
 free State." In few words, the address is a full and well- 
 arranged scheme for applying the principle of liberty, so far as 
 is possible, to Catholic institutions. 
 
 3. Instead, however, of attending to these questions, the whole 
 consideration of the Council was irrevocably concentrated on 
 the question of Infallibility. The definition of this dogma 
 weighed on the Council and hampered all its movements, the 
 majority had no other object but this, and followed it with that 
 intensity of purpose which is peculiar to religious sentiments 
 and passions. Human nature alternately builds up and destroys 
 the same things, under the sincere conviction that it is making 
 progress ; overturns with infinite labour the despotisms and 
 the oracles it originally fabricated, and then begins to recon- 
 struct them, always under the belief that it is accomplishing 
 something new, and despises what is past as if that in turn had 
 not been equally its own work. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XVI. 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 107 
 
 Ask the Infallibilists what they think of the apotheoses of the 
 ancients ? or of the simplicity of certain religious beliefs which 
 are entertained by other nations with a faith as lively and sincere 
 as their own ? and they would shrug their shoulders in compas- 
 sion without deigning to answer. Again, what are the Infalli- 
 bilists themselves striving for so earnestly, but to create within 
 their own Church and country a condition of things which, 
 if found outside their circle, they would not even condescend to 
 discuss ? 
 
 Human nature never displays such violent passions as on 
 religious matters ; and though the form of their manifestation 
 may be milder at the present day, the intensity of feeling when 
 applied to such subjects is always the same. 
 
 Thirty-one meetings, including the two Sessions, were held 
 between the 16th of December and the 22nd of February, in 
 which about 150 orators spoke, and although no mention was 
 actually made of Infallibility, it pervaded the minds of all, on 
 every subject. Towards the end of February, in one of the last 
 Congregations, a French bishop named Infallibility for the first 
 time, and proposed its speedy declaration as a mode of cutting 
 short all difficulties ; but his speech was coldly received, and 
 the allusion allowed to drop without producing any effect. 
 Another bishop in the same Congregation made an open and 
 violent attack on the Opposition, but his speech met also 
 with disfavour. In fact, this second attempt on the part of 
 the majority was received with vehement cries of " Sujficit" 
 it is enough ; which has always been the answer to propositions 
 that failed in gaining public favour. 
 
 4. Great part of January was occupied by the scheme regard- 
 ing the episcopate, which was finally sent back in the Congre- 
 gation of the 24th, after a splendid speech by the Bishop of 
 Bosnia and Sirmio, in which he urged the re-establishment of 
 provincial and diocesan synods, a matter which had been 
 strongly pressed by the Catholics of Cologne in their address. 
 He also insisted on the necessity of the intervention of the 
 bishops in all declarations issued in the Church, and deprecated 
 their publication on the authority of the Pope alone, in the 
 shape of Bulls or Briefs. 
 
 In saying this, he evidently alluded to the Bull on the limita- 
 
108 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 tion of censures, issued by the Pope before the opening of the 
 Council, and he concluded by observing that the attempt to reduce 
 the bishops to the position of mere officials of the Pope was 
 contrary to the true spirit of the Church. The Bishop of Bosnia 
 and Sirmio (Strossmayer) also reflected in this speech on the 
 constitution of the College of Cardinals, and complained of the 
 difficulties which attended the admission of eminent men of 
 different countries into its ranks. 
 
 Strossmayer spoke later on the scheme " De Moribus Cleri- 
 corum," but not so brilliantly as on this occasion, when he was 
 said to have equalled the famous speech made at the opening 
 of the Council by which he took rank as one of the principal 
 orators. The scheme " De Moribus Clericorum " was under 
 discussion from the 26th of January to the 8th of February, 
 its aim being to give the bishops unlimited power over the 
 priests, as an equivalent to the authority asserted by the Pope 
 over the bishops in the scheme " De Episcopis." The French 
 and the Spaniards warmly supported the former; but among 
 those who opposed it, Monsignor Scissmor attracted much 
 notice by a convincing and eloquent speech, in which he pointed 
 out the tyranny and hardships that must inevitably result from 
 the adoption of such a system. 
 
 The rest of February was occupied with the scheme, " De 
 Catechismo," which was finally settled in the Congregation 
 held on the 22nd, after forty members had spoken on the 
 subject. On this day the first phase of the Council concluded. 
 Its time had been occupied in sending back for revision all the 
 propositions brought before it, and in proving the utter fallacy 
 of that part of the programme announced by the Civiltd 
 Cattolica, which promised a spontaneous and unanimous agree- 
 ment among members of the Council. 
 
 5. On the 22nd of February the new Order was published, 
 the result of the deliberations carried on with the view of 
 imposing some limit on the length of the debates. Ten days' 
 holidays were announced, in order that the Council might rest, 
 and start again with renewed vigour along the road in which 
 Rome never ceases to advance, even though her progress be 
 slackened for a while. 
 
 The opinion of the Fathers was not asked, and the assembly 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 109 
 
 was not consulted on this new Order any more than on the former 
 one ; but, like the first, it was communicated to the Council, 
 and carried into execution by the same authority, and with the 
 intention which had prevailed from the beginning. It contains 
 pretty nearly all those injunctions we have noticed, as emanating 
 from the directive body in the Council, with this difference, 
 that in future it should be optional and not obligatory on the 
 Fathers to present their speeches in manuscript to the Commis- 
 sions ; and providing that when they did so, the Commissions 
 should print those speeches in a compendious form, and distri- 
 bute them to the bishops. 
 
 Of course it followed that when the Fathers preferred simply 
 to recite or to read their speeches, they should be allowed to do 
 so, and therefore no real innovation was made ; but the same 
 document contained two articles, which were its " raison d'etre," 
 and contained the spirit of the new Order. The first article 
 authorised the president to cut short an orator every time he 
 wandered from the subject under debate ; this seemed, at first 
 sight, a simple expedient for regulating the discussion, but one 
 of the presidents took occasion to make it severely felt on the 
 very day on which it came into operation. 
 
 Monsignor Haynald, Bishop of Colocza, one of the most 
 prominent bishops in the Opposition, made some historical quo- 
 tation, which showed that on the occasion of the reform of the 
 Roman Breviary, a Pope had expressed an opinion contrary to 
 that of the present majority in the Council ; and the president 
 immediately requested him to stop, and to descend from the 
 tribune. Such interference on a slight matter the first day that 
 it was practicable plainly indicated to the Opposition the view 
 that the presidents entertained of the new authority given to 
 them. The second article was still more important, for it pro- 
 vided that any debate might be brought to an end when the 
 subject had been " satis excussa," on the proposal of not fewer 
 than ten Fathers. It declared also that when the closing was 
 proposed it should be decided at once, and that the opinion of 
 the majority alone was requisite on the matter. The practical 
 result of such an arrangement was to constitute the majority sole 
 and absolute arbiter of the debates, since it could either permit 
 them or stop them entirely at its own pleasure. 
 
HO EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. 
 
 It is true that the article says the matter must have been 
 " satis excussa," but who was to judge of this condition ? The 
 majority again? In fact, judgment by the majority prevailed 
 throughout the new Order, for it provided that the different parts 
 of any scheme, and its amendments also, should be voted by the 
 " rising or sitting " of the Fathers," and that by it " decernetur " 
 the result of the vote of the majority. 
 
 The definitive oral vote on the whole scheme was given by 
 saying "Placet" or "Non placet;" but nothing further was de- 
 creed with regard to it, as here the Pope's authority is touched on, 
 an authority which will not endure the slightest diminution or 
 qualification, and which, by its individual action can change the 
 scheme into a decree. 
 
 6. The idea that pervades these modifications is clearly that, 
 as it was impossible to obtain unanimity in the Council, it was 
 necessary to be content with the vote of the majority, this 
 last being, in fact, already so well organised and homogeneous, 
 that full trust might be placed in it. Moreover, this was the 
 most obvious and legal means of subduing the Opposition. 
 
 Accordingly, by the new Order everything was left to the 
 judgment of the majority, and this arrangement gave great im- 
 portance to a clause which could prejudge to the detriment of 
 the interests of the Opposition one of the gravest questions 
 before the Council, that, namely, of the necessity of unanimity 
 in its decisions. The immediate danger for the Opposition, 
 under the new Order, was that, by the aid of its provisions, 
 the Infallibilists might, within a week, arrest the discussion on 
 the scheme " De Ecclesia," vote its acceptance, and present it to 
 the Pope for his approbation. 
 
 It may be inferred that they did not intend at once to avail 
 themselves of this facility, from the fact that an injunction was 
 inserted in the rule obliging those who objected to any measure 
 not to be content with opposing it, but to bring forward some 
 other proposal in its stead. This proviso would have been useless 
 had the intention of the authorities been to impose the schemes 
 illico et immediate on the minority ; but it is well to point out 
 what might have been the logical results of the new Order. 
 
 The power of the majority once established, the minority was 
 as much at its mercy in the Council as in any secular assembly ; 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. Ill 
 
 with this difference, however, that the judgments of the latter, if 
 mistaken, can be revoked, whereas those of the Council, from 
 the fact of their dealing with absolute truths, and from the mode 
 of their enunciation, are irrevocable. 
 
 Indeed, the Papacy is an institution so well organised and 
 established in the Church, that like the ship which is its 
 symbolical image, it always floats, however tossed by the waves. 
 In the scheme the Papacy condemns the majority, in the Order 
 it approves it, without fearing to seem contradictory, since the 
 two decisions equally rest on its own unlimited authority. 
 
 7. A new scheme, " On Religious Orders," was distributed 
 in the Congregation of February 22nd, together, it was said, with 
 a general index of the business before the Council, and after all 
 these important events, began the promised ten days' vacation. 
 This interval divides the first phase of the Council, which we 
 have already considered, from the second now to be inaugurated 
 on a new system, the working of which was as yet uncertain and 
 dangerous in proportion as the pressure of the majority and 
 consequent resistance of the minority were more deeply felt. 
 
 At first the Opposition did not make the same objections to 
 the new Order as they did later. Most of the bishops were ori- 
 ginally in favour of a reform, the principle of which seemed, with 
 regard to an Assembly, natural and useful, but the danger lurk- 
 ing beneath it soon became apparent ; and the Opposition felt 
 that, if once accepted, their situation would become daily more 
 difficult, and their ultimate defeat undoubted. 
 
 To reject the Order was, however, no easy matter. The Oppo- 
 sition felt that if sometimes the majority were wrong in pressing 
 their opinion, the minority were certainly wrong in disregarding 
 it. Moreover, the fate of the addresses put forth against the first 
 Order was by no means encouraging for those who were now 
 inclined to make a similar attempt. The prorogation of the 
 assembly left all in doubt ; the future course of the Opposition 
 was unknown, but it was expected that, after deliberation, they 
 would adopt some definite line of action. 
 
 8. Before closing the narration of February's events, we may 
 mention certain occurrences which plainly indicated the popular 
 feeling at the time. Dupanloup in one of his speeches had 
 given the cardinals to understand that they would do well to 
 
112 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. L Fei5 ™ary. 
 
 follow the example of their predecessors in those ages when the 
 Sacred College manifested greater independence and firmness. 
 Cardinal Di Pietro, in his answer, tried to turn the tables upon 
 Dupanloup, by observing that if any strictures could be passed on 
 the Sacred College they were due to the conduct of cardinals of 
 old, and not to those of the present day. Perhaps the prelates 
 were both right up to a certain point : there was nothing remark- 
 able in the reflection, and such encounters were common between 
 the Opposition and the majority. It happened, however, that the 
 day on which these speeches were made, Dupanloup lost part of 
 his manuscript between his house and the Vatican ; the event 
 in itself was entirely unimportant, but it arrested public attention, 
 and furnished ample scope for conjecture to those who were 
 anxiously looking out for gossip concerning the Council ; in 
 fact, it was difficult to make them believe that a bishop might 
 lose his papers, like another mortal, without any mysterious or 
 extraordinary results. 
 
 Some amusing incidents occurred from time to time, and 
 served to enliven the monotony of the meetings ; among these 
 may be mentioned the speech of a Neapolitan bishop on the 
 long coat worn by the clergy, which provoked much merriment 
 among the venerable Fathers of the Council. 
 
 9. During the vacation, all sorts of new propositions sprang 
 up, and the bishops spent the time in collecting .fresh materials 
 — as if there were not enough already — wherewith to put to the 
 test the small amount of faith yet prevailing in the nineteenth 
 century. One of these propositions on the Assumption of the 
 Virgin had been already announced by the Civilta Cattolica ; 
 and there was another brought forward by the Oriental bishops, 
 and reported in the Univers, to the effect that the Church 
 should issue some declaration to repress and limit the rights 
 of war. It is pleasing to find this charitable thought amid so 
 many anathemas and condemnations, but it was due to Copts 
 and Armenians ! 
 
 10. The Liberal Catholic party continued to issue publica- 
 tions of great interest, and among these Dollinger's article on the 
 address of the Infallibilists holds the first place. Dollinger re- 
 ceived the congratulations of Cologne, Bonn, Miinster, Breslau, 
 Fribourg, Tubingen, Prague, and other great intellectual centres 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 113 
 
 in Germany ; of the universities and theological faculties, 
 even those whose opinions were unlike his own ; and all these 
 addresses praised his firmness, expressed their concurrence with 
 him, and encouraged him to persevere. On the other side of 
 the Alps, the principal publications were Maret's defence of his 
 own book and the letters of Pere Gratry. In Italy pamphlets 
 appeared with increasing frequency, one written with great force 
 and accuracy, but anonymously, was entitled ' The Pretended 
 Infallibility of the Pope.' 
 
 11. The Pope's speech, on opening the Exhibition of Art 
 applied to Catholic worship, awoke great interest, for in it he 
 made a declaration little expected, and which was certainly out 
 of place on the occasion. He affirmed that it was not only 
 wrong, but blasphemous for any to say that the Church needed 
 reform, alluding to words recently used by a distinguished indi- 
 vidual which had provoked his displeasure. This person was 
 not named ; but a double interpretation was put on the Pope's 
 speech. It seems that one of the leaders of the French Liberal 
 party, irritated by the proceedings of Rome, of which he had 
 once been a warm supporter, had, in conversation with a friend, 
 expressed himself openly on the matter by declaring that the 
 Church needed an " 89." The Pope cited, and condemned the 
 phrase, and the Liberal Catholics thought that they recognised 
 in his allusion a condemnation of their leader ; the Ultramon- 
 tane papers, moreover, took a malignant pleasure in pressing this 
 meaning, in order to vex them. This is the first interpretation. 
 
 The Osservatore Romano, on the other hand, hastened to 
 give a contrary view, by asseverating that the Pope had speci- 
 fically attributed these words to " the great Italian demagogue " — 
 a denomination which, though vague, certainly excluded a French 
 Catholic. This was the second interpretation. If this latter 
 view were the true one, the Pope had apparently mistaken the 
 date ; for though a French Catholic might naturally on such an 
 occasion have alluded to the year '89, an Italian demagogue 
 would rather, in the present condition of the public mind, have 
 referred to '93. 
 
 If the Pope's speech, as appears most probable, were really 
 directed against the French Liberal Catholics, they would only be 
 receiving the same treatment which they tried to inflict on the 
 
 I 
 
114 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [February. 
 
 Italian Liberals ; and under this aspect their punishment would 
 be merited. If the phrase which produced such an effect be 
 taken by itself, it is just as indefinite as most of those in the 
 Syllabus, and, having no certain meaning, lends itself equally 
 to the favourable and unfavourable comments made upon it. 
 If by the word Reform, the reform of Luther be understood, the 
 Pope could not be expected to praise it ; if necessary changes 
 only are understood, the existence of the Council proves its 
 desirability. If there were nothing requiring change, what was 
 the use of summoning the Vatican Council three centuries after 
 the last that was held? But supposing there were something 
 to change, there was something to reform ; so if the Pope used 
 the phrase in an absolute sense, he condemned himself for 
 having summoned the Council ; and this opinion would be 
 perhaps in accordance with that of several prelates, and even of 
 some cardinals of the Roman Curia. 
 
 12. Recent events, especially the knowledge of the maxims of 
 public ecclesiastical law contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia," 
 produced a change in the attitude of the Catholic Powers with 
 regard to the Council ; and according as the Church seemed 
 indisposed to recognise the liberty of the State, they began to 
 look with suspicion on the liberty of the Church. Up to the 
 present time little notice had been taken of the Council except 
 by the representatives of the smaller Catholic nations ; but now 
 the great Powers, and France in particular, instructed their am- 
 bassadors to pay closer attention to the subject, and to bring 
 their influence to bear upon the proceedings at the Vatican. 
 Rome, however, with her great diplomatic ability, knew how to 
 avert their interference, and it is supposed that the fall of the 
 Bavarian Ministry at that time was due to her influence; 
 Bavaria was the only country that comprehended the gravity 
 of the situation, and had acted with an amount of energy hardly 
 warranted by the rank she held among other Catholic Powers. 
 
 Now that Rome was freed from an embarrassment by the 
 downfall of the Bavarian Ministry, it might have been supposed 
 that the great Powers would come forward and act in the matter. 
 Accordingly there was some talk of ambassadors being sent to 
 the Council by the Catholic Powers, according to ancient usage, 
 thus renouncing the policy of abstention, from which Rome 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 115 
 
 drew all the profit. Special mention was also made of an am- 
 bassador to be sent from France to Rome, in addition to the 
 one already there accredited to the Holy See, but no name was 
 mentioned. The Vatican, meanwhile, had so well learnt to play 
 its part as " a free Church " that any ambassador who should 
 succeed hereafter in taking part in a Congregation of the Council 
 would give proof of no slight dexterity, and no common know- 
 ledge of his profession. Whatever these official intentions may 
 have been, it is nevertheless true that the attention of Europe 
 was now turned to the Vatican, and public opinion occupied 
 itself with the Council more than was desired at Rome. Ger- 
 many was the source of the greatest disquietude to the Vatican. 
 Some symptoms of discussion also appeared in Italy, and none 
 too soon, for we must admit that, though she exercises consider- 
 able influence in such matters, which are not new to her, Italy 
 is very slow to move, and usually waits to follow the initiative 
 of the Northern nations. The clergy of Milan thanked their 
 Archbishop for not signing the petition for Infallibility, and 
 besought him to uphold the rites and the dignity of the Ara- 
 brosian Church. 
 
 In the East heavy storms were gathering. The Oriental 
 Christian communities were so irritated by the attempted abo- 
 lition of their prerogatives, and by the subserviency to Rome 
 manifested by some of their bishops at the Council, that a 
 schism appeared probable in consequence ; and schisms flourish 
 wonderfully in the East, where many persons are quite ready to 
 foment them to their own advantage. The danger became ap- 
 parent at Rome, and some steps were taken to quell the storm, 
 although the authorities continued to pursue the same line of 
 conduct with regard to the East as before. On the other hand, 
 no notice was taken of the opposition of the West, and it 
 seemed strange that the threatened loss of a few Armenians 
 should stir the Vatican more deeply than the representations of 
 numbers of the most intelligent men in Europe. 
 
 13. In all respects the condition of the Council remained un- 
 changed ; the relative position of its parties, the probable results 
 of its action, continued the same. Its duration was uncertain ; 
 but the Archbishop of Paris, in a letter to the Archdeacon of 
 Notre Dame, said " that his return to Paris would be undoubtedly 
 
 I 2 
 
116 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Febbuaby. 
 
 at Easter, whether the work of the Council were already com- 
 pleted by that time, or whether it were to be resumed the 
 December following." According to this calculation, there only 
 remained to the Council six weeks of the current year in 
 which to complete its deliberations, and therefore this opinion, 
 notwithstanding the position of its author, was not considered 
 to be well founded. Other people, more patient, looked for the 
 closing, or, at any rate, the suspension of the Council at the feast 
 of St. Peter in June — a supposition strengthened by the in- 
 variable cessation of work in Rome at that season. The real 
 struggle in the Council remained unaltered as to its purpose — 
 " Would the Opposition succeed in preventing absolutism from 
 gaining supremacy in the Church ?" This was the great question 
 on which all others depended, as they were relatively secondary 
 and unimportant ; and here three hypotheses were possible. 
 First. — Supposing the Opposition to be vanquished and unable 
 to control the majority, it was probable, from the prevailing 
 temper on both sides, that most of the States, at present Catholic, 
 would cease to be so in fact, at least in regard to the principles 
 that govern modern civilised institutions — and with them a large 
 number of the noble and intelligent minds, who hitherto had 
 remained within the bosom of the Church ; and the Church 
 herself, weakened by her losses, and finding herself at the mercy 
 of an individual will, would be violently driven forward on a 
 perilous course, the issue of which no human being could esti- 
 mate or foresee. 
 
 Secondly. Should the Opposition succeed in modifying in any 
 decree, more in form than in substance, the proposals of the 
 majority, very little real change would be effected in the economy 
 of the Church ; excepting that the Curia Romana would con- 
 sider the results of the Council as a new precedent to be remem- 
 bered favourably for those who had sided with it, leaving the 
 others unnoticed until a fresh opportunity should arise of re- 
 suming the interrupted work, and bringing it to an end. 
 
 Thirdly. Should the Opposition really succeed in arresting 
 the movement towards absolutism, a reform might begin, of which 
 this fact, and even the Council itself, would only be the pro- 
 logue. But this end, though a very modest one, seemed already 
 most difficult of attainment. A sense of alarm prevailed gene- 
 
February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 117 
 
 rally in the Opposition, and the Augsburg Gazette, one of its 
 most authoritative organs, did not disguise its fears as to the 
 final success of the great question of Reform. 
 
 14. The majority which ruled and was in its turn ruled by 
 the Catholic party, entangled the Opposition in the confused 
 mazes of ancient laws, traditions, and expedients, which it could 
 handle, from long practice, with consummate art. The Oppo- 
 sition, while involved in these toils, were kept in good order 
 and obedience by ecclesiastical discipline and the respect due to 
 the Holy Keys ; and found great difficulty in throwing off the 
 yoke of a party possessing so many advantages, and striving 
 so pertinaciously for what it considered the ideal development of 
 the Church. Facts were, however, opposed to these just argu- 
 ments, and during the three months the Council had lasted, no 
 solution had yet been found for the principal question, or any of 
 the others submitted to its deliberation. 
 
118 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. 
 
 MARCH. 
 
 I.— APPENDIX TO THE SCHEME " DE ECCLESIA." 
 
 J. Distribution of Appendix to the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. Foreign influence. 
 — 3. Plans for leaving the Council. — 4. Great discouragement. — 5. More on 
 politics. — 6. Eecall of the French ambassador. 
 
 1. On the evening of Monday, the 7th of March, it was dis- 
 covered that an Appendix to the scheme " De Ecclesia " had 
 been distributed to the bishops, which proposed the declaration 
 of the personal Infallibility of the Pope, in faith and morals, 
 on the ground that it was desired by most of the bishops in 
 the Council. This Appendix was put forth at a moment when 
 the Opposition had scarcely recovered from their amazement in 
 regard to the new Order, and when many of the bishops mani- 
 fested their increasing disapproval of the fact that it vested de- 
 cisive power in the majority, rather than in the unanimity of 
 the Fathers, and that it enabled the presidents to encroach on 
 the liberty of discussion. The Appendix was, in fact, the 
 famous " postulatum" contained in the address of the Infalli- 
 bilists — which had aroused so much ill-will, and now reap- 
 peared with the approval of the Commission on " Postulata" the 
 ground having been prepared by the new Order. This docu- 
 ment affirmed that the Infallibility of the Pope should be 
 considered as entirely and on every point equivalent to the 
 infallibility of the whole Church. 
 
 This axiom was clearly expressed in a periodical published 
 in North Italy, called The Ecumenical Council, by the algebraic 
 formula : a = a + b, a formula which can only be verified when 
 Z>, which in this case represented the episcopate, is zero. Some 
 people might be unwilling to admit the idea suggested by this 
 paper, and so Maret proposed another view of the difficulty ; he 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 110 
 
 affirmed that Infallibility was a mystery as incomprehensible as 
 the doctrine of the Trinity. The new Appendix, of which we 
 are treating, concluded by expressly declaring — that every one 
 professing a disbelief in Infallibility must be considered beyond 
 the pale of the Catholic Church. 
 
 2. This last declaration broke like a thunder-clap over the 
 Opposition. No one expected such an assertion, and all were 
 astonished at it ; even those not immediately occupied in eccle- 
 siastical matters. It involved a departure from the prudence 
 and patience usually characteristic of the Roman Curia, which 
 had never before professed doctrines either so absolute in them- 
 selves, or expressed in so absolute a form, and certainly had 
 never employed such violent means to attain its ends. It seemed 
 as though a northern Ultramontane blast had blown over the 
 cautious and patient Curia, and rendered its proposals more 
 cutting by its chilling influence. A great commotion ensued ; 
 and the Opposition were in a state of confusion, almost 
 amounting to despair. 
 
 3. On the publication of the new Order, it was evident to 
 the Opposition that, if they consented to continue the discussion 
 under the conditions it established, their position would be 
 hopeless ; and they debated whether it would not be advisable 
 to protest, and leave the Council entirely, such a course being 
 the only one yet open to them if they did not take the road of 
 their own dioceses. When, however, the bishops in Opposi- 
 tion began to reckon up the names of those who would agree 
 to this step, their number was found to be small. At first it 
 was said that eighty might be depended upon ; but subse- 
 quently even the most ardent admitted that from thirty to fifty 
 only would be found prepared for so extreme a measure as that 
 of leaving the Council. 
 
 4. The publication of this new Appendix caused much alarm 
 and disturbance in the ranks of the Opposition, for its inten- 
 tion was unmistakable. The new Order had already authorised 
 the closing a debate at the judgment and desire of the majority. 
 The proposal of Infallibility included a monitum of the Com- 
 mission that had approved the " postulatum," and (together with 
 the presidents) greatly influenced the direction of the Council, 
 by which the time for presenting written observations on the 
 
120 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. 
 
 subject itself was limited to ten days. A clause was also added 
 to the declaration of Infallibility, which distinctly affirmed that 
 all who did not submit to the dogma were out of the Church. 
 The Opposition saw the danger of their situation ; the majority 
 might vote the scheme " De Ecclesia " and the Appendix in 
 ten or fifteen days, and then they would find themselves out of 
 the Church. If the natural timidity of persons under ecclesi- 
 astical discipline be remembered, and the intolerable position 
 in which they are placed by being cast out of the pale of the 
 Church, as well as all the considerations and precedents that 
 bind them, it will easily be understood that the bold step of the 
 majority caused the utmost dismay among the minority. The 
 most sincere and resolute leaders of the Opposition were greatly 
 discouraged, and it almost seemed at that moment as if the 
 Civilta Cattolica were right, and that the Jesuits had conquered. 
 
 5. According to their usual practice in moments of imminent 
 peril, the Opposition now had recourse to the aid of diplomacy ; 
 every one turned for help to the representative of his own 
 country, but on this occasion with less success than before. The 
 attention of the different Governments of Europe which had 
 been aroused and directed to the Council had again subsided, 
 and they returned to their former attitude of inaction. 
 
 No excuse can be found for this carelessness at a period when 
 such important matters were under discussion — matters in many 
 ways directly concerning those very Governments themselves. 
 The traditional policy of Rome has always possessed the extra- 
 ordinary faculty of turning its misfortunes as well as its suc- 
 cesses to its own advantage ; it has profited equally by the 
 enthusiasm of bygone centuries, and by the indifference of the 
 present age. Such a policy, with a settled line of action, easily 
 adapts itself to the difficulties it meets with in order to obtain 
 the desired end ; the Vatican party during the Council followed 
 this course, and it succeeded. The Governments of Europe 
 being impressed with the general decline of religious feeling, 
 and therefore with the slight influence it would exercise on the 
 life and interests of nations, affected great negligence for all that 
 concerned religion. Rome had long profited by this liberty, and 
 now the Council benefited by it likewise. The Governments 
 laid aside the prevision and caution they usually exercised. 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 121 
 
 The Vatican was not slow to take advantage of this calm, and 
 its adherents immediately drew up the scheme " De Ecclesia," 
 which asserts the entire subordination of society to the authority 
 of the Pope, with a precision never yet adopted in the formulas 
 of the Roman Curia. Whatever opinions may be entertained 
 on the decay of religious feeling in general, to overlook what 
 was going on in the Vatican Council, was undoubtedly to cou- 
 found the political with the historical question. Whatever may 
 be the future relations of Church and State in conjunction with 
 modern institutions ; Catholicism is, de facto et dejure, the pre- 
 dominant, if not the sole religion of the majority of the Latin 
 races, and therefore the manner in which it is taught and exer- 
 cised, and the individuals to whom is confided its direction, 
 cannot be indifferent to civil rulers. 
 
 All the Catholic Governments failed in discharging this duty 
 of vigilance with regard to the Council, Bavaria only seeming 
 to understand its importance. Some countries were by a singular 
 chance incapacitated from exercising any influence in the matter ; 
 Spain being in a state of utter disorder, and Italy (as Visconti 
 Venosta observed, in reply to a question on the subject in the 
 Italian Chambers) being, from political circumstances, disse- 
 vered from all relations with Rome, and unable to influence her 
 in any way. France held in her hands the fate of the Papacy, 
 France guarded the doors of the Vatican Council, and though 
 she did not respect the liberty of others, she ought at least to have 
 respected the liberty of her own religion. France ought not to 
 have remained deplorably indifferent while her own religion was 
 being remoulded and modified anyhow, without endeavouring to 
 intervene and to exercise a legitimate influence on the Council ; 
 though in her own case the sad result would be that of showing 
 herself, according to circumstances, alternately " the Catholic 
 nation" or the nation of "89," and as extreme in the one 
 character as in the other. 
 
 6. The French and Austrian ambassadors had met the re- 
 iterated appeals made to them by the bishops on the publication 
 of the new Order with the greatest official suavity. Their re- 
 spective Governments had never really changed the instructions 
 given them from the first — to maintain the strictest neutrality. 
 The only exception to this fact (if it be considered of any 
 
122 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. 
 
 importance) may be noticed in the official and semi-official 
 letters of Count Daru, which produced on the Court of Rome the 
 effect already described by Monti, in referring to the tremenda 
 vanifa di Francia, which as he expresses it, sul Tebro e nebbia 
 clie dal sol si doma. It is true that the only result of the last 
 remonstrances made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, with a 
 view to the reform of the Order, was, if I mistake not, the pub- 
 lication of the proposal of Infallibility. The bold and rapid 
 strides of the majority, and the faint resistance of the Oppo- 
 sition, had for a moment aroused the French Government, which 
 then proposed to send orators or envoys to the Council ; but 
 the result of this slight movement was to cause the hasty and 
 unexpected distribution of the proposal of Infallibility to the 
 bishops, and it was said that this sort of coup d'etat once accom- 
 plished, Rome no longer objected to receive the ambassadors 
 from France. Indeed, when the entire programme of the Council 
 was known, and its discussion commenced, no danger was to be 
 apprehended from any Caesarean envoys ; for it was easy to take 
 shelter from their representations under the authority of the as- 
 sembly, and in the event of their arrival their sole office would 
 be quietly to watch the logical development of the official part 
 of a drama, the success of which it was already easy to foretell. 
 France had undoubtedly proposed to exercise some inter- 
 ference in conjunction with the other Catholic powers, but the 
 idea was coldly received. Spain and Italy declined to move at 
 all in the matter of the Council, the Spanish Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs sending a circular to that effect to his diplomatic agents, 
 and Visconti Venosta in the speech already mentioned, declaring 
 the opinion of the Italian Government. This attempt at com- 
 bined action having failed, there was no further talk of orators 
 being sent to the Council, either because the Pope interposed 
 difficulties, or because the French Government, foreseeing what 
 would be the position of its ambassador, thought well to let 
 the matter drop, and the diplomatic movement found vent in 
 an interchange of letters and explanations between the Vatican 
 and the Tuileries. The French ambassador was summoned to 
 Paris to give an account of his conduct ; but this sign of 
 displeasure was transitory, only for some days was there a talk 
 of his definitive recall, and, in fact, the excellent Monsieur de 
 
Mauch.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 1 23 
 
 Banneville very soon reappeared at his post in Rome, where 
 his influence mainly contributed to encourage the Infallibilists 
 and reduce the Opposition to despair. 
 
 II.— A TKUCE. 
 
 1. Death of Count de Montalembert. — 2. Funeral service in his honour. — 3. More 
 petitions by the bishops. — 4. Article by Dollinger. — 5. Suspension of the 
 scheme " De Ecclesia." 
 
 1. The Count de Montalembert was just dead. He, like a 
 few others, had found himself placed in so hard and painful 
 a position by the moral condition of France and his own 
 convictions, that after having striven all his life to sacrifice his 
 liberal ideas for the sake of his religion, on his death-bed he 
 found himself almost abandoned by his religion on account of 
 his liberalism. Many lamented him as an eloquent and learned 
 man ; only a few private friends and an inconsiderable party 
 could follow him in his laboured mediation between the tem- 
 poral power and Infallibility, and could therefore feel his loss as 
 a politician, or as the representative of a great idea, excepting 
 in so far as his name had strengthened the Opposition, and his 
 great talents had helped their cause. His death, however, aroused 
 in some measure the religious passions of the Vatican. The letter 
 with which Montalembert closed his life, as well as his political 
 and religious career, is well known ; * its frank and noble lan- 
 guage is a legacy for which generous and liberal minds will 
 ever hold him in grateful remembrance ; but it produced a very 
 different effect on the ruling party at the Vatican. It seemed 
 to arouse the ancient enmity against the liberal Catholic party, 
 and the Pope went so far as to speak of M. de Montalembert 
 before a large auditory in very unfavourable terms. The friends 
 of the Count, however, were determined to render homage to his 
 memory, and arranged a funeral service in his honour at the 
 Church of Aracceli. This church was particularly connected 
 with the Roman municipality, and Montalembert had been 
 made a Roman patrician for the good offices he rendered to the 
 Government on the occasion of the French expedition to Rome. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XV. 
 
124 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [March. 
 
 As soon as the Pope was aware of the intended service, he pro- 
 hibited its celebration, and those who were invited to attend 
 received notice that the function would not take place on the 
 appointed day. Notwithstanding- this prohibition, a few bishops 
 and members of the diplomatic body, along with some personal 
 friends of Montalembert's, went to the church at the time fixed ; 
 some because they would not yield to such an arbitrary in- 
 junction, and more, because they were really unaware of the 
 interdiction issued by the Pope. They found at the church a 
 notice similar to that sent round to their houses, and they were 
 obliged to depart without even being able to obtain the cele- 
 bration of a low mass for the departed, at which they would have 
 assisted without any pomp or grand solemnity. This occurrence 
 made a deep impression on all, and was the culminating point 
 of that phase of oppression, which commencing, with the reform 
 of the Order of the Council, had already attained the unlooked- 
 for proposal of Infallibility, and now ventured to forbid the 
 celebration of a loving and pious service to one who bore the 
 name of De Montalembert. 
 
 2. And now we come to a truce, or rather a movement which 
 might be called a step backwards were it not to be succeeded by 
 a bound forwards. The Osservatore Romano announced that 
 the Pope, wishing to testify his recollection of all the services 
 rendered to the Church by Count de Montalembert, had per- 
 sonally assisted at a service for the repose of his soul, held in 
 the Church of the Traspontina. The truth was that the advisers 
 of the Vatican — either of their own accord, or because they were 
 aware of the unfortunate impression caused by the intolerance of 
 the previous day and were desirous of making up for it — had 
 during the night arranged this funeral celebration, at which the 
 Pope assisted next morning unknown to all, so that the friends 
 of the Count had no chance of being present. 
 
 Europe received by telegraph the announcement of the 
 honours paid by the Pope to the memory of M. de Montalem- 
 bert, but on those who were cognisant of this event it produced 
 a very strange impression. The reasons adduced by the friends 
 of the Vatican for having thus endeavoured to prevent a demon- 
 stration which, on account of the nature of Montalembert's later 
 opinions, might seem undesirable, could not, however, avail to 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 125 
 
 justify the effect produced by the intervention of the authorities, 
 and the employment of force, in order to prevent dignitaries of 
 the Church, Fathers of the Council, and other persons of posi- 
 tion and eminence, from rendering to their friend what even 
 the poorest anxiously procure for those they love — the last offices 
 after death. And yet this happened in the case of one of illus- 
 trious name, who had deserved well of the Church. 
 
 3. The bishops, recovering from their first stupor, and seeing 
 how little aid they could expect from diplomacy, had again 
 adopted, after much wavering, the plans which had already 
 proved so unsuccessful, of framing protests and petitions against 
 the Order. In these they demanded chiefly three things : — 
 1st. The abolition of the limits of time imposed on the study and 
 discussion of the schemes. 2nd. The creation of a mixed Com- 
 mission, in which controverted points might be orally debated 
 before being altered. 3rd. That all decisions should depend, 
 invariably, not on the vote of the majority, but on the moral 
 unanimity of the Fathers. 
 
 4. At the very time when the bishops in Opposition made 
 these protests in Rome, an article signed by Dollinger appeared 
 in the Augsburg Gazette, which set forth clearly the grounds 
 on which the Church of Germany would be compelled to secede, 
 unless the Council stopped short of the fatal precipice to which 
 its course was tending.* The object of this article was to point 
 out that no Council had ever been fettered by an Order, that the 
 principal Councils had none at all, and that when an Order was 
 first introduced, as in the more recent Councils, it was always 
 voted unanimously by the Fathers themselves. The article also 
 affirmed that no solemn declarations were ever made in the 
 Church, otherwise than with unanimous consent, for this reason ; 
 that the Council in a certain sense cannot create new dogmas, 
 but can only render testimony to those which rest on the 
 universal consent of the Church. According to this principle, 
 not only is the majority incapable of making dogmas (which is 
 admitted by all), but it cannot even attest them ; for the very 
 ideas of a majority and a minority are at variance with the idea 
 of universality, the latter beginning where the former ends. By 
 this important document it appears that a Council which is sub- 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XVII. 
 
12(3 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. 
 
 jected to a rule not framed by itself, a Council which creates 
 dogmas by its own authority, and in addition to this accepts 
 the decision of the majority only, has not the characteristics 
 necessary to make it an Ecumenical Council. This opinion, 
 in plain words, means that the Vatican Council, under its 
 present conditions, would not be accepted as an Ecumenical 
 Council by those whose opinions were described in the article. 
 Such was the language of Germany ; while in the East protests 
 and menaces increased, until an actual split took place among 
 the Armenian Catholics on the question of the nomination of 
 their bishops, on which point they are extremely jealous. 
 
 5. Whatever weight may be attributed to these manifestations 
 of public opinion, or be ascribed to the influence of laymen and 
 diplomatists, which, though slight, was yet felt, one thing is 
 certain — the immediate discussion of the scheme, " De Ecclesia," 
 and of the Appendix to the declaration of Infallibility, was 
 dropped. All that we have described took place during the 
 adjournment of the Council, which occurred on the sending 
 back of the first schemes and the publication of the new Order. 
 Instead of lasting ten days, as announced in the Congregation of 
 February 22nd, this adjournment lasted twenty-five days ; and 
 when the Council met again it was not occupied with the scheme 
 " De Ecclesia," but with the amended schemes, and thus the 
 Opposition obtained a little respite from the severe and unex- 
 pected pressure which had reduced them to such extremities. 
 
 III.— THE FIRST SCHEMES AGAIN BEOUGHT FORWARD. 
 
 1. The first schemes again brought forward. — 2. Stormy sitting. — 3. Protest of 
 the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio. — 4. Speech of the Pope. — 5. Incidents 
 relating to the Eastern bishops. — 6. Theme for a speech at the Eoman univer- 
 sity. — 7. Withdrawal of some amendments. — 8. Seasons for the same. — 
 9. Despatches of Count Darn and of Car.liiml Antonelli. — 10. Ambassadors. — 
 11. Relations betwe?n France and the Vatican. — 12. The scheme " De Fide " 
 voted in part. — 13. Catholic Art Exhibition.— 14. The same. 
 
 1. Such was the state of affairs when, on Friday, March 18th, 
 the Congregations were resumed after a holiday in which many 
 important events had occurred : the sitting was occupied with 
 the scheme "De Fide," now brought forward for the second 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 127 
 
 time, after its emendation, by the proper Commission. Not- 
 withstanding its amended form, it met with much opposition. 
 Five orators had inscribed their names for the debate, but three 
 only had spoken, when the Congregation was interrupted, that 
 the Fathers miffht attend one of those ceremonies which have 
 become frequent of late years, owing to the Pope's fondness 
 for outward display. According to an old custom, it was usual 
 for the Pope on a Friday in March to descend from his apart- 
 ments to the Church of St. Peter, in order to visit the relics 
 which are preserved in the gallery behind the tribune ; and on 
 this occasion, the sitting of the Council was suspended, and 
 the Fathers left the Hall to accompany him. It seems that some 
 striking result had been expected from this Congregation, for 
 one of the Fathers who favoured the majority suddenly en- 
 deavoured, as if by " chance," to obtain a declaration of Infalli- 
 bility, but only a small number supported him ; and if the 
 Infallibilists had really pre-arranged this surprise during the 
 recess they must have been much disappointed at its results. 
 No other incident marked the opening of the Congregations. 
 
 2. The next sitting, on Tuesday, March 22nd, was a memor- 
 able one, as on that occasion the storm which had long been 
 gathering under the pressure of recent events burst forth. Three 
 orators contributed to bring it to a climax. First, Cardinal 
 Schwarzemberg, Archbishop of Prague, then the Bishop of 
 Grenoble, and finally Strossmayer, the effect of whose speech 
 was such that the adjournment of the sitting was called for. 
 The principal subjects that provoked the anger of the majority 
 were : first, the defence of the proposals made by the Opposition 
 for obtaining greater liberty in debate, and rejecting the judg- 
 ment of the majority and all the provisions of the new Order ; 
 secondly, the continued objections to the amended schemes, as 
 still containing excessive and useless condemnations, which the 
 Opposition asserted were likely to produce a bad rather than a 
 good effect on those who were not Catholics ; and lastly, the 
 exception taken to the form of the scheme, which was admitted 
 by all to be faulty. Certain words used in attacking the judgment 
 of the majority, offended the greater part of the bishops pre- 
 sent ; words hinting that delicate comparisons might be drawn 
 between the votes of the Fathers according to the importance 
 
128 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. 
 
 of the flocks they represented. This question, although a diffi- 
 cult one, was, however, absorbed in the more important matter of 
 determining whether the unanimity of a Council or the votes of 
 a majority of its members should, by its decision, constitute a 
 Canon ; and here the first storm arose. 
 
 The intolerance of the majority was further provoked by some 
 words in which, while discussing the second subject, justice 
 was rendered to certain Protestants by name ; and here a second 
 outbreak occurred, more violent than any which had yet taken 
 place. Schwarzemberg, whose speech had been the first occasion 
 of the storm, was ordered to desist by the legate De Angelis ; and 
 on attempting to begin again, met with so much interruption, 
 by cries of " sileat " from the majority, that he was obliged to 
 omit some of his discourse, and bring it to an abrupt conclusion. 
 Strossmayer, who caused the second tempest, was three times 
 ordered to stop by the legate Capalti, the last time in a way 
 anything but courteous. He replied that he was tired of being 
 thus called to order, and thwarted on every point ; that such pro- 
 ceedings were incompatible with freedom of debate, and that he 
 protested against them. At this a storm broke forth, the Fathers 
 left their seats and crowded round the tribune ; threats and 
 menaces of every sort — " e suon di man con elle " ;* cries of 
 " Viva Pio IX. ! " " Vivan i Cardinali Legati ! " were heard in 
 different accents in the no longer venerable assembly. One 
 cardinal cried, " You protest against us, we protest against you ; " 
 and other utterances equally serious and serene proceeded from 
 every part of the hall ; in fact, the uproar was so formidable, that 
 some confusion ensued outside, in the church itself. Certain 
 partisans of Infallibility, on hearing the disturbance, imagined 
 that it signified the spontaneous passing of that dogma by 
 acclamation, as had been predicted, and were ready to add their 
 shouts of triumph on the happy event ; others, of a contrary 
 opinion, prepared to mock at these rejoicings ; and St. Peter's 
 was very nearly the scene of a tumult. The ubiquitous gen- 
 darme, however, who is the last argument in every discussion, 
 and the strongest and most effective instrument of every sort of 
 Infallibility, here interfered, ordered off the crowd — who were 
 
 * '' Sounds of hands with these." 
 
 Ford's Danto, Inf. iii., 27. 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 129 
 
 pressing eagerly round the door of the Council Hall, and met 
 with no resistance save from the servants of some of the bishops, 
 who, on hearing the cries from within, feared that their masters 
 were threatened by some dangers in that tumultuous assembly, 
 and tried to enter the hall to assist them. 
 
 3. The day after this storm, Strossmayer, having been ad- 
 monished by his colleagues that such resistance exceeded the 
 limits of what was lawful, took upon himself the sole responsi- 
 bility of the occurrence, and presented a protest in his own name 
 against the threats and pressure to which he had been subjected 
 at the preceding meeting, not only with regard to the question of 
 principle, but with regard to all that he had so energetically 
 opposed — as the restrictions on freedom of debate, judgment by 
 the majority, and the other points which we have mentioned. 
 
 At the first private meeting in which the leaders of the 
 Opposition of different countries met together, Strossmayer 
 was received with the warmest expressions of regard ; and 
 almost all, though they had not actually signed his protest, 
 declared themselves in favour of it. 
 
 4. The Pope soon made his opinion on the matter known, 
 in a speech he delivered when distributing to the missionary 
 bishops the ecclesiastical vestments and ornaments sent from 
 Belgium by a society of pious ladies, called " L'CEuvre des 
 pauvres Eglises." On this occasion he made many allusions 
 to present difficulties, and rendered his meaning evident by the 
 words with which he closed his speech — " be united with me, 
 and not with revolution." 
 
 Who could possibly have predicted that these good Fathers, 
 who, a few years back, were so strong against revolution, would 
 now themselves be accused of revolution ? Who could have 
 told them in 1860, that in the short space of ten years the 
 Head of the Church would have included many of them in 
 the same class with that very Count Cavour whom they so 
 detested, and that by a series of deductions they might find 
 themselves at length in that bad company, actually banded with 
 Mazzini ! 
 
 Revolution ! wondrous word invoked by subjects against 
 their rulers, and levelled as a reproach against their subjects 
 by those who govern. Rulers who endeavour to degrade Stross- 
 
 K 
 
130 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. 
 
 mayers to the level of a Rochefort not infrequently reverse 
 the intended result, and raise a Rochefort to the height of a 
 Strossmayer, thus rendering both equally instruments of their 
 own ruin. 
 
 5. The Pope had directed his speech particularly against 
 the Oriental bishops ; and being alarmed at the threats of schism 
 from the East, he employed language adapted to the crisis. 
 He made use of many loving and considerate expressions 
 towards them, as he had .done recently on opening the Exhi- 
 bition of Catholic Art, and dwelt much on his great regard for 
 their religious rites, but strange to say, at the very time when 
 his words were thus friendly towards the Orientals, a most 
 inexplicable event occurred, an event which had much influence 
 on the separation that afterwards took place in the Armenian 
 Church. The Vicar-General of the Armenian Archbishop of 
 Diarbekir, had severely blamed the Armenian Patriarch Hassoun, 
 and the Latin Patriarch Valerga, both in words and in writing, 
 for having caused by their undue servility to Rome great dis- 
 pleasure to the Chaldean Patriarch, of whom mention was made 
 in a former chapter. It seems that the Pope, upon the com- 
 plaint of the Armenian and Latin Patriarchs, intimated to the 
 Vicar-General that he should retire to a monastic establishment 
 for a short time, as a punishment for his language ; but the latter, 
 with the support of his bishop, either declined to obey this 
 command altogether, or did not obey it exactly, whereupon his 
 arrest was ordered, and he was seized one day while out walking. 
 He attempted to resist, and a scandal ensued ; the affair was 
 soon known on all sides, and the Turkish Minister, resident at 
 Florence, hastened to Rome to take the Armenians under his 
 protection as subjects of the Ottoman Porte. It was a singular 
 fact that brethren in Christ should find themselves reduced to 
 seek protection against His vicar, from whom ? from a Turk ! 
 The whole affair was badly managed, and though at first a 
 matter of little consequence, was allowed to assume grave pro- 
 portions, and became further involved by the fact that a com- 
 munity of Armenians, known as the " Frati Antoniani," were 
 subjected to persecution of the same sort, the brothers who 
 would not obey the injunctions of the ecclesiastical authorities 
 ending, after many vicissitudes, by dissolving their community 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 131 
 
 and quitting Rome. Monsignor Pluym, Apostolic delegate at 
 Constantinople, in the Pontifical Brief addressed to the Ar- 
 menians of the Cilician Patriarchate a few weeks after these 
 disturbances, was unwillingly obliged to acknowledge the unfor- 
 tunate results they had produced. Speaking of those who had 
 taken part in this affair, the Brief affirmed that " despising 
 the laws and authority of the Church, they continued to cele- 
 brate with solemn ritual the functions of the sacred ministry, 
 although prohibited from exercising them," and alluded to the 
 secular clergy and many of the monks at Constantinople, to the 
 " Mechitaristi " of the congregation of Venice, and to all the 
 " Frati Antoniani," including those at Rome, as the persons 
 especially compromised in the revolt. This statement was really 
 the involuntary denunciation of an incipient schism. 
 
 6. An anecdote was circulated about this time which may be 
 taken as an illustration of the spirit prevalent in Rome. On 
 account of the death of Padre Modena, one of the two Domini- 
 cans who act as Censors of the Press in the office of " Masters of 
 the Sacred Palaces," the theological chair of the Roman Univer- 
 sity was vacant. The competitors for this office had a theme 
 given them on which to write an essay ; a subject was to be 
 selected by lot for this theme, and out of thirty the one on which 
 the lot fell was " Papal Infallibility," a very strange coincidence. 
 
 7. But we must return to the Council. The sitting of Wed- 
 nesday, the 23rd, was tranquil, as is usually the case after a 
 storm, and the members of the Opposition who spoke that day 
 were for the most part Armenian bishops ; they upheld the views 
 of Schwarzemberg and Strossmayer, but the legates and the 
 majority offered no interruption. The sitting of Thursday was 
 equally quiet; and on Saturday, the 26th, several of the objec- 
 tions to the scheme " De Fide," were withdrawn, and the bishops 
 came to an agreement on part of it, so that the Optimists began 
 again to indulge hopes of a future third Session, which up to 
 the present time had seemed quite out of the question. 
 
 8. In order to understand this sudden calm, it must be ex- 
 plained that at one of the international meetings (in which all 
 the leaders of the Opposition of different nations consulted 
 together), after the scene of the 22nd, they had taken a new step. 
 Finding that their petition against the vote of the majority was 
 
 K 2 * 
 
132 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. 
 
 of no avail, they resolved on presenting another formal protest 
 to the effect that they rejected all dogmas declared to be such 
 by the majority only, without the unanimous consent of the 
 Fathers, and refused to recognise the validity of the Council as 
 Ecumenical. This proposal met with so many supporters in the 
 meeting, that probably, if carried into execution, it might have 
 commanded the adhesion of a considerable portion of the Oppo- 
 sition ; it was, in fact, the application of the principles advo- 
 cated by Dollinger's article. It was also determined as a corol- 
 lary to this plan that the Opposition should reserve their 
 strength for the vital questions of the scheme " De Ecclesia," 
 instead of wasting it in formal discussions on the scheme " De 
 Fide." By this policy they intended to show their wish to be 
 as conciliatory as possible, and their sincere desire for peace ; 
 twelve amendments prepared by their own party were imme- 
 diately withdrawn in conformity with this plan; a period of 
 calm succeeded to the recent tempestuous discussions, and the 
 first almost unanimous decisions of the Council were obtained. 
 
 9. Meantime the slackening of the zeal and activity of the 
 Infallibilists was in some measure explained by the publication 
 of the recent note of the French Government. This note had 
 clearly been provoked by the Canons published in the Augsburg 
 Gazette, and was forced from Count Daru by the petitions of 
 the bishops after the circulation of the new Order. The answer 
 of Cardinal Antonelli soon appeared, and the two documents 
 threw much light on the state of affairs. The French note re- 
 monstrated against the disquieting attitude assumed by the 
 Church towards the State in the twenty-one Canons of the 
 scheme " De Ecclesia." The answer of the Secretary of State 
 was considered a chef-d'oeuvre of diplomatic art ; nor could it 
 properly be otherwise, as it had to prove that those Canons 
 which affirm that all civil society is entirely subject to the 
 Pope were practically of no importance, and need not cause 
 any uneasiness to Governments. This was the chief argument, 
 which Antonelli tried to enforce. The other point on which 
 he dwelt in his answer was more easy of demonstration, namely, 
 that as these Canons were to be debated in the Council, no judg- 
 ment could be passed on them until that discussion was over. 
 But, after their consideration by the Council, the Cardinal 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 133 
 
 might easily protect himself against the importunities of Govern- 
 ments by alleging that when the Church has decided a matter, 
 the Secretary of State cannot interfere, and he would have some 
 foundation for the statement. The aim of Cardinal Antonelli's 
 reply to Count Daru was to delay the mission of the proposed 
 Imperial orator, to reassure the French Government, so as to 
 prevent its taking any steps in the matter, and whether in con- 
 sequence of the ingenuity of the note, or for some other reason, 
 he managed to attain his end without encountering any great 
 resistance. But being uncertain whether she would have time 
 to secure this result, Rome delayed the discussion of the scheme 
 " De Ecclesia " and with it that on Infallibility, and instead of 
 these reproduced some of the old amended schemes for consider- 
 ation, and this policy, together with the forbearance manifested 
 by the Opposition, explains the truce which prevailed for some 
 days. The respite was, however, of short duration, and the 
 minority were soon aware that their half-measures would not 
 lead to any result. Once reassured, the Curia and the majority 
 resumed their former road, a road that, whatever its windings 
 may be, has for centuries been directed towards one point, the 
 absolute power of the Church, in herself, and over all. A policy 
 of this nature, when unduly pressed, will often miss its mark, 
 and unless conducted with the utmost dexterity, will be thrown 
 back or altogether frustrated, just as it seemed certain of 
 success. 
 
 10. The representations of France were short-lived, and the 
 talk of a special envoy soon dropped, though at one time it 
 was supposed that an ambassador might be sent to Rome, 
 accredited both to the Vatican and to the Council. It was 
 then said that, notwithstanding all the explanations which had 
 been made, M. de Banneville's recall would be final, but this 
 was likewise a mistake ; and it appeared probable that he would 
 return to Rome simply as ambassador to the Holy See, to 
 resume the peaceful exercise of his duties in that capacity as 
 heretofore. 
 
 11. The Vatican has long exercised upon France a singular 
 influence, by which it attracts and allures her without actually 
 winning her adhesion ; and thus, although unable to work any 
 real change in her moral condition, the Vatican, whenever it 
 
134 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. 
 
 pleases, can render France wonderfully docile to its will. By 
 the exercise of this influence, the Vatican has of late years, 
 without making any concession on its own part, induced 
 France in the plainest contradiction with herself to abjure the 
 famous principles of " 89," and to reinstate and maintain in 
 Rome a form of government which was their most explicit and 
 conspicuous negation. The Vatican distinctly and loudly 
 condemned those principles, as well as the whole constitution of 
 modern France, in all the proposals hitherto brought before the 
 Council ; and in doing all this it had no other instrument than 
 France herself, who, by her soldiers, enabled the Council to pass 
 those judgments, and thus actually belied and condemned her- 
 self in the doctrines and actions of the Pope. Indeed, France 
 has never ventured to assert her own free will in the face 
 of the Vatican, a fact that is not to the credit of either party ; 
 from the date of the letter to Edgar Ney to that of the note 
 of Count Daru, her efforts to assert her independent opinion 
 have been confined to inefficacious words and demonstrations of 
 such a nature as almost obliged the Roman Chancery to oppose 
 them out of courtesy. Even with regard to the Armenian 
 question, in which France was compelled to intervene in order 
 to keep up her authority in the East, the same fatal spell 
 weakened her action, and caused her to adopt very insufficient 
 means for remedying the evil. The political effect of the 
 disturbances arisen among Eastern Catholics, is to give greater 
 power to Russia as the representative of Greek influence ; for 
 the Armenians, on breaking loose from Latin Catholicism, 
 were obliged to turn to her for protection, being themselves 
 surrounded by enemies. France, not daring to go to the root 
 of the matter, or to exercise her authority at Rome to prevent 
 the wrong, was content with ordering her representative at Con- 
 stantinople to show kindness to the dissentient Catholics and 
 take them under his protection, thinking thus to mend matters ; 
 but if the schism which seemed imminent actually took place, 
 under what plea could France protect them ? Not as French 
 subjects, certainly ; and not as Catholics, for they would no 
 longer be such. In the long run, it was easier for Russia to 
 help them. Whatever the question at issue may be, the position 
 is the same for France as for all other nations. 
 
March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 135 
 
 Rome has an independent and separate line of action, which 
 she expects them wholly to accept or reject ; but they, France 
 especially, often choose the latter alternative. Many nations, 
 nominally Catholic, have very little regard for their religion, 
 and endeavour to be liberal, without founding their liberty 
 on the necessary basis of all durable freedom — universal consent 
 and — the rights of conscience. The Latin races do not seem 
 to understand either of these principles ; authority with them 
 stands instead of both, and when this authority exceeds its due 
 limits, they have no other remedy than lawlessness and have 
 recourse to revolutions, which by regular and inevitable stages 
 bring them back to despotism. 
 
 12. The Congregations met every day from the 28th to the 
 31st of March. In these meetings, the greater part of the 
 scheme, " De Fide," was voted without much difficulty, and 
 almost unanimously for the reasons already stated, a result which 
 gave rise to a joke on the scheme, to the effect that at the next 
 Session it would be announced to the Catholic world, that the 
 Vatican Council had almost unanimously decreed that God had 
 created the universe. 
 
 13. An Exhibition of objects of Art applied to Catholic wor- 
 ship, was opened at this time, but proved a great failure. It was 
 intended to be a sort of adjunct to the Council, and the Pope 
 in his inaugural speech declared that Catholic feeling was 
 the soul of art, but events almost proved the contrary. At any 
 rate, it was evident that the originators of the Exhibition were 
 not in sympathy with the modern world ; and the Exhibition 
 itself was only another argument to be added to those we 
 brought forward in a former chapter when speaking on this 
 subject. It was opened in the middle of February, but its popu- 
 larity was of short duration ; it attracted little notice, and the 
 number of its visitors rarely equalled that of the gendarmes who 
 guarded it. 
 
 14. Ancient art was ill represented when compared with the 
 collections to be seen on all sides in the churches and palaces of 
 Rome, and examples of modern art, though more numerous, 
 were of indifferent quality. The sculpture was decidedly 
 inferior to that usually seen in such exhibitions ; the pictures 
 were of ordinary merit. There was one fine painting by 
 
136 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Makch. 
 
 Ceccarini, representing the administration of the Communion in 
 both kinds, in the catacombs, to Christians preparatory to their 
 martyrdom. This picture was full of feeling and of life, and its 
 style was a happy combination of the historical and the " genre," 
 which, joined with some romantic handling, is the fashion of the 
 day, and most popular in the present century ; it was bought 
 by a German baron. 
 
 Passing on to the secondary and industrial arts, there was 
 little worthy of praise. Of wood-carvings, though much used in 
 churches, there were few examples, and still fewer bronzes ; there 
 were some sacred ornaments, but scarcely any musical instruments, 
 such as are generally found in industrial exhibitions. Images and 
 objects of painted terra-cotta abounded, but these are rather the 
 vulgar expression of a material devotion than an artistic mani- 
 festation of high religious feeling, and the grand cloisters of 
 the Certosa, which served as the Exhibition rooms, were filled 
 with a multitude of other things of no value and of doubtful 
 taste. Where are the days in which, from Giotto and Andrea 
 Pisano to Michael Angelo and Cellini, from the art of the 
 builder to the art of the weaver (Arte della Lana), all was 
 animated and impelled by the Christian spirit? What subjects 
 for contrast might not be found in art as we see it embodied in 
 the Church of Santa Maria del Fiore, the Campanile of Giotto, 
 the doors of the Baptistery, even in the Vatican itself, and art 
 as shown forth by the Roman Exhibition of 1870 ! One cannot 
 but feel that active Christian sentiment is manifested more 
 worthily by the various specimens familiar to us in interna- 
 tional exhibitions which are the work of an industrious and 
 intelligent Christian society, than in the ostentation and pomp 
 of a so-called special religious exhibition. 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 137 
 
 APRIL. 
 
 I.— THE SCHEME " DE FIDE" FOE THE SECOND TIME. 
 
 1. Cessation of diplomatic intervention. — 2. Definitive voting on the scheme. — 
 3. Result of the voting. — 4. Easter festival. — 5. The public Session fixed. — 
 6. Third Session. — 7. Impression it produced. 
 
 1. The speech made by Visconti Venosta in the Chamber of 
 Deputies at the end of March, in which he declared, in answer 
 to some inquiry, that the policy of the Government with regard 
 to the Council would be that of non-intervention, was very 
 remarkable, not only in itself, but as an indication of the general 
 opinion of Europe on the matter. The announcement of this 
 policy of non-intervention by the Government the most in- 
 terested in the Council, seemed to indicate the cessation of the 
 action which the other Catholic Governments had taken at the 
 request of the bishops in Opposition, and on the publication of 
 the new Order. Count Daru, who was in favour of interven- 
 tion, resigned just after he had addressed the despatch we have 
 commented on, to the Italian Secretary of State, and had 
 recalled M. de Banneville from Rome ; and the latter shortly 
 after returned to his post. There was no further diplomatic 
 interference ; in fact, it had been confined to the philosophical 
 considerations of the French note, and a letter almost exactly 
 like it emanating from the Austrian Cabinet. The Vatican 
 resumed its course, feeling secure against all further interruption 
 from that quarter, and as France was just then engrossed in 
 the second plebiscite, ordered by the Emperor Napoleon as a 
 means of strengthening a Government which, already tottering, 
 urgently needed the support of all the proselytes it could gain ; 
 the Pope was able to convince himself that the fallibility of 
 
138 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. 
 
 the " plebiscite " might be an excellent argument for his own 
 Infallibility. 
 
 2. During the early days of April, the Congregations worked 
 with much assiduity to hasten the promulgation of the scheme 
 " De Fide." On Friday, April 1st, and from the 4th to the 8th, 
 the separate parts of the scheme were voted by " rising and 
 sitting," and in one Congregation this mode of voting was 
 used 100 times, to the great discomfort of the Fathers. The 
 amendments to the scheme finally exceeded a hundred. Both 
 parties, and especially the Opposition, made every endeavour to 
 carry it through. The separate chapters, which were originally 
 nine in number, were reduced to four, and on Tuesday, April 
 12th, the final and definitive vote by a call of names for the 
 scheme " De Fide " took place. It was Tuesday in Holy Week, 
 the last day on which a Congregation could be held before 
 Easter, as the services of the Passion began on Wednesday. 
 
 3. Notwithstanding the good-will of both sides, out of the 592 
 bishops present, 83 gave dissentient votes, some with the formula 
 " Non placet," others conditionally with the formula " Placet 
 juxta modum." This result was very displeasing to the Pope, 
 and to the Cardinal legates, who had hoped to give the foreigners 
 present in Rome for Easter the grand spectacle of a public 
 Session, as a testimony to the success of the Council, and as an 
 adjunct to the festivities of the season. Another Congregation 
 was announced for the earliest possible day, the Tuesday after 
 Easter. There was a difference of opinion among the legates 
 with regard to the scheme; some advising modifications for the 
 sake of obtaining unanimity, but Capalti and Bizzarri would 
 not hear of any change. 
 
 4. The Easter ceremonies were marked by no particular 
 incident, and were less striking than usual, on account of the 
 smaller number of strangers present, and also because the 
 space occupied by the Council Hall diminished the size of the 
 Church of St. Peter and detracted from its grand and imposing 
 appearance. 
 
 Moreover, owing to the large number of bishops present in 
 Rome, the ceremonies which usually take place in the Sistine 
 Chapel, and which have a religious and artistic interest peculiar 
 to themselves, were omitted for want of space. 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 139 
 
 5. The Congregation held on Easter Tuesday did not bring 
 ■about any change of opinions, and the Pope, as a last resource, 
 resolved to " force the situation," and to proceed with the scheme, 
 reckoning that all who dissented under the formula " Juxta 
 modum," and many of those who dissented absolutely would 
 give way rather than cause scandal by a public resistance ; and 
 that no one hardly would venture on repeating " Non placet " 
 at the public session. This calculation was well founded, 
 because the differences of opinion on the scheme in question 
 were neither important nor remarkable, nor did they touch 
 on subjects regarding which the Opposition were already com- 
 promised ; so the result justified the Pope's anticipation. 
 
 6. The third public Session of the Vatican Council was held 
 on the Sunday after Easter. The usual ceremonies being con- 
 cluded, the scheme " De Fide," with its collateral Canons, was 
 proposed, and all the Fathers present responded with " Placet." 
 Those whose conscience remained inflexible and who would not 
 give their consent, were to absent themselves from the Session. 
 This course was adopted because it was found that only one 
 prelate was in that position, Monsignor Strossmayer, Bishop 
 of Bosnia and Sirmio. Strossmayer, being placed * in the 
 dilemma of either causing scandal by separating from his 
 colleagues in Opposition, who had determined on pronouncing 
 the " Placet," or of betraying his own convictions, preferred 
 to absent himself altogether ; and his protest, though almost 
 unobserved at the time, subsequently acquired great value from 
 his consistent conduct with regard to all the other and more 
 important business of the Council. 
 
 7. It is impossible for a person not an eye-witness of the 
 ceremony to understand the feeling it conveyed of the utter 
 isolation of that grave assembly from the rest of the world, the 
 very world, in fact, which it was intended to represent. The 
 first Session had commanded some amount of attention, and 
 had drawn many to witness its ceremonies from motives of 
 curiosity, love of novelty, and perhaps even from the hope of a 
 good result, but on this last occasion there were few people 
 present in St. Peter's, and fewer still paid any attention to the 
 proceedings of the Council. No one listened to the reading of 
 these formidable precepts of the Church ; no one knew what 
 
140 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [April. 
 
 was going on ; to the public the Council Hall was merely a 
 spectacle, and nothing more. It did not occur to the by- 
 standers that, being Catholics, they would retire to rest that 
 night with the obligation of a new set of declarations, and 
 articles of faith weighing on their intellect and conscience. 
 The only person whom I heard make an observation to this 
 effect was a schismatical Greek, and the answer of the Catholic, 
 to whom he addressed himself, did not indicate that the decrees 
 would meet with much obedience. The curiosity felt at the first 
 Session no longer prevailed, and the present ceremony was 
 merely considered an addition to the long list of those observed 
 at the Vatican. Indeed, at the time, very few were either aware 
 of, or reflected on the decree thus promulgated, and those few 
 agreed that the declarations of the scheme were, on the whole, 
 mild and moderate. Its subjects were hardly such as could fix the 
 wavering attention of society at the present day, and even for 
 those who, from particular circumstances, are drawn to their 
 consideration they are unimportant, because the matters they 
 contain are for the most part no longer of interest, besides, the 
 way in which they are treated is such as to render any practical 
 results unlikely. The scheme (observed many people) can 
 make rules for the Church, but "concerning those that are 
 without," St. Paul himself says if I mistake not "quid ad nos?" 
 To reiterate to those that are within the fold the primary foun- 
 dations of their faith may seem at least superfluous. 
 
 As we remarked elsewhere, the condemnatory character of 
 this scheme was, at the first, the reason for its being sent back ; 
 it was then reformed, but still retained its original defect. The 
 Catholic Church had already condemned Pantheists, Ration- 
 alists, Materialists, and also Protestants ; the latter, since they 
 separated from the Church, the others ever since the Church 
 existed, because those condemnations are embodied in all the 
 successive explanations of faith that the Church has issued, and 
 are therefore included substantially and absolutely in the belief 
 of Catholics. But with regard to those who " are without," 
 those who are neither Catholics nor Christians, such condem- 
 nations possess neither authority nor practical effect. To de- 
 clare that a person is anathema, is to declare him out of the 
 Church ; but if he never was in it how can he be cast out ? 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 141 
 
 how does this judgment affect him ? Such were the observa- 
 tions generally made by those (and they were not many) who 
 interested themselves in the matter. As the Vatican Council 
 would not obey the mission which seemed to be imposed on it 
 by the laws of the age, that is to introduce the reforms which the 
 lapse of time renders necessary and which the conditions of the 
 Church permit, it was compelled by the force of circumstances 
 either to remain stationary and inactive, — a disposition which is 
 exemplified in the scheme " De Fide," — or to press forward in 
 the road of absolute authority, as it endeavoured to do in the 
 scheme " De Ecclesia." 
 
 II.— THE FIRST SCHEME "DE FIDE." 
 
 1. Comparison of the first and second schemes. — 2. The same. — 3. Description of 
 first scheme. — 4. The same. — 5. The same. — 6. Considerations. — 7. Further 
 reflections. — 8. On faith. — 9. The connection of faith and science.— 10. Dog- 
 matic theology. — 11. Close of observations on first scheme. — 12. Annotations. 
 
 1. In order to appreciate the mild and moderate character of 
 the scheme as amended, it is necessary to compare it with the 
 original text as at first drawn up, a comparison which was most 
 useful at the time of its promulgation, as an evidence of the 
 beneficent influence exercised by the Opposition and as afford- 
 ing ground for hope in the future. 
 
 2. We will first describe, as nearly as possible, the original 
 form of the scheme. After a long preface, which indicated 
 all the enemies to be combated, or the many antichrists who 
 at the present day endeavour to subvert religion and reduce 
 mankind to a state of unbelief, the scheme divided its subject 
 into three parts. In the first, it condemned absolute Rationalism 
 under its three manifestations, Materialism, Pantheism, and 
 Rationalism, properly so called ; in the second, it condemned 
 semi-Rationalism, introduced into Catholic doctrines ; and in 
 the third it condemned, partially, various other errors which 
 spring from Rationalism. 
 
 3. The first chapter began with the title, " Condemnatio Mate- 
 rial ismi et Pantheismi," and after describing and condemning 
 
142 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. 
 
 these errors, it concludes with a profession of faith in God. 
 " Una singularis, simplex omnino, et incommutabilis essentia, 
 aeternus et necessario existens intellectu ac voluntate, omnique 
 perfectione infinitus :" who " profitendus est super omnia quae 
 praeter ipsum sunt aut concipi possunt infinite exaltatus." The 
 heading of the following chapter was " Condemnatio Rational- 
 ismi." In this the scheme first recognises the power of human 
 reason to attain by itself to a knowledge of God, and then pro- 
 ceeds to assert that if God were pleased to manifest Himself only 
 through revelation, in that case reason must subject itself en- 
 tirely. It affirms that this hypothesis has by providential arrange- 
 ment been actually confirmed, so that it forms the basis of the 
 Christian religion, and concludes by condemning all those 
 who exalt reason as a supreme law, and standard of good, 
 above faith and revelation. This chapter ends by fervently 
 exhorting rulers to preserve instruction free from such pes- 
 tilential error, and warns them against that sort of secondary 
 Rationalism which creeps into wholesome study, and by which 
 verbum veritatis non recte tractatur. 
 
 These two last clauses really express the intention of the com- 
 pilers of the scheme, just as the intention of a letter is very 
 often revealed in its postscript. The systematic suspicion and 
 the infinite precautions they contain against all that emanates 
 from reason alone, and the insertion in such a document as the 
 decree of a Council (which by right concerns only doctrinal 
 and speculative matters), of an intemperate mandate to Govern- 
 ments to guard the faith by all the means in their power, 
 characterise a party which leaves unmistakable traces on all it 
 touches. 
 
 4. The third chapter bore the heading, "De divinae revela- 
 tionis fontibus in Sacra Scriptura et traditione." It affirmed the 
 Divine inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, according to the text 
 sanctioned by the Council of Trent and the truth of the inter- 
 pretations contained in the traditions and infallible judgment 
 of the Church. 
 
 The fourth chapter, " De supernaturalis revelationis necessi- 
 tate," was on the necessity of a supernatural revelation, not 
 only because by it might be accomplished the rapid and 
 universal diffusion (impossible through any other means) of 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. \ 143 
 
 that which reason with all its powers often finds it hard 
 to understand; but also because God, wishing to raise man 
 above the order of nature, could not bring him to a knowledge 
 of what is superior to reason, otherwise than through faith, 
 reason being incapable of attaining of itself to the knowledge 
 of supernatural dogmas which are beyond the reach of our 
 natural faculties. From this argument, logically conducted, 
 the scheme suddenly comes to the postscript, that is to say, 
 to a conclusion like that of the second part, which by means 
 of a few vague and undetermined phrases tends to further 
 the constitution of an unlimited authority. The conclusion 
 states the duty of recognising " supernaturalis revelationis 
 maximum beneficium," even in those matters which are not 
 " imperviae " to human reason, that is to say, which can be 
 treated of by reason, and the practical interpretation of this 
 is simply that such matters are to be voluntarily subjected 
 to the guidance of revelation. Every one can perceive the 
 consequences which naturally result from such a doctrine, for 
 those who are its depositaries and natural interpreters, and 
 consequently for the Vatican. 
 
 5. The fifth chapter is entitled " De mysteriis fidei in divina 
 revelatione propositis," and condemns all who say that it is pos- 
 sible by reason and philosophy to search out the mysteries of 
 faith. At first sight this condemnation seems equivalent to a 
 prohibition of seeing when it is dark. If, however, its real 
 intention is to contemplate the case of a person endeavouring in 
 this darkness to guide himself by the light of reason, leaving 
 the result out of consideration, it is difficult to understand the 
 grounds for the condemnation. We owe many works by the 
 Fathers, such as the " De Trinitate " and the " De Opere sex 
 dierum " of Saint Augustine, to just such a case, and not only 
 does the Church acknowledge these writings, but she adopts 
 them and regards them with great honour. 
 
 6. The sixth chapter is entitled " De fidei divina? distinctione 
 a scientia humana," and here again our first impression is, that 
 an effort is made to distinguish between two things which could 
 never be confounded. This chapter is a sort of sequel to the fifth, 
 condemning those who do not distinguish between Divine faith 
 and human science, and who believe, not because our belief is a 
 
144 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [April. 
 
 matter of Divine revelation, but because we can ourselves attain 
 to it by natural means. It is difficult to see the meaning of this 
 condemnation taken literally, and bearing in mind the subject 
 indicated in the heading of the chapter, for every one is aware 
 of the difference between faith and knowledge. 
 
 Who is not sensible that by faith we accept that which 
 we do not know? We must look for the real object of the 
 scheme in its explanation, which affirms that if any one should 
 delude himself by trying to reconcile faith and reason, and by 
 elucidating so far as he can the former by the latter, such a 
 consolation is to be denied him, in order that the renunciation 
 of reason may be absolute and entire, an act of sacrifice and 
 not an act of homage. This conclusion reveals, in its obscure 
 and mysterious language, the spirit of those who framed the 
 scheme. Unceasing war to reason, on those points where it 
 can properly be exercised, as much as on those where it must 
 yield, and a systematic and constant mistrust of its guidance, 
 are integral parts of that order of ideas which has long and per- 
 sistently prevailed in the direction of Catholic institutions. Such 
 guidance tends to weaken and often to confuse the natural judg- 
 ment of men, it creates and favours unreasonable and superstitious 
 habits, and is a bar to the progress of civilisation among those 
 nations Avhere the full and free action of this scheme has been felt. 
 
 7. Under the seventh heading, " De necessitate motivorum 
 credibilitatis," the scheme (having in, the previous chapter 
 cautioned man against his own reason), condemns with an 
 anathema all who deny that the truth may be rendered evident 
 by external signs (miracles). As the Gospel contains many 
 miracles, to begin to affirm their possibility after nineteen cen- 
 turies seems inopportune and superfluous, and here again we 
 must look for the real meaning of this condemnation elsewhere 
 than in its actual words. While the sixth chapter teaches us to 
 doubt what seems reasonable, the seventh condemns us if we 
 hesitate to accept what actually appears unreasonable. The 
 reproduction of the ideas of these two chapters, if taken literally, 
 would have no aim ; but the intention of thus combining them is 
 to inculcate their practical application, and to favour their in- 
 fluence among Catholic populations. The frequent result of 
 such teaching is this, that people finding themselves abandoned 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 145 
 
 in the darkness of the supernatural, without the safe guidance of 
 reason, easily become a prey to that vague mystical feeling 
 which is often superstitious, not infrequently fierce and sullen, 
 always prejudicial, and always a serious obstacle to the acqui- 
 sition of the energetic and useful habits of civilised life. 
 
 All these ideas and their practical results which we have 
 now pointed out, are hidden and implied rather than openly 
 expressed in the measured phrases of the above-mentioned 
 chapter ; their real meaning is shown by their order and connec- 
 tion with those that precede, still more so by the traditional use 
 and constant application of their principles that have long pre- 
 vailed in the economy of the Church. 
 
 The moderation in words is a concession, a sort of homage to 
 the spirit of the age, which, unlike the scheme, worships the 
 goddess of reason, and wages constant war against all super- 
 natural events (at least against all those of a religious character) 
 which it runs down ; while at the same time it exalts reason by 
 all the means in its power, especially invoking for the purpose 
 the help of science and of public opinion. 
 
 8. The eighth chapter, " De supernaturali virtute fidei et de 
 libertate voluntatis in fidei assensu," condemned all who do not 
 acknowledge faith as a supernatural gift of God, rather than as 
 a natural and necessary persuasion of reason. This again is so 
 obvious in Catholic belief, that its repetition is useless, but the 
 warnings on this subject are endless, and we are told to guard 
 against reason, to repudiate the use of reason, not only when it 
 attacks faith, but when it intervenes as a support and help to 
 faith. The ninth chapter was in the same strain, " De necessi- 
 tate et supernaturali firmitate fidei." This chapter, a very obscure 
 one, condemned those who say that the condition of the faithful 
 (or Catholics) is the same as that of those who have not yet 
 come to the one true fold, so that it should be lawful for Catholics 
 to doubt the faith received sub Ecclesice Magisterio, and to sus- 
 pend their judgment until its credibility and veracity be demon- 
 strated according to the rules of human science. This chapter 
 was directed, as it seems, against the two particular tendencies 
 of the present century, reciprocal tolerance, and the spirit of 
 debate, and perhaps on that account its sentences were involved 
 in obscurity ; and like those of the sixth and seventh chapters, 
 
 L 
 
146 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Apbil. 
 
 were couched in terms of moderation that the compilers did not 
 always adopt in other parts of this scheme, nor in the others, 
 especially that " De Ecclesia." 
 
 9. The scheme having been occupied up to this point with faith 
 in itself, began in the tenth chapter to regulate the connection 
 between faith and science under the heading, " De recto ordine 
 inter scientiam humanam et fidem divinam ;" and from the very 
 beginning submitted all science to the judgment of the Church, 
 with a course of reasoning which, apart from what it may con- 
 tain that is just and true from a Catholic point of view, loses 
 much of its force when one reflects that the practical application 
 of these doctrines consisted for the most part in subjecting the 
 laboured emanations of human intelligence, and even of human 
 genius, to the narrow and ignorant tyranny of some obscure 
 censor ; who, endeavouring amid distrust and suspicion to re- 
 concile the progress of science with the integrity of the faith, 
 might end by producing a condition of intellectual culture 
 similar to that which has prevailed in Spain, some parts of 
 Italy, and in Mexico. 
 
 The eleventh chapter reverted to the argument, " De incom- 
 mutabili veritate illius dogmatum sensus quem tenuit et tenet 
 Ecclesia." Even here the scheme violently hurled its reproaches 
 against those who hold that any intervention of reason and human 
 philosophy is lawful in the explanation of dogmas. Reason again ! 
 nothing but reason ! One might almost think that reason were 
 the enemy, or, to adopt its own words, the most formidable of the 
 antichrists against which this voluminous scheme contended. 
 
 10. In the twelfth chapter we seem to have gone back to the 
 third century, " De unitate divinae naturae seu essentiae in tribus 
 distinctis personis." The thirteenth is headed " De divina 
 operatione tribus personis communi, et de Dei libertate in 
 creando." It was certainly time to leave some liberty to the 
 Almighty, the acknowledgment of His retrospective power of 
 creating the world was due to Him from the theologians of the 
 Vatican, as a compensation for all the liberty in governing it, 
 which they took away. 
 
 The fourteenth chapter is " De Jesu Christo una divina per- 
 sona in duabus naturis, de redemptione et vicaria pro nobis 
 satisfactione," &c. One would imagine we were living in the 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 147 
 
 days of Nestorius, or some such period. Not content with 
 having begun again at the work of redemption, the scheme in the 
 fifteenth chapter goes back to the days of Adam. " De com- 
 muni totius humani generis origine ab uno Adam, et de natura 
 humana una composita ex anima rationali et corpore." It is 
 certainly impossible to carry the question beyond this. 
 
 11. The sixteenth chapter affirmed the intervention of the 
 supernatural, or Providence, in the world, not only in its events, 
 but in the moral order of ideas that prevail in it, and declared 
 that man without the aid of supernatural grace could not attain 
 the heights of justice and virtue. All this is comprised under 
 the heading " De ordine supernaturali et de supernaturali statu 
 originalis justitiae." The seventeenth heading is " De peccato 
 originali et de poena aeterna destinata cuilibet mortali peccato," 
 and from it one would imagine that the mysterious dogmas of 
 original sin, and of eternal punishment, were now for the first 
 time to be established in Catholicism. 
 
 The eighteenth was " De supernaturali ordine gratiae quae 
 nobis per Christum redemptorem donatur." This chapter entered 
 into the whole theory of grace as completing the Christian 
 edifice, and condemned all who deny that Divine grace is a 
 supernatural gift, permanent and inherent in the soul, or who 
 think that they may attain to Christian justification by their 
 own natural strength. 
 
 12. This was the last chapter, and it was followed by long 
 annotations and comments. The first was on the inscription 
 with which all the schemes opened — " Pius Episcopus sacro 
 approbante Concilio." I ought, according to chronological order, 
 to have spoken more fully of this title before, as it was debated 
 in the assembly, where it gave great offence to the Opposition, 
 and became the subject of grave remonstrance on the part of 
 its leaders ; but public opinion gave little heed to the matter 
 at first ; the petition against it was lost among the many others 
 with which the Opposition filled the Vatican Hall, and thus I did 
 not enter into the question when it first arose. The subject is, 
 however, too important to be passed over without some observa- 
 tions, now that the annotations of the scheme which originally 
 drew attention to it afford a suitable occasion for its consideration. 
 We may really say that the whole significance of the Vatican 
 
 L 2 
 
148 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Aran.. 
 
 Council is expressed in the title of the schemes. The decrees of the 
 Council of Trent bore the inscription, " Sacrosancta cecumenica 
 et generalis Tridentina synodus in Spiritu Sancto legitime con- 
 gregata praesidentibus apostolicae sedis legatis." The decrees of 
 the Vatican Council on the contrary are headed thus, " Pius 
 Episcopus sacro approbante Concilio." The difference between 
 these two formulas is such, that we cannot be surprised at the 
 resistance made by the Opposition to the second ; or that Stross- 
 mayer very ably pointed out that the new title was not an innova- 
 tion in form only, but that it substantially changed the standard of 
 the authority of an Ecumenical Council. However, the Opposition 
 obtained no redress, and the original title remained untouched. 
 The reasons for this formula were given in the annotations on the 
 scheme " De Fide," which declared it to be the most suitable 
 in Councils presided over by the Pope in person ; in the same 
 way that his representatives in the special Congregations of the 
 Vatican Council, were called presidents instead of legates, which 
 is their designation in ordinary Councils where the Pope is not 
 present. To this Strossmayer replied that he wished the Pope 
 did preside personally ; but that as he never was present at the 
 discussions in which all the real work of the Council was carried 
 on, the reason given, did not justify the great innovation in the 
 inscription. The other side then urged that the Council must 
 be considered under the presidency of the Pope, as he was in 
 the Vatican, and was personally present at the public meetings, 
 the only ones in which the Council passed authoritative decrees. 
 In fact, Rome was firm on the point, and the title was carried like 
 the Order, and all else which was desired, "cola dove si puote."* 
 The annotations of the scheme were twice as voluminous as the 
 text, and contained the reasons and explanations of the same. 
 Its form was so little in harmony with the habits of modern 
 thought and science, so unscientifically expressed, in so dry a 
 style, and in such pedantic language, that it will easily be 
 believed that it met with little favour in the assembly. Every 
 one may remember the lively assaults to which it was sub- 
 jected, and the eloquent speeches by the Opposition against it ; 
 
 * " It is so willed there where is power to do 
 That which is willed." 
 
 — Longfellow's Dante, Inf. iii. 95-96. 
 
Aran*] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 149 
 
 but reminiscences soon fade away, and as the discussion was 
 then a purely verbal one, only a few reports of those speeches 
 remain which were taken down by the shorthand writers, and 
 now rest in eternal slumber among the secret archives of the 
 Council. 
 
 III.— THE SECOND SCHEME " DE FIDE." 
 
 1. The scheme as a whole. — 2. First and second chapters. — 3. Third chapter. — 
 4. Fourth chapter. — 5. Observations of the bishops. — 6. Their influence. — 
 7. Continued observations.— 8. Difficulties that beset the scheme. — 9. Reasons 
 for describing the scheme. — 10. Note of the North-German Confederation. 
 
 1. When this scheme appeared for the second time, after all 
 the events we have narrated, it was heu quantum mutatus ah Mo ! 
 It only contained in the second edition an introduction and four 
 chapters, in which part of the matter of the first scheme was 
 condensed, the rest being either consigned to oblivion or tempo- 
 rarily laid aside. The four chapters of the second scheme are 
 entitled: — 1. " De Deo rerum Omnium Creatore." 2. " De Reve- 
 latione." 3. " De Fide." 4. " De Fide et Ratione." The entire 
 bulk of the second scheme does not exceed thirty-one pages, 
 whereas the first numbered more than one hundred and forty. 
 The introduction to the second scheme is longer, and indicates 
 its subjects more fully, pointing out Naturalism from the first as 
 an enemy to be combated, in which term, Pantheism, Rationalism, 
 Indifferentism, and Atheism are all included. There is no 
 mention here, and very little afterwards, of the so-called semi- 
 Rationalism so much made of in the first scheme. 
 
 2. The first chapter contains in summary all that was said 
 in the first chapter of the former scheme, leaving out the 
 nominal condemnations of Pantheism, Materialism, &c. ; it con- 
 tains likewise the confession of belief in God, with all His 
 attributes, declaring that He is one in substance, distinct in 
 nature and essence, liberrimo consilio, Creator of the world. 
 
 The second chapter contains a compendium of all that was 
 said in the second, third, and fourth chapters of the first scheme 
 on Revelation and on the books that contain it, which Dcum 
 
150 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. 
 
 habent auctorem, and are sanctioned by the Council of Trent and 
 the tradition of the Church. With regard to Revelation, there 
 is a notable difference in the text of the two schemes. The 
 first contained a chapter with the heading, " On the necessity of 
 Revelation." The new one omits that chapter entirely, almost 
 as if it no longer considered Revelation to be essential. 
 
 3. The third chapter contains an abridgment of all the 
 matters of the first scheme from Chapter 1st to 9th, that is to 
 say, the subjection of reason to faith, not by an intellectual 
 operation, but by the authority of revelation, the possibility of 
 external signs, such as miracles, prophesies, &c. ; the gift of 
 grace, the supremacy of the Church, and her perfection when 
 contrasted with other confessions and creeds, of which latter the 
 present text affirms that they falsam religionem sectantur, whilst 
 the old text was more moderate on the subject, saying only that, 
 ad fidem unice veram non pervenerunt. The end of this chapter 
 likewise asserts that it is impossible to doubt or to change the 
 faith taught by the Church, and states all that was contained in 
 the ninth chapter of the old scheme on this point. 
 
 4. The fourth chapter is on the relation between reason and 
 faith ; and here the difference between the two schemes is most 
 apparent. This fourth chapter includes pretty nearly all the 
 contents of the tenth and eleventh chapters of the old scheme, 
 with the addition of the precepts on the connection between 
 faith and science scattered through other chapters. The in- 
 tolerable pedantry with which reason is denounced, under the 
 name of semi-Rationalism in the first scheme, is here omitted ; 
 and the relation between reason and faith is treated of less 
 absolutely. 
 
 In fact, all the doctrines of the second scheme are relatively 
 moderate. And were it not that practical experience has shown 
 how far the results of that jus, acknowledged in the Church as 
 divinitus falsi nominis sciential oppositiones proscribendi extend, 
 the same character of moderation might be accorded to some 
 of its ideas on the great questions raised among Catholic 
 societies by modern civilisation. There is no mention whatever 
 in the new scheme, of the matter contained in the old one, 
 between the twelfth and the last chapter. The doctrinal parts 
 then follow, the Canons corresponding to each of the headings ; 
 
Ai'iul.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 151 
 
 and last of all a sort of Appendix, which explains briefly the 
 reason and the method of the emendation of the first scheme. 
 
 5. We have now described the scheme " De Fide " in its 
 amended form, and prepared for the public Session, the changes 
 made in it before its promulgation in the Session of April 24th 
 being few and unimportant. Its consideration for the second 
 time took place under the new Order, and consequently the ob- 
 servations on it were for the most part in writing, and distri- 
 buted to the bishops, so that we have more records of them. 
 It is curious and important to observe, as a means of estimating 
 the final result of all these events, that most of the annotations 
 made by the bishops on the second scheme (already amended in 
 an Infallibilist sense) are in the direction of exaggeration and 
 restriction. For instance, a bishop tries to introduce Infalli- 
 bility into the scheme as an accessory, by saying that " licet 
 omnibus Ecclesiae necessitabus per ordinarium Summi Pontificis 
 regimen et magisterium satis fuerit provisum, tamen," &c. Two 
 or three other prelates proposed similar amendments. The intro- 
 duction, in particular, was marked by their observations. The 
 Infallibilists preferred writing, and the Opposition speaking, 
 feeling that they had most eloquence on their side, and also 
 that, being in the minority, speaking was the best means of 
 gaining strength and of spreading their ideas. Still the great 
 predominance of Infallibilist opinions in those annotations throws 
 much light on the history of the Council. The introduction 
 received various unimportant changes from the annotations. 
 The observations on the first chapters, " De Deo rerum omnium 
 creatore," were numerous, and entirely in an Infallibilist sense. 
 There are a few remarks by independent and more liberal 
 bishops ; one proposing the suppression of Canons in the scheme, 
 judging the decrees as quite sufficient ; and another proposing 
 to omit the anathema, and to condemn errors only, and never 
 persons. 
 
 6. No notice was taken of these observations, and the first 
 chapter re-appeared at the final publication of the scheme in 
 almost the same form as at its promulgation. The only change 
 was the addition of the last paragraph, and the omission of a word 
 in the first, which was done at the instigation of the one bishop 
 who had succeeded in carrying his emendations on this chapter. 
 
152 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. 
 
 One annotation proposed the substitution of " Sancta Catholica 
 Ecclesia " for " Romana Catholica Ecclesia." Another, more 
 modestly, proposed "Catholica et Romana;" and, on failing to 
 obtain the conjunctive particle, pleaded for the insertion of a 
 comma only, between Catholica and Romana, but even this was 
 in vain. The oral debate on this subject was much hotter than 
 appears from the written observations, but it was unsuccessful. 
 
 The majority would not yield, and the only variation obtained 
 in the formula was the change from " Sancta Romana Catholica 
 Ecclesia," to " Sancta Catholica Apostolica Romana Ecclesia." 
 The protesting bishop obtained a transposition of words instead 
 of a comma, and the Church of Rome preserved its prerogatives 
 untouched. 
 
 7. Of the many observations on the second chapter, those are 
 worthy of notice which tended to allow more scope to the natural 
 perception of God in the conscience of Catholics, otherwise this 
 chapter underwent scarcely any change. 
 
 The annotations on the third chapter were numerous, but of 
 slight consequence for the laity ; the doctrinal part of the scheme 
 was somewhat modified in form, but scarcely at all in sub- 
 stance. One remark frequently made by the bishops we also 
 have alluded to, and it is this, that most of those condemna- 
 tions concern persons out of the Church, but, as one of the pre- 
 lates justly observes, qui non credit, jam judicatus est. Many 
 observations are also made on the fact that the opening formula 
 of the scheme is " Pius Episcopus," instead of " Sancta Syno- 
 dus Ecumenica." These are the few traces of independent 
 opinion, and of sincere concern for the dignity and liberty of the 
 Church which we meet with in perusing the records of the time ; 
 and, owing to their small number, they are lost in the existing 
 mass of obsequious testimony and theological subtleties. The 
 Canons remained intact, excepting one on the connection be- 
 tween faith and reason, which was omitted in consequence of the 
 remarks of the bishops. It condemned those who entertain 
 opinions which, though not declared to be heretical, are yet con- 
 trary to the mind of the Church. With this exception the text, 
 when finally promulgated, was almost identical with that sent 
 back to the assembly after the first emendation. 
 
 8. In the debate on this scheme there were two subjects of 
 
April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 153 
 
 difficulty which divided the Fathers for some" time, notwith- 
 standing their good-will. The first was the addition of the word 
 Romana added with an exclusive sense to Catholica Ecclesia, the 
 second, the suppressed Canon. 
 
 On the first point there were many petitions for the elimina- 
 tion of the word Romana. One bishop very ingenuously re- 
 counted the fact that in his English diocese some land had been 
 left by will to the " Catholic Church," and that the Anglicans 
 had appropriated it on the plea that they were really the 
 Catholic Church, the so-called Catholic Church being styled 
 Roman Catholic. The Roman Church, for whom this designa- 
 tion was of great import, paid no regard to the land lost by 
 the bishop, but maintained the title, only deigning to grant the 
 wish of the more moderate among the Opposition, who begged 
 for the addition of all the other titles as " Sancta Apostolica," 
 6cc. More explanation is needed on the second subject. 
 
 In the text of the scheme was a Canon (the 3rd I believe) 
 which condemned those who held opinions contrary to the mind 
 of the Church, even though not declared heretical. At the end 
 of the scheme, after the Canons, came an Appendix, which 
 contained a sort of indefinite injunction (monemus) to Catholics 
 to observe all those constitutions and decrees of the Holy See, 
 directed against errors which are not exactly heresies, but yet 
 are akin to them. 
 
 These two parts of the text completed each other, because, as 
 every one must see, the Appendix was contemplated and com- 
 prehended by the Canon in such a way that the simple monemus 
 was in fact a decided condemnation referring to that in the 
 third Canon. The resistance on this point was most serious, 
 and nearly all the eighty-three members of the Opposition who 
 had answered " Non placet," or " Placet juxta modum," at the 
 voting of the scheme, turned their attention to the subject. 
 
 Although, as we have seen, the Canon was suppressed, the 
 Appendix and the disputed paragraph remained unaltered, and 
 the Opposition thought that, from what I might call their ambi- 
 guous wording, and the fact of their juxtaposition, they might 
 easily, even without the Canon, be so construed as to indicate 
 and establish the sole and absolute dominion, or, in other words, 
 the personal Infallibility of the Pope. 
 
154 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Aikil. 
 
 9. We do not intend to follow in detail the progress of the 
 other schemes, which would be entirely beyond the limits of the 
 present work, but have dwelt at length upon this one, in order 
 to convey to our readers a clear idea of the way in which the 
 Council was managed, and of the spirit that guided its delibe- 
 rations. We have considered the scheme " De Fide," as it 
 appeared at the opening of the Council, and after its first 
 amendment, and have seen that though the difference is great, 
 the changes that it underwent in the debate between its second 
 appearance and its final publication were of slight importance, 
 and here we have an answer to the question which was asked at 
 first on all sides as to the fate of the amended schemes. 
 
 10. The few changes actually made in the scheme on this 
 second occasion were probably due in some measure to diplomatic 
 intervention recently provoked by the insertion in it of certain 
 strictures on Protestants. The North-German Minister, accre- 
 dited to the Holy See, addressed a violent and menacing note on 
 the subject to the Roman Secretary of State, either because really 
 offended by these expressions, or in order to flatter the Opposi- 
 tion and the opinions prevailing in the Catholic provinces of 
 Germany, and intimated that such words were likely to diminish 
 the obedience due from those subjects to the King and to the 
 Prussian authorities; he added, moreover, that should the Prussian 
 bishops accept the document and become sharers in it, proceed- 
 ings would be taken against them. This made a deep impres- 
 sion, the Prussian Cabinet not having shown such resentment 
 against the Vatican before. The remonstrance had the greater 
 effect owing to its novelty, and it was generally believed that the 
 relative moderation of the scheme was owing in some degree to 
 the note. We will not examine the particulars of the scheme as 
 published on April 24th at the public Session, for every one 
 can study it for himself.* When considered as a whole, and 
 with regard to the circumstances of its production, one must 
 give it credit for some degree of moderation ; and were it not 
 for the last paragraph, which made such an advance towards 
 Infallibility, even the Opposition might have been in great 
 measure content, and many might have hoped that in future 
 the decrees would bear the same temperate character. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XVIII. 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 155 
 
 MA Y. 
 
 I.— THE SCHEME " DE ECCLESIA " FOE THE SECOND 
 
 TIME. 
 
 1. The scheme " De parvo Catechismo " for the second time. — 2. The scheme 
 " De Ecclesia " sent back. — 3. Returns modified. — 4. The scheme " De parvo 
 Catechismo " is voted. — 5. Its amendments are voted and the scheme is laid 
 aside. — 6. The debate on the scheme " De Ecclesia " is opened. — 7. It is con- 
 tinued. — 8. Speech of the Pope on giving the prizes at the Exhibition of 
 Catholic Art. — 9. Speech against Infallibility. 
 
 1. The public Session of April 24th was succeeded by a 
 short recess, during which the scheme on the short Catechism 
 was distributed for the second time, being the last of the four 
 schemes published previous to the famous " De Ecclesia." It 
 had been amended by the bishops like that " De Fide," but its 
 spirit had, in reality, been subjected to very slight modification, 
 the real intention of the scheme being to substitute one Cate- 
 chism for all the various forms hitherto used by different 
 churches in the Catholic world. The fact of the order of busi- 
 ness being thus changed, and the two schemes, " De Episcopis " 
 and " De Moribus Clericorum," which should, by rights, have 
 followed that " De Fide," being put aside for " De Catechismo," 
 the shortest and the last, clearly indicated the wish of the autho- 
 rities to expedite matters as much as possible. People began to 
 feel that the moment was approaching in which the truce would 
 end and the strife recommence, a strife which this time would 
 be decisive. 
 
 The first Congregation held after the recess was on Friday, the 
 29th of April, when, a short report having been read, the debate 
 " De parvo Catechismo " began. It terminated the following 
 day, although it met with deep and serious resistance, so great 
 was the desire of hastening on. The Giornale di Roma of that 
 
156 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 
 
 day, perhaps unable to contain its impatience, by an exception 
 to its usual practice, made the conclusion of the debate known 
 to the public, who otherwise remained in complete ignorance of 
 what passed in the Council. Thus, the famous scheme towards 
 which all the business of the Vatican Council gravitated, after 
 having been sent back and amended, now reappeared. 
 
 2. For the third time within six months was this question, so 
 fundamental in the constitution of the Church, brought under 
 discussion. The first time it was attempted to obtain the 
 declaration of Infallibility by acclamation ; the second time, in 
 March, it was attempted to carry a petition suddenly in favour 
 of Infallibility ; and now, for the third time, the question was to be 
 fought again with all the strength we cannot say of both parties, 
 as the word strength is scarcely applicable in regard to the 
 Opposition. Still connection and talent are always powerful, 
 even when undisciplined, and we must remember that the favour 
 of the day made up in some degree to the minority for their 
 lack of numbers and of organisation. 
 
 3. The scheme " De Ecclesia " was not presented for discus- 
 sion the second time in a complete form. By virtue of that im- 
 personal and all-powerful authority which governed the Vatican 
 Council, the scheme had been amended or rather mutilated with- 
 out any discussion ; and during this process the first part of it 
 had remained in the laboratories of the Vatican, to be repro- 
 duced perhaps on some future occasion. This concession was 
 probably due to the apprehensions of Foreign Powers, as the part 
 of the scheme now omitted contained the famous Canons published 
 by the Augsburg Gazette, which regulated the connection between 
 Church and State. Foreign Powers, and France in particular, 
 seem, strangely enough, to have been very suspicious as to these 
 Canons, while they never troubled themselves on the question of 
 Infallibility. Rome, on the other hand, was wisely content, for 
 the moment, to sacrifice these Canons for the sake of the dogma 
 of Infallibility, which virtually includes them all, and as many 
 more besides as may spring from the sole and irresponsible will 
 of an individual. If the statesmen who directed the policy of 
 Europe had been more familiar with ecclesiastical matters and 
 less distracted by other important interests, they would have 
 seen that the dogma of Infallibility was a far more serious matter 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 157 
 
 than the Canons, because the effects and limits of these latter 
 are known, whereas those of Infallibility are infinite and bound- 
 less, as was apparent on all occasions when they could be 
 exercised. Rome, profiting by the prevailing state of opinion, 
 in re-casting the scheme " De Ecclesia " entirely omitted the 
 Canons, and only brought forward the part, entitled, " De 
 Apostolici Primatus in beato Petro Institutione." In the fourth 
 chapter, under the heading " De Romani Pontificis Infalli- 
 bilitate," was inserted the petition of the bishops, so unex- 
 pectedly presented in the month of March, although even this, 
 as we shall see, had undergone a slight change. 
 
 4. On Wednesday, May 4th, the nominal voting of the scheme 
 " De parvo Catechismo " took place. There were about 100 
 " Non placet," as if the Opposition, aware of the coming battle, 
 wished to show themselves fully prepared for resistance. The 
 number of votes on that day was 591, fewer than in the winter. 
 On this occasion, the observations in opposition to the scheme, 
 and the consequent changes, were read, together with the ori- 
 ginal text, by the Commission which had made the amendments, 
 and then the partial amendments and the entire text of the 
 scheme were voted at the same sitting. The result was such as 
 we have related, that is, there were 100 dissentient votes ; 
 nor is this surprising. If we consider the great difficulty 
 of meddling with the Catechism, a religious formula familiar 
 to whole populations from their earliest days, we shall rather 
 wonder that the opposing votes were so few. To touch the 
 Catechism at all is almost to touch the faith of a people, who, 
 not being capable of comprehending the true value of words 
 which habit has taught them to regard with veneration, remain 
 faithful to the doctrines which those words convey, solely from 
 respect for the familiar terms themselves. Why, said many of 
 the bishops, should we cause this disturbance to Christian 
 populations, in order to bring about a nominal agreement that 
 cannot really increase the unity which consists in the belief 
 which binds those people together in one faith and moral 
 law, and not in the words or phrases by which that belief is 
 expressed ? No Congregations were held between the 4th, and 
 Friday, May 13th, as it was necessary to confer on the resistance 
 which now manifested itself. 
 
158 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 
 
 5. The assembly was not induced by these deliberations to 
 swerve a hair's-breadth from the course it had adopted. On the 
 13th it announced the amendments on the scheme " De parvo 
 Catechismo," and proceeded no further that day, perhaps with 
 the intention of adopting the same expedient with regard to this 
 scheme which it had so successfully used for that " De Fide," 
 and trusting that at the public Session the Opposition would 
 overlook all they now objected to, for fear of creating a scandal, 
 and in consequence of the attracting force of the majority. 
 
 6. For this reason, instead of dwelling longer on " De Cate- 
 chismo," they proceeded at once to the discussion on the famous 
 scheme " De Ecclesia Christi," now reduced to four chapters 
 and three Canons. It bore the title " Constitutio Dogmatica 
 Prima," perhaps in order to leave room for a second title, which 
 should include the part now omitted, " De Ecclesia Christi 
 reverendissimorum patrum examini proposita." Then follows the 
 inscription, " Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, sacro appro- 
 bante Concilio, ad perpetuam rei memoriam," &c. After a short 
 introduction comes the first chapter, " De Apostolici Primatus 
 in beato Petro Institutione ;" the second, " De Perpetuitate Pri- 
 matus Petri in Romanis Pontificibus ;" the third, " De vi et 
 ratione Primatus Romani Pontificis." The fourth bears the 
 dangerous heading, " De Romani Pontificis Infallibilitate," thus 
 changed from the corresponding title in the first scheme, which 
 was " De Ecclesiae Infallibilitate." The three Canons follow. 
 
 The reporter of the Commission on Dogma opened the debate 
 with a long speech, which, with its glowing pictures, inflamed 
 the benevolent minds of the Infallibilists, but produced a very 
 different effect on the Opposition. The theme of this discourse 
 was a comparison between the martyrdom of St. Peter and 
 that of St. Paul, great significance being attached to the myste- 
 rious dispensation of Providence, which, though it permitted the 
 latter saint to be beheaded, had preserved the former from such 
 treatment. It is easy to see the intention of this comparison 
 with reference to the question at issue ; every one will admit 
 that, as an argument in favour of Infallibility, it was even more 
 unworthy than as a rhetorical artifice, and will allow that the 
 sarcastic smiles with which it was greeted by the Opposition, 
 were more justifiable than the enthusiasm of the Infallibilists. 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 159 
 
 The reporter was the Bishop of Poitiers, especially noted of late 
 years for his Ultramontane opinions, and of whom the story is 
 told that he pronounced a solemn funeral oration for a Pontifical 
 Zouave, reported to have fallen at Castelfidardo, but actually 
 alive and well at the very time in France. 
 
 7. From that time forward the discussion was always on the 
 same subject. Thirteen orators had inscribed their names on the 
 14th ; but seven only spoke, and among them was the Cardinal- 
 Vicar. One might almost have imagined oneself back at the 
 Council of Florence while listening to their obsolete arguments 
 and antiquated forms of discussion. On Monday there was no 
 Congregation, that being the day fixed for the distribution of 
 prizes at the Exhibition of Catholic Art, which had a share in 
 the ceremonies of the Vatican Council. 
 
 8. On this occasion the Pope delivered a speech, in which he 
 reiterated the remark he made at the opening of the Exhibition, 
 that he considered it a proof of the beneficent influence of the 
 Papacy on civilisation. A few days after, he included in the 
 same category an Exhibition of Roman Agriculture, at which he 
 likewise attended, seizing the occasion to speak on the present 
 crisis. Fortunately for himself, the Pope had never seen the 
 great Exhibitions of modern times, or it would have been difficult 
 for him to develope his subject within the narrow limits, in 
 which he desired to restrict it. 
 
 9. The sitting of Tuesday, May 17th, was short, three orators 
 only speaking, and the battle on Infallibility may be said to have 
 commenced on the following day, when the number of Fathers 
 inscribed had reached seventy. Among these were three cardi- 
 nals, Schwarzemberg, the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna, and 
 Cardinal Donnay. The Archbishop of Vienna was unable to 
 make himself heard, and consequently his speech was read for 
 him. Schwarzemberg was vehement on behalf of the Oppo- 
 sition, and created a profound impression. He made a most 
 serious declaration, and a terrible threat for the future, in the 
 words attributed to him on that occasion : — " It is said that 
 you really believe in this dogma ; but if that be true, you cannot 
 pretend that I and my companions ought to acknowledge what 
 seems to us absurd, and if you do so, be sure that schisms will 
 arise and abjurations will follow within the Church of Rome." 
 
160 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 
 
 On Thursday, the 19th, the Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin 
 spoke for the first time, likewise Cardinal Moreau and the Chal- 
 dean Patriarch ; on the 20th the Primate of Hungary, the Arch- 
 bishop of Paris and two others. In Saturday's Congregation the 
 speeches were in rapid succession ; but nothing worthy of par- 
 ticular attention occurred. 
 
 II.— FOEEIGN POLICY. 
 
 1. Despatch by Ollivier. — 2. ' Ce qui se passe au Concile.' — 3. Disquietude at 
 the Vatican. — 4. Speech by Monsignor Kettler. — 5. Infallibility publicly pro- 
 moted. — 6. Address of the Roman parish priests. — 7. Unfortunate position 
 of affairs. — 8. Duke of Saldanha. — 9. Feast of St. Peter. 
 
 1. Meantime the Opposition seemed to have recovered from 
 their stupor, and regained strength and boldness. A report was 
 circulated that Ollivier, who then directed the policy of France 
 released from the cares of the plebiscite, and from any particular 
 consideration for the interests of the clergy, had turned his 
 attention to Rome, and in consequence of the vacancy at the 
 Foreign Office subsequent on the resignation of Daru, had him- 
 self written a new note to the Vatican, which he sent through 
 M. de Banneville, strongly remonstrating against the promulga- 
 tion of the dogma of Infallibility. It was said that this note 
 threatened, in case of its counsels being rejected, a rupture of the 
 Concordat and the withdrawal from Rome of the French army of 
 occupation. This report was loudly denied by the Curia, which 
 immediately published in the Osservatore Romano a dispatch ac- 
 cording to which M. de Grammont, the new Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs, instructed M. de Banneville to continue the same line 
 of conduct as formerly, and to preserve a strict neutrality and 
 careful abstention from all interference with the Council. Con- 
 sidering that the first note was signed by Ollivier, and was sent 
 before M. de Grammont took office, and could issue the dispatch in 
 question ; and remembering also the frequent changes of French 
 policy at that time, it is possible that both these reports were 
 true. In fact, the matter was soon forgotten, and Ollivier's note 
 was neither confirmed nor denied, until in the month of June 
 the original document appeared in the newspapers. According 
 to this publication the note sent to the ambassador at Rome 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 161 
 
 was harsh in tone and of uncertain import. It directs him 
 to hold no further communications with the Court of Rome 
 on the matter in question, the opinion of France being already 
 sufficiently clear, while at the same time he is instructed 
 to express to the bishops the sympathy of the Government, 
 and its trust in their energy, and readiness to take the initia- 
 tive. As two-thirds of the French bishops were Ultramontanes, 
 and one-third of the Opposition, M. de Banneville had to con- 
 sider to which side he should deliver the communication. This 
 was the whole of the note so much exalted by one party, and 
 so much decried by the other, according to their wishes and 
 hopes. Everybody could read it in the newspapers, and learn 
 the extent of the influence exercised by the Ollivier Ministry 
 on the Vatican Council. 
 
 2. About the same time an anonymous work, ' Ce qui se 
 passe au Concile,' appeared in France ; it was short, but very 
 important, and evidently written by some person of authority, 
 so that it excited great attention. This work passed the most 
 formidable judgments on the Vatican Council that could ever be 
 inflicted by the severest criticisms of history. Its author pointed 
 out that the real aim of the Council was to satisfy the exorbitant 
 pretensions, and the old ambition of the Court of Rome ; noticed 
 the means used to this end, described the irregularities and 
 innovations which might in days to come cause its validity to 
 be questioned, and lastly foretold the fatal results to the Church 
 of the fulfilment of so outrageous an attempt. 
 
 3. The Vatican now for the first time showed signs of dis- 
 quietude, whether on account of the French note, though that was 
 of little weight, or of this new demonstration on the part of the 
 Opposition ; and in its next meeting for amendments, the Com- 
 mission on Faith endeavoured to frame such a formula on 
 Infallibility, as should calm the irritation and displeasure of the 
 Opposition, and win over some of its least determined members, 
 without sacrificing in any respect the substance of the dogma. 
 
 4. The Congregations sat unweariedly, and on Monday 23rd, 
 Monsignor Kettler spoke most strongly, pointing out to his col- 
 leagues what would remain to the episcopate after the pro- 
 clamation of Infallibility. This argument, which he cleverly 
 handled, had considerable effect, as it touched very nearly all 
 
 M 
 
162 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Mat. 
 
 the Fathers in the assembly who exercised any jurisdiction, and 
 it was said that (contrary to the usual result of the best speeches 
 in the world), it really convinced some people, and attracted a 
 few sheep from the Infallibilist flock to swell the forces of the 
 Opposition. The sittings of the 24th, 25th, 28th, 30th, and 
 31st of May, were passed in the same way, that is to say, in a 
 repetition of the arguments already well known on both sides. 
 On the latter occasion eighty orators had inscribed their names, 
 so that it almost seemed as if the desire of speaking grew as the 
 speeches multiplied, much in the same way as appetite is said 
 to grow by eating. 
 
 5. On the part of the Opposition, this increase of speakers 
 was in accordance with the policy imposed on them by cir- 
 cumstances from the first, the desire to gain time, and the 
 expectation of its benefits. On the part of the majority, it 
 sprang from a desire to limit the chances of the Opposition as 
 much as possible, by bringing every sort of pressure to bear upon 
 them in the most minute particulars, as had been done from the 
 beginning, and thus expecting and awaiting the moment when 
 they could be entirely crushed without any great difficulty. 
 The pamphlet ' Ce qui se passe au Concile,' gave an index of 
 the briefs, the letters, and different works in the name of the 
 Pope and other Authorities by which they encouraged personally 
 and openly all who had in any way promoted Infallibility, or 
 shown themselves in favour of it, and this fact produced a great 
 impression. The instances cited by the pamphlet were, for the 
 most part, collected beyond the limits of Italy, but some very 
 curious examples were to be found in Rome itself. Who- 
 ever said or did anything in favour of Infallibility received 
 acknowledgments, remunerations, and honours, the Pope him- 
 self condescending to act openly in this way. The papers pub- 
 lished a Papal rescript approving and commending all those 
 who fought for the good cause by means of the press (that press 
 sometimes so much blamed). The newspapers even gave a 
 formula of assent to Infallibility, a sort of plebiscite in its 
 favour, drawn up by an ecclesiastic, and said to be sent from 
 Rome through the bishops, to the clergy of their dioceses, with 
 imperious commands that it should be accepted and signed.* The 
 * See Appendix, Document XIX. 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 163 
 
 author" of the French pamphlet was not aware of the thanks and 
 official encouragement given in the name of the Pope by the 
 Nuncio at Paris to the French clergy who had assented to 
 Infallibility, and made any demonstrations in its favour, conduct 
 for which the said Nuncio was severely reprimanded by the 
 French Government. By such a proceeding the Nuncio put 
 into practice the principles of the scheme " De Ecclesia " before 
 it was passed, and France, by her remonstrances, protested 
 against the application of those doctrines. 
 
 These facts were not publicly known before the month of 
 June, when the observations of the French Government were 
 published, though they had been under preparation for some 
 time. The crisis was provoked by the conduct of some of the 
 clergy who manifested themselves openly in favour of Infalli- 
 bility, while their bishops in Rome were speaking against the 
 dogma from the benches of the Opposition. This conduct, how- 
 ever, was approved of at Rome, notwithstanding the complaints 
 of the bishops interested in the matter, one of whom actually 
 threatened to resign in consequence. Many examples of the like 
 nature, both small and great, might be given. Nothing but the 
 prestige inherent in all deep convictions could have so long sus- 
 tained the Pope in the difficult position in which he was placed 
 by his own followers ; the position of a man who, living in the 
 nineteenth century, was urged to proclaim his own apotheosis. 
 
 6. In order to have an idea of the pressure exercised to attain 
 the declaration of Infallibility, we will mention an important 
 incident, of which at the time very little notice was taken. At 
 the beginning of March, in one of the parochial meetings held 
 periodically in Rome for the transaction of business, a priest 
 belonging to a religious order which had sent a legate to the 
 Council, proposed to his colleagues to draw up an address in 
 favour of Infallibility. Another priest immediately answered 
 that it was no business of theirs to do anything of the kind ; 
 that they were not consulted on the matter, and that it would 
 be inopportune and presumptuous for them to express any 
 opinion on a question of so much gravity before the Church 
 had decided on it. This rejoinder being approved of by the 
 clergy present, the priest referred to saved his colleagues from 
 entering into the stormy current of disputation from which, for 
 
 M 2 
 
164 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 
 
 the better exercise of their ministry, they should endeavour to 
 keep aloof. 
 
 By some chance, the newspapers got hold of this incident, 
 which at once acquired weight from the fact that, as the parish 
 priests are the best and most active among the clergy of 
 Rome, the special diocese of the Pope, it was now apparent 
 to the world that they were, if not actually adverse, but little 
 inclined to Infallibility. The authorities immediately inter- 
 vened with all the force which, in conformity with ecclesias- 
 tical law, they could exercise upon those subject to them ; they 
 intimated to the priests that they must repair the scandal, and 
 strongly advised that an address should be framed. The parochial 
 clergy accordingly drew up a form, which though apparently 
 moderate, was to be understood by the public, who do not look 
 narrowly into such matters, as favourable to Infallibility. Every 
 one in Rome is acquainted with the history of that address. 
 Some of the clergy evidently did violence to their own convic- 
 tions ; for as Infallibility was not yet declared, they were by 
 no means bound to accept it from the duty of submission, but 
 according to certain Ultramontane notions of discipline, authority 
 has a conscience for all. This substitution of the dictates of an ex- 
 ternal authority for those of the individual conscience in all cases, 
 is one of the chief causes of the evils that disturb Catholicism. 
 
 7. The Jesuits had originally brought forward the question 
 of Infallibility in the month of February, when no one in the 
 world was thinking of it, by their celebrated article in the 
 Civilta Cattolica, and now they adduced the fact of its dis- 
 cussion as a reason for its proclamation. The case of the 
 parish priests was just the same ; one of them proposed an 
 address, a word which implies liberty and spontaneous action, 
 but these characteristics are removed by the fact of the proposal, 
 which is then used as an argument for the project being carried 
 out, and so alternately a necessity is created and the desired 
 advantage is taken of it. What will be the judgment of pos- 
 terity on this phase of ecclesiastical history ? what will be the 
 opinion of those who view it with unprejudiced minds and full 
 knowledge of the accompanying circumstances ? 
 
 8. If very little forbearance is shown by Rome in the pursuit 
 of her wishes, equally little is shown in her conduct when 
 
May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 165 
 
 those wishes are attained, and it almost seemed as if she were 
 unwilling to leave those who voted for Infallibility under the 
 slightest delusion as to the consequences that might follow. 
 Although this prerogative is not supposed to extend beyond 
 certain conditions, and to be exercised on certain matters only, 
 yet it must inevitably add weight to the ordinary judgments 
 of the individual invested with such virtue, and be reflected 
 involuntarily in all his actions. 
 
 The news of the " Pronunciamento " in Portugal, by which 
 the Duke of Saldanha had imposed by force on his King a new 
 administration, of which he himself was the head, reached Rome 
 about this time. " Pronunciamenti " are the worst form of 
 revolution, because they disturb the highest expression of order, 
 and violate the faith that binds soldiers to their flag. As soon 
 as the news was received, the Pope paid a visit to the national 
 Church of the Portuguese, and the same evening the Osservatore 
 Romano announced the fact, and said that the Pope wished to 
 inspect the restorations made in the Portuguese Church by order 
 of the Duke of Saldanha when ambassador in Rome. The 
 coincidence afforded ground for the belief that the Pope had 
 hastened to give the Duke of Saldanha the only mark of appro- 
 bation in his power, the rather that the Duke is of the clerical 
 party, and on taking office had found some pretext for an 
 assumed quarrel with the Italian Minister. 
 
 The effect of this conduct, whether intentional or fortuitous on 
 the part of the Pope, was felt by all ; and the thoughts of those 
 who remembered the 16th of November, 1848, went back to 
 the moment in which he had found himself in the very same 
 condition as that in which the Duke of Saldanha had placed his 
 Sovereign, forced by violence to receive a minister from the 
 rebels who directed their arms against his own palace ! Such 
 persons wondered that the Pope, having been placed in that 
 situation, did not perceive how dangerous might be even the 
 mistaken presumption that his high sanction in any degree 
 palliated acts of violence, or tended to render them familiar to 
 the multitude, who are not all Excellencies like the Duke of 
 Saldanha. 
 
 9. With these and similar events which, without adhering 
 strictly to chronological order, I have brought together, as illus- 
 
166 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 
 
 trating popular feeling, the work went on with the greatest 
 activity and energy, June being fixed for the proclamation of 
 Infallibility, as the feast of St. Peter and the anniversary of the 
 Pope's accession are both celebrated in that month. We shall 
 now see that the restless and imperious wishes of the majority 
 were doomed to disappointment in carrying out this design, as 
 they were in many other things. 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 167 
 
 JUNE. 
 
 I.— CLOSE OF THE GENEEAL DISCUSSION. 
 
 1. Close of the general discussion on the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. Speech of 
 Monsignor Maret. — 3. New protests. — 4. Proposal for secret voting. — 5. Re- 
 sistance to be kept up to the last. — G. Feast of Pentecost. — 7. Objections to 
 proposal of the Archbishop of Malines. 
 
 1. The congregations of June opened with an act which, 
 though unexpected at the moment, was yet the legitimate 
 consequence of the events we have described, and which will 
 greatly influence the judgment, not only of the present day, 
 but of future ages, on the Vatican Council, namely, the con- 
 clusion of the general debate on the scheme "De Ecclesia." 
 It will be remembered that an article was inserted in the 
 new Order, by which the power of proposing to vote the close 
 of a debate was vested in any ten bishops. This proviso had 
 caused great displeasure, for every one was aware that the 
 legates, who could always be sure of inducing the majority to 
 vote the closing, could with still greater certainty reckon on 
 finding ten bishops to make the proposition. In fact, the article 
 was considered as one of the means employed to crush and 
 subdue the minority. The new Order on its first appearance 
 had caused a great disturbance, but seemed to superficial observers 
 to have now dropped into oblivion, those even who framed it 
 making very little use of it ; but when once its application 
 seemed desirable, as in the present case, it reappeared in full 
 force, and was employed with the utmost severity. The great 
 numbers of orators inscribed for the scheme " De Ecclesia," the 
 advance of the hot season, and the excitement manifested in the 
 assembly, were the reasons for again applying the Order with 
 much vigour, so as to bring about the results intended. On the 
 28th of May, the Bishops of Granvaradino, of Ratisbon, of 
 
168 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [June. 
 
 Savanah, and others, had spoken strongly in favour of the Op- 
 position ; indeed the Bishop of Savanah said that it was sacri- 
 lege to make innovations in the Church, and to introduce the 
 doctrine of the personal Infallibility of the Pope. The majority 
 could not brook the application of the word sacrilege to their 
 long-sought and cherished ideal ; the Presidents Capalti and 
 De Angelis quite lost their temper, and a scene of anger and 
 excitement ensued, very similar to that which occurred in March. 
 The majority, confident in their own strength, then resolved 
 to close the debate, and carried their intention into effect at the 
 second Congregation, on June 3rd. On that occasion, towards 
 the end of the sitting and without any suspicion on the part of 
 most of the Fathers present, the legates produced a petition, 
 signed by many bishops, praying that the debate should be closed, 
 and immediately, without postponing the decision to the next 
 meeting, the question was in procinctu — put to the vote by rising 
 and sitting. There was a large majority in its favour, and the 
 legates then announced that the general debate on the scheme 
 " De Ecclesia " was ended. 
 
 2. The minority were painfully surprised at this proceeding, 
 the more so as Strossmayer had spoken at the preceding meeting 
 of June 1st with greater calmness and moderation than usual, 
 pointing out that the reason of the continued opposition on his 
 own part and that of his colleagues, was the serious considera- 
 tion of the belief of their flocks, who would never accept the 
 dogma of Infallibility. The Opposition had remained calm, 
 even though Valerga, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, one 
 of the most ardent Infallibilists, had made a speech inveighing 
 against them in unmeasured language, but their only reward 
 was the unexpected closing of the debate by the presidents. 
 Circumstances, in themselves unimportant, sometimes greatly 
 change or aggravate the impression produced by an event. In 
 the Congregation of June 3rd, the Fathers, unaware that the 
 debate was to be stopped, had continued to speak as on former 
 occasions, and the Bishop of Sens, Monsignor Maret, who had 
 inaugurated the work of Opposition in France by the publication 
 of his book on the Council, had made a long address. 
 
 He tried to make the assembly understand, that to render the 
 personal Infallibility of the Pope co-existent with the Infalli- 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 169 
 
 bility of the Church would be to introduce into the Catholic 
 faith a new mystery, similar to that of the Trinity, a dogma 
 teaching two Infallibilities in one. As he continued to dilate 
 on this subject, he was stopped, and told to desist. Being rather 
 deaf, he did not at once hear the command ; but when he became 
 aware of it, said, with dignity and energy, that his conscience 
 and sense of honour impelled him to complete his speech, and 
 he did so. A North American bishop, who then took up the 
 question on practical grounds, and declared that the dogma was 
 repugnant to his countrymen, and would prove a serious obstacle 
 to the conversion of Protestants in America, was also subjected 
 to the like treatment. And thus the close of the general 
 debate on the scheme was brought about, the president an- 
 nouncing that at the next meeting on Whit-Monday, par- 
 ticular points, such as the Primacy, Infallibility, &c., would 
 come under discussion. 
 
 3. The Opposition were much irritated by this new blow (as 
 they considered it) on the part of the majority, this fresh 
 attempt to urge them on to the hated declaration, and began 
 seriously to consider what course they should adopt. Their 
 several leaders held a meeting at once, and many opinions 
 were circulated. Some advised an immediate departure from 
 Rome ; others, new protests ; others, a line of abstention 
 and indifference henceforward to all proceedings in the Council 
 up to the day of voting, on which occasion they might once 
 for all give openly and definitively the answer " Non placet." 
 
 The latter alternative involved a contradiction, for such 
 indifference implied a refusal to recognise the validity of the 
 Council, which would have been the only legitimate ground 
 for disregarding its proceedings, and then, how was it possible 
 to give even a negative vote in a Council possessed of no 
 authority whatever ? So great was the prevailing irritation, that 
 some began to speculate on the course to be followed outside the 
 Council, and when it was ended, alluding thereby to the resist- 
 ance which might be manifested towards the Church of Rome. 
 
 As usually happens on such occasions, after the first explosion 
 of wrath, the line of action adopted was a combination of all 
 the plans that had been proposed. A strong protest against the 
 closing of the debate, signed by about ninety bishops, was drawn 
 
170 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 up, and presented to the Pope. Meantime, some of the Opposi- 
 tion relaxed their attendance at the Congregations, and others 
 took a short holiday under the pretext of visiting Naples or 
 other neighbouring localities. Some of them were refused pass- 
 ports on applying for them at the office of the Secretary of 
 State ; but being for the most part foreigners, they could dis- 
 pense with them, and travelled none the worse, meeting with no 
 difficulties. 
 
 4. Among the many plans hatching in the heated minds of 
 the Opposition was a petition that the vote on the delicate and 
 anxious question of Infallibility should be secret, so as to relieve 
 the sense of responsibility which would weigh heavily on many 
 persons, and restore to them the moral liberty which they would 
 be deprived of, in feeling that they were deciding the prerogative 
 of the Pope, under his very eyes. The petition was drawn up, 
 and obtained about eighty signatures. Its object was evident, 
 and had it been successful it would have greatly assisted the 
 Opposition, although no real difference in the final result could 
 be expected. Owing to the general disregard of all the petitions 
 and protests hitherto made by the minority, it was hardly pro- 
 bable that this request for an essential change in the arrange- 
 ments of the Council would be granted, especially on account 
 of its aim, and the occasion for which the favour was asked — the 
 very moment of reaching the long wished for conclusion of the 
 struggle. 
 
 5. The Opposition now numbered about 130, their body 
 having increased rather than diminished since the opening of 
 the Council, and they used every means in their power of pro- 
 testing against the famous dogma. They did not quite agree 
 among themselves on the matter, some deeming the time unsuit- 
 able for a declaration of Infallibility, though not averse to it in 
 itself, and others being opposed to the substance of the dogma. 
 This discrepancy, though not formidable in itself, as very often 
 the belief of the first was only a milder and more practicable 
 expression of the opinions of the second, was yet a serious 
 hindrance to combined action ; as the first were logically unable 
 to combat the ideas of the majority with energy and success. 
 Moreover, on account of the natural weakening of the individual 
 will usually found among priests, it was impossible to tell how 
 
Juke.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 171 
 
 many of the 130 in opposition would resist to the end, and dare 
 to say " Non placet " at the public Session. 
 
 This was the root of the matter, on this depended the future 
 of Catholicism, not so much on the convictions already shown, 
 as on constancy in manifesting them, and maintaining them to 
 the end. There was certainly every hope that as the opinions 
 of the minority had been clearly made known (though without 
 any official demonstration), the majority would be obliged to 
 recognise them, for fear of losing in authority before the im- 
 partial tribunal of posterity all that by energetic and summary 
 means they had gained in power with the view of overcoming 
 and subduing their opponents. 
 
 6. Whitsuntide was approaching, and the Cardinal- Vicar 
 ordered its celebration with special pomp. On Whit-Monday 
 the whole Council, headed by the Pope, descended in solemn 
 procession from the Sistine Chapel to the Church of St. Peter, 
 to invoke the Holy Spirit. During the octave all the religious 
 bodies in Rome went round the city in procession, imploring 
 His aid — a proceeding which gave rise to a profane joke, 
 with reference to the black habits of the monks, and the 
 representation that they carried of the Holy Spirit, — that He 
 would be rather driven away than attracted by such a cloud of 
 wandering crows. The most singular among these processions 
 was one comprising all the Jesuits in Rome, who very seldom 
 manifest their numbers to the world at large. 
 
 7. Notwithstanding these demonstrations, the tenacious resist- 
 ance of the Opposition caused considerable apprehension to the 
 majority, who again tried to find some means of dividing and 
 weakening them, the more thoughtful endeavouring to put forth 
 a formula which might win over some of their opponents. But 
 in this attempt, as often happens, the majority, instead of dividing 
 their opponents, were very nearly divided themselves. The 
 Archbishop of Malines, being opposed to all compromise, and 
 dubious of the success of the means hitherto employed, proposed, 
 instead, another formula, which should declare the whole of the 
 Opposition excommunicate and out of the Church, and should 
 anathematise all who held that the bishops shared the supreme 
 authority vested in the Church ; and as this was a favourite 
 doctrine of the Opposition, it followed that the whole of their 
 
172 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 number were consequently excommunicate. It seems that Man- 
 ning shared the opinions of the Archbishop of Malines ; but 
 Monsignor Pie, Bishop of Poitiers, the same who had opened 
 the debate with a speech on the decapitation of St. Paul, was of 
 a contrary opinion, and refused to give his sanction to the 
 summary decapitation of the episcopate. The bishops of the 
 majority were divided on the matter, and this divergence threat- 
 ened for a time to become serious, as there were said to be dis- 
 sensions even among the legates. The firm conduct of Maret 
 proved of great value in this conjecture. He declared to the 
 Archbishop of Malines that as the proposal in question was in 
 odium of himself and his colleagues, he should oppose it to the 
 last by every means in his power. 
 
 The exorbitant nature of such a plan became apparent at 
 length even to the Archbishop of Malines, and being warned by 
 Maret of the results if he persisted in his intention, he finally 
 withdrew the proposal himself, and no further mention was 
 made of it. 
 
 In its place it seems that the majority agreed on another 
 formula, to be issued at once. The details were not known as 
 yet, but it was to admit of no concession to the wishes of the 
 minority. This again was an innovation in the proceedings of 
 the Council, for it implied the right of the presidents to substi- 
 tute for documents already proposed, new ones which were 
 without legal sanction, and were beyond Conciliar action. This 
 familiar treatment of controversial matters took away a certain 
 regularity, and consequently a certain security, from the debate. 
 It was first adopted on discussing the introduction of the scheme 
 " De Fide," and was substituted in various cases for the prudent 
 traditions hitherto followed in conducting the business of the 
 Council. 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 173 
 
 II.— SUMMARY OF THE QUESTION OF INFALLIBILITY. 
 
 1. Summary of the question. — 2. The scheme " De Ecclesia " is reduced. — 
 3. First and second chapters. — 4. Third chapter, and its quotation from St. 
 Gregory the Great. — 5. Doctrines of the scheme " De Primatu." — 6. The time 
 for presenting observations upon personal Infallibility limited to ten days. — 
 7. Text inserted in the first draft of " De Ecclesia." — 8. No special Canon for 
 Infallibility. 
 
 1. Before the new formula appears, and while sub judice lis 
 est, we will take a retrospective view of the whole subject, 
 and consider all the documents which had hitherto appeared, 
 as well as the present state of the question while its ultimate 
 decision was still pending. Every one will remember what 
 was said in the first scheme "De Ecclesia," which contained 
 the famous Canons published in the Augsburg Gazette, and the 
 sudden appearance of the declaration of Infallibility, under the 
 form of an adjunct to the scheme " De Ecclesia," which was 
 supported by many of the bishops, and caused such dismay to the 
 Opposition in the month of March. The indignation excited 
 by that surprise somewhat cooled the enthusiasm of its authors, 
 or rather induced them to let the tempest pass over before they 
 proceeded any further. The scheme, with its Appendix, dis- 
 appeared in the dark recesses of the Secretary's office, and the 
 scheme " De Fide " occupied public attention. When the pre- 
 vailing agitation had calmed down with the reproduction of the 
 scheme " De Fide " and " De parvo Catechismo," the scheme 
 " De Ecclesia " reappeared modified, as circumstances required. 
 In this process Infallibility had lost its character of a simple " pos- 
 tulatum," and had become an integral part of the scheme before 
 the assembly had considered the matter. The object of the first 
 appearance of the question in March was now apparent. It was 
 plain that the Pope's part in the proposals submitted to the 
 Council was of so direct a character that he could not spon- 
 taneously, and by his own initiative, embody in them the de- 
 mand for the declaration of his own Infallibility, and therefore 
 for the moment he was obliged to let it appear to emanate 
 from the bishops. Neither could it be left isolated in a form 
 which would give it less weight in the eyes of those in the 
 assembly, who were accustomed to strict ecclesiastical discipline, 
 
174 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 than it would possess if formally incorporated into the scheme 
 itself; and therefore after its first appearance, Infallibility was 
 inserted in the scheme from whence its authors had resolved that 
 it should only emerge to become a dogma for the whole Church. 
 
 2. At the same time they sacrificed great part of the scheme 
 " De Ecclesia," as they had part of that " De Fide," in deference 
 to the remonstrances of diplomacy on the Canons regulating the 
 connection between Church and State, thinking very justly that 
 Infallibility virtually contained them all. Under these conditions 
 the scheme that we mentioned last month, " Constitutio Dog- 
 matica Prima de Ecclesia Christi " appeared in four chapters and 
 three Canons, many fewer than those contained in the first draft. 
 
 3. In the first chapter, under the title " De Apostolici Pri- 
 matus in Beato Petro Institutione," was contained the declaration 
 of the primacy of St. Peter over the whole Church. In the 
 second, " De Perpetuitate Primatus Petri in Romanis Pontifi- 
 cibus," is asserted the perpetual and uninterrupted continuation 
 of that primacy in the bishops of Rome as successors of St. Peter 
 in the Church he founded. In the third chapter, entitled, " De 
 Vi et Ratione Primatus Romani Pontificis," are enumerated and 
 described the effects of this primacy, and here commences the 
 apotheosis of the Pope, terminating in the last chapter with 
 personal Infallibility. 
 
 4. The third chapter affirms the supreme jurisdiction, ordinary 
 and immediate, of the Pope, over all churches singly and col- 
 lectively, over the pastors as well as the flocks ; from which 
 doctrine it follows that bishops, in exercising any jurisdiction, 
 or authority, only do so as official delegates of the Pope. 
 
 It seems that, conscious of this logical inference, the compilers 
 of the scheme tried to avoid it, and to defend themselves from 
 the imputation of seeking to lessen the jurisdiction of the 
 bishops ; but in this endeavour, instead of exculpating them- 
 selves, they really admit the charge. The scheme cites the 
 words of St. Gregory the Great, in a letter to Eulagius, 
 Bishop of Alexandria, " Turn vero ego honoratus sum cum 
 singulis quisquis honor debitus non negatur." But these 
 words are contained in the following passage, with reference 
 to the title of Universal Apostle assumed by the Patriarch 
 of Constantinople. " Non dixi nee mihi vos nee cuiquam 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 175 
 
 alteri tale aliquid scribere debere ; et ecce in praefatione 
 epistolae quam ad me ipsum qui prohibui direxistis superbae 
 appellationis verbum universalem me Papam dicentes impri- 
 mere curastis. Quod peto dulcissima mihi Sanctitas vestra 
 ultra non faciat, quia vobis subtrahitur quod alteri plus quam 
 ratio exigit praebetur. Ego enim non verbis quaero prosperari 
 sed moribus. Nee honorem esse reputo in quo fratres meos 
 honorem meum perdere cognosce Meus namque honor est 
 honor Universalis Ecclesiae. Meus honor est fratrum solidus 
 vigor. Turn vero ego honoratus sum cum singulis quisque honor 
 debitus non negatur. Si enim universalem me Papam vestra 
 Sanctitas dicit negat se hoc esse quod me fatetur universum." 
 
 When the whole quotation is given the words bear a much 
 clearer and more extended application. The extraction 
 of one phrase only, omitting the rest of the passage, in- 
 dicates a wish to restrict its real meaning. In a series of 
 letters on the pretensions of the Patriarch of Constantinople, 
 St. Gregory the Great speaks yet more clearly and decidedly. 
 In writing to Eulagius of Alexandria on the matter,* he alludes 
 to the fact that the title of Universality was offered to the See of 
 Rome by the Council of Chalcedon, and says, " Sed nullus un- 
 quam decessorum meorum hoc tam profano vocabulo uti con- 
 sensit, quia videlicet si unus Patriarca universalis dicitur Pa- 
 triarcarum nomen caeteris derogatur. Sed absit hoc, absit a 
 christiani mente id sibi velle quempiam arripere unde fratrum, 
 suorum honorem imminuere in quantulacumque parte videatur." 
 
 In another letter to the Emperor Maurice,f on the same sub- 
 ject, he says, " Si igitur illud nomen in ea Ecclesia sibi quisque 
 arripuit, quod apud bonorum omnium judicium fuit, uni versa 
 ergo Ecclesia quod absit, a statu suo corruit quando is qui 
 appellatur universalis cadit." And, after strongly reprobating 
 the idea of universal supremacy being vested in one See, he says 
 that the Church of Rome declined the offer, " Ne dum privatim 
 aliquid daretur uni honore debito sacerdotes privarentur uni- 
 versi." In another letter to the Emperor,! his words on this 
 matter are still stronger. From all these passages, taken in full, 
 it is very clear what St. Gregory meant by " honor debitus ; " 
 but in the scheme which has so isolated and, I might almost say, 
 
 * Lib. vii. cap. xxx. f Lib. iv. cap. xxxvi. t Lib. iv. cap. xxxii. 
 
176 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Juke. 
 
 retrenched them, what signification do they bear ? The scheme 
 itself does not explain the meaning, and only touches on it later 
 in the fourth paragraph, where it vehemently condemns those 
 who oppose the legitimate jurisdiction of the Pope over the 
 bishops, or place any obstacle between them. The limits of 
 this jurisdiction are explained and defined in the third chapter. 
 
 In the fourth paragraph, the scheme has two aims ; that of 
 distinctly affirming the unlimited jurisdiction of the bishops, 
 and of defending it against all lay interference, renewing the 
 old protests against the " Exequatur," the " Placet," and all 
 other lay rights, which it collectively denounces and condemns. 
 
 5. Up to this point some power was left to the Episcopate, 
 and there was still a considerable step to be made before reaching 
 an absolute system of arbitrary power in the Church. Kings 
 enjoy supreme jurisdiction, particularly when they are absolute 
 monarchs, but even they must recognise the possibility of being 
 in error. 
 
 There is always a great difference, and especially in the 
 Church, in the jurisdiction which deals with facts, and legisla- 
 tion which regards principles. If the primacy be held in the 
 full significance given it by Rome, the Pope can order and dis- 
 pose matters at will, he is, in fact, omnipotent, while the epis- 
 copate does not as a body interfere with him ; and the Pope 
 can exercise full power, or even it may be dictatorship, while 
 the Church, which is the depositary of the highest authority, 
 does not meet in the most solemn manner and take measures to 
 reassert and exercise it. This was precisely the point on which 
 arose the different opinion and pretensions of the " Curiali 
 Romani," and their supporters, and the resistance of particular 
 schools and churches, which had hitherto been respected, and 
 had succeeded in keeping the matter unsettled and open to 
 discussion. 
 
 In the fourth paragraph of this chapter, before mentioning 
 Infallibility, the scheme declares that no authority above that of 
 the Pope exists in the Church ; that there is no appeal from his 
 judgment ; that he can never be judged by any one, or in any 
 case ; and lastly, it formally condemns any who should pre- 
 sume to appeal from the decision of the Pope to that of an 
 Ecumenical Council. The reason of this last condemnation 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 177 
 
 does not proceed, as might be supposed, from prudence, and 
 from the necessity of not allowing the judgment of an ordinary 
 authority to be eluded, by transferring the cause to an uncertain 
 and prospective Council, thereby upsetting ecclesiastical discip- 
 line ; but it proceeds absolutely from the principle asserted by 
 the scheme, that the authority of the Church, even when united 
 with that of the Pope, is not superior to the authority of the 
 Pope alone. 
 
 6. From a practical point of view, the declaration of Infalli- 
 bility could add nothing to the weight of this paragraph, because, 
 if the Pope is raised above human judgment, whatever conse- 
 quences may ensue to the Church, he is, in fact, Infallible. But 
 absolute ideas are seldom satisfied with asserting and re-asserting 
 their own principles ; and so, in the fourth chapter, under the 
 heading, "De Romani Pontificis Infallibilitate," the Pope is 
 specifically declared not only supreme judge, but supreme and 
 Infallible ruler. The first petition for Infallibility, drawn up in 
 March, after quoting the text on which the Roman primacy is 
 founded, " Thou art Peter," &c, and the other, on which the 
 present dogma is built up, " I have prayed for thee, that thy faith 
 fail not," asserted that the Pope — " errare non possit " — in de- 
 ciding questions of faith and morals ; and added, that the object 
 of this Infallibility is the same as that to which the Infalli- 
 bility of the Church extends. The document concluded with 
 a monitum, limiting to ten days the time allowed to the bishops 
 for presenting their observations. This was a fresh and excep- 
 tional restriction, which went beyond those introduced by the 
 new Order. This clause — by which a small body of persons 
 endeavoured to impose the brief space of ten days on the supreme 
 assembly of the united Church, as the limit of time in which 
 they should decide on a very grave matter, that of giving a 
 perpetual vote of confidence to the person of the Pope, and 
 of rendering his authority absolutely unlimited — this clause 
 may be some day regretted by those who framed it. It re- 
 mains as a testimony to the pressure they exercised in order 
 to carry it, and will lessen the belief in their wisdom, not only' 
 in the minds of philosophers and of men of intelligence and 
 energy, but also in the minds of moderate Christians capable of 
 reasoning on the future. 
 
 N 
 
178 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 7. The new text which was inserted in the Constitution " De 
 Ecclesia Christi," recently published, gave as nearly as possible 
 the same definition of the personal Infallibility of the Pope, only 
 in a still more explicit form. It asserts that the acceptance of all 
 his decisions in questions of faith and morals is obligatory, and 
 reiterates even more strongly than the first text, that the same 
 Infallibility is inherent in the Church and in the Pope, and 
 applies in both to the same object. This was the declaration 
 which gave rise to Maret's remark on the analogy created by 
 its incomprehensible nature, between the new dogma and the 
 mystery of the Trinity. 
 
 8. Both the schemes conclude by saying that he who (quod 
 Deus avertai) contradicts this declaration, falls into error, and 
 separates himself from the truth and unity of the Catholic 
 Church. There is no Canon on Infallibility in either of the 
 schemes. The three Canons of " De Ecclesia " answer to the 
 three first chapters, namely, the Primacy of St. Peter, its per- 
 petuity in his successors, and the supreme jurisdiction that flows 
 from it ; but the chapter on Infallibility contains merely the 
 doctrinal matter, and in neither text is there a special Canon. 
 All, therefore, which the resistance of so many bishops and 
 Catholics to the dogma of Infallibility had been able to extract 
 from the Vatican was that it should not be compiled in the 
 form of a Canon, or have an anathema literally coupled with 
 it. This is a distinction which may not be evident even to 
 acute and elevated minds, but it has great significance in the 
 obscure and subtle reasoning introduced into the Church of 
 Rome by the Greek influences, which were prevalent at its 
 first formation. 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 179 
 
 III.— DEBATE ON INFALLIBILITY. 
 
 1. Prognostications and state of parties. — 2. Processions, prayers, and addresses. 
 — 3. Opening of the debate on Infallibility. — 4. Approach of summer. — 
 5. Speech of the Pope on the Festival of Corpus Domini. — 6. The fight begins. 
 — 7. History of the question of Infallibility.— 8. The same. — 9. The same. — 
 10. Continuation and ending. — 11. Speech of Cardinal Guidi. — 12. Speech of 
 Valerga. — 13. Speech of the Archbishop of Osimo. — 14. Predictions. — 15. A 
 third party. — 16. The Opposition pray for a prorogation of the Council. 
 
 1. All parties now looked eagerly for the promised formula, 
 the plan of reconciliation which should emanate from the 
 majority. Time wore on ; it was already the middle of June ; 
 the feast of St. Peter, the date fixed by the Infallibilists for the 
 promulgation of the new dogma was at hand, and the greatest 
 anxiety was felt on both sides. Meanwhile as motus in fine 
 velocior all sorts of conjectures were rife, especially with regard 
 to the character of the formula, so long desired, and so much 
 delayed, as well as the particular shade of Infallibilist opinion 
 that would prevail in it. The general impression was, that 
 coming from the majority it would be very absolute in tone, 
 and would contain the most extreme Ultramontane opinions, 
 hardly concealed, with the view of gaining over some few of the 
 minority, and that it would insist on an unqualified declaration 
 of Infallibility. The Opposition, on their part, had considered 
 the expediency of putting forth a formula, by which both sides 
 might come to an understanding, and Sant Antonio, Bishop of 
 Florence, had suggested one which should affirm the Infallibility 
 of the Pope, whenever he speaks with the advice of the epis- 
 copate and the assent of the Universal Church. All these 
 movements were, however, more apparent than real, the actual 
 state of the case being such as we have described. The majority 
 declared, with more reason than was evident at the moment, 
 that they could carry their measures in despite of the minority, 
 while the minority thought themselves secure of from eighty to 
 one hundred and thirty votes, to keep up the Opposition. Many, 
 however, doubted that such a number would be found willing to 
 pronounce the " Non placet," which must necessarily be given, 
 not only in the private Congregations, but before the Pope at the 
 last public Session ; such people could not but see that it would 
 
 N 2 
 
180 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [June. 
 
 be a very difficult, if not an impossible matter to force the defi- 
 nitive promulgation of a dogma so disputed, while still opposed 
 by such a number of Fathers as must (even if diminished) be 
 considerable, and acquire great importance from the antecedents 
 of the discussion, and the state of popular feeling. The minority, 
 therefore, strained every nerve to hold back the majority, threaten- 
 ing them with a large number of adverse votes, while the majority 
 retorted, asserting their firm resolution to carry out their inten- 
 tions. Whichever party could first discover the weakness of the 
 other seemed sure of victory, and as the means of authority and 
 influence were all in the hands of the majority, it was likely 
 that they would succeed in dividing, if not crushing, the 
 minority, or would find some less dangerous way of oppressing 
 them. 
 
 2. The Catholic party used all possible measures for bringing 
 about this result, and attempted by public prayers and proces- 
 sions, in Rome and other places, to arouse the religious feelings 
 of the people on the matter. The episode described in the 
 month of May, regarding the parish priests, was utilised as a 
 good example ; their address was the first of a series of addresses 
 imploring the declaration of Infallibility, obtained from the 
 collegiate and religious bodies in the city, and even from the 
 Roman University. In order to procure the greatest possible 
 number of clerical assents, individual priests were invited to 
 subscribe for the celebration of masses in favour of Infalli- 
 bility, and to devote the alms collected to the " Obolo di 
 San Pietro." All the demonstrations employed since the year 
 '60 in furtherance of the temporal power were now renewed 
 in favour of Infallibility. Religious enthusiasm was excited 
 on all sides in favour of the new dogma ; enticement and 
 blandishments were tried on those who were independent, and 
 very direct means of influence were brought to bear on the many 
 in Rome — who, being in some way or other dependent on the 
 Curia, are especially interested in finding it infallible — at the 
 beginning of every month. Addresses were circulated in the 
 country, where they had been hitherto strictly prohibited under 
 heavy penalties ; the people (though far from possessing sovereign 
 power) were canvassed for a plebiscite ; and owing to the state 
 of fervid agitation which prevailed, anecdotes were circulated 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 181 
 
 which would sometimes have been comical, were it not that they 
 might soon give place to something of a sad and serious 
 character. 
 
 3. The partial discussion on the different chapters proceeded 
 rapidly, as many bishops pretended to consider it of slight 
 importance : towards the middle of June the three first were 
 gone through ; and on Wednesday, the 15th, the debate on Infal- 
 libility, the subject of the fourth chapter began. Eighty persons 
 were prepared to speak, and as the discussion would thus inevit- 
 ably extend beyond the feast of St. Peter, the majority were 
 disappointed in their expectation of carrying the declaration 
 of the dogma on that solemn festival. In fact, St. Peter's Day 
 was so near, that even had the majority tried to bring the debate 
 to a close by such another stroke (as they had employed on 
 previous occasions), they had no time left to benefit by their 
 success. That festival once passed, and the long, burning Roman 
 summer begun, there seemed to be no special day which could 
 afford a pretext for bringing the debate to a close, for undoubtedly 
 recurring anniversaries exercise considerable influence in ancient 
 establishments. Although the declaration of Infallibility, a 
 dogma on which the fate of Christianity depended, was so im- 
 portant a matter, that no limit could be assigned to its con- 
 sideration, some people deemed it necessary that the declaration 
 should take place on a great festival, such as that of St. Peter, 
 for if the devout public had learnt on an ordinary week-day 
 that the Pope was Infallible, it seems that they would hardly 
 have appreciated the fact, and therefore the triumph of the 
 supporters of the dogma would have been incomplete. 
 
 4. The programme of the Opposition appeared well arranged, 
 for it was likely that the slackness in the work of the Council 
 might end in a prorogation, on account of the heat of summer, 
 and thus they would be saved from the otherwise inevitable 
 shipwreck that awaited them. But, as will be seen, this 
 reckoning did not suit the other side. Every one felt the 
 gravity of the situation, and consequently the new move on the 
 part of the majority gave rise to all sorts of conjectures, and 
 people wondered what effect would under these circumstances 
 be produced on the Council by the trying and unhealthy 
 season now fast approaching — would it overpower the Oppo- 
 
182 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Juke. 
 
 sition or discourage the majority? The issue must soon be 
 apparent, but though all the advantages appeared to be on the 
 side of the majority, this fact was against them, that notwith- 
 standing all which had been done in the six months the Council 
 had been sitting, its deliberations had produced no definite 
 results. 
 
 5. On Thursday, being the feast of Corpus Christi, no con- 
 gregation was held, nor was there any on Friday, on account of 
 the anniversary of the Pope's election. On the latter day it is 
 customary for the Sacred College to offer their congratulations 
 to the Pope through the Cardinal- Vicar, after the religious 
 service is completed, and on this occasion their address was full 
 of allusions to Infallibility, with prayers for its speedy defini- 
 tion, and of good wishes for the extension of the Pope's reign 
 even beyond the years of St. Peter's. 
 
 The Pope displayed great dexterity in his answer ; he avoided 
 the open acknowledgment of the honour paid to him, but 
 alluding to the bishops now assembled in Rome, he divided 
 them into three classes. He said the first (the Opposition) were 
 worldly, and cared more for popularity than for the truth, and 
 prayed for their illumination. The second class, he said, were 
 uncertain, and for them he implored decision from heaven. 
 On the third (the Infallibilists) who were walking in the paths 
 of the Lord, he simply bestowed his benediction. These judg- 
 ments appeared, at the least, premature, for if one part were 
 already condemned, what was the use of prolonging the dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 6. The sittings were resumed on Saturday, June 18th, when 
 it was expected that the third chapter would be finally voted, 
 but instead of that, the debate on Infallibility was opened. It 
 was a memorable day, for it witnessed the commencement 
 of the final combat in which (though pretty well settled by what 
 had preceded) was to be irrevocably decided the fate of the 
 Catholic Church, the most serious struggle in which she had 
 ever been engaged, for it brought her into opposition with the 
 institutions and civil society of the age. We have now arrived 
 at the knot of the question which agitated the Vatican Council, 
 a critical and decisive question, on which depended the consti- 
 tution of the Catholic Church, and before proceeding further we 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 183 
 
 will turn back and consider briefly the history of the doctrine of 
 Infallibility up to the present time. 
 
 7. The growth of the Papacy has been gradual ; it began 
 with the application of our Lord's words to St. Peter to his 
 successors, the Bishops of Rome, and, being strengthened by 
 the transfer of the seat of government brought about by Gon- 
 stantine, it naturally increased, as containing within itself the 
 first principles of unlimited power, which were fostered by the 
 growing favour of successive ages, and furthered by the wonder- 
 ful talent and virtue of such men as Gregory VII., Innocent III., 
 and Boniface VIII. The Church in general was occupied in 
 the task of her own organisation, and in the laborious develop- 
 ment of new forms of Christian life ; and though she had on 
 many occasions acknowledged the primacy of the See of Rome, 
 she had never had the opportunity nor felt the need of deter- 
 mining a priori the character and conditions of their mutual 
 relations, which varied according to circumstances, and were 
 never made the subject of discussion, or accurately defined until 
 the ninth century, when the study of Canon law sprang into 
 existence. It was then that the jurists, seizing on the fact of 
 the acknowledged primacy of the Roman See, constructed the 
 syllogism which, with the aid of logic and dialectics (both 
 powerful instruments of the intellectual movements referred to), 
 would have led long since to the final result now under discus- 
 sion but for the resistance constantly maintained by the energetic 
 and practical working of the Church herself. The school that 
 supported the theory of the unlimited power of the Pope arose 
 with the appearance of the Decretals, or the formation of Canon 
 law ; but with regard to his Infallibility, that was not included 
 in the science of law, but belonged to the region of dogma ; 
 therefore, however much the Papal school of canonists tried to 
 amplify the prerogatives of the See of Rome, declaring it uni- 
 versal, above all other authority, and subject to no control, they 
 could only open the way for Infallibility and facilitate its de- 
 claration, but could go no further. Infallibility, as a matter of 
 discussion, and as a definite opinion of the Church, only appears 
 at a. later date with the advance of theological studies. 
 
 8. The age of St. Thomas Aquinas was fertile in canonical 
 and theological controversy, and it is then that we meet with 
 
184 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [Juke. 
 
 the first mention of Infallibility as a dogma ; it was taken up 
 from that time by the Roman " Curia," and was maintained by 
 the numerous mendicant orders who constitute the special 
 defenders of Roman doctrine ; but even in those days it was re- 
 sisted by many, and its nature was not accurately determined by 
 its own supporters. A question had already been raised as to 
 the case of a Pope falling into heresy, and the point was argued 
 whether such a one would de facto lose the Papal quality. The 
 Popes themselves carefully avoided giving any opinion on the 
 matter of Infallibility for a long time. Some, like St. Gregory 
 the Great, had declined the attribute indirectly, indeed, but most 
 warmly and repeatedly ; and even those who, like Innocent III., 
 were strongly in favour of Papal authority, had never ventured 
 on assuming such a quality. The University of Paris, the 
 earliest school of theology, and especially devoted to its study, 
 had constantly opposed the doctrine, and had inaugurated the 
 Gallican traditions, which were firmly maintained in France, 
 with varying success, until the end of the last century. The 
 jurisconsults and the canonists had indeed striven all this 
 time, unweariedly and with some degree of success, to extend 
 and enlarge the Papal authority, as is shown by the works on 
 Papal prerogative so common in the thirteenth and fourteenth 
 centuries — those of Martino di Tropau, of Tolomeo da Lucca, 
 for instance, and many others. By these means, and by the 
 increased authority acquired by the Roman See after the reigns 
 of Gregory VII. and Innocent III., the prerogatives of the Popes 
 and their Infallibility would have made rapid progress but for 
 the schism of the West, which occurred towards the end of the 
 fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century. This 
 schism, by its long duration, by its disastrous consequences, and 
 by the perplexity experienced by the faithful in witnessing the 
 proceedings of the different Popes who contended for the Chair 
 of St, Peter, gave a shock to the Papal system, and greatly dimi- 
 nished the prestige of the school which supported it to the utmost. 
 9. In this crisis, people looked for help to the intervention of 
 the episcopate, and a Council met at Pisa, whose work was not 
 really completed until the Council of Constance. This latter 
 assembly, which was convened in consequence of the great strife 
 agitating the Church, checked the advancement of the Roman 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 185 
 
 Curia, of Papal authority, and, indirectly, the progress of the 
 question of Infallibility. 
 
 The Council of Basle was held shortly after, during the 
 Pontificate of Eugenius IV., and under much the same con- 
 ditions as the Council of Constance, but was dissolved on the 
 deposition of Eugenius and the accession of Felix V., though, 
 when Eugenius was again in power, it re-assembled at Florence. 
 This time Papal authority recovered its lost prestige, owing to 
 the Council being held in Italy, to the favourable opportunity 
 now afforded for the advancement of the Pope's authority by the 
 reunion of the Latin and Greek Churches, and also on account 
 of the mistakes committed at Basle. 
 
 The formula of the Council of Florence concerning the Pope, 
 though the last hope of the Opposition at the Vatican Council, 
 seemed a great gain to the Roman Curia after the Councils of 
 Constance and of Basle, assisted its rising fortunes, and added 
 to the prestige of the Papacy. The formula was to this effect : 
 that the Pope is Vicar of Christ, Head of the Church, Father 
 and Master of all Christians, and that he is endued by God with 
 full power to rule the Church in the manner laid down by the 
 Canons and the precepts of Ecumenical Councils. Ever since 
 the Council of Constance, and especially since that of Basle, 
 the promoters of absolute authority had urged their views 
 within and without the Curia, and they became more active 
 and energetic when, in consequence of those Councils, Papal 
 authority was questioned and the dominion of the Curia 
 threatened ; in fact, we may say that Infallibility then, for the 
 first time, acquired a scholastic or scientific form. The works 
 of Cardinal Torquemada, theologian, and Master of the Sacred 
 Palaces under Eugenius IV., which are the manual of the 
 new school, appeared after the Council of Basle. They were 
 followed by the writings of Cardinal Caetano and of Cano ; 
 and up to the time of Bellarmine, Infallibilist doctrines were 
 steadily on the ascendant, though some protests against them 
 were heard, even in Italy : as, for example, in the severe words 
 addressed by St. Catherine of Siena to Gregory XL, with 
 the view of arresting the growing absolutism of Rome. Many 
 illustrious and able churchmen endeavoured to do the same, by 
 raising the influence and authority of the bishops. Sadoleto, 
 
186 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Juke. 
 
 Contarini, Caraffa, Pole, and others among the cardinals, whose 
 opinions carried much weight from their learning and high 
 position, in the famous Memorial of 1538 acknowledged the 
 necessity of placing some limit to the Pope's authority, and 
 tried to find one ; but the fate of the Catholic Church in this 
 respect was decided at the Council of Florence, where the 
 triumph of the Papal system was inaugurated, the attempt to 
 vindicate episcopal rights having failed at Basle. Torquemada 
 and his school immediately resumed their efforts to further 
 the movement towards Infallibility, which increased until its 
 theory, though never universally accepted, and always opposed, 
 was more or less explicitly admitted in the teaching and 
 opinion of the adherents of the Roman " Curia." The doc- 
 trine of Infallibility was not, however, fully admitted for three 
 centuries, as a storm far more violent than the schism of 
 the West now arose, and produced an insurmountable barrier 
 to its progress. The Roman " Curia," as often happens, 
 feeling confident of success, would not moderate its preten- 
 sions ; and from the beginning of the sixteenth century there 
 reigned a series of Popes who employed, without any re<* 
 straint, the unlimited authority, political and religious, which 
 the Curia had assured to them ; and thereby excited (especially 
 among the German races, who were of a sterner cast than others) 
 a profound reaction ; and opened the door to the religious inno- 
 vators who, for more than a century, had been agitating the 
 minds of the newly-civilised populations of Europe. 
 
 When the great crisis burst forth which rent Western Chris- 
 tendom and threatened the foundations of the Christian religion, 
 the rapid and unlooked-for success of the Reformation inter- 
 rupted all those laborious efforts which since the Council of 
 Florence had contributed greatly to further Papal ascendency 
 both in theory and in practice, and to promote the authority of 
 the Curia. The progress of the doctrine of Infallibility, which 
 had been as rapid as possible in that corrupt and heretical 
 century, was also arrested. 
 
 10. The discussion of the prerogatives of Rome was im- 
 possible at a moment when the very foundations of the Christian 
 edifice were trembling beneath the shocks of the tempest of 
 Reformation. That great event was attended by the same con- 
 
Jtokl] eight months at kome. 187 
 
 sequences as had resulted from the schism of the West ; when 
 the crisis was past and Rome had triumphed at Trent (though 
 with the loss of two flourishing countries), her one thought 
 was how best to profit by the victory, and, as in the Protestant 
 movement, the question of Papal authority was set in the front 
 rank, so also a reaction in favour of that authority was mani- 
 fested on the Catholic side. This reaction encountered but slight 
 resistance and few obstacles, for the more energetic and vigorous 
 populations had detached themselves definitively from the in- 
 terests at issue, and those who did take part in it were already 
 affected in some measure by that frivolous and sceptical spirit 
 which prepared the way for the philosophy of Voltaire, and 
 brought about a new crisis in the nineteenth century. 
 
 The famous Bull of Urban VIII., " In Ccena Domini," was 
 the most solemn manifestation of the renewed vigour of Papal 
 authority, and in it the Pope himself spoke. Boniface VIII., 
 three hundred years before, had established the primacy' of the 
 Papacy on earth in the Bull " Unam Sanctam," and now the 
 Bull " In Ccena Domini " confirmed those provisions, strongly 
 reasserted ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and affirmed the unlimited 
 power of the Pope in the Church. It is well to remark that 
 the reaction against the independence and freedom of enquiry, 
 introduced by the Reformation into Christianity, was charac- 
 terised by an affected devotion and a blind and passive obedience 
 to authority. One of the highest expressions of the tendencies 
 of that period was the formation of the Order of the Jesuits, 
 which adopted the qualities mentioned above as the rule of their 
 conduct and as the very principle of their existence. For all 
 these reasons Papal authority and the doctrine of Infallibility 
 found themselves on favourable ground. Previous to the Re- 
 formation Infallibility had borne a vague and indefinite character. 
 Torquemada and his companions had indeed striven to fix its 
 application ; but their theories had always been upset by one 
 adverse argument, the possibility of a Pope proving to be a 
 heretic. Here was a difficulty which they could not entirely 
 overcome, though they endeavoured, by every possible means, 
 to guard against it. It belongs to the character of passive 
 reaction against mental freedom, which gave birth to the Order 
 of the Jesuits, to advance the question of Infallibility, which 
 
188 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 had constantly progressed as a recoil from any independent 
 movement manifested in the Church ; and accordingly, in the 
 period of repose and lassitude which succeeded the Council 
 of Trent, the doctrine of Infallibility, with the assistance of 
 casuistry, assumed more definite shape. Though obliged to con- 
 tend with the incipient scepticism and pronounced cynicism of 
 the age, it gained ground, and by means of the numerous writings 
 and uncontested action of the Roman Curia, insinuated itself yet 
 further into the feeble belief and lax practice of the Catholic 
 populations, especially in Spain and Italy. There is, however, 
 a considerable gap between Baronius, Orsi, and the apologists of 
 that age and the present Infallibilists; and in reading the 'Annals' 
 of the famous Baronius one can hardly understand, according 
 to present ideas, how it was possible for a cardinal to use the 
 language he often adopts, in writing the history of the Papacy. 
 It remained for the storm of modern Revolution to drive into 
 the widest antagonism the workings of absolute authority in 
 opposition to those of uncontrolled license, and by the help of 
 the latter, the promoters of absolutism, who are now represented 
 by the so-called Catholic party, and led by the Jesuits (always its 
 strongest promoters) have succeeded in passing the theory of the 
 Pope's personal Infallibility in the clearest and most decided form, 
 presenting it to a Council convoked for the express purpose of 
 instituting it as a dogma of the Church on the 18th of June, 1870, 
 about nineteen centuries after the foundation of Christianity, and 
 about ten centuries after the theory had first become matter of 
 debate. 
 
 11. Five cardinals, Rauscher, Di Pietro, Bonnechose, Cullen, 
 and Guidi, spoke on the 18th. Rauscher was obliged to have 
 his speech read for him, the weakness of his voice preventing his 
 being heard : it was moderate and conciliatory, but did not 
 produce much effect. The event of the day, was the speech of 
 Cardinal Guidi, who, having begun in such a way as to please 
 the majority, ended by showing himself favourable to, if not 
 entirely in accordance with, the views of the minority. His 
 conclusion was that the Pope could not define doctrine without 
 the Council or the advice of the Church ; for there was some 
 uncertainty among his hearers as to whether his words were sine 
 consilio or sine concilio Ecclesice. 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 189 
 
 He was so led on by his own eloquence, that in the peroration 
 he passed the limits he had originally fixed, and proposed a 
 Canon which should contain an anathema against all who hold 
 that the Popes could define doctrine without the advice of the 
 Church. According to this, the Pope himself was in some peril 
 of being condemned as having several times distinctly professed 
 his belief in Infallibility. 
 
 The effect of this speech was like that of a sudden thunder-clap 
 in a cloudless sky. A Roman Cardinal actually the first, the only 
 one, to side openly with the minority ! If a shell had exploded 
 amongst the majority, it could hardly have excited more commo- 
 tion. The Infallibilist Fathers were much perturbed, and turned 
 to Cardinal Guidi with violent gestures, and marks of extreme 
 displeasure, while the bishops of the Opposition received him 
 with the warmest demonstrations of pleasure and affection. The 
 next day Cardinal Guidi was the universal subject of conversa- 
 tion, and was cruelly spoken of and reviled by those who do not 
 follow the doctrine taught by St. John in the charitable exhorta- 
 tion, "Brethren, love one another." At the same time Guidi 
 was summoned to the Vatican, and there it was reported he had 
 to encounter many reproaches, which he received with perfect 
 firmness and dignity. It was said that on this occasion the 
 Pope adopted the well-known words of Louis XIV., turning 
 their application to himself with regard to ecclesiastical tra- 
 dition ; but it was impossible to ascertain the truth of these 
 reports which circulated in Rome, but were of no real import- 
 ance, and neither added to nor detracted from the weight of the 
 incident itself. 
 
 12. The number of inscribed orators on the 18th had risen to 
 108, and the presidents determined not to interrupt the discussion, 
 but to leave it unchecked, as they did not wish again to incur the 
 reproach of exercising pressure or violence on the minority. Per- 
 haps they were assisted in this resolution by the expectation that 
 the heat of summer would soon bring about the close of the dis- 
 cussion. When the Fathers met on Monday, the 20th, the le- 
 gates addressed to them a monitum recommending brevity in their 
 speeches ; and the Patriarch Valerga, who in discussing Eastern 
 affairs, expressed himself as violently as he had done on a former 
 occasion, when he caused great offence to the French bishops, 
 
190 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 was called to order. Valerga's vehement speech met with little 
 favour, on account of the unfortunate position of Eastern affairs, 
 in the direction of which he was a good deal concerned. The 
 majority even were displeased, and he was obliged to descend 
 from the ambo, although his party had looked to him to undo 
 the effect produced on the previous day by the speech of Cardinal 
 Guidi. On Tuesday no Congregation was held, that being the 
 anniversary of the coronation of the Pope, and Pius IX. entered 
 upon the twenty-fifth year of his reign under auspices not indeed 
 devoid of sadness. For twenty-four years he had been applauded 
 and made much of in every possible way, and now he was gra- 
 dually approaching his apotheosis. All parties vied with each 
 other in exalting him, and doing honour to his high and lofty 
 station, until nothing remained but to ascribe to him the powers 
 of Divinity, and, indeed, he was about to receive one of the 
 Divine prerogatives. The twenty-fifth year of their reign seems 
 to be a fatal one for the Popes ; Pius IX. was no exception to 
 this rule, for it was to be the occasion of his ceasing in some 
 ways to be merely human and of his becoming something higher. 
 The ultra-Catholic journals were full of observations and felici- 
 tations on the aupicious event. 
 
 13. On Wednesday the sittings were resumed, and the monitum 
 ordering brevity in the speeches was put into practice. The 
 legates adopted the expedient of ringing a bell in order to 
 stop any orators who exceeded twenty minutes, and this plan 
 answered very well, instead of closing the debate, a practice 
 which was given up for the present. Only seven speeches were 
 made on the 22nd, one of them by a bishop who warmly sup- 
 ported Infallibility, but even he was obliged to desist after 
 twenty minutes. The Archbishop of Osimo then made a con- 
 ciliatory speech, and in order to dispose the legates in his favour, 
 began by stating that he would be so brief as to save them the 
 trouble of stopping him. In attempting this he incurred the 
 imputation of want of clearness ; but notwithstanding the diffi- 
 culty of treating matters so grave and complicated in a very 
 short time, he managed to bring forward a project of reconcilia- 
 tion. This was not of so absolute a nature as the formula adopted 
 by the Jesuits, but was a reproduction of the ancient formula, 
 which ever since the Council of Trent had been used in Roman 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 191 
 
 theology, and much resembled that contained in the second 
 address issued after the first petition of the Infallibilists. This 
 formula, as we have already stated, by asserting that the Pope 
 and the bishops together form, de jure et de facto, one Church, 
 virtually sanctions the Infallibility of the Pope. The Bishop of 
 Osimo, while rejecting the separation of the Pope from the bishops 
 as a thesis and a hypothesis, both de jure etde facto, left the nature 
 of their reciprocal influence and connection as indefinite as pos- 
 sible ; so as to avoid countenancing the Gallican system on the 
 one hand, or admitting personal Infallibility on the other. 
 
 This proposal was quite as much as could be hoped for in an 
 assembly known to be adverse to reform ; and in which the 
 Opposition ultimately showed itself unequal to making a serious 
 resistance, or of entertaining a firm resolution. It was a last 
 hope for those who saw no other chance of safety, and who, un- 
 willing to prejudge the question, wished to leave matters as 
 they were previous to the Council, postponing their decision 
 till a happier moment should arise ; but this sensible opinion 
 was not the general one, and the bishop's speech was lost with 
 the many other ardent and generous voices clamantium in deserto. 
 Other speeches succeeded that of the Bishop of Osimo, and the 
 presence of Cardinal Guidi in the Council Hall was especially 
 noted. On the 23rd seven orators spoke against Infallibility ; 
 and in the next sitting, on the 25th, Strossmayer, the great 
 champion of the Opposition, again came forward. So great was 
 the desire of making progress, that a Congregation was held on 
 Tuesday, the 28th, although the Vigil of St. Peter, and Mon- 
 signor Genuilhac, Primate of Gaul, spoke against Infallibility, 
 but could scarcely be heard, on account of the murmurs of the 
 majority. He was formerly Bishop of Grenoble, and had only 
 been raised a few days since to his new dignity on the urgent 
 request of the French Government, for the Holy See, knowing 
 his opinions, would rather have chosen another candidate. Wed- 
 nesday, the 29th, being the feast of St. Peter, no sitting was 
 held, and next day the Pope gave up the usual ceremonies at the 
 Ostian Basilica for the feast of St. Paul, in order that the Con- 
 gregations might be resumed, and the happy moment of the 
 declaration of Infallibility might be hastened. 
 
 14. Meantime the feast of St. Peter had passed, and the aspect 
 
192 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 of affairs, far from improving, grew darker. As Cardinal Guidi, 
 who was considered an able and intelligent man, had abandoned 
 the majority in order to side with the Opposition, it could hardly 
 be supposed that their position was as yet hopeless, at least, such 
 was the opinion of many. Moreover, the history of the address 
 of the parochial clergy, and many other incidents, made it evi- 
 dent that the Opposition were daily growing stronger, and signs 
 of discontent were apparent very near the Papal throne. In 
 Germany there were indications of a deep and increasing resist- 
 ance ; and the same spirit showed itself in France, where, 
 according to the disposition of the people, it was expressed in a 
 less serious manner, and found vent in many sharp and witty 
 sayings, but certainly gained ground rather than decreased. The 
 Opposition was no longer vague, isolated, and divided, as when 
 first it sprang into existence, but was now an organised, and, to 
 a certain extent, a disciplined body, representing a considerable 
 portion of the Church, from the Catholics of America to the 
 Cardinals of the Holy See. A person of great talent and of 
 excellent judgment, in describing the state of affairs at this 
 time, said that if Infallibility were accepted the Vatican Council 
 would certainly not be accepted ; and, indeed, in forming any 
 opinion on the prevailing condition of affairs, which was at all 
 reasonable, it was impossible to escape from this dilemma. 
 
 15. All who were acquainted with the course of Roman busi- 
 ness saw that the Vatican could not stop halfway, and submit 
 to a defeat which would be the more serious in proportion to 
 the advance already made. At the same time it did not seem 
 possible for the Vatican to insist on passing a dogma against 
 the wish and convictions of an authoritative minority, whose 
 numbers varied from 80 to 130, and if the timid and backward 
 be included, reached 150. For if the whole of this number 
 could not be reckoned upon for a definitive resistance, still 
 the minority was too important to be overlooked. The ma- 
 jority were well aware of this, and though quite determined 
 themselves, they never gave up seeking for a formula which 
 should split the Opposition and win over some of its members, 
 but as they were determined not to sacrifice the smallest part of 
 the dogma of Infallibility, their search was a vain one. 
 
 The result of these attempts had been to found a sort of third 
 
June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 193 
 
 party in the Council (though a third party in religious matters 
 has a difficult position), the head of which, at this moment, was 
 Cardinal Guidi ; for when the first surprise occasioned by his 
 conduct had subsided, it was evident that the step he had taken 
 was rather with a view to reconciling conflicting parties than of 
 joining the Opposition. Moreover, the fact of the Cardinal 
 Archbishop of Bologna, a personal friend of the Pope, placing 
 himself at the head of this attempt at reconciliation, was felt to 
 be an indication of its vigour and suitability. We must allow 
 that the endeavour was both liberal and courageous on the part 
 of Cardinal Guidi ; but, like many previous attempts of the same 
 nature, it was fruitless, since nothing could induce the majority to 
 make any concession on the matter of personal Infallibility, and 
 the Opposition, having been subjected to so many vexations and 
 delusions, were resolved not to put up with further equivocation, 
 and had become mistrustful and stubborn. Moreover there was 
 this technical difficulty to contend with, that the Popes, having 
 gradually reached a position of unlimited authority by a constant 
 though gradual system of expansion, and being endued with the 
 rights of primacy and absolute jurisdiction in the Church, had 
 already acquired all the accessories of Infallibility ; and as in the 
 long and disputed process all possible sophisms and verbal sub- 
 tleties, and all the most ingenious combinations of phrases had 
 been exhausted, there really remained nothing further to do in 
 the way of discussion. It only remained now to say the word, 
 and therefore the Council found itself inevitably in the dilemma 
 of either declaring the dogma, or of leaving matters as they 
 were ; but they viewed this latter course in the light of a defeat, 
 so that reconciliation seemed impossible, and the state of anta- 
 gonism in which both parties had been placed for the last six 
 months continued unchanged. 
 
 16. Towards the end of June the Opposition bethought them- 
 selves of another expedient, and offered to the Pope a means of 
 escaping in a manner convenient both to himself and to them, 
 from the difficult position in which he was placed from being 
 both the judge and the party chiefly interested, in the same 
 question. Several bishops of the Opposition signed a petition, 
 in which they prayed for a prorogation of the Council, on account 
 of the great heat now prevailing in Rome, which seriously affected 
 
 O 
 
!94 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 
 
 many of their number. Their petition met with the usual recep- 
 tion, and nothing further was known of its results save the inex- 
 orable determination of the Pope that the Congregations should 
 proceed without interruption until all the business of the Council 
 was completed. With these or similar tentative efforts on both 
 sides, the month of June, the seventh since the Council had as- 
 sembled, drew to a close, and though the grand question had not 
 made any real advance since the first day, the Opposition had 
 gained many adherents, had greatly extended its influence, and 
 had spread considerably. This extension had drawn forth the 
 expression of public opinion, which found vent in the saying we 
 have alluded to, that " if the dogma of Infallibility were accepted, 
 the Vatican Council would not be accepted," an opinion very 
 generally entertained in the present serious state of affairs. Those 
 who supported it did not suppose that if the Opposition were 
 conquered, they would question the validity of the Council on 
 account of the difficulties occasioned by the want of unanimity 
 in its decisions, and other matters which they had often and 
 earnestly lamented. Their intention was rather to point out that 
 the world which had looked to the Council for the solution of the 
 great political-religious and social-religious problems which had 
 long troubled Catholic nations, and saw it occupied only in 
 building up a perplexing and questionable apotheosis, would 
 cease to regard it with attention, would lose all hope in it, and 
 that in proportion as it endeavoured to render its action abso- 
 lute and coercive, the influence of that action on society would 
 be diminished. 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 195 
 
 JULY. 
 
 I.— CLOSE OF THE DEBATES. 
 
 1 . Effects of the climate. — 2. Weariness of the assembly. — 3. The bishops begin 
 to leave Rome. — 4. The first heads of the scheme " De Ecclesia " are voted. — 
 5. Close of the discussion. — 6. Reasons of the Opposition for accepting it. — 
 7. The same. — 8. Discussion on the amendments. — 9. The Opposition consider 
 their future course. — 10. Formula of Infallibility. — 11. After the proposal. — 
 12. The third chapter is voted. — 13. The fourth chapter is voted. — 14. The 
 vote on Wednesday, July 13. 
 
 1. The venerable assembly now began to experience the full 
 heat of a Roman summer. The burning rays of the sun have 
 not only a weakening effect on the constitution, but falling on 
 the uncultivated and marshy Campagna occasion a state of 
 atmosphere, if not always fatal, at least injurious to the natives 
 themselves. Only those who have actually experienced the 
 summer heat in Rome can understand the effect it produced on 
 the bishops from northern countries, accustomed to the cool tem- 
 perature, the bracing air, and the sparkling streams of Germany. 
 At an advanced age, changes of temperature which would other- 
 wise have no great effect, have serious and rapid results, and 
 many of the bishops and their dependents fell ill. It is difficult 
 to describe the lassitude and despondency which the hard and 
 wearisome work of the Council produced in those sensitive 
 natures, when the temperature was such as suited the Spaniards, 
 Calabrians, and Mexicans. These latter had probably looked 
 forward to the result produced on their northern brethren in 
 Opposition, when the thermometer stood at 115° in the shade. 
 The Opposition were influenced by the same consideration when 
 they had prayed for the prorogation of the Council before pro- 
 ceeding to the definition of Infallibility ; but the south occupied 
 
 O 2 
 
196 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [July 
 
 the seat of authority, and the north was unable to carry this or 
 any other of its wishes. 
 
 2. Signs of this state of weariness had been apparent for 
 some time. The Bishop of Ferentino had urged it in one of 
 the recent Congregations as an argument against the Oppo- 
 sition, accusing its members of prolonging the sufferings of the 
 Fathers, but he became himself the victim of his own accusation. 
 While venting his displeasure against the minority in the well- 
 known classical quotation, " quousque tandem abutere patientia 
 nostra?" the legate remarked that his words were most apt, and 
 invited him to set the example of the right course by himself 
 descending from the tribune. The assembly, tired of him, as 
 indeed it was of all the orators, cordially hailed the intervention 
 of the legate, and those present asserted that the ringing of 
 the bell which cut short the ardent speaker, was the most grateful 
 sound which had ever yet reverberated through the Council 
 Hall. 
 
 3. When the bishops learned that the Pope refused to listen to 
 the just plea for a prorogation afforded by the tropical heat, their 
 state of discouragement became one of deep vexation, and they 
 began one by one to leave Rome for their own dioceses, partly 
 from disgust at the want of kindness and generosity with 
 which they had been treated, and partly from reasons of health 
 and from mistrust of the future. The Vatican willingly granted 
 leave of absence to all who then applied for it, with the hope, 
 perhaps, of diminishing the strength of the Opposition by 
 offering its members a safe means of retreat from the difficulties 
 of their position. It was said that the authorities afterwards 
 regretted not having obtained from those Fathers who left 
 Rome, some guarantee or promise of submission to the decrees 
 of the Council in the event of its proclaiming the dogma of 
 Infallibility, a result which now seemed probable and near at 
 hand. At any rate, the bishops in Opposition believed this, 
 and several times feared that some such promise would be 
 exacted from them, and this misgiving considerably affected 
 their later deliberations. 
 
 4. The bishops of Savannah and Paderborn spoke on Friday, 
 July 1st. The latter attempted to bring about a reconciliation 
 between the two parties by conceding to the Pope the attribute 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 197 
 
 of Infallibility, without imposing its belief upon the consciences 
 of the faithful as a dogma. This proposal was hailed with shouts 
 of indignation, and the bishop who next came forward, proposed 
 rather to extend the Infallibility of the Pope beyond the region 
 of faith and morals, to all which is comprised in Catholic 
 morality, as science, politics, &c. It does not appear that the 
 assembly gave this second proposal as bad a reception as it had 
 offered to the first. On the 2nd of July the Council clearly 
 manifested their desire to bring the proceedings to a close. 
 Some Fathers inscribed to speak, declared their intention of not 
 doing so, and therefore in the course of one sitting, thirty-two 
 names were cleared off the lists, of whom the greater number 
 never entered the tribune at all. Several bishops proposed that 
 two Congregations should be held daily as a means of shortening 
 the discussion and gaining time, but this idea was unanimously 
 rejected. The second and third chapters of the scheme were 
 voted on this occasion, and the debate proceeded until brought 
 to an end by the refusal of those who should have spoken, to 
 come forward. 
 
 5. It was impossible to indulge any further illusions as to the 
 intentions of the Vatican, which was evidently determined to 
 carry through the plans approved by the majority, notwith- 
 standing the resistance they might encounter. The patience 
 of the Opposition had been already sorely tried by the heat of 
 the climate and the wearisome delays in business, while the 
 refusal of the Pope to agree to a prorogation of the Council 
 after the festival of St. Peter had put the finishing stroke to their 
 displeasure, and now the conviction that the Vatican was bent 
 upon the declaration of Infallibility caused a real panic among 
 them. On Sunday, July 3rd, their leaders held a meeting, in 
 which they finally determined to desist from a combat hence- 
 forward useless, and possibly dangerous ; the resolution was 
 spontaneously adopted by nearly all present, and, in this frame 
 of mind, the Fathers attended the Congregation on Monday. 
 The history of the close of the debate has been told in many 
 ways, but all admit that when one of the bishops belonging 
 to the Opposition attempted to speak, he was greeted with 
 impatient cries of "abstineas, renuncia," &c, from the ma- 
 jority ; whereupon another member of the minority, supposed to 
 
198 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 be Strossmayer, rose and declared his determination to be hence- 
 forward silent, an example which was soon followed by his 
 colleagues. One of the majority then observed that the Oppo- 
 sition having announced their resolution not to speak further, 
 the debates were ended, and invited his own party to express 
 their agreement in this conclusion. Accordingly, all who had 
 prepared to speak, announced their willingness to desist, except- 
 ing two or three of the Fathers, who still wished to be heard. 
 Cardinal de Luca, one of the presidents, gladly availed himself 
 of the occurrence, praised the assembly for its determination, 
 thanked those who had originated the happy idea, and declared 
 the debate, and the sitting to be concluded. In fact, it might 
 be said that the war ended for lack of combatants to carry 
 it on. 
 
 6. The intention of the Opposition in thus promoting the 
 close of the debate was simply, as one of their members publicly 
 declared, to avoid wasting time and arguments upon adversaries 
 who were resolved to take no account of them, and to disregard 
 the traditions and the future fate of the Church. The majority 
 tried to set aside this reasoning and to explain the matter so as 
 to suit their own wishes, but the result of the definitive vote 
 soon vindicated the truth of the assertion, even without the 
 declaration of the bishops in Opposition. 
 
 7. Many people have criticised the conduct of the Oppo- 
 sition on this occasion, but to form a correct judgment on the 
 point all the facts of the case should be fully considered. Owing 
 to the state of despondency prevailing in the minority, and the 
 fact that many of the German, Hungarian, and French bishops 
 had already left Rome, the Infallibilists had become more 
 daring, and interrupted the speeches of their adversaries with 
 signs of irony and disapprobation. It almost seemed that, 
 like the Russians when their country was invaded by the French 
 in 1812, they expected the climate to fight for them, and as 
 soon as they felt its beneficial influences, they considered them- 
 selves masters of the field, and began to taste the sweets of 
 victory. The Opposition were obliged by their own policy, and 
 by the nature of the subject and length of the discussion, to 
 repeat the same things very frequently, but this could not 
 go on. 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 199 
 
 When it was once ascertained that the Pope was determined 
 not to prorogue the Council, and that the dogma of Infallibility 
 would be certainly declared, there was no use in further delay, 
 and no hope but in the final vote. Prolonged discussion on a 
 matter already settled could not influence the opinions of the 
 Fathers, and, moreover, the attempt to continue the debate in a 
 season of intense heat, far from bringing about a good result, 
 was likely rather to prejudice their cause. Indeed, had the 
 meetings of the Council been extended, the bishops would still 
 have, gone on leaving Rome, and the Opposition would in 
 consequence have become daily weaker, as its members, being 
 chiefly from northern latitudes, were especially sensitive to the 
 effects of the Roman climate. The minority were most anxious 
 to prevent this result, because the loss of votes, though not im- 
 portant to the majority, was a most serious one to them at the 
 final and conclusive decision, when the whole matter would be 
 settled. Every day, therefore, now wasted was a clear gain 
 to the majority, and an equal loss to the minority, a result 
 which the former had probably foreseen ; when, once certain 
 that the assembly would not be dissolved before their work 
 was accomplished, they no longer demanded, or directly pro- 
 moted the closing, but left the matter to be brought about by 
 the state of general weariness prevailing among the Fathers, 
 and the result soon justified their expectations. The Opposi- 
 tion were also induced by these considerations to join, though 
 reluctantly, in furthering the desires of the majority, who were 
 naturally delighted to end a discussion on which they had made 
 up their minds before it ever began. It remained for the future, 
 now so dark and stormy, and pregnant with most important 
 events, to reveal whether the Opposition had been right or wrong 
 in their policy, and whether, after all that can be said in their 
 defence, it might not appear that by a chance which could not 
 be foreseen their patience had suffered shipwreck when they were 
 almost within the harbour. If succeeding events had not justi- 
 fied this latter conclusion, it would have been difficult to blame 
 the Opposition for a policy which had been fatally guided by 
 the natural course of events and the prevailing public opinion. 
 Great astonishment was felt in the city on the day when the 
 sitting of the Council terminated in the sudden manner we have 
 
200 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July 
 
 described, and all sorts of rumours were circulated at the sight 
 of the bishops leaving St. Peter's at an unwonted hour, many on 
 foot, having sent away their carriages, and others crowded to- 
 gether in the public conveyances ; but none, perhaps, who wit- 
 nessed the prelates thus returning quietly home, realised the 
 influence their decrees would exercise on the civil and religious 
 future, not only in Italy, but in Europe and the whole world ! 
 
 8. Business proceeded rapidly after this. On Monday, July 
 5th, the amendments on the third chapter concerning the 
 Primacy were discussed, and, the general resistance having 
 ceased, no objections were made, although the Congregation was 
 a very full one. 
 
 Some bishops proposed, in order to gain time, that this 
 chapter, with the amendments agreed on, should be again printed 
 and distributed to the Fathers, that they might examine its con- 
 tents at leisure ; this occasioned a delay, and the vote on that 
 chapter only took place on Monday the 11th. It was, if we may 
 so consider it, the last concession granted by the president. It 
 was said that on this chapter being presented to the Pope for his 
 approbation, after it had been amended, though not definitively 
 voted by the Council, he added something to it of his own 
 accord, and when this became known to the assembly it aroused, 
 on the part of the Opposition, the last demonstrations of an in- 
 dignation which they well knew was hereafter unavailing and 
 powerless. Everyone will understand that matters having 
 reached this stage, such anecdotes are of little importance, and 
 it is most difficult to arrive at a knowledge of their accuracy ; 
 but one thing is certain — that the third chapter was passed in 
 the assembly without serious resistance. 
 
 9. The majority, elated by this result, began to entertain hopes 
 not only for the vote on the third chapter, but for the much 
 questioned and important fourth chapter, and their expectations 
 were strengthened by the knowledge that differences had arisen 
 among the leaders of the Opposition. 
 
 When these latter had agreed at their meeting to give up 
 speaking and to allow the debates to be closed, they had also re- 
 flected on the conduct to be pursued when the end, which their 
 policy was now hastening, should arrive. It seems that the 
 Bishop of Orleans, and most of the French prelates in Opposi- 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 201 
 
 tion, wished to make a solemn protest against the treatment 
 they had met with, against the advantage taken of the hot season 
 to weary them, the want of fairness shown towards them by the 
 presidents all through the discussion, and, lastly, against the 
 excesses, insults, and affronts of which the majority had been 
 guilty with regard to them. Having made this protest, they 
 proposed to leave Rome immediately. The Germans, with 
 Monsignor Haynald at their head, were of a different opinion ; 
 they were adverse to the protest, and wished to remain in Rome 
 till the end. Perhaps they were right; so many protests had 
 been already made and disregarded, that to continue them seemed 
 almost undignified ; and, moreover, the subjects of complaint, 
 though they might be just in themselves, were not of a nature 
 easily susceptible of proof. In fact, the protest was never made. 
 As to the question of leaving or remaining at Rome, time has 
 perhaps shown that on this point the judgment of the Germans 
 was the right one, for the most resolute and the clearest course 
 is usually the best. 
 
 10. These divisions were a cause of hope to the Vatican, and 
 therefore, whether in consequence of the encouragement thus 
 gained, or as the logical and natural results of the policy 
 adopted, it came about that the formula of Infallibility was 
 finally produced under these auspices at the end of the discussion 
 on the amendments to the fourth chapter, and in the very Con- 
 gregation of the 4th of July in which the Fathers had announced 
 their intention of not prolonging the debate. The formula was 
 just what had been expected for some time, and what the ma- 
 jority had prepared with much care, though it had never assumed 
 a definite shape before, and it now appeared as the final result, 
 the consummation of the unanimous wish of the majority who 
 had convoked the Vatican Council and guided the course of its 
 deliberations. As this formula was produced by itself, before 
 the close of the debate, it might be looked upon as a sort of 
 amendment to the fourth chapter, an amendment to the new 
 scheme " De Ecclesia " introduced during the discussion. This 
 scheme had not been sent back to the Commission for revision, 
 and thus the formula preserved that curt and unceremonious cha- 
 racter appertaining to the motus in fine velocior, with which the 
 later business of the Council proceeded. The formula was thus 
 
202 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 worded, that the Pope " cum omnium Christianorum pastoris et 
 doctoris munere fungens, pro suprema sua apostolica auctoritate, 
 doctrinam de fide vel moribus ab universa Ecclesia tenendam 
 definit, per assistentiam divinam ipsis in Beato Petro promissam 
 ea infallibilitate pollere, qua Redemptor Ecclesiam suam insti- 
 tutam esse voluit." 
 
 This was the ultimatum which, at the close of a trying and 
 stormy discussion, and after numerous protests, the Vatican 
 offered to the bishops, now wearied out by the simultaneous 
 weight of an unbending will, of ecclesiastical prestige, and of 
 the torrid climate of Rome. 
 
 The formula itself was so clear and precise as to defy all com- 
 ments. Some tried to persuade themselves that it was better 
 than the preceding one ; others thought it worse ; in truth, it was 
 difficult to draw fine distinctions where none really existed ; 
 when one has said that snow is white, it would be hard to 
 make the assertion in better or worse terms, for having said it, 
 one has stated all that there was to say. The terms of this 
 formula, on minute examination, might perhaps be construed 
 to indicate that Infallibility resides primarily in the Church, and 
 is enjoyed by the Pope ex derivato when he makes definitions 
 ex cathedra, &c. But of what practical value are these subtleties ? 
 In reality, any Pope wishing to extend this power to its logical 
 consequences, has really the means of upsetting the whole world, 
 or, at least, that part of it which recognises his authority, when- 
 ever he chooses. History presents us with the example of 
 several Popes who virtually exercised this power before it was 
 decreed to them by an Ecumenical Council, and we do not find 
 that they acknowledged any limit to their dominion. 
 
 11. It seems that, having thus made the definitive stroke, the 
 Vatican remained for a moment astonished, and uncertain as to 
 the effect it had produced. The authorities took measures to 
 ascertain from the bishops in Opposition through their colleagues, 
 what course they intended to pursue in the event of the Pope 
 disregarding their resistance and vote of " Non placet," and in- 
 sisting on the promulgation of the dogma of Infallibility. The 
 Secretary of State appeared very uneasy as to the opinion of 
 Governments on this declaration. How would they receive the 
 bishops, new Papal vicars, who would now represent in their 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 203 
 
 States no longer a national authority and local interests, but the 
 authority of Rome, and consequently of a foreign prince, with a 
 policy of his own, a prince to whom they owed an obedience su- 
 perior to all national duties and obligations ? With regard to the 
 first doubt, the uncertainty as to the conduct of the Opposition, it 
 was seriously proposed to present to the bishops, along with the 
 definition of the dogma, a document to be signed by all those 
 who had voted against it ; by which they should promise either 
 to accept the dogma, or resign their sees. The Opposition, 
 rightly or wrongly, were much alarmed at this prospect, not pos- 
 sessing such unanimity of opinion or firmness of organisation 
 as would insure their safety under the trial. They found them- 
 selves reduced to such a predicament, that to escape from it 
 logically, they must impugn, not only the Infallibility of the Pope, 
 but the validity of the Council, thus indicating the constraint 
 under which they had been placed in forming their decisions, for 
 if they acknowledged the validity of the Council without accept- 
 ing Infallibility, the resignation of their sees was the logical 
 result. It was not possible for them to assume the course of 
 action first mentioned, as Rome was not the place for it, the time 
 was not propitious, and they themselves not the men to do it ; 
 so to avoid the consequences of the second alternative was very 
 difficult, and the uncertainty and perplexity they experienced 
 greatly influenced their conduct in the public Session. With 
 regard to the second doubt, the difficulty about Foreign Powers, 
 although the most clear-sighted were far from being at ease, 
 persons not possessed of great discrimination comforted them- 
 selves with the reflection that an undue pressure of authority is 
 readily excused by those who exercise authority themselves, and 
 thought that the Secretary of State might easily reassure Foreign 
 Governments by some such note as he had already addressed to 
 them. The so-called Catholic party trusted, with regard to 
 public opinion, to the tolerance and freedom of thought which 
 has everywhere triumphed in modern days, a liberty which that 
 party never ceases to oppose, but which it knows how to convert 
 to its own purposes, better even than the Liberals. 
 
 12. The third chapter was voted on Monday, July 11th. 
 Thirty or forty votes of " Non placet " were irremediably lost by 
 the return of so many German, Hungarian, and French bishops to 
 
204 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 their own dioceses. On the same day the debate on the amend- 
 ments to the fourth chapter — nearly 100 in number — was com- 
 menced, but it is clear from what we have already stated that 
 no effectual discussion on the amendments could be undertaken, 
 as the debate on the text itself had been abandoned. A last 
 resistance was made to the word anathema, which was not 
 originally inserted in the formula of Infallibility, nor in the 
 text as read by the reporters, but was now unexpectedly brought 
 forward in a new amendment by some Infallibilist bishops, who, 
 being masters of the field, succeeded in affixing it to the state- 
 ment as prepared for promulgation. The condemnatory clause 
 may accordingly be read in the draft of the dogma, which was 
 promulgated at the public Session, and takes the place of the 
 circumlocutory phrases which had closed the other formulas 
 presented to the assembly. 
 
 13. The greatest precipitation now characterised the proceed- 
 ings of the assembly ; formulas succeeded one another with such 
 rapidity that they were no longer revised by the Commissions, but 
 were substituted one for another and amended in the course of a 
 single debate. So great was the haste, that the discussion on 
 the amendments to the fourth chapter, numbering almost 100, 
 which commenced on the 11th, was finished on the 13th, and 
 put to the vote, with the alterations we have indicated. The 
 latter day will be ever memorable in the annals of the 
 Church for its influence on her future destiny. That day wit- 
 nessed the voting on the Infallibility of the Pope, the fourth 
 chapter of the scheme " De Ecclesia," with these results : bishops 
 inscribed, 692: total number of votes, 601; "Placet," 451; 
 " Non placet," 88 ; " Juxta modum," 62; among which latter 
 were three cardinals ; absent, 91, among whom was the Secretary 
 of State. The number of Fathers absent from the Council on 
 just grounds was about 30 ; so it might fairly be considered that 
 the absence of the others was intentional, many of them being 
 actually in Rome, and not choosing to appear, and others having 
 left the city in order to avoid being present. From the absence 
 of the Secretary of State it seems that up to that moment he was 
 uncertain of the final result, and of the ultimate intention of the 
 Pope. 
 
 14. Such is the history of the vote which expressed the 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 205 
 
 opinion of the assembly, on the personal Infallibility of the 
 Pope. Notwithstanding all the efforts made to further the 
 dogma, and all the pressure exercised by the authorities in its 
 favour, between the votes of " Non placet," of " Placet juxta 
 modum," those being conditional assents which in absolute 
 matters become negative, and those who abstained from voting, 
 we may dispassionately and equitably reckon the number of 
 dissentients to be between 150 and 200. 
 
 We include in this number all the Fathers who in this Con- 
 gregation rejected the proposed formula of the personal Infalli- 
 bility of the Pope, more or less distinctly, and absolutely, as to 
 the whole, or in part, either in word, or in deed. If we revert to 
 the calculation made in the first chapters as to the number of 
 the Fathers present at the Council, and recollect how many 
 bishops in partibus, that is to say, holding no cure of souls, were 
 there ; how many cardinals in the same position, how many 
 generals of religious orders, who constitute a sort of special army, 
 and are trained under a peculiar and exceptional discipline, and 
 if one remembers that all these form a class particularly depen- 
 dent on the court of Rome, the sum of the dissentients, even 
 taken at its lowest figure, acquires an importance greater than 
 its amount would warrant in the proportions of the assembly. 
 It must also be borne in mind that the episcopal sees of Italy 
 and the Pontifical provinces, with regard to their size and 
 number, are as five or six to one when compared with France 
 and Germany ; and as the Opposition came almost exclusively 
 from the latter countries, the same number, taken as the expres- 
 sion of thought and power, gains still more in value. Finally, 
 we must admit that the moral worth of the criterion afforded by 
 this vote re-establishes, with less difference than appears from the 
 figures in themselves, the relative position of the majority and the 
 minority. Moreover, we should not forget the influence exercised, 
 and that naturally produced by the august presence of the Pope 
 in the Vatican, on the Fathers of the Assembly, and we should 
 also remember human weakness, which must always be taken 
 into account, in the presence of one who was the dispenser of 
 ecclesiastical promotion, and the author of ecclesiastical rebuke ; 
 when all this is borne in mind, the reflections we have already 
 made are strengthened, and the relative proportions of the 
 
206 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [July. 
 
 majority and the minority are somewhat modified in the mind 
 of the sagacious and impartial observer. There remains but one 
 other test which, though an indirect one, cannot be overlooked in 
 our estimate of the votes given on July 13th, and that is the 
 moral and intellectual weight of the bishops and populations 
 who in one way or other took no part in it. We have now 
 pointed out all that is required for a just appreciation of this 
 event, both in a civil and historical point of view, an event 
 which is not and cannot be unimportant, to the credit and the 
 future of the religion of the great majority of the Latin races. 
 
 II.— FOURTH SESSION. 
 
 1. Calculations well founded, but disappointed. — 2. The Opposition send a 
 message to the Pope. — 3. Adjunct to the formula of Infallibility. — 4. Protest 
 of the assembly. — 5. Last attempts of the Opposition. — 6. Fourth Session. — 
 7. Reflections on the vote. — 8. Protests of the Opposition. — 9. After the 
 event. — 10. Text of the Canons that promulgate Infallibility. — 11. The future. 
 — 12. Mnemosynon. 
 
 1. The result of this vote, though it was not, and could not 
 be contested according to the rules, we do not say of ancient 
 Roman wisdom only, but even by those of common prudence, 
 was yet such as ought to have withheld any Assembly from 
 proceeding to further decisions on a matter of so much gravity. 
 Indeed, owing to that vote, one side of the dilemma raised 
 by the Opposition was brought into a clear and formidable 
 light. According to general belief, especially at Rome, the 
 Church never creates a dogma new in itself; but, in defining 
 a dogma, simply attests some belief which has been always and 
 universally professed. 
 
 It was consequently maintained that a declaration which, 
 notwithstanding all the helps and furtherances described, was 
 still opposed by about one-third of the legitimate representatives 
 of Catholic opinion, could not by the strongest resolution in 
 the world be carried into effect ; because, as the universality of 
 belief would be thus seriously impugned, not only in the past 
 but in the present, the result would only be a futile endeavour 
 to demonstrate at the same time what was and what was not. 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 207 
 
 Those who up to the last day believed that the work under- 
 taken by the Civilta Cattolica would be unsuccessful, cannot be 
 accused of presumption, or wilful self-deception, when all these 
 considerations are borne in mind. The vote had, on the whole, 
 justified the estimate formed of the state of opinion in the 
 Church, and left room for a reasonable belief that the definition 
 would be certainly suspended, if it did not altogether fail. But 
 the contrary to all this soon became apparent. The Vatican 
 was indeed deeply agitated at so grave a resistance, but in its 
 agitation, " ne mosse collo ne piego sua costa."* 
 
 On the day of the final vote, the legates only announced to 
 the Fathers that the votes of " Placet juxta modum " would be 
 taken into consideration, and a special report drawn up in the 
 next Congregation. 
 
 2. The minority, who had already suspected it, then dis- 
 covered that, notwithstanding their votes, the business was at 
 once to proceed, and that the public Session for the definitive 
 promulgation of the dogma would be held as quickly as possible. 
 The leaders of the Opposition of different nations held meetings 
 on the 14th and 15th, in order to settle by common consent the 
 line of action to be adopted in this dangerous crisis ; and it 
 was proposed to nominate a Commission on behalf of the 
 minority, who should implore the Pope to suspend the definition 
 of the dogma, making known to his Holiness their number, and 
 their determination, if the demand were not complied with, to 
 repeat, though with much regret, the " Non placet " — already 
 given in the private Congregation — before all the world in the 
 public Session. The Commission was composed of Cardinal 
 Schwarzemberg, and the Archbishops of Paris, of Lyons, of Milan, 
 and of Halifax. They spoke most strongly to the Pope of the 
 dangers now threatening the Church ; they earnestly prayed for 
 some modification of the scheme ; and they acquainted him 
 with the intention of the Opposition to repeat the " Non placet" 
 in the public Session if obliged to do so. 
 
 They also informed him that to this end they could reckon 
 confidently on about 120 Fathers, who fully concurred in their 
 opinions. The Pope returned an ambiguous answer, and 
 
 * ' Neither his neck he moved nor bent his sule.' — 
 
 Longfellow, ' Dante,' Inf. x. 75. 
 
208 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 showed himself ill-informed in the matter ; but said he would 
 confer with the legates, promised to consider, and received the 
 petition of the Commission. By such behaviour, he admitted 
 that he was still dubious as to the attitude the Opposition 
 might assume, and would not, therefore, give any decided opinion 
 himself, but the doubt, if he ever really entertained it, was soon 
 dispelled. 
 
 3. This took place on the Friday ; and in the Congregation 
 held on Saturday the 16th, the following day, no other effect of 
 all the opposition shown at the last vote and of the remon- 
 strances made by the Commissions to the Pope was apparent, 
 save the presentation of another amendment drawn up by the 
 extreme Infallibilists. In this the formula of Monday, already 
 recorded and amended, was embodied in its most concise ex- 
 pression, carefully and specifically eliminating the proviso that 
 the consent of the bishops and their approbation, though in a 
 less exclusive form, was necessary in order to render the Papal 
 decrees infallible. 
 
 The fourth public Session of the Vatican Council was then 
 definitively fixed for Monday, July 18th. The last amendment 
 was, in the first place, so worded that the Pontifical decree 
 ex cathedra should be " irreformabiles ex sese absque consensu 
 Ecclesiae ; " but this formula, when proposed, was not accepted 
 by the assembly, notwithstanding its favourable leaning towards 
 Infallibility. It was requisite in order that this amendment 
 should gain the vote of the majority, to modify it as follows : 
 " Ex sese non autem ex consensu Ecclesiae irreformabiles esse." 
 
 The addition of this new clause excluding the bishops from 
 participating in the universal decrees of the Church was an 
 incident similar to that which occurred on the introduction of 
 the word " anathema " into the text in the Congregation of 
 Monday, the 14th, that is to say, the clause was proposed and 
 accepted by the assembly in the course of the discussion with- 
 out any preparation whatever. We may infer this also, from 
 the fact that the formula, as given by the Giornale di Roma 
 and every other official document, even the draft of its pro- 
 mulgation read at the public Session, contained the very 
 phrases which expressly excluded the necessity of the consent 
 of the bishops, according to the result of Saturday's Congrega- 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 201) 
 
 tion ; whereas, the formula given a little while before by the 
 Unita Cattolica, which received its communications direct from 
 Rome, contained the definitive text that was to be published, 
 but no mention of the exclusion of the bishops.* It is clear 
 that the Unita Cattolica had received its information from 
 Rome immediately after the voting of Wednesday, the 13th, 
 and previous to the last addition made in the text in the 
 meeting of Monday, which we have already described. There- 
 fore, if up to the day of voting it had never entered into the 
 heads of the Commission or of the presidents to express this 
 idea, and if they had already published the formula which 
 resulted from that vote as definitive, there is ample proof that 
 the clause was not the consequence of a careful considera- 
 tion by the majority, but simply a partial opinion presented 
 after the final voting under the form of an amendment, and 
 summarily carried through on the 16th, after the minority had 
 retired from the debate. 
 
 But whose idea was it ? at whose instigation was it proposed ? 
 The Giornale di Roma of the 26th of July, a few days after, re- 
 pelled the accusation made by other newspapers, that the words 
 excluding the consent of the bishops had been placed there by 
 the Pope, and insisted, instead, that they were inserted by the 
 Congregation of Saturday ; but the Giornale di Roma did not 
 add at whose request or instigation had been proposed, in the 
 last Congregation, an addition which the Commission itself up 
 to that time had never brought forward. It did not say by 
 whose authoritative hand the vote of the 13th had been taken 
 back, after being once published, in order to be so much modi- 
 fied ; and therefore the Giornale Ufficiale failed to throw any 
 light on a question which remained still open to the free judg- 
 ment of commentators. This was all the answer given to the 
 remonstrances of the Commission of bishops sent to the Pope 
 after the last voting. Moreover, the public Session which was 
 fixed, as we have seen, for Tuesday, was anticipated by twenty- 
 four hours, and after the visit of the Commission, in the Congre- 
 gation of Saturday, at which the new amendment was voted, it 
 was settled for Monday, the 18th. Whether the Pope had 
 
 * " Ideo hujusmodi Eoraani Pontificis definitiones esse ex sese irreformabiles." 
 Unita Cattolica, Martedi, 19 Luglio. 
 
 P 
 
210 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [July. 
 
 ascertained that the minority would not continue their resistance 
 till the public Session — whether the die being once cast, it was 
 considered well to make as much as possible out of the chance, 
 and at the same time, in order to avoid new difficulties, to pro- 
 ceed as quickly as possible towards the attainment of the object 
 now become indispensable for the majority — whatever were the 
 reasons that determined the conduct of the principal actors at 
 the moment, one thing is certain, that, between Friday and 
 Saturday a great change was observable in their disposition, and 
 that, finally, every external sign of hesitation and moderation was 
 given up. It was said that during the voting of the last new 
 amendment some of the most dispassionate bishops displayed 
 signs of deep emotion, called forth probably by the consideration 
 of the rapidity and security with which their act would be 
 accomplished, and carried to its ultimate results : an act which 
 spread over the future of the Church a veil impenetrable to 
 human eyes. 
 
 4. At the close of Saturday's Congregation, a protest, after- 
 wards inserted in the Giornale di Roma, was read to the whole 
 assembly on behalf of the presidents. It was very decided in 
 style, and marked by that violence which has of late charac- 
 terised the productions of the Roman Chancery. This protest 
 denounces in general terms all that, without distinction, it 
 characterises as " le calunnie putridissime " (putrid calumnies), 
 " e le turpissime menzogne " (shameful lies), not only of the 
 heterodox but of nominal Catholics, and even of consecrated 
 ministers of religion, against the proceedings and the freedom 
 of the Council ; and especially condemned two pamphlets on 
 the subject, ' Ce qui se passe au Concile,' which we have 
 already noticed, and another recently published, entitled ' La 
 derniere heure du Concile,' which pointed to the hope of a 
 future Council, in the arrangements of which such liberty and 
 justice should prevail as are requisite for effectually remedying 
 the ills of the Church. 
 
 It was evident from a protest so solemn, signed by the 
 presidents and Secretary of the Council, against anonymous 
 pamphlets and newspaper articles, that assaults, which are 
 usually disregarded by private individuals, were keenly felt at 
 Rome ; but instead of producing the desired effect, they seemed 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 211 
 
 rather to show that the authorities experienced the need of self- 
 defence. 
 
 Whatever may be thought of the substance of the protest, 
 and the time of its appearance, the form in which it was drawn 
 up met with much disfavour. Indeed, persons who try to prove 
 too much, sometimes end by proving nothing. One may pro- 
 test against a particular lie or several definite lies, but to protest 
 against lies in general is a work of supererogation. Criticism 
 can only be exercised on determinate facts, and consequently 
 this sort of generic eloquence is unavailing, and of no historical 
 value. 
 
 Two copies of the protest, signed by the presidents, were 
 distributed to each of the Fathers, who were invited to preserve 
 one, and to sign the other, consigning it to the archives of the 
 Council as a perpetual memorial. This document accordingly 
 bore the signatures of those who usually made up the majority, 
 and who had, in fact, done the whole work, including the framing 
 of the protest itself, which will descend to posterity in con- 
 nection with the history of the Council, and will, with all other 
 events, be only then rightly estimated when it has undergone 
 the scrutiny of succeeding generations. 
 
 Before the close of the Congregation on Saturday, the legates 
 announced to the Fathers that the Council would not be pro- 
 rogued, but that the Sovereign Pontiff granted them a vacation 
 during the summer months : they were invited to reassemble at 
 the Vatican in the beginning of autumn, to continue their work ; 
 which, by the way, was deprived of much of its importance and 
 utility by the last declaration. 
 
 5. Every possible means of resistance was employed by the 
 minority in the hours that remained between the Congregation 
 of Saturday, and the Session announced for Monday ; prayers 
 and supplications, written and verbal, and entreaties of every 
 sort were used. Some of the Fathers, seeing that they were not 
 likely to obtain any redress, proposed simply the elimination of 
 the word " anathema," by which the proposition would revert 
 to its original form, but in vain. On the Sunday, the bishops 
 of the Opposition, seeing that all was lost, began to consider 
 whether they should assist at the public Session, and openly 
 repeat the " Non placet," as the Germans wished from the 
 
 P 2 
 
212 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 beginning, or whether, following the opinion expressed by the 
 French, they should protest and leave Rome. The latter 
 opinion prevailed, as being the more simple and easy course, 
 and the one, as they themselves declared, most in accordance 
 with filial duty. But it seems that before carrying this resolu- 
 tion into practice, one of the leaders of the Opposition, the 
 Archbishop of Vienna, on that very Sunday went again to the 
 Pope to repeat the prayer already made on behalf of himself 
 and his colleagues, and to inform him of their determination 
 in the event of its rejection, not to assist at the public Session. 
 This time the message met with a very decided and downright 
 denial with regard to the thing prayed for, and very scant 
 courtesy as to the matter generally ; so that on the return of 
 the last messenger of reconciliation, the bishops of the Oppo- 
 sition at once signed the protest, and left Rome in great 
 numbers, as quickly as possible, for fear of any strong measures 
 being adopted towards them by the conquerors. They were 
 afraid, also, if the dogma were once promulgated, of find- 
 ing themselves under the difficult alternative suggested by the 
 " anathema," namely, of being constrained either to submit or 
 to abandon their sees, and possibly, of finding themselves cast 
 out of the bosom of the Church as well. This fear was, along 
 with the motive reason of filial duty, the strongest argument in 
 favour of the French opinion for leaving the city. If the dogma 
 were once proclaimed in the public Session — notwithstanding 
 the " Non placet " which they could pronounce — and with the 
 addition of the " anathema " levelled against those who dissented 
 from the doctrines contained in the schemes, what could they do 
 when, as was inevitable, they found themselves obliged either to 
 submit or resign their sees? They had no wish to be caught in 
 this dilemma in Rome, under the very eyes of the Pope, and pre- 
 ferred to await the result of their conduct among their own flocks, 
 in their respective dioceses. Accordingly, sixty-three bishops, 
 all diocesans and representatives of the most illustrious sees in 
 Christendom, affixed their names to the document on that same 
 Sunday, and by the evening most of them had left Rome, and 
 the circumscribed limits of her terrestrial dominion. 
 
 6. Now all was over, and the day began to dawn which 
 was to witness the fulfilment of the destinies of the Vatican. 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 213 
 
 On the morning of July 18th the sun rose amid threatening 
 clouds, as it had done on the 6th of December, and a violent 
 storm burst over the Eternal City during the fourth Session of 
 the Council, just as incessant rain had accompanied its first 
 meeting. Both the Council Hall and the city itself presented 
 that cold and severe aspect, which seems naturally to accompany 
 the consummation of great events fraught with momentous con- 
 siderations. No representatives of the Christian powers assisted 
 at the Session, save those from Brazil, Holland, Portugal, the 
 Principality of Monaco, and some small states of no political 
 importance. The bishops of many eminent sees, such as Paris, 
 Vienna, Turin, and Milan, were absent from the Session, as also 
 those who formed the Opposition. The number of bishops in 
 the hall was 535, which as the Council numbered 692 showed 
 157 absent, and of these, with the exception of 38 whose absence 
 was accounted for, and whose opinions were unknown, all had 
 consistently opposed the dogma to the last. This computation 
 agrees with the number reported to the Pope by the Com- 
 mission on the preceding Friday, when they implored him on 
 the part of the Opposition to suspend the definition. 
 
 Of the 535 present at the Session, 533 gave a favourable vote; 
 those who said " Non placet " were only two, the Bishops of 
 Caiazzo and of Little Rock in Arkansas, a Neapolitan and an 
 American : extremes meet. In the excitement of mind which 
 prevailed during the last six months among those who took an 
 active part in the struggle, everything is possible. 
 
 Comments were made even on these two dissentients thus 
 separated from the rest of the Opposition and left behind, 
 and it was insinuated that their remaining in order to bear 
 testimony to the liberty of the Council, was due to some con- 
 trivance of the majority. This idea arose from the fact that 
 the Bishop of Caiazzo had been recently nominated to his see 
 by the Pope ; and the American, imagining himself the only 
 dissentient, at first begged not to be called forward, but on 
 hearing that one of his brethren was prepared to give a contrary 
 vote, he resolved to do the same, and accordingly pronounced 
 the " Non placet," which echoed through the Council Hall as 
 the last protest against the definition of the dogma of Infalli- 
 bility. In such a momentous crisis, and on such occasions as 
 
214 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [July. 
 
 we have described, people may suppose and assert anything ; 
 but why should one imagine abstruse and unlikely reasons for 
 the conduct of these two representatives of the Opposition, 
 instead of acknowledging that they chose the regular form 
 for expressing their opinions, and afforded a striking proof of 
 moral courage by their conduct before the Council ? No sooner 
 had the Pope pronounced the formula, than the little crowd of 
 monks, nuns, and the like, who pressed round the door of the 
 hall, gave vent to such demonstrations of joy as were hardly 
 consistent with the sacredness of the locality ; and as soon as 
 the noise had ceased, the Pope made a short speech, in which 
 he acknowledged the greatness of the dignity assured to him by 
 the present declaration, and declared that it would be reflected 
 on the bishops, and become a source of advantage to them 
 likewise. He concluded by saying that he trusted all those now 
 absent, would give their adhesion to the dogma. Two or three 
 houses in the city were decorated, but this and the applause at 
 the door of the Council Hall, were the only signs of rejoicing 
 at the declaration of Infallibility. In the evening the Govern- 
 ment offices, the religious establishments, and a few private 
 houses were illuminated, but the rest of the city remained in 
 perfect silence and profound darkness. It seemed, however, as 
 if the elements had conspired to disturb the terrestrial calm, for 
 a hurricane broke over Rome during the ceremony, thunder- 
 bolts fell in two or three places while the service was pro- 
 ceeding between half-past eleven and twelve o'clock, and both 
 the heavens and the city of Rome appeared to bear external 
 evidence of the great events then taking place, events which in 
 one sense closely concerned them both. 
 
 7. The result of the voting gives rise to considerations very 
 important in the history of mankind, as well as in the records of 
 the Council. On the first voting for Infallibility on Wednesday 
 the 13th there were 451 in favour of the dogma, and in the 
 public Session 533, an increase of 82. These must be taken 
 from the 91 absent, and the 62 "juxta modum," but as the 
 numbers voting on Wednesday amounted to 601, and at the 
 public Session only to 535, the number of absentees, far from 
 diminishing, had increased by about one-half, and thus one must 
 look for those who adhered to the definition after Wednesday, 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 215 
 
 as far as the calculation admits, chiefly among the 62 conditional 
 votes. What had induced these Fathers to change their opinion ? 
 The formula remained the same in substance as on the day that 
 it was voted, with the exception of the amendments, which 
 exaggerated without essentially altering it, and the greater part 
 of the sixty-two who had voted " juxta modum," were known to 
 be personally unfavourable, if not actually adverse, at least for 
 the present, to the declaration of the dogma. What was the 
 reason which induced them so quickly to change their opinion, 
 and then supposing that they had actually done so, what could 
 be the value historically of a double and conflicting testimony at 
 the same time, and on the same subject? Among those who were 
 absent from the Congregation of the 13th were Antonelli, Berardi, 
 Grassellini and Hohenlohe ; M. de Merode, the warlike minister 
 of Castelfidardo, and Count Ludovico de Besi, Bishop of Canopo, 
 once Vicar-Apostolic in China, Padre Luigi da Trento, for- 
 merly Apostolic preacher, and at the present time Vicar of the 
 Capitolo di San Pietro, were likewise wanting at the meeting. 
 Padre Luigi da Trento was renowned for his scientific acquire- 
 ments, but his opinions were known to be adverse to Infallibility, 
 and the Pope having observed his absence at the public Session, 
 remonstrated with him on the point. Cardinal Guidi had given 
 up the triumphant position he held for a short time, and though 
 he had voted "juxta modum " on Wednesday the 13th, on per- 
 ceiving that resistance was vain, he retraced his steps at the 
 final decision by giving the orthodox " Placet." It was said 
 that when he came forward to vote on this occasion the Pope 
 observed him attentively, and on hearing him give the answer 
 "Placet," said, "buon uomo" (good man); others thought the 
 words were " pover uomo " (poor man). It is quite possible 
 that in Italian these observations might bear the same signifi- 
 cation. Several prelates of the minority, the French especially, 
 had at the last moment modified their opinion, and among them, 
 if I mistake not, were the Bishops of Rheims, of Avignon, and 
 of Salzburg ; also the Archbishop of Pisa, whose vote was con- 
 sidered most important from his being a Cardinal and a person 
 of great piety. Up to this time he had been reckoned among 
 those who opposed personal Infallibility, but now he accepted 
 the doctrine. He and the other dissentient cardinals drew 
 
216 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 their scarlet hats down over their eyes, and remained silent. 
 Thus was obtained the number that voted favourably at the 
 public session, and the difference between that and the number 
 of favourable votes in the Congregation held on Wednesday is 
 explained. Nearly 150 pastors of Catholic flocks were absent 
 altogether, though they occupied some of the most important 
 and illustrious sees in Christendom. Among them, as we have 
 already observed, were the Archbishops of Paris, Vienna, Turin, 
 and Milan. Also the Primate of Gaul, the Bishop of Orleans, 
 the Primate of Hungary, the Archbishop of Prague, of Saint 
 Louis, of Colocsza, and the Bishops of Mayence, of Treves, 
 of Bosnia and Sirmio, of Nice, of Marseilles, and many others ; 
 in fact, we may say that the absent prelates were not only men 
 who occupied eminent positions, but men eminent in themselves, 
 which means that at the present time in them lay the best and 
 surest hopes of the Church. 
 
 8. The protest signed by sixty-three bishops of the Opposition 
 before leaving Rome was written in a sober and respectful style, 
 which forms a striking contrast with the address of the legates. 
 We will give the document in extenso, on account of its im- 
 portance both in itself and in regard to the occasion of its 
 production : — 
 
 Eeatissime Patee. 
 
 In congregatioDe generali die xiii hujus mensis habita, dedimus sufifragia 
 nostra super schemata prima? constitutionis dogmatical de Ecclesia Christi. 
 
 Notum est Sanctitati vestrae octoginta octo patres fuisse, qui conscientia 
 urgente et amore sancta? Ecclesia? permoti, suffragium suum per verba non 
 placet emiserunt: sexaginta duo alios, qui suffragati sunt per verba juxta 
 modum, denique septuaginta circiter, qui a congregatione abfuerunt atque a 
 suffragio emittendo abstinuerunt. His accedunt et alii, qui infirmitatibus aut 
 aliis gravioribus rationibus ducti, ad suas diceceses reversi sunt. Hac ratione 
 Sanctitati vestra? et toti mundo sufifragia nostra nota atque manifestata fuere, 
 patuitque quam multis episcopis sententia nostra probetur, atque hoc modo 
 munus officiumque quod nobis incumbet persolvimus. Ab eo inde tempore 
 nihil prorsus, evenit, quod sententiam nostram mutaret, quin imo multa eaqne 
 gravissima acciderunt, qua? nos in proposito confirmaverunt. 
 
 Atque ideo nostra jam edita sufifragia nosrenovare et confirmare declaramus. 
 Confirmantes itaque per hanc scripturam, sufifragia nostra a sessione publica 
 die decimoctava bujus mensis habenda ut abesse liceat constituimus. Pietas 
 enim filialis ac reverentia, qua? missos nostros superrime, ad pedes Sanctitatis 
 vestrae, advexit, non sinunt nos in causa Sanctitatis vestra? personam adeo 
 proxime concernente palam et in facie patris dicere non placet. 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 217 
 
 Et aliunde suffragia in solemni sessione edenda repeterent dumtaxat suf- 
 fragia in generali congregatione deprompta. Redimus itaque sine mora ad 
 greges nostros, quibus post tarn longam absentiam ob belli timores atque pres- 
 saiitissimas eoruin spirituales indigentias summopere necessarii sumus, dolentes 
 quod ob tristitiam in quibus versamur rerum adjunctam, etiam conscientiarum 
 pacem et tranquillitatem turbatam inter fideles nostros reperturi sumus. 
 
 Interea Ecclesiam Dei et Sanctitatem vestram, cui intemeratam fidem et 
 obedientiam profitemur Domini nostri Jesu Christi gratia? et prsesidio toto 
 corde commendantes sumus Sanctitatis vestras 
 
 Devotissimi et obedientissimi 
 
 (Here follow the signatures.) 
 
 The day after the protest had been signed by so many bishops, 
 the Giornale di Roma gave an account of the public Session, in 
 which it said that the dogma of Infallibility had been unanimously 
 passed, with the exception of two votes of " Non placet," and 
 that numbers of the absent bishops had sent their adhesion to it 
 in writing, and all the members of the majority remaining in 
 Rome repeated the same assertion. It is, of course, very diffi- 
 cult for outsiders to penetrate the mysteries of the secret retracta- 
 tions and mental compromises made by uncertain consciences 
 within the hidden recesses of the Congregations and offices of 
 Rome ; but though the Giornale di Roma might choose to say 
 that the dogma had met with universal assent, such words could 
 not avail to blot out the protests that had been made, to account 
 for the voluntary absences, to cancel, in fact, the whole history 
 of the last few months. Nothing can alter the final dilemma, — 
 either those who publicly and formally protested, adhered to their 
 protest — and then it is impossible to maintain the universal 
 acceptance of the dogma, for whatever may be said of the 
 favourable votes, the number of Fathers who signed the protest 
 is much too considerable to be overlooked — or supposing those 
 who protested to have afterwards retracted, then their assent to 
 the dogma was more detrimental to the object they had in view, 
 than the most ardent opposition. 
 
 9. From this first test it became apparent that the decided 
 opinion of the German bishops who advocated the attendance of 
 the Opposition at the public Session, in order to repeat the 
 " Non placet " given at the preceding Congregation, was by far 
 the best and surest course ; for the assertion of the Giornale di 
 Roma gave them a foretaste of the false statements and judg- 
 
218 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 merits they must in future expect from having followed milder 
 counsels. If the individual who induced the minority to adopt 
 this course acted in good faith, he will have ample cause to 
 regret his advice, for the sake of his own party ; if otherwise, 
 upon him must rest the responsibility of the whole matter. 
 Another phase of the question was opened by this article — a 
 phase of " approbation." Now that the dogma is declared, it 
 is evident that the same pressure used to bring about its pro- 
 mulgation will be exercised to secure its acceptance, and, without 
 doubt, this policy will succeed. The constitution of the Church 
 in the nineteenth century renders resistance impossible ; it is 
 like a machine worked by a single motive force which casts 
 away all that it does not absorb within itself. The secondary 
 wheels have no longer any controlling power, and as there is no 
 repugnance to throw out more than is gathered in, there is no 
 regular and lawful means of opposing the impulse from above : 
 indeed, those who attempt it have always been themselves 
 expelled. Consequently, the dissentients were nearly sure to 
 give their approbation, and in the end they did give it, almost 
 all ; but whatever its theological or canonical value may be, 
 it is certain that cotemporaries as well as posterity will have 
 much difficulty in understanding how it is possible to retract an 
 opinion once given, to say at the same time yes and no in a 
 question of fact ; a question whether the universal Church has 
 held ah initio, and does hold at the present day, the doctrine 
 of Infallibility. One can understand a change of determination 
 from devotion, but to see white when the object contemplated is 
 black, is beyond human power, and passes the limits of reason- 
 able concession. In order to escape this contradiction we must 
 detract from the value of the votes first given, but in doing so 
 we diminish their worth as a testimony both in the first and 
 second case, and with regard to the Opposition and the Majority. 
 If the whole matter were not a question of fact, but an attempt 
 to produce ex novo a development in the Church, how many 
 difficulties arise and present themselves to the observer ! 
 
 We will not, however, enter upon this view of the question, 
 which rather concerns theologians and canonists, but confine 
 ourselves to such considerations as best serve to guide public 
 opinion ; not that which is found in the newspapers or the 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 219 
 
 passing politics of the day, but that which is based on con- 
 scientious conviction. This opinion, in the long run, is certain 
 to ascribe to all events their just value and importance, and by 
 means of it alone, can be rightly estimated the effects of the 
 Vatican Council, on the religious and political condition of 
 Catholicism. 
 
 10. It is unnecessary to insert here the scheme " De Ecclesia," 
 which any one can study now that it is not only published, but 
 has become a law common to all ; those, however, who are 
 anxious to peruse it, will find it in the Appendix.* Meantime 
 it is well to call attention to the Canons, which contain the 
 substance and last decisions of the scheme. In these three 
 Canons, and the paragraph which answers to the fourth, are the 
 words which serve as the key-note of the drama we have been 
 considering, words which complete the work pursued for many 
 centuries with wonderful constancy, and which secure for the 
 Catholic Church the most absolute supremacy known upon 
 earth. 
 
 They are as follows : — 
 
 Canon I. 
 
 Si quis dixerit, Beatum Petrum Apostolum non esse a Christo Domino con- 
 stitutum Apostolorum omnium principem et totius Ecclesise militantis visibile 
 caput, vel eumdem honoris tantum, non autem verse propriaeque jurisdictionis 
 primatum ab eodem Domino nostro Jesu Christo directe et immediate accepisse, 
 anathema sit. 
 
 Canon II. 
 
 Si quis dixerit, non esse ex ipsius Christi Domini institutione seu jure divino, 
 ut Beatus Petrus in primatu super universam Ecclesiam habeat perpetuos 
 successores, aut Romanum Pontificem non esse Beati Petri in eodem primatu 
 successorem, anathema sit. 
 
 Canon III. 
 
 Si quis dixerit, Romanum Pontificem habere tantummodo officium inspec- 
 tions vel directioms, non autem plenam et supremam potestatem jurisdic- 
 tionis in universam Ecclesiam, non solum in rebus quse ad fidem et mores sed 
 etiam in lis qua? ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesia? per totum orbem dif- 
 fusae pertinent aut eum habere tantum potiores partes, non vero totam pleni- 
 tudinem hujus suprenue potestatis : aut hanc ejus potestatem non esse ordi- 
 nariam et immediatam, sive in omnes et singulas Ecclesias, sive in omnes et 
 singulos pastores et fideles, anathema sit. 
 
 * See Appendix, Document XX. 
 
220 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 Paragraph that takes the place of the 4th Canon. 
 
 Itaque nos traditioni a fidei Christianse exordio percepta? fideliter inhasrendo 
 ad Dei Salvatoris nostri gloriam, religionis Catholics exaltationem et Chris- 
 tianorum populorum salutem, sacro approbante conciljo, docemus et divini- 
 tus revelatum dogma esse definimus Romanum Pontificem cum ex cathedra 
 loquitur, id est cum omnium Christianorum pastoris et doctoris munere 
 fungens, pro suprema sua apostolica auctoritate, doctrinam de fide vel moribus 
 ab universa Ecclesia tenendam definit per assistentiam divinam ipsi in Beato 
 Petro promissam ea infallibilitate pollere, qua divinus Redemptor Ecclesiam 
 suam in definienda doctrina de fide vel moribus instructam esse voluit, ideoque 
 ejusmodi Romani Pontificis definitiones ex sese, non autem ex consensu Eccle- 
 sia? irreformabiles esse. Si quis autem huic nostras definitioni contradicere, 
 quod Deus avertat, prasumpserit, anathema sit. 
 
 11. This, then, is the act for which during the last seven 
 months a never varying combat has been waged, with the result 
 that, on all points and in all ages, usually attends such struggles, 
 namely, in the triumph of authority, whenever that authority is 
 well organised, and possesses the constancy of purpose and the 
 requisite means for carrying its wishes into effect. It is the 
 formal and solemn act by which the Church assumes absolute 
 power, in such a way that one man, by means of his subor- 
 dinates, who are under the strictest obligations of obedience, 
 and are deprived of all freedom of judgment, can govern the 
 consciences of more than a hundred millions of persons who 
 acknowledge his sway ; consciences which must reflect the 
 will and the ideas of their head, under the penalty of being 
 deprived of the religious rites which direct and comfort them. 
 Thus organised, the Roman Catholic religion is certainly easily 
 guided by its superiors, and is well qualified for intervening in 
 social or political strife, with its immense influence, while it 
 also lends itself more surely to become an instrument of party. 
 On the other hand, how does such a constitution promote that 
 universality which is the characteristic of Christianity and is 
 implied in the very name of Catholic ? It is almost superfluous 
 again to remind our readers that we have no desire to pass 
 judgment on theological questions on which we are not com- 
 petent to decide, but simply wish to place before them the 
 social and civil aspects of the question, and the practical results 
 to society of the influence of the Vatican Council. Weighing 
 these considerations by past experience, it seems probable that 
 
July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 221 
 
 all that is intelligent, reasonable, and liberal in Catholicism, 
 finding itself bound down within such narrow limits by external 
 authority, will press forward with energy until it reaches a 
 position of greater ease and freedom, a position in which the 
 irresistible impulse of modern life may be able to attain its full 
 development ; and it will be a great thing if in this struggle 
 those who wish to preserve their religion, and yet are unable 
 to follow the novelties of the Vatican, will content themselves 
 with the old news, the good news par excellence, and still 
 find guidance and comfort in the Gospel. The most devout 
 and well-disciplined portion of Catholicism will no doubt strive 
 under the direction of the Pope to set itself against the spirit 
 of the age — but where will its course end ? That is a ques- 
 tion which none can answer, and which will probably depend 
 in great measure on the individual dispositions of the Popes who 
 seek to make the experiment. Of course, it is possible that 
 some Pope of large and liberal ideas may arise, but what could 
 he do ? Might not his best endeavours in a position of such 
 unlimited power be attended by the same dangers as follow on 
 a policy of reaction ? Can a principle, illiberal by nature, ever 
 produce real fruits of liberty ? The very name of " Catholic 
 party" which the devout Catholics of all countries have spon- 
 taneously assumed, seems to be a forecast of the future, and to 
 indicate the opinion of those who have given up the universality 
 of their kingdom, while it points out the probable condition 
 of the Church of Rome in its laborious struggle with modern 
 society. The world which previous to the Vatican Council 
 was indiscriminately termed Catholic, will now inevitably split 
 into two divisions ; but between them there will remain a con- 
 siderable number of persons, who, unable to follow the liberal 
 ideas of the first party, and impatient of the yoke of the second, 
 will be lost in the burning sands formed by the detritus of 
 wasted religious beliefs and moral principles, which constitutes 
 the interminable desert, stretching away into the distance along 
 the borders of modern civilisation. 
 
 12. History is bound to award to the author and originator 
 of every work the praise or blame which is due to him. All 
 must remember the part taken by the Fathers of the Civilta 
 Cattolica, and Monsignor Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, 
 
222 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. 
 
 in promoting the dogma of the personal Infallibility of the 
 Pope, and all know that it was their mind and their will that 
 carried it. On the day of the promulgation of the dogma 
 Monsignor Manning received as a gift, from the Society of the 
 Jesuits, a portrait of Bellarmine with the following inscrip- 
 tion — 
 
 HENRICO EDWARDO MANNING, 
 
 ARCHIEP. WESTM0NA8T. 
 
 SODALES SOC. JESU, 
 
 COLLEGII CIVILITATIS CATHOLICS, 
 
 SESSIONI8 IV. CONCILII VATICANI 
 
 MNEMOSTNON. 
 
LU8I0H.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 223 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 1. Two years have elapsed since the events we have recorded 
 took place, a period which appears as nothing with reference to 
 the history of human thought, but which affords sufficient space 
 for measuring the results already effected by the Vatican Council, 
 especially in the relations it has established with Catholic 
 nations and with society in general. And this inquiry is the 
 more opportune, because the Council being now prorogued, it is 
 important accurately to estimate its results during this period 
 of interruption and repose. They may be considered under 
 three aspects, corresponding with the three modes in which the 
 interests of all societies are affected, namely, the religious, the 
 social, and the political. 
 
 2. Under the religious aspect, the immediate effect of the 
 Vatican Council has been to cause a feeling of weariness, even 
 among the most devoted Catholics ; and in those quarters where 
 the new doctrines have been most favourably received, to leave 
 an impression of the disproportion between the object longed 
 for and the result obtained ; to produce in the human mind 
 that sort of vacuity which usually accompanies the attainment 
 of a wish, the non plus ultra of the reality itself, the possession 
 of anything ardently longed for by an individual, a people or an 
 institution. The calamities in which the policy of the Vatican 
 have resulted, in respect to its own temporal condition and its 
 international relations, have also contributed very materially 
 to strengthen this feeling. 
 
 3. That portion of the Church which comprised the Oppo- 
 sition remains like the conquered after a battle, in a shattered 
 and irresolute state ; and we are unable yet to form any con- 
 jectures as to its sentiments, or as to the line of action which 
 it may adopt. The bishops may be said to have universally 
 
224 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 submitted ; and although the individuals who held aloof preserve 
 a distinct character, which may one day acquire more general 
 importance, this does not alter the fact of the more or less 
 spontaneous, but almost universal, acceptance on the part of 
 the episcopate, of the work of the Vatican Council. 
 
 Among the inferior ranks of the hierarchy the case was 
 different. A considerable number of clergy scattered in dif- 
 ferent countries, especially in Germany, and a still larger 
 number of the laity, have laid the foundations of a state of 
 separation, the importance and duration of which it would as 
 yet be premature and speculative to foretell. 
 
 4. Besides, no conscientious or impartial observer can fail 
 to discern in the submission of the bishops, and equally in 
 the energetic resistance of the Old Catholics, an absence of 
 enthusiasm and a forlorn resignation. This resignation almost 
 assumes the character of a passive resistance, according to their 
 disposition and temperament, among a considerable number 
 of intelligent Catholics capable of exercising their individual 
 judgment on the doctrines and policy which, gradually gaining 
 ground in these latter years in the guidance of the Church, 
 have finally brought about those conclusions which are their 
 seal and natural consequence, or, we might rather say, the 
 compendium and formula by means of which those doctrines 
 have been converted from mere matters of opinion, into integral 
 parts of the common law of the whole Catholic world. 
 
 5. A great part of the episcopate accepted the doctrines 
 and policy that prevailed in the first phase of the Vatican 
 Council from a feeling of duty, or a desire to choose the 
 lesser evil, or other similar reasons, rather than from actual 
 conviction, and the sincere and spontaneous testimony of their 
 own conscience. This applies first to those who gave in 
 their adhesion after having upheld the contrary, as un- 
 doubtedly in their case the primary and spontaneous decision 
 of conscience must have essentially affected their mind and 
 modified their external action in regard to the tenets they finally 
 adopted ; and it applies still more to all who, after evident hesi- 
 tation, either held aloof or passively accepted, on account of 
 their order and position in the hierarchy, doctrines which no 
 opposition on their part could enable them to repel. Among the 
 

 Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 225 
 
 inferior clergy the proportion of those who possess the con- 
 sciousness and often the painful experience of the clangers and 
 difficulties attending the application of those doctrines, and the 
 tendency of that policy, is much greater than among the bishops ; 
 but an equal sentiment of order and discipline, and perhaps a 
 lower degree of personal independence, keeps them in a state of 
 obedience and of passive resignation, which paralyses their action, 
 and renders them mechanical rather than intelligent members of 
 the Church. 
 
 Among the laity, all who are contained between the two 
 extremes, that is between the Rationalists, the real free-thinkers, 
 and those who compose what is properly called the Catholic 
 party — that multitude which includes the living working mass 
 of the Catholic populations — feels more or less, with a per- 
 ception varying with the intelligence and morality possessed 
 by each individual, the practical difficulties, the perils and the 
 misfortunes, resulting from the constant prosecution of such 
 aims as we have described. 
 
 The spirit of resistance, moreover, manifests itself differently 
 among the laity and among the clergy. The former, not being 
 controlled by any special conditions or restraints, for the greater 
 part break loose from the narrow circle which confines them ; 
 and temporarily cease to belong to their own Church (at least 
 in externals), without feeling any deep or lasting convictions in 
 the matter, or being supported by the deliberate approval of 
 their own conscience. 
 
 Such desertions are readily and zealously noticed, by the very 
 persons who actually promote them, and who prefer to see the 
 number of the faithful constantly diminished, rather than to 
 recognise as such any who are not completely and blindly 
 submissive. A small part only accept the ungrateful and difficult 
 task of resisting at the same time the oppressive and expul- 
 sive forces which assail them ; and have in consequence the 
 greatest difficulty in making themselves accepted "da Dio e 
 da nemici suoi." 
 
 G. A decided school, or rather a party, stands forth in opposi- 
 tion to the various forms of resistance we have specified, and to 
 the great multitude whose active powers are neutralised by the 
 conflict between the pressure of ecclesiastical authority and 
 
 Q 
 
226 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 the reluctance of their feelings and interests, sometimes even of 
 their reason and conscience, to submit to its demands. This 
 party is ardent, impassioned, and fanatical, and is from character 
 and education little familiar with the interests of daily life. Its 
 programme is based on the freest interpretations of the old 
 school of authority, and on the traditional absolutism of the 
 Roman Curia ; and it is bound together by the troubles and 
 disappointments, hopes and regrets, to which our days of rapid 
 and violent changes give such ample scope. This party, strong 
 in the progressive development by which its purposes have been 
 attained, has the advantage of possessing numerous traditions 
 and writings which have all contributed to its success, and may 
 all be quoted in its favour ; and even more, it is strong in con- 
 sequence of the preponderating influence exercised by its practices, 
 and methods of teaching on the organisation of the Church, 
 that wonderful organisation which has been matured by fifteen 
 centuries of experience and of strife. Furnished with these 
 formidable elements of power, it exercises an unquestioned 
 supremacy over the multitudes that will not obey, but cannot 
 resist it. Above this party, which by its movement imparts an 
 impulse to the whole Catholic hierarchy, stands the Pope, as its 
 highest expression and representative ; indeed, I might almost 
 say its real personification, for on him necessarily rests the 
 whole responsibility of its progress, owing to the supreme 
 authority with which he is endued, an authority which has 
 recently attained its highest development. 
 
 7. In consequence of the informal nature of this book, we 
 may here venture to make a slight digression. Great moral 
 authorities ought to be impersonal, in order to resist the many- 
 violent and conflicting currents of interests which they must 
 encounter on their path ; and these latter must never be allowed 
 to individualise or personify the obstacles they oppose, for 
 there are combinations of power against which no isolated 
 force or resistance can possibly prevail, just as there are re- 
 sponsibilities to which no human individual, however great, is 
 equal. The will of an individual is a narrow passage, difficult of 
 access for general interests. An individual will becomes the 
 expression of the desires of those nearest to it, or of those 
 who are instrumental in carrying out its own designs ; and 
 

 Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 227 
 
 who, having thus the advantage over others, impart to that will 
 a character less universal and a disposition to become tyran- 
 nical. The greater the development attained by these tenden- 
 cies towards isolation and concentration, the more serious are 
 their consequences. The will of the Pope becoming of infinite 
 importance in the Church, his responsibility, and the difficulties 
 to be overcome in order to maintain its universal and uncon- 
 trolled exercise, are also infinitely increased. How much we 
 might learn if only the mighty spirits of those Popes who ruled 
 the Church in times of great conflict and violent passions, when 
 their supreme authority, though not so explicitly affirmed as at 
 present, was in reality far more effective and more widely re- 
 spected, could appear again among us ! If only we could freely 
 study the precious documents of the Vatican archives, and find 
 out the real connection between those great individualities and 
 the important events of their respective ages, what part they 
 took in them, and how they influenced them, we should be 
 greatly enlightened on the subject, and be able accurately to 
 appreciate the conditions of an authority so amazing, in its 
 collision with the violent passions that oppose it. Critical 
 works on ecclesiastical history, and the biographies of the great 
 Popes which abound at the present day, have already begun to 
 raise the veil from that period of history especially, which 
 treats of the wonderful vicissitudes of the Reformation, the 
 League, the English revolution, and of all, in short, that during 
 the four last centuries has changed the face of Europe. We 
 are now beginning to learn how to estimate the absolute will of 
 individuals with regard to grave misfortunes, the sole responsi- 
 bility of which is often attributed to them by the popular voice. 
 But in the meanwhile how many persons attribute the massacre 
 of St. Bartholomew, the assassination of Henry IV., and a 
 thousand other horrors and crimes solely to the instigation of 
 the Vatican? 
 
 The fact that Paul III. first accepted the dedication of the 
 works of Copernicus has not availed to counterbalance the fact 
 that the imprisonment of Galileo was due to the Papacy, while 
 the resistance of the Lutherans to the new astronomical theories 
 have been entirely lost sight of in the ever-widening waves of 
 universal opinion ; and in those days the work was not yet 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 finished, the responsibility of the government of the Church had 
 not yet been renounced by the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy, in 
 order that it might reside in the head alone. 
 
 8. But to return to our subject from this brief digression, 
 it will easily be understood that the action of the Church 
 on Catholic society is retarded in its free development, by the 
 reciprocal relations of its internal elements. 
 
 The condition of the Catholic Church is not satisfactory or 
 hopeful with regard to her external relations, either from a 
 purely religious view, or with respect to societies whose con- 
 fession of faith differs from her own. The spirit of absolute 
 and unlimited authority in Catholicism finds its counterpart in a 
 spirit of equally absolute exclusiveness. 
 
 Catholicism has been more successful in the second tendency 
 than in the first, and has practically succeeded in placing the 
 faithful in a condition of almost hostile isolation, in real life, 
 from the members of all other Christian confessions. On this 
 point its success has been entire. Catholics at the present day 
 very often neither have, nor profess, any religion whatever ; but 
 they rarely attempt, whether as individuals or as societies, to 
 fraternise with others, or in the slightest degree to modify their 
 views from contact with forms of religion the nearest, and most 
 akin to their own. 
 
 On the contrary, this curious phenomenon may be observed 
 among them in the matter, that they seem to draw closer to those 
 confessions of faith which tend most towards rationalism, than to 
 those that have kept the nearest to religion. The same results 
 have been generated by the spirit of hostility and exclusiveness 
 as by the spirit of authority, both these sentiments have increased 
 and reached their culminating point, just in proportion as their 
 practical application has been most at variance with the temper 
 and habits of the age. Such exaggeration at the present day, 
 when universal tolerance prevails, is a source of great diffi- 
 culty for Catholics in their intercourse with persons of kindred 
 confessions of faith, for though always obliged in such intercourse 
 to submit to an outward appearance of equality, they never 
 frankly accept it. 
 
 Again, from the overstrained application of the spirit of 
 exclusiveness in practical life, Catholic institutions are unwilling 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 229 
 
 to make any interchange with others ; to give and accept at the 
 same time any active co-operation on practical points of morals, 
 or on grounds of common interest, but they keep up and create 
 distrust and rancour where they ought rather to seek friends, 
 or, at least, auxiliaries. These evil results are at variance both 
 with the spirit of the Gospel and with true civilisation, and are 
 as hurtful to the religious development as to the material progress 
 of nations. 
 
 9. The situation that we have described is one of the princi- 
 pal hindrances to the progress of modern civilisation among 
 Catholic nations, and a reason why it can only be attained by 
 degrees, at the co^t of much suffering and great revulsions. We 
 see in this state of things an authority at once inflexible and 
 incapable of carrying out its designs, bearing with all its weight 
 on an unwilling and inert multitude, strong enough to over- 
 power all resistance from its subjects, but incapable of assimi- 
 lating them to itself, and making them partakers of its own spirit. 
 It is an authority ever at war with the rest of the world ; ready 
 and eager to create difficulties in the civil society in which it 
 moves, but unable to conquer in the battle it has provoked. 
 
 This authority is ever striving after the realisation of an ideal, 
 which it seeks more ardently in proportion as that ideal eludes 
 its grasp, and escapes from the region of human sympathies ; 
 and for this it wages a perpetual warfare with the science, the 
 laws, the habits, and the wants of modern society — in short, with 
 all that constitutes the present age. We see here the reason why 
 religious institutions which, as we learn from the history of 
 great nations, should be and are, when in harmony with civil 
 life, a most effective element of order, of unity, and of force, 
 prove too often just the reverse. Those institutions should offer 
 to mankind repose from their conflicts, consolation under disap- 
 pointment, and a neutral ground whereon they may meet in the 
 pilgrimage of life ; but their real action is too often very different. 
 They become an inexhaustible source of divisions and of diffi- 
 culties ; a perpetual battle-field, on which none are indifferent 
 spectators of the combat, but all, both friends and enemies, when 
 engaged in the fight, may prove equally dangerous to social 
 order. Perhaps the most marked sign of the times is to be 
 found in the fact that, in the unceasing and deadly warfare in 
 
230 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 which the Church is engaged, her enemies if worsted, meet with 
 only slight discomfiture, whereas her friends are often wholly 
 vanquished. We have now considered the second, the social 
 view of the question. 
 
 10. We must not deceive ourselves, the equipoise, or we might 
 almost say the mechanical balance of the moral powers, is a law 
 similar to that which, through the material forces, regulates the 
 world ; it is therefore superior to all human laws, and cannot be 
 disturbed without causing terrible confusion and violent reaction. 
 An unnatural state of things outside of that equilibrium may be 
 created and maintained by clever artificers, who, in so doing, 
 demonstrate the power of human intellect ; but before long the 
 inconvenience of such a position is manifested, and a reaction 
 occurs sooner or later, becoming more violent in proportion as 
 it is delayed, and most violent when it comes too late, and is 
 powerless to restore the primitive order of things. Very often, 
 in this latter case, reaction only seems to drag down to destruction 
 the whole work, so painfully, and sometimes so wonderfully, 
 built up and kept together. 
 
 Institutions prosper, and constitute the happiness of societies, 
 according as not only in their foundation, but in their succes- 
 sive development, they conform and accommodate themselves to 
 the rules of this great moral law, and keep the limits deter- 
 mined by this just equilibrium. In the precepts of the Gospel, 
 and its full and comprehensive teaching, we find the highest 
 expression of a law that meets all the needs and provides for 
 all the conditions of humanity, and it was in the strength of 
 this law alone that Christianity in four or five centuries con- 
 quered the whole of the known world. As Christian institutions 
 have by degrees been developed, their application has become 
 more minute and complicated (sometimes, it is true, with won- 
 derful results), but they have lost in consequence much of their 
 original simplicity and breadth, and much also of that cha- 
 racter of universal adaptability which distinguished primitive 
 Christianity. 
 
 "Brethren, love one another," was the doctrine taught as a 
 synthetical precept, by one of the earliest and most illustrious 
 preachers of Christianity. Dissensions grew as the tendency 
 to define and particularise increased ; and the legal definitive 
 

 Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 231 
 
 elevation of the See of Rome was marked by the schism of the 
 Kast. 
 
 The process of ordering, arranging, and denning continued 
 until they produced a system, a policy, and a law, which awoke 
 differences of opinions, passions, and interests in men's minds, 
 divided them into friends and enemies, and gave rise to endless 
 controversies. This phase was replete with active life in 
 Christianity and in the Church ; and the vitality, movement and 
 collision inherent in it, produced the greatest men and the most 
 marvellous institutions. While it lasted, there were many ob- 
 stacles and difficulties to be encountered, and much resistance, 
 moral and material, to be overcome ; but yet men continued to 
 legislate, to order, to govern, and to centralise, until, finally, 
 after much transitory agitation and resistance, a great part of 
 Christian Europe refused to bend any longer to the laws of Rome, 
 and made laws for itself. Still the work of denning and particu- 
 larising proceeded, until casuistry was constituted into a science, 
 and the framing of decrees and canons went on till the 18th of 
 July, 1870. The result of an infinite number of circumstances, 
 which arose during this long development of an authority so 
 unlimited as that potentially and effectively contained in the 
 Roman Church, has been to evolve and perfect a system which, 
 though founded on a law most pure and simple (that of the 
 Gospel), has by degrees embodied a new code so full, so minute, 
 so uniform, alike in principle and in application, in theory and 
 in practice — applying to matters of greatest breadth, as well as 
 to minute particulars ; pressing equally on all its subjects, with 
 scarcely any or no distinction of race and nation ; so framed as 
 to bring all people to a given end by certain means, in such a 
 way, and by none other — that human nature, finding itself thus 
 bound down by a rule which was invariable, not only in sub- 
 stance, but in its special application, began to react, first instinc- 
 tively and submissively, and then consciously, openly and 
 wildly. 
 
 11. Amidst all these explanations and definitions, this legis- 
 lation preserved the character of the times and circumstances 
 whence it derived its birth and expansion. Inflexible in its 
 nature, the more it was enlarged and became minute, the greater 
 also became the number of cases in which it applied, and to 
 which that inflexibility extended. It followed in consequence 
 
232 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 that in order to render its application possible, it was requisite 
 to open or to enlarge a safety-valve, which might serve as a 
 means of relief from such severe pressure, and thus the system of 
 indulgence became widespread in the economy of the Church. 
 Without this, very soon there would not have remained a single 
 member who could be considered truly faithful according to 
 her own rules, on account of the ever-increasing difficulties on 
 the one side, and the weakening of religious belief and of 
 individual character on the other. Meanwhile, time rolled on, 
 customs changed, and both found themselves more than ever at 
 variance with the laws that ruled them. The expedient we 
 have noticed, already dangerous on account of its influence on 
 individual character, no longer sufficed to meet the evil it was 
 intended to obviate, neither could the patience and tolerance 
 with which the Roman Curia prudently moderated its ecclesias- 
 tical policy, provide a commensurate remedy. 
 
 The time had come when the Curia, which claimed for itself 
 the height of power and of learning, was constrained either to 
 submit to the modifications demanded by the new character and 
 exigencies of the age, or else to find itself in conflict with them. 
 The authoritative nature of its constitution prevented its pro- 
 gressive modification, and rendered its affinity with advance- 
 ment and science very difficult ; equally so its relations with 
 the feelings and habits gradually unfolded in the rest of 
 mankind, and thus by little and little became visible the 
 breach between Church and society, which had formerly been 
 united. This separation increased daily ; and the more ap- 
 parent it was, the more the pressure of religious institutions in 
 Catholic society became artificial on one side, and intolerable on 
 the other. 
 
 The Church, on her part, multiplied laws, penalties, censures, 
 inquisitions ; framed new institutions, and founded new militant 
 religious orders. She also originated, for one reason or another, 
 new devotions, new associations, new signs of fellowship, and tried 
 by every possible means to advance her own special institutions. 
 Catholics became more than ever a separate class, living under 
 an exceptional regime, which, though containing much that was 
 good, was yet so peculiar and uniform as to render it little adapted 
 for universal application, and in the end, owing to their numbers 
 being restricted, obedient Catholics, and, as they are called, 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 233 
 
 " praticanti," became, what indeed at the present day they are, 
 simply a party in the Church. The age was not propitious to 
 religious discussions, nor to the outward exhibition of religious 
 passions ; and accordingly those who could not submit to the 
 regime we have described, never thought of resorting to argu- 
 ment on the question, nor of separating themselves from the 
 Church ; they did not try to bring about a reform or to create 
 a schism ; but, with regard to thought, they simply gave up 
 thinking ; and, with regard to practical duties, they neglected 
 them altogether ; so that, by little and little, they fell into a state 
 of indifferentism, and of habitual corruption. Such people, how- 
 ever, still hoped ultimately to obtain forgiveness ; and so the 
 Church was able to retain them in a second circle, wider than 
 that which comprises her faithful children, but consisting, as it 
 were, of honorary members for life, on the condition of their 
 abstaining from argument on matters of principle ; of observ- 
 ing a few external practices of religion, and promising a final 
 repentance. 
 
 12. The unexpected awakening of thought in Europe, at the 
 end of the last century, made the falsity of such a moral situa- 
 tion for Catholics keenly felt by all elevated minds and gene- 
 rous hearts ; and provoked much irreverence and dislike to a 
 regime which produced alternately, and sometimes contem- 
 poraneously, bigotry and immorality. Indeed, at that moment 
 began the phase of fierce reaction which showed itself in 
 the horrors of 1793, and has not yet come to a olose with the 
 misfortunes of 1871. The antagonism between religion and 
 intellect being thus established, and the Church thrown back 
 upon herself in consequence of so serious a breach with society, 
 she still clung tenaciously to the system of inexorable and 
 invariable pressure which had hitherto proved unsuccessful, and 
 which now, far from helping her, was actually prejudicial to 
 her interests, by rendering her difficult of access to mankind 
 in general. Thus the condition of the Church in Catholic 
 countries, with regard to the social question after the events we 
 have described, is very much that of a refuge, the entrance to 
 which is so rugged and difficult, that its proximity is a source 
 of irritation rather than of succour to the people who dwell 
 around it. 
 
234 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 This state of discord does not arise from the inevitable 
 obstacles that must be encountered in the pursuit of all that is 
 right and just, but comes from the fact that a man who would 
 be a good Catholic has so many difficulties to contend with, in 
 regard to the external authority that guides him. 
 
 A good Catholic finds such a voluminous codex of what is 
 relatively good and evil to be consulted, so many customs 
 prescribed by time to be respected ; so much of the learning of 
 our age now familiar to us to be abandoned ; so many things to 
 be renounced ; scientific opinions, political principles, and not 
 rarely even one's country to be given up ; so many difficulties to 
 be overcome regarding the institutions that govern us, that it is 
 requisite to have two consciences, one to judge on matters of 
 religion, and the other on civil government. Intelligent minds, 
 which are the first to feel the burden of such a trial as this, are 
 driven to rebel ; they are followed instinctively by the multitudes, 
 and consequently both one and the other are deprived of the 
 substantial benefits of religion, and remain embittered and for- 
 saken, without guidance and without comfort. The Church is still 
 before them — the Church that educates their children and guides 
 their wives, but which denies to them that peace and equanimity, 
 which is only possessed when all the feelings and faculties of 
 the mind meet with their due recognition. The Church with- 
 holds from them this peace, because they profess some ideas or 
 opinions which may not perhaps be faultless in themselves, but 
 are yet of a nature that raises and ennobles the human mind ; 
 while she does not deny her blessings to souls stained with the 
 greatest crimes when they implore her mercy. From this result 
 naturally, war with the Church, and hatred towards the priests 
 who represent her ; and if the open enemies of religion profit 
 largely thereby, it is because they find the ground so well pre- 
 pared. To this state of antagonism are also due the terrible 
 aberrations prevailing among Catholic populations, for the reac- 
 tion has been proportioned to the action which had been pro- 
 voked ; and their rebellion has been fierce as the pressure upon 
 them by the Church was inexorable ; nor must we forget that 
 one of the permanent causes of these evils is found exactly there 
 where their chief remedy should be sought. 
 
 Hence it comes that, in our day, Catholicism has shown itself 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 235 
 
 unequal to the difficulties it must face, and impotent against 
 contemporaneous social evils. We see not only that coups d'etat, 
 but the most inhuman revolutions recur among' Catholic nations ; 
 we see them have recourse to such violent measures as the axe, 
 petroleum, brigandage, and summary executions ; and the Church 
 has nothing wherewith to calm their fury but vain declamations, 
 and tardy lamentations ; or, descending to practical efforts, her 
 only remedies are such as Peter's pence, the French pilgrimages, 
 mystical associations, and periodical religious demonstrations. 
 Fighting itself, and unsuccessfully, among the combatants already 
 so numerous, Catholicism has only become another element in 
 the social war, which it is unable either to restrain or to bring 
 to a victorious close. 
 
 Here we meet with another most discouraging phenomenon, 
 so common that it cannot be overlooked, which is this. 
 
 Nearly all the Governments of Europe, both Liberal and 
 Conservative, in accomplishing the task of keeping order (a 
 difficult one at the present day), are often obliged to oppose at 
 the same time the aggressions of revolution, and the demands 
 of the Church. We are far from wishing to pronounce judg- 
 ment on these facts individually ; but their frequent recurrence 
 in different conditions of life, reveals to us an organic pheno- 
 menon worthy of the deepest attention. 
 
 13. A second digression is necessary at this point, in order to 
 take note of the argument of those who hold the doctrines of 
 absolutism — viz., that it is not the part of the Church to accom- 
 modate herself to progress, to science, or to the habits of the 
 age ; but rather that it is the part of these to submit to the 
 Church. This view of the question is one-sided, and can apply 
 only to Catholics, as it takes no account of others ; but even as 
 regards them such an opinion is incorrect. Without making 
 science and material progress responsible for all the mistakes, 
 errors, and follies, that have sought refuge under their shield, and 
 which are reproduced in every age and under every condition of 
 human nature, it is clear that the change of customs, the advance 
 of science, great social and political discoveries, all things, in 
 fact, which are included under the term, " The progress of the 
 age," are providential dispensations beyond the limit of human 
 power ; and thus, generally speaking, the responsibility of the 
 
236 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 good or evil attaching to them does not fall, or cannot be rightly 
 charged on any individual. The most eminent men only 
 figure as instruments in these grand movements, and either sink 
 or swim according as they use their little influence with 
 equanimity and wisdom among those irresistible currents. 
 
 On the other hand, the organised and disciplined administra- 
 tion of the Church, though with regard to principles and to 
 great questions founded on the faith, and grounded in the 
 hearts of the faithful, is yet actually in the power of a small 
 number ; especially as to those matters which are not essential 
 to its essence, but have been introduced by other ages, and for 
 other necessities. 
 
 The same remark applies to points of discipline, which are 
 neither integral parts of the Church's system, nor from their 
 nature invariable, but which contain the principal subjects of 
 dispute and of danger, and are exactly those points which enter 
 most closely into the social and political life of nations. As the 
 Church possesses full authority on these matters, she is likewise 
 inevitably responsible for them ; not only because the unlimited 
 power which she exacts renders her so, but because her own great 
 and exalted mission is one of good tidings and of peace — she 
 herself being founded on the most wonderful sacrifice ever 
 made for the salvation of humanity. 
 
 14. We have taken a broad view of the case, and considered 
 from its origin the state of things which now meets us after 
 the prorogation of the Vatican Council, because its aspect is not 
 new, neither is it simply the result of the work of the Council. 
 It is rather the consequence of a policy long since begun, 
 constantly followed, with varying success, and especially mani- 
 fested in these latter years in the Catholic direction ; and it is a 
 result of the spirit of absolutism which prevails in the guidance 
 of the Church. The subject presents no new features ; and the 
 events of 1870 have had no other practical effect either on the 
 religious or social side, save that of carrying with them, directly 
 and indirectly, the seal and sanction of an Ecumenical Council 
 in favour of the existing state of things. This it is that gives 
 the deepest importance to the first period of the Vatican 
 Council ; its sanction of the past is of equal value with the 
 new laws and regulations it has introduced. All that had taken 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 237 
 
 place in the Church from the Council of Trent to the present 
 day, a period of more than 300 years, in which, owing to its 
 great length, may be found most of the causes of the events we 
 have briefly considered ; all the laws and ecclesiastical customs 
 which prevailed in those three centuries had never been brought 
 under discussion, and had never received the solemn sanction of 
 the Church. Consequently, a Council assembling for the first 
 time, after that long interval, had a grand field before it ; three 
 centuries of experience, and no binding precedents during that 
 long period. The fact that the Council did nothing to show 
 its appreciation of the great advantages of this situation, and 
 its desire to profit thereby ; but, on the contrary, the fact that it 
 made haste to pursue in the first Sessions what yet remained to 
 be traversed of the road of dogmatism, and of absolutism, this 
 it is that imparted so serious a character to the first period of 
 its discussions, and at once determined the real position of the 
 Church with regard to modern society, and the Catholic nations, 
 in particular. 
 
 This position may be summed up in one word — immobility 
 — absolute immobility, as opposed to the decided movement 
 and progress of the age. In the present state of things, this 
 immobility signifies strife ; and we have been learning for 
 nearly a century the evils which result from that strife ; more- 
 over, so far as human foresight can reach, there seems little 
 hope of its cessation. 
 
 15. We now turn to the political situation, and find that, from 
 this point of view, the position of the Church since the proroga- 
 tion of the Council is, owing to extraneous circumstances, very 
 much altered, and presents an entirely new aspect. The 
 doctrine of Infallibility was proclaimed at Rome on the 18th 
 of July, 1870 ; and at Berlin, on the 19th of July in the same 
 year was received the intimation of that war which was to 
 effect the ruin of the temporal power ; and thus, by a singular 
 disposition of Providence, the completion on one side of the 
 edifice, reared with such perseverance through the lapse of 
 centuries, was to coincide with the commencement of its demo- 
 lition on the other. The clay feet of the Colossus were broken 
 down and crumbled into dust, just as its head was surmounted 
 with the last golden crown. At the very moment when the Papacy 
 
238 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 had reached its utmost development of power, it lost its most 
 effective and powerful instrument for exercising that power in 
 the way, and with the intention, for which it had been raised 
 so high. At the time when the Papacy was ready, solemnly 
 to proclaim to the world its possession of the ascendency it had 
 so long arrogated, but was as yet unable explicitly to assume, at 
 that very moment the world with unwonted indifference saw 
 it deprived of the modest and limited dominion it had hitherto 
 enjoyed. A strange result, indeed, but one which might have 
 been foreseen, though little expected by those who mainly 
 brought it about, and who perhaps awaited a very different 
 result of their labours. 
 
 16. The downfall of the temporal power is a great and real 
 innovation in the economy of the Church, and it places the 
 aspect of her political relations with Catholic nations in a new 
 light ; so new, indeed, that as yet one cannot estimate, and can 
 only conjecture, the consequences which may be evolved. 
 
 The most important point in this new phase is this : that 
 as the different aspects of a question are distinct, rather sub- 
 jectively in regard to the mind of the observer, than in reality 
 with reference to the actual essence of the question, since they 
 mutually influence each other and are ultimately blended — so 
 this novel and singular phase of the Church's political history 
 cannot fail to react in some way or other, more perhaps than 
 is now imagined, upon her own condition, and her religious and 
 social affinities. 
 
 17. Every attempt has been made in past years, both within 
 and without the Church, to reconcile her with the politics, the 
 science, and the habits of the age ; with all those elements, in 
 short, which constitute the sum of modern civilisation, in the 
 hope that she might no longer be compelled to stand aloof from 
 civilisation in the position either of an enemy or a victim, but 
 might remain at its side as one of its own agents, an element 
 of strength and moral power. All such attempts have hitherto 
 failed. Each of them has been marked in history by schisms, 
 strife, or profound social perturbations ; but society has not 
 made a single step towards the solution of the problem, and 
 the policy of the Church has proceeded tranquilly and un- 
 alterably on its own way. Although many, and not the 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 239 
 
 least among these Dante Alighieri, have been more dis- 
 cerning, society at large has not attached great importance to 
 the influence that might be exercised on the constitution and 
 character of the Church by such a centre of authority as the 
 Roman Curia. The Roman Curia is furnished with infinite 
 moral and material forces ; and by the education of its members, 
 its peculiar traditions and forms, it stands detached from the 
 ordinary interests of life, while it is endowed with a wonderful 
 hierarchical organisation, and possesses a boundless supremacy. 
 The diminution of power which the Church has recently under- 
 gone, not in regard to her spiritual and speculative authority, 
 but in regard to that practical and material power which has 
 always been the special aim of what is properly called the 
 Roman Curia, is a new phase in her history. Owing to this 
 fact, the political element in the Church has diminished, while 
 the purely ecclesiastical element has naturally resumed the upper 
 hand ; as the mechanical centralisation of a State ceases, the 
 moral uniformity takes its place as a spontaneous effect of the 
 concordance of feeling and of principles ; force being suspended, 
 conscience remains. This state of things must necessarily be 
 modified by the opinions, the sentiments, and the requirements 
 of the age. The bishops and clergy who living the ordinary 
 life of citizens cannot but be to a certain degree influenced bv 
 that common life, naturally take the place occupied exclusively 
 up to that time by the Prelatura, and by the ecclesiastical con- 
 gregations which are composed of mixed elements, and the 
 pressure of the Curia on the episcopate loses considerably there- 
 by, both in prestige and in power. 
 
 These modifications are not the effect of a preconceived wish 
 or design, but the notable result of the situation, and they are 
 therefore the more deep and real. The essential transformation 
 in the practical life of the Church which we have described, is 
 coincident with, and balances the declaration of absolute power 
 in her speculative life. What will be the result of such a clashing 
 combination in the economy of the Church ? How can these two 
 different orders of things co-exist? Which of them will pre- 
 vail ? A transformation of this nature should be accomplished in 
 the serene air of liberty in order to produce its full effects. The 
 adverse pressure of the State, or of the violent currents of public 
 
240 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 opinion produced by political passions in times of revolution, 
 maj render the change unavailing, and may again rivet the 
 fetters that liberty has unloosed ; and reproduce under the form 
 of some hidden and powerful combination, the same phenomena 
 that were apparent under the distinct and imposing form of 
 the Curia when it was endued with temporal power. The 
 problem consists in this very fact, and it is not easy of solu- 
 tion ; at any rate, to determine it a priori is impossible, for 
 our experience in the matter hitherto is too short, and cannot 
 throw much light on the question. At any rate, in weighing 
 the different results that have accrued to the Church from the 
 proceedings of the last three years, no doubt can be entertained 
 on the one hand, of the very great force exercised on all 
 institutions by the principles that govern them, while on the 
 other hand it is impossible to overlook the positive influence 
 of the facts and interests which determine the conditions 
 under which those institutions exist. Lastly, we must not forget 
 the vital strength which animates a great organization like the 
 Church, for she embodies the moral and religious sentiments of 
 numerous and powerful races, sentiments which derive from the 
 circumstances of the age the means necessary for their active and 
 effectual development. 
 
 18. The present situation of the Church, as we have shortly 
 described it, with regard to modern society and the religious 
 condition of Catholic populations, is very discouraging, even to 
 the least observant eyes and the most prejudiced judgment, for 
 it presents many deplorable features. So far as to the Church 
 herself. With regard to society, religion is one of its integral 
 elements, it is one of the firmest bonds by which it is united, 
 it is the foundation that sustains the social edifice. 
 
 Abstract theories, multiplied reasonings, and the experiments 
 of philosophers and of statesmen, have never yet been able to 
 change this condition of humanity in the least degree ; on the 
 contrary, if they have done anything they have rendered it more 
 apparent. From the earliest age, a people is found to be religious 
 in proportion as it is honest, laborious, moral, and strong ; and 
 with disorder and decay come corruption and impiety : cotem- 
 poraneous history has in no way changed or added to this rule, 
 and all the endeavours made by elevated minds and determined 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 241 
 
 wills to confute it have utterly failed before the logical power 
 of facts. 
 
 19. The religious sentiment, moreover, resembles the other 
 faculties of the human mind ; when kept within due limits and 
 applied rationally, it helps to form great societies and strong 
 nations ; when hindered and turned out of its proper course, it 
 prepares, or follows, the decay of a nation, and often perishes 
 with it. All constituted societies and forms of civilisation 
 have been animated by some religion which represented their 
 mysterious tie with the Infinite, that is to say, with God. 
 The small and degraded populations of central Africa have 
 a religion that guides them, just as the cultivated Greek 
 societies and the mighty Roman societies had theirs ; and 
 without doubt religion has governed and still controls, though 
 many fail to recognise it, the marvellous civilisation of the 
 present age. 
 
 Art, which so faithfully and indelibly represents the spirit of 
 the times, has imprinted the character of this civilisation of 
 which we are so justly proud in the ' Divina Commedia,' in the 
 ' Disputa del Sacramento,' and in the glorious churches scattered 
 over the face of the earth. The religious sentiment, which con- 
 tains in itself the moral tie that binds society together, is at 
 the same time cause and effect, it is an integral part of civilisa- 
 tion, its very germ and spirit. The birth and development of 
 civilisation are alike marked by a strong and living faith. The 
 religious sentiment grows with civilisation ; feels the influence 
 of expanding reason and tends itself to become rational ; adapts 
 itself to the refinements of civilisation, and inspires the arts and 
 literature. These are the two stages which conduct civilisation 
 to its culminating point. When society degenerates and becomes 
 corrupt, religion does the same ; and its downfall is marked by 
 excessive devotion to outward forms, by the neglect of the inward 
 reality, and by the growth of bigotry and indifference. That 
 which happens on a large scale in the history of the world is 
 reproduced in a minor degree in the life of separate nations. 
 The principle is invariable, but its application is infinitely 
 various. The offences of men do not subvert the principle, but 
 only corrupt the societies in which they live. Societies that 
 have become corrupt fall to pieces, but other communities may 
 
 B 
 
242 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 adopt the principles they have lost, and carry them out more 
 worthily. Society passes away, but the world must accom- 
 plish its destiny. The paganism of classical ages, with all its 
 terrible corruptions, fell to rise no more, and at the present 
 day not a single pagan exists on the face of the earth. Mean- 
 while, Jewish Monotheism, which was relatively obscure and 
 hidden in a corner of the Roman empire, was, in its decay, 
 transformed into Christianity, and spread through the whole 
 world. 
 
 Christianity itself has gone through a reform by which it has 
 given life to new societies, and new forms of modern civilisa- 
 tion. By reason of the vast area over which these transforma- 
 tions take place, much of their working is above the judgment 
 of man, and cannot be affected in any way by the will of 
 individuals, they resemble the great vicissitudes of the material 
 world ; we may confront them, but can neither advance nor 
 retard their progress by a single second. 
 
 On the other hand, men are undoubtedly responsible for the 
 part they take in promoting the development of national life, 
 which accompanies an advanced state of civilisation. As 
 society cannot exist without a religion, neither can it change that 
 religion just as it pleases. The conditions under which religion 
 exists, are beyond and above the ordinary action, and effective 
 will of society, and surpass its calculable powers. It is of course 
 possible for society by a process of self-training to modify its 
 religion, to educate its religious as well as its civil sense. Society 
 may, by cultivating simultaneously its feelings and reasoning 
 powers, and improving at the same time its religious and civil 
 institutions, be able to acquire gradually that harmony of reason 
 and of will, that unity of action in all its faculties, which is 
 requisite for the full development of its strength and greatness. 
 
 20. The examination and precise definition of the mystery of 
 order, social and moral — the determination of the point at 
 which individual responsibility for great revolutions ceases, and 
 also where it begins — this examination is the quia* at which 
 " deve stare contenta la umana gente." Yet this mystery by no 
 means releases any nation from the responsibility as to its own 
 destiny which naturally belongs to it. The more a people seeks 
 
 * " State contenti, umana gente, al quia." — Dante, Furg. iii, 37. 
 

 Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 243 
 
 to be, and actually does become, great and strong, the more 
 that responsibility increases ; as it gains in power it is more 
 directly the arbiter of its own fate ; and the unknown sum of 
 general causes and influences which affect it, decreases in pro- 
 portion as the certain and evident sum of its wisdom and virtue 
 increases. 
 
 21. Three conclusions evidently result from this brief examina- 
 tion into the present state of Catholic populations, under the con- 
 sideration of their religious, social, and political aspect. First, 
 it appears that the relations between Church and State, and the 
 religious and civil condition of the inhabitants of Catholic 
 countries in our day, are universally considered to be uncomfort- 
 able, dangerous to public order, and obstructive to the diffusion 
 of civilisation and religion. Secondly, it is the interest of the 
 Church, for the sake of her own life, and for the fulfilment of 
 her own mission, to modify this state of things so far as she can. 
 Thirdly, it is essential for society, which can neither exist with- 
 out a religion, nor can change its religion at will, to adapt itself 
 to that form which it already possesses, endeavouring to improve 
 or modify it in such a way as is most easily reconcilable with 
 its nature and principles. This last condition must be especially 
 observed, in order that the two interests may coalesce favourably, 
 and also in order that the whole scheme of improvement may 
 have a practical result, and not remain a dead letter. Reform in 
 religious matters cannot satisfy reason in the abstract, but only 
 in the relative sense, because faith and feeling are special faculties, 
 having their own proper development. Hence appears the 
 futility of the work of those rationalistic reformers who, having 
 no religion to begin with, endeavour to construct one that may 
 satisfy their own notions ; and also of those statesmen who, not 
 feeling any need of religion themselves, try to make one for 
 others. The first class endeavour to produce faith by a process 
 of reasoning ; the second to create religious feeling out of scepti- 
 cism, and both these errors, very common at the present day, 
 spring from a profound ignorance of the origin of the matter. 
 The religious sentiment is not fostered deliberately by a rational 
 and symmetrical plan fixed a priori, but, like all other strong 
 convictions, it is developed by education, by habit, and by 
 example, and it is nourished by affections. 
 
 B 2 
 
244 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 Philosophers and statesmen find a justification for religion 
 in its effects rather than in its causes, which remain a mystery 
 to them — a problem only understood by its results ; and yet this 
 problem is solved daily by the multitudes whose social con- 
 dition is determined by the education and the habits they have 
 acquired from religion. Moreover, these very multitudes, from 
 their nature are accessible, more or less rapidly, to strong and 
 profound convictions ; they possess intuitively a perception of 
 justice and uprightness, which often compensates for their lack 
 of reasoning power, and are not so easily led away by paradoxes 
 and imposition as might be supposed. 
 
 22. The three conclusions we have now stated might be 
 reached by different ways, but they are unimpeachable, and 
 indeed are unquestioned. Objections may be made to the 
 last by those who believe in a society composed of philosophers. 
 We have no wish, with ancient and modern history in our 
 hands, to engage in a discussion on this subject. It is sufficient 
 to state our conviction that those who profess this hazardous 
 opinion seriously, and not merely as a matter of pretext or 
 fashion, cannot, if grave and conscientious men, in the presence 
 of so dangerous a responsibility, and in a matter so vital to 
 society, but see the necessity of carefully testing their experi- 
 ments in the region of speculation, before endeavouring to give 
 them practical effect ; time and liberty, render justice to every 
 one, and everything. This being conceded, we believe that such 
 persons will practically find little to change in the constitu- 
 tion of national life as we understand it, or in the guidance 
 and direction of those interests which can never be successfully 
 treated hypothetically, but must follow the rules that are im- 
 planted in the history, the habits, and the conscience of man- 
 kind. 
 
 23. From whatever side the question be considered, it is 
 evident that to enable Catholic nations to come out of the ab- 
 normal and dangerous condition which now so severely tries 
 them, and to proceed quietly on their road, they must be 
 freed from the antagonism between the capital principles which 
 govern them. They must be able to reconcile their religious and 
 civil opinions under the aegis of liberty, in order to proceed 
 without struggles and disturbance to the fulfilment of their 
 

 Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 245 
 
 destiny, and to contemplate, without grave misgivings, the dark 
 possibilities of the future. 
 
 24. Thus far we have pursued the road which we traced for 
 ourselves. Were we to go further, we might be in danger 
 of exceeding our limits, and of entering the labyrinth of ques- 
 tions which are raised by the conflict between Church and State. 
 
 We have been careful in this brief sketch not to touch on any 
 arguments directly regarding canonical or theological matters, 
 because it is better for the profane not to meddle with these ques- 
 tions. We have been content to consider the deep and essential 
 affinity of the subjects under discussion, with social and political 
 questions, because in such points the natural instinct of self- 
 preservation asserts its rights in each of us. If sometimes we 
 have transgressed these limits, it has been unintentionally, and 
 owing to our being drawn on by the intimate connection that 
 exists between all the various interests discussed. Keeping to 
 our resolution, we have noticed the phenomena manifested in 
 Catholic societies, and the breach between religion and civili- 
 sation daily widening within them ; the substitution of two 
 consciences, a religious and a civil, in opposition to each 
 other, in place of the one conscience, to which all feelings and 
 faculties should be subject, as supreme guide in the difficult 
 road of virtue and of justice ; and we have noticed the weakness 
 and disorders that result to Catholic nations from this severance 
 of moral responsibility. 
 
 The " free Church in a free State," which is, indeed, a wonder- 
 ful political formula, an excellent expedient, according to official 
 opinion, for ameliorating the present condition of Catholic 
 populations, is socially an impracticability, especially for those 
 nations that have one single form of religion, the influence of 
 which is therefore dominant in their disposition, their habits, and 
 their civilisation. 
 
 The only case in which this ideal could be carried out would 
 be in the event of a great weakening of the religious sentiment 
 among the people, and the entire absorption of the human con 
 science by the State ; but the State in itself is a fact and not a 
 conviction, and is unable to satisfy the human conscience, which 
 cannot divide its allegiance. The power of man, who is, after all, 
 physically speaking, but a weak creature, lies in his intelligence 
 
246 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 and conscience ; by the first he is capable of acquiring the most 
 profound knowledge ; by the second, of attaining the highest 
 moral grandeur. 
 
 Nations are only assemblages of men, and their power lies in 
 their conscience. No great civilisation has ever been founded 
 on scepticism ; and no society has ever maintained its greatness, 
 if the elements of which it is constituted, are in permanent and 
 irreconcilable conflict. 
 
 We have considered all these subjects because they come 
 within the range of the social investigation we undertook ; but 
 it is impossible to go further without entering into questions 
 that we have avoided. We may, however, without infringing 
 this rule, suggest a few general considerations tending to simplify 
 the question which seems so difficult and intricate as to be almost 
 insoluble, of the amicable co-existence of the Church with the 
 State and with modern society, particularly in Catholic countries, 
 the interests of which we have much at heart. 
 
 25. The principles of the Catholic Church are most simple ; 
 her mysteries represent dogma, and her commandments repre- 
 sent morals. The mysteries are in every religion above the 
 reach of human reason ; the commandments contain the one 
 eternal universal moral law, the observance of which constitutes 
 the life and prosperity of nations. The sum of both is ex- 
 pressed in the simple and comprehensive words : — " On these 
 two commandments hang all the law," &c. And — " Thou shalt 
 love the Lord thy God, and thy neighbour as thyself." 
 
 Is it so very difficult a matter to live in accordance with this 
 precept ? Or can a rule be found in any past or future system 
 of legislation more suited to serve as the basis of civilisation than 
 this ? Is it likely that of all which has been accomplished in the 
 Church by the work of man and the lapse of time, beyond the 
 limits indicated by these two commandments, nothing will be 
 modified or undone by the same agencies — man and time? or, 
 again, is it likely that, as far as regards society, these same 
 agencies will never constitute another, otherwise and elsewhere, 
 than within the limits of these commandments? 
 
 26. Time and men, those two great factors in all institutions 
 and forms of civilisation, carry out their work under different 
 conditions. The work of time is necessarily irresistible ; we 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 247 
 
 can but observe and submit to it. The work of man, on the 
 other hand, is accomplished by successive acts, and of free 
 will, and thus the responsibility falls on him alone. In those 
 regions of elevated principle, where passion and party differences 
 vanish, nations regain their generic character which is deter- 
 mined by the concurrent action of all their component elements ; 
 and therefore it has been said that the destiny of a people is that 
 which itself has merited. The truth of this axiom is proved by 
 long experience, though it may be liable to special or temporary 
 exceptions. 
 
 The customs, the laws, the religious type, the civil type of a 
 nation are all its own work, the application, the emanation of 
 itself ; and if they could not be modified by education and study, 
 free-will would be an expression void of meaning, and the whole 
 world would become the prey of a revolting and iniquitous 
 fatalism. When a society falls into a state of decay and disorder, 
 the blame is usually thrown upon any one, or anything, as is 
 most convenient at the time, and people reciprocally accuse one 
 another ; the Government, the Liberals, the clergy, the sects, the 
 Church herself, are from time to time denounced as the cause of 
 the evil. All these have, of course, in varying degrees, their 
 own measure of responsibility, which is sometimes partial, 
 sometimes exceptional, and sometimes very serious ; but we 
 cannot look upon them as apart from ourselves, for, after all, 
 we make up their numbers, we determine their opportunities 
 of action ; we constitute their power and their strength. The 
 moral state and the prevalent opinion of a people determine 
 the morality and the power of those who rule it materially and 
 morally, just as these, in their turn, guide and direct the opinion 
 of their subjects. 
 
 Having thus settled the respective influences and the collec- 
 tive responsibility of all classes in a nation, with regard to its 
 social condition and the development of its prosperity, we can 
 more easily investigate the causes of the dangers and difficulties 
 that disturb our own people ; determine the measure of responsi- 
 bility attaching to them, and ascertain exactly the duty of each 
 section of society, with the hope of supplying some remedy 
 for the evils under which it is labouring. The opinions, the 
 education, and the moral and intellectual condition of our people 
 
248 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. 
 
 are such as to condemn them to a perpetual alternation between 
 opposite and dangerous extremes. If, for instance, those races 
 that we call the Latin races, which form a large proportion of 
 the Catholic nations, be affected by the religious movement, it 
 often conducts them, by a strictly logical process, to a state of 
 theocracy and superstition. If, on the other hand, the spirit of 
 liberty, and the exercise of reason be awakened among them, it 
 often happens that by a similar process of logic their onward 
 social and political march is only arrested when they have 
 reached a state of anarchy and impiety ; and a negation of all 
 responsibility, is the effect of this second course. The law of 
 reaction and of compensation originates and regulates these 
 moral oscillations, giving to the first phase greater durability, 
 and to the second greater force and intensity. Wherever the 
 Latin races have settled and manifested their principles by their 
 institutions and forms of government, they seem to forget that 
 their strength can only consist in so ruling their faculties and 
 sentiments as to render them practically useful, just as the 
 economy of human life, social and individual, consists in a 
 tempered moderation. A people whose life is passed between 
 one phase of superstition and tyranny, and another of anarchy 
 and impiety, resembles an individual who spends half his ex- 
 istence in habitual excess, and the rest in fasting, in both cases 
 the result must be death. 
 
 27. Having already spoken of logic, we would here protest 
 very strongly against the manner in which it is used. Owing to 
 the scholastic form in which it has mingled with the traditions 
 of the period of our intellectual development, logic has often 
 proved a source of evil, and has led to disastrous conclusions. 
 In the form in which it has passed into our method of reason- 
 ing and thinking, logic is an imperfect instrument, by which 
 man endeavours to reach the truth ; it is a machine to create 
 truth. No doubt on many occasions this artificial process has 
 been helpful to the weakness of the human mind, especially 
 in the earlier ages ; it was a means of eliciting the truth on 
 testing a subject by two propositions, just as a spark is pro- 
 duced by two currents of electricity. But, granting all the 
 services rendered us by logic, we must not forget that it is 
 only an artifice, that the infinite can never be contained in 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 249 
 
 the finite ; and that though all can aspire to the truth, and find 
 it in some degree, it is not given to all to possess it, and possess 
 it always. In all truth there is something above our compre- 
 hension, which must be supplied by faculties other than those 
 of the intellect ; faculties that we must educate and develop 
 in order to use them efficaciously. This is the reason why 
 nothing is more likely to lead us to absurd conclusions than 
 the process of argument familiar to us from long habit, which 
 we call logic ; and it misleads us irremediably, because logic- 
 ally. Our mental errors all involve a syllogism, and therefore 
 they last so long, and produce so much harm. 
 
 The religious principle, guided only by logic to its utmost 
 development, often becomes abstract, mystical and intolerant ; 
 it loses its chief characteristic, that of being the companion, 
 the creator and the soul of civilisation ; it isolates itself, and 
 becomes a great and sometimes an insuperable obstacle to real 
 progress. If the human mind blindly follows logic it may lose 
 religion, and being unable to appreciate subtle distinctions, but 
 adhering to absolute deductions, may even cast it off entirely ; 
 and society, being thus set free from the ties which bind it 
 together, loses its strength and prosperity, and falls into a state 
 of anarchy. In each of these cases an inflexible logic has been 
 followed out with a like result — that of arriving at an absurd 
 conclusion. 
 
 28. We have been led by these considerations to a point 
 where we may consider the Church and society as standing 
 on common ground, where their respective interests meet, and 
 where it is possible to form such judgments on the condition of 
 both, as may help the practical solution of the social problem 
 affecting Catholic nations. But here we have reached the proper 
 limit of a book so moderate in compass, and of so general a 
 character as the present work. It remains for individuals to 
 form for themselves, according to their opportunities, the con- 
 clusions to be deduced from the facts we have indicated. It is 
 not our business to settle in what way, or how far, the Church 
 can, and ought to carry out the modifications demanded by the 
 very existence of Catholic society ; any more than we can deter- 
 mine the progress of human society, or limit its irresistible 
 course. The Church and society have each a wide field open to 
 
 B 3 
 
250 . EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 them, where their respective powers for good may be duly deve- 
 loped ; the Gospel and liberty. Every civil law may be in 
 harmony with the Gospel, and every religious institution may 
 be in harmony with liberty. How best to ensure the simple and 
 faithful observance of both our religious and civil obligations, is 
 a secret never yet discovered on account of its very simplicity ; 
 and who knows if it will ever be discovered amid the distracting 
 struggles and the absorbing passions that agitate humanity. 
 
 29. It is, indeed, most desirable that this secret, this happy 
 solution of difficulties should be brought to light, though here 
 we do not intend to enter upon the arduous question of the 
 religious future of the age. Without doubt, religious con- 
 victions have on all sides received a violent shock ; and none 
 can foretell the results of the great social revolutions that have 
 taken place ; they may work the ruin of societies and insti- 
 tutions ; they may derange the equilibrium of nations, and 
 change the course of the world ; but as these hypotheses are 
 purely speculative, their consideration cannot conduce to any 
 certain conclusion, or to any practical effect. Whatever the 
 universal religious condition of the world may be, our duty is 
 to attend to our own, to find out in what our difficulties and 
 dangers consist, and to discover the essential difference between 
 our social state, and that of other Christian populations. 
 
 Among those nations religion and civilisation have, with 
 more or less harmony, marched in unison, supporting and at 
 the same time correcting, each other ; they are able to co-exist 
 not indeed without some divergencies, but, at all events, without 
 causing variance and enmity. 
 
 Among our people, on the contrary, there seems to be defini- 
 tively established a mortal strife between the religious principle 
 represented by an exclusive inflexible authority, embodied in a 
 form absolute and immutable in all its parts ; and that moral 
 revolution, of which the latter must eventually feel the influence, 
 which has itself a form equally concrete and organic, and which 
 tends to become equally exclusive, inflexible and despotic. Our 
 people, as well as other nations, obey the universal law, and 
 follow their appointed destinies, but with very different results, 
 for the latter attain their ends without catastrophes or great 
 struggles ; whereas, the path of the former is marked by terrible 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 251 
 
 losses and ruin, owing to the violence of the current that sweeps 
 them along. Such considerations are of the utmost importance 
 to Catholic nations ; for their course has been hitherto marked 
 by a brilliant light, which still shines upon their path, and 
 forbids our indulging any disparaging estimates as to their 
 moral and political inferiority. 
 
 30. Therefore, before bringing these reflections to a close, 
 we would remind Catholic nations that though they may try to 
 find the causes of their abnormal condition in their institutions, 
 yet habits form laws as much, or perhaps more, than laws form 
 habits ; and as the universal sentiment of a society is the 
 element that nourishes its institutions, their life or their death 
 depends upon the state of that element. 
 
 It is requisite for the well-being of Catholic nations, not only 
 that their own vitality be preserved, but that they do not prove 
 occasions of ruin to others, and it is necessary that they find 
 their own moral equilibrium. They must learn, moreover, that 
 they will no more attain this moral equilibrium, this essential 
 condition of life, through the inexorable mysticism of the 
 Catholic party, than they would through the utter dissolution 
 of all principle. They will not find it in scepticism, because 
 nothing can be created by negation, nor in new divisions, 
 because these only give rise to anger and discord ; and by 
 separating the energetic and ardent part of society from the 
 rest, renders the former weaker, and leaves the latter a prey to 
 reaction and hatred. Catholic nations will find their wished-for 
 peace only in a real modification of their principles, a work 
 requiring time and thought, by which their religious and civil 
 institutions, being in conformity with the eternal principles of 
 morality and truth, may subsist in harmony and may assimilate 
 with the various phases and developments of human nature. 
 
 31. If, on the other hand, we could prevail on those to whom 
 is entrusted the direction of Catholic institutions, and of the 
 exercise of their influence, to listen to our arguments with un- 
 prejudiced minds, we would point out that although the spirit of 
 the age is not congenial to religious belief, yet that real resist- 
 ance and active enmity are never attracted by movements of an 
 exclusively religious or speculative character, nor even by those 
 that directly concern faith and morals. Such resistance is evoked 
 
252 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 by movements political rather than religious — material rather 
 than spiritual, and touching discipline rather than morals or 
 dogma. Nor is this unnatural, for morality in itself is one and 
 eternal, whereas its legal expressions are variable and transitory. 
 Consequently, it is evident and logical that these legal expressions 
 may change, and be affected by social movements and the pro- 
 gress of the age ; whereas morality in itself can be assailed by 
 no real opposition other than that eternal antagonism between 
 right and wrong which must affect all institutions, and is in- 
 separable from the history of the universe itself. Two truths 
 cannot contradict one another. There cannot be one truth for 
 the Church and another for the State, any more than there is one 
 truth for religion and another for science. That which is good 
 for one nation cannot be evil for another ; and all those who 
 maintain such antitheses are in error. A true and sublime re- 
 ligion, firmly rooted on the earth and reaching to heaven, can 
 never be opposed to truth and goodness, for that opposition could 
 only be directed against evil. 
 
 Therefore, when the conditions of the strife are such, that 
 goodness and truth are on one side, and all the strength and 
 energy of human nature rally round them ; evil diminishes and 
 retreats to the position of impotence and subordination which it 
 is intended to hold in the order of the universe. The nearer 
 we approach this ideal, the more surely shall we attain that 
 happy state of things on which the prosperity and grandeur of 
 nations depends ; and the social and political problems which 
 at first sight appeared inexplicable, will resolve themselves as 
 naturally as the snow melts away beneath the genial rays of the 
 sun. 
 
 32. We might sum up the principal wants of Catholic nations 
 as follows : their sense of right and wrong should be simplified 
 and rendered clearer, and they should be relieved from the 
 burden of artificial evils that oppress them, in order that they 
 may acquire the power of discerning what is really evil, and 
 maybe able to oppose it. They must learn to be guided in their 
 struggle by the spirit, and not by the letter of the law, because 
 the spirit teaches what is upright in practice, whereas the letter 
 is incapable of amending what is wrong. " Quid leges sine 
 moribus." Much is to be done before these results can be at- 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 253 
 
 tained ; in the first place, it is requisite that the authorities by 
 which Catholic nations are governed, and the principles by 
 which they are led, should not be the production of absolute and 
 exclusive ideas, isolated from the rest of the world ; but should 
 rest upon universal opinion, and express the mind of the whole 
 Church, for only in this way can she adopt and assimilate the 
 various forms of good which are now extraneous to her, but with 
 which she should be in unison. To this end it is necessary that 
 her hierarchy, instead of being only the exponent of supreme 
 authority, should be, as it was originally, the impersonation of 
 the loftiest virtue and self-sacrifice. In taking the first step, 
 religion escapes the danger of being only the appendage or 
 instrument of a party, and becomes, what in truth she ought to 
 be, the originator and fosterer of social order, the friend and 
 benefactor of humanity. In taking the second step, religion 
 becomes active, and descends from the region of abstruse 
 speculation to enter upon that of facts, a region in which self- 
 abnegation and virtue are necessary elements of progress. 
 
 Having reached this point, religion has fulfilled her mission ; 
 the rest is beyond our power and responsibility, and the destiny 
 of nations remains in the hands of Him who created the uni- 
 verse. But up to that point the responsibility is ours ; and 
 we must answer for the evil resulting from a state of things 
 we ourselves have brought about, and jealously maintain, with 
 an energy worthy of a better cause, in despite of evidence and 
 reason. 
 
 33. Even if the facts which we have specified did not exist, 
 the peculiar form in which the internal working and the external 
 movement of the Church manifest themselves, are such as to 
 prevent our undertaking a discussion respecting them, of laying 
 down rules or making suggestions to the authorities that guide 
 and direct her course. The foundation on which these authorities 
 rest their power, the connection existing between them, and all 
 their movements, depend upon special laws which are inac- 
 cessible to external considerations, and thus on practical grounds 
 we have no language in which to interchange our ideas. Just 
 as the State is obliged to provide for its necessities, so now the 
 Church must herself seek the best means of reconciling the 
 difficulties she encounters, of meeting the new conditions of life 
 
254 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. 
 
 brought about by the lapse of time and the experience of the 
 past ; this being the only way in which the word reconciliation 
 can bear a real signification, as a point of meeting and not of 
 departure. It remains for the Church to find the best means of 
 reconciling the substance of religion, that is, faith and morality, 
 with the great development of reason and with the new social 
 and civil conditions of nations ; harmonising the good she teaches 
 with the good which may be learned from science, from legisla- 
 tion, and from the ever-varying and progressive movement of 
 human society. It is the part of the Church to be a help rather 
 than a hindrance to society in the tempest through which it is 
 now passing ; an anchor of safety rather than a dangerous rock 
 on which split the efforts of those — who placed at the helm of 
 State, with the duty of guiding the ships tossed about by the 
 angry surges of the social deep — must either strive to keep clear 
 of such obstacles, or falling upon them, be dashed to pieces, 
 leaving at the mercy of the waves the broken fragments of a 
 ruined and shipwrecked society. 
 
 34. At this very moment when the Church, distracted by the 
 many and serious controversies that trouble her, called together 
 her States General, and looked trustfully to her Ecumenical 
 Assembly for the solution of her difficulties, it was specially 
 incumbent on her to carry out the course of action indicated by 
 the steps she had already taken. Preliminary events do not as 
 yet point to the fulfilment of this obligation, but still it is summa 
 lex for the Church, because essential for the general safety, to 
 discover some means of escape from the prevailing dangers ; to 
 take some step towards the solution of the great problem that 
 touches so nearly her own life and the very existence of Catholic 
 nations. She may find that help in the marvellous strength of 
 her own constitution, in her extensive authority, and well-proved 
 ability in dealing with matters of difficult interpretation ; or, 
 what would be still more satisfactory, she may find in a full and 
 free discussion, the best solution of her difficulties. 
 
 35. It is true that to modify in any way the religion of a 
 people while a strong and independent Rationalism prevails in 
 the world, is a work so hard and so full of difficulties impossible 
 to express a priori, that it can never be accomplished either by a 
 Canon of the Church or by a law of the State, but must be the 
 
Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 255 
 
 combined operation of time and human efforts. Still, if we have 
 the right to look to any special agents for help in this great 
 work, it is surely to those who received the injunction, " Go 
 and bring forth fruit ;"* and who were likewise reminded as a 
 commentary on this mission, that " a good tree cannot bring forth 
 corrupt fruit. "f We look to those prophets and apostles of good 
 tidings of whom it was said that they should be known by their 
 fruits ; not by their privileges or vestments, not by the wisdom 
 of their laws or the harmony of their institutions, not by the 
 possession of worldly goods, or by the power they had attained, 
 but simply by the fruits they brought forth, " wherefore by 
 their fruits ye shall know them."$ 
 
 * St. John, xv. 16. f St. Matthew, vii. 18. % St. Matthew, vii. 20. 
 
APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 WiiUU B W. Page 
 
 I. Bull of Convocation op the Council 259 
 
 II. French Correspondence from the ' Civilta Cattolica ' . . . . 262 
 
 III. Proclamation of the Bishops at Fulda 263 
 
 IV. Letter of Padre Giacinto 266 
 
 V. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris 268 
 
 VI. Pastoral of the Bishop of Orleans 273 
 
 VII. Promulgation of the Jubilee 294 
 
 VIII. Allocution of the Sistine Chapel 296 
 
 IX. Bull " Multiplices inter " 298 
 
 X. Allocution at the First Session 303 
 
 XI. Bull for the Pope's Election 304 
 
 XII. Bull for limiting Censures 306 
 
 XIII. The Canons published in the ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' and the 
 
 * Sud-Deutsche Presse ' 311 
 
 XIV. Statistical Extract from Franscini 320 
 
 XV. Last Letter of Montalembert 321 
 
 XVI. Address of the Catholics of Coblenz to the Bishop of 
 
 Treves 321 
 
 XVII. New Order of the Council, etc. Article by Dollinger . . 326 
 
 XVIII. The Scheme " De Fide " .. .. 332 
 
 XIX. Formula of Adhesion to the Dogma of Infallibility given 
 
 by the 'Italie,' at the end of June 1870 337 
 
 XX. The Scheme "De Ecclesia," from the ' Giornale di Koma ' .. 337 
 
DOCUMENTS. 
 
 DOCUMENT I. 
 
 SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI 
 
 PII 
 
 DIVINA PROVIDENTIA 
 
 PAPAE IX. 
 
 LITTERAE APOSTOLICAE 
 
 QVIBV8 
 
 INDICITVR OECVMENICVM CONCILIVM 
 
 BOMAE HABENDVM 
 
 ET DIE IMMACVLATAE CONCEPTIONI 
 
 DEIPARAE VIRGINIS SACRO AN. MDCCCLXIX 
 
 1NCIPIENDVM. 
 
 PIVS EPISCOPVS 
 
 SERVVS SERVORVM DEI 
 
 Ad futuram rei memoriam. 
 
 Aeterni Patris Unigenitua Filius propter 
 nimiam, qua nos dilexit, caritatem, ut univer- 
 sum humanum genus a peccati iugo, ac daemo- 
 nis captivitate, et errorum tenebris, quibus 
 primi parentis culpa iamdiu misere preme- 
 batur, in plenitudine temporum vindicaret, 
 de caelesti sede descendens, et a paterna 
 gloria non recedens, mortalibus ex Imma- 
 culata Sanctissimaque Virgine Maria indutus 
 exuviis, doctriuam, ac vivendi disciplinam e 
 caelo delatam manifestavit, eamdemque tot 
 admirandis operibus testatam fecit, ac se- 
 metipsum tradidit pro nobis, oblationera et 
 horstiani Deo in odorem suavitatis. Ante- 
 quam vero, devicta morte, triumpbans in 
 caelum consessurus ad dexteram Patris con- 
 scenderet, misit Apostolos in mundum uni- 
 vereum, ut praedicarent evangelium omni 
 creaturae, eisque potestatem dedit regendi 
 
 4am suo sanguine acquisitam, et con- 
 stitutam, quae est cdumna et firmamentum 
 
 itis, ac caelestibus ditata tbesauris tutum 
 sal utis iter, ac verae doctrinae lucem omni- 
 
   pulis ostendit, et instar navis in altum 
 
 8aeculi huiv.8 ita natat, ut, pereunte mundo, 
 omnes quos suscipit, servet illaesos. 1 Ut au- 
 tem eiusdem Ecclesiae regimen recte semper, 
 atque ex ordine procederet, et omnia chris- 
 tianus populus in una semper fide, doctrina, 
 caritate, et communione persisteret, turn 
 gemetipsum perpetuo affuturum usque ad 
 eonsummationem saeculi promisit, turn etiam 
 ex omnibus unum selegit Petrum, quem 
 Apostolorum Principem, suumque bic in 
 terris Vicarium, Eccleisiaeque caput, funda- 
 mentum ac centrum constituit, ut cum or- 
 dinis et bonoris gradu, turn praecipuae, 
 plenissimaeque auctoritatis, potestatis, ac 
 iurisdictionis amplitudine pasceret agnos, et 
 oves, confirmaret fratres, universamque re- 
 geret Ecclesiam, et esset caeli ianitor, ac 
 ligandorum, solvendorumque arbiter, mansura 
 etiam in caelis iuiiciorum suorum defini- 
 tione? Et quoniam Ecclesiae unitas, et in- 
 tegritas, eiusque regimen ab eodem Cbristo 
 institutum perpetuo stabile permanere debet, 
 iccirco in Romania Pontificibus Petri auc- 
 cessoribua, qui in hac eadem Romana Petri 
 Cathedra aunt collocati, ipsissima suprema 
 Petri in omnem Ecclesiam potestas, iurisdic- 
 tio, Primatus plenissime perseverat, ac viget. 
 Itaque Romani Pontifices omnem Domi- 
 nicum gregem pascendi potestate et cura 
 ab ipso Chriato Domino in persona Beati 
 Petri divinitus sibi commissa utentea, nun- 
 quam intermiserunt omnes perferre labores, 
 omnia auscipere conailia, ut a aolia ortu 
 uaque ad occasum omnes populi, gentes, 
 nationes evangelicam doctrinam agnoacerent, 
 et in veritatis, ac iustitiae viis ambulantes 
 vitam aasequerentur aeternam. Omnes au- 
 tem norunt quibus indefessis curia iidem 
 Romani Pontificea fidei depoaitum, Oleri 
 di8ciplinam, eiusque sanctam, doctamque 
 institutionem, ac matrimonii sanctitatem 
 dignitatemque tutari, et cbriatianam utrius- 
 que sexua iuventutis educationem quotidie 
 magis promovere, et populorum religionem, 
 pietatem, morumque honestatem fovere, ac 
 iustitiam defendere, et ipsius civilis aocie- 
 
 i San. Max., Serm. 89. - Sau. Leo, Serm. n. 
 
260 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document I. 
 
 tatis tranquillitati, ordini, prosperitati, ra- 
 tiouibus consulere studuerint. 
 
 Neque omiserunt ipsi Pontifices, ubi oppor- 
 tunum existimarunt, in gravissimis prae- 
 sertim temporum perturbationibus, ac sanc- 
 tissimae nostrae religionis, civilisque so- 
 cietatis calamitatibus generalia convocare 
 Concilia, ut cum totius catholici orbis 
 Episcopis, quos Spiritus Sanctus posuit 
 regere Ecclesiam Dei, collatis consiliis, con- 
 iunctisque viribus ea omnia provide, sapien- 
 terque constituerent, quae adfidei potis&imum 
 dogmata definienda, ad grassantes errores 
 profligandos, ad catholicam propugnandam, 
 illustrandam et evolvendam doctrinam, ad 
 ecclesiasticam tuendam ac reparandam dis- 
 ciplinam, ad corruptos populorum mores 
 corrigendos possent conducere. 
 
 lam vero omnibus compertum, explora- 
 tumque est qua horribili tempestate nunc 
 iactetur Ecclesia, et quibus quautisque malis 
 civilis ipsa affligatur societas. Etenim ab 
 acerrimis Dei bominumque bostibus catbolica 
 Ecclesia, eiusque salutaris doctrina, et vene- 
 randa potestaj,ac suprema buius Apostolicae 
 Sedis auctoritas oppugnata, proculcata, et 
 sacra omnia despecta, et ecclesiastica bona 
 direpta, ac Sacrorum Antistites, et specta- 
 tissimi viri divino ministerio addicti, homi- 
 nesque catbolicis sensibus praestantes modis 
 omnibus divexati, et Keligiosae Familiae 
 extinctae, et impii omnis generis libri, ac 
 pestiferae ephemerides, et multiformes per- 
 niciosissimae sectae undique diffusae, et 
 miserae iuventutis institutio ubique fere a 
 Clero amota, et quod peius est, non paucis 
 in locis iniquitatis, et erroris magistris 
 commissa. Hinc cum summo Nostro, et 
 bonoruin omnium moerore, et nunquam 
 satis deplorando animarum damno ubique 
 adeo propagata est impietas, morumque 
 corruptio, et effrenata licentia, ac pravarum 
 cuiusque generis opinionum, omniumque 
 vitiorum, et scelerum contagio, divinarum, 
 bumanarumque legum violatio, ut non 
 solum sanctissima nostra religio, verum 
 etiam bumana societas miserandum in mo- 
 dum perturbetur, ac divexetur. 
 
 In tanta igitur calamitatum, quibus cor 
 Nostrum obruitur, mole supremum Pastorale 
 ministerium Nobis divinitus commiasum 
 exigit, ut omnes Nostras magis magisque 
 exeramus vires ad Ecclesiae reparandas 
 ruinas, ad universi Dominici gregis salutem 
 curandam, ad exitiales eorum impetus cona- 
 tusque reprimendos, qui ipsam Ecclesiam, 
 si fieri unquam posset, et civilem societatem 
 funditus evertere connituntur. Nos quidem, 
 Deo auxiliante, vel ab ipso supremi Nostri 
 Pontificatus exordio nunquam pro gravissimi 
 Nostri officii debito destitimus pluribus Noa- 
 
 tris Consistorialibus Allocutionibus, et ApoJ 
 stolicis Litteris Nostram attollere vocein, ac 
 Dei, eiusque sanctae Ecclesiae causam Nobigl 
 a Cbristo Domino concreditam omni studij 
 constanter defendere, atque buius ApostoJ 
 licae Sedis, et iustitiae, veritatisque iuwl 
 propugnare, et inimicorum bominum insidiasl 
 detegere, errores, falsasque doctrinas dam-| 
 nare, et impietatis seel as proscribere, ac 
 universi Dominici gregis saluti advigilare et \ 
 consulere. 
 
 Verum illustribus Praedecessorum Nos-1 
 trorum vestigiis inhaerentes, opportunumj 
 propterea esse existimavimus, in Generalel 
 Concilium, quod iamdiu Nostris erat inl 
 votis, cogere omnes Venerabiles Fratres 1 
 totius catholici orbis Sacrorum Antistitesi 
 qui in sollicitudinis Nostrae partem vocati I 
 sunt. Qui quidem Venerabiles Fratres sin- j 
 gulari in catbolicam Ecclesiam amore incensi, 
 eximiaque erga Nos, et Apostolicam banc 
 Sedem pietate et observantia spectati, ac de 
 animarum salute anxii, et sapientia, doctrinae 
 eruditione praestantes, et una Nobi.scum 
 tristissimam rei cum sacrae turn publicae 
 conditionem maxime dolentes, nihil antiquius 
 habent, quam sua Nobiscum communicare, 
 et conferre consilia, ac salutaria tot calami- 
 tatibus adhibere remedia. In Oecumenico 
 enim hoc Concilio ea omnia accuratissime 
 examine sunt perpendenda, ac statuenda, 
 quae hisce praesertim asperrimis temporibus 
 maiorem Dei gloriam, et fidei integritatem, 
 divinique cultus decorem, sempiternamque 
 hominum salutem, et utriusque Cleri dis- 
 ciplinam, eiusque salutarem, solidamque 
 culturam, atque ecclesiasticarum legum ob- 
 servantiam, morumque emend ationem, et 
 christi.tnam iuventutis institutionem, et com- 
 munem omnium picem et concordiam in 
 primis respiciunt. Atque etiam intentissimo 
 studio curandum est, ut, Deo bene iuvante, 
 omnia ab Ecclesia, et civili societate amo- 
 veantur mala, ut miseri errantes ad rectum 
 veritatis, iustitiae, salutisque tramitem re- 
 ducantur, ut vitiis, erroribusque eliminatis, 
 augu«ta nostra religio eiusque salutiftra 
 doctrina ubique terrarum reviviscat, et quo- 
 tidie magis propagetur, et dominetur, atque 
 ita pietas, honestas, probitas, iustitia, caritas 
 omnesque christianae virtutes cum maxima 
 humanae societatis utilitate vigeant, et 
 afflorescant. Nemo enim inficiari unquam 
 poterit, catbolicae Ecclesiae, eiusque doc- 
 trinae vim -non solum aeternam hominum 
 salutem spectare, verum etiam prodesse 
 temporali populorum bono, eorumque verae 
 prosperitati, ordini, ac tranquillitati, et hu- 
 manarum quoque scientiarum progressui ac 
 soliditati, veluti sacrae ac profanae historiae 
 annalcs splendidissimis factis clare aperte- 
 

 Document I.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 261 
 
 Sue ostendunt, et constanter, evidentcrque 
 emonstrant. Et quoniam Christus Do- 
 minus illis verbis Nos mirifice recreat, reficit, 
 et consolatur : Ubi sunt duo vel tres congre- 
 (juti in nomine meo ibi sum in medio eorum; 1 
 iccirco dubitare non possumus, quin Ipse in 
 hoc Concilio Nobis in abundantia divinae 
 suae gratiao praesto esse velit, quo ca omnia 
 statut-re possimus, quae ad maiorem Ecclesiae 
 suae sanctae utditatem quovis modo perti- 
 nent. Ferventissimis igitur ad Deum lumi- 
 num Patrem in humilitate cordis No^tri 
 dies noctesque fusis precibus hoc Concilium 
 onmino cogendum esse censuimus. 
 
 Quamobrem Dei ipsius omnipotentis 
 Patris, et Pilii, et Spiritus Sancti, ac bea- 
 torum eius Apostolorum Petri et Pauli aucto- 
 ritate, qua Nos quoque in terris fungimur, 
 freti et innixi, de Venerabilium Fratrum 
 Nostrorum S. K. K. Cardinaliuni consilio et 
 assensu, sacrum Otcumenieum et Generale 
 Concilium in hac alma Urbe Nostra Korna 
 futuro anno mille.simo octingentesimo sexa- 
 gesimo nono, in Basilica Vaticana habendum, 
 ac die octava mensis Decembris Immaculatae 
 Deiparae Yirginis Mariae Conception sacra 
 incijiiendum, prosequendum, ac Domino 
 adiuvante, ad ipsius gloriain, ad universi 
 Christiani populi salutem absolvendum, et 
 perficiendum hisce Litteris indicimus, an- 
 nuntiainus, convocamus et statuimus. Ac 
 proinde volumus, mbemus, omnes ex omnibus 
 locis tarn VenerabilesFratresPatriarchas, Ar- 
 chiepiscopos, Episcopos, quam Dilectos Filios 
 Abbates, omnesque alios, quibus iure, aut pri- 
 vilegio Conciliis Generalibus residendi, et 
 sententias in eis dicendi facta est potestas, 
 ad hoc Oecumenicum Concilium a Nobis 
 indictum venire debere, requirentes, hor- 
 tantes, admonentes, ac nihilominus eis vi 
 iurisiurandi, quod Nobis, et huic Sanctae 
 Sedi praestiterunt, r.c sanctae obedientiae 
 virtute, et sub poenis iure, aut consuetudine 
 in celebrationibus Conciliorum adversus non 
 accedentes fern, et proponi solitis, man- 
 dan tes, arcteque praecipientes, ut ipsimet, 
 nisi forte iusto detineantur impedimento, 
 quod tamen per legitimos procuratores 
 Synodo probare debebunt, Sacro huic Con- 
 cilio omnino adesse, et interesse teneantur. 
 
 In earn autem spem eri«imus fore, ut 
 Deus, in cuius manu sunt hominum corda, 
 Nostris votis proptius annuens iueffabili 
 sua misericordia et gratia efficiat, ut omnes 
 supremi omnium populorum Principes, et 
 Moderatores praesertim catliolici quotidie 
 in igis noscenles maxima bona in human im 
 societatem ex catholica Ecclesia ndundare, 
 ipaamque firmisftimum esse Iniperiorum, Re- 
 gnoruinque fundamentum, non solum minime 
 
 1 Matth., cup. xviii, v. 20. 
 
 impediant, quominus Venerabiles Fratres 
 Sacrorum Antistites, aliique omnes supra 
 commemorati ad hoc Concilium v«niant, 
 vemm etiam ipsis libenter faveant, opemque 
 ferant, et studiosissime, uti decet Catholicos 
 Principes, iis cooperentur, quae in maiorem 
 Dei gloriam, eiusdemque Coucilii bonum 
 cedere queant. 
 
 Ut vero Nosti-ae hae Litterae, et quae in 
 eis continentur ad notitiam omnium, quorum 
 oportet, perveniant, neve quis illorum ignoran- 
 tiae excusationem praetendat, cum praesertim 
 etiam non ad omnes eos, quibus nominatim 
 illae essent intimandae, tutus foisitau pateat 
 accessus, volumus, et mandamus, ut in 
 Patriaichalibus Basilicis Lateranensi, Vati- 
 cana, et Liberiana, cum ibi multitudo populi 
 ad audiendam rem divinam congregari solita 
 est, pal am clara voce per Curiae Nostrae 
 cursores. aut aliquos publicos nolarios le- 
 gantur, lectaeque in valvis dictarum Eccle- 
 siarum, itemque Cancelleriae Apostolicae 
 portis, et Campi Florae solito loco, et in 
 aliis consuetis locis affigantur, ubi ad lec- 
 tionem et notitiam cunctorum aliquandiu 
 exjxtsitae pendeant, cunique inde amove- 
 buntur, earum nihilominus exempla in 
 eiusdem locis remaneant affixa. Nos enim 
 per huiusmodi lectionem, publicationem, 
 affixionemque, omnes, et quoscumque, quos 
 praedictae Nostiae Litterae comprehendunt, 
 post spatium duorum mensium a die Litte- 
 rarum publicationis et affixionis ita volumus 
 obligates esse et adstrictos, ac si ipsismet 
 illae coram lectae et intimatae essent, tran- 
 sumptis quidem earum quae manu publici 
 notari scripta, aut subscripta, et sigillo per- 
 sonae alicuius Ecclesiasticae in dignitate con- 
 stitutae munita fuerint, ut fides cei ta, et indu- 
 bitata habeatur, mandamus ac decernimus. 
 
 Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc 
 paginam Nostrae indictionis, annuntiationis, 
 convocationis, statuti, decreti, mandati, prae- 
 cepti, et obsecrationis infringere, vel ei ausu 
 temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc 
 attentare praesumpserit, indignationeni Om- 
 nipotentis Dei, ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli 
 Apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. 
 
 Datum Bomae apud Sanctum Petrum 
 Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo 
 octingentesimo sexagesimo octavo, tertio 
 kalendas Iulias. 
 
 Pontificatus Nostri Anno Vicesimotertio 
 fa EGO PIVS CA.THOLICAE ECCLE- 
 SIAE EPISCOPVS 
 Loco fa Signi 
 
 fa Ego Marius Episc. Ostiensis et Veli- 
 ternus Card. Dccanus Mattei Pro- 
 Datarius. 
 
 fa Ego Constantinus Episc. Portuen. et 
 S. Kufinae Card. Patrizi. 
 
262 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document II. 
 
 {fr Ego Aloisius Episc. Pracnestinns Card. 
 
 Amat S. R. E. Vice-Cancellarius. 
 {fr Ego Nicolaus Episc. Tusculanus Card. 
 
 Paracciani Clarelli a Secretis Bre- 
 
 vium. 
 {fr Ego Camillus Episc. Albanus Card. 
 
 Di Pietro. 
 {fr Ego Carolus Augustus Episc. Sabi- 
 
 nensis Card. De Reisach. 
 {fr Ego Philippus Tit. S. Laurentii in 
 
 Lucina Proto-Presb. Card. De An- 
 
 gelis Archiep. Firmanus, et S. R. E. 
 
 Camerarius. 
 {fr Ego Fabius Maria Tit. S. Stephani 
 
 in Monte Coelio Presb. Card. 
 
 Asquini. 
 fft Ego Alexander Tit. S. Susannae Presb. 
 
 Card. Barnabo. 
 {fr Ego Iosepb Tit. S. Mariae in Ara 
 
 Caeli Presb. Card. Milesi. 
 {fr Ego Petrus Tit. S. Marci Presb. Card. 
 
 De Silvestri. 
 {fr Ego Carolus Tit. S. Mariae de Populo 
 
 Presb. Card. Sacconi. 
 {fr Ego Angelus Tit. SS. Andreae et Gre- 
 
 gorii in Monte Coelio Presb. Card. 
 
 Quaglia. 
 {fr Ego Fr. Antonius Maria Tit. SS. XII 
 
 Apost. Presb. Card. Panebianco 
 
 Poenitentiarius Maior 
 {fr Ego Antoninus Tit. SS. Quatuor Coro- 
 
 nator. Presb. Card. De Luca. 
 {fr Ego Ioseph Andreas Tit. S. Hie- 
 
 ronymi Illyricorum Presb. Card. Biz- 
 
 zarri. 
 {fr Ego Ioanne3 Bapt. Tit. S. Callixti 
 
 Presb. Card. Pilra. 
 {fr Ego Fr. Philippu* Maria Tit. S. Xysti 
 
 Presb. Card. Guidi Archiep. Bono- 
 
 niensis. 
 {fr Ego Gustavus Tit. S. Mariae in 
 
 Transpontina Presb. Card. d'Ho- 
 
 henlohe. 
 {fr Ego Aloisius Tit. S. Laurentii in Pane 
 
 Perna Presb. Card. Bilio. 
 {fr Ego Lucianus Tit. S. Pudeutianae 
 
 Presb. Card. Bonaparte. 
 {fr Ego Ioseph Tit. SS. Marcellini et 
 
 Petri Presb. Card. Berardi. 
 {fr Ego Raphael Tit. SS. Crucis in Hieru- 
 
 salem Presb. Card. Monaco. 
 {fr Ego Iacobus S. Mariae in Via Lata 
 
 Protu-Diac. Card. Antonelli. 
 {fr Ego Prosper S. Mariae Scalaris Diac. 
 
 Card. Caterini. 
 yfr Ego Theodulphus S. Eustacl.ii Diac. 
 
 Card. Mertel. 
 {fr Ego Dominicus S. Mariae in Dominica 
 
 Diac. Gird. Consolini. 
 {fr Ego Eduardus SS. Viti et Modesti Diac. 
 
 Card. Borromeo. 
 
 ffr Ego Hannibal S. Mariae in Aquiro 
 Diac. Card. Capalti. 
 
 M. Card. Mattei, Pro-Batarius. 
 N. Card. Paracciani Clarelli. 
 
 Loco+Plumbi 
 Beg. in Secretaria Brevium. 
 Visa de Curia D. Bruti 
 L Cugnionius. 
 
 (D.dla Civilta Cattolira, 
 18 luglio 1868.) 
 
 DOCUMENT II. 
 
 CORRISrONDENZA DI FrANCIA. 
 
 5. Per cio che riguarda la parte dom- 
 matica, gia dissi che i cattolici desiderereb- 
 bero che il fnturo Concilio Ecumenico pro- 
 mulgasse le dottrine del Syllabus. Potrebbo 
 darsi clie il Concilio, ennnciando con for- 
 mole affermative e col necessario svolgi- 
 mento le proposizioni stanziate nel Syllahus, 
 sotto forma negativa, facesse compiutamente 
 sparire il malinteso che su>siste non solo 
 nelle sfere del potere, ma ben anco in un 
 gran numero d' intelligenze per altro onlte, 
 ma non intendenti di stile teologico. Checche 
 ne sia, coll' andar del tempo i pregiudizii 
 si dilegueranno, gli occhi si avvezzeranno 
 alia luce, e la verita, essendo immortale, 
 trionfera colle sole sue forze. 
 
 I cattolici riceveranno con gioia la pro- 
 clamazione del futuro Concilio sull' infalli- 
 bilita dommatica del Sommo Pontefice. E<sa 
 riuscirebbe indirettamente ad annullare la 
 famigerata Dichiarazione del 1G82, senza che 
 fosse necessaria una speciale discussione di 
 quei malaugurati quattro articoli, che fu- 
 rono per si gran tempo l'anima del Galli- 
 canismo. Nessuno perb si dissimula che il 
 Sommo Pontefice, per un sentimento di au- 
 gusta riserbatezza, non voglia da per se 
 prendere 1' iniziativa d* una proposizione, che 
 sembra riferrisi a lui direttamente. Ma si 
 spera che la manifestazione unanime dello 
 Spirito Santo per la bocca dei Padri del 
 futuro Concilio Ecumenico la definira per 
 acclamazione. 
 
 Finalmente un gran numero di cattolici 
 emettono il voto che il futuro Concilio 
 chiuda il ciclo degli omaggi resi dalla 
 Chiesa alia Vergine Immacolata, promul- 
 gando il dogma della gloriosa Assunzione di 
 lei. 
 
 Siffatti sono i voti in cio che riguarda il 
 dogma. I bisogni della Chiesa di Francia, 
 in cio che spetta alia disciplina, sono molte- 
 plici ed esigono spiegazioni piii estese, che 
 
OCUMENT III.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 263 
 
 io prendo la liberta di rimettere ad una 
 prossima corrispondenza. 
 
 — E al trove : 
 
 II presentimento delle traversie politiche, 
 che forse potrebbero nascere, nell' animo di 
 molti si combina con una non so quale con- 
 fklenza di un esito fortunato. Bisogna 
 nitres! avvertire, come una nota caratteris- 
 ticu, la persuasione quasi direi universale, 
 die trovasi nella piii parte dei cattolici. 
 E> i credono che il futuro Concilio sara 
 molto breve, e che rassomigliera sotto questo 
 rispetto a quello di Calce Ionia. Questa 
 idea non procede soltanto dalle diflicolta 
 sentite di tenero ora lunga assemblea; ma 
 Rtmpolla anzi tutto dal sentimento che i 
 Vescovi di tutto il mondo si troveranno d' 
 accordo nelle questioni principali, in guisa 
 che la minorita, per quanto eloquente esser 
 pos-a, non potra durarla in una lunga oppo- 
 sizione. Finalmente non potrebbero non 
 vedcisi senza un certo stupore delle lotte 
 prolungate di opinoini e di discorsi nel seno 
 del futuro Concilio. 
 
 (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 6 febbraio 1869.) 
 
 DOCUMENT III. 
 
 Pastorale collettiva dei Vescovi 
 tedeschi e1uniti a fulda. 
 
 Anche quest' anno noi Vescovi tedeschi, 
 nello spirito di Gesii Cristo e della sua santa 
 Chiesa, che anzitutto e spirito di unita e di 
 comunione, ci siamo uniti a Fulda presso al 
 sepolcro di San Bonifacio, in fraterna con- 
 ferenza. Scopo di queste adunanze non e 
 gia quello di emanare decisioni obbligatorie 
 in materie ecclesiastiche, il che secondo le 
 leggi della Chiesa puo farsi soltanto nelle 
 assemblee ecclesiastiche propriamente tali e 
 tenute nella dovuta forma (nei Sinodi o 
 Concilii) ; ma esse hanno unicamente per 
 iscopo di renderci, mcdiante vicendevoli 
 colloqui, piu atti ad adempiere nel modo 
 migliore il nostro sacro ministero, e di colti- 
 vare fra noi quell' unione e carita, che e la 
 madre e nutrice di ogni bene. 
 
 Naturalmente in quest' anno un oggetto 
 principale della no.stra conferenza fu di pre- 
 pararci al Concilio Ecumenico, al quale il 
 nostro Santo Padre Pio IX ha convocato 
 tutti i Vescovi della terra. 
 
 A questo riguardo noi abbiamo giudicato 
 eoaa buona e salutare, prima di separarci, di 
 livolgere in comune ai nostri amati dio- 
 cesani, ecclesiastici e secolari, alcune brevi 
 parole. 
 
 Allorehe erasi fatta certa la convocazione 
 
 di un Concilio Ecumenico, per una parte gli 
 aiiiiiii dei fedeli furono riempiti da pia 
 aspettazione e lieta speranza, e migliaia di 
 essi tengono rivolti con figliale fiducia i loro 
 sguardi a Roma. Non quasi fosse il Concilio 
 un mezzo magico per togliere da noi ogni 
 male e pericolo, e per mutare d' un tratto la 
 faccia della terra, ma perche, secondo la 
 costituzione data da Cristo nella sua divina 
 sapienza alia Chiesa, 1' unione dei successori 
 degli Apostoli intorno al successors di San 
 Pietro, in un Concilio Ecumenico, e il mezzo 
 principale per mettere in piu chiara luce la 
 verita salutare del Cristianesimo, e per intro- 
 duce nella vita piu etfieaceniente la sua 
 santa legge. Cib che il santo pontefice 
 Griegorio Magno dice si bellamente, che nel 
 corso dei tempi le porte della divina verita 
 e sapienza si aprono sempre di piu. alia 
 cristianita, questo si effettua nel modo piu 
 grandioso mediante i Concilii Ecumenici. 
 DalP essere poi la dottrina di Cristo esatta- 
 mente conosciuta e la sua legge piu univer- 
 salmente osservaia dipende senza dubbio, 
 come 1' eterno, cosi pure il vero benesseie 
 temporale dell' umanita Percio i figli fedeli 
 della Chiesa hanno salutato in ogni tempo i 
 Concilii Ecumenici con gioia e con santa 
 fiducia. Egli e nostro sacro dovere di 
 nutrire in noi stessi e di diffondere negli 
 altri cotali sentimenti anche riguardo all' 
 imminente Concilio. 
 
 Tuttavia non possiamo dissimularci, che 
 d' altra parte persino da membri fervoiosi e 
 fedeli della Chiesa si nutrono timori, atti a 
 scemare la fiducia. Si aggiunge che dagli 
 avversari della Chiesa vengono mosse accuse, 
 le quali non hanno altro scopo, che di susci- 
 tare vastamente la diffidenza e 1' avversione 
 contro il Concilio, e di risvegliare persino il 
 sospetto dei Governi. Cosi si sentono delle 
 voci che il Concilio possa e voglia pronml- 
 gare nuovi dogmi di fede, i quali non si 
 contengono nella rivelazione di Dio e nella 
 tradizione della Chiesa, e che esso possa e 
 intenda stabilire dei principii che, pregiu- 
 dicievoli agli interessi del Cristianesimo e 
 della Chiesa, sieno incompatibili colle giuste 
 pretese dello Stato, colla civilta e colla 
 scienza, come pure colla legitirna liberta e 
 colla prosperity temporale dei popoli. Si va 
 ancor piu innanzi; si uccusa il Santo Padre 
 che egli, sotto 1' influsso di un partito, voglia 
 puramente usare del Concilio come di un 
 mezzo per accrescere smodatamente il potere 
 della Sede Apostolica, per cambiare 1' antica 
 e vera costituzione della Chiesa, per ista- 
 bilire una signoria spirituale incompatibile 
 colla cristiana liberta. Non si ha rossore 
 di designare il Capo supremo della Chiesa e 
 1' Episcopato con nomi di fazione, che noi 
 
 s 2 
 
264 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document I J I. 
 
 finqui eravamo usi di sentire solamente dalla 
 bocca dei piu dichiarati nemici della Chiesa. 
 Quindi non si ha alcun riguardo di far 
 sentire il sospetto, che non sara concessa ai 
 Vescovi la piena liberta di discussione, e che 
 manchera anche agli stessi Vescovi la neces- 
 saria cognizione e il necessario coraggio 
 per adempiere il loro dovere nel Concilio, e 
 in conseguenza di cio si pone persino in 
 questione la validita stessa del Concilio e 
 delle sue decisioni. 
 
 Da qualunque parte pvovengano questi e 
 simili discorsi, essi non sono certamente 
 dettati da feile viva, da ftdele amore alia 
 Chiesa, da un' incrollabile fiducia in quell' 
 aiuto, che non mai il Signore alia sua 
 Chiesa sottrae. Cosi non hanno mai pen- 
 sato i nostri padri nella fede, non mai i sunti 
 di Dio; cio, amati diocesani, e contrario 
 senza dubbio anche al vostro intimo convin- 
 cimento cristiano. Non pertanto noi vogl ia- 
 mo anche esplicitaniente esortarvi a non 
 vi lasciar sedurre da tali discorsi, a non 
 vacillare per cagione di essi nella vostra fede 
 e nella vostra speranza. — Giammai un Con- 
 cilio Ecumenico pronunciera ne pud pronun- 
 ciare una nuova dottrina, che non sia con- 
 tenuta nella Sacra Scrittura o nella Tradi- 
 zione Apostolica ; come in generale la Chiesa, 
 quando pronuncia in cose di fede, non pro- 
 mulga nuove dottrine, ma mette 1' antica e 
 originaria verita in chiara luce e la difende 
 contro nuovi errori. 
 
 Giammai un Concilio Ecumenico pub pro- 
 mulgare e promulghera dottrine, le quali 
 sono in contraddizione coi principii della 
 giustiz : a, col diritto dello Stato e delle sue 
 autorita, colla muralita e coi veri interessi 
 della scienza, o colla legittima liberta e col 
 benessere dei popoli. Tn generale il Con- 
 cilio non istabilira nuovi principii, ne altri 
 da quelli, che sono scritti dalla fede e dalla 
 coscienza nel cuore di tutti voi, che furono 
 sacri ai popoli cristiani di tutti i secoli, e sui 
 quali ora e sempre riposa la prosperita degli 
 Stati, P autorita dei superiori, la liberta dei 
 popoli, e che costituiscono la base di ogni 
 vera scienza e moralita. — E perche possiamo 
 noi fare questa dichiarazione con tale pre- 
 cisione e fidanza ? Perche noi sinno accer- 
 tati dalla fede, che Gesu Cristo e colla sua 
 Chiesa tutti i di sino alia fine del mondo, 
 che lo Spirito Santo non la abbandona mai, 
 e le ricorda ogni cosa e la introduce in ogni 
 verita, per modo che essa e e rimane la co- 
 lonna e il sost< gno della verita, cui le stesse 
 porte delP inferno non possono espugnare; 
 finalmente perche noi crediamo e sappiamo 
 che, quando i successori di Pietro e degli 
 Apostoli, il Papae i Vescovi, adunati legitti- 
 mameute in un Concilio Ecumenico, fanno 
 
 delle decisioni in cose della fede e della 
 lcgge morale, sono assicurati contro ogni 
 errore della provvidenza e assistenza divina. 
 
 A quella nianiera, che Cristo e il mede- 
 simo ieri e oggi e in eterno, e la sua parola 
 dura sempre, quand' anche passino cielo e 
 terra; cosi anche la sua Chiesa rimane la 
 stessa in ogni tempo, e la verita di Cristo 
 rimane in lei perpetua e immutabile. Anche 
 il solo temere che un Concilio Ecumenico 
 nelle sue decisioni dottrinali possa errare 
 contro la verita della Tradizione, che esso 
 possa in alcun modo alterare nella sua 
 essenza la costituzione della Chiesa stabilita 
 da Dio, e un disconoscere la virtu delle 
 divine promesse fatte alia santa Chiesa, e 
 P efficacia dell' aiuto della divina grazia. 
 Fgwdmente nessuno ha ragione di temere, che 
 il Concilio Ecumenico prenda inconsiderata- 
 mente e con precipitazione delle risoluzioni, le 
 quali senza necessita si oppongano ai vigenti 
 rapporti e ai bisogni della presente eta, op- 
 pure che esso, seguendo ilfanatismo di umani 
 pensamenti, voglia trapiantare nelV eta pre- 
 sente costumi e istituzioni di tempi trascorsi. 
 E come si puo anche solo ragionevolmente 
 temere una tal cosa da un' adunanza dei 
 Vescovi di tutto il mondo cattolico, i quali 
 forniti delle piu ricche esperienze della vita, 
 fami>rliari alle condizioni dei piu svariati 
 paesi, a^gravati dalla responsabilita della 
 piu santa missione, dal Capo supremo della 
 Chiesa, vengono adunati principalmente alio 
 scopo, per deliberare con lui, in quale modo 
 migliore le eterne verita della religione 
 debbansi attuare nella presente eta, e come 
 il beneficio del Cristianesimo si possa nie.^lio 
 conservare e trasmettere alle presenti e 
 future generazioni ? 
 
 Egii e con si poco fondamento e con si 
 poca giustizia che si temerebbe di veder 
 attentare alia liberta delle deliberazioni del 
 Concilio. Quanto poco coloro che cio pen- 
 sano, conoscono i sentimenti del Papa, i 
 sentimenti dei Vescovi e il modo di pro- 
 cedere della Chiesa! Noi sappiamo nel 
 modo piii certo che e volere formale e di- 
 chiarato del Santo Padre di non mettere al- 
 cun osbieolo alia liberta e alia duiata delle 
 deliberazioni, e cib e nella natura stessa delle 
 cose. Infatti in un Concilio della Chiesa i 
 varii partiti non coinbattono ton tutte le 
 arti dell' eloquenza per ottenere la vittoria ; 
 i diversi membri dell' Assemblea non cer- 
 cano di vincerla sui loro avversarii coll' 
 acquisto di una maggioranza favorevole alle 
 l<>ro opiuioni. A malgrado delle differenze 
 di sentire, tutti sono antieipatamente d' ac- 
 cordo sui principii della fede, e non ten- 
 dono che ad uno seopo, che e la salute delle 
 anime e il bene del Cristianesimo. Le dis- 
 

 Document III] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 265 
 
 cussioni non hanno dunque pel oggetto di 
 vincere un avversario o di far trionfare un 
 interesse partioolare ; nou si disoate se non 
 
 per fare risplendere la verita sotto ogui suo 
 nsprtto e per nou decider nulla prima di 
 awr riaolto tutte le difficolta e chiarito tutto 
 ci6 che e oscuro. In cio die riguarda soprat- 
 tutto le eterne verita delta fede, il Concilio 
 non decider* nulla prima di aver esauriti 
 tutti i mezzi della scienza e delle piu 
 mature deliberazioni. 
 
 E che direm noi a proposito degl' indegni 
 sospetti che suppongono che i Vescovi 
 potrebbero per considerazioni umane ri- 
 nunciare uel Concilio alia ltbeita della pa- 
 rola, che e uno dei loro obhlighi? Noi 
 ricord aidoci del cornando del nostro Maes- 
 tro non risponderenio con iugiurie a coloro 
 che c' insultano, e ci contenteremo di dire 
 semplieemente e lealmente : Quando i Ves- 
 cnvi della Chiesa Cattolica saranno riuniti 
 in Concilio Ecumenico, non dinunticheranno 
 mai U piu santo dti loro doveri, il dovere di 
 rendere testimonianza alia verita : si ram- 
 menteranno di quelle parole dell' Apostolo : 
 Chi viwl piacere agli uomini, non e servo di 
 Cristo ; ricordandosi del conto che duvranno 
 rendere quanto prima dinanzi al tribuuale 
 di Dio, penseranno ch' essi non hanno altra 
 regola da seguire che quella della loro 
 coscienza. 
 
 Nun abbiam creduto che fosse indegno di 
 noi il difendere 1' Episcopate Cattolico e il 
 Concilio Ecumenico contro questi tiisti sos- 
 petti ; noi sappiamo che lo stesso Apostolo 
 dei Gentili non ha disdeguato, nell' interesse 
 dell' Apostoiico suo ministero e del suo 
 amore per le auime e per la Cliiesa, di res- 
 pingerne in tal m<>do le accuse piu insus- 
 sistenti. 
 
 Ma quaudo si giunge persino ad incrimi- 
 Qare ed oltraggiare le iutenzioni del Santo 
 Padre e la Santa Sede Apo^tolica stessa, 
 dimenticando completamente il rispetto e 
 1' affetto che dobbiamo alia Chiesa ed al suo 
 capo, quando lo si rappreseuta lui, che 
 Cristo ha costituito pastore di tutti e di cui 
 fece la pit tra sulla quale riposa tutta la 
 Chiesa, come un partito e come lo struuiento 
 d' un partito; quan.lo gli si attribuiscono 
 progetti di dominazione ed ambiziosi, asso- 
 lutainente come coloro che davanti Ponzio 
 Pilato a'cusarono altre volte Cristo, il fon- 
 datore della Chiesa, di essere un ribelle e 
 di ammutinare il popolo, le parole ci man- 
 cano per esprimere il nostro dolore nell' 
 udire .siiuili discorsi, e per dichiararci contro 
 lo s]iirito, da cui sono inspirati. 
 
 Nulla e tanto contrario ed estraneo all' 
 
 za della Chiesa Cattolica quanto lo 
 
 spirito di partito. 11 divin Salvatorc ed i 
 
 suoi Apostoli non hanno condannato nulla 
 piii energicamente della scissione e della 
 divisione in partiti, ed e precisamente per 
 impedire ogni fatto di questo genere e con- 
 Bervare 1' unita, degli animi mediante il 
 legame della pace, che Cristo ha scelto fra 
 tutti gli Apostoli uno solo per fare di lui il 
 centro dell' unita ed il pastore supremo, 
 sottoporre tutti all'autorita paterna di quel 
 pastore ed unire a lui tutti i vescovi, preti e 
 fe.leli del mondo intero col legame indisso- 
 luble deli' obbedienza, fondata sulla fede e 
 Bull' amore. 
 
 £ vero che la Chiesa si compone di una 
 immensa quantita di caratteri nazionali ed 
 individual!. Essa abbraccia le associazioni, 
 corporazioni e manifestazioni piu diverse 
 della vita religiosa; essa fr'llera e protegge 
 persino la varieta delle dottrine teoriche e 
 pratiche ; ma non tollei a ed approva m d i 
 partiti, ed essa stessa non e mai un partito. 
 Per un cuore cattolico, finclie la sua fede ed 
 il suo amore non sonooscuiati dalle passioni, 
 e impossibile che sotto il rapporto religioso 
 ed ecelesiastico sia mai penetrato dallo 
 spirito di parte, poiche la sua fede lo induce 
 a subordinare con umilta, amore e fiducia 
 illimitata, il suo proprio giudizio e piu 
 ancora i suoi iuteressi e le sue passioni alia 
 Sede suprema, di cui Cristo c' impose di 
 ascoltare gl' insegnamenti ed alia quale si 
 applica eternameute la sua paiola : " Chi vi 
 ascolta, mi aseolta." 
 
 Al prossimo Concilio Ecumenico, questa 
 Sede suprema ed infallibile della Chiesa 
 parlera a tutti, o piuttosto sara Cristo ed il 
 suo Spirito Santo, che parleranno mediante 
 1' organo di quella Sede, e tutti gli uomini 
 di buona volonta, tutti coloro che amano 
 Iddio, udiranno la voce di Cristo : " La voce 
 della verita, della giustizia, della pace di 
 Cristo." 
 
 Come Pietro e i suoi Apostoli non avevano 
 che una sola e stessa opinione al primo Con- 
 cilio di Gerusalemme, e non parlavano che 
 una sola lingua, cosi pure non vi saia oggidi 
 che una sola opinione ed una sola lingua, 
 sara rivelato a tutto il mondo che, come nella 
 prima comunita cristiana, anche oggidi tutti 
 gli aderenti della Chiesa Cattolica non 
 hanno che un cuore ed un' anima sola. 
 
 £ da questa funte dell' unita che deriva 
 nella Chiesa tutto cio che v' ha di grande, di 
 buono e di salutare; vi si riferiscono tutti 
 i vantaggi del Cristianesimo e soltanto me- 
 diante questa unita noi partecipiamo alia 
 luce ed alia vita di Cristo. Percib Cristo 
 nella sua preghiera dopo la Cena imploro 
 dal suo Padre Celeste i benefizi di questa 
 unita, poiche i benefizi di questa unita com- 
 prendono tutti gli altri beni di salute, la 
 
 
-im 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document IV. 
 
 fede, 1' amore, la foiza, la pace e tutte le 
 benedizioni. 
 
 All'opposto, dalla sdssione e dalla seccs- 
 sione sono sorti i mali peggiori, da cui siano 
 mai stati afflitti il Cristianesiino edil mondo, 
 raentre che al contrario la salvezza dipende 
 dalla conciliazione e dal ristabilimento dell' 
 unita. 
 
 Se, all' epoca nostra, come dobbiamo rico- 
 noscerlo, grazie al Cielo, molti audi di pas- 
 sati tempi nefasti furono guariti ; se la vita 
 ecclesiastica e religiosa ha guadagnato forza, 
 malgrado tutte le circostanze sfavorevoli, e 
 se e stato fatto molto bene per la salute delle 
 anime e la consolazione dei poveri e di co- 
 loro che soffrono ; se il coraggio della fede e 
 P amore per la Chiesa sono divenuti piu furti 
 in tutti gli eeclesiastici ed i laici ; se in tutto 
 1' uni verso il regno di Dio cresce con novello 
 vigore e porta frutti ; se anche tutti gli 
 attacchi contro la Chiesa e tutt' i suoi pati- 
 menti non si rivolgono che a suo vantaggio, 
 noi non dubitiamo che cio non sia soprattutto 
 il risultato di quell' arraonia intima e di 
 quella unita di sentimento che, se si eccet- 
 tuano alcune tristi ed insignificanti pertur- 
 bazioni, regna in tutto il mondo cattolico. 
 
 Non e vana iattanza, ma rendere omaggio 
 ad una verita evidente dire che tutti i Vescovi 
 del mondo cattolico sono uniti fra loro e colla 
 Sede Apostolica nella piu perfetta unita, e 
 che il clero ed il popolo sono pure d' accordo 
 coi loro Vescovi ; e cosi che 1' unione piu 
 cordiale esiste generalmente fra i varii servi 
 della Chiesa e che i cattolici di tutte le na- 
 zioni si sentono pure d' accordo ed uniti nella 
 fede e nell' amore per la Chiesa ; le calamita 
 e le burrasche dei tempi non fecero che con- 
 solidare questa unita e specialmente 1' affet- 
 tuosa cooperazione di tutte le nazioni a pro- 
 teggere il Santo Padre, gravemente minac- 
 ciato, ha stretto sempre piu. i legami di 
 questa unita. 
 
 Nello spirito di questa unita, come in- 
 viati da Cristo, in noma di Cristo e per il 
 Suo Cuore, noi consigliamo, preghiamo e 
 scongiuriamo tutti e particolarmente i nostri 
 fratolli nel sacerdozio e nel santo ministero 
 dell' insegnamento, di mantenere e svilup- 
 pare questa perfetta concordia, secondo la 
 loro posizione, colle parole, gli scritti e 
 l'esempio, facendo sparire completamente 
 tutti i couflitti die potrebbero essere 
 avvenuti precedentemente da una parte o 
 dall' altra, ed astenendosi da tutto cio che 
 potrebbe servire di alimento alia discordia 
 e risvegliare le passioni umane. 
 
 Fra brevo noi lasceremo per lungo tempo 
 le nostre diocesi, ed i nostri cuori sono 
 grandemente commossi, allorche pensiamo 
 ai gravi pericoli dell' eta presente. In con- 
 
 seguenza abbiamo deciso ed ordinate che 
 siano indirizzate preghiere durante tre 
 giorni al Sacro Cuore di Gesu, incomin- 
 ciando dall' 8 dicembre di quest' anno in 
 tutte le parrocchie delle nostre diocesi. 
 Noi ci riserbiamo di piendere ulteriori dis- 
 posizioni intorno a queste preghiere. 
 
 La grazia e la pace di Gesu Cristo, 1* in— 
 tercessione della Santissima Vergine e di 
 tutti i Santi, sia e rimanga con voi tutti. 
 Fatto a Fulda, il 6 settembre 1869. 
 ►£< Paolo, Arc/'vescovo di Colonia. 
 f£< Gregorio, Arciv. di Monaco e di 
 
 Frisinga. 
 \%i Enrico, Principe Vescovo di Bres- 
 
 lavia. 
 \%i G. Antonio, Vescovo di Wurzhorgo. 
 >J< Cristoforo Fiorenzo, Vescoco di 
 
 Fulda. 
 \fc Gvglielmo Em., Vescovo di Ma- 
 
 gonza. 
 ffr Euoardo Giacomo, Vescovo <f Hildes- 
 
 heim. 
 (J< Lt'iGi, Vescovo di Leontopoli in p. i. 
 
 Vicario Apostolico di Sassonia. 
 f£i Corrado, Vescoco di Paderbona. 
 ►T< Pancrazio, Vescoco di Augsborgo. 
 M Mattia, Vescovo di Treveri. 
 ^ Nicolo, Vescoio (T Alicarnasso p. i. 
 Vicario Apostolico di Lus*tm~ 
 burgo. 
 >J< Gio. Enrico, Vescovo d' Osnabruck e 
 Provicario delle Missioni setten- 
 trionali tedesche e danesi. 
 ►£< Francesco Leopoldo, Vescovo di 
 
 Eichstaedt. 
 h£< IjOtario, Vescovo di Leuca in p. i. e 
 Vic. cap. delV Arcidiocesi di Fri- 
 burgo. 
 ►£< Filippo, Vescovo di Ermeland. 
 ^ Gio. Nepomuceno, Vescovo di Culm. 
 tU Nicolo, Vescovo di Spira. 
 ^ Carlo Giuseppe, Vescovo eletto di 
 Bottenbourg. 
 
 (Dalla Bivista Universale, ottobre 1869, 
 fasc. 84, vol. x.) 
 
 DOCUMENT IV. 
 
 Lettera di Padre Giacinto. 
 
 Au B. P. General des Carmes dechausses. 
 
 Mon tres-rev. Pere, 
 
 Depuis cinq anuees que dure mon minis- 
 tere a Notre-Dame de Paris, et malgre les 
 attaques ouvertes et les delations cach&fl 
 dont j'ai ete' l'objet, votre estime et votM 
 confiance ne m'ont pas fait uu seul instant 
 defaut. J'eu conserve de nornbieux te'moi- 
 

 Document IV.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 267 
 
 gnnges ecrits de votre main, ct qui s'adressent 
 ii mes predications autant qu'a ma personne. 
 Quoi qu'il arrive, j'en garderai un souvenir 
 reconnaissant. 
 
 Aujourd'hui copendant, par un brusque 
 changement dont je ne cherche pas la cause 
 duns votre cceur, mais dans les mene'es d'un 
 parti tout-puissant a Rome, vous accusez ce 
 que vous encouragiez, vous blamez ce que 
 vous approuviez, et vous exigez que je parle 
 un langage, ou que je garde un silence qui 
 ne seraient plus l'entiere et loyale expres- 
 sion de ma conscience. 
 
 Je n'hesite pas un instant. Avec une 
 parole fausse'e par un mot d'ordre ou mutile'e 
 par des reticences je ne saurais remonter sur 
 la chaire de Notre-Dame. J'en exprime 
 mes regrets a l'intelligent et courageux 
 archeveque qui me l'a ouverte, et m'y a 
 maintenu contre le mauvais vouloir des 
 homines dont je parlais tout-a-1'heure. J'en 
 exprime mes regrets a l'imposant auditoire 
 qui m'y environuait de son attention, de 
 ses sympathies, j'allais presque dire de son 
 amitie. Je ne serais digne de l'auditoirc, ni 
 de l'e'veque, ni de ma conscience, ni de Dieu, 
 si je pouvais consentir a jouer devant eux un 
 pared role. 
 
 Je m'e'loigne en meme temps du couvent 
 que j'habite, et qui, dans les circonstances 
 nouvelles qui me sont faites, se change pour 
 moi en une prison de l'ame. En agissant 
 ainsi je ne suis point infidele a mes vosux : 
 i'ai promis l'obeissance monastique, mais 
 dans les limites de l'honnetete de ma con- 
 science, de la dignite' de ma personne et de 
 mon ministere. Je l'ai promise sous le 
 bene'fice de cette loi superieure de justice et 
 de royale liberie qui est, selon l'apotre saint 
 Jacques, la loi propre du chretien. 
 
 C'est la pratique la plus parfaite de cette 
 liberte sainte que je suis veuu demander au 
 cloitre, voici plus de dix annees, dans l'elan 
 d'un enthou?iasine pur de tout calcul hu- 
 main, je n'ose pas ajouter degage de toute 
 illusion de jeunesse. Si en echange de mes 
 sacrifices on m'offre aujour<l'liuides chaines, 
 je n'ai pas seulement le droit, j'ai le devoir 
 de les rejeter. 
 
 L'lieure pre'sente est soL nnelle. L'Eglise 
 traverse une des crises les plus violentes, les 
 plus obscures et les plus decisives de son 
 existence ici-bas. Pour la premiere fois 
 depuis trois cents ans, un Concile (Ecu- 
 men ique est non-seulement convoque', mais 
 declare' neVessaire : ce sont les expressions 
 du Saint-Pere. Ce n'est pas dans un pareil 
 moment qu'un predicateur de l'Evangile, 
 t'iit-il le dernier de tous, peut consentir a se 
 taire, comme ces chiens muets d'Israel, 
 gardiens inrkleles, a qui le prophetc repro.hc 
 
 de ne pouvoir point aboyer : Canes muti non 
 valentes latrare. 
 
 Les saints ne se sont jamais tus. Je ne 
 suis pas l'un d'eux, mais toutefois je me sens 
 de leur race, filii sanctorum sumus, et j'ai 
 toujours ambitionne de mettre mes pas, mes 
 larmes, et s'il le fallait, mon sang dans les 
 traces oil ils ont laisse les leurs. 
 
 J'e'leve done devant le Saint-Pere et de- 
 vant le Concile ma protestation de chre'tien 
 et de pretre contre ces doctrines et ces 
 pratiques, qui se noinment romaines, mais 
 ne sont pas chretiennes, et qui dans leurs 
 envahissements toujours plus audacieux tt 
 plus funestes, tendent a ehanger la constitu- 
 tion de l'Eglise, le fond comme la forme de 
 son enseignement, et jusqu'a l'esprit de sa 
 pie'te. Je proteste contre le divorce impie 
 autant qu'insense qu'on s'efforce d'accom- 
 plir entre l'Eglise, qui est notre mere selon 
 l'eternite, et la societe du dix-neuvieme 
 siecle, dont nous sommes les fils selon le 
 temps, et envers qui nous avons aussi des 
 devoirs et des tendresses. 
 
 Je proteste contre cette opposition plus 
 radicale et plus effrayante encore aveu la 
 nature humaine atteinte et revolte'e par ces 
 faux docteurs dans ses aspirations les plus 
 indestructibles et les plus saintes". Je pro- 
 teste par-dessus tout contre la perversion 
 sacrilege de l'Evangile du Fils de Dieu lui- 
 meme, dont l'esprit et la lettre sont e'gale- 
 ment foule's aux pieds par le pharisa'isme de 
 la loi nouvelle. 
 
 Ma conviction la plus profonde est que si 
 la France en particulier et les races latines 
 en gene'ral, sont livrees a l'anarchie sociale, 
 morale et religieuse, la cause principale en 
 est non pas sans doute dans le catholieismo 
 lui-meme, mais dans la maniere dont le 
 catholicisme est depuis longtemps compris 
 et pratique. 
 
 J'en appelle au Concile qui va se re'unir 
 pour chercher des remedes k l'exces de nos 
 maux, et pour les appliquer avec autant de 
 force que de douceur. Mais si des craintes 
 que je ne veux point partager venaient a se 
 re'aliser, si Pauguste assemblee n'avait pas 
 plus de liberte dans ses deliberations, qu'elle 
 en a deja dans sa preparation ; si en un mot 
 elle etait privee des caracteres essentiels a 
 un Concile Qilcumenique, je crierais vers 
 Dieu et vers les hommes pour en reel am er 
 un autre veritablement reuni dans le Saint- 
 Esprit, non dans l'esprit des partis, repre- 
 sentant reellement l'Eglise universelle, non 
 le silence de3 uns, l'oppression des autres. 
 — "Je souffre cruellement a cause de la 
 souffrance de la fille de mon peuple; je 
 pousse des cris de douleur, et l'epouvanto 
 ma t>aisi. N'est-il plus de bourne a Galaad? 
 
 
268 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document V. 
 
 et n'y a-t-il plus la de medecin ? Pourquoi 
 done n'est-elle pas ferme'e la blessure de la 
 title de mon peuple ?" (JeWmie, viii.) 
 
 Et enfin j'en appelle a votre tribunal, 6 
 Seigneur Jesus, Ad tuum Domine Jesu tri- 
 bunal appello. C'est en votre presence que 
 j'ecris ees lignes; c'est a vos pi< ds, apres 
 avoir beancoup prie, b< aucoup refleclii, beau- 
 coup soufFert. beaucoup attendu ; c'est a vos 
 pieds que je les signe. J'en ai la con fiance: 
 si les hommes les condamnent sur la terre, 
 vou-* les approuverez dans le ciel. Cela me 
 suffit pour vivre et pour mourir. 
 
 Paris-Passy, le 20 septembre 1869. 
 Fb. Hyacinthe, 
 
 Superieur des Cannes dechausses dt> Paris, denxieme 
 de'finiu-ur de l'Ordre dans la province U' Avignon. 
 
 (Dai Giornali contemporanei, come dall' 
 Italie, n° 23, sett. 1869.) 
 
 DOCUMENT V. 
 
 Lettre Pastorale de Monseigneur l'Ar- 
 cheveque de paris sur le prochain 
 
 CONCILE. 
 
 Georges Darboy, par la grace de Dieu et 
 lautorite du Saint-Siege apostolique, arche- 
 veque de Paris, grand aumonier de l'Em- 
 pereur. 
 
 Au clerge et aux fideles de notre diocese, 
 salut et benediction en Notre - Seigneur 
 Jesus-Christ. 
 
 Nos tres-chers Freres, 
 
 II y a deux ans, le Souverain Pontife a 
 manifeste aux eveques i eunis a Kome autour 
 de lui le vif desir de convoquer, aussitot 
 qu*il le pourrait, un Coneile general pour 
 rechercher avec eux les rernedes ne'ees- 
 saires aux maux presents de l'Eglise. 
 Quelqnes mois apres, il a publie la bulle 
 d'indiction qui fixe 1'ouverture du Coneile 
 au 8 decembre prochain, et un peu plus tard 
 il a demande a tous les fideles, en leur ac- 
 cordant une indulgence pleniere en forme de 
 jubile', d'appeler par leurs supplications les 
 lumieres et les graci s de Dieu sur les travaux 
 de cette grande assemble'e. Ainsi le moment 
 approche on les eveques du monde catho- 
 lique vont repondre a l'appel du Saint-Pere, 
 et oil vous-memes, nos tres-chers freres, 
 devrez vous meler a leur ceuvre par vos 
 prieres et vos actes de piete. II importe 
 done de vous exposer, au moins brievement, 
 ce qui va s'accomplir, et les motifs que vous 
 avez d'y prendre un religieux interet. 
 
 Ce qui rend plausible et moralemeut 
 
 neeessaire aujourd'hui la tenue d'un Coneile, | 
 c'est l'e'tat ge'ne'ral du monile ; ce qui l'au- ] 
 torise, c'est la constitution meme, le droit et 1 
 le devoir de l'Eglise, divinement etablie 
 pour veiller au salut des ames ; ce qui per- 
 met d'y rattacher de solides et consolantes 
 esperances, c'est avec les dispositions de 
 l'episcopat la benediction d'en haut et l'as- 
 sistance promise. du Saint-Esprit. 
 
 L'etat general du monde est tel qu'il 
 preoccupe les moralist es et les p litiques 
 autant que les hommes de religion. Est-ce 
 a dire que notre ^eide, eonsidere dans l'en- 
 semble de ses actes, soit plus mauvais que 
 les siecles ante'rieurs, qu'il souffre de choses 
 que le passe n'aurait pas connues et qu'il 
 se presente avec une plus grande somme 
 d'ignorances et de perversites ? Nous ne 
 pouvons pas l'admettre : les erreurs et les 
 crimes sont de toutes les epoques ; le libre 
 arbitre <le la creature a ses cle'f;dllances et 
 ses emportements inevitables, et l'impatfaite 
 humanite marclie vers son but et accomplit 
 sa destinee, en traversant des vicissitudes 
 pleines de grandeurs et de miteres qui re- 
 commencent toujours et ne se ressemblent 
 jamais. Elle cherclie, sans parvenir a le 
 re'aliser parfaitement ni pour longtemps, 
 l'equilibre des elements dont se compose le 
 monde : autorite et liberte, droit et devoir, 
 interet et conscience, Etat et Eglise. Ce 
 qu'elle regie se pratique mal ou ne dure pas. 
 Dans les milieux complexes et si variables 
 ou elle se meut avec des forces et des 
 faiblesses qui restent les memes, le bien et 
 le mal prennent des aspects qui se modifient 
 sans cesse ; et chaque generation semble 
 avoir ses vertus et ses vices pre'feres. Dres- 
 ser le tableau comparatif de ces e'volutions 
 morales, et faire la part de responsabilite 
 qui revient aux divers ages et aux diverses 
 regions, est une ceuvre oil Ton peut difficile- 
 raent etre et paraitre impartial, une ceuvre 
 qui d'ailleurs ici ne sera it pas a sa place. 
 Tout ce que nous voulons dire, c'est que 
 notre temps ne nous fait p»s peur, et que 
 nous l'aimons, malgre ses defauts ; car il a 
 des defauts, et nous n'avons point envie de 
 les dissimuler. 
 
 Personne en effet ne refusera de recon- 
 naitre que bien des choses se passent qui 
 genent Taction de l'Eglise et compromettent 
 le salut des ames, et qui du reste sont une 
 cause de soufFrance et une menace pour la 
 societe civile. Les verites de la foi, l'au- 
 torite des saintes Ecritures, la divinite' du 
 christianisme, l'existence meme de Dieu ne 
 sout-elles pas incessammeut attaque'es par 
 une critique intemperante, ou par uu 
 scepticisme froid et railleur, qui prennent 
 la ne'gatiou pour de la force et le rire pour 
 
Document V.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 269 
 
 tie la hardiesse et de la raison ? Les jour- 
 naux, lea livres et les discours publics ne 
 sont-ils pas a toute heure dirige's coutre ce 
 qu'il y a de plus necessaire et de phis sacre, 
 la religion, la morale, la famille et la 
 H&4t6'l La liberte de parler et d'ecrire 
 lie va-t-elle pas jusqu'a l'extreme licence, 
 ouvrant le chemin a la liberte de tout faire 
 et de tout defaire ? Car la logique n'est 
 pus, autant qu'on le croit, absente des choses 
 huniaims. Si en eft'et les droits de Dieu 
 Mint conteste's et me'eonnus, comment ceux 
 de l'liomme ne seraient-ils pas precaires et 
 plus que discutables ? Et comment y 
 nurait-il des autorite's sur la terre, si l'au- 
 torite n'est pas dans le ciel? Mais s'il 
 n'existe de droits nulle part, U n'existe point 
 de dev< >irs non plus ; des lors le respect n'a 
 lieu a faire dans le monde, la force seule y 
 regne, et tout est en proie a tons. Ce n'est 
 done pas seulement la religion qui est en 
 CSUse, e'est anssi l'ordre public et la tran- 
 quillite' des Etats: les sophistes sement le 
 vent, et les nations moissonnent la tem- 
 pete. 
 
 Telle est la situation morale de notre 
 e"poque. Du reste, le Saint-Pere, en y 
 cherchant un remede, l'a de'erite dans les 
 termes suivants : " Depuis longtemps, dit-il, 
 tout le monde sait et constate quelle hor- 
 rible tempete subit aujourd'hui l'Eglise, et 
 de quels maux immenses souffre elle-meme 
 la societe civile. L'Eglise catholique et s-a 
 doctrine salutaire, sa puissance ve'nerable et 
 la supreme autorite de ce Sie'ge apostolique, 
 sont attaquees et foulees aux pieds par des 
 ennemis acharnes de Dieu et des hommes ; 
 toutes les choses sacrees sont voue'es au 
 me'pris, et les biens ecclesiastiques dila- 
 pide's ; les pontifes, les hommes les plus 
 ve'ne'rables consacre's au divin ministere, les 
 personnages eminents par leurs sentiments 
 catholiques sont tourmentes de toutes 
 manieres ; on aneantit les communautes 
 religieuses ; des livres impies de toute 
 espece et des journaux pestilentiels sont 
 repandus de toutes parts ; les sectes les plus 
 pernicieuses se multiplient partout et sous 
 toutes les formes : l'enseignement de la 
 malheureuse jeunesse est presque partout 
 retire' au clerge, et ce qui est encore pire, 
 confie en beaucoup de lieux a des maitres 
 d'erreur et d'iuiquite'. Par suite de tous 
 ces faits, pour notre de'solation et la desola- 
 tion de tous les gens de bien, pour la perte 
 des ames, qu'on ne pourra jamais assez 
 pleurer, l'impie'te, la corruption des mceurs, 
 la licence sans frein, la contagion des 
 opinions perverses de tout genre, de tous 
 les vices et de tous les crimes, la violation 
 des lois divines et humaines, se sont par- 
 
 tout propage'es, a ce point que, non-seule- 
 ment notre tres-sainte religion, mais encore 
 la societe' humaine sont miserablement dans 
 le trouble et la confusion." 
 
 Cette peinture est triste, et de tels maux 
 out besoin d'etre combattus avec zele et 
 vigueur. Non pas qu'il faille se natter d'en 
 avoir entierement raison, quelque etfort qu'on 
 fasse; mais il est possible d'en arreter le 
 de'veloppement et d'en limiter les funestes 
 consequences ; d'ailleurs le role des j ustes 
 dans cette vie de luttes et d'e'preuves, e'est 
 de veuir en aide a la vertu. Or, tel est pre- 
 cise'ment le droit et le devoir de l'Eglise. 
 Elle est institue'e de Dieu pour eclairer, 
 diriger et soutenir les ames par la predication 
 de la verite, par ses regies de discipline et 
 par l'efficacite des sacrements. Cette mis- 
 sion de salut, Jesus-Christ la confiee aux 
 apotres et aux eveques leurs successeurs ; ils 
 la rempliasent depuis dix-huit siecles, veillant 
 sur tout le troupeau ou le Saint- Esprit les a 
 place's pour gouverner l'Eglise de Dieu, sous 
 la commune houlette du Souverain Poutife, 
 successeur de Pierre, charge' de paitro les 
 agneaux et les brebis. En consequence, 
 l'objct de leur travail est de se maintenir et 
 de maintenir 1< s fideles dans 1'unite, qui a 
 pour signe public et permanent la communion 
 avec le Pape, divinement invt sti d'une pri- 
 maute d'honneur et de juridiction s'e'tendant 
 a toute l'Eglise. 
 
 L'oeuvre s'accomplit dans ces conditions ; 
 que les eveques soient disperse's ou reuuis, 
 ils instruisent et gouvernent avec autorite' et 
 succes. Les deliberations generales, les re'- 
 solutions concertees ne sont done pas absolu- 
 ment necessaires dans l'Eglise ; mais elles y 
 ont toujours paru d'une force considerable et 
 d'une grande efficacite. On n'a rien tiouve 
 de meilleur que cette union des conseils et 
 des sollicitudes pour faciliter la definition 
 des dogmes de foi, pour refuter et dis-iper 
 les erreurs les plus repandues, pour mettre 
 en lumiere et developper la doctrine reli- 
 gieuse, pour maintenir et relever la discipline 
 ecclesiastique, pour corriger et perfectionuer 
 les mceurs. On n'a rien trouve de meilleur 
 non plus pour engager les Chretiens a rece- 
 voir avec promptitude et respect les decisions 
 doctrinales et disciplinaires de l'Eglise, for- 
 mulees et de'ere'tecs par les eveques du monde 
 entier qui ne prononcent qu'en tenant compte 
 tout a la fois de la revelation dout ils sont 
 les gardiens, etdes sentiments, des habitudes 
 et des besoins de leurs dioceses, dont ils sont 
 les pasteurs et les guides. 
 
 Aussi le Saint-Pere declare-t-il opportune 
 la reunion d'un Concile, oil tous les eveques 
 du monde catholique seront appcles a s'en- 
 tendre sur le caractere et la portee des maux 
 
 
270 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [DOCUMKNT 
 
 actuels, et sur les remedes qu'il est expedient 
 de leur appliqui r. " Le Concile cecumenique, 
 dit la Bulle d'indiction, devra done examiner 
 avec le plus grand soin et determiner ce qu'il 
 convient de fairc. en oes temps si ealamiteux, 
 pour la plus grande gloire de Dieu, pour 
 l'inte'grite' de la foi, i>our la splendeur du 
 culte, pour le salut eternel des hommes, pour 
 la discipline et la solitle instruction du clerge 
 regulier et seculier, pour l'observation des 
 lois eccle'siastiques, pour la reforme des 
 moeurs, pour l'education chretienne de la 
 jeunesse, pour la paix ge'ne'rale et la Concorde 
 universelle. II nous faudra travailler aussi 
 de toutes les forces de notre esprit, et avec 
 l'aide de Dieu, a delivrer de tout mal l'Eglise 
 et la societe civile, a ramener dans la voie de 
 la verite, de la justice et du salut les mal- 
 heureux qui s'egarent. Enfin nous devons 
 re'primer tout vice et repousser toute erreur, 
 afiu que notre auguste religion et sa doctrine 
 salutaire reprennent partout une vigueur 
 nouvelle, qu'elles se propagent de jour en 
 jour, qu'elles reconquierent leur legitime 
 empire, et qu'ainsi la pie'te, l'bonnetete', la 
 probite, la justice, la charite et toutes les 
 vertus refleurissent pour le salut du monde. 
 Non-seulement, en effet, la puissante in- 
 fluence de l'Eglise et de sa doctrine a pour 
 objet direct le salut eternel des hommes, 
 maifl aussi, et personne ne le niera, le bon- 
 heur temporel des peuples, leur veritable 
 prospe'rite', le maintien de la paix et de 
 l'ordre, le progres meme et la solidite' des 
 sciences humaines : les f aits les plus eclatants 
 de l'histoire ne le prouvent-ils pas constam- 
 ment, et de la maniere la plus e'vidente ?" 
 
 Tel est done, ainsi qn'on le voit par les 
 paroles du Saint-Pere, tel est l'objet general 
 dont s'occupera l'assemblee des e'veques. 
 Naturellement il se decompose en divers 
 points qui deviondront a leur tour l'objet de 
 decisions spe'ciales, et donneront lieu sans 
 doute a des mesures particulieres. Mais 
 cela ne peut se faire sans qu'on agisse par la 
 meme sur vos opinions et vos doctrines pour 
 les fixer et peut etre les corriger, et sur 
 certains details de votre conduite privee ou 
 sociale pour y apporter quelque heureuse 
 modification. Cette perspective ne vous a 
 pas toujours ete presentee d'une maniere 
 satisfaisante, et plusieurs semblent avoir 
 pris a tache de vous inquieter a ce sujet. lis 
 vous out dit, par exemple, qu'on impose rait 
 a votre foi catholique des articles que 
 jusqu'ici vous n'etiez pas tenus de croire; 
 que des questions interessant la societe civile 
 et les relations de l'Eglise et de l'Etat 
 seraient traitees et decidees dans un esprit 
 d'opposition aux lois et aux moeurs politiques 
 du temps present; qu'on enleverait certain 
 
 vote par acclamation, qu'ainsi les e'veques 
 seraient pas libres, et que la minorite, fut 
 elle eloquente, serait traitee commo 
 parti d'opposition qu'e'toufferait bientot 
 majorite. 
 
 Mais rassurez-vous, nos tres-cbers freres 
 Ces plaintes, au moins prematureVs, ne 
 peuvent prendre leur source que dans une 
 connaissance imparfaite des choses, et ic.s 
 menaces offensantes viennent assuremen 
 d'hommesplus hardis qu'autorises. L'Eglise 
 n'est pas une ecole de desordre et de vio- 
 lence ; les eveques, ses representants et ses 
 interpretes au concile, ne voudront pas se 
 departir du plus religieux respect pour la 
 verite' et des plus grands e'gards pour les 
 personnes, et ils ti aiteront leurs droits comme 
 ceux des autres avec une conscience re- 
 flechie et avec un profond sentiment de 
 justice. 
 
 D'abord, en ce qui touche les de'finitions 
 nouvelles, si le Concile cecumeuique ordoune 
 de croire explicitement des choses qu'oi 
 pouvait nier jusqu'ici sans etre be're'tique, 
 e'est que ces choses seraient deja certainefl 
 et geueralement admises ; car en ces matieres 
 les e'veques sont des te'moins qui constatent, 
 et non pas des auteurs qui inventent. Pour 
 qu'une verite devienne article de foi, il faut 
 qu'elle ait e'te re'velee de Dieu et qu'elle soit 
 contenue dans le de'pot que les siccles 
 chre'tiens gardent fidelement et se trans- 
 mettent l'un a l'autre sans alte'ration. Or, 
 on n'en saurait douter, cinq ou six cents 
 eveques n'attesteront pas, a la face de l'uni- 
 vers, avoir trouve' dans les croynnces de leur 
 Eglise respective ce qui n'y est pas. Si done 
 ils proposent, en concile, des ve'ritea a croire, 
 e'est qu'elles existent deja dans les monu- 
 ments de la tradition et dans le commas 
 enseignement de la theologie, et qu'ainsi 
 elles ne sont pas une nouveaute. 
 
 II y a plus : les e'veques auraient 10911 des 
 siecles anterieurs, par voie de tradition, cer- 
 taines ve'rite's considerables, qu'ils ne s'em- 
 presseraient pas pour cela de les declarer 
 articles de foi. Le pouvoir de l'enseignement 
 ne leur a pas ete' donne pour la destruction, 
 mais pour l'e'dification. Avant done d'ajouter 
 aux obligations du peuple cbre'tien et d'ac- 
 croitre peut-etre les obstacles qui s'opiiostnt 
 au retour de nos freres dissidents, ils vou- 
 draient examiner serieusement les disposi- 
 tions ge'ne'rales du monde et recbercher si 
 ces nouvelles definitions de foi sont oppor- 
 tunes et vraiment re'clamees par l'etat des 
 esprits. C'est de la sorte que nos aine's ont 
 procede', comme le te'moigne l'Listoire del 
 Conciles, et c'est de la sorte aussi que pro- 
 ce'dera la procbaine assemble'e des e'vequts. 
 Si done elle ordonne, sous peine d'anatheme, 
 
Document V.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 271 
 
 dc oroire desormais quelque ve'rite' qui 
 jusqu'a present n'etait pas de foi catholique, 
 c'est que cette ve'rite se trouverait de'ja dans 
 la tradition legue'e par vos ancetres, et qu'ellc 
 aerait d'ailleurs jugee utile au progres du 
 sentiment religieux et au triomphe de 
 l'Eglise. Dans ces conditions, de'libe'res en 
 concile par le Pape et les eveques, des dec-rets 
 comme ceux que redoutent plusieurs per- 
 sonnel, n'auraient rien d'abusif ni de pe- 
 rilleux; ils seraient au contraire l'exercice 
 regulier d'un droit et ne pourraient qu'avoir 
 en definitive du salutaires efFets. II n'est 
 pas loisible de penser autrement a qui veut 
 rester catholique. 
 
 Ensuite, quant aux questions qui interes- 
 sent plus directement la socie'te civile et Its 
 rapports de l'Eglise et de l'Etat, quelques- 
 uns d'entre vous craignent qu'on ne les 
 decide dans un sens oppose aux lois et aux 
 nioeurs politiques de l'Europe, et qu'on ne 
 cre'e ainsi entre les devoirs du fidele et du 
 citoyen un antagonisine violent et doulou- 
 reux. II faut le reconnaitre, bon nombre 
 d'e'erivains, quoique places a des points de 
 vue contraiies, se sont accordes pour e'veiller 
 ces alarmes et out tout fait pour les nourrir 
 et les re'pandre. Mais peut-etre n'y a-t-il la 
 que des malentendus ; en ce cas, des ex- 
 plications plus completes connne le concile 
 peut en fournir re'ussiront a les faire cesser. 
 
 Au fond, que peuvent vouloir les eveques 
 (assembles a Rome de toutes les parties du 
 monde, sinon servir la cause de l'Eglise et 
 de la socie'te"? Quelle est leur doctrine sur 
 les matieres dont il s'agit ? En ce qui vous 
 concerne, par exemple, ils diraient sans 
 doute que vous etes une nation baptisee et 
 qu'ainsi vous appartenez a Je"sus-Christ, 
 que par consequent vos lois et vos mceurs 
 doivent etre chretiennes, et, comme elles ne 
 le sont pas assez, qu'il y a done lieu de les 
 corriger, en les rendant plus conformes a 
 l'Evangile, et par la meme plus en rapport 
 avec V03 veritables interets du temps et de 
 l'eternite. Partant de ces principes et de ces 
 faits, ils ajouteraient probablement que la 
 liberte' de la presse, telle que vous l'avez 
 faite, est un element de dissolution univer- 
 sale et qu'il imp^rte de la contenir dans de 
 plus justes bornes : que la liberte des cultes, 
 etant souvent prise pour le droit legal 
 d outrager tous les cultes et de n'en professer 
 aucun, doit etre autrement entendue et 
 pratiquee ; que la morale n'est pas un vain 
 mot, qu'il n'y en a pas deux, l'une privee et 
 l'autre publique, mais une seule, laquelle 
 nous oblige tous, individua et nations ; 
 qu'enfin le nombre et la force ne suffisent 
 pas a tout justifier, et qu'ainsi tous encore, 
 princes et peuples, ont besoin d'avoir raison 
 
 pour valider leurs actes. Ce sont la certaine- 
 ment des verites que vous n'ignorez pas, et 
 que de'ja nous vous avons dites et repetees, 
 sans vous blesser ni vous nuire. Mais cette 
 fois, elles vous seront expliquees par le con- 
 cile avec plus d'autorite et de vigueur, et 
 sans doute aussi avec plus de precision. 
 Qu'avez-vous done a y perdre, puisque vous 
 saurez mieux deschoses dont la connaissance 
 est pour vous uu devoir et un interet de 
 premier ordre ? 
 
 Mais, dites-vous, en appliquant ces prin- 
 cipes aux de'tails de notre vie privee et 
 sociale, on nous placera sous l'inspiration et 
 la tutello du clerge', et la theocratic est au 
 bout d'une telle entreprise. Soyez sans 
 peur, nos tres-chers freres : vous ne mourrez 
 pas de cette maladie; vous n'en etes pas 
 atteints, et vous avez tout ce qu'il faut pour 
 la prevenir. Bien des anne'es s'ecouleront 
 avant que les soixante journaux que Paris 
 voit eclore chaque matin, et les douze mille 
 volumes qu'il publie par an, acceptent la 
 censure eccle'siastique, et qu'ainsi la liberte 
 de la presse vous soit ravie par vos arche- 
 veques ; peut-etre pen serez- vous qu'il ne 
 faut pas se donuer le tort de craindre un 
 pe'ril aussi loin tain. II en estde meme pour 
 la liberte des cultes : vous n'attendez pas de 
 nous sans doute que nous les mettions tous 
 sur un rang d'egalite', puisque nous tenons 
 l'un d'eux pour le meilleur et le seul vrai. 
 Or, telle etant notre conviction et notre foi 
 au sujet du catholicisme, vous ne pouvez 
 que nous trouver logiques, si nous vous 
 pressons avec instance d'y adherer et de 
 vous y maintenir fidelement. Est-ce done 
 a dire que nous allons combattre materielle- 
 ment les aiitres cultes, en provoquant contre 
 eux des mesures severes et des decrets dYx- 
 pulsion ? En verite, vous ne le croyez pas : 
 nous sommes assez de ce siecle pour no pas 
 reclamer de telles choses, et vous en etes 
 trop pour les faire. Apres comme avant lo 
 Concile, a cote des catholiques il y aura des 
 dissidents, on peut le prevoir. Ainsi tout 
 ce que vous nommez vos conquetes vous 
 restera. Loin done d'apprehender que le 
 concile ne tranche violemment toutes ces 
 questions delicates et ne regie tous ces 
 details epineux, plusieurs craignent au con- 
 traire qu'il ne trouve pas le moyen de vous 
 aider eflicacement a rend re sage la liberte 
 de la presse et a re'tablir en Europe l'unite 
 si desirable des croyances religieuses. 
 
 Est-il besoin d'ajouter qu'en rappelant la 
 regie et l'ideal, les eveques ne fermeront 
 pas les yeux sur le cote positif et les exi- 
 gences de la vie reelle, et qu'en traitant des 
 sujets qui toucheraient a la politique, ils 
 n'oublieront pas ce qu'ils doivent a leur 
 
272 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document Vl 
 
 pays ? Nous n avons donne a personne le 
 droit de suspecter notre patriotisme ; la re- 
 ligion, la voix du sang, 1'inteiet meme, tout 
 nous commande la sympathie et le devoue- 
 rnent pour nos concitoyens, et tout nous 
 engage a servir, dans la mesure de nos 
 forces, leurs dcstinees teiTestres. C'est un 
 comrnun drapeau qui nous couvre, une com- 
 mune loi qui nous protege ; nous vivons de 
 la meme vie et voulons etre avec vous dans 
 toutes les vicissitudes, a la peine encore plus 
 qu'a la fortune. L'independance et la gran- 
 deur de la nation nous sont aussi clieres 
 qu'a vous: la France, cest le sol que nos 
 a'ieux ont habite et qui garde leurs ossements 
 avec leur souvenir et leur histoire ; c'est le 
 coin de terre que vous honorez de vos travaux 
 et de vos vertus, et oil coulent, chaque jour, 
 vos sueurs et vos larmes. Notre coeur y 
 tient par toutes ses fibres. Le sentiment 
 religieux nous y attache aussi, soit parce que 
 Dieu meme inspire aux hommes l'amour du 
 sol natal et met le patriotisme au nombre de 
 nos obligations, en nous prescrivant d'aimer 
 nos semblables et surtout ceux qui nous sont 
 plus proches, soit parce que nous trouvons 
 dans notre pays une grande facilite' pour 
 pratiquer la religion et remplir les devoirs 
 que la conscience nous impose. S'il est 
 certains points oil nous voudrions exprimer 
 des regrets et des vceux, ce pent etre l'objet 
 de demandes et d'explications que vous ne 
 refuserez pas d' entendre. 
 
 Du reste, nous ne l'ignorons pas plus que 
 vous, dans le milieu complexe et tourmente 
 oil nous vivons, tout est matiere ou pretexte 
 a des re'clamations contradictoires et a des 
 pretentions rivales, et nulle solution n'est 
 entierement satisfaisante ou durable. Aussi 
 croyons-nous que, dans les affaires reli- 
 gieuses, il faut maintt nir, malgie les imper- 
 fections qu'on y peut voir, les rapports de 
 l'Eglise et de l'Etat tels que le concordat les 
 a determines. Sans doute une mutuelle con- 
 descendance ne tranche pas les difficultes ; 
 elle les assoupit, mais les laisse vivre, et Ton 
 peut dire aiusi que la moderation meme a 
 ses desavantages ; mais il n'est pas expedient 
 non plus de tout surmener avec l'impuissant 
 dessein de tout refaire, car l'aprete' du zele 
 aigrit les esprits et la violence ne finit rien. 
 Ce qui est done possible et plausible, c'est 
 de b'en tenir a de sages transactions qui 
 garantissent suffisamment tous les interests 
 et tous les droits essentiels, et c'est la que 
 tend le patriotisme des eveques. lis sont 
 disposes, autant que les hommes politiques 
 peuvent l'etre d'autre part, a ne point obeir 
 a des ardeurs intemperantes, mais a mesurer 
 leur action sur les circonstances et a faire 
 prevaloir, dans le leglement des questions 
 
 mixtes, ces temperaments qui sont la con- 
 dition de la marche correcte et prospere des 
 choses humaines. 
 
 Enfin, nos tres-chers freres, ce qu'..n a dil 
 de l'entrainement avec lequel certain dogme 
 serait vote d'acclamation par la major it e des 
 e'veques, etouffant ainsi la liberte de leurs 
 collegues dont la conscience ne ^e trouverait 
 pas tout de suite penetree des meines lumieres 
 irresistibles, merite a peine qu'on s'y anete 
 pour le re'futer. Le bon sens et l'histoire 
 protestent contre ces insinuations nial venui s 
 et vaines. Si, pour les plus graves motifs, ' 
 l'Eglise juge qu'il faut vous imposer, sous 
 peine de damnation eternelle, 1' obligation de 
 croire a 1'avenir ce qu'elle ne vous avait pas 
 demande de croire jusqu'a present, elle ne le 
 fera point de maniere a deconside'rer son 
 acte, en le depouillant des conditions qui 
 peuvent le recommander a vos yeux. Elle 
 n'edictera pas d'enthousiasme une peine 
 aussi terrible que celle de Panatheme, et 
 cinq ou six cents eveques, reunis pour de'li- 
 berer sur des inte'rets si graves, ne s'empor- 
 teront pas a les decider de haute lutte, en 
 dedaignant d'ecouter et de calmer, s'il y en 
 a, des scrupules respectables et presents 
 avec modestie. Est-ce que l'Eglise a jamais 
 manie les ames avec ce sans i'a con, et com- 
 mencera-t-elle demain ? 
 
 Dans le concile de Jerusalem, qui fut le 
 premier des Conciles et leur servit de modem 
 on a delibe're, quoique tous les membres de 
 cette auguste assemblee fussent persm- 
 nellement infaillibles, et tous ont pu dire 
 leur avis, meme apres l'avis du plus autoiise. 
 Un Concile cecumenique s'est tenu trois 
 siecles plus tard, ou il s'agissait de de'tinir 
 et de formuler la foi de l'Eglise touch tnt la 
 consubstantialite du Verbe, en d'autrea ter- 
 mes d'affirmer la divinite de Jesus-Clni.st, le 
 dogme fondamental du christianisme. un 
 dogme pour lequel etaient morts pln«ieurs 
 millions de martyrs, un dogme qui avait 
 renverse les religions anciennes et fait la 
 eonquete du monde, malgre les le'gions 
 romaines et les lois de l'empire. Cert 
 jamais dogme devait echapper a toute deli- 
 beration, e'e'tait celui-la; s'il y avait une 
 erreur eclatante et absurde, au point de vue 
 du christianisme, e'etait celle d'Arius, et 
 pourtant on delibera dans le Concile de 
 Nicee; on entendit les raisons des contra- 
 dicteurs, si infirmes qu elles fussent ; on ne 
 vota point par acclamation. Ce piece'dent, 
 pour ne parler que de celui-la, nos tres-chers 
 freres, doit vous rassurer : on ne sera pas 
 moins libre a Home aujourd'hui qu'on ne 
 l'etait a Nicee il y a quinze siecles, et le 
 prochain concile ne fletrira pas son ceuvre < n 
 supprimant la discussion. 
 
Document VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 273 
 
 Vous le voyez done, il n'y a rien de 
 6erieux ni de fonde dans les alarines que 
 vous auraient fait concevoir, au sujet du 
 concile, les paroles de quelques personnes 
 prevenues ou ^implement irre'fie'ehies et mala- 
 droites. Le but de cette assemblee est 
 eleve et d'une supreme importance ; ses tra- 
 vaux seront conduits avec une ,-agesse dont 
 la presidency du Saint-Pere est la garantie ; 
 Its e'veques y porteront un e'gal souci de leur 
 dignite', de vos interets et de vos droits. 
 Pour vous, aidez-les par la priere et les 
 bonnes ceuvres ; et, afin qu'elles soient plus 
 ine'ritoires et plus efficaces, prufitez tie la 
 gi ace que le Souveiain Pontife accorde sous 
 l;i forme d'une indulgence ple'niere. Selon 
 l'invitation qu'il adresse au monde entier, 
 pre'parez-vous par de pieux exercices au 
 jubile' qui va s'ouvrir ; et, en ce qui vous 
 conctrne, ramenez dans l'Eglise et faites-y 
 regner la purete des mceurs antiques, la 
 sinceiite' et l'energie de la foi, la pratique 
 genereuse de la charite. 
 
 Permettez qu'en nous eloignant de VOU3 
 pour quelque temps, nous sollicitions le 
 secours de vos prieres fraternelles, afin que 
 Dieu soit avec nous dans nos travaux et 
 qu'il be'nisse le retour comme le de'part. 
 De notre cote', nous ne manquerons pas de 
 poiter votre souvenir devant lui, dans les 
 sanctuaircs privile'gie's de Rome, et d'assurer 
 de nouveau le Saint-Pere de votre religieux 
 et filial devouement. 
 
 (Seguono gli articoli riguardanti il Giubileo 
 chej)mettiamo.) 
 
 Donne a Paris, sous notre seing, le sceau 
 de nos armes et le contre-seing du secre'taire 
 ge'ne'ral de notre Archevecl.e, le 28 octobre 
 18G9. 
 
 t£ GEORGES, 
 Archeveque de Paris, 
 Grand Aumonier de l'Empereur. 
 
 Par Mandtment de Monseigneur l'Archeve'iue : 
 E. Petit, Ch. Jion. Seer. gen. 
 
 DOCUMENT VI. 
 
 Lettre de Monseigneur l'Eveque d'Or- 
 
 LEANS AU ClERGE DE SON DlOCESE. 
 
 Messieurs, 
 
 En m'adressant vos adieux et vos 
 vooux, avant mon de'part pour Rome, vous 
 m'avez dit les inquie'tudes et le trouble que 
 repandent autour de vous, parmi les fideles, 
 les violentes polemiques soulevees dans les 
 
 journaux relativement au futur Concile, et 
 en particulier touchant la definition de l'in- 
 i'aillibilite' du Pape. 
 
 Ces inquietudes, je les ai comprises. 
 
 II s'agit ici du Saint-Pere et de ses pri- 
 vileges, e'est-a-dire de ce qui parle le plus 
 au coeur catbolique. II est naturel a la 
 piete filiale de vouloir orner un pere de tous 
 les dons, de toutes les pre'rogatives ; et com- 
 bien il est pe'nible a des fils d'eutendre dis- 
 cuter, la oil il leur serait doux, au contraire, 
 de voir acclamer ce qu'ils considerent comme 
 l'honneur et la gloire de leur pere. 
 
 Des polemiques sur l'infaillibilife du Sou- 
 verain-Pontife devaient done inevitablement 
 susciter dans les ames ces deux sentiments, 
 tous deux respectables. 
 
 Mais, si douces et si cl.eres que soient les 
 suggestions de l'amour filial, il y a, Mes- 
 sieurs, vous le sentez, dans une question 
 aussi delicate que la proclamation d'un 
 dogme, autre chose a considerer et a ecouter 
 que les elans du sentiment. II y a les 
 raisons pour et contre, qui ont pu, dans une 
 question non definie, partager de grands 
 esprits: il y a de plus les inteiets meme du 
 Pere vene're et cheri qu'on voudrait exalter, 
 et qu'on pourrait compromettre : il y a s-ur- 
 tout les inteiets de l'Eglise, qui sont avant 
 tout les siens : il y a enfin Pinteret sacre des 
 ames, l'etat des esprits contemporains, dont 
 il faut bien aussi tenir compte : il y a, en un 
 mot, a cote des avantages qu'on croirait voir, 
 les inconve'nients, qu'il eonvient de peser 
 inurement et gravement. Voila, Messieurs, 
 ce qui ne doit pas s'oublier, si on ne veut 
 point s'exposer, malgre les meilleures inten- 
 tions, a meler, sans le vouloir, la querelle a 
 l'amour, et faire dune question de theologie 
 une question d'enthousiasme ou de colere. 
 
 A Dieu ne plaise, Messieurs, que je veuille 
 contrister un seul de mes ve'nerables Fieres 
 dans l'Episcopat ! S'il n'y avait que des 
 Evequis qui eussent exprime ici leurs pen- 
 sees dapres les inspirations de leur eon- 
 scence, j'aurais garde le silence, et e'eoute 
 avec respect dts discussions respectueuses, 
 sans contredire, ni leurs doctrines pour ou 
 contre la question, ni leurs vues pour ou 
 contre l'opportunite'. Sans vouloir juger ici 
 aucune contluite, telle eut ete' la mienne. 
 Et si, plus tard, au Concile, j avals ete' 
 appele a me prononcer entre eux, je l'aurais 
 fait, pour ma part, dans la simplicite' de ma 
 conscience, dans la verite' et la charite de 
 mon ame. 
 
 Mais il n'en a pas ete ainsi, il s'en faut ; 
 et la question, jetee d'une tout autre maniere 
 dans le public, a produit dans les ames les 
 inquietudes que vous m'avez expose'es, et sur 
 lesquelles, ainsi que je vous l'ai promis, je 
 
 
274 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document VI. 
 
 me fais un devoir de vous dire maintenant 
 ma pen see. 
 
 Mais, auparavant, je dois rappeler ce qui 
 s'est dit, ce qui s'est fait jusqu'ici, et oil la 
 question en est a ce moment. 
 
 I. Ce que je commencerai par vous faire 
 remarquer, Messieurs, c'est qu'une telle ques- 
 tion regardait le Coneile, et aurait du n'etre 
 traitee que par lui. 
 
 Malheureusement, des journalistes intem- 
 perants n'ont pas reserve' ce soin a la future 
 Assomblee de l'Eglise. Forcant les portes 
 du Coneile, avant meme et longtemps avant 
 qu'il put etre reuni, ils se sont hates d'ouvrir 
 le debat sur un des sujets theologiques les 
 plus delicats, et d'annoncer a l'avance en quel 
 sens le Coneile deciderait et devait decider. 
 C'etait un effort pour creer dans l'opinion 
 un courant favorable a leurs desirs, et pour 
 peser, de tout le poids de cette opinion pre- 
 jujclicielle, sur les Eveques assemble's. 
 
 Dois-je aller jusqu'a mentionner ici les 
 pieuses industries qui ont ete imaginees dans 
 le meme but? On a ete jusqu'a distribuer 
 dans les rues, je l'ai vu, il y a deux ans, et 
 on n'a pas cesse fie le faire depuis, des mil- 
 liers de petites feuilles imprime'es, contenant 
 le voeu de croire a l'infaillibilite personnelle 
 et separee du Pape. On les faisait signer a 
 de bons fideles, dunt beaucoup, assure'ment, 
 n'etaient guere theologiens, et n'entendaient 
 certes pas le premier mot de la question. 1 
 
 Deux journaux surtout, la Cicilta Caitolica 
 et P Univers, ont pris ici la plus etonnante 
 des initiatives. Tandis que le Saint-Pere 
 imposait un prudent et rigoureux silence 
 aux Consulteurs des Congregations romaines 
 charges des travaux preparatoires au Con- 
 eile, ils n'ont pas craint de livrer au public 
 les questions qui, selon eux, doivent etre 
 agitees et re'solues par la future Assemblee. 
 lis ont annonce, en particulier, que la ques- 
 tion de l'infaillibilite personnelle du Pape y 
 serait detune : bien plus, qu'elle serait de- 
 finie par acclamation. 
 
 Cette delicate question ayant ete ainsi 
 soulevee, et jetee dans la rue et dans la 
 presse, un pi elat beige, mon saint ami, Mgr 
 Dechamps, recemment nomine Archeveque 
 de Malinc s, a publie un ecrit special sous ce 
 litre : Est-il opportun de de'Jim'r, dans le pro- 
 chain Coneile, l'infaillibilite du Pape f et il 
 a repondu affinnativement. Deja, dans un 
 premier e'er it, le nouvel archeveque de West- 
 minster, le pieux et eloquent Mgr Manning, 
 avait traite la meme question, au meme 
 
 1 II y a certaines villes, oil des laics out pris l'initia- 
 tive vis-si- vis de leurs cures, et sont alles leur demander 
 de signer, soit le vceu de croire a l'infaillibilite, soit des 
 petitions sur ce styet pour le Coneile. 
 
 point de vue, et en a traite depuis, plu 
 expresse'ment encore, dans une seconde lettr 
 a se8 diocesains. Les journaux anglais, ca 
 tholiques et protestants, ont pris une par 
 active a la controverse. 
 
 D'un autre cote' les Eveques allemanc 
 reunis a Fulda, le Memorial oiplomatiqv, 
 Pannoncait il y a quelques jours, outr 
 cette Lettre si pleine de mesure, d'ele'vation 
 et de gravite, que toute PEurope a admiree, 
 ont adresse au Souverain-Pontife, mai3 sans 
 le livrer a Pavide puldicite des journaux, un 
 Memoire, pour lui dtmanderde ne |».rmettre 
 pas que la question de son infaillil »ilite per- 
 sonnelle fut posee au procl.ain Coneile. 
 
 Les choses en e'taient la, quand la con- 
 troverse s'est reveille'e en France entre 
 plusieurs de nos vene're's Collegnes. Mallieu- 
 reusement les journaux s'en sont imme'diate- 
 ment empare's avec une ardeur extreme : la 
 prompte et vive simultaneite des attaquea a 
 emu le public ; une certaine presse, sous les 
 yeux de laquelle s'agitait ce debat, s'en est 
 tiistement e'gayee, et dis publicistes connus 
 se sont moque's de ce qu'ils appelaii.nt la 
 guerre saiute. 
 
 Enfin, d'autres ecrivains, laiques ou eccle- 
 siastiques, en F'rance, en Angletcrre et en 
 Allemagne, suivant l'exemple qui leur avait 
 ete donne, ont rompu le silence et expriml 
 k leur tour leurs opinions et leurs craintes. 
 
 II etait difficile, devant ce spectacle, de 
 ne pas se dire : si la question se traite deja 
 de la sorte devant le public, que sera-ce, 
 si elle vient a etre introduite au Coneile ? 
 Et il e'tait impossible de ne pas sentir, une 
 fois de plus, le tort grave des journalistes 
 qui, les premiers, ont souleve, avec une 
 supreme indiscre'tion, une question de cette 
 nature. 
 
 La question, en effet, est ties-grave. Car 
 il s'agirait de proclamer un dogme nouveau, 
 le dogme de l'infaillibilite personnelle et 
 separe'e du Pape. 
 
 Nous disons dogme nouveau, non pas en 
 ce sens, vous le comprenez, Messieurs, qu'un 
 dngme serait cree par le Coneile : l'Eglise 
 ne cre'e pas les dogmes, elle les de'clare ; et 
 il ne faut pas ici d'equivoque. Je dis dogme 
 nouveau en ce sens que jamais, depuis dix- 
 huit siecles, les fideles ne furent tonus, nous 
 peine de cesser d'etre catholiques, a croire 
 ainsi. 
 
 II s'agirait done d'obliger de'sormais tous 
 les catholiques a croire, sous peine d'ana- 
 ti.eme. que le Pape est infaillible, meme, 
 je me sers des propres expressions de Mgr 
 PArcheveque de Westminster, quand il pro- 
 nonce seul, " EN DEHORS DU CORPS EPISCOPAL, 
 
 beuni ou disperse;" et qu'il pent definir 
 les dogmes seul, "separement, independasi- 
 
Document VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 275 
 
 sient r>E l'episcopat;" 1 sans aucun concours 
 axpres on tacite, antecedent ou subsequent, 
 des Eveques. 
 
 Or ce n'est pas la, on le voit, un dogine 
 spe'culatif : o'est une prerogative qui aurait, 
 dans la re'alite' pratique, les plus serieusis 
 oonse'quences. 
 
 Telle est la question que nous voyons 
 cliaque matin traite'e et tranchee, par un 
 journalisme te'me'raire, avec la plus e'trange 
 liber to. 
 
 Plusicurs du reste la traitent de telle 
 sorte, qu'a leurs yeux il n'y a la aucune 
 difficulte'. II sufht pour cela, dit l'un d'eux, 
 de savoir son Cate'cbisme. Bossuet, apparem- 
 nient, ne le savait pas; ni Fenelon, qui en- 
 tendait l'infaillibilite' autrement que Bellar- 
 min, qui ne s'accorde pas de tout point ici 
 avcc d'autres the'olo^iens roniains. A en- 
 tendre ces journalistcs, la proclamation du 
 dogine de l'infaillibilite' du Pape est si neces- 
 saire, si facile, et si certaine, que le Concile 
 n'aura meme pas a examiner ; et douter un 
 instant de sa decision, ce serait lui faire 
 injure : ce serait aussi se montrer suspect, a 
 tout le moins, d'un bien tiede de'vouement 
 pour l'Eglise et pour le Pape. 
 
 C'est ce qu'ils disent, et avec de tels 
 outrages pour ceux qui ne pensent pas 
 comme eux, qu'en ve'rite' il n'y a plus de 
 limites, et le de'bat s'envenime etrange- 
 ment. 
 
 Cependant tout le monde ignore absolu- 
 ment ce que jugera bon de faire ou de ne 
 pas faire sur ce point le Concile, qui n'existe 
 pas encore. 
 
 Mais en attendant, Messieurs, ces exces 
 de la controverse troublent les fideh s, et les 
 jettent dans la situation evidemment dan- 
 gereuse que vous m'avez dite. Car, si le 
 Concile vient a juger convenable de ne pas 
 suivre la ligne qu'on lui trace si imperative- 
 ment, ne paraitra-t-il pas a plusieurs avoir 
 manque a son devoir? On affirme, et avec 
 raison, que les Eveques auront au Concile 
 une pleine et entiere liberte, Mais vrai- 
 mcnt quelle liberte leur laissent, des a 
 present, de telles discussions, menees de 
 cette facnn par le journalisme ? A la maniere 
 dont ils poursuiveut ce debat, ne semblent- 
 ils pas denoncer a l'avance comme des schis- 
 matiques ou des heretiques, ceux qui se 
 permettront d'etre d'un sentiment con- 
 traire ? 
 
 Ce sont la, Messieurs, des reflexions de 
 sens commun, qui m'ont e'te exposees, de 
 vive voix et par e'erit, non-seuloment par 
 vous-memes, ma is bien des fois deja par une 
 
 i Lettre pastorale de Monseigneur, sur le Conzile 
 acumenique et l'infaillibilite da Pontife romain. — 
 Posts: riptwn. 
 
 foule d'esprits, et des meilleurs, et des plus 
 Chretiens, que ces polemiques, autour de 
 moi ou loin de moi, preoccupent et agitent. 
 
 J'ai attendu beaucoup avant de me re- 
 soudre a prendre la parole sur un tel sujet. 
 Vous m'y avez decide, Messieurs. Je m'in- 
 quietais en effet, non pas de savoir si cer- 
 tains hommes suspecteront plus ou moins et 
 calomnieront mon zele pour le Pape et pour 
 l'figlise, mais ce que j'avais a faire pour 
 servir comme je le dois ces causes si cheres. 
 J'ai examine, longuement, sous toutes ses 
 faces, et surtout au point de vue pratique, la 
 question discute'e dans les journaux. J'y ai 
 vu, pour ma part, des difficultes de plus 
 d'une sorte, et qui doivent, ce me semble, 
 frapper ceux m&ines qui sont le plus con- 
 vaincus, theologiquement, de l'infaillibilite 
 pontificale. 
 
 Je n'ai certes aucun gout a me jeter dans 
 une melee si violente. Je ge'mis de la con- 
 troverse qui s'agite devant le public, £t 
 si j'ecris, ce n'est pas pour l'irriter, mars 
 plutot pour la calmer, et meme, s'il se pou- 
 vait, la supprimer ; car, pour moi, je la crois 
 tres-inopportuue, tres-regrettable pour le 
 Saint-Siege lui-meme, et les quenlles qui 
 viennent d'avoir lieu n'ont fait qu'ajoutcr a 
 ma conviction, deja ancienne, sur cette iuop- 
 portunite. 
 
 Ce sont ces difflcultes que, — sans toucher 
 au fond meme de la question the'ologique, — 
 je voudrais exposer simplement dans cet e'erit. 
 
 Je ne discute pas l'infaillibiiite, mais 
 1'opportunite'. Et du reste, les vues que je 
 pre'senterai ici ne me sont pas personnelles. 
 Je m'en suis entretenu souvent avec un 
 grand nombre de mes ve'nere's Collegues, de 
 France et d'ailleurs, et ces raisons nous 
 out paru si graves, a eux comme a moi, qu'a 
 tout le moins sont-elles de nature a faire re- 
 fle'ehir la presse religieuse, et a lui persuader 
 enfin de reserver aux Eveques de si de'li- 
 catcs discussions. 
 
 II. Ces deljats, je vous l'ai dit, Messieurs, 
 ne m'ont pas moins etonne qu'attriste. Car 
 enfin, avant cette ingerence et ces eclats 
 d'une certaine presse, la question n'e'tait pas 
 pose'e. Le silence s'etait fait, grace a Dieu, 
 sur des querelles qu'il vaut mieux, je l'ai 
 toujours pen»e, oublierque l-aviver. jamais 
 l'autorite' du Saint-Pere n'avait e'te plus 
 respectee dans l'Eglise, ni sa parole mieux 
 e'eoute'e. Jamais lis fiveques n'avaient e'te' 
 plus empresses a se serrer autour de la chaire 
 pontificale, accourant, non pas meme sur un 
 ordre, mais sur un simple desir du Pape, des 
 extremites du monde, au centre de la catho- 
 licite. 
 
 Enquoi done le Concile pouvait-il etre une 
 
276 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document VI. 
 
 occasion de provoquer des controverses am- 
 ies prerogatives pontificales ? Est-ce dans 
 ce but, est-ce pour se faire declarer infaillible, 
 que le Saint-Pere a voulu assembler les 
 Eveques du monde entier? La definition 
 de 1'infaill ibi lite personnelle est-elle entree 
 pour quelque chose dans les motifs et les 
 causes de la convocation du Concile ? Pas 
 le moins du monde. 
 
 Quaml le Pape Pie IX annonca, dans deux 
 allocutions celebres, aux Eveques rassembles 
 a Home en 1867, son projet de convoquer un 
 Concile cecumenique, il ne dit pas un mot 
 de la necessite' ou de l'utilite de faire eriger 
 en dognie de foi par la future Assemble'e son 
 infjiillihilite' personnelle. 
 
 Et les cinq cents Eveques reunis alors 
 a Kome, dans leur adresse au Saint-Pere, 
 en reponse a cette communication, ne di- 
 rent pas non plus un seul mot de cette 
 question. 
 
 Enfin, dans la Bulle d'indiction, oil le 
 Saint-Pere a trace si largement, et avec un 
 si grand langage, le programme du futur 
 Concile, il ne fut de meme nullement parle' 
 de son infaillibilite personnelle. 
 
 Non, nulle part, dans aucun des actes du 
 Saint-Peie, cette preoccupation de grandir 
 son autorite au moyen du Concile et a la 
 faveur de ce respect dont le monde entoure 
 ses vertus et ses malbeurs, n'apparait un 
 seul instant. 
 
 Vous le savez, Messieurs, ce sont d'autres 
 et bien grands buts que le Vicaire de Jesus- 
 Christ assigne a l'Assemble'e des repre'sen- 
 tants de l'Eglise catholique. 
 
 " Porter remede aux maux du siecle pre- 
 sent dans l'Eglise et la socie'te," voila pour- 
 quoi le Pape a convoque le Concile ; et de 
 la certes, que de questions posc'es par les 
 temps nouveaux, et par la crise actuelle ! On 
 se demande de toutes parts avec anxic'te' si, 
 a une e'poque aussi incertaine — oil d'un mo- 
 ment a l'autre peuvent surgir des e've'nements 
 capables de ditsoudre le Concile avant qu'il 
 ait acheve' son ceuvre — les Eveques auront 
 m§me le temps de les traiter. 
 
 Et c'est au milieu de tant d'urgentes et 
 necessaires questions qu'on voudrait tout a 
 coup en jeter une nouvelle, imprevue, inat- 
 tendue, d'une solution difficile assurement, 
 et pleine d'orages ! Et que Ton s'exposerait, 
 en snivant la voie tracee par les journalistes, 
 au lieu de ce magnifique spectacle d'union 
 que le monde attend de nous, a en donner 
 un tout contraire ! 
 
 He'las ! on peut pre'voir dejii, a 1'aprete' de 
 ces debats preliminaires, ee que cette ques- 
 tion, si on l'y portait, pourrait soulever de 
 discussions au sein du Concile ! 
 
 Mais pourquoi l'y porter ? Est-ce que la 
 
 ne'cessite y force ? Est-ce que les perils du 
 temps l'imposent ? 
 
 Non. Mais j'entends dire qu'il s'agit ici 
 d'un principe. 
 
 D'un principe ? Eh quoi ! repondrai-je 
 mon tour, ce principe, si e'en est un, est-i 
 done necessaiie a la vie de l'Eglise, qu'I 
 devienne dogme de foi? Comment alors ex- 
 pliquez-vous que l'Eglise ait ve'cu dix-huit 
 siecles, sans que ce principe essentiel a sa 
 vie ait e'te' de'fiiii ? Comment expliquez-vous 
 qu'elle ait formule' toute sa doctrine, produit 
 tous ses docteurs, condamne' toutes Its he're- 
 sies, sans cette definition? De ne'ecshiui il 
 n'y en a evidemment aucune ici, et la solu- 
 tion de cette question n'est pas plus indis- 
 pensable qu'elle n'e'tait reclame'e. 
 
 La raison, d'ailleurs, en est simple. 
 L'Eglise est infaillible, et l'infaillibilite de 
 l'Eglise suffit a tout jusqu'a cette heme. 
 Craignez-vous qu'a l'avenir elle devienne 
 insure" saute, et vous flatteiiez-vous que ceux 
 qui ne voudront pas croire a l'infaillibilite' 
 de l'Eglise unie au Pape, croiront plus 
 facilement a l'infaillibilite personnelle et 
 se'pare'e du Pape ? 
 
 Est-ce qu'il y a dins l'Eglise catholique 
 un doute sur l'infaillibilite de l'Eglise ? Est- 
 ce qu'iri tous ne sont pas d'accord? Est-ce 
 que le moindre fidele ne se sait pas en commu- 
 nion avec son pasteur, qui est en communion 
 avec son Eveque, qui est en communion 
 avec le Pape? Est-ce que cela ne sun* it pas 
 pleinement a la securite de noire foi ? et 
 dans cet accord mervcilleux de te'muignaget, 
 les fideles n'ont-ils pas tous une sure garantie 
 contre l'erreur ? 
 
 Craignez-vous que l'Eglise ne puisse plus 
 vivre a l'avenir sur les memes bases qui Font 
 soutenue dans un passe' de dix-neuf siecles? 
 
 Que parlez-vous done de la necessite' de 
 faire dans un Concile une de'finition nou- 
 velle sur la regie de la foi, et de oonstituer 
 dogmatiquement une nouvelle regie de foi ? 
 Quoi! c'est en notre siecle qu'il dtvient 
 ne'eessaire de venir mettre cela en question, 
 de toucher a ce principe constitutif, a ce 
 ressort principal de la vie de l'Eglise ! Nous 
 aurions e'te constitue's durant tant de siecles 
 d'une facon de'fectueuse ou incomplete ! 
 
 Apres dix-huit cent soixante-dix anne'es 
 d'enseignement, il faut qu'on en vienne a se 
 den.ander dans un Concile, qui a le droit 
 d'enseigner infailliblement ! Et cela a la 
 f.ice du monde incie'dule et protestant qui 
 nous regarde ! Non, laissons-la ces questions 
 que rien n'appelle. Que des publicitites 
 teme'raires n'aillent pas, avant l'heure, 
 e'tonner et de'sorienter le bon sens des fideles 
 par des controverses violentes, qui semblent 
 vouloir imposer d'avance ces questimis aux 
 
Document vi.] 
 
 TEIE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 277 
 
 Eveques. Pour moi, Messieurs, ma pense'e, 
 en la soumettant a mes vene'res Collcinies, 
 est formelle sur ee point. Quand le chene 
 est vingt fois se'eulaire, creuser, pour cber- 
 cher le gland originaire sous ses racines, 
 c'oi vouloir e"branler Parbre entier! 
 
 III. Mais n'y-a-t-il pas deja, Messieurs, 
 des precedents de'cisifs pour cette question 
 d'opportunite' qui nous oecupe? Je rap- 
 pel lerai d'abord la sage conduite du Concile 
 tic Trente et du Pape Pie IV. 
 
 An fond, du temps du Concile de Trente, 
 la question qui passionna si vivement les 
 espiits, et fut meme sur le point d'arner.er 
 la dissolution du Concile, c'e'tait, sous une 
 autre tonne, carles questions ne reviennent 
 jamais absolume:it sous les meiues formes, 
 cello-la meme dont nous traitons ici. 
 
 Comment oublier avec quelle sagesse le 
 Saint-Sie'ge sut ecarter le peril de ces con- 
 troverses en e'eartant le debat? 
 
 Pie IV, a la fin. voyantcomliien les esprits 
 etaient ( ; mus, ecrivit a ses le'gats pour leur 
 ordomier de retirer le sujet du litige, et 
 de'clara qu'il ne fallait rien trailer qui put 
 jnmvoquer des discussions orajreuses et jeter 
 de la division parmi les Eveques. II posa 
 cette regie si sage qu'il ne fallait rien 
 deVi ler que de leur cousentement unanitne: 
 Ne dffinireutur, nisiea, de quibus inter Patres 
 unanimi consensione constaret.* 
 
 Le Concile comprit qu'il avait autre chose 
 a faire, devant les erreurs du temps, que 
 d'e'riger en dogmes des opinions, si respec- 
 tables qu'elles fussent, mais controversies 
 parmi les docteurs, et de tie'tiir des theolo- 
 giens catboliques. Et la discussion fut mise 
 de cote, sans dommage aucun pour l'Eglise. 
 
 Je me souviens tres-bien, et plus d'un 
 Eveque present a liome en 1867 peut se le 
 [toppeler, qu'une des plus se'ri uses preoccu- 
 pations du Pie IX, avant de se decider a 
 convoquer le Concile du Vatican, c'e'tait 
 qu'il n'y surgit quelque question de nature 
 ii provoquer des discussions orageuses et des 
 divisions dans l'Episcopat. Mais le Pape 
 se souvint de la conduite si sage du Concile 
 de Tiente et de Pie IV, et, sur Pespoir 
 qu'on ne l'oublierait pas au futur Concile, il 
 pa.^su outre 
 
 Est-ce qu'on penserait que, pour soulever 
 et tiancher une question aussi de'licate que 
 celle de la de'finition dogmatique annonce'e, 
 nous sommes aujourd'hui en des temps plus 
 favorables que ceux du Concile de Trente ; 
 et que nous vivions a une epoque de foi plus 
 five, et de plus ge'ne'rale soumission a 
 l'Eglise ! 
 
 1 Voir ce recit dans Pallavicini, liv. XIX, cli. XV; 
 et ailleura encore. 
 
 Un autre prece'dent de sagesse et de 
 moderation qu'il faut rappeler ici. c'est la 
 conduite du Pape Innocent IX a l'egard do 
 Bossuet. Quand Bossuet ecrivit son Expo- 
 sition de la doctrine catholique, apres avoir, a 
 l'article de Pautorite' du Saint-Siege, etabli 
 fortement la primaute de droit divin, la pri- 
 maute' d'honneur et de juridiction de saint 
 Pierre, et des Papes ses successeurs, il passa 
 sous silence, expressement et h, dessein, la 
 question de Pinfaillibilite' pontificale. 
 
 " Quant aux cbos( s dont on sait qu'on 
 dispute dans les e'coles, quoique les Ministres 
 ne cessent pas de les alleguer pour rendre 
 cette puissance odieuse, il n'est pas necessaire 
 d'en parler ici, puisqu'elles ne sont pas de la 
 foi catholique." 
 
 Ce silence re'flechi et calcule a Pendroit 
 de Pinfaillibilite du Pape empecha-t-il In- 
 nocent XI d'approuver Pouvrage ? Bien 
 loin de la; car ce saint Pape adressa a 
 Bossuet deux brefs, dans lesquels il lefelici- 
 tait d 'avoir ecrit ce livre avec une methode et 
 une sagesse bien propres a ramener les lie're'- 
 tiques dans la voie du salut, et a procurer a 
 VKglise les plus grands biens pour la propaga- 
 tion de la foi orthodoxe. 
 
 Bossuet, d'ailleurs, en e'eartant avec soin, 
 dans la pensee si sagement exprimee par 
 Innocent XI , le point controvert, n'avait 
 fait qu'imiter le Catechisme du Concile de 
 Trente J'ai lu et relu ce grand Catechisme, 
 compose' sur Pordre du saint Concile et des 
 Souverains Pontifes, par les plus celebres 
 theologiens romains : je Pai lu, avec la 
 pense'e expresse de chereher s'il parlait, oui 
 ou non, de Pinfaillibilite du Pape, et j'ai 
 constate qu'il n'en dit pas un seul mot. — Et 
 il n'en est pas question non plus dans la 
 solennelle profession de foi, dresse'e par 
 Pordre de Pie IV et inse're'e au pontifical 
 romain. 
 
 Enfin, pourquoi ne citerions-uous pas ici 
 l'exemple du ve'ne're Pie IX lui-meme '. 
 On sait qu'il y a deux ans environ, en 1 807, 
 cent quatre-vingt-huit ministres anglicans 
 lui ecrivireut pour lni te'moiguer de leur 
 bonne volonte, et lui demander les bases 
 possibles de Punion. Que tit le Tres-Saint 
 Pere? Dans une reponse pleine de charite' 
 et do sagesse, il parla de Pautorite de 
 l'Eglise, il parla de la supre'matie du Pape ; 
 mais il ne parla pas de son infaillibilite'. 
 
 Et c'est quand le Saint-Pere, dans Pins- 
 piration de son noble et pacifiqxie cceur, 
 donne de tels exemples de moderation et de 
 sagesse, que des journalistes, en s'abritant 
 derriere le nom veneie qu'ils profanent dans 
 de sembLibles luttes, ont entrepris, k force 
 d'aflinnatl'ns trancbantes, do poser sur 
 Popinion publiquc, tandis que, du nit nm 
 
278 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document vi. 
 
 coup, comme s'ils voulaient intimider les 
 Eveques et leur fermer la bouche, ils tien- 
 nent suspendues au-dessus de leurs tetes des 
 insultes pleines de violence et de fiel ! 
 
 Je puis leur dire : Vous ne connaissez ni 
 Pie IX, ni l'Episcopat. 
 
 IV. Nous parlions de nos freres des com- 
 munions separees. C'est en etfet quand on 
 se place a leur point de vue, que la question 
 d'une definition de rinfaillibilitepersonnelle 
 du Pape parait surtout grave et perilleuse. 
 
 Qu'on y songe : il y a 75 millions de 
 chietiens orieutaux separe's; il y a pres de 
 90 millions de protestants de toutes nuances. 
 Certes, s'il est un interet supteme pour 
 l'Egbse, un voeu ardent de tous les coeurs 
 vraiment catholiques, c'est bien le retour a 
 l'unite de tant de freres sortis du giron de 
 la ineme mere, et aujourd'hui e'loignes de 
 nous. Voila la grande cause pour laquelle 
 il faudrait etre prets, tous, a dinner son 
 sang, et trembler a la seule pen see de ce qui 
 pourrait la mettre en peril. Aussi quelles 
 invitations pressuntes du Saint- Pere aux 
 Eglises orientales ! Quel appel aux com- 
 munions protestantes ! 
 
 Eh bien, qu'est-ce qui se'pare de nous les 
 Orientaux? La tuprematie du Pape. Ils 
 ne veulent pas la reconnaitre comme de 
 droit divin. C'est le point sur lequel on n'a 
 jamais pu, ni apres Lyon, ni apres Florence, 
 les decider serieusement, efficacement, et 
 amener un retour durable. 
 
 Et voila qu'a cette difficulte, insurmon- 
 table jusqu'a ce jour, qui les tient depuis 
 neuf siecles separe's de l'Eglise et de nous, 
 on voudrait ajouter une difficulte nouvelle et 
 beaucoup plus grande, elever entre eux et 
 nous une barriere qui n'a jamais existe, en 
 un mot leur imposer un dogme dont on ne 
 leur paila jamais, les menacmt, s'ils ne 
 l'acceptent pas, d'un nouvel anatneme! 
 
 Car, ce nYst plus seuletnent la primaute' 
 de juridiction qu'ils devront reconnaitre, 
 c'est l'infaillibilite' persounelle du Pape, " en 
 
 DEHORS ET SEPAREMENT DU CORPS EPIS- 
 COPAL." 1 
 
 Se pourrait-il, je le demande, — et ici je 
 repete simplement ce que le bon sens a deja 
 inspire a ceux qui ont voulu y retiechir, — se 
 pourrait-il, vis-a-vis des Eglises Orientales 
 se'pare'es, rieu de plus contradictoire qu'une 
 telle conduite, etdemoins persuasif qu'un tel 
 langage : "Nous vous invitons a profiter de 
 la grande occasion du Concile cecume'nique, 
 pour vous expliquer et vous entendre avec 
 nous. Mais voici auparavant ce que nous 
 allons faire : elever un nouveau mur de 
 separation, une nouvelle et plus haute 
 1 Monscigneur Manning. 
 
 barriere entre vous et nous. Un fosse nous 
 se'pare; nous allons en faire un abime. 
 Vous vous etes refuses jusqu'a present a, re- 
 connaitre la simple Primaute' de juridiction 
 du Pontife Romain ; nous allons vous obliger 
 pi enablement a croire bien autre cliose, et a 
 admettre ce que jusqu'ici des docteurs 
 calholiques eux-memes n'ont pas admis : 
 nous allons eriger en dogme une d<.ctrino 
 bien plus obscure, pour vous, dans l'Ecriture 
 et dans la Tradition, que le dogme meme 
 non encore accepte par vous, a savoir, 
 l'infaillibilite personnelle du Pape, seul, 
 
 INDEPENDAMMENT ET SEPAREMENT DES 
 
 Eveqies. Voila dans quelles conditions 
 nous venons vous proposer 1' entente." 
 
 Parler ainsi, ne serait-ce pns vraiment une 
 derision? Et ne serait-ce pas aussi un mal- 
 heur? appeler et eloigner en meme temps? 
 
 Ces couside'iations devront frapper encore 
 plus, si l'ou refle'chit a l'e'lat d' esprit des 
 clire'tiens scldsmatiques de l'Orient. Lors- 
 qu'on traite avec les hommes, il faut bien 
 savuir oil ils en sont. Or, sur ce point, oil 
 en sont nos freres separes ? 
 
 Ils en sont reste's prtVisement aux temps 
 du schisme, au IX siecle. Ils n'ont pas 
 marche depuis. Ils ne connaisseut pas les 
 controverses qui se sont agitees sur ces 
 mat.eres dans l'Eglise Occidentals Ils 
 n'ont lu ni Bossuet, ni Bellarmin, ni Mel- 
 chior Cano. Et, quelque conviction person 
 nelle qu'on puisse avoir sur l'infaillibilite du 
 Pontife Romain, it faut bien reconnaitre que 
 le IX siecle etait loin d'etre dis-po.-e' a, la 
 definition d'un tel dogme. En fait, jusque- 
 la, les Conciles etaieut la grande forme de 
 la vie de l'Eglise ; il s'en assemblait ssans 
 cesse; touted les plus gra"dt s de'finitions 
 dogmatiques avaient e'te' rendues t n Concile. 
 Les Grecs ne sont done en rien prepares a 
 la definition qu'on voudrait leur faire im- 
 poser par le Concile du Vatican. Ma conr 
 vittion profonde est qu'un des efi'ets certains, 
 inevitables, d'une telle de'tinition, serait de 
 faire reculer bien loin la reunion des Eglises 
 Orientales. Une telle consideration ne 
 paraitra le'gere a aucun de ceux qui savent 
 le prix des aincs. 
 
 Un fait recent moutre si la crainle que 
 nous exprimons ici est sans fondement: 
 c'est la re'pouse faite a l'euvoye'du Souverain- 
 Pontife par le vicaiie general du Patriaiche 
 schismatique de Constantinople. Parmi les 
 raisons alle'gue'es par lui pour de'cliner l'in- 
 vitation venue de Rome, se trouvait celle-ci: 
 que " l'Eglise grecque ne pout reconnaitre 
 l'infaillibilite' du Pape, et sa supe'riorite bur 
 les Coneiles cecumeniques." 1 
 
 l CiviUa Ca tnlica, chroniquf du Concile- Cite par 
 Wonst igneur l'Eveque de Grenoble. 
 
:UMENT VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 270 
 
 PttUl 
 
 souff 
 
 Les schismatiques arrue'niens parlent le 
 memo langage, et j'ai eu sous les yeux un 
 journal arme'nien qui pretend que si Koine 
 les invite au Concile, c'est " pour leur ini- 
 poser 1'infuillibilite du Pape. ' 
 
 On dira peut-etre : Mais de quoi vous pre'oc- 
 cupez-vous ? Les Scliismatiques ne veu- 
 lent pas de l'union. Qu'importe entre eux et 
 nous une barriere de plus ! — Je suis loin, 
 pour ma part, de perdre ainsi l'espe'rance, 
 it sans connaitre les desseins de Dieu Mir 
 Its peuples, je ne me crois pas peimis de 
 seeller ainsi ia tombe deces antiques nations 
 uhre'tiennes, — surtout quantl je viens a penser 
 que dans cette tombe, dans ce sol de l'Orient, 
 reposeiit des cendres comme celles des 
 Athanase, des Cyrille, des Basile, des Gie- 
 goire, des Chrysostome, melees a celles d;s 
 Paul, des Antoiue, des Hilarion, des Pacome, 
 <• tant d'autres saints a jamais illustres. 
 "ais quand cela serait, quand aucun 
 ffle de Dieu ni aucun effort des b/-nimes 
 ne devrait rappeler de l'erreur qui les a 
 perdus ces vieux peuples de l'Orient, noil, 
 alors meme je ne croirais pas qu'il lut de la 
 charite' de Je'sus-Clirist, et de la mission 
 d'un grand Concile, de les eloigner davantage, 
 et de leur rendre le retour plus difficile. 
 . J'ai eu souvent l'heureuse occasion de 
 m'entretenir longuement des iuterets de ces 
 antiques Eglises, avec les Eveques orientaux 
 qu'il m'a e'te' donne de rencontrer a Pome 
 dans nos grandes reunions ; et en outre, une 
 Donespondance particuliere, active, avec 
 plusieiirs d'entre eux, m'a permis de con- 
 naitre un peu l'etat des cuoses. 
 
 Ce que j'ai appris d'eux, c'est ceci : un 
 grand dear du rapprochement. — Oui, dans 
 cet immobile Orient, beaucoup d'ames sont 
 travaille'es par ces aspirations. — Et, en meme 
 temps, de vives susceptibilite's, pour les 
 inoindres details de leuis vieilles coutumes : 
 a eombieu plus forte raison, pour ce qui est 
 des araudes questions dogmatiques. 
 
 Ct-rtes, le Concile de Trente eut une tout 
 autre conduit e, et des managements Men 
 autreinent digues de l'Eglise de Je'sus-Christ 
 vis-a-vis des Eglises oiientules, et Cela, dans 
 une question d'une capitale importance. 
 Tout theologien sait comment, a la demande 
 des amb.issadeurs ve'niiiens, le fameux canon : 
 Si quia dixerit Eccledam erkabe, ebef- 
 d'ceuvre de prudence tbe'ologique et de 
 charite, fut tempere de maniere, tout-a-la- 
 fois, a maintenir la ve'rite et a me'nager les 
 Orientaux. 
 
 V. La question est plus de'licate encore eu 
 ce qui touche le Protestantisme. Or le 
 •ehisme oriental, du moins, admet 1'autorite' 
 des Conciles oacumeniciucs — de ceux qu'il 
 
 regarde commetels— et 1'autorite' de l'Eglise, 
 dent il se persuade faire toujours partie. 
 Tandis quo le Protestantisme n'admet pas 
 ct tte autorite. La, sur ce point pre'eis it 
 de'cisf, 1'autorite' de l'Eglise est la grande 
 controverse entre lui et nous, Le Protes- 
 tantisme est avant tout la ne'gation de 
 1'autorite de l'Eglise. Dans ce principe de 
 division est son essence, sa plaie fatale. Et 
 c'est ce que beaucoup de nos treres se'pares 
 eommenctnt a entievoir. lis sentent qu'un 
 principe qui permet la division a l'infini, 
 qui permet meme de n'etre plus chretien 
 tout en demeurant toujours protestant, ne 
 peut pas etre le vrai principe chietien. De 
 la ce travail qui se fait au sein du Protes- 
 tantisme, ces grands et consolants retouis, 
 dont surtout l'Angleterre et l'Arne'rique 
 nous donnent le spectacle, et ces aspirations 
 vers l'union, qui sont, je le sais, au cceur de 
 tant de Protestants. 
 
 Qui, parmi nous, ne compatit a ce travail 
 et a ces souffrances de tant d'ames? Qui 
 ne les appelle avec amour? Qui ne prie 
 av.-c elles ? car elles prient, je le sais encore, 
 pour ce grand et supreme inte'xet, l'union des 
 Eglises cbretiennes. "Nous sommes," me 
 disait a Orleans meme le docteur Pusey, il 
 y a deux ans, " huit mille en Angleterre, 
 qui prions, chaque jour, pour l'union." 
 
 Ah ! si les rapprochements tant desires 
 p.irvenaient enfin k se faire! Si l'Angle- 
 terre surtout, la grande Anghterre, se re- 
 tournait un jour vers nous ! De toutes les 
 reconciliations que le monde a vues, ce 
 serait assure'ment la plus heureuse et la plus 
 feconde. Je le dis tis, dans ce livre de la 
 touverainete pontificate, ecrit en quelque 
 sorte sous le feu des luttcs pour le Saint- 
 S!e'gc, je le disais avec confiance aux 
 Anglais maitres d'eux-memes et de leurs 
 pre'juges : " Vous avez ete, il y a trois 
 siecles, les plus redoutables ennemis de 
 l'unite : quel honneur il y aurait pour vous 
 a rameiier en Europe l'unite' ! Cet e'tendard 
 de la Catticlicite chretienne, comme il sierait 
 a vos mains de le relever, et a vos vaisseaux 
 de le porter par-del.i les mers sur toutes les 
 tenes que vous visitez ! Heuieux ceux 
 a qui il sera donne de voir ces temps 
 meilleurs, qui peut-etre ne sont pas e'loignes !" 
 
 Eh bien ! le Concile a ranime chez un 
 grand numbre de nos freres &epares, < t chez 
 nous, ces t spe'iances. Ah ! sans doute, on 
 doit le c aindre, elles ne seroiit pas toutes 
 realise'es. Mais au moins, d<s re tours par- 
 tic Is peuvent se voir, et en grand nombre ; 
 surtout une puissante impulsion peut etre 
 donnee. Le temps, avec la grace de Dieu, 
 ferait le reste. 
 
 Que du moins le Concile, pour ceux a qui 
 
 t2 
 
280 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document vi 
 
 le Saint-Pere aclressait naguere ce prcssant 
 appel, ne devienne pas la plus dure des 
 pierres d achoppenient ! 
 
 Ne parlez d ne plus de leur imposer prea- 
 lablement, pour condition de retour, 1 in- 
 faillibilite personnelle et separe'e du Pape ! 
 Car ce serait l'oubli de toule prudence comme 
 de toute charite. 
 
 Les nouveaux catholiques, ai-je oui dire, 
 sont pleins de ferveur pour ce dogme. Oui, 
 certains nouveaux catholiques peut-etre. 
 Mais je connais, moi, d'autres convertis, 
 que l'annonce d'une de'finition a troubles. 
 Je connais certains prottstants, desireux de 
 venir a nous, que cela seul fait reculer. J'en 
 connais que cette definition repousserait 
 absolument. 
 
 11 faut etre, ce me semble, bien peu ou 
 bien mal renseigne sur les dispositions 
 actuelles de nos freres separes, pour ne pas 
 voir qn'on eleverait la, infailliblement, une 
 nouvelle barriere, peut-etre a jamais infran- 
 cbissable. entre eux et nous. 
 
 Mais attendez done ! dirai-je aux inpa- 
 tients : les schismes et les here'sies ne sont 
 pas eternels. L'Eglise a bien attendu, sans 
 cette de'finition, dix-liuit siecles, et la ve'rite', 
 garde'e par elle, a ete bien garde'e. 
 
 VI. II est d'autres perils, d"un autre ordre, 
 et ties-graves encore. II faut calculer les 
 consequences que pourrait avoir un tel 
 acte au point de vue des Gouvernements 
 modemes : e'est la une politique, ou pour 
 mieux dire, une sagesse dont l'Eglise ne 
 pent se departir. Je sais que beaucoup 
 d'Eveques, et des plus courageux, en sont 
 preoccupes. 
 
 Et certes, nun sans cause ; car il y a de 
 serieuses raisons de craindie, a ce point de 
 vue encore, que les ineonve'nients possibles 
 de la de'finition ne soient tres-considerables. 
 
 Voyons les faits ; examinons l'etat de 
 l'Europe. 
 
 Sur les cinq grandes puissances euro- 
 pe'ennes, trois ne sont pas catholiques : la 
 Russie, la Prusse et l'Angleterre. Je ne 
 parle pas ici de 1 Amerique et des Etats- 
 Unis. Et parmi les Etats stcondaires de 
 l'Europe, un grand nombre au^si appartien- 
 nent au scheme et a l'he're'sie, la Saxe, la 
 Suede, le Danemark, la Suisse, la Hollande, 
 la Grece. Qui ne sait quels ombrages tous 
 ces Gouvernements nourrissent encore con- 
 tre l'Eglise? Or, je pose simplement la 
 tres- grave question que voici : Croit-on 
 qu'une delinition de 1 infaillibilite person- 
 nelle du Pape soit de nature a dissiper ces 
 ombrages ? Quand, par un prejuge' invetere, 
 qu'on ne de'truira pas en l'aggravant, ces 
 gouvernements regardent le Pape emme 
 
 un souverain etranger, croit-on, de bonne 
 foi, que declarer le Pape infaillible, ce ser 
 rendre meilleure la position des catholique 
 dans tous ces pays ? Croit-on que la Russie 
 que la Suede, que le Danemark en devien^ 
 dront plus doux pour leurs sujets catholiques \ 
 Leurs haincs contre Rome en seront-elle 
 apaise'es, et le rapprochement rendu ph 
 facile ? 
 
 Si quelqu'un etait tente de traiter a la 
 legere, comme chimeriques, ces craintes si 
 les dispositions des Gouvernements noil 
 catholiques, je rappellerais ici simplemer 
 les faits contemporains. Pourquoi done, et 
 1826, hs Archeveques et Evcques cath 
 liqius d'Irlande, et ceux d'Angleterre 
 d'Ecosse, ont-ils ete oblige's de signer h 
 deux de'clarations que j'ai sous les yeux ? 
 
 Dans l'une, les Archeveques et Eveque 
 calholiques d'Angleterre et d'Ecosse, places 
 en face de ce grief: "On accuse les catbc 
 liques de partager leur fidelite' entre \ex 
 souverain temporel et le Pape," y veponder 
 longuement ; et dans l'autre, les Arche 
 veques et Eveques catholiques d'Irland 
 sont force's d'en venir a protester qu'ils ne 
 croient pas "qu'il soit licite de tuer une 
 persoune quelconque, sous pre'texte qu'ell 
 serait heretique : " — souvenir exage're', ma 
 e'vident et permanent des bulles lance'e 
 contre Henri VIII — et de plus — ceci est 
 remarquer — " qu'il n'est pas exige d'eux 
 eroire que le Pape est infaillible."' 
 
 Qu'on se re'erie tant qu'on voudra si 
 l'injustice de ces ombrages et de ces pr 
 ventions, de telhs declarations solennelle 
 imposees a l'Episcopat d'un grand pays, de 
 montrent assez quelle est la puissauce 
 ces pre'ventions. J'ai lu cette de'claiatio 
 des Eveques d'Irlande, je dois le dire, 
 rougeur au front. Combien ils ont 
 soufirir d'avoir a repousser, et de trouve 
 vivantes dans leur pays, de pareilles de'- 
 fiances, qui s'attuquaient a tout ce qu'il y 
 a de plus sacre' dans la conscience, de plus 
 de'licat dans l'honneur ! 
 
 En veut-on d'autres preuves encore? On 
 sait les lois atroces qui resterent si long- 
 temps suspendues sur la tete des catholiqufil 
 dAngleterre et d'Irlande, et qu'ils oni eu 
 tant de peine a. fairabolir. Eh bien. quand 
 le celebre Pitt, a la fin du sieele dernier, 
 dans une pense'e politique que je veux eroire 
 ge'ne'reuse, songea, pour la premiere 
 de'livrer de ce joug les catholiques, qu'est-oe 
 qui obsedait et arretait tout court 11k mme 
 d'Etat anglds ? La Puissance pmiitieale, 
 les vieux souvenirs des de'mele's des Papei 
 avec les couronnes. C'est pourquoi, avant 
 tout, il voulut savoir quelles etaient sur ce 
 point les doctrin* s catboliques, et il s'a< 
 
Document vi.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 281 
 
 dans oe l>nt a toutes les plus savantes Uni- 
 versites de France, de Belgique, d'Kspagne 
 et d'Alli magne. 
 
 J'ai sous les yeux les re'ponses dc s Uni- 
 versites de Paris, de Uouai, do L main, 
 d'Alcala, de Salamanque, de Vlladolid: 
 toutes, se placaut nu p> int de vue du droit 
 divin, et laissant de cote, par consequent, ce 
 qui a pu etre le droit public d'un au're age, 
 re'pondriit expresse'meut que, ni le I'ape, ni 
 ; dinaux, ni aucun corps ou individu 
 de l'Eglise romaine, if out, de pur Je'sus- 
 Ghrist, aucune autorite civile sur 1' Angle- 
 tern', aucun pouvoir de delier les sujets 
 de S. M. Britannique de leur serment de 
 lide'lile. 
 
 (Atte doctrine, pr"fe-ssce alors par les 
 plus grandes Universite's de l'Eglise catho- 
 lique, pouvait rassurer Pitt sur la doctrine 
 emit! aire, protesse'e, dans des bulles celebres, 
 il le i'aut dire, par plus d'un Pape. Mais 
 pnpposez la Papaute declaree infaillible : 
 cette definition dogmatique de 1'infaillibilite 
 du Pape ne serait-elle pas de nature a 
 raviver les vieilles defiances? Certes, ou 
 peut le craindre, et voici pourquoi : 
 
 Les Gouvernements non-catlioliques, en 
 effet, ne croiront pas a cette int'aillibilite' ; 
 et ce pouvoir immense, reconnu dogmatique- 
 ment au Pape, le Pape, selon eux, en pourra 
 abuser, en outrepasser les limites. Mais, 
 ce qui sera grave a leurs yeux, leurs sujets 
 catboliques y croiront, et seront obliges de 
 se soumettre a toutes ses decisions, meme 
 les plus abusives au puint de vue de ces 
 Gouvernements mm-catholiques : comment 
 Be pas voir que des lors le pouvoir pontifical 
 bur s, mblera bien plus redoutable et plus 
 odieux? lis out deja, ils conservent contre 
 l'Eglise les defiances embrageuses que 
 cbacun sait : combien plus suspecteront-ils 
 le Pape infaillible, c'est-a-dire un seul 
 liomme, qui, a leur point de vue, leur offrira 
 bien moins de ga ran ties que l'Eglise, c'est- 
 a-dire que les Eveques de leur pays et de 
 tous les pays ? 
 
 VII. Et les Gouvernements des nations 
 catboliques elles-memes, de quel ceil ver- 
 ront-ils proclamer le dogme nouveau ? C'est 
 ce qu'il faut se demander aussi. Car enfin, 
 • uvernements ne se regaideront jamais 
 comme desiuteresses dans la question. Qui 
 leur pei suadera qu elle ne les regarde pas ? 
 
 Ici encore, pour apprecier sans illusion et 
 selon la verite les consequences de la defini- 
 tion dogmatique annonce'e, et sollicitee avec 
 taut de bruit par des journalistes — qui, 
 certes, devraient cesser, l'heure en est venue, 
 meler dans les affaires les plus in- 
 times, les plus graves, et les plus re'servees 
 
 de l'Eglise, — placons-nous dans la rt ; aliie 
 des cheses, dans Its faits ; voyons < e qui 
 est, et ce qui sera. 
 
 I-e grand fait, malhenreux, mais incon- 
 t» stable, et plus que jamais subsistant, le 
 voiui : c'est que les pouvoirs publics, meme 
 cl.ez les nations catboliques, sont pleins 
 d'ombrages contre l'Eglise. C'est ce que 
 toute l'bistoire proclame : car l'histoire est 
 pleine des conflits entre les deux puis- 
 sances. 
 
 Maifl que parle'-je du passe? A l'beure 
 meme oil j'e'eris ce s lignes, est-ce que trois 
 d( s quatre grandes puissances catholiques 
 de l'Europe, l'Autriche, l'ltalie et l'Espasine 
 ne sont pas engage'es plus ou moins dans 
 de tristes luttes avec l'Eglise? Et cl.ez 
 nous-memts, d un moment a l'autre, ne 
 pent-il pas surgir un litig.;? Et ce mot ne 
 serait-il pas encore trop tloux, dans la ter- 
 rible e'ventualite de telle revolution pos- 
 sible? 
 
 Voila la situation : les Gouvernements 
 catholitpaes out ete', sont, ou peuvent se 
 tiouver de plus tn plus en couflit avec 
 l'E-lise. 
 
 Certes, nul plus que moi ne de'plore ces 
 redoutables conflits, quand ils se produi- 
 sent ; et si peu de gout que j'aie pour ces 
 luttes, peut-etre ai-je montre', on me pardon- 
 nera de le rappeler, que je ne suis pas de 
 ceux qui reculent alors et faiblissent ? Mais 
 la n'est pas la question, et, que les Gou- 
 vernements soient, ou non, coupables, ce 
 n'est pas non plus de cela qu'il s'agit. II 
 s'agit de savoir de quel ceil, aujourd'hui, les 
 Gouvernements verraient declarer le Pape 
 infaillible. 
 
 Est-ce la une timide preoccupation? Et 
 l'Eglise doit-ello, dans ses Conciles, ne con- 
 sultant que les priucipes de sa pleine in- 
 de'pendance a l'egard des Gouvernements 
 bumains, agir, de'ereter, definir, meme sur 
 les questions pratiques les plus de'licates, 
 comme si les Gouvernements n'existaient 
 pas, et sans s'inquieter, en aucune sorte, de 
 savoir si ses actes les blesseront, ou non, au 
 vif? 
 
 Telle n'est pas, telle ne fut jamais, dans 
 les choses qui ne sont point de ne'eessite, la 
 coutume de la sainte Eglise. 
 
 Ah ! si d'un coup, et par une simple pro- 
 clamation dogmatique, on pouvait couper 
 court aux conflits, supprimer les vieux 
 ombrages, et rendre, par decret, les Gou- 
 vernements des nations catholiques dociles 
 a l'Eglise et au Pape, comme des brebis ! 
 Cela en vaudrait la peine ! 
 
 Mais s'en flatter, aujourd'bui surtout, 
 serait la plus chimeriqiic des illusions. 
 
 Quelqu'un pcut-il douter qu'une definition 
 
282 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document vi. 
 
 dojmatique <le 1 inaiillibilite personnolle 
 du Pape, loin de supprimcr ks defiances 
 anciennes, ne ferait qu'en raviver les causes, 
 ou, si Ton veut, les eternels pretextes, en 
 leur donnant line apparence de plus ? 
 
 Quels sont, en etfet, ces pretextes ? Certes, 
 je ne pretends en rien justifier ici les Gou- 
 vernements : presque toujours, presque par- 
 tout, ils ont voulu oppiimer lEglise; mais 
 il faut voir les boinmes et ks clioses comme 
 ils sont. 
 
 II y a d'abord ici les souvenirs du passe. 
 
 En declarant le Pape infaillible, pourront 
 s.; demander les Souverains, le de'clarera-t-on 
 impeccable ? Non. La declaration qu'on 
 provoque ne devant rien ajouter ni re- 
 trancher a ce qui est, a ce qui fut, <e qui 
 b'est deja vu se pourra voir encore. Or on 
 a vu, il faut le dire avec respect et avec 
 tristesse, mais il faut le dire, — car l'histoire 
 y condaratie, et Baronius lui-meine, le grand 
 kistoriographe de PEglise romaine, nous 
 enseigne qu'il ne faut pas, en bistoire, dis- 
 simuler la ve'rite' ; ' or, on a vu dans cette 
 longue et incomparable serie des Pontifes 
 romains, quelques Papes, en petit nombre, 
 mais enfin, il y en a eu, des Papes qui se 
 sont montre's faibles, des Papes ambitieux, 
 des Papes entreprenants, confondant le 
 spirituel et le temporel, atfectant des pre- 
 tentions domiuatrices sur les couronnes. 
 On n'est pas assure d'avoir, dans t >ute la 
 stiite des siecks, un Pie IX sur le trone 
 pontifical. 
 
 N'est-il pas naturel de penser que, si le 
 Pape est proclame infallible, ces re'flexions 
 se presenteront d'elles-mem s aux Gouverne- 
 ments d'aujourd'hui ? Et deja, n'est-il pas 
 inutile, et, je Pajouterai, tres-dangereux de 
 reveilkr de tels souvenirs ? Certes, ce n'est 
 pas moi qui les reveille ! mais pourquoi 
 d'imprudents avocats de la Papaule se 
 donnent-ils tous les jours la ti iste mission 
 de les re'veiller, et de les envenimer ? 
 
 Mais, en outre, on se demandera sur quels 
 objets s'< xercera cette infaillibilite person- 
 nelle. Quand il n'y aurait que les matieres 
 mixtes, ou les conflits furent toujours si 
 frequents, quelles sont ici les limites ? Qui 
 ks de'terminera ? Le spirituel ne touche- 
 t-il pas au temporel de tous cotes? Qui 
 persuadera aux Gouvernements que le Pape 
 ne passera plus, jamais, dans aucun en- 
 trainement, du spirituel au temporel ? Des 
 lors, la proclamation du nouveau dogme ne 
 paraitra-t-elle pas, non aux theologiens 
 habiles, mais aux Gouvernements, qui ne 
 sont pas thedogiens, consacrer, dans le 
 
 1 Et il suffit de lire dans ses Annates l'histoire du 
 dixieme siejle pour vur que lui-merue ne la dissimule 
 pas. 
 
 
 Pape, sur des matieres peu de'finies et 
 parfois non de'finissabks, une puissance 
 illimitee, souveraine, sur tous leurs sujets 
 catholiques, et, pour eux Gouvernements, 
 d'autant plus sujette aux ombrages, que 
 l'abus leur paraitra toujours possible ? 
 
 Alors on se souviendra des doctrines 
 formule'es, sinon definies, dans des Bulles 
 celebres. 
 
 Certes, ce n'est pas moi qui ai la moindre 
 envie de defendre ici Pbilippe-le-Bel et si s 
 imitateurs. Mais enfin, dans la Bulle Unam 
 8anctam, par exemple, Boniface VIII ne 
 declare-t-il pas qu'd y a deux glaives, le 
 spirituel et le temporel, que ce dernier aussi 
 appartient a Pierre, et que le successeur de 
 Pierre a le droit d'in&tituer et de juger les 
 souverains? Fotestas spiritvalis terrenam 
 potestatem instituere habet et judiaire. 
 
 Et dans la Hulle Ausculta fili, il deman- 
 dait au Koi d'envoyer a Rome les Arcbe- 
 veques et les Eveques de France, avec lea 
 abbe's, etc., pour y trailer de tinii ce qui 
 paraitrait utile au bon gouvernemeut du 
 ruyaume de France. 
 
 Et apres meme que le protestantisme fut 
 venu changer si protbndement le'tat de 
 l'Europe, Paul III, dans la fameuse Bulle 
 qui excommuniait Henri VIII, ne deliait-il 
 pas de leur serment de fide'lite les sujets du 
 roi d'Angleterre, et n'offrait-il pas l'Angle- 
 terre a qui la voudrait conquerir, donnant, 
 a ceux qui en t'eraient la conijuete, tous les 
 biens, meubles et immeubk s, des Anglais 
 devenus dissidents ? 
 
 Croii-on que cette Bulle soit oubliee en 
 Anglettrre? Et les de'clarations, dont je 
 citais tout a l'heure quelques mots, pense- 
 t-on qu'elles n'ont pas e'te demandees aux 
 Eveques catholiques d'Irlande par le sou- 
 venir, tout vi\ant encore, de cette Bulle? 
 Me sera-t-il permis de dire ici toute ma 
 pensee, et n'est-il pas pemis de le demander 
 apres l'histoire : cette Bulle effrayante, a 
 Pepoque ou elle fut public':', n'etait-elle pas 
 de nature a precipitcr, plutot qu'a ramener, 
 la nation anglaise? Est-il bien certain 
 qu'elle n'a pas ete pour la Chretiente un 
 grand malheur ? Du moins, en pensant 
 ainsi, on ne contredirait aucun dogme 
 catholique, pas meme celui de Pinfaillibilite 
 du Pape, si elle venait jamais a etre e'rige'e 
 en dogme. 
 
 Je suis triste, et qui ne le serait ? en rap- 
 pelant ces grands et douloureux faits de 
 l'histoire ,* mais ils nous y forcent, ceux dont 
 la legerete et la te'me'rite' remuent ces ques- 
 tions bmlantes. Ils nous y forcent, et ma 
 conviction profonde est que tout cola jette 
 dans les meilleurs esprits un trouble deplo- 
 rable, et que si on avait cntrepris de rendre 
 
JMENT VI. j 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 283 
 
 la puissance pontificale odieuse, on ne j>our- 
 rait rien faire de mieux que de perpe'tuer de 
 telles controverses. 
 
 Car, enfin, potirront encore se demander 
 lets Souverains, memo catholiques, la procla- 
 mation dogmatique de l'infuillibilite du Tape 
 rendra-t-elle, oui ou non, a l'avenir do telles 
 Bulks impossibles? Qui done alors cinpe- 
 chera uu nouveau Pape de de'finir Co que 
 plusieurs de ses pre'de'-esseurs out emeigne: 
 que le Vieaire de Je'sus-Christ a un pouvoir 
 direct sur le tempoiel des princes; qu'il est 
 dans ses attributions d'instituer et de deposer 
 les souverains ; que les droits civils des iois 
 et dt s peuples lui sont subordonne's '( l 
 
 Mais alors, et apres la proclamation du 
 dogme nouveau, nul clerge', nul e'veque, nul 
 catliolique ne pourra recuser cette doctrine 
 si odieuse aux Gouvernements ; c'est-a-dire 
 qu'a leurs yeux tous les droits civils, poli- 
 tiques, comme toutes les croyances reli- 
 gieuses, seraient entre les mains d'un seul 
 homme ! 
 
 Et vous penseriez que les Gouvernements 
 verraient avec indifference l'Eglise s'assem- 
 bkr de tous les points du monde, pour 
 proclamer un dogme qui, suivant eux, peut 
 avoir de telles consequences ! 
 
 Et ils pourrunt etre d'autant plus induits 
 a considerer la definition de l'infaillibilite 
 du Pape comme une conse'uration implicite 
 de ces doctrines si rtdoute'es, que ces doc- 
 trines sont loin d'etre abandonnees. Sans 
 cesse les journaux, qui se donnent parmi 
 nous comme les purs repre'sentants des 
 principes romains, etalent ces theories dans 
 leurs colounes, les e'tablissent a grand ren- 
 fort d'arguments, et vont meme jusqu'a 
 signaler, comme entachee d'atheisme, la 
 doctrine, a laquelle tiennent si fort les 
 souverains, catholiques comme non catho- 
 liques, de l'iudependanee des deux puis- 
 sances chacune dans sa sphere. 
 
 II y a tres-peu de temps que nous lisions, 
 cite'es avec eloge par un journal francais, 
 les paroles suivantt s, oil Ton compare aux 
 maniche'ens ceux qui soutiennent que les 
 deux glaives ne sont pas dans la meme 
 main : 
 
 " Y aurait-il done deux sources d'autorite 
 et de pouvoir, deux fins supremes pour les 
 membresd'une meme socie'te, deux buts divers 
 dans l'idee de l'etre ordonnateur, et deux 
 destine'es distinctes chez un meme homme 
 qui est a la fois membre de l'Eglise et sujet 
 de l'Etat? Mais qui ne voit de suite l'ab- 
 surtlite' d'un semblable systeme? C'est le 
 dualisme des manicheens, sinon l'atheisme.' 
 
 • Ignore-t-on tnie B Uarmin lui-nieme fut mis a I'm- 
 drx pout n'avoir pas soutenu le pouvoir direct du 
 Pape sur les couronni s ? 
 
 C'e'tait Ik aussi cc que pre'tendait l'abbc' 
 de Lamennais, dans les emportements de sa 
 logique ; et, contre le premier des quatre 
 articles, il posait co dilemme : ultramontain 
 ou athe'e. Ces exces lui ont peu reussi. Et, 
 au f nd, sous ce rapport, les e'erivains dont 
 il s'agit iei sont de l'ecole de Lamennais. 
 Mais plus ils reprocheront aux Gouverne- 
 ments de ne pas admettre la doctrine de la 
 Bulle Vnam sanctam, et de tonir a cette 
 independance des deux puissances, plus ils 
 demontreront eux-memts la force des repu- 
 gnances et l'universalite des repulsions que 
 je redoute. 
 
 Et quand je parle de Pindependance des 
 deux puissances, loin de moi la pensee de 
 mettre en doute un seul instant la divine et 
 ceitaine autorite' de l'Eglise, pour defiirr, 
 proclamer, et rappeler, aux Couvernements 
 comme aux sujets, les saintes et eternelles 
 regies du juste et de l'iujuste ! Mais la 
 n'est pas la question, on le sait bien, et c'est 
 trop e'vident ! 
 
 Non, les vieilles susceptibilite's ne sont 
 pas pres de disparaitre : un journalisme pas- 
 sion ne' a tout fait pour les ranimer ; et nulle 
 part, on le peut affirmer avec certitude, ni 
 en France, ni dans la catholique Autriche, 
 ni dans la Baviere et sur les bords du Khin, 
 ni dans l'apostolique Espagne, ni dans ce 
 Portugal, qui naguere chassait les Sceurs de 
 charite, les dispositions des Gouvernements 
 europeens ne sont favorables a la proclama- 
 tion du dogme annonce. 
 
 L'heure vous parait-elle done venue de 
 reveiller d'un bout de l'Europe a l'autre les 
 haines contre le Saint-Sie'ge ? 
 
 Ou plutot, l'heure presente n'est-elle pas 
 deja pleine d'asst z nombreux et d'assez 
 grands perils? 
 
 Veut-on mettre a l'ordre du jour, dans 
 l'Europe entiere, la separation de l'Eglise et 
 de 1 Etat ? 
 
 Veut-on meme faire courir au Concile 
 d'autres chances ? Que faudrait-il, dans 
 l'etat actuel de l'ltalie et de l'Europe, pour 
 amener les plus grands malheurs ? 
 
 II est impossible de se le dissimuler : il y 
 a des esprits qui tiennent a pousser l'Eglise 
 aux dernieres extremites ! 
 
 Dans quel interet ? 
 
 VIII. J'arrive maintenant aux difficulte's 
 theologiques, non precisement de l'infailli- 
 bilite pontificale, — ce' te question, encore une 
 fois, je ne la traite, ni dans un sens, ni dans 
 un autre, — mais aux difficulte's theologiques 
 de la definition : car ces difficulte's-la, si elles 
 sont vraiment serieuses, sont aussi une forte 
 raison contre l'opportunitc. 
 
 Les journalistes qui seniblent vouloir en- 
 
 
284 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 
 [Document vi. 
 
 joindre au Concile de definir 1 infaillibilite 
 du Pape, et de la de'finir par acclamation, se 
 doutent-ils des conditions dans lesquelles 
 le Concile aurait a faire cette definition? 
 Certes, on ne le dirait pas, a la maniere 
 dont ils en parlent ; — comme ils ne se dou- 
 tent gueres de ce qu'il y a d'etrange, <le 
 prodigieusement anormal, et de tout a fait 
 impossible, dans le role qu'ils se dounent 
 depuis six mois surtout, en s'ingerant au 
 point ou ils le font, dans les atiaires les 
 plus intimes du gouvernement de l'Eglise. 
 
 J 3 ne suis pas surpris d'ailleurs de leur 
 extraordinaire imprudence. Ils ne sont pas 
 theologiens. Vous, Messieurs, vous con- 
 naissez toutes les questions que je vais 
 rappeler : elles vous sont enseignees dans 
 vos ecoles. Mais en meme tempj qu'on 
 vous les enseigne, on vous apprend a ne pas 
 en entretenir inutilement les fideles. Pre- 
 tre.i, nous avons un double devoir, c'est 
 d etudier les choses obscures et de ne pre- 
 cher que les choses claires. Quant aux 
 la'iques, encore une fois, je ne leur reproche 
 pas d'ignorer, mais je leur reproche d'agiter 
 et de trancber les questions qu'ils ignorent. 
 II ne savent pas a quelles difficulte's ils 
 iouchent etourdiment, et je suis malheu- 
 reusement oblige de les en avertir, en vous 
 rappelant, a vous, Messieurs, ce que vous 
 savez deja. 
 
 " En matiere si grave, si delicate et si 
 complexe, dit avec une raison superieure 
 Mgr l'Eveque de Poitiers, on ne doit se 
 laisser guider id par l'enthousiasme, ni par 
 le sentiment person i el ; tous les mots doi- 
 vent etre pete's et explique's, toutes les faces 
 de la question examinees, tous les cas prevus, 
 toutes les fausses applications ecartees, tous 
 les inconvenients balance's avec les avan- 
 tages." * 
 
 Au reste, Mgr l'Eveque de Poitiers n'est 
 pas le seul a parler ainsi. Parmi les theo- 
 logiens, les plus grands partisans de l'in- 
 faillibilite' avouent eux-memes les prodi- 
 gieuses difficultes pratiques qui peuvent se 
 rencontrer ici. Ce sont, disent-ils, des diffi- 
 culte's inextricables, intricate ssimse difficul- 
 tates ; et les plus habiles, ajoutent-ils, ont 
 toute la peine du monde a s'en tirer ; in quibns 
 dissolvendis multum theologi peritiores labo- 
 rant. 
 
 1° Difficultes tirees de la ne'cessite de 
 definir les conditions de l'acte ex cathedra, 
 tous les actes pontificaux n'ayant pas ce 
 caractere ; 
 
 2° Difficulte's tirees du double caractere du 
 Pape, conside're soit comme docteur prive', 
 soit comme Pape ; 
 
 i Honielie prononcei' dans la chapelle de son Grand- 
 Seminairo. 
 
 3° Difficulte's tire'es des multiples ques- 
 tions de fait qui se peuvent poser a propos 
 de t »ut acte ex cathedra ; 
 
 4° Difficultes tireej du passe et des f. .its 
 historiques ; 
 
 5° Difficultes tirees du fond meme de la 
 question ; 
 
 0° Diffieulte'.-i, enfin, tirees de l'e'tat de.3 
 esprits contemporains. 
 
 La premiere chose a faire par le Concile, 
 avant de porter ici une definition d«>g- 
 matique, ce serait done de determiner les 
 conditions de Pinfaillibilite; car de'finir l'in- 
 faillibilite du Pap^, sans preciser et de'finir 
 les conditions de cette infaillibilite, ce serait 
 ne rien de'finir, parce que ce serait de'finir 
 trop, ou pas a.-sez. 
 
 Mais comment determiner ces conditions? 
 Les theologiens en disputent, soit en theorie, 
 in abstracto, soit in concreto, et en fait. En 
 un mot, quand et comment le Pape est-il 
 infaillible? Voila ce qu'il faudra de'ter- 
 miner. Mais c'est ici que les difficulte's 
 ne sont pas mediocres. 
 
 Le Pape, toutes les fois qu'il parle, e.-<t-il 
 infaillible ? Des theologiens l'ont peuse. — 
 Ou bien ne l'est-il que quand il parle, comme 
 on dit, ex cathedra ? 
 
 Mais, c'est precisement pour definir les 
 conditions de la parole ex cathedra, que le 
 Concile, s'il jugeait a propos d'entrer dans 
 cette question, aurait fort a etudier et fort a 
 faire 
 
 Qu'est-ce, en effet, que la parole ex cathe- 
 dra i quelles en sont les conditions V On 
 discute la-dessus dans toutes les ecoles : les 
 uns exigent plus et les autres moins. Le 
 Cardinal Orsi ne parle pas precisement 
 comme lo Cardinal Bellarmin, ni Bellarmiu 
 comme le Cardinal Capellari, qui fut depuis 
 le Pape Gregoire XVI. 
 
 Mansi parle, soit de " Conciles assemble's 
 pre'alablement," soit de " docteurs appeles," 
 soit de "Congregations institutes" et de 
 " supplications publ : ques." " Sans cela, dit- 
 il, que Bossuet le sache bien, nous ne recon- 
 naissons plus le Pape comme infadlible." l 
 
 Bellarmin essaie de concilier ceux qui 
 disent : Pontifex consilium audiat pastorum, 
 avec ceux qui disent qu'il peut de'finir tout 
 seul, etiam solus. 2 
 
 Eh bien ! devant toutes ces divergences 
 d'opinious, et je n'en cite ici que quelques- 
 unes, — car on en compte un bien plus grand 
 nombre, meme parmi les tlieologiens ultra- 
 montains, — comment agira le Concile? xi 
 faudra done qu'il entreprenne, approuvant 
 les unes, re'prouvant les autres, la rude tache 
 de faire, d'une fa^on dogmatique et absolue, 
 
 1 De Maistre, du Pape, liv. 1, ch x, v. 
 
 2 1/UpjXationi.s Lcdarmiiti. 
 
MKNT VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 285 
 
 mi choix parmi toutes ces opinions the'o- 
 bgiques : mais sur quelles bases, certaines, 
 elaires et indiscutables, s'appuiera-t-il pour 
 oela ? 
 
 Encore une fois, qu' est-ce done exacte- 
 liunt qu'un aete ex cathedra f 
 
 Est-ce un simple bref? Oui, disent les 
 mis; non, disent les autres. Est-ce un res- 
 ent? Memo partage d'opinions. Est-ce une 
 bulle, une allocutiun eonsistoriale, une ency- 
 clic [He ? 
 
 Faut-il, dans l'actc ex cathedra, que le 
 Pap.' s'adresse a tonte l'Eglise? — Oui, disent 
 la plupart. — Non, dit un Anglais, professeur 
 laique de the'ologie ' et jonrnaliste contem- 
 poniin : quand il ne parlerait qua un seul 
 fiveque, ou raeme a un simple laique, il peut 
 avoir voulu euseigner ex cathedra. Et e'est 
 (issez. 
 
 Eh bien, alors, faut-il au moins, comme 
 plusieurs le reclament, pour qu'il n'y ait 
 aucun doute sur son intention, que le Pape 
 de'finisse la doctrine sous la sanction d'un 
 anatheme contre l'erreur? 
 
 — Ou sumt-il, comme d'autns le pre'ten- 
 dent, qu'il exprime, d'une manieie quel- 
 conque, son intention de faire un dogme ? 
 
 — Ou bim enfin, comme le soutient en- 
 core le tlie'ologien laique que je citais tout 
 h, l'heure, peut-il parler ex cathedra, meme 
 quand il n'exprimerait pas clairement sou in- 
 tention d'imposer la foi ? Etiamsi. obligatio 
 assensum praestandi non diserte exprimatur? 
 
 — Ou bien, faut-il, comme certains autres 
 le vculent, que le Pape ait consulte'? Et 
 s'il le faut, qui doit-il consulter? Quelques 
 evequcs? ou, a defaut d'eveques, les cardi- 
 naux? ou, a defaut des cardinaux, les con- 
 gregations romaines ? ou, a defaut des con- 
 gregations romaines, des theologiens, des 
 docteurs, et combien ? Suffirait-il dun de'- 
 cret qu il aurait dresse seul dans son cabinet ? 
 Pourquoi distinguer, disent quelques-uns, la 
 oil les paroles des promesses ne distinguent 
 pas? 
 
 Voici du reste un autre theologien eon- 
 temporain, l'allemand Phillips, que cette 
 dime id te n'arrete pas. Pour lui, la de'fi- 
 nition ex cathedra ne demande que le Pupe 
 consulte qui que ce soit : ni le Concile, ni 
 l'Eglise romaine, ni le College des cardinaux. 
 Le docteur allemand va plus loin encore : 
 il n'est pas necessaire, selon lui, que le 
 Pape reflechisse murement ; 
 
 Ni qu'il etudie soigneusement la question a 
 
 1 M. Ward, l>e ii'fallib litatis <xt<risione, thesis duo- 
 tbeima.p. 35. — M.Ward estunancien ministre angllcan 
 convert i, zele catholiquc aiijourd'imi.etqui a ete, quoi- 
 qne laique, prole>seur de theologieau Grand-Seminaire 
 de I'archevechd de Westminster. 
 
 2 Ibid. Thesis duodecima. 
 
 la lumltre de In parole de Dieu ecrite et tra- 
 ditionnelle ; 
 
 Ni qu'il e'leve sa priere vers Dieu avant de 
 prononcer. 
 
 Sans toutes ces conditions, sa decision n'en 
 serait pas moins aussi valide, aussi valable, 
 aussi obligatoire pour toute VEglise, que s'il 
 avail observe' toutes les precautions que dicte 
 la foi, la p',et€, le hon sens. 
 
 Que faut-il done, selon ce doctenr. pour 
 qu'une definition soit ex cathedra ? Le 
 voici : " II reste a dire d'apres c^la, pour 
 de't'endre la vuleur d'une decision ex cathe- 
 dra, qu'elle existe, lorsque le Pape, dans un 
 Concile ou hors d'un Concile, vekbalement 
 ou par ecrit, donne a tous les fideles Chre- 
 tiens, comme Vicaire de Jesus-Christ, au 
 nom des apotres Pierre et Paul, ou en vertu 
 de 1'autorite du Saint-Sie'ge, ou en d'autres 
 termes semblables, avec ou sans la menace de 
 l'anatheme, une decision relative au dogme 
 ou a la morale." (Phillips, diet. Goschlez, 
 article Pape.) 
 
 D'apres ce theologien, l'Eglise n'a pas le 
 droit de mettre une re&tiiction ni une con- 
 dition quelconque, quant a la validite, a 
 l'exercice de Pinfaillibilite. 
 
 Un ecrivain francais, auteur d'un recent 
 traite' De Papa, ne dit guere autre chose, 
 et ne demande, pour que le Pape, parlant 
 a l'Eglise universelle, soit infaillible, qu'une 
 condition, non pas qu'il ait prie, non pas 
 qu'il ait de'libere, etudie, consulte, mais 
 simplement qu'il ait eu l'intention de faire 
 un dogme, et qu'il n'ait pas ete violente. 
 
 M. Ward, nous l'avons vu, ne demande 
 meaie pas que le Pape s'adresse a l'Eglise : 
 qu'il s'adresse a un seul Eveque ou a un seid 
 laique, cela suffit. 
 
 Voila done de quelle sorte quelques-uns 
 ne eraignent pas, aujourd'hui, de traiter ces 
 immen.ses questions ! 
 
 Je dis quelques-uns, et je prie qu'on veuille 
 remarquer ce mot; car, je ne voudtais pas 
 que toutes les plus extremes theories purus- 
 sent etre, contre mon intention, mises au 
 compte de toute la the'ologie catholique. 
 
 Eh bien ! en pre'sence de toutes ces 
 opinions, le Concile declarera-t-il qu'il y a 
 une forme ne'eessaire, sous laquelle le Pape 
 sera tentj d exercer son infaillibilite? ou 
 bien la forme n'y ferait-elle rien? et lePape 
 sera-t-il infaillible, quand et de la maniere 
 qu'il jugera bon de l'etre, sans avoir ni 
 prie, ni e'tudie, ni consulte', et s'adressant au 
 premier fidele venu? 
 
 Et, puisque determiner en quelles cir- 
 constances le Pape est infaillible, e'est deter- 
 miner aussi dans quelles conditions il ne 
 Test pas, il y aura done a de'finir ici deux 
 
286 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document I 
 
 dogmes, fill lieu d'un : le dogme do l'infailli- 
 bilite, et le dogme de la faillibilite? On 
 declarera, coinme de foi, non-seulement que 
 le Pape est infaillible dans telles et telles 
 conditions, mais qu'en dehors de ces con- 
 ditions, il est faillible. 
 
 Et comment, encore une fois, s'y prendra- 
 t-on pour fixer ces limites? Ou sont-elles 
 clHirement dans l'Ecriture? Ou sont-elles 
 dans l'enseignement, si varie et si contra- 
 dictoire ici, des theologiens? Quelles opi- 
 nions va-t-on eriger en dogmes ? ou en 
 heresies ? 
 
 Et si on ne le fait pas, dans quel inconnu 
 va-t-on jeter l'Eglise ? 
 
 IX. Mais ce n'est pas tout : outre la ques- 
 tion de droit, il y aura encore la question de 
 fait. Qui de'eidera, en fait, que telle decision 
 du Pape remplit toutes les conditions d'un 
 decret ex cathedra ? Ce discernement sera- 
 t-il toujours facile ? Non. 
 
 C'est ce que reconnaissent de bonne foi 
 les partisans les plus avances de l'infailli- 
 bilite' pontificale. Le theologien anglais 
 Ward, par exemple, dit expres?ement : 
 " Puisque toutes les allocutions pontificales, 
 toutes les lettres apostoliques, meme toutes 
 les encycliques, ne contiennent pas des defi- 
 nitions ex cathedra, il faut regarder de pres 
 pour discerner d'une facon suffisante quels 
 iront ceux de ces actes ou le Sou\ erain-Pontife 
 doit etre cense parler ex cathedra; et il faut 
 y regarder de pres dans les actes rnemes ex 
 cathedra, e'est-k-dire dans les actes itifailli- 
 bles, pour bien discerner ce qu'il enseigne 
 ex cathedra, e'est-a-dire infailliblement." l 
 
 Et ce discirnement est si difficile parfois 
 aux the'ologiens eux-memes, que M. Ward 
 reconnait, avec une modtstie qui 1 honore, 
 avoir commis, et opiniatrement soutenu une 
 grave meprise, touchant la nature des actes 
 pontificaux de diverses sortes, ou avaient 
 ete fletries les propositions signalees plus 
 tard dans une piece recente emane'e de Rome. 
 II avait era. et il affinnait, que chacun des 
 actes qui a fourni des propositions au recueil 
 appele Syllabus, devait etre regarde' par cela 
 seul comme ayant le caractere d'un acte ex 
 cathedra. Ce qu'il confesse maintenant avec 
 franchise avoir ete' une grosse erreur. 
 
 L'histoire ecclesiastique, du reste, est 
 pleine de faits semblables. Qu'on se rap- 
 pelle certains actes considerables des Papes, 
 dans Its temps passes, sur lesquels les theo- 
 logiens out tant dispute, et disputent encore, 
 
 i Circa has igitur allocutiones et litteras apostolicas 
 adlaborandum est, ut satis di(?no>catur in quibusnam 
 earum Potitifex ex cathedra loqui, et quidnam ex 
 cathedra docere, jure censeatur. 
 
 pour savoir s'ils sont, oui ou non, ex cathe 
 drd. 
 
 Quand le Pape Etienne condamna sain 
 Cypriin dans la question du bapteme del 
 he're'tiques, a-t-il parle ex cathedra i Les uni i 
 affirment, les autres nient. 
 
 Quaid le Pape Honorius, consulte sur U 
 question du mouothelisme par Sergius, Pa> 
 triarche de Constantinople, et d'auties Eve- 
 ques orientaux, ecrivit ces fameuses lettret 
 qui donnerent lieu a tant de de'bats, a-t-il 
 parle ex cathedra ? Les theologiens out en- 
 core la-dessus vivement discute'. 
 
 Qui de'eidera done ? E'Egliae. II faulra 
 done souvent en revenir, de fait, a uue^ 
 decision de l'Eglise. 
 
 It en effet, outre les deux questions de 
 fait dont parle M. Ward, et qui se doivent 
 poser a propos de tout acte ex cathedra : — 
 Facte est-il ex cathedra ? — Et s'il 1 est, sur 
 quoi porte precise'ment la de'finition? — il y 
 en a un autre, pas si simple dans la pratique 
 qu'on pourrait le croire d'abord, et que 
 voici : 
 
 Ne se peut-il jamais rencontrer, en effet, 
 dans la suite des sieeles, tel Pape de la 
 liberte' duquel on puisse le'gitimement 
 douter ? 
 
 Les plus zele's sont bien forces de le recon- 
 naitre, et d'admettre, en presence de l'his- 
 toire, qu'un Pape, sous 1'intiuence de la 
 crainte, peut de'finir l'erreur. 
 
 Voila done, dans certaines circonstanees, 
 une troisieme question de fait, a constater: 
 la pleine et entieie liberte du Pape. 
 
 N'y en a-t-il pas une quatrieme? car, si 
 un Pape, meme declare infaillible, pourrait 
 encore, meme dans un acte ex cathedra, errer 
 sous le coup de l'intimidation et de la endnte, 
 ne le pourra-t-il jamais par entiaineinent, 
 par passion, par imprudence? — Les the'olo- 
 giens, partisans de l'infaillibilite, expliquent 
 que non : Dieu, disent-ils, ne fera pas de 
 miracle dans le premier cas, pour enipecher 
 un Pape faible de ceder a la crainte; maia 
 il en iera toujours un dans le second, pour 
 empeclier un Pape passionne ou teme'raire 
 d'errer par imprudence; — et cela, ajoutent 
 quelques-uns, meme quand le Pape n'aurait 
 pris aucune des precautions qu'on apporte 
 d'ordinaire dans une affaire se'rieuse : ila 
 savent qu'un Pape peut de'finir l'erreur par 
 faiblesse, pas autrement. 
 
 Voila lexplication de ces theologiens. 
 Mais je pose ici cette question : Sera-t il 
 toujours facile d'apprecier la contrainte 
 qu'aura pu subir un Pape ? Non. II peut 
 se rencontrer des cas ou une telle constata- 
 tion soit chose fort delicate ; et " tous les cas 
 doivent etre prevus." 
 
Document vi.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 287 
 
 Comnie aus-i, " toutcs les fact s do la ques- 
 tion examinees." 
 
 Croit-on que la solution de toutes ces 
 (linieultos serait une mince liesogne pour le 
 Ooucile? Et ces e'crivans quotidiens, qui 
 1311 parlent si fort a leur aise, puree que les 
 difficulte's ne les inquietent guere, — ils ne 
 I, s voient seulement ^as— sont-ils autorise's, 
 eoiume ils le font, a prescrire aux Eveques 
 Je b'en charger ? 
 
 X. C'est bientot fait de dire que la ques- 
 tion, aujourd'hui, est juge'e ; mais les vrais 
 theologiens, les theologiens se'rieux, savent 
 Lien qu'au fond il u'en est rien ; et que, si 
 le C>meile ici veut proce kr avec la maturite' 
 et la gravite' dont ces saintes assemble'es de 
 l'Eglise ne se sont jamais de'paities, lorsqn'il 
 sYst agi de proclamer les doguies, tie bien 
 longs labeurs peuvent etre reserve's a ses 
 deliberations. 
 
 La tradition, quels que puissent etre ses 
 fcgmoignages, est-elle done ici unanime, et 
 l'histoire sans embarras? C'est sur ce ter- 
 rain surtout que la de'linition de l'infailli- 
 lilite' pontificale, si le Concile croyait devoir 
 s'eu orcuper, l'entrainerait force'ment dans 
 les plus longues et les plus dedicates re- 
 cherehes. 
 
 Par la definition, en effet, de l'infaillibilite 
 personnelle du Tape, ce ne serait pas lavenir 
 seulement qu'ou engagerait, ce serait aussi 
 tout le passe'. Car, si le Pape est infailiible, 
 il l'a toujours e'te'. La proclamation de ce 
 dogmc donnerait, dun coup, le caractere de 
 decisions infaillibles a tout ceque les Papes, 
 depuis dix-huit siecles, ont jamais decide, 
 s'ils l'avaient fait dans les conditions et les 
 formes que Ton aurait determinees pour 
 l'exercice de l'infaillibilite. Je dis que le 
 Concile ne pourrait rien avoir a examiner 
 de plus grave et de plus epineux. 
 
 Je rappelais, tout a l'heure, deux souve- 
 nirs historiques, la dispute du Pape saint 
 Etienne avec saint Cyprien, et la reponse 
 du Pape Honorius a Sergius au sujet du 
 monothe'lisme. Eh bien, s'il etait prouve 
 que saint Etienne avait prononce ex cathedra, 
 infailliblement, obligatoirement, saint Cy- 
 prien et les Eveques qui ont resiste ne 
 croyaieut done pas a l'infaillibilite du 
 Pape ? 
 
 Et saint Augustin, qui les excuse, parce 
 que, dit-il, l'Eglise n'avait pas encore pro- 
 nonce, 1 n'y croyait done pas non plus ? Et 
 quand il ecrivuit.au sujet des Donutistes: 
 qu'apres le jugement de Rome, il restait 
 encore celui de l'Eglise universelle, restabat 
 adhuc plenarium universal Eccle&ix conci- 
 
 1 S.iint Augustin, De Bapl.imno. 
 
 lium^ il croyait done qu'apres le jugement 
 de Pome, le jugement do l'Eglise devait 
 entrer pour quelque chose dans la de'fimtion 
 de la foi? Voila un nonvel exemple des 
 difficulte's que l'examen des faits historiques 
 pent soulever. 
 
 De memo pour Honorius. On a e'erit des 
 volume s, pour prouver que les aetes du 
 6° Concile, qui l'a condamne, avaient ete 
 altere's; des volumes, pour prouver que ce 
 Pape n'a pas re'ellement enseigne l'he're'sie ; 
 lies volumes eiuore, pour prouver qu'Ho- 
 norius n'a e'erit qu'une lettre privee. 
 
 Quoi qu'il en soit de ces discussions, si 
 facheuses a soulever, — qu' Honorius ait e'te 
 heretique et condamne' justement comme tel 
 par un Concile cecumenique. qui a prononce', 
 Honorio httretico anathema; ou qu'il ait ete 
 simplrment un fauteur de l'here'sie, et re- 
 prouve comme tel par les Papes ses succes- 
 seurs, dans la formule de serment qu'ils 
 prononcaient a leur sacre : Qui pi-avis eorum 
 a8sertionibu8 /omentum impendit ; — c'est ainsi 
 que s'exprime le Liber diurnus pontificalis, 
 recueil des aetes authentiques de la chan- 
 cellerie romaine, — in dehors de ces points 
 d'hiftoire incontestes, une autre question, 
 fort se'rieuse assurement, se pre'sente ici. 
 
 Dans ce temps-la, le Concile cecumenique, 
 l'Eglise par consequent, considerait done le 
 Souverain-Pontife lui-meme, adressant sur 
 une question de foi a de grandes eglises, des 
 lettres dogmatiques, Litteras dogmaiicas, 2 
 comme sujet a l'erreur ; et les Eveques reu- 
 nis, comme compe'tents pour le condamner 
 et lui dire anatlieme? 
 
 Et le pape Leon II a confirme la sentence 
 du Concile; les Eglises d'Orient et d'Occi- 
 dent l'ont acceptee. Le pape Le'on II et 
 les Eglises croyaient done egalement qu'un 
 pape, s'expliquant sur des questions de 
 foi portees a son tribunal, peut meriter 
 l'anatheme ? 
 
 Voila un point sur lequel le Concile aurait 
 encore a se prononcer. 
 
 Je n'ai ni la pensee ni le temps de faire 
 ici, ce qu'il serait necessaire que le Concile 
 fit pour proceder avec la circonspection 
 accoutumee des Conciles, une revue com- 
 plete de l'histoire. Je laisse les difficultes 
 que peuvent soulever les Papes Vigile et 
 Libere ; mais je demande permission de 
 rappeler encore un seul fait. Au moyen- 
 age, un Pape, Pascal II, fait a un empereur 
 d'Allema^ne, Henri V, une concession telle- 
 ment exorbitaute sur l'investiture des Eve- 
 ques, qu'un Concile s'assimble a Vicnne, et 
 qu'un Areheveque, qui devait plus tard 
 monter lui-meme sur la chaire de Saint- 
 
 ' Epist. ad Geor. Eleus. xlviii 
 2 Cone. t. Ill, p. 1331. 
 
288 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document 
 
 Pierre, sous le nom de Calixte II, declare 
 que la concession faite par le Pape im- 
 plique une veritable he're'sie, hxresim esse 
 judicavimus, et condamne sa lettre a 1 Eni- 
 pereur. 
 
 Et de'ja le Pape lui-meme, en plein 
 Concile de Latran, en presence de plus de 
 cent Eveques, et tit humilie de son propre 
 mouvement, et le Concile avait casse et 
 annule sa concession. 
 
 Quoi qu'il en soit de la faute de Pascal II, 
 a tout le moins, ses conteinporains et lui- 
 meme eroj-annt dmc qu'un Pape pent 
 toniber dans l'heresij ? 
 
 Dira-t-on qu'une l.ere'sie implicite, et ce- 
 pendant digne d'anatbeme, dans ira grand 
 acte pontifical, ne pnmvu rien contre l'in- 
 faillibilite', quand C( t acte n'est pas une 
 definition ex cathedra 1 Mais comment faire 
 comprendre a la foule ces distinctions ? 
 
 Car voici un autre cote de la question, 
 dont le Concile aurait encore a se pre'oc- 
 cuper sei ieusement : It s consequences de la 
 de'finition au point de vue des bommes de ce 
 temps. 
 
 XI. II ne fuut pas se faire d'illusion, non- 
 seulement sur les esprits inere'dubs, mais 
 encore sur la masse enoime des esprils chez 
 qui la bd est faible. Pour ma part, je ne 
 puis penser sans effroi au nombre de ceux 
 que la de'finition dcmande'e eloignerait peut- 
 etre de nous a jamais ! 
 
 Mais pour les fideles eux-memes, la de'fi- 
 nition scrait-elle sans inconvenients ? 
 
 Je me vois encore ici contraint de poser 
 des questions qui me repugnant profonde'- 
 ment. Mais je parle du pas.-e et pour 
 l'avenir.. On nous contraint de re' veil I er le 
 passe endormi, et nous avons a travailler 
 pour les siecles futurs. 
 
 Voila done le Pape declare infaillible, qui, 
 neanmoins, pent comme ecrivain, comme 
 docteur prive', faire un livre here'iique, et 
 s'opiniatrer dans l'heresie. C'est l'opinion 
 ge'nerale. 
 
 Eien plus, voila le Pape qui, meme 
 comme Pape, quand il ne parle pas ex 
 cathedra, — et meme dans un acte oil il parle 
 ex cathedra, en ce qui n'est pas l'objet 
 precis de la definition, — peut, de l'avis uni- 
 versel, errer, enseigner l'erreur; et puis etre 
 juge', condamne'. de'pose. 
 
 Eh bien ! supposons un Pape errant, ou 
 accuse d'erreur : il faudra prouver que son 
 enseignement, ou n'est pas ex cathedra, ou 
 n'est pas errone': quelle difficulte' nouvelle 
 si le Pape a e'te' declare infaillible ! En ne 
 contestant qu'un fait, ne semblera-t-on pas 
 contester un droit ? Et si le Pape s'obstine, 
 quel de'sarroi dans les ames! II faudra 
 
 done faire le proces pour cause d'be're'sie 
 celuidont l'infaillibilite' sera un dogme? 
 
 Qu'un nouvel Honorius dans l'avenir i > 
 nncontre, qui, je no dis pas de'finisse, mail 
 par des lettres dogmatiques, adresse'es a <ir 
 grandes Eglises, lbmente There'^ie, — la d< 
 claration d'infaillibilite ne l'emperhera pa,- 
 mais se repre'sente-t-on quel serait en pare 
 cas le trouble des Eglises et des cor 
 sciences ! 
 
 Sans doute, les tbeologiens distingueiou 
 ici les nuances et les de'licatesses, et moii 
 treront qu'il n'y a pas pre'eisement def 
 nition ; u.a ; s la fuule des esprits qui ne son 
 pas tbe'ologiens, comment pourra-t-elle di 
 cerner que le Pape faillible, dans lei ou te 
 acte. meme comme Pape, ne Test plus dan 
 tel on tfl autre ? Comment comprendra 
 t-elb' qu'il puisse etre infaillible, et fomentei 
 par de grands actes pontificaux, Vheresiei 
 
 Aux yeux du public, ce sera toujoun j 
 l'infaillibilite. De la, le trouble pour lei j 
 consciences, qui se croimnt toujours oblige'ei I 
 de faire des actes de foi ; et, pour les enne 
 mis de l'Eglise, l'occasion de de'erier lti 
 doctrine catholique, en lui imputant comm( 
 dog ; i e ce qui ne le serait pas. 
 
 Sans vouloir, encore une fois, toucher a 1« 
 question de fond, a la question meme dit 
 l'infaillibilite', nous ne pouvons cependant 
 nous defendre ici, au point de vue des gens 
 du monde, d'une re'flexion. L'infaillibilite 
 personnelle du Pape, non pas I'absurde in- 
 faillibilite, inconditionnelle et universelle, 
 dont nous parlions tout a l'heure, en citanl 
 certains the'ologiens, mais l'infaillilnlite', 
 telle que Bellarmin, par exemple, l'entend, 
 constitne une institution, nun pas sans 
 doute au-dessus du pouvoir du Tout-Puis- 
 sant, mais assurement bien prodigieuse, et 
 plus etonnante que l'infaillibilite' de l'Eglise 
 tout entiere. 
 
 Comment se fait-il, c'est la ce qui e'ton- 
 nera les fideles, que ce piivile'ge immense se 
 trouve etre a la fois celui dont la de'finition 
 est, a ce qu'il parait par l'bistoire, la moins 
 ne'eessaire, puisque l'Eglise a pu s'en passe* 
 pendant dix-huit siecles ; et sa certitude, 
 moins e'tablie que ne 1 est 1 inf illibilite de 
 l"£gli?e elle-meme, puisque celle-ci est et a 
 toujours e'te' article de foi, tandis que l'autre 
 n'a jamais e'te' professee dans l'Eglise connne 
 un dogme ? 
 
 Au reste, les plus grands partisans de 
 l'infaillibilite' de'taillent eux-memes les pro- 
 digieuses difficulte's pratiques que ces deux 
 manieres d'etre du Pape, faillible ou in» 
 faillible, suivant la difference des cms, jieuvent 
 entraincr. Intricatissimee difficultates ; di- 
 sent ils, in quibus dissolvendis multum \>e- 
 ritiores theolugi laborant. 
 
Document vi.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 289 
 
 Et voici, en effet, toujours selon eux, quel- 
 qiv s-unes des questiuiis — pi penibles— qui 
 f posent : — Uu Pape, par le fait de 
 ["here'sie, cesse-t-il d'etre Pape? — Par qui et 
 t eminent peut-il etre de'puse'? — Quand le 
 est-il cense agir comnie Pape ou 
 tioiiune personne privee? etc., etc. An papa 
 .terhtrresim a dignitate excidati — A quo et 
 ouomodo veniat deponendusi — Quand onam 
 ■it Pontifex, aut ut privata persona, agere 
 > toseatur 1 
 
 La declaration d'infaillibiiite' rendra- 
 >elle toutes ces difficulte's moias inextri- 
 <»bles ? Tout au conti aire, elle y ajouterait, 
 dans la pratique, d'e'normes embarras. 
 
 Aussi certains ti.e'ologiens ultramuntains l 
 ne voient-ils qu'un nioyen de se tirer do la : 
 c'est, dLent-ils, de proclamer l'infaillibilite 
 absolue, incoiiditionnelle et universelle du 
 Pape. Sans cela, et si on ne proclame 
 qu'une infaillibilite' conditionnelle, — l'infail- 
 libilite' ex cathedra: — on expose l'Eglise a un 
 pe'ril evident : Ecclesia evidenti periculo 
 tixponeretur. Et ils le prouvent. 
 
 Le systerne, disent-ils, de l'infuillibilite 
 du l'ape dans certains cas, et de sa failli- 
 bilite dans les autres, iinplique une vraie 
 contradiction. Ne pourra-t-il, en etfet ar- 
 river que le Pape enseigne comme Pape, ex 
 cathedra, l'erreur que, comme docteur prive, 
 il aura cm la verite', c'est-a-dire de'nnisse 
 dans uu acte infaillible l'erreur et veuille 
 l'imposer a i'Eglise? Posset namque ipse 
 suum errorem dejiuire et Ecclet'St obtrudere. 
 
 On repond que cette bypothese, precise'- 
 ment parce qu'elle iinplique contrad.clion, 
 ne se le'alisei a jamais. 
 
 Mais alors, re'pliquent-ils, vous etes forces 
 d'avoir ret ours a un miracle : un Pape qui 
 erre avec opiuiatrete, et qui natuiellement 
 fait tous ses efforts puur proposer son erreur 
 a la foi de i'Eglise: Potest Pontifex per- 
 sonal iter in fide d ficere, errorem suum per- 
 tinaciter tueri, et, quod amplius est, velle et 
 COliar i eum Eccles »■ obtrudere et proponere; 
 et qui, cependant, s'abstiendra toujours de 
 la definir ; et ne peut pas arriver a faire une 
 Bulle que nulle puissance humaitie no 
 pent l'cnq echer d'ecrire; ou bien, un Pape 
 qui nense d'une fac,on, et qui delinit de 
 l'autie : Aut certe grande miraculum etset, 
 quod ipse definiendo contra mentem suam de- 
 jiniret. 
 
 •Et de plus, ajontent-ils, n'y a-t-il pas, 
 dans cette faillibilite et cette infaillibilite 
 tout ensemble cbez le meme boinme, une 
 uni'inalie etrange, et profonde'ment injuiieuse 
 a la divine Providence, qui (jourrait si facile- 
 ment rendre le Pape infaillible dans tous les 
 
 1 Albert Pighius, etquelques autres, cites par Bum cs, 
 !. dubit. 2. 
 
 cas aussi bien que dans quelques-uns : Con- 
 tra divinam Providentiam, qux omnia sua- 
 viter disponit, pugnat Pontificem posse per- 
 sonaliter errare i 
 
 Et enrin, poursuivent-ils, pourquoi dis- 
 tinguer la ou Jesus-Cbrist n'a pas distingue' 
 du tout: Oravi pro te, Petre, ut non deficiat 
 fides tua, cula, disent-ils, s'entend de la foi 
 de Pierre dans tous les sens ; de fide Petri 
 tum personali et privata, tain publica et 
 pustorali, intelligitur? 
 
 Voila done des tbeologiens qui constatent, 
 qui de'montrent les pe'rils de l'infaillibilite 
 ex cathedra, et qui, logiques et re'solus, 
 vont jusqu'au bout, jnsqu'a l'infaillibilite 
 absolue, inconditionnelle et universelle du 
 Pape : de telle sorte qu'un Pape, disent-ils, 
 ne pourrait pas, meme quand il le vondrait, 
 tomber dans aucune erreur, suit publique, 
 soit privee : Ut non possit, Etiamsi velit, in 
 errorem privatum: aut publice cadere ! 
 
 Un tbeologien francais 1 expose au long 
 tous ces raisonnements, et lui, qui accable 
 d'injures les plus grands bommes de son 
 pays, se contente de pre'senter ceromanisme, 
 ve'ritablement insense, comme une opinion 
 parfaitement libre : De libere controversa 
 opinione qux tenet romanum Pontificem, 
 etiam qpatencs doctorem privatum, esse 
 infa'libilem. 
 
 Eb ! mon Dieu ! on est libre aussi de 
 controverser, si cela plait, la question de 
 savoir si les bommes des antipodes mar- 
 chent sur la tete ou sur 1< s pieds. II n'y a, 
 que je sache, aucune de'finition qui dise le 
 contraire, et on n'est justiciable ici que du 
 bon sens. 
 
 Evidemment, il y a dans l'figiit e, en cc 
 moment, bien des gens passionne's; et qui 
 poussent a d'etrangt s exces! Mais le Con- 
 cile, nous en sommes surs, ne se laissera pas 
 entrainer sur une telle pente. 
 
 XII. II y a plus d'un point encore ou 
 il est a crsiindre que la proclamation du nou- 
 veau dogine, si elle avait lieu, ne trouble et 
 n'embarrasse, dans l'esprit des fideles, ce 
 qu'ils ont cm jusqu'ici. 
 
 Comment, par exemple, leur persuader 
 que cette definition n'entrainera pas, sinon 
 en droit, du moins en fait et dans la pra- 
 tique, un amoindrissement de l'Episcopat? 
 
 Et d'abord, a ce point de vue, penseront- 
 ils, que deviendront les Concibs? 
 
 Les Conciles ont e'te' jusqu'ici une des 
 grandes formes de la vie de I'Eglise, un de 
 ses plus puissants moyens d'action. lis ont 
 commence' des l'origine de I'Eglise, des les 
 tomps apostoliques ; tous les siecles cbretiens, 
 
 i De I'aja.t. I, p. 257. 
 
 I 
 
290 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document 
 
 sauf les deux derniers, lea ont connus. II y 
 a rneme de saints personnages, de grands 
 esprits, des Conciles, qui ont reclame ou 
 deVrete le retour pe'riodique de ces saintes 
 assemblies. II est vrai, la politique oni- 
 brageuse d*un regime qui n'est plus, les 
 avait rendues dans les siecies derniers plus 
 dilficiles ; mais les libertes moderues ont 
 abaisse' ces jalouses barrier^ s ; les conquet s 
 de la science contemporaine, en abiegeant 
 les distances, ont fraye partout des voies 
 rapides aux Eveques du monde entier vers 
 la Ville eternelle ; et ces assemblers de'- 
 libe'rantes, en meme tumps qu'elles sont 
 deveuues plus faciles, se trouvent plus en 
 harmonie aujourd'lmi avec les vceux des 
 peuples Chretiens. Ne peut-on pas voir en 
 tout oela des coincidences viaimeut provi- 
 dent ie lies? 
 
 Mais, si le proehain Coneile de'finissait 
 l'infaillibilite du Pape, les fideles ne pour- 
 raient-ils pas penser et se dire : a quoi 
 bon desormais les Conciles oeeume'niques ? 
 Puisque un seul, le Pape, " en dehors des 
 eveques," pourra tout decider iufaillible- 
 ment, meme les questions de foi, a quoi 
 bou reunir les Eveques ? A quoi bon les 
 longueurs, les recherches, les discussions 
 des Conciles ? 
 
 II est evident en effet que si le dogme 
 nouveau, une fois proclame, ne . supprime 
 pas en droit ces grandes assemblies, a tout 
 le moins, en fait, il e.i diininucra singuliere- 
 ment 1' importance. 
 
 Ainsi done, on voudrait que le futur Con- 
 eile fit un decret qui de'sormais supprimat 
 ou amoindrit les Conciles ! 
 
 Et que les Eveques de'eretassent eux- 
 niemes pour ainsi dire leur abdication ! 
 
 Mais ce n'est pas la le seul amoitidiisse- 
 ment que l'Episcopat semblerait subir aux 
 yeux des fideles. Scs plus essentielles pre- 
 rogatives, sur lesquelles aueun ca'kol.que 
 ne dispute, ne vont-elles pas, dans la pratique 
 du moins, perdre singuliereint-nt aussi de 
 leur re'alite? 
 
 Et d'abord les Eveques sont juges de la 
 foi : juges avec le Pape, bien enteudu ; 
 mais vrais jugt s. Et toujours, jusqu ici, ils 
 ont eu une part effective dans les jugeinents 
 et les de'iinitionsdu dogme : toujours ils ont 
 de'eide' dans les Conciles comme des juges 
 reds : Ego judicata, egodefiniens, subtcripsi. 
 Toujours ils ont ete, comme le dit Be- 
 noit XIV, co-judices, juges de la foi avec le 
 Pape. 
 
 Mais avec la nouvelle regie de foi, ne 
 semblerait-il pas aux fideles qu'il n'y a plus 
 qu'un juge reel, et que les Eveques ne le 
 sont plus serieusement ? Leur cooperation, 
 anteYedente ou subtequente, en effet, ne 
 
 sera plus en rien ne'eessaire. Le jugemei 
 infaillible du Papi , comme dit Monsigni 
 Manuing, sera complet et parfait t n hi ; 
 meme, " en dehors et iniependamment e i 
 l'episcopat." ils p.)urront ne plus entrt 
 pour rien, si le Pape le veut ainsi, dans It 
 jugements sur la foi. Alors i! n'y aura plm il 
 en fait, qu'un seul juge, le Pape. 
 
 Comment en effet, lorsque le Pape aur ;j 
 proclame, seul, en dehors de l'e'piscopat t J 
 sans les Eveques, un dogme de foi, commen 
 faire comprendre aux fideles ces deux chosee J 
 que la sentence du Pape a immed ateinen j 
 par elle-meme, inde'pendamment de tout I 
 adhesion e'piscopale, la force de chose juge* 
 et que les Eveques cepeudant restent vrai 
 juges ! 
 
 Quelle sentence peuvent-ils done alor 
 porter? — Une sentence de simple a IhesioH 
 dit-on. — Mais cette sentence du moins sera 
 t-ellelibre? Non; elle nest pas libre, ca: 
 ils sont obliges d'adher«r. — Est-elle mem' 
 requise? Non, elle n'est require d'aucum 
 fa<;on, car la sentence du Pape est obliga 
 toire par elle-meine, independamment d' 
 toute adhe'sion de I'Episeopat. 
 
 Je me demande si. dans ces conditions 
 les fideles conside'rei ont toujours les Evequei 
 comme de vrais juges ? 
 
 Que serait en effet, a leurs yeux, ur 
 tribunal dont le president aurait le privi- 
 lege de decider et de juger tout, tout s=eul 
 de telle sorte que tous les autr< s juges 
 seraient obliges de juger comme lui? L< 
 vote seul du president sufnrait : la senienct 
 des autres seiait faite par la sieune, dictet 
 par la senne ; nul ne pourrait juger apre- 
 lui autrement que lui; et l'adhesion de ses 
 collegues ne serait meme pas requise pour 
 la deeisiin. 
 
 Evidemment un tel tribunal paraitrait 
 de'risoire, et de juges, en realite', on n'en 
 verrait qu un. 
 
 Les the'olugiens peuvent arguinenter et 
 distinguer ici. Mais les fideles, ce grand 
 public qui n'entend pas les distinctions 
 the'ologiijues, ou en sera-t-il ? 
 
 Sans doute le I 'ape est le juge principal, 
 et son jugement est toujours indispensable. 
 Non-seulement il preside le tribunal, mais 
 il continue le jugement des autres juges. 
 Dans les tribunaux ordinaires, la voix du 
 pre'sident est ordinairement pre'p;.nde'rante; 
 mais dans l'Eglise, la voix du Pape est de 
 plus neeessaire, et le jugement des Eveques, 
 meme dans un Coneile ceeumenique. n'est 
 detinitif que quand celui du Pape s y ajoute. 
 En un mot, dans la definition de la foi, les 
 Eveques et le Pape ont respectivement leur 
 part neces-aire. Cela serait-il encore vrai 
 pour les Eveques, aux yeux des fideles, 
 
DOCUMENT VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 291 
 
 quand le Pape, declare infaillible, jugerait 
 Beul? 
 
 XIII. Continuons, Messieurs, en nous 
 placint toujours au point de vue des fideles, 
 ii rechereher et a examiner quels peuvent 
 (jtre le* inconvenients probal >les de la de'fi- 
 jition dogmatique en question. 
 
 En meme temps que juges, les Eveques 
 uont doctei'bs. Tons les cate'chismes disent 
 Les paroles <!e Not re-Seigneur Jesus- 
 Obrist sont formelles. C'est aux Apotres, 
 et par c mse'quent aux Eveques, successeurs 
 les Apotres, qu il a e'te dit: Euntes docete 
 gentes. . . . Ecce ego vobiscum sum 
 omnibus diebus. C'est aux Apotres, et pur 
 aonse'quent aux Eveques successeurs des 
 Apotres, que Jesus-Christ a dit encore : 
 Acci/iite Spiritum Sanctum, etc. Et en fin : 
 Qui vu8 audit, me audit. Ce sont la autant 
 de paroles que tous les fideles savent par 
 cceur. 
 
 C est pourquoi saint Paul dit : Fundati 
 estis super f (indumentum Apostolorum. — Po- 
 suit Episcopos regere ecclesiam. 
 
 Toute la tradition aconstamment assimile' 
 
 ici les Eveques aux Apotres, et le Coucile de 
 
 Trente, lesumant tmte la tradition, dit 
 
 expressement : In locum Apostolorum suc- 
 
 mt, en parlaut des Eveques. 
 
 Ainsi done, les Eveques ne sont pas »eule- 
 ment des e'ehos, ils enseignent : ils consti- 
 tuent, avec le Pape, l'Eglise i n.-eignante. 
 
 iMais avec 1 int'aillibilile' personnelle du 
 Pape, sans le concours des Eveques, " EN 
 DEIIOKS, ET JNDEI'ENDAMMENT DU COIU'S EPI— 
 
 u" c'est, aux yeux des fideles, un seul 
 qui de'finit, un seul qui enseigne, un seul 
 qui est docteur, comme il est seul juge. 
 
 !Et les Eveques ne semblent plus des voix 
 dans l'Eglise, mais de simples e'ehos. 
 L'adhe'sion du corps enstignant pouvant 
 ; n'entrer pour rien dans ce qui est l'essence 
 du jugement doctrinal, comment les fideles 
 : coinpn ndront-ils que ce corps enseignant 
 eneeigne? 
 
 De plus, Messieurs, qu'est-ce que 1 en- 
 
 I seignement de l'Eglise '( Un temoignage. 
 
 Ni le Pape, ni l'Eglise ne font le dogme : ils 
 
 le tonstatent. La revelation est un fait ; 
 
 Its verite's revelees sont des faits. Et un 
 
 I jugement doctrinal n est au fond que l'attes- 
 
 '. tation d'un fait revele. Or, quand c'est 
 
 ; 1 Eglisc, assemble'e ou dispt-rse'e, qui pro- 
 
 j nonce le jugement, c'est la quelque chose 
 
 que les liileles con<joivent sans peine, quel- 
 
 que chose oil l'assistance divine est requise, 
 
 sans doute, mais tout a fait conforme a la 
 
 nature des choses, a l'liarmonie meme de 
 
 l'Eglise, telle que Jesus-Christ l'a consti- 
 
 tute. C'est un temoignage, atteste par tous 
 ceux qui sont les te'moins ; ce sont les Eglises 
 particulieres, attestant, par le fait meme 
 qu'elles te'iuoignent, la foi de lEglise uni- 
 verselle. Quand toutes les Eglises, quand 
 le corps des pasteurs unis a hur chef, a 
 parle, par la-meme, la foi de l'Eglise est 
 constatee : ce qui n'e'tait qu'implicite est 
 devenu explicite, et le dogme e*>t defini. 
 Et la grande maxime catholique se realise : 
 Quod unique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus. 
 Les fideles comprennent facilement cela. 
 
 Taudis qu'un jugement doctrinal du Pape 
 seul, sans que l'adhesion de l'Episcopat n'y 
 fut a aucuu point de vue requise, se pie'- 
 sentcra a eux sous un autre aspect. Ce 
 sera, dans une question de temoignage, un 
 temoin, qui pourra, quand il le voudra, 
 remplaccr tous les autrcs : un sevd te'moin, 
 au lieu de tous : un temoin qui n'a aucun 
 besoin, s'il letrouve bou, des autres temoins, 
 ni de bur temoignage, pour savoir ce qui 
 est la tradition et la foi de leurs Eglises. 
 
 C'est-a-dire qu'a qu< lque ch^se de tres- 
 simple et de tres-comprehensible, dans 
 l'ordre spirituel, on subs lituei ait, aux yeux 
 des fideles, qmlque chose d'txtraordiraire, 
 d'anormal, un miracle perpe'tuel, et bien 
 autre que celui de l'infaillibilite de 
 l'Eglise. 
 
 Ici du moins, s'il y a encore miracle, les 
 fideles con coi vent que ce miracle est absolu- 
 ment necessaire, et implique dans la notion 
 meme de l'Eglise : sans l'infaillibilite' dans 
 l'Eglise, pas d'Eglise. Mais ils conei.ivent 
 moius la necessite de ce miia> le pour le Pape 
 seul, parce que sans l'infaillibilite person- 
 nelle et separe'e du Pape, l'Eglise se com- 
 prend encore parl'aitement : l'infaillibilite de 
 l'Eglise pourra b.ujours suffire a tout, comme 
 tile y a toujours suffi. 
 
 Les fideles savent tres-bien que, dans ce 
 grand t-t univi rsel temoignage de l'Eglise, 
 le Pape est te'moin, principal te'moin, temoin 
 de la principale et souvi raine Eglise, de 
 telle qui, place'e au etntru, communique 
 avec toutes les autres, comme toutes Its 
 autres doivent communiquer avec elle. 
 
 Mais jusqu'ici lis fideles n'ont pas cru 
 que le Pape fut dans l'Eglise le seul 
 te'moin. 
 
 De'sormais, prononcant seul, il le serait 
 quand il voudrait. 
 
 XIV. On dit bien. et il faut le dire: 
 Vbi Petrus, ibi Ecclesia. C'est la un grand 
 mot de saint Ambroise. Mais on abuse 
 quelquefois de ce mot etran^einent. A en- 
 tendre certains e'erivains, dont les exage'- 
 rations assurement ne plaisent ni au Pape, 
 ui guere a personne, on diiait que le Pape 
 
292 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document 
 
 est k lui seul toute l'Eglise. Non, le Pape 
 est le Chef de l'Eglise; il n'est pas toute 
 l'Eglise. Le mot hglise est un mot collectif, 
 qui ne peut s'entendre d'aucune indivi- 
 dualite' separe'e, quelle qu'elle soit. L'Eglise 
 de Jesus-Christ a pour chef neVessaire le 
 Papi', et il n'y a pas d'Egliso de Jesus- 
 Clnist saus le Pape : ce sera it un corps sans 
 tete. Mais le Pape n'est pas et n'a jamais 
 pretendu etre toute l'Eglise. Le vrai et 
 legitime usage pratique de ce mot celebre, 
 c'est que, dans les divisions produites, par 
 les schismes et les heresies, pour leconnaitre 
 ou est l'Eglise, il faut regarder on est le 
 Pape. C'est ainsi que nous sommes c( rtains 
 que l'Eglise russe, l'Eglise anglicane ne sont 
 pas l'Eglise de Jesus-Christ, paree qu\ lies 
 n'ont pas le Pape avec elles; et au con- 
 traire l'Eglise eatholique romaine est la 
 vraie Eglise, parce qu'elle ri connait le suc- 
 cc sseur de Pierre pour Chef: JJbi Petrus, ibi 
 Ecclesia. 
 
 Ne paraissons done pas. Messieurs, 
 separer, aux yeux des fideles, par une 
 definition qui les troublerait, ce qui ne doit 
 pas etre se'pare : le Pape et l'Episcopat. 
 
 Certaines ecoles the'ologiquts ont eu 
 longtemps ici le nieme tort, en sens con- 
 traire : les uns voulant se'parer le Pape de 
 l'Episcopat, et les autres l'Episcopat du 
 Pape. 
 
 L'Eglise est un corps vivant : Corpus. 
 C'est la le mot sans cesse repe'te par saint 
 Paul, qui s'applique a montrer dans ce 
 corps mystique les rapports de la tete et 
 des membres, et l'harmonie de l'organisme 
 tout en tier. 
 
 Le Pape est la tete, le Chef visible de 
 l'Eglise. 
 
 Mais si l'on met la tete d'un cote et le 
 corps de l'autre, oil sera la vie V 
 
 L'Eglise est un e'ditiee: xdificabo Eccle- 
 siam meam ; pourquoi vouloir isoh r le fi-n- 
 dement de l'edifice, et l'e'difice du fonde- 
 ment ? 
 
 L'Eglise est batie sur la pierre : oui, 
 mais au-di ssus de la pierre il y a l'edifice, 
 et la pierre n'e6t le fondement que par sa 
 liaison avec l'e'difice : Super hanc petram 
 gedificabo Ecclesiam meam. 
 
 Certains disent: Pierre tst tout. Evi- 
 deniment nou : le Chef n'est pas tout le 
 corps. 
 
 11 est le fondement, il n\ st pas tout 
 l'edifice. 
 
 L'edifice sans le fondement croulerait ; 
 le fondement sans l'e'difice ne serait le 
 fondt nient de lien. 
 
 Point done de se'paration, Messieurs, ni 
 germaniste, ni romaniste, ni gallicane, ni 
 ultramontaine, ni dans les definitions dog- 
 
 matiques, ni autrement, Je'sus-Christ a vou I 
 autre chose : TJnum sint ! 
 
 Laissons-la les vieilles et vaiucs qu 
 r< lies ! 
 
 Les fideles ne eomprennent que l'Egl: j 
 avec son Chef supreme, et le chef avJ 
 l'Eglise. 
 
 Cette conception de l'Eglise ne nuit cj 
 reste en rien k la divine autorite' et . 
 l'initiative souveraine du Pontife romain. 
 
 Successeur de Pierre, Vicaire de Je'su 
 Christ, en qui reside la plenitude de ! 
 puissance apostolique, Chef de tous les Ev> 
 ques, Pontife de la chaire prineipale, « 
 laqudle toutes les autres gardent l'unit 
 Pasteur universel non-seulement des brebi 
 mais aussi des Pasteurs, bouche de l'Eglis 
 clef de voute de la catholicite : 
 
 V'oila le Pape, voila la tete de l'Eglis 
 enseignante. 
 
 Et voici les Eveques : Succe.-seurs de 
 a| otres, Juges et Docteurs, avec lesquel 
 Je'sus-Christ est chaque jour et jusqu'a 1 
 consommation des siecles ; Pasteurs des per 
 ph s, sous Fautorile supe'rieure et principal 
 du Pontife souverain : poses par V Esprit 
 Saint pour regir V Eglise de Dieu, et eiiseigne 
 toutes les nations : 
 
 Telle est l'economie toute puissante d 
 cette myste'rieuse et vivante unite' de l'Eglise 
 oil tout est divin, parce que tout est un, e 
 oil l'assemblage et la correspondance son 
 tels que chaque partie, quand elle est ii a 
 place, participe a la force du tout. 
 
 Non, n'e'toniions pas It s fideles en poitan 
 la critique sur cette divine constitution : n 
 creusons pas autour et au-dessus de cet 
 fondements sacres : que personne ne se'pan 
 ce que Je'sus-Christ a fait pour demeurc 
 et> rnelli ment utii. 
 
 Ah ! que plutot, nous serrant tous plui 
 que jamais avec ve'neration, obe'issance ei 
 amour, autour du Souverain-Pontife, nout 
 eloijjnions de nous jusqu'a l'ombre meme d( 
 la division ! Que tous, nous ouUiant ge'ne 
 reusement nous-memes, et sacrifiant a l'Eglise 
 nos preoccupations personnelles, nons tra- 
 vaillions unanimement k la const rviition dt 
 cette paix et de c tte unite' oil Dieu ha- 
 bite ! C'est alors, mais alors seulement, que 
 nous pre'eeuterons au moude le spictacle dt 
 cette grande arme'e range'e en bataille, doni 
 parle l'Ecriture ; invincible, parce qu'tlle est 
 range'e. Et c'est alors uussi que, pai 
 l'i xemple non moins que par la doctrine, 
 nous ofi'rirons a la societe en pe'ril le secoun 
 de Dieu qu'elle attend, et cette deiuiere 
 ressource de vie qu'elle appelle k grandl 
 cris. 
 
 XV. Voila, Messieurs, bieii des details 
 
Document VI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 293 
 
 de theologie que j'aurais voulu e'viter; jo 
 les destine au clerge', mais ils toniberont 
 aussi sur le grand cheinin, sur la pierre et 
 panui les ronces, au milieu des oiseaux 
 moqueura, des ennemis *t des ignorants. 
 Du reste, que nul ne s'e'tonne des opinions 
 Bgitees dans nos e'coles. Cette divt rsite, ces 
 discussions entre the'ologiens, prouvent la 
 liberte, in dubiis libertas, et aussi la charite', 
 in out minis curilas. Mais quatid il faut 
 nrriver aux de'cisions ne'cessaires sur les- 
 quelles l'accord doit so f.iire, in necessariis 
 unitas, nous ne somnies pas alors des philo- 
 8ophes qui disputent, nous somnies d< s 
 dooteurs qui cnseignent, et des temoins qui 
 de'posent. 
 
 Or nous devons nous consumer en re- 
 flexions, en distinctions, en scrupules, avant 
 de douner quelque chose a porter a vos 
 Bsprits ou a vos consciences, hommes legers 
 qui vous moquez d'un labeur entrepris pour 
 vous ! Vous ne vous plaignez pas des cal- 
 culs minutieux des astronomes et des marins, 
 avant da vous embarquer, ni des investi- 
 gations du juge qui tient votre sort entre 
 Its mains. Les theologiens meritent aussi 
 vos respects dans des recherches qui re- 
 gardeut vos antes et la verite. Ne vous mo- 
 quez pas, et ne vous troublez pas. Au lieu 
 d'e'coutt r aux portes de nos ecoles, eutrez 
 dins ct t admirable temple de la verite' 
 cluetienne, dont dix-neuf siecles n'ont pas 
 arrache une pierre, la ou l'on rencontre cette 
 alliance unique de l'assistance de Dieu et 
 de runauimite des temoignages, qui s'appelle 
 I'Eglise : semblable en quelque sorte au 
 fcysteme lumim ux du monde, qui se com- 
 pose d'un principal foyer, d'astres sans 
 Sombre et d'une seule et meme luniiere en 
 tous lieux re'pandue. Dans l'e'clat d'un 
 midi tranquille, un seul foyer semble re'pan- 
 dre la luniiere ; mais si la nuit s'obseurcit, 
 on voit au firmament des astres innom- 
 brables, afin que 1'homme puisse toujours se 
 couduire, mille rayons se fondant sur sa tete 
 dans une seule clarte. 
 
 XVI. Jo voudiais resumer toute cette 
 longue se'rie de questions, et exprimer clain.- 
 iw nt l'etat de mou ame. 
 
 Nous avons b en des combats, et c'est la 
 vie ! mais sur cette graude question de 
 PLglise, nous avons la paix. Nul catho- 
 Uque ne doute de 1'infaillibilite de r£>;lise; 
 eon 11 ne nul ne doute de la Primaute du 
 Pape, tjui institue les Eveques, convoque les 
 CJonciles, propose les decrets, confirme les 
 decisions ; nul ne doute <le la perpetuite', 
 de runauimite' de la tradition sur tout cela, 
 depuis dix-neuf siecles. Tous les fideles, 
 apies avoir lu l'Evangile, consulte' l'liistoire, 
 
 c r coute leurs pasteurs, re'eitent du fond du 
 cteur : Credo Ecclesiam, unam, sanctam, 
 catholicam, apostolicam. Et de fait, entre 
 les te'moiguages des Eveques, des Papes, 
 des A pot res, et du Christ, depuis le com- 
 mencement, il y a un accord infaillible, et 
 Dieu meme est dans eet accord. 
 
 Tout a coup, quelques-uns se sont mis a 
 demander en qui reside originairement dans 
 cette Eglise 1'infaillibilite '! Et les yeux. 
 fixe's sur un fait merveilloux, on se met a 
 agiter des questions. Devant un fait, on so 
 plait a remuer des hypotheses. Devant une 
 solution, les ele'ments du problem© sont 
 r. mis en doute, et un proces juge', termine 
 par un accord admirable, est repris, ra- 
 nime', remis au feu ! Aussitot, et a l'e'nonce 
 du problcme, 1'homme ennemi se re'veille, 
 et les fideles sont deconcertes, l'Orient 
 arrete', les protestants refoule's, les gouverne- 
 ments inquiets, les plus tristes pages de 
 l'liistoire du passe' remises en luniiere, les 
 Eveques attriste's, la paix des ames com- 
 promise, et la voie du salut rendue plus 
 difficile. Pourquoi? dans quel inte'ret? avec 
 quel profit ? 
 
 Demain, quelle que fut la conduite 
 adoptee, qu'arriverait-il ? Ce qu'on ne dis- 
 cutait pas serait discute', ce qu'on oubliait 
 serait reproduit, et une fois l'habitude des 
 discussions reprise, plus de paix ! 
 
 Eh bien, non ! nous ne nous reunirons 
 pas pour substituer la division a Funanimite, 
 la dispute a 1' amour. 
 
 Par la giace de Dieu, l'Eglise de France 
 a, depuis deux siecles, largement merite 
 d'etre affranchie de tous les ombrages su- 
 ranne's. Cette Eglise, j'ose le dire, a ete'. 
 et elle le serait toujours, heroine et martyre 
 de l'Unite'. Depuis cent anne'es surtout, 
 il n'est pas de branche de l'arbre divin qui 
 ait e'te' mieux unie au tronc et a laracine, en 
 s'e'tendant plus loin, avec plus de zele, par- 
 dela toutes les frontieres; pas de branche 
 plus catholique, pas de branche plus apos- 
 tolique, pas de branche plus romaine. 
 Nos predecesseurs sont morts sur l'echafaud, 
 pour ne pas rompre l'unite. Ils ont accepte' 
 I'exil et la confiscation sans ce'der, ni a 
 l'oppression du peuple, ni a la tyrannie du 
 maitre absolu. Ils se sont rencontre's sur 
 toutes les routes de I'exil avec Pie VI et 
 Pie VII,, dans la communion du martyre. 
 C'est dans le Clerge fran5ais que Pie VII a 
 trouve ses plus vives consolations. Les 
 Eglises des Etats-Unis ont commence par 
 des Eveques francais. Ce sont les Eveques 
 finiieaid qui ont de'fendu, sans faihlir, la 
 Pologue oppiime'e, l'lrlande affamee, l'Orient 
 e'cra>e. Nous avons tous ensemble reclame 
 et obtenu la liberte des peres de famille 
 
 U 
 

 294 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document VII. 
 
 dans l'eilucation de leurs enfants, tous en- 
 semble defendu la liberte' des associations 
 religieuses, liberte de la charite, le deve- 
 loppenient des missions civilisatrices. L'E- 
 glise entiere doit a la France les Sceurs de 
 charite, les Freres des ecoles chretiennes, 
 l'CEuvre de la propagation de la foi dans 
 les deux mondes, les Conferences de Saint- 
 Vincent de Paul, les colleges des Je'suites 
 et des Dominicains, les Petites-Sceurs des 
 pauvres, et toute cette incomparable armee 
 pacifique qui est, comme notre armee guer- 
 rieie, la premiere du monde. Depuis vingt 
 ans, le Sie'ge pontifical a ete attaque, frappe, 
 trahi, opprime', livre a des advereaires im- 
 placables. Les Eveques francais Pont de- 
 fendu, servi, assiste, aime, exalte, console 
 dans un magnifique mouvement que le 
 temps n'a pas affaibli. Et ne sont-ce pas 
 eux encore, dans les mauvais jours que nous 
 traversons, qui ont donne' la premiere im- 
 pulsion a cette ceuvre si touchante et au- 
 jourd'hui univenelle du Denier de saint 
 Pierre? Ah! j'ose dire que tant de de'- 
 vouement a Kome et au monde catholique, 
 donne a l'Eglise de France le droit d'etre 
 crue, le droit d'etre entt-ndue, quand elle 
 parle de son attachement au Saint-Siege, 
 et au Vicaire de Notre-Seigneur Jesus- 
 Christ. 
 
 Que dis-je ! Tel est Pentrainement de la 
 France vers le centre de Punite, que les 
 doctrines exageiees passent les monts en 
 venant de France, et c'est de Eome que part 
 la moderation, le temper iment, la cagesse ; 
 c'est Kome quiarrete la furia francese, et se 
 refuse a mettre les exces dans les dogmes. 
 Aussi mes freres, ne soyez pas inquiets ! 
 Hommes de foi, ne vous troublez pas ! 
 
 Si je me suis decide a entrer avec vous, 
 Messieurs, et en public dans ces de'tails, 
 c'est par un secret instinct que j'avais 
 plutot a calmer des emotions dans mon pays 
 qu'a devancer des objections a Kome. J'en 
 suis convaincu : a ptine auiai-je touche 
 la tt-rre sacree, a peine aurai-je baise le tom- 
 beau des Apotres, que je me sentirai dans 
 la paix, hors de la bataille, au sein d'une 
 assemble'e presidee par un Pere et composee 
 de Freres. La, tous les bruits expireront, 
 toutes les ingerences temeraires cesseront, 
 toutes les imprudences disparaitront, les flots 
 et les vents seront apaise's. Nous penserons 
 aux ames dont nous repondons devant Dieu, 
 nous penserons au Dieu qui nous voit et 
 nous jugera, nous penserons aux Apotres, 
 nous croirons l<s voir encore en face du 
 monde a conquei ir et du Maitre a ecouter ; 
 et lorsqu'a la place de ce Maitre souverain 
 des esprits, sou Vicaire sur la terre redira a 
 chacun de nous: "Mon Freie, m'aimcz- 
 
 vous?''ah! croyez que votre vieil Eveque 
 ne sera pas le dernier a repondre : " Pere, 
 vous savez si je vous aime ! comme ditait le 
 doux Eveque de Geneve : Dans la contention 
 d 'amour pour le Vicaire de Je'sus-Christ, je 
 ne me suis laisse vaincre par personne. 
 Depuis vingt ans, mes cheveux ont blanchi, 
 ma main s'est epuisee a votre service. O 
 Saint-Pere, Dieu sait que la deraiere parole 
 de mes levres et le dernier soupir de mon 
 cceur appartiendront a l'Eglise et a vous." 
 
 Veuillez agreer, Messieurs et chers Coo- 
 perateurs, la nouvelle assurance de mon 
 profond et religieux devouement. 
 
 >J| FELIX, Eveque d' Orleans. 
 Orleans, ce 11 novembre, en la fete de saint Martin. 
 
 DOCUMENT VII. 
 
 Pbomulgazione del Gtubbileo. 
 
 Omnibus Christifidelibus, praesentes lit- 
 teras inspectuiis, PIUS PP. IX salute m et 
 apostolicam benedictionem. 
 
 Nemo certe ignorat, Oecumenicum Con- 
 cilium a Nobis fuisse indictum in Basilica 
 Nostra Vaticana, die 8 futuri mensis Decem- 
 biis, Immaculatae Sanctissimaeque Dei[:arae 
 Virj-inis Mariae Conceptioni sacr.», incho- 
 andum. Itaque hoc potissimum tempore 
 nunquam desistimus in humilitate cordis 
 Nostri ferventissimis precibus orare et obse- 
 crare clementissimum luminum et miseri- 
 cordiarum Patrem, a quo omne datum opti- 
 mum, et omne donum perfectum descendit, 1 
 ut mittat de caelis sedium suarum assis- 
 tricem sapientiam, quae Nobiscum sit, et 
 Nobiscum laboret, et sciamus quid acceptum 
 sit apud eum. 2 Et quo facilius Deus Nostris 
 annuat votis, et inclinet aures suas ad 
 pieces Nostras, omnium Christifidelium re- 
 ligionem, ac pietatem excitare decrevimus, 
 ut coniunctis Nobiscum precibus, Omni- 
 potentis dexteraeauxilium.et caeleste lumen 
 imploremus, quo in hoc Concilio ea omnia 
 statuere valeamus, quae ad communem 
 totius p -puli christiani salutem, utilita- 
 temque, ac maiorem catholicae Ecclesiae 
 gloriam et felicitatem, ac pacem maxime 
 pertinent. Et quoniam compertum est, 
 gratiores Deo esse hominum preces si mundo 
 corde, hoc est animis ab omni scelere in- 
 tegris ad ipsum accedant,iccirco hac occasione 
 caelestes Indulgentiarum thesauros dispen- 
 sationi Nostrae commissos Apostoiica libera- 
 litate Christifidelibus reserare constituimus, 
 
 1 Sanct. Jac, cap. i., v. 1, 17. 
 a Sapient, cap. ix., v. 4, 10. 
 
JP KB KT VII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 295 
 
 in<Ie ad veram poonltentiam incensi, et 
 Poenitentae Sacramentum n peccatorum 
 :ulis expiati, ad Thronum Dei fidentius 
 looedant, eiusque misericordiam consequan- 
 tur, et gratiam in auxilio opportune 
 
 Hoc nos oonsilio Indulgentiam ad instar 
 Iabilaei Catholico Orbi denuneiamus. Qua- 
 mob-em de Omnipotentis Dei misericoidia, 
 ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum 
 eius anctoritate confisi, ex ilia ligandi ac 
 Bolvendi potestate, quain Nobis Dominus, 
 licet indignis, contulit, universis ac singidis 
 utriusque sexus Cbristifidelibus in alma 
 Vibe Nostra degentibus, vel ad earn adve- 
 litntibus, qui a die primo futuri mensis 
 lii usque ad diem, quo Oecumenica Sy- 
 lus a Nobis indicta fuerit absoluta, S. 
 mnis in Laterano, Principis Apostolorum, 
 Sanetae Mariae Maioris Basilicas, vel earum 
 iquam bis visitaverint, ibique per aliquo 1 
 iporis spatium pro omnium misere erran- 
 im conversions, pro sanctissimae fidei 
 >pagatione, et pro catholicae Ecclesiae 
 tranquillitate, ac tiiumpbo devote 
 tverint, et praeter consueta quatuor anni 
 ipora tribus diebus, etiain non continuis, 
 pe quarta et sexta feria, et Sabbato 
 iunaveriut, et intra commemoratum tem- 
 poris spatium peccata sua confessi Sanctissi- 
 mum Eucbaristiae Sacramentum reverenter 
 susceperint, et pauperibus nliquam eleemosy- 
 nani, prout unicuique devotio suggerit, 
 erogaverint ; ceteris vero extra Urbem prae- 
 dictam ubicumque degentibus, qui Eccle- 
 sias, ab Ordinariis locorum, vel eorum 
 Vicariis, seu Officialibus, aut de illorum 
 mandato, et, ipsis deficientibus, per eos, qui 
 ■hi curam animarum exercent, postquam ad 
 illorum notitiam bae Nostrae Litterae per- 
 veneri'it, de ignandas, vel earum nliquam 
 praetiniti temporis spatio bis visitaverint, 
 alia que recensita opera devote peregerint, 
 plenissimnm omnium peccatorum suorum 
 gemissionem et Indulgentiam, sicut in anno 
 Iubilaei visit mtibus certas Ecclesias intra, 
 et extra Urb.m praedictam concedi con- 
 suevit, tenore prae^entium misericord iter 
 in Domino concedimus atque indulgemus : 
 quae Indulgentia animabus etiam quae Deo 
 in caritate coniunctae ex line vita migra- 
 veiint, per modum suffiagii applicari po- 
 
 Concedimus etiam, ut navigantes atque 
 iter agentes, quam primum ad sua se domi- 
 cilia receperint, operibus suprascriptis, et 
 bis si.-itata Ecclesia Cathedrali, vel Maiori, 
 vel propria Parochiali loci ipsorum domicilii, 
 eaindem Indulgentiam con»equi possint, et 
 faleant. llegularibus vero personis utrius- 
 que sexus etiam in claustris perpetuo 
 i ibus, necnon aliis quibu.-cumque 
 
 tam laicis, quam saecularibus, itemque in 
 carcere, aut captivitate existentibus, vel 
 aliqua corporis infirmitate, seu alio quo- 
 cumque impedimento detentis, qui memo- 
 rata opera, vel eorum aliqua praestare 
 nequiverint, ut ilia Confessarius ex actu 
 approbatis a locorum Ordinariis in alia pie- 
 tatis opera commutare, vel in aliud proximum 
 tempus prorogare po.sit, eaque iniungere, 
 quae ipsi poenitentes efricere possint cum 
 1'acultate etiam dispensandi super Commu- 
 nione cum pueris, qui nondum ad primam 
 Communionem admis.-i fuerint, pariter con- 
 cedimus atque indulgemus. 
 
 Insuper omnibus et singulis Chriati- 
 fidelibus Saecularibus et Eegularibus 
 cuiusvis Ordinis et Inatituti, etiam ^pecia- 
 liter nominandi, licentiam concedimus, et 
 facultatem, ut sibi ad hunc effectum eligere 
 possint quemcumque Presbyterum Con- 
 tessarium, tam Saecularem, quam Eegu- 
 larem ex actu approbatis a locorum Ordi- 
 nariis (qua facultate uti possint etiam 
 Moniales, Novitiae, aliaeque mulieres intra 
 claustra degentes, dummodo Confessarius 
 approbatus sit pro Monialibus), qui eos ab 
 excommunicationis, suspen>ionis, aliisque 
 ecclesiasticis sententiis, et censuris a iure 
 vel ab bomine quavis de causa latis vel 
 inflictis praeter intra exceptas, necnon ab 
 omnibus peccatis, excessibus, criminibus et 
 delictis quantumvis gravibus et enormibus, 
 etiam locorum Ordinariis, sive Nobis, et 
 Sedi Apostolicae speciali licet forma reser- 
 vatis, et quorum ab.-olutio alias quantumvis 
 ampla non intelligeretur concessa, in foro 
 conscientiae, et bac vice tantum absolvere 
 valeant ; et insuper vota quaecumque etiam 
 iurata, et Sedi Apostolicae reservata (casti- 
 tatis, religionis, et obligationis, quae a tertio 
 acceptata fuerit. seu in quibus agatur de 
 praeiudicio tertii semper exceptis, quatenus 
 ea vota sint perfecta et absoluta, necnon 
 poenalibus, quae praeservativa a peccatis 
 nuncupantur, nisi commutatio futura indi- 
 cetur eiusmodi ut non minus a peccato com- 
 mittendo refraenet, quam prior voti materia), 
 in alia pia et salutaria opera dispensando 
 commutare, iniuncta tamen eis, et eorum 
 cuilibet in supradictis oninii>us poenitentia 
 salutari, aliisque eiusdem Confessarii arbi- 
 trio iniungendis. 
 
 Concedimus insuper facultatem dispen- 
 sandi super irregularitate ex violatione 
 Censurarum contracta, quatenus ad i'orum 
 externum non sit deducta, vel de facili 
 deducenda. Non intendimus autem per 
 praesentes super alia quavis irregularitate 
 sive ex defectu, vel publica, vel occulta, aut 
 not i, aliaque incapacitate, aut inhabilitate 
 quoquomodo contracta dispensare, vel ali- 
 
 u 2 
 
296 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document VIII. 
 
 qnam facultatem tvibuere super praemissis 
 dispensandi, seu habilitandi, et in pristinum 
 statum restituendi, etiam in foro con- 
 scientiae neque etiam derogare Constitu- 
 tioni cum appositis declarationibus editae 
 a fid. rec. Beuedicto XIV, Praedecessore 
 Nostro Sacrameutum Foenitentiae, quoad 
 inbabilitatem absolvendi complicem, et 
 quoad obligationem denuuciationis ; neque 
 easdem praesentes iis, qui a Nobis, et ab 
 Apostolica Sede, vel aliquo Praelato, seu 
 Iudice Ecclesiastico nominatim excoinmu- 
 nicati, suspensi, interdicti, seu alias in 
 sententias, et censuras incidisse declarati, 
 vel publice denunciati fuerint, nisi intra 
 tempus praefinitum satisfecerint, aut cum 
 partibus concordaverint, nullomodo suffra- 
 gari posse aut debere. Quod i-i intra prae- 
 fiuitum terminum iudicio Confessari satisfa- 
 cere non potuerint, absolvi posse concedimus 
 in foro conscientiae ad eti'ectuni dumtaxat 
 assequendi Indulgentias lubilaei, iniuncta 
 obligatione eatisfaciendi statim ac pote- 
 runt. 
 
 Quapropter in virtute sanctae obedientiae 
 tenore praesentium districts praecipimus, 
 atque mandamus omnibus, et quibuscumque 
 Ordinariis locorum ubicumque existentibus, 
 eorumque Vicariis et Officials >us, vel ipsis 
 deficientibus, illis, qui curam animarum 
 exercent, ut cum praesentium Litterarum 
 tranr-umpta, aut exempla etiam impressa 
 acceperint, ilia, ubi primum pro temporum 
 ac lot-orum ratione satius in Domino cen- 
 suerint, per suas Ecclesias ac Dioeceses, 
 Provincias, Civitates, Oppida, Terras, et 
 loca publicent, vel publicari fariant, popu- 
 lisque etiam Verbi Dei praedicatione, quoad 
 fieri possit, rite praeparatis, Ecclesiam, 
 seu Ecclesias visitandas pro praesenti Iubi- 
 laeo designent. 
 
 Non obstan<ibus Conslitutionibu^ et Or- 
 dinationibus Apostolici->, praesertim quibus 
 facultas abcolvendi in certis tunc expressis 
 casibus ita romano Pontiticis pro tt-mpore 
 existenti reservatur, ut nee etiam similes, 
 vel dissimiles Indulgentiarum, et faculta- 
 tum buiusmodi concessiones, nisi de illis 
 expressa mentio, aut specialis derogatio fiat, 
 cuiquam suffragari possint : necnon regula 
 de non concedendis Indulgentiie. ad instar ; 
 ac quorumcumque Ordinum, et Congrega- 
 tionum, sive Institutorum etiam iuramento, 
 confirmatione Apostolica, vel quavis fir- 
 mitate alia roboratis, statutis et consuetudi- 
 nibus, priviiegiis quoque, indultis, et Litteris 
 Apostolicis eisdem Ordinibus, Congrega- 
 tionibus, et Institutis, illorumque personis 
 quomodolibet concessis, approbatis, et inno- 
 vatis : quibus omnibus et singulis etiamsi 
 de illis, eorumque totis tenoribus, specialis, 
 
 specifica, expressa et individna, non autem 
 per clausulas generales idem importantes, 
 mentio, seu alia quaevis expressio habinda, 
 aut alia aliqna exquisita forma ad hoc ser- 
 vanda foret, illorum tenores praesentibus 
 pro Bufficienter expressis, ac formam in iis 
 traditam pro servata habentes, hac vice 
 specialiter, nominatim et expresse ad cfi'cc- 
 tum praemissorum, derogamus, cetvrisque 
 contrarii.i quibuscumque. 
 
 Praecipimus autem, a commemorato die 
 primo Iunii usque ad diem, quoOecumcnica 
 Synodus finem habuerit,ab omnibus universis 
 catholici Orbis utriusque Cleri Sacerdotibus • 
 quotidie addi in Missam Conventualem, 
 Sacrificium fieri in omnibus buius Urbis- 
 Patriarchalibus, aliisque Basilicis, et Collt:- 
 gialibus et Collegiatis Ecclesiis ab earing 
 Canonicis, atque etiam in singidis cniusque 
 Religiosae Familiae Ecclesiis Regularium, 
 qui Conventualem Missam celebrare tciur.i- 
 tur, feria quaque quinta, qua ftstum duplex 
 primae et secundae classis non agatur, (piin 
 tamen haec de Spiritu Sancto Missa ullam 
 habeat applicationis obligationem. 
 
 Ut autem praesentes Nostrae, quae adi 
 singula loca deferri non possunt, ad omnium 
 notitiam facilius deveniant, volumus ut 
 praesentium transumptis, vel exemplis ei iam 
 impre^sis, manu alicuius Notarii publici 
 subscriptis, et sigillo personae in dignitate 
 ecclesiastica constitutae munitis, ubicumque 
 locorum et gentium, eadem prorsus fides 
 habeatur, quae habiretnr ipsis praesentibus, 
 si forent exhibitae vel ostensae. 
 
 Datum Romae apud Sanctum Pctrum 
 sub Annulo Piscatoris, die 11 Aprilis anno 
 1869. 
 
 Pontificatus Nostri Anno Vicesimotertio. 
 
 N. Card. Paracciani Clarf.i.tj. 
 
 (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 
 1° maggio 1869.) 
 
 DOCUMENT VIII. 
 
 Allocuzione tenuta nella Congregazione 
 generale innanzi la prima sessione del 
 Concilio Vaticano dal Santissimo nostro 
 Signore per la divina Provvidenza PAPA 
 PIO IX, il di 2 dicembre dell' anno 1869 
 ai vescovi del mondo cattolico per lo stessc 
 Concilio in Roma convenuti. 
 
 Venerabiles Fratbes. 
 
 Sacri oecumenici Vaticani Concilii Con- 
 ventus post paucos hinc dies auspictturi, 
 nihil opportunius Nobisque iucundius existi- 
 mavimus, VV. FF., quam ut Vos universot 
 
3UMENT VIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL/ 
 
 297 
 
 
 hodierno die iuxta Nostra hie desideria 
 congregates alloqui, ac praecipuam carita- 
 tcm, quam intimo corde alimus, Vobis 
 aperire possemus. Cum enira de re maxima 
 agatur, qualis est ilia in qua de remediis 
 o i>mparandis agitur tot inalis, quae Chris- 
 tiauam et civilem societateru hoc tempore 
 perturbant, piitavimus Apostolica Nostra 
 sollieitudine diguum esse, et tautae rei ma- 
 giiitiulini consentancum, ut antequam Con- 
 ciliarium rerum actio initiumhabeat, in omnia 
 jfratiae auspiciuru Vobis caelestis benedic- 
 tionis opem a Deo clementissimo precare- 
 mur; ac nucessarium censuimus, Vobis eas 
 tradere normas, Apostolicis Nostris litteris 
 consiijnatus atque editas, quas ad omnia iu 
 C't n ic i 1 iaribus actionibus ri te et ordine agenda, 
 constituend is esse iudicavimus. Hoc au- 
 tem illud est, VV. FF., quod Deo et inima- 
 culata Dcipara votis No^tiis annuente ho- 
 dierno dieiu ainplissimo hoc Vestro conventu 
 peragimus; nee satis verbis explicare pos- 
 sumus ingentem earn c>>n>olationem, quam 
 Vestra haec exoptata, et debita Apostolic. ie 
 vocis obsequio frequentia Nobis ingerit, cum 
 Vos tandem ex omnibus C.ttholici Orbis 
 partibus in banc almam Urliem, indicti a 
 Nobis Concilii causa convenisse, et summa 
 animorum con^en^ione Nobiscum coniunctos 
 asjiiciamns : quos eximia erga Nos et Apos- 
 tolicam Sedem devotio, mirificus ad navan- 
 dam Christo Kegno operain ardor, et in 
 pluribus etiam tribulationum pro Christo 
 perpessio iure efficit cordi Nostro carissimos. 
 Haec autem, VV. FF., haec Vestra Nobis- 
 cum coniunctio eo gratior Nobis accidit, quod 
 in ea haeicntes Apostolorum vestigiis in- 
 sist im us, qui suae unanimae et constantis 
 cum divino Magistro coniunctioui.s luculeuta 
 Nobis exempla reliquerunt. Nostis enim ex 
 tacris litteris, cum Christus Domiuus Pales- 
 tinae regiones peragrans iter faceret per 
 civitates et cast.ella, praedicans et evangeli- 
 Ziins regnum Dei, Eius lateri Apostolus 
 pari omnes studio adliaesisse, et duodecim 
 mm Illu, uti Sanctus Lucas ' loquitur, fide- 
 lity quacuuque iter haberet. es»e versatos. 
 Ati|ue liaee Apootolorum coniunctio splendi- 
 dius etiam eaituit eo tempore, cum caelestis 
 Magister docans in Capiiarnaum, de divinae 
 Eucharistiae mysterio coram Hebraeis 
 iu»iori sermone pertractavit : tunc enim 
 cum gens ilia carualis et obtusions sensus 
 sibi de taiitae cadtatis opere peisuadere non 
 posset, atque ita Magistri pertaesam se 
 ostfidisset, ut multi discipuloruni, I< anne 
 tcstaiit!', abireut retro et 2 non cum Jllo 
 aiubular ut, Apostolorum tamen amor in 
 Wagistii \eneratioue et obsequio immotus 
 pi rstiiit, et Iesu Apostolus percunctante 
 
 i Luc, 8, 1. - Iuann., 0, 67. 
 
 num et ipsi vellent abire, graviter id ferens 
 Petrus in eas voces erupit : " Domine ad 
 quem ibimus?" ac rationem adiecit quare 
 Dominum constanti fide sequi velle statueret: 
 * Verba vitae aeternae babes." Haec nos 
 animo recjlentes, quid dulcius aut iucundius 
 hac nostra coniunctioae reputare, quid porro 
 etiam firmius ac stabilius tueri deb<.-nmus ? 
 Non deerunt certe Nobis, una licet in Christi 
 nomine coniuuetis, non deerunt contradic- 
 tiones ac ditnicationes subcundae, nee inimi- 
 cus homo segnis erit, nil magis eupiens quam 
 superseminare zizania ; at Nos memores 
 Apostolicae flrmitudinis et constantiae, 
 quae Domini praeconio laudari meruit : " Vos 
 esiis qui permansi«tis mecum in tentationi- 
 bus meis," ' memores Kedemptoris Nostri 
 diserto denuneiantis : "Qui mecum non est 
 conira me est," officii pariter Nostri me- 
 mores esse debebimus, omnique studio 
 curare, ut inconcussa fide ac firmitate 
 Christum sequamur, Iliique omni tempore 
 concordibus animis adhaereamus. In ea 
 enim, VV. FF., conditione constituti sumus, 
 ut in acie adversus multipliccs eosdemque 
 acerdmos hostes, diuturna iam contentione 
 versemur. Utamur oportet spiritualibus 
 militiae Nostrae armis, totamque certamiuis 
 vim, turn divina innixi auctoritate, turn 
 caritati, patientiae, precationis et con- 
 stantiae clypeo sustineamus. Nihil autem 
 metus est ne vires nobis in hac dimicatione 
 deficiant, si in Auolorem et Consumator. m 
 Fidei nostrae, oculos animosque coniiceie 
 voluerimus. Si enim Apostoli oculis et co- 
 gitatione in Christo Iesu defixi satis ex hoc 
 animi viriumque sumpserunt, ut adversa 
 quaeque strenue pert'errt-nt, Nos pariter 
 Ipsum adspicientes in sdutari pignore Re- 
 di-mptiouis nostrae, ex hoc aspectu, unde 
 divina mauat virtu-, Nos cam vim roburque 
 inveniemus, quo calumnias, iuiurias, inimi- 
 corum arte.i superemus, ac salntem Nobis, 
 totque etiam miseris a via veritatis erranti- 
 bus ex Christi Cruce haurire laetabimur. 
 Neque vero Redemptorem Nostrum respicere 
 contcnti, earn quoque mentis docilitatem 
 induamus necesse est, ut Eidem libenter 
 toto cordis aifectu audientes simus. Hoc 
 est enim quod ipse Pater caelestis Maiestatis 
 suae auetoritate praecepit, cum revelante 
 Chiistt Doiniuo gloiiam suam in monte 
 praecelso coram electis testibus : " Hie est, 
 inquit, Filius meus dilectus in quo mini 
 bene complacui, Ipsuin audite." Iesurn 
 igitur prono mentis obsequio audiamus 
 utique in omni re, ut in ea praucipue quam 
 Ipse ita cordi habuit, ut praenoscens ditfi- 
 cultates anions ipsa obuoxia t'utura esset iu 
 mundo, de ilia ipsa Patrem suum obsecrare 
 
 1 Luc, 22, 28. 
 
298 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 
 [Document IX. 
 
 in novissima Caena effusis iteratisque votis 
 non omiserit : " Pater Sancte, serva eos in 
 nomine tuo quos dedisti mihi, ut sint unura 
 sicut et nos." ' Una itaque anima cum uno 
 corde in Cliristo Iesu sit cunctis. Non 
 aliud sane Nobis maiori consolationi futurum 
 est quam si obsequentem Chiisti monitis 
 aurem cordis iugiter praebuerimus, quo 
 pacto et Nos esse cum Christo agnoscemus, 
 et perspicuum aiternae salutis pignus inesse 
 reperiemus in Nobis : " Qui enim ex Deo 
 est, verba Dei audit." 2 
 
 Has Pontificiae Nostrae cohortationis 
 voces ex intimo cordu depromptas, Omni- 
 potens et Misericors Deus, Deipara Immacu- 
 lata deprecante, potenti sua ope confirmet, 
 efficiatque propitius, ut uberibus fructibus 
 augeantur. t'onvertat deinde faciem suam 
 ad Vos, VV. FF., ac turn corpora turn ani- 
 mos Vestros benedictionis suae gratia prose- 
 quatur : corpora nempe, ut labores omnes, 
 qui a Vestro sacro ministerio abesse non 
 possunt, strenue alacriterque ferre valeatis ; 
 animos vero, ut oaelestibus auxiliis abunde 
 repleti, saeerdotalis vitae exemplis et virtu- 
 tum omnium splendore in Clnistiani Gregis 
 salutem praeluceatis. Huius autem bene- 
 dictionis gratia Vobis continenter adsit, 
 atque omnil>us vitae Vestrae diebus cle- 
 menter adspiret, ut dies pleni inveniantur 
 in Vobis, pleni sanrtitatis et iustitiae, pleni 
 sanctorum operum fructibus, in quibus 
 verae nobis divitiae et gloria continetur. 
 Atque ita Nobis continget feliciter ut 
 expleto mortalis peregrinationis cursu, in 
 novissimo illo vitae die dicere cum Pro- 
 pheta Rege non vereamur : " Laetatus sum 
 in bis quae dicta sunt mihi, in domum 
 Domini ibimus; " atque aditum Nobis 
 patere plane confidamus in Montem sanctum 
 Sion, caelestem Hierusalem. 
 
 (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 
 18 decembre 1869.) 
 
 DOCUMENT IX. 
 
 Lettere Apostolicbe della Santita di nostro 
 Signore per divina Provvidenza PAPA 
 PIO IX, colle quali si stabilisce l'ordine 
 generate da osservarsi nella celeb razione 
 del sacrosanto ecumenico Concilio Vati- 
 cano. 
 
 Pivs Papa IX 
 
 AD FVTVRAM REI MEMORIAM. 
 
 Multiplices inter, quibus divexamur an- 
 gustias, ad Divinae Clementiae, quae conso- 
 
 1 Ioann., 17, 11. 
 
 « loann., 8, 47. 
 
 latur Nos in omni tribulatione Nostra, 1 
 gratias persolvendas maxims excitamur, 
 qua propitiante, illud celeriter Nobis con- 
 tinget, ut sacrosanctuin generale et oecume- 
 nicum Concilium Vaticanum iam a Nobis ea 
 adspirante indictum, feliiiter auspioemur. 
 Gaudium autem in Domino iure praecipi- 
 mus, quod salutares Conoilii eiusdem con- 
 ventus solemni die Immaculatae Dei Matris 
 Mariae semper Virginis Conceptioni sacro, 
 atque adeo sub potentibus maternisque aus- 
 piciis tius aggressuri sumus. eosque in 
 Vaticana Nostra Basilica inituri ante 
 Beatissimi Petri cineres, qui in accepta for- 
 titudine Petrae perceverans suscepta Ecchsiae 
 gubernacula von reliquit, et in quo omnium 
 Pusforum sollicitudo, cum commenduturum 
 sibi ovium custodia perseverat. 2 Iamvi to 
 memores hoc oecumenicum Concilium a 
 Nobis convocatum fuisse, ut extirpandis 
 erroribus, quos praesertim huius saeculi 
 conflavit impietas, removendis malis, quibus 
 Ecidesia affligitur, emendandis moribus et 
 utriusque Cleri disciplinae instaurandae, 
 coniuncta Nobiscum sacrorum Ecclesiae 
 Antictitum adhibeatur opera, ac probe nos- 
 centes, quo studio intentsique sollicitudine 
 curare debeamus, ut ea omnia, quae ad 
 rectam rationem tarn salutaris negotii ge- 
 rendi, tractandi ac perficiendi pertinent, ex 
 sancta maiorum disciplina institutisque 
 statuantur, idcirco Apostolica Nostra auc- 
 toritate ea quae sequuntur decemimus, 
 atque ab omnibus in hoc Vaticano Concilio 
 servanda esse praecipimus. 
 
 Be modo vivendi in Concilio. 
 
 Reputantes aiiimo quod omne datum opti- 
 mum, et omne donum perfectum desuraum 
 est, descendens a Patre luminum, 3 quodque 
 nihil Caelestis Patris benignitati pronius 
 est, quam ut det spiritum bonum peteutihus 
 se,* iam Nos, dnm Apostolicis Nostris Lit- 
 teris, 5 die undecimo Aprilis hoc anno 
 datis, Ecclesiae thesauros saerosancti huius 
 Concilii occasione Christifidelibus reseravi- 
 mus, non solum eosdein Christifideles 
 vehementer hortati sumus, ut emundantes 
 conscientiam. ab operibus mortuis ad ser~ 
 viendum Deo viventi 6 orationibus, obsecra- 
 tionibus, ieiuniis aliisque pietatis actibtd 
 insistere velint : sed etiam Divini Spiritua 
 lumen et opem in sacro^ancto Missae sacri- 
 ficio celebrando, quotidie in univer«o Orbe 
 
 « II. Corinth, i. 4. 
 
 2 San. Leo P. Serm. 2, in Anniver. Assumptionis 
 suae. 3 Iacob. i. 17. 
 
 •• Luc, xi„ 13. s Lilt. Nost. 11 aprilis 1869. 
 
 6 Kp. ad Hebrae., ix., H. 
 
7UMKNT IX.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 299 
 
 Catbolico implorari mandavimus, ad pro- 
 sperum a Domino huio Concilio exitum, et 
 salutares ex eo Ecclesiae sanctae fructus 
 impetrandos. 
 
 Quas quidem adhortationes et praeserip- 
 tioiit's mo Id nnovantes et confirmantes, id 
 praeterea iubemus, ut in huius almae Urbis 
 Nostrae Ecclesiis, sacrosancta Synodo per- 
 dumnte singulis diebus Dominicis bora, 
 quae pro fideli populo magis congrua videa- 
 tur, Litaniae ali.ieqne orationea ad hunc 
 finem constitutae recitentur. 
 
 At longe bis maius aliquid et excellentiua 
 ab Episcopis, aliisque qui in Sa< erdotali 
 Online censentur hoc Concilium concele- 
 biautibus, praestandum est, quos, uti mi- 
 niatroa Christi et dispensatores mysteriorum 
 Dei oportet in omnibus seipsos praebere 
 txemplum bonorum optrum in d"C(rina, in 
 integritate, in gravitate, ve bum sanum, irre- 
 prehens.'bile, ut his qui ex ad verso est vereatur 
 nihil habens malum dicere de nobis. l Quare 
 veterum Com-iliorum ac Tiidentini nomina- 
 tiin vestigiis inbacrentes hortamur illos 
 omnes in Domino, ut orationi, sacrae lectioui, 
 caelestium rerum meditationibus pro sua 
 cuiusque pietate studiose intendant : ut pure 
 casteque sancto Missae sacrificio, quam fkri 
 possit, frequenter opereutur; aniiiiuni men- 
 temque ab bumanarum rerum curis immu- 
 nem servent; modesliam in moribus, iu 
 victu temperantiam, et in omni actione 
 religionem retineant. Absiut animorum 
 dissidia, absit prava aemulatio et contentio, 
 sed omnibus imperet, quae inter c. teras 
 virtutes eminet charitas, ut ilia dominante 
 et in olumi, de boc sacro Episcoporum Ec- 
 clesiae conventu dici possit: Ecce quam 
 bonum et qunm iucundum habitare j'ratres in 
 unum. 2 Evigilent demum Patres in dome&ti- 
 corum suoium cura, et christianae ab eis 
 aanctaeque vitae disciplina exigenda, me- 
 mores quam gravibus verbis Paulus Apo- 
 fctolus praecipiat Episcopis, ut siut suae 
 doinui bene pi aepositi. 3 
 
 II. 
 De iure et modo proponendi. 
 
 Licet ius et munus proponendi negotia, 
 quae iu sancta oecumenica Synodo tractari 
 debebnut, de iisque Pa tram sententiaa 
 rogandi nonnisi ad Nos, et ad hanc Apo- 
 stolicam Sedeui pert-neat, mbilominus non 
 modo op'amus, sed etiam hortamur, ut si 
 qui inter Concilii Patres aliquid projonen- 
 clum habu>riut, quod ad publicum utiiita- 
 tem confer. e posse existiment, id libere 
 exequi velint. Cum vero probe perspiciamus 
 
 1 Ep. ad Tit., ii , 7. 2 Po. exxxii. 8. 
 
 3 J. I'iiiioth. iii , 4. 
 
 banc ipsam rem, nisi congruo tempore et 
 modo perficiatur, non p.trum nccessario 
 Conciliarium aclionum ordini officere posse, 
 idcirco statuimus eiusmodi propositiones ita 
 fieri debere, ut earum quaelibet 1. scripto 
 mandttur, ac peculiaii Congregationi non- 
 nullorum, turn VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. 
 Cardinalium, turn Synodi Patrum a Nobis 
 deputandae privatim exbibeatur : 2. publi- 
 cum rei el ristianae bonum vere respiciat, 
 non siugularem dumtaxat unius vel alterius 
 Dioecesis utilitatem : 3. rationes contineat, 
 ob quas utilis et opportuna censetur : 4. 
 nihil praeseferat, quod a constanti Ecclesiae 
 sensu, eiusque inviolabilibus traditionibus 
 alienum sit. 
 
 Peculiaris pracdicta Congregatio proposi- 
 tiones sibi exbibitas diligenter expendet, 
 suumque circa earum admissionem vel exclu- 
 sionem consilium No»tro itidicio subadttet, 
 ut Nos deinde matura omideratione de iis 
 statuamu8, utrum ad Synodalem dclibera- 
 tionem dei'erri debt ant. 
 
 III. 
 
 De secreto servando in Conc'lio. 
 
 Prude: itiae hie ratio Nos admonet, ut 
 secreti fidem, quae in superioribus Conciliis 
 non t-einel, adiunctorum gravitate exigente, 
 indicenda fuit, in univorsa buius Concilii 
 actione st rvandam iubeamus. Si enim un- 
 quam alias, hoc maxime t( mpore baec cautio 
 necesr-aria visa est, quo in omnem ocoasiomm 
 excubat invidiae conflandae contra Catholi- 
 cam Eccle^iain eiusque dtctrinam, pluribus 
 nocendi opibus pollens impietas. Qua- 
 propter praecipimus omnibus et singulis 
 Patribus, Officialibus Concilii, Tbeologis, 
 Sacroium Canonum Peritis, ceterisque, qui 
 operam suam Patribus vel Officialibus prae- 
 dictis quovis modo in rebus huius Concilii 
 praebent, ut de^reta et alia quaecumque, 
 quae iis txaminanda prot.onentur, necnon 
 discussioues et singulorum sententias non 
 evulgent, nee alicui extra gremium Concilii 
 pandant, praecipimus pariter ut Officiales 
 Concilii, qui episcopali dignitate praediti 
 non sunt, aliique omnes, qui ratione cuiusvis 
 demandati a Nobis ministerii Conciliaribus 
 disceptationibus inservire debent, iuramt n- 
 tum emitt< re teneantur de munere fideliter 
 obeundo, et de secreti fide servanda circa ea 
 omnia quae supra praescripta sunt, necnon 
 super iis rebus, quae specialiter ipsis c-om- 
 mittentur. 
 
 IV. 
 
 De ordine sedendi, et de non inferendo alicui 
 praeiudicio. 
 
 Cum ad tranquillitatem concordiamque 
 animorum tuendam non parum moment! 
 

 300 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document IX. 
 
 habeat, si in quibuslibet Conciliaribus acti- 
 bus, unusquisque suae dignitatis ordinem 
 fideliter ac modeste custodiat : hinc ad 
 oflvnsionum occasiones, quoad eius fieri pos- 
 sit, praecidendas, infruscriptum ordinem 
 inter diversas dignitates servari praescribi- 
 mus. 
 
 Primum locum obtinebunt VV. FF. NN. 
 S. R. E. Cardinales Episcopi, Presbyteri, 
 Diaconi ; secundum Patriarchae ; tertium, 
 ex speciali Nostra indulgentia, Primates, 
 iuxta ordinem suae promotionis ad Prima- 
 tialem gradum. Id autem pro hac vice 
 tantum indulgemus, atque ita, ut ex hac 
 Nostra concessione nullum ius vel ipsis 
 Primatibus datum, vel aliis imminutum 
 censeri debeat. Quartum locum tenebunt 
 Archiepiscopi, iuxta su ie ad Archiepiscopa- 
 tum promotionis ordinem ; quiutum Epi- 
 scopi, pariter iuxta ordinem promotionis 
 suae ; sextum Abbates Nullius Dioecesis ; 
 septimum Abbates Generales, aliique Gene- 
 rales Moderatores Ordinum Eeligiosorum, 
 in quibus solemnia vota nuncupantur, 
 etiamsi Vicarii Generalis titulo appellentur, 
 dum tamen re ipsa cum omnibus supremi 
 moderatoris iuribus et privileges, universe 
 suo Ordini legitime praesuut. 
 
 Ceterum ex superiorum Conciliorum dis- 
 ciplina institutoque decernimus, quod, si 
 forte contigerit, aliquos debito in loco non 
 sedere, et sententiae etiam sub verbo placet 
 proferre, Congregationibus iuteresee, et alios 
 quoscumque actus facere, Concilio durante, 
 nulli propterea praeiudicium generetur, nul- 
 lique novum ius acquiratur. ' 
 
 De Iudicibus excusationum et querelarum. 
 
 Quo graviorum rerum pertractatio, quae 
 in hac sacrosancta Synodo agi gerive debent, 
 minus quam fieri posfit, impediatur, aut 
 retardetur ob cognitionem causarum, quae 
 singulos respiciunt : statuimus ut ipsa 
 Synodus per sehedulas secretas quinque ex 
 Concilii Patribus eligat in Indices excusa- 
 tionum, quorum erit procurationem et excu- 
 sationes Praelatorum absentium, necnon 
 eorum postulata. qui, Concilio nondum 
 dimisso, iustam discedendi causam se ha- 
 bere putaverint, excipere, atque ad normam 
 conciliaris disciplinae et SS. Canonum ex- 
 peudere : quod cum feeerint, nrm quidquam 
 de liisce rebus decernent, sed de omnibus 
 ad Congregationem genera' em ordine re- 
 .ferent. Praeterea statuimus. ut eadem 
 Synodus pariter per schedulas secretas, 
 
 i Cone. Trid. Scss. 2. Decret. De modo viv. $ lu- 
 mper. 
 
 alios quinque ex Patribus eligat, in Indices 
 qwrelarum et controversiarum. 
 
 Hi porro controversias omnes circa ordi- i 
 nem sedendi, vel ius praecedendi, aliasque, 
 si quae forte inter congregatos oriantur, 
 iudicio summario atque oeconomice, ut aiunt, 
 ita componere studebunt, ut nulli praeiudi- 
 cium inferatur; et quatenus cotnpoiuTe 
 nequeant, eas Congregations generalis 
 auctoritati subiicient. 
 
 VI. 
 
 De Offic'alibus Concilii. 
 
 Quo vero et illud magni refert, ut neces- 
 sarii ae idonei ministri et officiates, iuxta 
 conciliarem consuetudinem et disciplinam, 
 omnibus in hac Synodo actibus rite et legi- 
 time perficiendis designentur, Nbs huius- 
 modi ministeriorum rationem habentes, in- 
 frascriptos viros ad ea deligemus et no- 
 minamus, scilicet : 
 
 1. Generales Concilii custodes, dilectos 
 filios loannem Columna et Donriniciim 
 Orsini romauos Principes Pontificio Nostro 
 solio Adsistentes. 
 
 2. Concilii Secretarium, Venerabilem 
 Fratrem Ioseplium Episcopum S. Hi|>polyti, 
 eique adiic'mus cum officio et titido Subse- 
 cretarii, dilectum filium Ludovicum Iacoj 
 bini e Nostris et huius Apostolicae Sedis 
 Protonotariis, necnon adiutores, dilectos 
 filios Canonicos Camillum Santori et An- 
 gelum Iacobini. 
 
 3. Concilii Nolarios, dilectos filios Lueam 
 Pacifici, Aloisium Colombo, loannem Si- 
 meoni, Aloisium Pericoli, et Dominican 
 Bartolini Nostras et huius Apostolicae Se lis 
 Protonotarios, eisque adiungimus dilectos 
 filios Salvatorem Pnllottini et Francisruin 
 Santi Advocates ; qui Notariis eisdem adiu- 
 tricem operam navent. 
 
 4. Scrutatores Suffragiorum, dilectos filios 
 Aloisium !■ erafini et Franciscum Nardi cau- 
 sarum Palatii Nostri Apostolici Auditores; 
 Aloisium Pellegrini et Leouardum Dials 
 Nostrae Camerae Apostolicae Clericoi ; 
 Carolum Cristotbri et Alexandium Montani 
 Signaturae Iustitiae votantes ; Frideiiciun 
 deFalloux du Coud ray Nostrae Cancellaria| 
 Apostolicae Eegentem, et Lauientiuni Nina 
 Abbreviatorem ex maiori Parco. Hi autem 
 octo scruta'ores in quatuor distincta paria 
 distributi, ita ad excipienda suffragia pre- 
 cedent, ut bina paria ununi Conciliaris 
 Aulae latus totidemque alteram obeant ; ac 
 praeterea singula paria singulos ex Notariij 
 secum habere debebunt, dum in muncie 
 fungendo vereantur. 
 
 5. Promotores Concilii. dilectos filios loan- 
 

 Document IX. J 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 301 
 
 Mm Baptistam do Dominicis-Tosti, et 
 Philippinn Ralli S. Consistorii Advocatos. 
 
 (J. Magistros Caeremoniaruin Concilii, 
 dilectos filios Aloisium Ferrari Antistiteni 
 Nostrum domesticum Praefectum, et Pium 
 Martinut'ci, Camilluin Balestra, Kemigium 
 Ricci. Iosephuni Roiuagnoli, Petrum 
 : urn Binaldi-Bucci, Antonium Cataldi, 
 Alexandrum Tortoli, Augustinum Accoram- 
 boni, Aloisium Sinistri, Frnnciscuni Riggi, 
 Antonium Gattoni, Balthasarem Baccinetti, 
 Oaesarem Togui, Roclium Massi, Nostros, et 
 huius Apostolicae Sedis Caeremomarios. 
 
 7. Assignatores locorum, dilectos filios 
 Henrieum Folchi Praefectum, ac Aloisium 
 Naselli, Edinunduni Stonor, Paulum Bas- 
 tille Aloisium Pallotti iutimos Nostros 
 Cnbicularios, et dilectos filios Scipionem 
 Perilli, Gustavum Gallot. Franciscum Re- 
 gnani, Nicolaum Vorsak, et Pliilippum Sil- 
 vestri Cubicularios Nostros honorarios. 
 
 VII. 
 
 De Congregationibus generalibus Patrum. 
 
 Ad ea modo curam convertentes, quae 
 pongi egationum generalium ordinem re- 
 spiciuut, statuimus ac decernimus, ut iisdem 
 Patrum Congregationibus, quae publnis 
 si\»si mibus praemittuntur quinque ex VV. 
 FF. NN. S. R. E. Cardinalibus Nostro 
 Nomine et Auctoritate praesint, et ad hoc 
 iiuiniis eligimus et noniinamus, Venerabilem 
 Fratrem Nostrum Carolum S. R. E. Car- 
 dinalcm Episcopum Sabinemem De Reisacb 
 nuncupatum, dilecios filios Nostros S. R. E. 
 Presbyteros Cardinales Antoninum titulo 
 SS. Quatuor Coronatorum De Luca nuncu- 
 patum : Iosephum Andream titulo S. Hie- 
 ronymi Illyricorum Bizzarri nuncupatum, 
 et dilectum filium Nostrum Hanuibalem S. 
 R. E. Cardinalem Diaconum S. Mariae in 
 Aquiro Capalti nuncupatum. 
 
 Hi autem Praesiles, pratter alia, quae ad 
 aptam horum Conventuum moderationem 
 Bpectant, curabunt ut in rebus pcrtractandis 
 initium fiat a diseeptatione eorum, quae ad 
 Hdem pertinent ; deinde integrum ipsis erit 
 feonsultat ones in fidei vel disciplinae capiie 
 couferre, prout opportunum iudicaverint. 
 
 Cum vero Nos, iam iude a tempore, quo 
 A] o-tolicas Litteras ad hoc Concilium 
 tndicendum dedimus, Viros Theologos et 
 jBcclesia.-tici iuris Convultos, ex variis Catho- 
 1 i < - 1 orbis regionibus in banc almam Urbem 
 Nostram evocandos curaverimus, ut una 
 cum aliis liuius Urb's, et earumdem disci- 
 plinarum peritis viris, rebus apparandis 
 flarent operam, quae ad huius generalis 
 Synodi scopum pertinent, atque ita expe- 
 ditior via in rcrum tractationc Patribus 
 
 patere posset ; hinc volumus et mandamus, 
 ut schemata decretorum et canonum ab 
 iisdem viris expressa et redacta, quae Nos, 
 nulla Nostra approbations munita, integra 
 iutegre Patrum cognitioni reservavimus, 
 iisdem Patribus in Congregationem gene- 
 ralem collcctis ad examen et iudicium 
 subiiciantur. Itaque, curantibus memoratis 
 Praesidibus, aliquot ante dies quam Con- 
 gregatio generalis habeatur, decretorum et 
 canonum schemata, de quibus in Congrega- 
 tione indicta agendum erit, typis impressa 
 singulis Patribus distribuentur, quo interim 
 ilia diligenti consideratione in omnem par- 
 tem expendant, et quid sibi sententiae esse 
 debeat accurate pervidcant. Si quis Patrum 
 de schemate proposito sermonem in Congre- 
 gatione ipsa habere voluerit, ad debitum 
 inter oratores ordinem pro cuiusque digni- 
 tatis gradu servandum, opus erit, ut saltern 
 pridie diei Congregationis ipsius, Praesidi- 
 bus suum disserendi propositum significant 
 dum curet. Auditis autem istorum Patrum 
 sermonibus, si alii etiam post eos in conventu 
 ipso disserere voluerint, hoc iisdem fas erit, 
 obtenta prius a Praesidibus dicendi venia, 
 et eo ordine, qucm dicentium dignitas postu- 
 laverit. 
 
 Iamvero si in ea quae habetur Congrega- 
 tione exhibitum schema vel nullas, vel non- 
 nisi leves dirficultates in ipso congnssu 
 facile expediendas obtulerir,, tunc nihil 
 moiae erit, quominus, disceptationibus com- 
 positis, decreti vel canonis Conciliaris, de 
 quo agitur, formula, rogatis Patrum suf- 
 fragiis, statuatur. Sin autem circa schema 
 praedictum huiusmodi oriantur difficultates, 
 ut, sententiis in contraria conversis, via non 
 suppetat, qua in ipso conventu componi pos- 
 siut, turn ea ratio ineunda erit, quam heic 
 infra statuimus, ut stabili et opportuno modo 
 huic rei provideatur. Volumus itaque, ut 
 ab ipso Concilii exordio quatuor specialcs 
 ac distinctae Patrum Congregationes seu 
 Deputaliones instituantur, quarum prima de 
 rebus ad fidi m pertinentibus, altera de rebus 
 disciplinae ecclesiasticae, tertia de rebus 
 Ordinum Regnlarium, quaita demum do 
 rebus ritus Orientalis, Concilio perdurante, 
 cognoscere et tractate debebit. Quaevis ex 
 praedictis Congregationibus seu Deputa- 
 tionibus numero Patrum quatuor et viginti 
 constabit, qui a Concilii Patribus per sche- 
 dulas secretas eligentur. Unicuique ex 
 iisdem Congregationibus seu Deputationibus 
 praeerit unus ex VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. Car- 
 dinalibus a Nobis desiguandus, qui ex 
 Conciliaribus Theologis vel Iuris Canonici 
 peritis, unum aut plures in commodum suae 
 Congregationis seu Deputationis adsoiseet, 
 atquc ex iis unum constituet, ijni Secretarii 
 
302 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document IX. 
 
 munere eidem Congregationi seu Deputa- 
 tion! operam navct. Igitur si illud conti- 
 gerit, quod supra innuimus, ut nimirum in 
 generali Conuregatione quaestio de propo- 
 sito sehemate exorta dirimi non potuerit, 
 turn Cardinales eiusdim generalis Congre- 
 gations Praesides curabunt ut schema, de 
 quo agitur, una cum obiectis difficultatibus 
 examini subiiciatur illius ex specialibus 
 Deputationibus, ad quam, iuxta assignata 
 cuique rerum tractandarum genera pertinere 
 intelligitur. Quae in hac peculiari Deputa- 
 tioue deliberata fuerint, eorum relatio tjpis 
 edita Patribus dirigenda erit, iuxta met. o- 
 dum a Nobis superius praescriptam, ut 
 deinde in proxima Congregatione generali, 
 si nihil amplius obstiterit, rogatis Patrum 
 suffragiis, deereti vel canonis Conciliaris 
 formula condatur. Suffragia autem a Pa- 
 tribus oretenus edentur, ita tamen, ut ipsis 
 integrum sit etiam de scripto ilia pronun- 
 tiare. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 De Sessionibus publicis. 
 
 Publicarum nunc Sessionum celebratio 
 exigit, ut rebus et actionibus in ea rite 
 dirigendis, congrua ratione consulamus. 
 Itaque in unaquaque publica Sessione, con- 
 sidentibus suo loco et ordine Patribus, 
 servatisque adamussim caeremoniis, quae 
 in rituali instmctione iisdem Patribus de 
 mandato Nostro tradenda continentur, de 
 suggestu deeretorum et canonum formulae 
 in superioribus Congregationibus «jeneiali- 
 bus conditae, voce sublata et clara iussu 
 Nostro recitabuntur, eo ordine, ut primum 
 canones de dogmatibus Fidei, deinde de- 
 creta de disciplina pronuncientur, et ea 
 adhibita solenmi tituli praefatione, qua 
 Praedecessores Nostri in eiusmodi Conciliari 
 actione uti a msueverunt, nempe : Pius Epis- 
 copus Pervus Servorum Dei, sacro approbante 
 Concilio, ad perpetuam rei rnemoriam. Tunc 
 vero rogabuntur l'atres, an placeant canoues 
 et decreta perlecta; ac statim precedent 
 scrutatores suffragiorum, iuxta methodum 
 superius constitutam, ad suffragia singilla- 
 tim et ordine excipienda, eaque accurate 
 describent. Hac autem in re declaramus 
 buffragia pronunciari debere in haec verba, 
 placet ant non placet : ac simul edicimus, 
 minime fas esse a Sessione absentibus quavis 
 de causa, suffragium suum scripto consigna- 
 tum ad Concilium mittere. lam vero suf- 
 fragiis collectis, Concilii Secretarius una 
 cum supradictis scrutatoribus penes Ponti- 
 ficalem Nostram Cathedram, iis accurate 
 dirimendis ac numerandis operam dabunt, 
 ac de ipsis ad Nos referent : Nos deinde 
 supremam Nostram sententiam edicemus, 
 
 eamque enunciaii et promulgari mandabi- 
 mns, hac adhibita solemni formula : " De- 
 creta modo lecta placuerunt omnibus Patri- 
 bus, nemine dissent) ente ; vel (si qui for'e 
 dissenserint) tot numero excsptis; Nosqum 
 sacro approbante Concilio, i la ita decern - 
 mus statuim»8 atque sancimus, ut lecta sunt." 
 Hisce autem omnibus explctis, erit Pr< mj 
 torum, Concilii rogare Protonotarios prac- 
 sentes, ut de omnibus et singulis in Sessione 
 peractis, unum vel plura, instrunn ntum vel 
 instrumenta conficiantur. Denique die 
 proximae Sessionis de mandato Nostro in- 
 dicia, Sessionis conventus dimittetur. 
 
 IX. 
 
 De non discedendo a Concilio. 
 
 Universis porro Concilii Patribus, alii.s^ue 
 qui eidem interesse debent praecipiinus sub 
 poenis per SS. Canones indictis, ut ne quis 
 eorum, antequam Sacrosanr'tum hoc gencrale 
 et Oecumenicum Concilium Vaticanum rite 
 absolutum et a Nobis dimissum sit, discedat, 
 nisi discessionis causa iuxta normam supe- 
 rius definitam cognila et probata fuerit, ac 
 impetrata a Nobis abeundi facultas. 
 
 
 Indultum Apostolicum de non residentia pro 
 iis qui Concilio intcrsunt. 
 
 Cum ii onmes qui Conciliaribus actionibus 
 interesse tenentur, ea in re universali Eccle- 
 siae de serviant ; Praedeoes-orum Nostrorum 
 etiam exemplum sequuti l Apostolica be- 
 nignitate indulgemus, ut turn Praesules 
 aliique suffiagii ius in hoc Concilio ha- 
 bente3, turn ceteri omnes eidem Concilio 
 operam quovis titulo impendemV-s, suorum 
 beneficiorum fiuctus, reditu-', proventus ac 
 distributiones quotid anas peicipere possint, 
 iis tantum distiibutionibus exceptis, quae 
 inter praesentes fieri dicuntur; idque con- 
 cedimus Synodo perdurante, et donee 
 quisque eidem adsit aut inserviat. 
 
 Haec volumus atque mandamus, decer- 
 nentes lias Nostras Litteras et in eis con- 
 tents, quarcumque, in proximo sacrosancto 
 generali et Otcumenico Concilio Vaticano, 
 ab omnibus et singulis ad quos spectat, 
 respective et inviolabiliter observari debere. 
 Non obstantihus, quamvis speciali atque 
 individua mentione ac derogatione dignis, 
 in contrarium facientibus quilmscumque. 
 
 Datum Eomae apud S. Petrum sub An- 
 nulo Piscatoris, die XXVII Novembris 
 
 1 Paulas III, Btcv. I, Januarii 1516; Hug IV, 
 Brcv. 25, Nov. 1561. 
 
 

 Document X.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 303 
 
 anno MDCCCLXIX. Pontifi'atus Nostri 
 anno Yigesimo quarto. 
 
 N. Card. Pakacciani-Clarelli. 
 
 (Dalla Cicilta Caltolica, 18 decembre 
 18(39.) 
 
 DOCUMENT X. 
 
 locnzionechc il Santissimo nostro Signore 
 per divina Provvidenza PAPA PIO IX, 
 per dare principio al sacro C< medio ecu- 
 menico il di 8 decembre dell' anno 1 869, 
 tenne nella Basilica vaticana ai vescovi 
 
 idel mondo cattolico convenuti alio stesso 
 Coucilio. 
 Venerabiles Fratres. 
 
 QuoJ votis omnibus ac precibus ab Deo 
 petebamus, ut Oecumenicum Concilium a 
 Nobis indictum concelebrare possemus, id 
 insigni ac singulari Dei ipsius beneficio, 
 datum Nobis esse summopere laetamur. 
 Itaque exultat cor Nostrum in Domino et 
 incredibili consolatione perfunditur, quod 
 tiuspicatissimo hoc die Immaculatae Dei 
 Genitricis Virginis Mariae Conceptioni sa- 
 cro, Voa qui in partem sollicitudinis Nostrae 
 vocati ebtis, iterum maiori quam alius fre- 
 quentia, in hac catholicae Religionis arce 
 praesentes intuemur, aspectuque Vestro per- 
 fruimur iueundissimo. 
 
 Vos autem nunc, Venerabih s Fratres, in 
 nomine Cbristicongregati ' adestis, ut Nobis- 
 cum testimonium perbibeatis Verbo Dei et 
 testimonium Iesu (Jhristi, 2 viamque Dei in 
 veritate omnes bomines Ncbiscum doceatis, 3 
 et de oppositionibus falsi nominis scientiae, 4 
 Nobiscum Spiritu Sancto duce iudicetis. 5 
 
 Si enim unquam alias hoc maxime tem- 
 pore, quo vere luxit et defiuxit terra infecta 
 ab babitatoribus suis, 6 divinae gloriae zelus, 
 et Dominici gregis salus a Nobis postulat, 
 ut circumdemus Sion et complectamur earn, 
 narremus in turribus eius, et ponamus corda 
 Nostia in virtute eius. 7 
 
 Videtis enim, Venerabdes Fratres, quanto 
 impetu antiquus humani generis bostis 
 Domum Dei, quam decet sanctitudo, ag- 
 gressus sit et usque aggrediatur. Eo auc- 
 tore funesta ilia impiorum coniuratio late 
 grassatur, quae coniunctione fortis, opibus 
 potens, munita institutis, et velamen habens 
 malitiae libertatem, 8 acerrimum adversus 
 Banctam Christi Ecclesiam beilum, omni 
 
 > Matt., 18, 20. 2 Apoc., 1, 2. 3 Matth. 22, 16.; 
 
 * 1. Tim., 6, 20. 5 Act. A post. 15, 19. 
 
 « Isai., 2i, 4, 5. ' l'salm xlvii., 13, 14. 
 
 * J. Pet., 2, 16. 
 
 scelere imbutum urgere non desinit. Huius 
 belli genus, vim, arma, progressus, consilia 
 non ignoratis. Versatur Vobis continenter 
 aute oculos sanarum doctrinarum, quibus 
 humanaeres in suis qu.iequeordinibus inni- 
 tuntur, perturbatio et confusio, luctuosa iuris 
 cuiusque perversio, multiplices mentiendi 
 audacter et corrumpendi artes, quibus 
 iustitiae, hon>statis et auctoritatis salutaria 
 vincula solvuntur, pessimae quaeque cupi- 
 ditates in flam man tur, Christiana Fides ab 
 animis funditus convellitur, ita ut certum 
 lioc tempore Ecclesiae Dei metuendum esset 
 exitium, si ullis bominum machinationibus 
 et conatibus exscindi posset. At nihil 
 Ecclesia potentius, inquibat sanctus Ioannes 
 Chryso3tomus : Ecclesia est ipso caelo for- 
 tior. Caelum et terra transibunt ; verba 
 autem mea non transibunt. Quae verba? 
 Tu es Petrus, et super banc Petram aedi- 
 ficabo Ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non 
 prevalebunt adversus earn. 1 
 
 Quamquam vero Civitas Domini virtutum, 
 Ci vitas Dei Nostri inexpugnabili funda- 
 mento nitatur, tamen agnoscentes ac intimo 
 corde dolentes tantam malorum congeiiem 
 animarumque ruinam, ad quam avertendam 
 vel vitam p mere parati c ssemus, Nos qui 
 aeterni Pastoris Vicaria in Terris procura- 
 tione l'ungenles, zelo domus Dei prae caeteris 
 incendamur necesse est, earn viam et rationem 
 ineundam Nobis esse duximus, quae ad tot 
 Ecclesiae detiimenta sarcienda utilior et 
 opportunior videretur. Ac illud Isuiae saepe 
 anituo revolventes : " Ini consilium, coge 
 concilium," et reputantes huiusmodi reme- 
 dium in gravissimis rei christianae tempo- 
 ribus a Praedecessoribus Nostris salutariter 
 esse usurpatum, post diuturnas preces, post 
 collata cum Venerabilibus Fratribus Nostris 
 Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus 
 consilia, post expetita etiam plurium Sacro- 
 rum Antistitum suffragia, Vos, Venerabiles 
 Fratre3, qui estis sal terrae, Cu^todes Domi- 
 nici Gregis et Pastores, apud banc Petri 
 Cathedram censuimus evocandos; atque 
 bodie, divina benignitate favente, quae 
 tantae rei impedimenta sustulit, sanctae Con- 
 gregationis initia, solemni maioruin ritu 
 celebramus. Tot autem sunt, tamque uberes 
 caritatis sensu-% quibus hoc tempore afnei- 
 mur, Venerabiles Fratres, ut eos in sinu con- 
 tinere non valeamus. Videmus enim in 
 Vestro Conspectu universam Catholicae 
 gentis familiam, carissimos Nobis Filios 
 praetentes intueri : cogitamus tot amoris 
 pign >ra, tot ferventis atnmi opera, quibus 
 Vestro impulsu, ductu et exemplo suam 
 jiietatemet observantiam Nobis et huic Apo- 
 
 > Humil. ante exil. n. 1. 
 
304 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XI 
 
 stolicae Sedi mirifice probarunt, ac porro 
 probant; atque bac cogitatione Nobis tern - 
 perare nou possumus, quin in vestro amplis- 
 s-imo coetu, Nostram erga eos omnes gratis- 
 simam voluntatem, solemni et publica si- 
 gnificatione profitc ntes, Deum enixe adprece- 
 mur, ut probatio eorumfidei multo pretiosior 
 auro, invenialur in laudem et gloriam et 
 honorem, in revelatione Iesu Christi. 1 
 Miseram deinde etiara tot liominum condi- 
 tionem cogitamus, qui a via veritatis et 
 iustitiae, ideoque verae felicitatis decepti 
 aberrant, eorumque saluti opem afferre desi- 
 deriodesideramus, memores Divini Redemp- 
 toris et Magistri Nostri Iesu, qui venit 
 quaerere et salvum facere quod perierat. 
 Intendimus praeterea oculos in boc Prin- 
 cipis Apostolorum Trophaeum apud quod 
 consistimus, in banc almam Urbem, quae 
 Dei munere tradita non fuit in diieptionem 
 gentium, in Romanum bunc Populuia Nobis 
 dilectissimum, cuius constanti aniore, fide, 
 obsequio circumdamur, atque ad Dei beni- 
 gnitatem extollendam vocamur, qui divini 
 sui praesidii spem in Nobis boc tempore, 
 magis raagisque fulcire et confirmare vo- 
 luerit. At praecipue Vos cogitatione com- 
 plectimu'r, Venerabiles Fratres, in quorum 
 solliuitudine, zelo et concordia, magnum 
 momentum ad Dei gloriam operandam posi- 
 tum nunc esse intelligimus ; agnoscimus 
 rlagrans studium, quod ad Vestrum munus 
 implendum attulistis, ac praeseitim prae- 
 cltiam et arctissiinam illam Vestrum om- 
 nium cum Nobis, et bac Apostolica Sede 
 coniunctionem, qua, ut semper alias in maxi- 
 mis Nostris acerbitatibus, ita potissimum 
 boc tempore nihil Nobis iucundius, nihil 
 Ecclesiae utilius esse potest; acvebementer 
 gaudemus in Domino Vos ita esse animo 
 comparatos, ut ad certain solidamque spem 
 uberrimorum fructuum et maxime optabi- 
 lium, ex Synodali bac Vestra coitione conci- 
 piendam impellamur. Ut nullum fortasse 
 aliud infestius et callidius bellum in Cbristi 
 Regnum exarsit, sic nullum fuit tempus in 
 quo magis Sacerdotum Domini cum Su- 
 premo Gregis Eius Pastore unio, a qua in 
 Ecclesiam miia vis manat, postularetur ; 
 quae quidem unio, singulari divinae provi- 
 dentiae munere et spectata virtute Vestra, 
 ita iugiter reipsa constitit, ut spectaculum 
 iacta sit, et futuram magis confidamus in 
 dies, mundo et angelis et ljominibus. 
 
 Agile igitur, Venerabiles Fratres, con- 
 fortamini in Domino: ac in nomine ipsius 
 Trinitatis Augustae, sanctifioati in veritate, 2 
 induti arma lucis, docete Nobiscum viam, 
 ventatem et vitam, ad quam tot agitata 
 aerumnis gens humana iam non adspirare 
 1 I. 1'tt., 1, V.. 2 loann., It, 19. 
 
 non potest, date Nobiscum operam, ut pa: :jj 
 regnis, lex barbaris, monasteriis quiesJ 
 Ecclesijs ordo, cb-ricis disciplina, Deo popu j 
 lus acceptabilis restitui possit. 1 Stat Dew i 
 in loco sancto suo, Nostris interest consiliii 
 et actibus, suos Ipse ministry et adiutorei 
 in tarn eximio misericordiae suae opere No; 
 adlegit, atque buic ministerio ita Nos in 
 servire oportet, ut illi unice boc ttmpofjj 
 mentes, corda, vires consecremus. 
 
 Sed nostrae infirmitatis conscii, Nostris 
 diffisi viiibus, ad Te levamus cum fiducie 
 oculos, precesque convertimus, o Divini 
 Spiritus, Tu funs verae lucis et sapientiae. 
 divinae Tuae gratiae lumen praefer men- 
 tibus Nostris, ut ea quae recta, quae salu- 
 taria, quae optima sunt videamus ; Corda 
 rege, fove, dirige, ut buius Coucilii actionem 
 rite incboentur, prospere promoveantur, salu- 
 briter perficiantur. 
 
 Tu vero Mater Pulcbrae dileclionis, agui- 
 tionis et sanctae spei, Ecclesiae Regina et 
 propugnatrix, Tu Nos, consultations, la- 
 bores Nostras in Tuam maternam fidem 
 tutelamque recipias, ac Tuis age apud 
 Deum precibus, ut in uno semper spiritu 
 maneamus et corde. 
 
 Vos quoque Nostris adeste votis, Angeli 
 et Arcbangeli, Tuque Apostolorum Prin- 
 ceps, Btatissime Petre, Tuque Coapostole 
 Eius, Paule, doctor gentium, et predi- 
 cate veritatis in uuiverso mundo, A T osque 
 omnes, Sancti caelites, et praecipue, quorum 
 cineres hie veneramur, potenti Vos depraj 
 catione efficite, ut omnes, ministcrium Nos- 
 trum fideliter implentes, suscipiamua misers 
 cordiam Uei in meilio Templi Eius, Cui 
 honor et gloria in saecula saiculorum. 
 
 (Dalla Civclta Cattolica, 18 decern* >re 
 1869.) 
 
 DOCUMENT XL 
 SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI 
 
 PII DIVINA PROVIDENT! A PAPAE IX. 
 
 CONST1TUTXO DE ELECTIONS EOMANI 
 l'ONTlElCIS 
 
 SI CONTINGAT SEDEM APOSTOLICAM 
 
 VACABE DURANTE CONCiLIO OECUMENICO. 
 
 PIUS EPISCOPUS 
 
 SERVES SERVORUM DEI 
 
 Ad %>trpetuam ret memoriam. 
 
 Cum Romanis Pontificibus iu B. Petro 
 Apostolorum Principe pascendi, regendi et 
 i San. Bern., De Con., 1. 4, c. 4. 
 
Document XI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 305 
 
 gubeniaudi universalem Ecclesiam a Do- 
 mino Nostro Iesu Chvisto plena potestas tra- 
 dita fuerit ; pax et unitas ipsius Ecclesiae in 
 grave discrimen facile adducerentur si, Apo- 
 stolica Sede vacante, in electione novi Ponti- 
 ficis quidquam fieri contingeret, quod earn 
 incertam, ac dubiam reddere posset. 
 
 Ad tarn funestum periculum avertendum 
 plures a Eoraanis Pontificibus Decessoribus 
 Nostris, ac praesertim a fel. record. Alex- 
 andra III in generali Concilio Lateranensi 
 III, 1 a B. Gregorio X in generali Concilio 
 Lugdunensi II, 2 a Clemente V, 3 a Gregorio 
 XV, 4 ab Urbano VIII 5 et a Clemente XII 6 
 editao sunt Constitutiones, quibus dum 
 multa alia praescribuntur, ut negotium tanti 
 momenti rite recteque expediatur, generatim 
 et absque ulla exceptione declaratur ac de- 
 cernitur electionem Summi Pontificis ad 
 S. R. E. Cardinal ium Collegium unice et 
 exclusive spectare. 
 
 Haec Nos animo recolentes, cum Oecu- 
 mcnicum et Generale Concilium Vaticanum 
 per Apostolicas Littcras quae incipiunt 
 Aeternis I'atris III kal. Iulias anno 1868, a 
 Nobis in dictum, in eo iam sit ut solemniter 
 initietur, Apostolici Nostri muneris esse 
 ducimus, quamcumque occasionem discor- 
 diarum et dissensionum circa electionem 
 Summi Pontificis praevenire ac praecidere, 
 si Divinae voluntati placuerit Nos, eodem 
 Concilio perdurante, ex hac mortali vita 
 migrare. 
 
 Quapropter exemplo permoti fel. record. 
 Iulii If, Decessoris Nostri, de quo, comper- 
 tum ex bistoria est 7 tempore generalis Con- 
 cilii Lateranensia V lethali morbo correp- 
 tum Cardinales coram se convocasse, ac de 
 legitima Successors Sui electione sollicitum, 
 Qlis adstantibus edixisse banc non a prae- 
 dieto Concilio, sed ab eorum tantum Collegio 
 esse perficiendam, prout reapse, memorati 
 Iulii sequuta morte, factum fuisse constat, 
 atque exemplo insuper excitati aliorum 
 Decessorum N(jstrorura item fel. rec. Pauli 
 III et Pii IV. quorum primus Apostolicis 
 Litteris datis III kal. Decembris an. 1544, 
 alter vero similibus Litteris datis X kal. 
 Octobris 1561, casum mortis suae praevi- 
 dentes cum Tridentina Synodus celebrare- 
 tur, decreverunt, eiusmodi casu occurrente, 
 electionem novi Pontificis nonnisi a S. R. E. 
 Cardinalibus esse faciendam, exclusa pror- 
 sus quacumque memoratae Synod i participa- 
 
 1 Cap. Licet de Electione. 
 
 2 Cap. U( i de Electione in 6. 
 
 3 Clement. 2 de Electione. 
 
 * Constlt. J)ect Homanum Povtifwm. 
 
 5 Coiisiit. Ad Eomani l'oniificls, V kal. februarii 
 1625. 
 
 6 Constit. Apostolatus, IV. nonas octobris 1732. 
 
 7 Raynald, Annal. Jiccles. ad annum 1513, n. VII. " 
 
 tione : atque insuper de bis babita cum 
 nonnullis Venerabilibus Fnitribus Nostris 
 eiusdem S. R. E. Cardinalibus matura de- 
 liberatione et diligenti examine, ex certa 
 scientia Nostra, Motu proprio ac de Aposto- 
 licae potestatis plenitudine declaramus, dc- 
 cernimus atque statuimus quod, si placuerit 
 Deo mortali Nostrae peregrinationi, prae- 
 dicto generali Concilio Vaticano perdurante, 
 finem imponere, electio novi Summi Ponti- 
 ficis, in quibuscumque statu et terminis Con- 
 cilium ipsum subsistat, nonnisi per S. R. E. 
 Cardinales fieri debeat, minime vero per 
 ipsum Concilium, atque etiam omnino ex- 
 clusis ab eadem electione peragenda quibus- 
 cumque aliis personis cuiusvis, licet ipsius 
 Concilii auctoritate forte deputandis, praeter 
 Cardinales praediclos. 
 
 Quin imo ut in eiusmodi electione memo- 
 rati Cardinales, omni prorsus impcdimento 
 submoto, et quavis perturbationum et dissi- 
 (iiorum occasione sublata, liberius et expedi- 
 tius procedere queant, de eadem scientia et 
 Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, illud 
 praeterea decernimus atque statuimus ut si, 
 praedicto Vaticano Concilio perdurante, Nos 
 decedere conligerit, idem Concilium in qui- 
 buscumque statu et terminis existat, illico 
 et immediate suspensum ac dilatum intelli- 
 gatur, quemadmodum per Nostras has 
 litteras illud nunc pro tunc suspendere 
 atque in tempus infra notandum differre 
 intendimus, adeo ut nulla prorsus interiecta 
 mora, cessare statim debeat a quibuscumque 
 conventibus, congregationibus et sessionibus, 
 et a quibusvis decretis seu canonibus confi- 
 ciendis, nee ob qualemcumque causam, etiam- 
 si gravissima et speciali mentione digna 
 videatur, ulterius progredi, donee novus 
 Pontifex a Sacro Cardinalium Collegio 
 canonice electus suprema sua auctoritate 
 Concilii ipsius reassumptionem et prosequu- 
 tionem duxerit intimandam. 
 
 Opportunum autem censentes, ut quae oc- 
 casione praedicti Concilii Vaticani hactenus 
 ordinavimus turn quoad Summi Pontificis 
 electionem, turn quoad eiusdem Concilii 
 suspensionem, certain stabilemque normam 
 in simili rerum eventu perpetuo servandam 
 suppeditent, pari scientia et potestate de- 
 cernimus atque statuimus, ut futuris qui- 
 buscumque temporibus, quandocumque con- 
 tinent Romanum Pontificem decedere, per- 
 durante celebratione alicuius Concilii Oecu- 
 menici sive Romae illud babeatur, sive in 
 alio quovis orbis loco, electio novi Pontificis 
 ab uno S. R. E. Cardinalium Collegio 
 semper et exclusive iuxta modum superius 
 definitum fieri debeat, atque ipsum Con- 
 cilium, pariter iuxta regulam superius 
 sancitam, statim ab accepto certo nuntio do 
 
306 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XU. 
 
 mortui Pontificis suspensum ipso iure in- 
 telligatur, et tamdiu dilatum, donee novus 
 Pontifex canonice electus illud reassumi et 
 contiimari iusserit. 
 
 Praesentes autera litteras semper validas, 
 firmas et efficaces existere et fore, suosque 
 plenarios et integros effectus sortiri et ob- 
 tinere, ac nullo unquam tempore ex quo- 
 cumque capite, aut qualibet causa de sub- 
 reptionis, vel obriptionis seu nullitatis vitio, 
 vel intentinnis Nostra^, vel alio quopiam, 
 quantumvis substantial! inexcogitato et inex- 
 cogitabiii ac specificam et individuam 
 mentionem aut expressionem requirente, 
 defectu, aut ex quocumque alio capite a iure 
 statuto, vel quocumque praetextu, ratione, 
 aut causa quantumvis t;ili, quae ad effectum 
 validitatis praemissorum necessario expri- 
 menda foret, notari, impugnari, reilargui, 
 invalidari, retraetari, in ius vel controver- 
 siam revocari posse ; neque easdem prae- 
 sentes sub quibusvis similium vel dissimi- 
 lium dispositionum revocationibus, limita- 
 tionibus, niodificationibus, derogationibus, 
 sub quibuscumque verborum tcnoribus et 
 formis, ac cum quibusvis clausulis et decre- 
 tis, etiamsi in eis de hisce praesentibus, 
 earumque tofo tenore ac data specialis 
 mentio fieret, pro tempore faotis et concessis 
 ac faciendis et concedendis comprehendi; 
 sed semper et omnino ab iilis excipi debere 
 atque ex nunc quidquid contra praemissa, 
 Apostolica Sede vacante, quavis auctoritate 
 etiam memorati Concilii Vaticani, vel alte- 
 rius cuiuscumque futuris temporibus Con- 
 cilii Oecumenici, licet de unanimi consensu 
 hodiernorum, seu pro tempore exsisientium 
 S. R. E. Cardinalium scienter * el ignoranter 
 fuerit attentatum, irritum et inane ac 
 nullius roboi is dect mimus. 
 
 Non obstautibus quatenus opus sit, felicis 
 recordationis Alexandri Papae III Deces- 
 soris Nostri in Concilio I.ateranensi edita, 
 quae incipit " Licet de vitanda " et quibus- 
 cumque aliis etiam in universalibus Con- 
 ciliis latis specialibus vel generalibus Con- 
 stitutionals Apostolkis, quamvis in corpore 
 Juris clausis, et sub quibuscumque tenor ibus 
 et formis ac quibusvis etiam derogatoriarum 
 derogatoriis, aliisque efficacioribus, et inso- 
 litis clausulis, irritantibusque et aliis de- 
 cretis in genere vel in specie, etiam Motu 
 pari ac consistorialiter statutis, quibus om- 
 nibus et singulis quatenus pariter opus sit 
 eorumque omnium tenoribus peiinde ac si 
 praesentibus de verbo ad verbum expriman- 
 nir, pro insertis et expressis habentes, in ea 
 tantum parte, quae praesentibus adversatur 
 ill is alias in suo rubore permansuris, ad 
 praemissorum omnium et singulorum vali- 
 dissimum effectum hac vice dumtaxat latis- 
 
 sime et plenissime ac sufficienter necnon 
 specialiter et expresse harum quoque seri^j 
 derogamus, ceterisque contrariis quilms- 
 cumque. 
 
 Nulli erc;o omnino hominum liceat hanc 
 paginam Nostrae declarationis, ordinationis, 
 s-tatuti, decreti, derogatiouis et voluntatis 
 infrin^ere, vel illis ausu temerario contraire. 
 Si quis autem hoc atten'are praesumpserit, 
 indignationem Omnipotentis Dei ac Bea- 
 torum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius se 
 noverit incursurum. 
 
 Datum Romae apud S. Petrum Anno In- 
 carnationis Dominicae millesimo oetingen- 
 tesimo sexagesimo nono. Pridie Nonas 
 Decembris. Pontificatus Nostri anno vigesi- 
 moquarto. 
 
 M. Card. Mattei Pro-Da tai ius. 
 N. Card. Paracciani Clarelli. 
 Visa de Curia 
 Loco ^ plumbi. Dominices Brvti 
 
 I. CL'GNONI. 
 
 (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 1° gennaio 1870.) 
 
 DOCUMENT XII. 
 
 SS. D. N. PI I 
 
 DIVINA PROVIDENTIA 
 
 PAPAF, IX 
 
 CONSTITUTIO 
 
 QEA CENSERAE LATAE SENTENTIAE 
 
 LIMITANTER. 
 
 PIUS EPISCOPUS 
 SERVES SERVOREM DEI 
 
 Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. 
 
 Apostolicae Sedis moderationi convenit, 
 quae salubriter veternni canonum auctori- 
 tate constituta sunt, sic retinere, ut si tem- 
 porum rerumque mutatio quidpiam e?se 
 temperandum piudenti dispensatione sa - 
 deat, eadem Apostolica Sedes congrunm 
 supremae suae potestatis renii dium ac pro- 
 videntiam impendat. Quamobrem cum 
 animo Nostro iampridem revolverenins, ec- 
 clesiasticas censuras, quae per modum lntae 
 sententiae, ipsoque facto incuirendae ad in- 
 columitatem ac disciplinam ipsius Eccle- 
 s'ae tutandam, effrenemque improborum 
 licentiam coercendam etemendandam sancte 
 per singula saetates indictae ac promulgatae 
 sunt, magnum ad numerum sensim excre- 
 visse; quasdam etiam, tempoiibus mod- 
 
:UMENT XII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 307 
 
 busque mutatis, a fine atque causis, ob quas 
 impositae fuerant, vel a pristina utilitate, 
 opportunitate excidisse ; eamque ob rem 
 oon infrequentes oriri sive in iis, quibus 
 animarum cum commissa est, sive in ipsis 
 Idelibus dubietates, anxietates, nngoresque 
 eonscientiae ; Nos eiusinodi ineonimodis 
 occurrere volentes, plenain earumdem recen- 
 sioin m fieri, Nobisque proponi iussimus, ut 
 diligenti adhibita consideratione, stituere- 
 mus, quasnam ex illis servare ao retinere 
 oporteret, quas vero moderari aut abrogare 
 congrueret. Ea igitur reeensione peraeta, 
 ac Venerabilibus Fiatribus Nostris S. K. E. 
 Oardinalibus in negotiis Fidei Gentralibus 
 Inquisitoribus per universam Christianam 
 Rempublicam deputatis in consilium ad- 
 scitis, reque diu ac mature perpensa, motu 
 proprio, certa sc'entia, matura deliberatione 
 nostra, deque Apostolicae Nostrae potestatis 
 plenitudine hac perpetuo valitura Constitu- 
 tione decernimus, ut ex quibuscumque cen- 
 suris sive excommunicationis, sive suspen- 
 sions, sive interdicti, quae per modum 
 latae sententiae, ipsoque facto incurrendae 
 hactenus impositae sunt, nonnisi illae, quas 
 in bac ipsa Constitutione inserimus, eoque 
 modo, quo inserimus, robur exinde habeant ; 
 simul declarantes easdem non modo ex 
 veterum canonum auctoritate, quatenus cum 
 hac Nostra Constitutione conveniunt, verurn 
 etiam ex bac ipsa Constitutione Nostra, non 
 secus ac si primum editae ab ea fuerint, vim 
 suam prorsus aciupere debere. 
 
 Excommuninatioiies latae sententiae speciali 
 modo Romano Pontifici reservatae. 
 
 Itaque excommunicationi latae sententiae 
 speciali modo Komano Pontifici reservatae 
 subiacere declaramus : 
 
 1. Omnes a Christiana fide apostatas, et 
 omnes ac singulos haereticos, quocumque 
 nomine censeantur, et cuiuscumque sectae 
 existant, eisque credentes, eorumque recep- 
 tees, fautores, ac generaliter quoslibet illo- 
 rum defensores. 
 
 2. Omnes et singulos scienter legentes 
 sine auctoritate Sedis Apostolicae libros 
 eorumdem apostatarum et baereticorum hae- 
 resim propugnantes, necnon libros cuiusvis 
 auctoris per Apostolicas litteras nominatim 
 prohibitos, eosdemque libros retinentes, 
 imprimentes et quomodolibet defeudentes. 
 
 3. Schismatioos et eos qui a Komani Pon- 
 tificis pro tempore existentis obeditntia 
 pertinaciter se subtrahunt, vel recedunt. 
 
 4. Omnes et singulos, cuiuscumque status, 
 gradus seu conditionis fuerint, ab ordina- 
 tionibus seu mandatis Romanorum Ponti- 
 fiVum pro tempore existentium ad univer- 
 sale futurum Concilium appellantes, nec- 
 
 non eos, quorum auxilio, consilio vel favore 
 appellatum fucrit. 
 
 5. Umnes interficientes, mutilantes, per- 
 cutientes, capientes, carcerantes, detinentes, 
 vel hostiliter insequentes S. R. E. Cardi- 
 nales, Patriarcbas, Archiepiscop s, Epi- 
 scopos, Sedisque Apostolicae Legatos, vel 
 Nuncios, aut eos a suis Dioecesibus, Ter- 
 ritoriis, Tenis, seu Dominiis ejieientes, nec- 
 non ea mandantes, vel rata babentes, seu 
 praest antes in eis auxilium, consilium vel 
 favorem. 
 
 «J. Impedientes directe vel indirecte exer- 
 citium iurisdictionis ecclesiasticae sive in- 
 terni sive externi fori, et ad hoc recurren- 
 tes ad forum saeculare eiusque mandata pro- 
 eurantes, edentes. aut auxilium, consilium 
 vel favorem praestantes. 
 
 7. Cogentes sive directe, sive indirecte 
 iudices laicos ad trahendum ad suum tri- 
 bunal personas ecclesiasticas praeter canoni- 
 cas dispositiones : item edentes leges vel 
 decreta contra libertatem aut iura Eccle- 
 siae. 
 
 8. Recurrentes ad laicam pote»tatem ad 
 impediendas litteras vel acta quaelibet a 
 Sede Apostolica, vel ab eiusdem Legatis 
 aut Delegatis quibuscumque piofecta, eorum- 
 que promulgationem vel executionem directe 
 vel indirecte prohibentes, aut eorum causa 
 sive ipsas partes, sive alios laedentes, vel 
 pe i ter refacient es. 
 
 9. Omnes falsarios litterarum Apostoli- 
 carum, etiam in forma Brevis ac supplica- 
 tionum gratiam vel iustitiam concernentium, 
 per Romanum Pontificem, vel S. R. E. 
 Vice-Cancellarios seu Gerentes vices eorum 
 aut de mandato eiusdem Rornani Pontificis 
 signatarum : necnon falso publicantes Lit- 
 teras Apostolicas, etiam in forma Brevis, 
 et etiam falso signantes supplicationes huius- 
 modi sub nomine Romani Pontificis, seu 
 Vice-Cancellarii aut Gerentis vices prae- 
 dictorum. 
 
 10. Absolventes complicem in peccato 
 turpi etiam in mortis artieulo, si alius Sa- 
 cerdos licet non adprobatus ad confessiones, 
 sine gravi aliqua exoritura infamia et scan- 
 dalo, possit excipere moiientis confes- 
 sionem. 
 
 11. Usurpantes aut sequestrantes iuris- 
 dictionem, bona, reditus ad personas eccle- 
 siasticas ratione suarum Ecclesiarum aut 
 beueficiorum pertinentes. 
 
 12. Invadentes, destruentes, detinentes 
 per se vel per alios Civitates, Terras, loca 
 aut iura ad Ecclesiam Romanam pertinentia; 
 vel usurpantes, perturbantes, retinentes su- 
 premam iurisdictionem in eis ; necnon ad 
 singula piaedicta auxilium, consilium, 
 favorem praebentes. 
 
308 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [DoCTJMKNT XII. 
 
 A quibus omnibus excommunicationibus 
 hue usque recensitis absolutionem Romano 
 Pontifici pro tempore speciali modo reser- 
 vatam esse et reservari : et pro ea generalem 
 concessionem absolvendi a casibus et cen- 
 suris, sive excommunicationibus Romano 
 Pontifici reservatis nullo pacto sufficere de- 
 claramus, revocatis insuper carumdem re- 
 spectu quibuscumque indultis concessis sub 
 quavis forma et quibusvis personis etiain 
 Regularibus cuiuscumque Ordinis, Conjrre- 
 gationis, Societatis et Instituti, etiam speciali 
 mentione dignis et in quavis dignitate con- 
 stitutis. Absolvere autem praesumentes sine 
 debita facultate, etiam quovis praetextu, ex- 
 communicationis vinculo Romano Pontifici 
 reservatae innodatos se sciant, dummodo non 
 agatur de mortis articulo, in quo tarn en firma 
 sit quoad absolutes obligatio standi man- 
 datis Ecclesiae, si convaluerint. 
 
 Excommunicationes lafae sententiae Romano 
 Pontifici reservatae. 
 
 Excommunicationi latae sententiae Ro- 
 mano Pontifici reservatae subiacere decla- 
 ramus : 
 
 1. Docentcs vel defend entes sive publice, 
 sive privatim propo&itiones ab Apostolica 
 Sede damnatiis sub excommunicationis poena 
 latae sententiae : item docentes vel defen- 
 dentes tamquam licitam praxim inquirendi 
 a poenitente nomen complicis, prouii dam- 
 nata est a Benedicto XIV in Const. Su- 
 prema 7 Iulii 1745 ; Vbi primum 2 Iunii 
 1746 ; Ad eradicandum 28 Septembris 1740. 
 
 2. Violentas manus, suadente diabolo, in- 
 jicientes in Clericos, vel utriusque sexus 
 Monachos, exceptis quoad reservationem 
 casibus et personis, de quibus iure vel privi- 
 legio permittitur, ut Episcopus aut alius 
 absolvat. 
 
 3. Duellum perpetrantes, aut simpliciter 
 ad illud provocantes, vel ipsum acceptantes ; 
 et quoslibet complices, vel qualemcumque 
 operam aut favorem praebentes, necnon de 
 industria spectantes, illudque permittentes, 
 vel quantum in illis est, non prohibentes, 
 cuiuscumque dignitatis sint, etiam regalis 
 vel imperialis. 
 
 4. Nomen dantes sectae 'Massonicae, aut 
 Carbonariae, aut aliis eiusdem generis sectis 
 quae contra Ecclesiam vel legitimas potes- 
 tates seu palam, seu clandestine machi- 
 nautur, necnon iisdem sectis favorem qualem- 
 cumque praestantes ; earumve occultos 
 eoi iphaeos ac duces non denunciantes, donee 
 non denunciaverint. 
 
 5. Immunitatem asyli ecclesiastici violare 
 iubentes, aut ausu temerario violantes. 
 
 6. Violantes clausuram Monialum, cuius- 
 cumque generis aut conditionis, sexus vel 
 
 aetatis fuerint, in earnm monasteria alsqu# 
 lesatima licentiaingrediendo; pariterque eo& 
 introducentes vel admittentes ; itemque Mo- 
 niales ab ilia exeuntes extra casus ac 
 fonnam a S. Pio V in Constit. Decori prae- 
 scriptam. 
 
 7. Mulieres violantes Regularium virorum 
 clausuram, et Superiores aliosve cas admit- 
 tentes. 
 
 8. Reos simoniae realis in beneficiis qui- 
 buscumque, eorumque complices. 
 
 9. Reos simoniae confidentialis in bene- 
 ficiis quibuslibet, cuiuscumque sint digni- 
 tatis. 
 
 10. Reos simoniae realis ob ingressum in 
 Religionem. 
 
 11. Omnes qui quaestum facientcs ex 
 indulgenitis aliisque gratiis spiritualibus 
 excommunicationis censura plectuntur Con- 
 stitutione S. Pii V. Quam plenum 2 Ianuarii 
 1569. 
 
 12. Colligentes eleemosynas maioris pretia 
 pro missis, et ex iis lucrum captantes, 
 faciendo eas celebrari in locis ubi missarum 
 stipendia minoris pretii esse solent. 
 
 In. Omnes qui excommunicatione mule- 
 tantur in Constitutionibus S. Pii V. Admonet 
 vo8 quarto Kalendas Aprilis 1567, Inno- 
 centii IX. Quae ab hac Sede pridie nonas 
 Novembris 1591, dementis VIII. Ad Roman* 
 Pontificis curam 26 Iunii 1592, et Alexandri 
 VII. Inter ceteras nono Kalendas Novembris 
 1660, alienationem et iufeudationem Civi- 
 tatum et locorum S. R. E. respicientibus. 
 
 14. Religiosos praesumentes clericis aut 
 laicis extra casum necessitatis Saciamentum 
 extremae unctionis aut Eucharistiae per 
 viaticum ministrare absque Parochi licentia. 
 
 15. Extrahentes absque legitima venia 
 reliquias ex Sacris Coemeteriis sive Cata- 
 cutnbis Urbis Romae eiusque territorii. eisqee 
 auxilium vel favorem praebentes. 
 
 16. Communicantes cum excommunicato 
 nominatim a Papa in crimine criuainoso, 
 ei scilicet impendendo auxilium vel fa- 
 vorem. 
 
 17. Clericos scienter et sponte communi- 
 cantes in divinis cum personis a Romano 
 Pontifice nominatim excommunicatis et ipsos 
 in officiis recipientes. 
 
 Excommunicationes latae sententiae Epi- 
 scopis sive Ordinariis reservatae. 
 
 Excommunicationi latae sententiae Epi- 
 scopis sive Ordinariis reservatae subiacere 
 declaramus : 
 
 1. Clericos in Sacris constitutes vel Re- 
 gulares aut Moniales post votum solenne 
 castitatis matrimonium contrahere praesu- 
 mentes ; necnon omnes cum aliqua ex prae- 
 

 Document XII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 309 
 
 dictis personis matrimonium contrahere 
 praesumentes. 
 
 2. Proem-antes abortum, effectu sequuto. 
 
 3. Litteris apostolicis falsis scienter 
 utentes, vel crimini ea in re cooperantes. 
 
 Excom 
 
 municcttiones latae sententiae nemini 
 reservatae. 
 
 Excommunicationi latae sententiae nemini 
 geservatae subiacere declaramus : 
 
 1. Mandautes seu cogentes tradi Eccle- 
 siastieae St-pulturae haereticos notorios 
 aut nominatim excommuuicatos vel inter- 
 dictos. 
 
 2. Laedentes aut perttrrefacientes Inqui- 
 eitores, denuntiantes, testes, aliosve ministros 
 S. Officii, eiusve Sacri Tribunalis scripturas 
 diripientes, aut comburentes, vel pracdictis 
 quibuslibet auxilium, consilium, favorem 
 praestantes. 
 
 3. Alienantes et recipere praesumentes 
 bona ecclesiastica absque Beneplacito Apo- 
 stolico, ad formam Extravagantis Ambitiosae 
 De Eeb. Ecc. non alienandis. 
 
 4. Negligentes sive culpabiliter omittentes 
 denunciaie infra mensem Confessarios sive 
 Sacerdotes a quibus sollicitati fuerint ad 
 turpia in quibuslibet casibus expressis a 
 Praedecess. Nostris Grcgorio XV Constit. 
 Universi 20 Augusti 1622, et Benedicto XIV 
 Constit. Sacramentum poenitentiae 1 Iunii 
 1741. 
 
 Praeter hos hactenus recensitos, eos quo- 
 que quos Sacrosanctum Concilium Tridenti- 
 num, sive reservata Summo Pontifici aut 
 Ordinariis absolutione, sive absque ulla re- 
 servatione excommunicavit, Nos pariter ita 
 excommunicates esse declaramus ; excepta 
 anathematis poena io Decreto Sess. IV De 
 editione et usu Sacrorum Librorum constituta, 
 cui illos tantum subiacere volumus ; qui 
 libros de rebus sacris tractantes sine Or- 
 dinarii approbatione imprimunt, aut imprimi 
 faciunt. 
 
 Suspensiones latae sententiae Summo Pontifici 
 reservatae. 
 
 1. Suspensionem ipso facto incurrunt a 
 suorum Benefieiorurn perceptione ad bene- 
 placitum S. Sedis Capitula et Conventus 
 Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum aliique omnes, 
 qui ad illarum seu illorum regimen et ad- 
 ministrationem recipiunt Episcopos aliosve 
 Praelatos de praedictis Ecclesiis seu Monus- 
 teriis apud eamdem S. Sedem quovis modo 
 provisos, antequam ipsi exbibuerint Litteras 
 Apostolicas de sua promotione. 
 
 2. Suspensionem per triennium a colla- 
 tions Ordinum ipso iure incurrunt aliquem 
 Ordinantes absque titulo bcneficii, vel patri- 
 
 monii cum pacto ut ordiuatus non petat ab 
 jpsis alimenta. 
 
 3. Suspensionem per annum ab Ordi- 
 num administratioue ipso iure incurrunt 
 Ordinantes alienum subdituin etiam sub 
 praetextu beneficii statim conferendi, aut 
 iam collati, sed minime sufficientis, absque 
 eius Episcopi litteris dimissorialibus, vel 
 etiam subditum proprium, qui alibi tanto 
 tempore moratus sit, ut canonicum impedi- 
 mentum contrahere ibi potuerit, absque 
 Ordinarii eius loci litteris testimonialibus. 
 
 4. Suspensionem per annum a collatione 
 Ordinum ipso iure incurrit, qui excepto casu 
 legitimi privilegii, ordinem sacrum contu- 
 lerit absque titulo beneficii vel patrimonii 
 clerico in aliqua Congregatione viventi, in 
 qua solemnis professio non emittitur, vel 
 etiam religioso nondum professo. 
 
 5. Suspensionem perpetuam ab exercitio 
 ordinum ipso iure incurrunt Eeligiosi eiecti, 
 extra Eeligionem degentes. 
 
 6. Suspensionem ab Ordine suscepto 
 ipso iure incurrunt, qui eumdem ordinem 
 recipere praesumpserunt ab excommunicato 
 vel suspenso, vel interdicto nominatim de- 
 nunciatis, aut ab haeretico vel schismatico 
 notorio : eum vero qui bona fide a quopiam 
 eorum est ordinatus, exercitium non habere 
 ordinis sic suscepti, donee dispensetur, de- 
 claiamus. 
 
 7. Clerici saeculares exteri ultra quatuor 
 menses iu Urbe commorantes ordinati ab 
 alio quam ab ipso suo Ordinario absque 
 lkentia Card. XJrbis Vicarii, vel absque 
 praevio examine coram eodem peracto, vel 
 etiam a prOprio Ordinaiio posteaquam in 
 praedicto examine reiecti fuerint ; nec- 
 non clerici pertinentes ad aliquem e sox 
 Episcopatibus suburbicariis, si ordinentur 
 extra suam dioeccsim, dimissorialibus sui 
 Oidinnrii ad alium dirtctis quam ad Card. 
 Urbis Vicarium; vel non praemissis ante 
 Ordinem Sacrum suscipiendum exercitiis 
 spiritualibus per decern dies in domo urbana 
 Sacerdotum a Missione nuncupatorum, sus- 
 pensionem ab ordinibus sic susceptis ad 
 beneplacitum S. Sedis ipso iure incurrunt; 
 Episcopi vero ordinantes ab usu Pontificalium 
 per annum. 
 
 Interdicta latae sententiae reservata. 
 
 1. Interdictum Eomano Pontifici speciali 
 modo reservatum ipso iure incurrunt Uni- 
 versitates, Collegia et Capitula quocumquo 
 nomine nuncupentur, ab ordinationibus stu 
 mandatis eiusdem Eomani Pontificis pro 
 tempore existentis ad universale futurum 
 Concilium appcllantia. 
 
 2. Scienter celebrantes vel celebrari fa- 
 cientes divina in lot-is ab Ordinario, vel 
 
 X 
 
310 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XII. 
 
 delegate Iudice, vel a iure interdictis, aut 
 nominatim excominunicatos ad divinaofficia, 
 seu ecclesiastica Sacramenta, vel ecclesias- 
 tic-am sepulturam admittentes, interdictum 
 ab ingressu Ecclesiae ipso iure incurrunt, 
 donee ad arbitrium eius, cuius sententiam 
 coatempserunt, coinpetenter satisfecerint. 
 
 Denique quoscumque alios Sacrosanctum 
 G medium Tridentinum suspensos aut inter- 
 dictos ipso iure esse decrevit, Nos pari modo 
 suspension! vel interdicto eosdem obnoxios 
 esse volumus et declaramus. 
 
 Quae vero censurae sive excommunica- 
 tionis, sive suspensionis, sive interdicti Nos- 
 tris, aut Fredecessorum Nostrorum Consti- 
 tutionibus aut sacris canonibus praeter eas, 
 quas recensuimus, latae sunt, atque hac- 
 tenus in suo vigore perstiterunt sive pro 
 R. Pontificis electione, sive pro interno 
 regimine quorumcumque Ordinum et In- 
 stitutorum Regularium, necnon quorum- 
 cumque Collegiorum, Congregationum, coe- 
 tuum locorumque piorum cuiuscumque 
 nominis aut generis sint, eas omnes firmas 
 esse, et in suo robore permanere volumus et 
 declaramus. 
 
 Ceterum decernimus, in novis quibus- 
 cumque concessionibus ac privilegiis, quae 
 ab Apostolica Sede coneedi cuivis contigerit, 
 nullo modo ac ratione intelligi unquam 
 debere, aut pnsse comprebendi facultatem 
 absolvendi a casibus, et censuris quibuslibet 
 Romano Pontifici reservatis, nisi de iis for- 
 malis, explicita, ac individua mentio facta 
 fuerit: quae vero privilegia aut facultates 
 sive a Praedecessoribus Nostris, sive etiam 
 a Nobis cuilibet Coetui, Ordini, Congre- 
 gationi, Societati et Institute, etiam regulari 
 cuiusvis speciei, etsi titulo peculiari praedito, 
 atque etiam speciali mentione digno a quovis 
 unquam tempore hue usque concessae fuerint, 
 ea omnia, easque omnes Nostra hac Consti- 
 tutione revocatas, suppressas et abolitas esse 
 volumus, prout reapse revocamus, suppri- 
 mimus, et abolemus, minime refragantibus 
 aut obstantibus privilegiis quibuscumque, 
 etiam specialibus comprehensis, vel non in 
 corpore iuris, aut Apostolicis Constitutioni- 
 bus, et quavis confirmatione Apostolica, vel 
 immemorabili etiam consuetudine, aut alia 
 quacumque firmitate roboratis, quibuslibet 
 etiam formis ac tenoribus, et cum quibusvis 
 deroiratoriarum derogatoriis, aliisque effifa- 
 oioribus < t insolitis clausulis, quibus omni- 
 bus, quatenus opus sit, derogare intendimus, 
 et derogamus. 
 
 Firmam tamen esse volumus absolvendi 
 facultatem a Tridentina Synodo Episcopis 
 concessam Sess. XXIV, cap. VI de Reform. 
 in quibuscumque censuris Apostolicae Sedi 
 hac Nostra Constitution reservatis, iis tan- 
 
 tum exceptis, quas eidem Apostolicae Sedi 
 speciali modo reservatas declaravimus. 
 
 Decernentes has Litteras atque omnia et 
 singula, quae in eis constitute, ac decreta 
 sunt, omnesque et singulas, quae in eisdem 
 factae sunt ex anterioribus Constitutionals 
 Praedecessorum Nostrorum atque etiam 
 Nostris, aut ex aliis sacris Canonibus qui- 
 buscumque, etiam Conciliorum Generalium, 
 et ipsius Tridentini, mutationes, deroga- 
 tions, suppressiones atque abrogationes 
 rates et firmas ac respective rata atque 
 firma esse et fore, suosque plenarios et inte- 
 gros effectus obtinere debere, ac reapse ob- 
 tinere ; sicque et non alitor in praemissis 
 per quoscumque Iudices Ordinarios, et Dele- 
 tratos, etiam Causarum Falatii Apostolici 
 Auditores, ac S. R. E. Cardinales, etiam de 
 Latere Legates, ac Apostolicae Sedis Nun- 
 tios, ac quosvis alios quacumque praemi- 
 nentia, ac potestate fungentes, et func- 
 turos, sublata eis, et eorum cuilibet quavis 
 aliter iudicandi et interpretandi facili- 
 tate, et auctoritate, iudicari, ac definiri 
 debere ; et irritum atque inane esse ac fore 
 quidquid super his a quoquam quavis auc- 
 toritate, etiam praetextu cuiuslibet privi- 
 legii, aut consuetudinis vel inducendae, 
 quam abusum esse declaramus, scienter vel : 
 ignoranter contigerit attentari. 
 
 Non obstantibus praemissis, aliisque qui- 
 buslibet ordinationibus, constitutionibus, 
 privilegiis, etiam speciali et individua men- 
 tione dignis, necnon consuetudinibus qui- 
 busvis etiam immemorabilibus, ceterisque 
 contrariis quibuscumque. 
 
 Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc 
 paginam Nostrae Constitutionis, Ordiua- 
 tionis, limitationis, suppressionis, dero- 
 gationis, voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausuij 
 temerario contraire. Si qui autem hoc atten- \ 
 tare praesumpserit, indignationem Omni-j 
 potentis Dei et Beatorum Petri et Pauli | 
 Apostolorum eius, se noverit incursurum. 
 
 Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, annc j 
 Incarnationis Dominicae MUlesimo Octin- 
 gentesimo Sexagesimo Nono, Quarto Idus 
 octobris, Pontificatus Nostri anno vigesimr 
 quarto. 
 
 M. Card. Mattei Pro-Datarius. 
 
 N. Card. Paracciani Clarell 
 Visa de Curia Dominicus Brv 
 
 Loco \%i plumbi. I. Gugxoni. 
 
 (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 15 gennaio 1870. 
 

 POCUKBKT XIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 :ui 
 
 DOCUMENT XIII. 
 
 Sl'IIKMA CONSTITUTIONS DOGMATICAE DE 
 KiVLESIA CHRISTI PATEUM EXAMINI PRO- 
 POSITI: M. 
 
 Pius episcopus servus servorum Dei sacro 
 approbante concilio adperpetuam rei memo- 
 riam. 
 
 Supromi pastoris apostolicum ministerium, 
 in quo Dei ineffabili providentia et roiseri- 
 cordia positi sumus, sollicite ac continuo 
 Nos urget, ut nihil praetermittamus, quo 
 via, quae ad vitam et salutem ducit aeter- 
 nam, omnibus liominibus pateat, et qui in 
 tenebris et in umbra mortis sedent, ad lucem 
 et agnitionem veritatis perveniaut. Cum 
 i^itur Deus ac Salvator noster totius salu- 
 tiferae doctrinae veritatem, et mediorum 
 salutis thesiiuros, in Ecclesiam suam quasi 
 in depositorium dives contulerit, ut omnes 
 sumant ex ea potum vitae: 1 in primis ipsa 
 vera Ecclesia et errantibus indicanda et 
 fidelibus instantius commendanda est, ut 
 illi ad viam salutis adducantur, hi autem 
 in ea conflrmentur et crescant. Quare Nostri 
 nmneris esse ducimus, potiora capita verae 
 et catliolicae doctrinae, de Ecclesiae natura, 
 proprietatibus, ac potestate exponere, et 
 grassmtes oppositos errores subiectis Ca- 
 nonum articulis condemnare. 
 
 Caplt I. 
 
 Ecclesiam esse Corpus Christi mysticum. 
 
 Unigenitus Dei Filius, qui illuminat om- 
 nem hominem venientem in lmnc mundum, 
 quique nulla unquam aetate miseris Adae 
 filii.s ope sua defuit, in ra plenitudine 
 temporid, quae sempiterno consilio fuerat 
 
 ituta, 2 in similitudinera hominum 
 metus 3 vi.sibilis apparait in assumpta nostri 
 corporis forma, ut terreni homines atque 
 earn ales novum hominem induentes, qui 
 
 lum Deum creatus est in iustitia tt 
 lanotitate veritatis, 4 corpus efformarent 
 mysticum, cuius ipse existeret caput. Ad 
 hanc vero mystici corporis unionem efficien- 
 rlaiti, Christus Dominus sacrum regenera- 
 tionis et renovationis instituit lavacrum, 
 jjuo filii hominum tot nominibus inter se 
 rlivisi, maxime vero peccatis dilapsi, ab 
 oinni culparum sorde mundati membra 
 ad invicem, 5 suoque divino capiti 
 
 1 Cf. S. Iren. adv. Haer. 1. iii. c. 4. 
 
 • 8. Ambros. de fid. ad. b. Hieron. presbyt. ap. 
 Mai. w. Scriptt. torn. vii. par. i. p. 159. 
 
 s Ep. ad I'hilipp. ii. 7. 
 
 • Kp. ad Ephes. iv. 24. 
 
 • Cf. <p. ad Epbes. iv. 4-25 coll. op. i. ad Cor. xu. 
 12-14. 
 
 fide, spe, et caritate coniuncti, uno eius 
 spiritu omnes vivificarentur, ac coelestium 
 gratiarum et charismatum dona cumulate 
 reciperent. Atque haec est, quae, ut fide- 
 lium mentibus obiiciatur alteque defixa 
 haereat, satis nunquam commendari potest, 
 praecellens Ecclesiae species, cuius caput 
 est Christus ' ex quo totum corpus com- 
 pactum, et connexum per omnem iuncturam 
 subministrationis, secundum operationem 
 in mensuram uniuscuiusque membri, aug- 
 mentum corporis facit, in aedificationem 
 sui in caritate. 2 
 
 Caput II. 
 
 Christianam religionem nonnisi in Ecclesia 
 et per Ecclesiam a Christo fundatam ezcoli 
 posse. 
 
 Hanc Ecclesiam, quam acquisivit san- 
 guine suo, et tanquam sponsam unice 
 electam aeternam dilexit, auctor fidei et 
 consummator Iesus ipsa fundavit atque 
 instituit, et per Apostolus suos eorumque 
 successores iugiter usque ad consumma- 
 tionem saeculi in universo mundo et ex 
 omni creatura colligendam, docendam, 
 moderandamque praecepit, ut una esset g«-ns 
 sancta, unus populus acceptabilis, sectator 
 bonorum operum. 3 Neque enim evan- 
 gelicae legis ea ratio est, ut excluso quo vis 
 societatis vinculo veri adoratores singuli 
 seorsum Patrem adorent in spiritu et veri- 
 tate ; sed religionem suam ita societati a se 
 institutae inhaerentem Redemptor noster 
 voluit, ut cum ea penitus conserta ac veluti 
 concreta maneret, et extra illam vera Christi 
 religio nulla est. 
 
 Caput III. 
 
 Ecclesiam esse societatem veram, perfectam, 
 spiritualem et supernaturalem. 
 
 Docemus autem ac declaramus, Ecclesiae 
 inesse omnes verae societatis qualitates. 
 Neque societas haec indefinita vel informis 
 a Cnristo relicta est ; sed quemadmodum ab 
 ipso suam exsistentiam habet : ita eiusdem 
 voluntate ac lege exsistendi 1'ormam suamque 
 constitutionem accepit. Neque eadem mem- 
 brum est sive pars alterius cuiuslibet 
 societatis, nee cum alia quavis confusa aut 
 commiscenda ; sed adeo in semetipsa per- 
 ft eta, ut dum ab omnibus humanis societa- 
 tibus distinguitur, supra eas tanien quam 
 maxime evehatur. Ab inexhausto enim 
 misericordiae Dei Patris fonte profecta, per 
 
 > Ep. ad Coloss. i. 18. 
 2 Ep. ad Ephes. iv. 16. 
 » Ep. ad Tit. ii. 14. 
 
 x 2 
 
312 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XIII. 
 
 incarnati ipsius Verbi ministerium ope- 
 ramque fundata, in Spiritu sancto constituta 
 est, qui in Apostolos primum largissime 
 effusus, abunde etiam iugiter diffunditur in 
 filios adoptionis, ut iidem lumine eius collu- 
 strati una mentium fide et Deo adhaereant 
 et inter se cohaereant; ut pignus haeredi- 
 tatis in cordibus suis circumferentes, carnis 
 desideria ab eius, quae in mundo est, concu- 
 piscentiae corruptione avellant, et beata 
 una communique spe firmati, cnncupiscant 
 promissam aeternam Dei gloriam, atque 
 adeo per bona opera certain suam vocationem 
 et electionem faciant. 1 Quum autem bis 
 bonorum divitiis in Ecclesia bomines per 
 Spiritum sanctum augeantur, atque bis 
 eiusdem sancti Spiritus nexibus in unitate 
 cohaereant : Ecclesia ipsa spiritualis so- 
 cietas est, atque ordinis omnino super- 
 naturalis. 
 
 Caput IV. 
 
 Ecclesiam esse societatem visibilem. 
 
 Absit tamen, ut quis credat, Ecclesiae 
 membra nonnisi intends ac latentibus vin- 
 culis iungi, et abditam inde societatem 
 ac prorsus invisibilem fieri. Aeterna siqui- 
 dem Dei sapientia ac virtus volnit, spirituali- 
 bus et invisibilibus vinculis, quibus fideles 
 supremo ac invisibili Ecclesiae capiti per 
 Spiritum sanctum adhaerent, externa 
 quoque ac visibilia respondere, ut spiritualis 
 ilia ac supernaturalis societas extrinsecus ap- 
 pareret, et conspicua patesceret. Hinc visi- 
 bile magisterium, a quo credenda interius 
 exteriusque profitenda fides 2 publice pro- 
 ponatur ; visibile quoque ministerium, quod 
 visibilia Dei mysteria, quibus interior sanc- 
 tificatio bominibus et debitus Deo cultus 
 comparatur, munere publico moderatur ac 
 curat ; visibile regimen, quod membrorum 
 inter se communionem ordinat, externamque 
 omnem et publicam fidelium in Ecclesia 
 vitam disponit ac dirigit; visibile demum 
 totum Ecclesiae corpus, ad quod non iusti 
 tantum aut praedestinati pertinent, sed 
 etiam peccatores, professione tamen fidei et 
 communione cum eo coniuncti. Quibus fit, 
 ut Cbristi Ecclesia in terris nee invisibilis 
 nee latens sit ; sed in manifestatione posita, 3 
 veluti civitas excelsa et illustris in monte, 4 
 quae abscondi non potest, ac veluti lucerna 
 super candelabrum. 5 
 
 i Ep. II. b. Pet. Ap. i. 10. 
 2 Cf. ep. ad Rom. x. 10. 
 
 * St. Augustin. in Ps. xviii. enarrat. ii. n. b. coll. de 
 unit. Eccl. 1. un. c. 16, n. 40, con. Crescon. Donatist. 
 1. ii. c. 36, n. 45, con. litt. Petil. 1. ii. c. 32, n. 74, c. 104, 
 n. 239. 
 
 * S. Cyrill. alex. com. in. Is. I. iii. c. 25, n. 4. 
 
 * Cf. Mattb. v. 15. 
 
 Caput V. 
 De visibili Ecclesiae unitate. 
 
 Cum eiusmodi sit vera Cbristi Ecclesia, 
 declaramus, hanc visibilem conspicuamque 
 societatem, esse illam ipsam divinarum 
 promissionum ac misericordiarum Ecclesiam 
 quam Cbristus tot praerogativis ac privi- 
 leges distinguere et exornare voluit ; ean- 
 demque ita plane in sua constitutione esse 
 determinatam, ut quaecumque societates a 
 fidei unitate vel a communione buius cor- 
 poris seiunctae nullo modo pars eius aut 
 membrum dici possint; neque per varias 
 cbristiani nominis consociationes dispersam 
 atque difFusam, sed totam in se collectam 
 penitusque cohaerentem, in sua conspicua 
 unitate indivisum ac indivisibile corpus 
 praeferre, quod est ipsum corpus mystic Mm 
 Cbristi. De quo Apostolus inquit, unum 
 corpus, et unus spiritus, sicut vocati estis in 
 una spe vocationis vestrae. Unus Dominus, 
 una fides, unum baptisma. Unus Deus et 
 Pater omnium, qui est super omnes, et per 
 omnia et in omnibus nobis. 1 
 
 Caput VI. 
 
 Ecclesiam esse societatem ad salutem conse- 
 quendam omnino necessariam. 
 
 Hinc omnes intelligant, quam necessaria 
 ad salutem obtinendam societas sit Ecclesia 
 Cbristi. Tantae nimirum necessitatis, 
 quantae consortium et coniunctio est cum 
 Christo capite et mystico eius corpore, 
 praeter quod nullam aliam communiontm 
 ipse nutrit et fovet tanquam Ecclesiam 
 suam, quam solam dilexit et seipsum train 
 didit pro ea, ut illam sanctificaret, mundans 
 lavacro aquae in verbo vitae : ut exhiberet 
 ipse sibi gloriosam Ecclesiam, n<>n habentem 
 maculam, aut rugam, aut aliquid huiusmodi, 
 sed ut sit sancta et immaculata. 2 Idcirco 
 docemus, Ecclesiam non liberam societatem 
 esse, quasi indifferens sit ad salutem, earn 
 sive nosse sive ignorare sive ingredi sive 
 relinquere ; sed esse omnino necessariam, 
 et quidem necessitate non tantum praecepti 
 dominici, quo Salvator omnibus gentibus 
 earn ingrediendam praescripsit ; verum etiam 
 medii, quia in instituto salutaris providentiae 
 ordine communicatio sancti Spiritus, par- 
 ticipate veritatis et vitae non obtinetur, 
 nisi in Ecclesia et per Ecclesiam, cuius 
 caput est Christus. 
 
 i Ep. ad Ephes. iv. 4-6. 
 
 2 Cf. ep. ad Ephes. v. 29. et 25-27. 
 
Document XIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 313 
 
 Caput VII. 
 Extra Ecclesiam salvari neminem posse. 
 
 Porro dogma fidei est. extra Ecclesiam 
 salvari neminem posse. Neque tamen, qui 
 circa Christum eiusque Ecclesiam invinci- 
 bili ignorantia laborant, propter hanc ig- 
 norantiam poenis aeternis damnandi sunt, 
 cum nulla obstringantur buiusce rei culpa 
 ante oculos Domini, qui vult omnes homines 
 salvos fieri et ad agnitionem veritatis venire, 
 quique facienti quod in se est non denegat 
 gratiam, ut iustificationem et vitam aeter- 
 nam consequi po.-sit ; sed hanc nullus conse- 
 quitur, qui a fidei unitate vel ab Ecclesiae 
 communione culpabiliter seiunctus ex liac 
 vita decedit. Si quis in hac area non fuerit, 
 peribit regnante diluvio. Quare reprobamus 
 et detestamur impiam aeque ac ipsi rationi 
 repuguantem de religionum indifferentia 
 doctrinam, qua filii huius saeculi, veritatis 
 et erroris sublato discrimine, dicunt, omni- 
 bus aeternae vitae portum ex qualibet reli- 
 gione patere: aut contendunt de .veritate 
 religionis opiniones tantum plus minusve 
 probabiles, non autem certitudinem haberi 
 posse. Pariterque reprobamus impietatem 
 illorum, qui claudunt regnum coelorum ante 
 homines, falsis praetextibus affirmantes, in- 
 decorum vel ad salutem minime necessarium 
 esse, deserere religionem, etsi falsam, in qua 
 quis natu3 vel educatus ac institutus est; 
 necnon Ecclesiam ipsam, quae se reli- 
 gionem esse unice veram profitetur, omnes 
 autem religiones et sectas a sua commu- 
 nione separatas proscribit et damnat crimi- 
 nantur, perinde ac si ulla unquam esse 
 posset participatio iustitiae cum iniquitate, 
 aut societas lucis ad tenebras, et conventio 
 Christi ad Belial. 
 
 Caput VIII. 
 De Ecclesiae indefectibilitate. 
 
 Declaramus insuper, Christi Ecclesiam, 
 sive exsistentia sive constitutio eius spec- 
 tetur, societatem esse pcrennem atque inde- 
 fectibilem, nullamque post illam neque 
 pleniorem neque perfectiorem salutis oeco- 
 nomiam in hoc saeculo exspectandam esse. 
 Eteuim cum ad finem usque mundi qui in 
 terris peregrinantur mortales Christo auctore 
 salvandi sint: Eccksia ipsius, quae sola est 
 salutis societas, ad finem usque mundi in 
 sua constitutione immulabilis semper et 
 immota persistet. Licet igitur Ecclesia 
 crescat, et utinam augeatur iugiter fide et 
 caritate, ut Christi corpus aedificetur; licet 
 pro vara aetate sua, et pro diversitate 
 adiunciorum, inter quao constanter mili- 
 lando versatur, varie sese explicet ; cadem 
 
 tamen in se suaque a Christo accepta con- 
 stitutione immutabilis perseverat. Quare 
 Christi Ecclesia nunquam potest excidere 
 suis proprietatibus et dotibus, sacro suo 
 magisterio, ministerio et regimine, ut 
 Christus per corpus suum visibile perpetuo 
 sit omnibus hominibus via, Veritas et vita. 
 
 Caput IX. 
 De Ecclesiae infallibilitate. 
 
 Excideret porro Ecclesia Christi a sua 
 immutabilitate et dignitate, et desineret 
 esse societas vitae ac necessarium salutis 
 medium, si eadem a salutari fidei morumque 
 veritate aberrare, ac in ea praedicanda atque 
 exponenda falli vel fallere posset. At 
 columna et firmamentum veritatis ' est ; 
 ideoque ab omni erroris falsitatisque periculo 
 libera et immunis. Sacro autem et univer- 
 sali approbante Concilio docemus atque 
 declaramus, dotem infallibilitatis, quae tan- 
 quam perpetua Ecclesiae Christi praeroga- 
 tiva revelata est, quaeque nee cum inspira- 
 tionis eharismate confundi debet, neque eo 
 spectat, ut Ecclesia novis revelationibus 
 ditescat, collatam ad hoc esse, ut verbum 
 Dei, sive id scriptum sive traditum sit, in 
 universali Christi Ecclesia integrum, et a 
 quavis novitatis im mutation isque corruptela 
 immune asseratur et custodiatur, secundum 
 illud Apoatoli mandatum : O Timothee, de- 
 positum custodi, devitans profanas vocum 
 novitates, et oppositiones falsi nominis 
 scienti.te, quam quidam promittentes, circa 
 fidem exciderunt. 2 Quod idem Apostolus 
 iterum inculcat scribens : Forrnam habe 
 sanorum verborum, quae a me audisti in 
 fide et in dilectione in Christo Jesu. 
 Bonum depositum custodi per Spiritum 
 sanctum, qui habitat in nobis. 3 Obiectum 
 igitur infallibilitatis tantum patere doce- 
 mus, quantum fidei patet depositum, et eius 
 custodiendi officium postulat ; adeoque 
 praerogativam infallibilitatis, qua Christi 
 Ecclesia pollet, ambitu suo complecti turn 
 universum Dei verbum revelatum, turn id 
 omne, quod licet in se revelatum non sit, est 
 tamen eiusmodi, sine quo illud tuto con- 
 servari, certo ac definitive ad credendum 
 proponi et explicari, aut contra errores 
 hominum ac falsi nominis scientiae opposi- 
 tiones valide asseri defendique non possit. 
 Haec autem infallibilitas, cuius finis est 
 fidelium societatis in doctrina fidei et 
 morum intemerata Veritas, magisterio inest, 
 quod Christus in Ecclesia sua perpetuum 
 instituit cum ad Apostolos dixit : Euntes 
 
 » Ep. I. ad Timoth. iit. 15. 
 
 2 Ep. I. ad Timoth. vi. 20. 
 
 3 Ep. II. ad Timoth. i. 13, 14. 
 
314 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XIII. 
 
   
 
 ergo docete omnes gentes, baptizantes eos 
 in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti : 
 docentes eos servare omnia quaecumque 
 mandavi vobis ; et eece ego vobiseum sum 
 omnibus diebus, usque ad consummationem 
 sacculi. 1 Et iisdem promisit Cliristus veri- 
 tatis suae Spiritum, qui maneret cum eis in 
 aeternum, in eis esset, eosque omnem veri- 
 tatem doceret. 2 
 
 Caput X. 
 Be Ecclesiae Potestate. 
 Christi autem Ecclesia non est societas 
 a< qualium, acsi omnes in ea fideles eadem 
 iura haberent; verum est societas inae- 
 qualis, et hoc non ideo tantum, quia 
 fidelium alii clerici sunt, alii ]aici : sed 
 propterea maxime, quod in Ecclesia est 
 potestas divinitus instituta, qua alii ad 
 sanctificandum, docendum et regendum 
 praediti sunt, alii destituuntur. Cum vero 
 Ecclesiae potestas alia sit et dicatur ordinis, 
 alia iurisdictionis ; de hac altera speciatim 
 docemus, earn non solum esse fori interni 
 et saeram en talis ; sed etiam fori extemi ac 
 publici, absolutam atque omnino plenam, 
 nimirum legiferam, iudiciariam, et coerci- 
 tivam. Potestatis autem huiusmodi sub- 
 iectum sunt Pastores et Doctcres a Christo 
 dali, qui earn libere et a quavis saeculari 
 dominatione independents exercent ; adeo- 
 que cum omni imperio 3 regunt Ecclesiam 
 JJei turn necessariis et conscientiam quoque 
 obligantibus legibus, turn decretoriis iudi- 
 ciis, turn denique salutaribus poenis in 
 sontes etiam invitos, nee solum in iis, quae 
 fidem et mores, cultum et sanctificationem, 
 sed in iis etiam, quae externam Ecclesiae 
 disciplinam et administrationem respiciunt. 
 Undo Ecclesia Christi perfecta societas cre- 
 denda est. Haec autem vera et tarn felix 
 Christi Ecclesia alia non est, praeter unam, 
 sanctam, catholicam, et apostolicam Ko- 
 manam. 
 
 Caput XI. 
 
 De Romani Pontificis primatu. 
 
 Pastor aeternus et episcopus animarum 
 nostrarum, qui priusquam clarificaretur ro- 
 gavit Patrem, ut credentes in ipsum omnes 
 unum essent, sicut Pater et Filius unum 
 sunt, 4 ad catholicae fidei et communionis 
 unitatem in sua Ecclesia iugiter conservan- 
 dam, in beato Petro Apostolo instituit per- 
 petuum utriusque unitatis piincipium ac 
 vmbile fundanientum, dum iuxta evangelii 
 testimonia Petro Apostolo pi i mature iuris- 
 
 1 Matth. xxviii. 19, 20. 
 
 2 Cf. Joann. xiv. 16, 11, coll. xvi. 13. 
 
 s Cf. ep. ad Tit. ii. 15, coll. ep. i. ad Cor. vii. 6. 
 * Cf. Joann. xvii. I, 21, sq. 
 
 dirtionis in universale Dei Ecclesiam im- 
 mediate et directe promisit atque contulit. 
 Ad unum namque Petrum Christus Filius 
 Dei vivi dixit : Tu es Petrus et super h;mc 
 petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portan 
 inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn; et 
 tibi dabo claves regni coelorum : et quod- 
 cumque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum 
 et in coelis : et quodcumque solveris super 
 terram, erit solutum et in coelis. 1 Atque 
 uni Simoni Petro contulit Jesus post suam 
 resurrectionem summi pastoris et rectoris 
 iurisdictionem in totum ipsius ovile dicens : 
 Pasce agnos meos. Pasce oves meas. 2 
 Unde condemnamus atque reiicimus huic 
 tam manifestae saciarum Scripturarum 
 doctrinae, ut ab Ecclesia catbolica semper 
 intellecta est, contrarias eorum sententias, 
 qui constitutam a Christo Domino in sua 
 Ecclesia regiminis formam pervertentes 
 negant, solum Petrum prae omnibus Apo- 
 stolis sive seorsum singulis sive omnibus 
 simul vero proprioque iurisdictionis primatu 
 fuisse a Christo instructum ; aut qui affir- 
 mant, eundem primatum non immediate 
 directeque ipsi beato Petro, sed Ecclesiae, 
 et per banc illi ut suo ministro delatum 
 fuisse. 
 
 Quod autem in beato Apostolo Petro 
 princeps pastorum et pastor magnus ovium 
 Dominus Christus Jesus 3 in perpetuam 
 salutem ac perenne bonum Ecclesiae insti- 
 tuit, id eodem auctore in Ecclesia, quae 
 fundata super petram ad finem saeculorum 
 usque flrmiter stabit, iugiter durare necesse 
 est. Manet ergo dispositio veritatis, et 
 beatus Petrus suscepta Ecclesiae guborna- 
 cula non reliquit. 4 Semper enim in suis 
 successoribus, episcopis sanctae Eomanae 
 Sedis, ab ipso primum fundatae, eiusque 
 consecratae sanguine, vivit et praesidet ct 
 iudicium exercet. ita ut, quicumque in bac 
 cathedra Petro succedit, is iuxta Christi 
 ipsius institutionem primatum Petri in 
 universam Ecclesiam obtineat. Hinc inno- 
 vantes atque in omnibus sequentes turn 
 praedecessorum Nottiorum Komanorum 
 Pontificum decreta, turn praecedentium Con- 
 ciliorum generalium disertas perspicuasque 
 definitiones, docemus et declaramus, cre- 
 dendum ab omnibus Christi fidelibus esse, 
 hanc sanctam Apostolicam Sedem, et 
 Romanum Pontificem, in universum orbem 
 tenere primatum, et ipsum Pontificem 
 Eomanum successorem esse beati Petri 
 prineipis Apostolorum, et verum Christi 
 Vicarium, totiusque Ecclesiae caput, ct 
 
 1 Mattu xvi. 18, 19. 
 
 2 Joann. xxi. 16, 11. 
 
 3 Ep. I. Pet. iv. 4, coll. ep. ad Ilcbr. xiii. 20. 
 
 4 S. Leo. M. tor. :i (al. 2), n. 3. 
 
Document XIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 315 
 
 omnium ehristianorum patrem, doctorem et 
 iudicem supremurn existere ; et ipso in 
 beato Petro pascendi, reg< ndi ac guber- 
 nandi universalem Ecclesiam a Domino 
 Dostro Jesu Cliristo plenam potestatem 
 traditam esse; et hanc, quae propria est 
 iurisdictionis potestas, ordinariam esse et 
 immediatam, erga quam particularium ec- 
 clcsiarum pastores atque fideles tarn seor- 
 sum singuli quam simul omnes officio 
 hierarcbicae subordinationis veraeque obe- 
 dientiae ol)stringuntur, 1 ut eustodita cum 
 Romano Pontifice tam communionis quam 
 eiusdem fldei professionis unitate, Ecclesia 
 Ohristi sit unus grex sub uno summo pas- 
 tore. Haec est catholicae veritatis doctrina, 
 a qua deviare salva fide atque salute nemo 
 potest. Quare damnamus atque reprobamus 
 eorum sententias, qui a fide discedentes et 
 attendentes spiritibus erroris 2 negant, pri- 
 matus potestatem a Christo Domino fuisse 
 in beato Petro ita institutam, ut eundem 
 oporteat perpetuos in eollata sibi primatus 
 ]>otestate successores habere ; aut affirmant, 
 Romanorum Pontificum iurisdictionem 
 ordinariam et immediatam non esse tam in 
 omnes simul quam in singulas seorsum 
 particularium pastorum ecclesias ; aut etiam 
 contendunt, licere ab iudiciis Romanorum 
 Pontificum ad futurum g( nerale Concilium 
 tanquam ad auctoritatem Romano Pontifice 
 superiorem appellare. 
 
 Ex hac autem suprema, ordinaria et 
 immediata turn in Ecclesiam universalem, 
 turn in omnes et singulos particularium 
 Ecclesiarum pastores et fideles potestate 
 iurisdictionis consequitur, Romano Pontifici 
 necessarium ius ease, in huius sui muncris 
 exercitio libere communicandi cum pastoribus 
 et gregibus totius Ecclesiae, ut iidem ab 
 ipso in via salutis doceri ac regi pos.^int. 
 Quare damnamus ac reprobamus perniciosas 
 illorum sententias, qui hanc supremi capitis 
 cum pastoribus et gregibus communicationem 
 impediendam dicunt, aut eandem reddunt 
 saeculari potestati obnoxiam, ita ut con- 
 tendant, quae ab Apostolica Sede vel eius 
 auctoritate ad regimen Ecclesiae consti- 
 tuuntur, vim ac valorem non habere, nisi 
 potestatis saccularis placito confirmentur. 
 
 Caput XII. 
 Be temporali Sanctae Sedis Bominio. 
 
 Ut autem Romanus Pontifex primatus 
 sibi divinitus collati munus, uti par est, 
 adim])leret, iis indigebat praesidiis, quae 
 temporum conditioni et necessitati congrue- 
 
 1 ExnresM ad f.nnulis fuloi Cone. LugUunens. ii. 
 Cone. Klorenlln.,et l'ii VI. lire v. " Super toliditate." 
 
 2 Kp. 1. ad Tim. iv. 1. 
 
 rent. Unde singularl divinae providentiao 
 consilio factum e^t, ut in ianta saecularium 
 principum multitudine et varietatc, Romana 
 quoque Ecclesia temporalem dominationtm 
 haberet : quo Romanus Pontifex, summus 
 totius Ecclesiae pastor, nulli principi sub- 
 iectus, supremam universi domiuici grcgis 
 pascendi regendique potestatem auctorita- 
 temque ab ipso Christo Domino acceptam 
 per universum orbem plenissima libertute 
 exercere, ac simul facilius divinam rcli- 
 giouem magis in dies augere, et quae pro 
 re ac tempore ad maiorem totius christianao 
 reipublicae utilitatem pertinere ipse cognos* 
 ceret, efficacius peragere posset. 
 
 Cum vero impii homines, qui omne in 
 terris ius mutare conantur, hunc civilcm 
 Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae principatum, 
 in rei christianae bonum et utilitatem ordi- 
 natum, et ab ea omnibus iuris titulis 
 legitime tot sac culorum decursu possessum, 
 quovis insidiarum et violentiarum genere 
 labefactare ac convellere adnitantur: sacro 
 approbante Concilio innovantes huius Apo- 
 stolicae Sedis ac praecedentium Conciliorum 
 indicia ac decreta, damnamus atque proscri- 
 bimus turn eorum haereticam doctrinam, 
 qui affirmant, repugnare iuri divino, ut cum 
 spirituali potestate in Romanis Pontificibus 
 principatus civilis coniungatur, turn per- 
 verisam eorum seutentiam, qui cintendunt, 
 Ecclesiae non esse, de huius principatus 
 civilis ad generale christianae reipublicae 
 bonum relatione quidpiam cum auctoritate 
 conttituere ; adeoque licere catholicis homi- 
 nibus, ab illius decisionibus hac de re cditis 
 recedere aliterque sentire. 
 
 Caput XIII. 
 
 Be concordia inter Ecclesiam ac societatem 
 civiltm. 
 
 Perfecta haec civitas, quam gacrae litferae 
 regnum Dei appellant, superna quidem est, 
 si, unde orta sit et quo tendat, cogitatur, 
 descendens quasi Christi sponsa de coelo et 
 transitura in coelestem illam, quae sursum 
 est Jerusalem consummatorum, cum Christus 
 tradiderit regnum Deo et Patri, ut sit 
 Deus omnia in omnibus. 1 Nunc vero Eccle- 
 sia usque ad finem saeculorum in terris 
 atque inter terrenas civitates adhuc mili- 
 lans, ex divini fundatoris sui omniumque 
 Redemptoiis mandato in sinum suum ina- 
 ternum colligit omnes gentes, quae sicut 
 indole ac moribus inter so diversae, ita 
 etiam multiplici et varia civilis seen •tat is 
 forma sunt constitutae. Qui enim homines, 
 ad sui conservationem et congruam ration! 
 
 i Cf. Heb. xii. 22, 23; 1 Cor. xv. 24, 88. 
 
316 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [DOCUMEKT Xlir. 
 
 felicitatem temporalem, riatura duce et Dei 
 creatoris ordinatione in civilem societatem. 
 coierunt, iidem ut aeternuni salventur, in 
 sanctarn illam societatem, quae est Ecclesia, 
 gratia Dei Salvatoris vocantur. Cum igitur 
 utriusque socictatis, licet modo diverso pro 
 diverso earum ordine ac fine, Deus infinite 
 sanctus et sapiens sit auctor : ex ipsa natura 
 inter Ecclesiam et societatem civilem vel 
 inter potestates, quibus utraque regitur, non 
 sane pugna est aut oppositio. 
 
 Quin immo Ecclesia rempublicam maximo 
 munimento firmat ac tuetur, eiusque se- 
 curitati prospicit. Ilia enim instituta ad 
 sanctificandos homines, ipsa virtute et pie- 
 tate Christiana bonos etiam cives facit, qui si 
 tales sint, quales esse praecipit doctrina 
 catholica, sine dubio magna erunt salus 
 reipublicae. ' Praeterea cum terrena po- 
 testas in temporali utilitate et poenarum 
 metu suam observandarumlegum sanctionem 
 positam habeat, vera religio, cuius et custos 
 et magistra est Ecclesia catholica, auctori- 
 tatem imperantium validius doctrina legi- 
 b usque divinis confirmat. Praecipit enim 
 religio catholica sua auctoritate divina, ut 
 homines legitimae potestati subditi sint non 
 solum propter iram, sed etiam propter con- 
 scientiam. 2 
 
 Quodsi Ecclesia monet ac iubet subditos 
 secundum mandatum divinitus aeceptum 
 obedire regibus, non minus reges quoque 
 docet prospicere populis, ut intelligant et 
 erudiantur, qui iudicant terram, non ad 
 dominandi cupiditatem, sed ad oflScium pro- 
 videndi sibi datam esse a Domino potesta- 
 tem et virtutem ab Altissimo, ut tamquam 
 ministri regni eius recte iudicent, et custo- 
 diant legem iustitiae; quoniam pusillum et 
 magnum ipse fecit et aequaliter cura est illi 
 de omnibus. 3 
 
 Ecclesia igitur catholica regum et popu- 
 lorum, atque in his singulorum omnis con- 
 ditions hominum religione divina turn iura 
 tuetur turn officia docet ac praecipit, atque 
 ita legibus humanis sanctius fundamentum 
 ponit et fideliorem conciliat obedientiam. 
 Quare cum haec civitas Dei tantum conferat 
 ad securitatem et felicitatem civitatis ter- 
 renae, vel ex hoc uno omnes intelligant, 
 quanta sapientia ac bonitate Deus auctor 
 naturae et gratiae atque utriusque civitatis 
 ordinator potestates sacerdotii et imperii 
 non inimicas sed vinculo pacis coniungendas 
 disposuerit. Haecautem utriusque civitatis 
 coniunctio ex qua in ipsam civilem socie- 
 tatem tanta bona promanant, non liberae 
 hominum optioni permissa sed Dei lege 
 praecepta est. Quoniam enim non solum 
 
 1 Cf. Aug. ad Marcellin.ep. 138, n. 15. 
 
 2 Rom. xiii. 5. 3 Cf. Sap. vi. 4-8. 
 
 singuli privatim homines sed etiam omnes 
 in vita publica ipsaque societas ad veram 
 religionem erga Deum tenentur religionisque 
 legibus obstringuntur, hinc ipsa publica 
 societas, cuius cives simul fideles sint, 
 magnis necessariis orficiis obligatur erga 
 Dei Ecclesiam, quae verae religionis doc- 
 trinam et leges et iura ex divino mandato 
 custodit ac tuetur. 
 
 Quapropter nemo dicere praesumat, non 
 posse auctoritatem et iura Ecclesiae cum 
 saecularis potestatis iuribus et auctoritate 
 consistere ; atque ideo ad optimam societatis 
 publicae rationem necessariam esse civilis 
 reipublicae ab Ecclesia separationem, ita ut 
 imperio negetur ius et officium coercendi 
 sancitis poenis violatores catholicae reli- 
 gionis, nisi quatenus pax publica postulet ; 
 vel omnino ita, ut humana societas consti- 
 tuatur et gubernetur nullo habito ad reli- 
 gionem rispectu, ac si ea non existent, 
 vel saltern nullo facto veram inter falsasque 
 religiones discrimine. 
 
 Quod inter sacerdotium et imperium 
 dissidia orta sunt et in dies oriuntur, id 
 nemo audeat asserere ex ipsa indole ac 
 natura potestatis ecclesiasticae provenire. 
 Pax vera inter utramque potestatem et 
 concordia, quam Ecclesia semper optat et 
 humili supplicatione postulat a Deo, servari 
 nunquam potest, si libertas sponsae Jesu 
 Christi opprimitur et violantur iura, quae 
 Ecclesia exercere atque integra servare non 
 solum potest sed etiam debet, quia simul 
 cum ofriciis cohaerent, quae ipsi a divino 
 suo fundatore iniuncta sunt ad salutem 
 animarum. 
 
 Huiusmodi bella iniquissima, qui volunt 
 esse Ecclesiae filii, matri suae nunquam 
 inferrent, si imperantium et populorum 
 mentibus constanter obversaretur Veritas a 
 Christo Domino severissimis verbis ineiil- 
 cata, nihil prodesse homini mundum uni- 
 versum lucrari, si animae suae detrimentum 
 patiatur, ' atque adeo supra illam felicitatem 
 vitae humanae, ad quam civilis potestas per 
 se ordinatur, esse finem sublimiorem et unice 
 necessarium beatitudinis aeternae, ad quam 
 homines per Ecclesiam sunt deducendi ; 
 ideoque habita vel sola ratione finis, qui 
 utrique praestituitur, reipublicae civili 
 Ecclesiam Jesu Christi tantum praecellerc, 
 quantum huius vitae commoda ac bona 
 superat salus animarum non auro vel argento, 
 sed pretioso sanguine Christi redemptarum, 
 et vitae aeternae felicitas. 
 
 Quamvis igitur civilis societatis dispositio 
 per so et directe non ad supernaturalem 
 felicitatem, sed ad temporale communitatis 
 
 i Cf. Matth. xvi. 26. 
 
Document XIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 317 
 
 bonum pertincat, christianis tamen homini- 
 bus non in hoc solummodo sistendum est ; 
 sed postulatur ab eis, ut temporali bono 
 praeferant senipiternum, atque ideo non 
 minus in publicis rebus, quam in privatis 
 negotiis, finem inferiorem non ita respiciant, 
 ut finem liominis ultimum et necessarium ab 
 oculis dimittant ; unde si quando videantur 
 utilia regno temporali, quae bonis sublimio- 
 ribus Ecclesiae et aeternae saluti repug- 
 nent, ea nunquam liabebunt pro veris bonis, 
 sed sincere consequi studebunt, quod aiebat 
 magnus ille Gregorius, ut terrestre regnum 
 coelesti regno famuletur. 
 
 Caput XIV. 
 
 De iure et usu potestatis civilis secundum 
 Ecclesiae catholicae doctrinam. 
 
 Spreta Ecclesiae catholicae doctrina et 
 auctoritate, eiusque circa humanam socie- 
 tatem iuribus conculcatis, subintroierunt 
 nostris temporibus magistri mendaces, qui 
 non solum Ecclesiae, sed etiam omnis hu- 
 mani consortii hostes, dominationem contem- 
 nunt, 1 ita ut nulla lege, nisi quam ipsi 
 spoute susceperint, obligari se posse dicant, 
 omnemque sublimiorem potestatem ab ipsis 
 independentem pro iniusto dominatu ha- 
 bcant, quern pro lubitu abiicere atque ever- 
 tere liceat: immo etiam contra mauifestam 
 Dei legem affirmant, omnes homines ex lege 
 naturae ita aequales iuribus esse, ut turn 
 privata possessionum proprietas turn alia 
 quaevis unius prae reliquis praerogativa 
 iniusta censeri et abrogari debeat. 
 
 Alii autem falsam civilis societatis 
 speciem ac formam animo suo effingentes 
 statum politicum, quern vocant, constituunt 
 fontem omnis inter homines auctoritatis 
 omnisque iuris, ita ut ab eodem statu 
 politico eiusque lege turn ius proprietatis 
 privatae unice derivari, turn societatem 
 domestieam seu familiam suae existentiae 
 totam rationem mutuari, omniaque parentum 
 iu filios iura dimanare ac pemlere affirment, 
 turn iu eius lege vel in maioris numeri 
 civium placitis et in publiia, ut dieunt, 
 opinione positam esse velint supremam 
 normam couscientiae et offieiorum pro 
 publicis et socialibus sive imperantium sive 
 subditorum actionibus. Quin et eo usque 
 non paucos progressos esse videmus, ut 
 fortunatis eventibus vim iuris tribuentes 
 audeaut dicere, id quod ex lege morali 
 asset iniustum, si felicem habeat exituin. 
 en ipso in publicis rebus ac negotiis ex lege 
 politica iustum eradere et honestum, quasi 
 vero lex moralis ad sociales et politicos 
 
 i Cf. II. l'et. ii. io. 
 
 actus non aeque ac ad privatos sese porri- 
 geret. At haec humanae superbiae fig- 
 menta non alio tendunt, quam ut incom- 
 mutabilis sanctitas et iustitia aeterni Dei 
 auferatur a recordatione filiorum hominum, 
 in eorum animis sensus extinguatur iusti et 
 iniusti, et inficiatur terra ab habitatoribus 
 suis, quia transgressi sunt leges, mutaverunt 
 ius, dissipaverunt foedus sempiternum. l 
 
 Contra huiusmodi errores, qui etiam inter 
 catholicos populos serpere coeperunt, omnibus 
 in ruentem revocandam statuimus doctrinam 
 catholicam, ut ea integra et inviolata cus- 
 todiatur. Doeemus igitur, quod ab Apostolo 
 traditum semper docuit Ecclesia, omnem 
 legitimam potestatem, ideoque etiam civi- 
 lem, Deum habere auctorem. " Omnis anima, 
 scribit Apostolus, 2 pott statibus sublimiori- 
 bus subdita sit, non est enim potestas nisi a 
 Deo, quae autem sunt, a Deo ordinatae 
 sunt ;" et ex eiusdem Apostoli sententia, qui 
 hanc potestatem tenet, Dei minister est sive 
 bonum facientibus in bonum, sive malum 
 agentibus vindex in iram, 3 atque ideo sub- 
 ditorum obedientiam iure suo postulat. 
 Nemo itaque docere audeat, licitum esse 
 huic legitimae potestati vi resistere, aut per 
 detestandum facinus earn coniurationibus 
 ac rebellione evertere, qui enim resistit 
 potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit ; qui autem 
 resistunt, ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt. 4 
 Pari vero ratione doeemus, imperantibus 
 in suae potestatis usu eandem normam divi- 
 nae legis esse sequendam. Lex enim moralis 
 sive lumine rationis sive per supernaturalem 
 revelationem manifestata sicut pro bomini- 
 bus actionibusque privatis, ita n >n minus 
 pro iis qui praesunt, et pro publicorum 
 munerum administratione actibusque sociali- 
 bus ac politicis posita est. Norma itaque 
 agendi non in utilitate, aut in muUitudinis 
 opinione ac voluntate constitui potest, 
 quando ad illicita ac Dei legi repugnantia 
 impellunt; sed necessaria morum regula 
 sicut pro subditis ita pro imperantibus 
 etiam in ipsorum muneribus administrandis 
 est lex Dei iubentis aut vetantis, secundum 
 quam omnes in supremo iudicio communi 
 Domino aut stabunt aut cadent. De ipsa 
 autem agendi norma iudicium, quatenus de 
 morum honestate, de lieito vel illicito sta- 
 tuendum est, pro civili etiam societate publi- 
 cisque negotiis ad supremum Ecclesiae ma- 
 gisterium pertinet. Sane in via salutis 
 aeternae omnibus tarn subditis quam princi- 
 pibus Ecclesia a Deo constituta est dux et 
 magistra. Neque de imperantibus minus 
 verum est: qui Ecclesiam matrem non 
 habet, Deum patrem habere non potest. 
 
 1 Of. Is. xxiv. 5. 
 3 Cf. ib. vers. 3, 4. 
 
 • Rom. xiii. 1. 
 
 * Rom. xiii. 2. 
 
318 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XIII. 
 
 Ut igitur Regem regnm patrcra ac pvopi- 
 tium habere posyint, Ecclesiara se matrem 
 habere re et opere comprobare Btudeant ; 
 neque licere sibi existiment sive in privatis 
 sive in publicis negotiis ob political rationes 
 Dei et sanctae matris Ecclesiae leges ae 
 iura violare. 
 
 Caput XV. 
 
 De specialfbus quibusdam Ecclesiae iuribus 
 [ in relatione ad societatem civilem. 
 
 Inter sanctissimorum iurium violationes, 
 quae nostra aetate ad nationes erroribus 
 infieiendas corrumpendosque in eis mores 
 christianos perpetrantur, ilia est vel maxime 
 perniciosa, qua fraudulenti homines conten- 
 dunt, scholas omnes directioni ac arbitrio 
 solius potestatis laicae subiiciendas esse, ita 
 ut auctoritas Ecclesiae ad providendum 
 religiosae institution! et educationi iuven- 
 tutis christianae omnino impediatur. Quin 
 eo usque progressi sunt, ut ipsam catholi- 
 cam religionem a publica educatione arcere, 
 atque universim scholas nullius professionis 
 religiosae, sed litterarias tantummodo esse 
 debere dicant. Contra huiusmodi sanae 
 doctrinae morumque corruptelas ex ipso fine 
 Ecclesiae a Christo Salvatore fundatae, ut 
 homines per salutarem fidem ac disciplinam 
 docendo regendoque ad vitam aeternam ad- 
 ducat, ab omnibus agnoscendum est ins et 
 officium, quo ipsa pervigilat, ut iuventus 
 catholica in primis vera fide et Sanctis mori- 
 bus rite instituatur. 
 
 Hanc iniquitatem cumularunt aliausurpa- 
 tione. Ipsam enim Clericorum educationem 
 ac institutionem in disciplinis ecclesiasticis 
 turn in aliis publicis scholis turn in ipsis 
 Seminariis efficaci directioni ac vigilantiae 
 Ecclesiae subducere et potestati laicae man- 
 cipare praesumunt contra ius proprium 
 Ecclesiae, quo maxime in suis ministris 
 sanitati catholicae doctrinae et sanctitati 
 vitae ecclesiasticae providere debet. Quin 
 etiam eos ipsos, qui in sortem Domini vo- 
 cantur, a sancta sua vocatione per vim 
 avellere et iniquissima lege subiicere militiae 
 saeculari alicubi veriti non sunt, atque ita 
 quantum in ipsis est, Ecclesiam necessariis 
 ad docendum, regendum et sanctificandum 
 populum Dei ministris privare conantur. 
 Quare declaramus et docemus, iura prae- 
 dicta atque officia ad Ecclesiam pertinere, 
 et esse cum eius magisterio divinitus insti- 
 tuto, cum ipsius constitutione ac fine intime 
 coniuncta, adeoque humanis legibus non 
 posse auferri. 
 
 Alia gravis iniuria sanctae Ecrlesiae in- 
 fertur ab illis, qui professionem perfectionis 
 evangelicac in Ordinibus Institutisque reli- 
 
 giosis ab eadem Ecclesia approbatis iniqua 
 oppugnatione persequuntur, atque affirm a re 
 audent, professionem religiosam iuribus 
 naturae libertatisque humanae contrarian^ 
 vel ex regnis et civitatibus nostrae aetatis 
 eliminandam esse, quod ilia profectui ac feli- 
 citati populorum opponatur; eoque mads 
 dolendum, quod inter ipsos legum latores, 
 qui se catholicos profitentur, non desint, qui 
 in hac re Ecclesiae ius conculcare et iniquis 
 legibus, quantum valent, irritum reddere non 
 vereantur. 
 
 Quoniam vero sponsa Iesu Christi ipsam 
 divini sponsi sui vitam et exemplum in se 
 suisque membris exprimere, atque inciter 
 sanctitatis praerogativa fulgere debet, idem 
 Dominus Noster lesus Christus non solum 
 sancta dedit mandata omnibus, si volunt ad 
 vitam ingredi, necessario servanda ; sol 
 etiam pro Ecclesia praemonstravit in suo 
 evangelio statum perfectionis, quo ii, qui 
 Deo vocante capiunt verbum istud, r< lictis 
 omnibus, ut thesaurum habeant in coelis, 
 ipsum Iesum Christum propinquiori imita- 
 tione sequantur. 1 Consilia haec Iesu Christi 
 ad Ecclesiam sponsam ac reginain ornan- 
 dam varietatibus 2 non potuerunt manere 
 irrita ; unde operante divina gratia omnibus 
 Ecclesiae aetatibus plurimi utriusque sexus 
 crucis Christi sectatores in Lac via ipsum 
 Dominum ducem ac magistrum secuti sunt. 
 Ut sic vocatis evangelicam peifectionem 
 consectandi media non deessent, providen- 
 tissima mater Ecclesia semper sedulo cura- 
 vit. Legis enim pro summa auctoritate vel 
 ipsa tulit vel a sanctissimis viris propoeitaa 
 probavit, quibus religiosa vita et professio 
 firma ac tuta consisteret, et ad sanctum 
 suum finem dirigeretur. Quamvis igitur 
 non omnes vocati sint ad hanc vitae ra- 
 tionem in consiliis evangelicis voluntariae 
 ac perpetuae paupertatis, continent iae, et 
 obedientiae sequendam : attamen ex coii- 
 stanti Ecclesiae declaratione atque usu 
 omnibus necesse est aestimare, earn apoeto* 
 licae doctrinae consentaneam esse et ad 
 christianam perfectionem conducere. Ii 
 vero, quibus datum est a Patre Christum 
 vocantem audire et sequi, ultra praeceptonun 
 observationem consilia quoque evangeliea 
 in institutis religiosis non solum activao 
 sed etiam contemplativae vitae secundum 
 modum ab Ecclesia approbatum pie et 
 laudabiliter amplectuntur, ac divina gratia 
 opitulante possunt et tenentur, quae vovc- 
 runt, reddere Domino Deo. Quare turn haeo 
 Ecclesiae et fidelium iura turn suscepta 
 votis religiosis otficia in supematurali Dei 
 lege ac ordinationc fundantur, qua Christus 
 
 i Cf. Matlh. nL\. 11,12, 17-29. 
 2 Cf. Ps. xliv. 10-16. 
 

 Document X1IL] 
 
 TETE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 319 
 
 sapientia aeterna in sancta Ecclesia sua 
 viam perfectionis evangelicae monstravit ac 
 dispnsuit ; noc ilia politicis legibus sive 
 dingi sive deleri possunt. 
 
 Damnamus igitur turn doctrinam, qua 
 pvofe&do religioea illicita vel vero profectui 
 populorum noxia, ac propterea eliminanda 
 MM tlicitur, turn impios hominuni conatus, 
 qui cominemorata Ecclesiae ac fidelium iura 
 invadunt, et tantam ipsi Deo ac sanctae 
 reliiiioni catholicae irrogant iniuriam. 
 
 Hie porro aliam sacrilegam iniustitiam, 
 qua contra matrem Ecclesiam crudeliter et 
 in dies latius grassatur, iterum damnare 
 et perniciosissimas fallacias, quibus homines 
 mendaces illam obvelare student, proscribere 
 se Nobis est. Dicunt niniirum, ius 
 Ecclesiae, acquirendi et possidendi bona 
 temporalia, esse subiectum arbitrio status 
 politiei, et ab eius libera concessione iugiter 
 pendere, ita ut potestas politica vi suae 
 suprema auctoritatis possit illud ius abolere, 
 latisque legibus sibi vindicare velut bona 
 domino vacua, quae legitimo proprietatis 
 titulo sunt in possessione Ecclesiae ; aut 
 affirmant, dispositionem ac distributionem 
 bonorum ecclesiasticorum non secus ac 
 eorum, quae publica sunt totius nationis, 
 pertinere ad nativum ius supremae potestatis 
 politicae. Huiusmodi autem perversis doc- 
 trinis impugnantur iura Ecclesiae certissima, 
 quae ex ipsa eius divinitus data coustitutione 
 promanant. Ecclesia namque cum sit per- 
 fecta societas divino iure coustituta, supei- 
 naturalis quidem, sed eadem societas visibilis 
 ex hominibus et ad hominum salutem in 
 tenia consistens, propterea rebus etiam visi- 
 bilibus et externis atque inter haec bonis 
 qitnque temporalibus utitur et iuvatur tam- 
 quam mediis ad divinam suam mission m 
 a.liiiiplemlam et ad fiuem sibi a Christo 
 Balvatore propositum assequendum. Ad 
 banc enim suam missionem Ecclesia visibilis 
 ex natura sua et ex divina institutione 
 ministros proprios habet ex hominibus 
 assumptos et pro hominibus constitutos, qui 
 non potestati saeculari subordinati, sed ab 
 ea independentes sacris muneribus fun- 
 gantur : atque ideo iure suo Ecclesia eis 
 prospicit, ut iuxta ordinationem Domini qui 
 evangelium annuntiant,de evangelio vivant: 1 
 eiusdemque Ecclesiae sicut officium ita pro- 
 prium ius est, providendi turn decori externi 
 divini cultus, turn multiplicibus indigentium 
 membrorum Christi necessitatibus, turn aliis, 
 quae opportuna iudicaverit, cliristianao cari- 
 tatis et pietatis operibus. His vero muneri- 
 bus Ecclesiae atque officiis exsequendis cum 
 secundum ordinem divinae providentiae bona 
 
 1 Cf. 1 Cor. ix. 11. 
 
 temporalia subserviant, sane illud ius ac- 
 quirendi ac possidendi titulo proprietatis, 
 quod mere humanis societatibus legitime 
 constitutis competere potest, in Ecclesia non 
 deficit, sed in ea, ut in societate divinitus et 
 ad altiorem finem instituta et ad imperiis 
 mundanis independente, etiam sanctius est 
 ac superioris ordinis, quia bona huiusmodi 
 mystico corpori Christi, et per hoc ipsi 
 Christo Deo specialius dicata sunt. 
 
 Quare docemus, Ecclesiae, ut societati 
 visibili a Deo inter bomines constitutae, ius 
 esse, bona temporalia acquirendi et possi- 
 dendi, neque hoc iure earn a quavis potestate 
 saeculari privari posse; ac propterea prae- 
 dictos errores damnamus, et leges quibus 
 status politicus tanquam ex supremo iure 
 sibi inhaerente bona ecclesiastica usurpat, 
 iniustas spoliationes esse declaramus. 
 
 Haec sunt, quae generatim visum Nobis 
 est, Christi fideles circa Ecclesiam Christi 
 docere : his autem contraria certis et pro- 
 priis Canonibus in hunc qui sequitur modum 
 damnare, ut omnes, adiuvante Christo fidei 
 regula utentes, catholicam veritatem facilius 
 agnoscere et tenere possint. 
 
 De Ecclesia Christi. 
 
 Canon I. — Si quis dixerit, Christi reli- 
 gtonem in nulla peculiari societate ab ipso 
 Christo fundata exstantem et expressam 
 esse, sed a singulis seorsum, non habita 
 ratione ad ullam societatem quae vera ipsius 
 Ecclesia sit, rite observari et excoli posse; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 Canon II. — Si quis dixerit Ecclesiam a 
 Christo Domino nullam certain ac immuta- 
 bilem constitutionis formam accepisse, sed 
 aeque ac reliquas hominum societates, pro 
 temporum diversitate vicissitudinibus et 
 transformationibus subiectam fuisse, aut 
 subiici posse ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon III. — Si quis dixerit, divinarum 
 promissionum Ecclesiam non esse societatem 
 externam ac conspicuam, sed totam inter- 
 nam ac invisibilem ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon IV. — Si quis dixerit, veram Eccle- 
 siam non esse unum in se corpus, sed ex 
 variis dissitisque christiani nominis socie- 
 tatibus constare, per easque diffusam esse; 
 aut varias societates ab invicem fidei pro- 
 fessione dissidentes atque communione 
 seiunctas, tanquam membra vel partes unam 
 et universalem constituere Christi Ecclesiam; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 Canon V. — Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiam 
 Christi non esse societatem ad aeternam salu- 
 tem consequendam omnino necessariam ; aut 
 homines per cuiusvis rcligionis cultiuu sal- 
 vari posse ; anathema sit. 
 
320 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XIV. 
 
 Canon VI. — Si quis dixerit, intolerantiam 
 illam, qua Ecclesia catholica omnes religiosas 
 sectas a sua communione separatas proscribit 
 et damuat, divino iure non praecipi ; aut de 
 veritate religionis opiniones tantum non 
 auteni certitudinem haberi posse; ideoque 
 omnes sectas religiosas ab Ecclesia tole- 
 randas esse ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon VII. — Si quis dixerit, eandem 
 Ciiristi Ecclesiam posse offundi tenebris, aut 
 infici malis, quibus a salutari fidei morum- 
 que veritate aberret, ab originali sua insti- 
 tutione deviet, aut depravata et corrupta 
 tandem desinat esse ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon VIII. — Si quis dixerit, praesentem 
 Cluisti Ecclesiam non esse ultimam ac 
 supremam consequendae salutis oecono- 
 miam, sed exspectandam esse aliam, per 
 novam vel pleniorem divini Spiritus effu- 
 sionem ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon IX.— Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiae 
 infallibilitatem ad ea tantum restringi, quae 
 divina revelatione continentur, nee ad alias 
 etiam veritates extendi, quae necessario 
 requiruntur, ut revelationis depositum inte- 
 grum custodiatur ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon X. — Si .quis dixerit, Ecclesiam non 
 esse societatem perfectam, sed collegium; 
 aut ita in civili sou in statu esse, ut sae- 
 culari dominationi subiiciatur ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 Canon XI.— Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiam 
 institutam divinitus esse tanquam societatem 
 aequalium ; ab episcopis vero haberi quidem 
 ofneium et ministerium, non autem propriam 
 regiminis potestatem, quae ipsis divina or- 
 dinatione competat , quaeque ab iisdem sit 
 libere exercenda ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XII. — Si quis dixerit, a Christo 
 Domino et Salvatore nostro Ecclesiae suae 
 collatam tantam fuisse potestatem dirigeodi 
 per consilia et suasiones, non vero etiam 
 iubendi per leges, ac devios contumacesque 
 exteriori iudicio ac salubribus poenis coer- 
 cendi atque cogendi ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XIII. — Si quis dixerit, veram 
 Christi Ecclesiam, extra quam nemo salvus 
 esse potest, aliam esse praeter unam, sanc- 
 tam, catholicam, et apostolicam Romanam ; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XIV. — Si quis dixerit, beatum 
 Petrum Apostolorum a Christo Domino con- 
 stitution non esse Apostolorum omnium 
 principem et totius Ecclesiae militantis visi- 
 ble caput; vel eum tantum honoris, non 
 autem verae propriaeque iurisdictionis pri- 
 matum accepisse ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XV.— Si quis dixerit, non esse ex 
 ipsius Christi Domini institutione, ut beatus 
 Petrus in primatu super universam Eccle- 
 siam habeat perpetuos successores ; aut Ro- 
 
 manum Pontificem non esse iure divino 
 Petri in eodem primatu successorem; ana- 
 thema sit. 
 
 Canon XVI. — Si quis dixerit, Romanum 
 Pontificem habere tantummodo officium 
 inspectionis vel directionis, non autem 
 plenam et supremam potestatem iurisdic- 
 tionis in universam Ecclesiam ; aut banc 
 eius potestatem non esse ordinariam et 
 immediatam in omnes ac singulas ecclesias ; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XVII.— Si quis dixerit, potestatem 
 ecclesiasticam independentem, quam Eccle- 
 sia catholica sibi a Christo tributam esse 
 docet, supremamque potestatem, civikm 
 non posse simul consistere, ita ut iura 
 utriusque salva sint ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XVIII.— Si quis dixerit, potes- 
 tatem, quae ad regendam civil em societatem 
 necessaria est, non esse a Deo ; aut eidem 
 ex ipsa Dei lege subiectionem non deberi; 
 aut earn naturali hominis libertati repug- 
 nare ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XIX. — Si dixerit, omnia inter 
 homines iura derivari a statu politico; aut 
 nullam nisi ab ipso communicatam dari 
 auctoritatem ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XX. — Si quis dixerit, in lege 
 status politici vel in publica hominum 
 opinione constitutam esse pro publicis ac 
 socialibus actionibus supremam conscientiae 
 normam ; aut ad easdem non extendi Eccle- 
 siae iudicia, quibus ea de licito et illicito 
 pronuntiat ; aut vi iuris civilis fieri licitum, 
 quod iure divino vel ecclesiastico est illi- 
 citum ; anathema sit. 
 
 Canon XXI. — Si quis dixerit, leges Eccle- 
 siae vim obligandi non habere, nisi quatenus 
 civilis potestatis sanctione firmentur ; aut 
 eidem civili potestati vi suae supremae 
 auctoritatis competere, in causis religionis 
 iudicare et decernere ; anathema sit. 
 
 DOCUMENT XIV. 
 
 Apparisce da questo prospetto, e consta 
 dalle relazioni unanimi di quanti hanno per- 
 corsa la Svizzera, che i Protestanti vi godono 
 di maggior prosperita che i Cattolici. Se 
 cercassimo di ascrivere un tal fatto alia dif- 
 ferenza del territorio, mostreremmo ignorare 
 che piii Cantoni cattolici (per esempio, 
 Lucerna, Friburgo, Solera, Ticino) hanno 
 suolo piii fertile di quello dei Protestanti 
 di Ginevra, Neuchatel, ea, che dove i Cat- 
 tolici si trovano misti ai Riformati su ter- 
 reno di egual indole, ivi sono questi non 
 poco superiori a quelli in benessere, e cio 
 

 Documents XV. XVI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL 
 
 321 
 
 si tocca con inano nei Cantoni di Glarona, 
 Friburgo, Appenzello, Grigioni, San Gallo, 
 ec. Adunquo molti dei Protestanti vanno 
 diceudo esser la religione riforniata migliore 
 della cattolica, ma essi la discorrono alia 
 peggio, perche iu cio 1' essenza della reli- 
 gione Hon lia parte; ma dicesi dunque, 
 perche sonosi i Cattolici lasciati sorpassare 
 in prosperity dai Riformati ? Chi adduce 
 una causa, e clii un' altra. I prudenti sono 
 d'avviso concorrere insieme parecchie ra- 
 gioni, ec. 
 
 (Statistica della Svizzera di Stefano Fran- 
 scini, ticinese. Lugano, 1827.) 
 
 " Tout my a paru irreprocliable dans la 
 forme comme dans le fond. J'en jaurais 
 voloutiers signe cliaque ligne. 
 
 " Vous me permettrez d'ajouter que je me 
 sens un peu humilie par la pense'e que vous 
 autres, Allemands du Rhin, vous avez eu 
 cette fois l'initiative d'une demonstration qui 
 convenait si bien aux antecedents des catho- 
 liques francais, comme aux convictions qui, 
 pendant la premiere moitie du dix-neuvieme 
 siecle, nous ont valu l'lionneur d'inaugurer 
 la defense de la liberte religieuse sur le 
 continent . . . 
 
 " Agreez, etc., 
 
 " Ch. de Montalembert." 
 
 DOCUMENT XV. 
 
 TTRE DU COMTE DE MONTALEMBERT. 
 
 " Paris, juillet 1869. 
 
 LONSIELR, 
 
 "... Deux fois, depuis quelques 
 semaines, j'ai touche au bord de la tombe, 
 sans pouvoir y trouver la delivrance apres 
 laquelle je soupire et que le bon Dieu me 
 fait attendre si longtemps. . . . Toutefois, 
 la fin de mes maux ne peut tarder ; et des a 
 present il me semble que je puis juger des 
 cboses et des personnes d'ici bas avec un 
 de'sinte'ressement et une independance dont 
 la mort seule a le privilege. 
 
 " Au milieu de cette ruine du corps, mon 
 ame me semble avoir conserve encore une 
 certaine vigueur, et c'est avec une intime et 
 profonde jouissance que mon eceur et mon 
 esprit vont se re'fugier sur ces bords du 
 Rlnn on se sont developpees mes premieres 
 impressions d'etudiant, et ou je retrouve 
 aujourd'hui les seules consolations qu'il me 
 soit donne de rencontrer dans la sphere des 
 preoccupations du pole'miste politique et 
 religieux. 
 
 " Ces consolations, c'est a vous, Monsieur, 
 que je les dois, a vous et a vos amis, a votre 
 excellent journal les Koelniscbe Blaetter, a 
 la savante et courageuse Feuille the'ologique 
 de Bonn.mais surtout a l'admirable Adresse 
 de certains laiques de Coblence a l'e'veque 
 de Treves sur le futur concile, dont vous 
 avez publie le texte et dont vous avez eu 
 l'extreme bonte de m'envoyer un exemplaire. 
 
 " Je ne saurais vous dire a quel point j'ai 
 etc emu et charme' par ce glorieux Manifesto 
 de la conscience et de la raison des catho- 
 liques. . . . J'ai cru voir luire un eclair au 
 milieu des tenebres, et entendre enfin un 
 accent viril et chretien au milieu des de- 
 clamations et des adulations ecoeuranti s 
 dont nous sommes assourdis. . . . 
 
 DOCUMENT XVI. 
 
 COBLENZER LAIEN. — ADRESSE AN DEN 
 
 B. v. Trier. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr ! E\v. Bischoflichen 
 Gnaden als unserem geistliclien Hirten und 
 Bischofe naben wir, die unterztichneten 
 Gl'aubigen der Diocese Trier, in einer hoch- 
 wichtigen, ernsten, unsere h. Kirche und 
 damit unsere tiefsten Lebensinteressen un- 
 mittelbar beriihrenden Saclie, von unserem 
 Gevvissen gedrungen, eine ehrfurchtsvolle, 
 offene und freimiithige Erklarung vor Iimen 
 und der ganzen Kirclie abzugeben. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr ! In Ihrem dies- 
 j'ahrigen Fastenliirtenbriefe, in welchetn Sie 
 die Gl'aubigen auf die liedeutung des bevor- 
 stehenden allgemeinen Concils hinwiesen, 
 erw'ahnten Sie, dass in einem allgemeinen 
 Concil zwar nur die Bischofe als die 
 Nachfolger der Apostel entscheidendes 
 Stimmrecht haben, dass aber nicht bloss 
 ihre, sondern aller Glieder der Kirche 
 Erf'alirung und Einsicht dort gehort und 
 beachtet werde, dass nicht nur Priester, 
 auch Laien, selbst in wichtigen Fragen, 
 Einfluss auf die Besebliisse der Concilien 
 zu iiben berufen sein konnten. In der That 
 selien wir demgemass auch heute eine 
 Anzahl von Gl'aubigen, deren lauteste 
 Stimmfiihrer nicht Bischofe, sondern Or- 
 densm'anner und Laien sind, eifrigst be- 
 miilit, der Wirksamkeit des kiinftigen 
 Concils gleiclisam eine bestimmte Rich- 
 tung anzuweisen, und horen, wie sie, ilire 
 Wunsclie und Lieblingsmeinungen mit dem 
 Glauben und den bedurfnissen der Kirche 
 verwechselnd, alle diejenigen im Gegensatze 
 zu den " eigentlichen " fur " liberale " Ka- 
 tholiken erklaren, welche ihre Lehrs'atze als 
 Dogmen anzuerkennen und ilire Bestrebun- 
 gen als lieilbringend zu bctrachten ausser 
 
322 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 riV.Cl'MEXT XVI. 
 
 Stande sind. Diese Gl'aubigen haben ini 
 MHtelpunkte der Kirche, in Rom selbst, ein 
 Pressorgan, die Civilta Cattolica, in welchem 
 sie vor Kurzem in Form einer Correspondenz 
 aus Frankreicb folgende auch in einer 
 Zeitschrift deutseher Ordcnsm'anner repro- 
 ducirte, durch sp'atere Erklarungen nicht 
 wesentlkh abgeschw'achte S'atze veioffent- 
 lichten : 
 
 " Die libeialen Katholiken fiircbten, das 
 kunftige Concilium moehte etwa die Doc- 
 trin des Syllabus und die dogmatische 
 Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes proklamiren, 
 boffen jedocb wieder andererseits das Con- 
 cilium konne etwa einige von den Satzen 
 des Syllabus modificiren oder in einem 
 ibnen giinstigen Sinne erl'autern. Ebenso 
 hegen sie die Erwartung das Concilium 
 werde die Unfeblbarkeit des Papstes gar 
 nicbt beliandeln, oder doch wenigstens nicbt 
 erledigen . . . 
 
 " Die eigentlichen Katholiken aber, das 
 heisst die grosse Mehrheit der Gl'aubigen, 
 n'ahren ganz andere Hoffnungen. 
 
 " Ziemlicli allgemein findet man dieUeber- 
 zeugung verbreitet, dass das kunftige Concil 
 ein kurzes, etwa wie das von Chalcedon, 
 sein werde, denn man fiihlt die Schwierig- 
 keit, unter den gegenw'artigen Umst'anden 
 eine langdauernde Versammlung zu halten, 
 und vor Allem erwartet man von den 
 Bischofen, dass sie in den Hauptfragen 
 einig sein werden, so dass die Minorifat 
 nicbt lange wird opponiren konnen, so 
 beredt sie auch sein mag . . . 
 
 "Die Katholiken wiinschen, wie schon 
 gesagt, dass das okumenische Concil die 
 Doctrinen des Syllabus proclamire . . . 
 
 " Die Katholiken werden die Proclamation 
 der dogmatischen Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes 
 mit Jubel aufnehmen. . . . Naturlich wird 
 der Papst in dieser Frage, welche ihn direct 
 zu beruhren scheint, die Initiative nicbt 
 ergreifen, sondern scbweigsam und zuriick- 
 haltend sein. Aber man noflt, dass die ein- 
 stimmige Kundgebung d. h. Geistes durcli 
 den Mund der V'ater des bkumenischen 
 Concils das Dogma der Unfehlbarkeit des 
 Papstes per acclamationem definiren wird. 
 
 " Endlich giebt is in Frankreich auch noch 
 eine Menge Katholiken welche den Wunsch 
 aussprechen, das kunftige Concilium moge 
 den vielen von der Kirche der unbefleckten 
 Jungfrau Maria dargebrachten Huldigun- 
 gen durch das Dogma von der glorreichen 
 Aufnahme Maria in den Himmel die Krone 
 aufsetzen ! " 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr ! W'aren das Aeus- 
 serungen irgend einer beliebigen, verein- 
 zelten, durch keinerlei Gunstbezeugungen 
 von Seiten einer kirchlichen Autorit'at 
 
 aufgemunterten katkolischen Zeitung, wir 
 diirften wohl schwerlich uns veranlasst 
 gesehen haben, aus unserer Zuriickhaltung 
 hervorzutreten. Nun aber ist es nicht 
 unbekannt, dass jene Gl'aubigen mit der 
 Zuneigung kirchlicher Autorit'aten und des 
 heil. Stuhles selbst sich schmeicheln, und 
 bat es den Anschein, als ob ein grosser 
 Orden mit der ganzen Wucht einheitlicher 
 Organisation nach denselben Zielen drange ; 
 es ware demnach leicht erkl'arlich, wenn tin 
 so planm'assiges und energisclies, die all- 
 gemeinste Zustimmung beanspruchendes 
 Vorgehen, falls es von keiner Seite offenen 
 Widerspruch erfahren sollte, iiber die Gesin- 
 nungen der Katholiken bedeutende, unter 
 den gegenw'artigen Umst'anden doppelt 
 beklagenswertlie Irrthiimer veranlasste. 
 Angesichts einer solchen Lage aber diirfen 
 und konnen auch wir nicht im Schweigcn 
 verharren, die wir nicht minder treue, 
 gl'aubige und fiir das Wohl unserer gemein- 
 samen Mutter ohne Kuckhalt begeisterte 
 Kinder der Kirche zu sein bestrebt sind, als 
 jene; wir miissen vielmehr unsere Stimme 
 erheben und vor Ilmen, unserem Bischofe, 
 e« laut aussprechen : 
 
 Wir theilen jene Ansichten, HofFnungen 
 und Wiinsche der sogenannten eigentlichen 
 Katholiken nicht, verwahren uns vielmehr 
 gegen dieselben auf das entschiedenste, — uns 
 sind im Hinblick nuf die vom heil. Vater 
 in seiner Berufungsbulle erlauterte Bedeu- 
 tung des bevorstehenden Concils Gedan- 
 ken anderer Art vor die Seele getreten, die 
 Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden in Kiirze darzu- 
 legen uns vergonnt sein moge. 
 
 Ueberschauen wir die Verbaltnisse, unter 
 denen das allgemeine Concil zusammenzn- 
 treten im Begriffe ist, so sehen wir in 
 neuerer Zeit nirgendwo eine h'aretisclie 
 Punkte des Glaubensbekenntnisses be- 
 riihrende Spaltung, wie sie friihere Con- 
 cilien zur Formulirung kirchlicher Lehren 
 veranlasste, hervortreten. Der uns rings 
 umgebende Unglaube stiitzt sich auf pbiln- 
 sophische Meinungen, deren Fahchheit 
 langst durch die grossen christlichen 
 Walnheiten in helles Licht gesetzt ist, und 
 eine Vereinigung mit unsern im Glauben 
 getrennten christlichen Brudern moehte 
 kaum dadurch erleichtert werden, dass man 
 die Summe der uns trennenden Glaubens- 
 s'atze noch um einige neu formulirte ver- 
 mehrte. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr ! Unsere Zeit hat, 
 wenn auch nicht in der eben bezeichneten 
 Bichtung, in der That eigenthiimliche, 
 auch von uns lebhaft gefiihlte Bediirfnisse, 
 denen gerecbt zu werden die Kirche, die 
 Allen Alios zu sein bcstimmt ist, aus dem 
 
tocuiIBOT XVI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 323 
 
 uiursch(")|)rtich(Mi Burn ihrer gottlichen 
 Kraft die Mittel zu schopfen vermag. In 
 dor Befreiung der Kireho von der Staats- 
 gewalt, in der Herstellnng einer selbst- 
 standigcn und harmouischen Bewegung der 
 beiden Ordnungen, in denen nach Gottes 
 Willen das Leben der Mensohheit sich ent- 
 falten soli, in der organischen Regelung 
 der Theilnahme der Gl'aubigen an der 
 Gestaltung der kircblichen Lebensbezie- 
 liungen, in der Zuriickfiihrung der getrenn- 
 ten Biiider zur Kirche, in der Bew'altigung 
 des socialen Elendes, im Aufsucben der 
 richtigen Stellung des Klerus und de3 
 einzelnen Christen zur allgemeinen Bildung 
 und zur Wissenschaft : an diesen das kirch- 
 liche Leben im weitesten Sinne umfassen- 
 den Aufgaben miiht die Gegenwart in 
 geistigem Bingen sich ab, und fur ihre 
 Losung scheint sie sehnsuchtsvoll Hulfe 
 und Beistand von dem vom gottlichem 
 Geiste geleiteten, von der Einsicht der 
 ganzen Kirche getragenen bevorstehenden 
 Concil zu erwarten. 
 
 Wir verhehlen uns nicht, dass ein naheres, 
 Einzelheiten bestimmendes Eingehen auf 
 alio diese in dem vielgestaltigen und 
 reiohgegliederten Leben der Kirche wur- 
 zelnden Bediirfnisse einem allgemeinen 
 Concil kaum moglich sein wiirde. Der 
 Organismus der Kirche selbst wird in 
 seinen einzelnen Theilen die Formen her- 
 vorzubringen liaben, in denen die Schaden 
 Heilung finden, die gesunden Kr'afte sich 
 in segensreicher Wirkung entfalten konnen. 
 Zun'achst und vor Allem wiirden wir es 
 daher als sichere Biirgschaft segensreicher 
 Entwicklung mit Freude begriissen, wenn 
 vom bevorstehenden Concil eine Neubele- 
 bung des grossen kirchlichen Organismus 
 durch allgemeine Wiedereinfiilirung jener 
 durch Jahrhunderte erprobten regelm'assi- 
 gen National-, Provinzial- und Diocesansyno- 
 den ausginge. Solche Synoden, wenn ihre 
 Beschliisse aus wahrhaft freier und griind- 
 licher Ber;ithung gesehopft und auf die 
 Forderuugen des wirklichen Lebens ge- 
 richtet waren, sind von jeher ein Quell 
 des Heiles fur die Kirche gewesen, ihr 
 Auflioren war fast iiberall Beginn oder 
 Zeiohen der Erstarrung und des Hinwel- 
 keiiji, von ihrer Herstellung, nicht bloss der 
 jiusseren Form, sondern dem Geiste und 
 Wesen nach, diirfen wir daher die ErfUllung 
 derjenigen Wiinsclie lioffen, die wir in Bezug 
 auf die kirchlichen Verh'altnisse in unserem 
 Vaterlande so manchen betriibenden und 
 bedenklichen Erscheinungen der Gegenwart 
 gegeniiber Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden ans 
 Herz zu legen vertrauensvoll wagen werden. 
 
 Bichten wit vnrher noch unsere Auf- 
 
 merksamkeit auf das allgemeine Verh'alt- 
 niss der Kirche zum Staate und zur modormn 
 Gesellschaft iiberhaupt, so scheint es uns 
 im Interesse der Freiheit und Selbststandig- 
 keit der Kirche aufs dringendste gerathen, 
 dass das bevorstehende Concil keinen 
 Zweifel dariiber lasse, die Kirche habe mit 
 dem Wunsche, die theokratischen Staats- 
 formen des Mittelalters herzustellen, voll- 
 st'andig gebrochen. Denn das ist es vor- 
 ziiglich, was die Geister heute der Kirche 
 entfremdet, dass man fiirchtet, jene Zeiten 
 mochten wiederkehren, wo die Staatsgewalt 
 mit weltlichen Zwangsmitteln fur die Dog- 
 men und Gesetze eines bestimmten auf 
 ubernatiirliche Offenbarung zuriickgefuhrten 
 religiosen Bekenntnisses eintrat, wo dem- 
 nach das Gewissen gebunden und die 
 Wiirde der Religion selbst, welche ohne die 
 von staatlichem Zwange freie Hingebung 
 der Gl'aubigen nicht zu bestehen vermag, 
 geschadigt wurde. Wir verkennen nicht, 
 dass auch das Staatsleben eine religiose 
 Grundlage hat, insofern die Ordnung des 
 Staates und die obrigkeitliche Gewalt auf 
 der Anerkennung eines lebendigen person- 
 lichen Gottes und des von ihm der Seele 
 eingepflanzten Sittengesetzes beruhen ; aber 
 wir sind uns auch mit voller Ueberzeugung 
 bewusst, dass die Sph'are des Staates, der in 
 gleicher Weise, wie die Kirche, auf dem 
 ihm eigenthiimlichen Gebiete in voller 
 Selbststandigkeit sich bewegt, innerhalb 
 jener geistigen Erkenntnisse und sittlichen 
 Gesetze bescldossen ist, welche durch die 
 natiirlichen Kr'afte des Menschen erfasst 
 werden. Gerade der Staat wird unserer 
 Meinung nach der christlichste sein, der 
 diese seine Schranken am gewissenhaftesten 
 achtet, und w'ahrend er der ubernaturlichen 
 .Religion, der Kirche und den Confessionen, 
 welche seine eigene religios - sittliche 
 Grundlage anerkennen, die freieste und 
 selbststandigste Bewegung auf ihrem Ge- 
 biete und den Schutz ihrer Rechte sichert 
 seinerseits freiwillig, soweit es ohne Verlet- 
 zung der Rechtsgleicliheit geschehen kann, 
 auf die religiose Sitte des Volkes Riicksicht 
 nimmt und die hohere Einsicht der durch 
 das Christenthum erzogenen Burger gem 
 benutzt, urn das natiirliche Gesetz immer 
 tiefer zu erfassen und in seinen Ordnungen 
 immer reiner zum Ausdruck zu bringen. 
 Auf diesem Wege wird sich eine vollkomm- 
 nere Harmonie, eine fruchtbarere Wirksara- 
 keit, eine idealere Ausgestaltung von Staat 
 und Kirche erreichen lassen, als die Go- 
 schichte sie bis jetzt gesehen hat ; und 
 wenn dennoch im Leben der Einzelnen 
 Conflicte zwischen beiden Ordnungen ein- 
 treten, so werden es doch nur solche sein, 
 
324 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 f Document XVI. 
 
 die einerseits aus dem durch das Christen- 
 thum zuerst klar ausgesprochenen Unter- 
 schiede der Kirche und des Staates, anderer- 
 seits aus der Schw'ache und Fehlerhaftigkeit 
 alles Menschliclien sich mehr oder weniger 
 nothwendig ergeben. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr! Noch peinlicher 
 und driickender, als die Stoning der Har- 
 monie zwischen Kirche und Staat, miisste 
 es von uns empfunden werden, wenn das 
 Band, welches Clerus-und Laien, Seelsorger 
 und Gemeinde unischlingen soil, gelockert 
 wiirde oder gar eine tiefgreifende Dis- 
 harmonie zwischen ihnen entst'ande. Mit 
 schmerzlichein Bedauern wiirden wir daher 
 jeden Versuch betrachten, die gemeinsame 
 Bildungsgrundlage zu zerstoren, welche 
 bisher in Deutschland, wenigstens im AU- 
 gemeinen noch, den Clerus und die durch 
 akademische Studien vorbereiteten welt- 
 lichen Berufsstande einigte. Wenn es 
 schon an sich den Interessen der Kirche 
 als der ersten Culturmacht widerspricht, an 
 den grossen Bildungsst'atten unserer Nation, 
 um die alle Nachbarn uns beneiden, nicht 
 vertreten zu sein, so genugt ein Blick auf 
 das Verh'altniss, in welchem der Clerus 
 mehrerer rornanischen Lander zu den gebil- 
 deten Laien steht, uns vor den Folgen 
 einseitiger Erziehung und Bildung der 
 kiinftigen Seelsorger zuriickschrecken zu 
 lassen. Wiirde man aber gar die theologische 
 Bildung der angehenden Geistlichen be- 
 schr'anken, wollte man Studirenden der Theo- 
 logie, wie es in offentlichen Bl'attern heisst, 
 von denjenigen Disciplinen ausschliessen. 
 welche in die unmittelbaren Quellen des 
 Glaubens und der kirchlichen Entwicklung 
 einfiihren, so miissten wir darin gerade zu 
 eine unheil voile Sch'adigung der kirchlichen 
 Wissenschaft wie des kirchlichen Lebens 
 erblicken. Wir sprechen daher den Wunsch 
 aus, das bevorstehende allgemeine Concil 
 moge, falls es die Bildung des Clerus zum 
 Gegenstande der Berathung machen sollte, 
 auf die eigenthiimlichenVerhaltnisse unseres 
 Vaterlandes vorsorglich Kiicksicht nehmen, 
 oder die entgultige Festsetzung dieses Ge- 
 genstandes nationalen Synoden iiberlassen. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Herr! Die Gefahren, 
 welche der Kirche in unseren Tagen durch 
 den uns von alien Seiten bekampfenden 
 Unglauben drohen, die bedeutenden Anf'or- 
 derungen, welche die socialen Uebel der 
 Zeit an die christiche Liebesth'atigkeit 
 stellen, lassen es mehr als je nothwendig 
 erscheinen, dass alle Gl'aubigen im engsten 
 Verbande mit ihren Seelsorgern am kirch- 
 lichen Leben theilnehmend und in ein- 
 miithiger Gemeindeth'atigkeit die ganze 
 Fiille christlicb?n Wirkens entfalten. Als 
 
 in 'ahnlicher Lage die alte Kirche dereinst 
 die heidnische Welt iiberwand, da war 
 diese EinmUthigkeit vollkommen, da war 
 der Gemeindeverband so innig und test, 
 dass die Stimme des Volkes bei der Wahl 
 des Bischofs gehort wurde. Die zeitge- 
 m'asse Herstellung auch dieser Einrichtung 
 wird freilich wohl erst einer ferneren 
 Zukunft vorbehalten und von einer freund- 
 lichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Kirche 
 und Staat abh'angig sein : schon jetzt aber 
 scheint uns eine allgemeinere organise!) gere- 
 gelte Betheiligung der Laien am christlich- 
 sucialen Leben der Pfarrgemeinde hochst 
 wiinschenswerth. Denn heute gibt es 
 kaum noch einen lebendigen regelm'assigen 
 christlich-socialen Verkehr der ganzen 
 Gemeinde als solcher mit ihrem Seelsorger, 
 dem Pfarrer. Fast nur im Gotte^hause oder 
 bei den Cultushandlungen steht der Pfarrer 
 der ganzen Gemeinde gegeniiber ; die 
 christlichen Liebeswerke sind religiosen 
 Orden, Einzelnen, endlich freien Genossen- 
 echaften iiberlassen, in die einzutreten sehr 
 viele durch Gleichgultigkeit, viele andere 
 durch eine nicht unberechtjgte Scheu sich 
 hindern lassen. Die Gemeinde hat fast 
 uberall kein Organ, denn die Kirchen- 
 vorsfande unserer Tage sind auf ein sehr 
 kleines Gebiet beschr'ankt und kaum der 
 Schatten einer wirklichen Vertretung. Und 
 doch miisste nicht nur die Verwaltung des 
 kirchlichen Vermogens, sondern auch die 
 Sorge fur Arme, Kranke und Elende aller 
 Art und fur die christliche Erziehung der 
 Jugend; es miisste die Begutaclitung der 
 Niederlassung religioser auf Unterstiitzung 
 durch die Gl'aubigen oder bffentliche Wirk- 
 samkeit innerhalb der Gemeinde ange- 
 wiesener Orden, die Theilnalime an der Mis- 
 sionsth'atigkeit und den allgemeinen Ange- 
 legenheiten der Kirche. das Alles miisste 
 der Idee nach Sache der ganzen mit ihrem 
 Seelsorger audi mit Kiicksicht auf diese 
 Verh'altnisse in zeitgem'assen Formen or- 
 ganisch verbundenen Gemeinde sein. Der 
 freien Liebesth'atigkeit Einzelner, der riihm- 
 lichen Aufopferung und Hingebung reli- 
 gioser Orden und dem Hirtenwalten des 
 Seelsorgers auf diese Weise beengende 
 Schranken zu ziehen kann um so we- 
 niger unsere Absicht sein, als kirchliche 
 Organe der bezeichneten Art ihrer Natur 
 nacli zwingende Entscheidungen nicht zu 
 treffen h'atten, wohl aber scheint uns die 
 Hoffnung begriindet, dass mit Hiilfe solcher 
 Orgrtne, welche nicht nur eine allgemeinere 
 Heranziehung der Laien, sondern audi eine 
 angemessene Verbindung und planvolle 
 Leitung aller betlieiligten Kr'afte ermog-i 
 lichi n wiirden, den socialen Uebeln der 
 

 Document XVI.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 325 
 
 Gegenwart von dor Kirche mit durchgrei- 
 fenderem Erfolge begegnet, die Einwirkung 
 dee Klerus auf das Volk, die Dnrchdringung 
 des Lebens mit christlichen Grundsatzen 
 sieherer erzielt, religiose Gleichgultigkeit 
 ehei gehoben, einseitige Richtungen bosser 
 hintangehalten, dass durch sie namentlich 
 ji-ne von Tage zu Tage sich erweiternde 
 Klui't z wise lien sogenannten gnten und 
 gewohnlichen Katholiken am ersten iiber- 
 briickt werden konnte. 
 
 Hochwiirdigster Hcrr ! Der heisse 
 Wunseh, der den li. Vater, den ganzen 
 hochwiirdigen Episcopat, jeden glaubigen 
 Katholiken und vor Allen uns deutsche 
 Katholiken, beseelt, der Wunseh, die Ver- 
 idhnung der von uns getrennten protes- 
 bmtischen Confersionen mit der Kirche 
 zu erleben, 1 at wohl nur dann Aussicht auf 
 Erfolg, wenn von unserer Seite Entschei- 
 dendes geschieht, ran die Furcht und das 
 Misstrauen bei unsern Briidcrn zu beseiligen, 
 Vorurtheile zu uberwinden und Vertrauen 
 zu erwecken. "Wie viele ihrer Vorurtheile 
 aber wiirden nicht mit einem Male schwin- 
 den, wenn sie bei uns die grossen Or- 
 gane der Kirche wieder lebendig th'atig, 
 wenn sie auch ein wahres, die socialen 
 Aufgaben des Christenthums erfiillendes 
 Gemeindeleben bei uus wieder bliih< n s'alicn, 
 und daher unmoglich 1'anger die misstrauisehe 
 Furcht zu hegen iiberredet werden konnten, 
 dftea tine herrschsiichtige Hierarchie in der 
 Kirche die Glaubigen ausbeute und die 
 Geister gewaltsam in falsche Richtungen 
 lenke oder niederdriicke. Was das Eintreten 
 der KirchenspaltuDg wabrscheinlich verhin- 
 dert liatte, das wird auch wohl am beaten 
 sie aufzuheben vermdgen : nun aber hat die 
 Verzweiflung an der Hierarchie, welcher 
 man den Verfall des kirchlichen Lebens 
 Scbuld gab, diese in jent n Tagen erkliir- 
 licbe, wenn auch kleingl'aubige Verzweif- 
 lung im Grande jene Lehren geboren, 
 welehe die Hierarchie uberfliissig machen 
 sollten. Die altchriatliche Kirche, das alt- 
 christliche Gemeindeleben wollte man her- 
 stellen; es gelang nicht, weil man das 
 priesterliche verworfen hatte, auf welches 
 allein die kirchliche Gemeinde sich erbauen 
 lasst : wir aber, die wir die festen S'aulen 
 uns bewahrt Laben, konnen unschwer auf 
 den unztrstorten Fundamenten die nur lose 
 gt schichteten Steine zum herrlichen Tempel 
 zusanimenfiigen, in detsen weit geoffnete 
 Pforten nach Gottes gnadiger Fiigung die 
 heimkehrenden Briider freudig wieder ein- 
 zieben. 
 
 Eine andere nicht unwichtige Frage 
 endlieh, welehe wir Ew. Bischoflichen 
 Gnaden und des ganzen zum allgeraehun 
 
 Concil eingeladenen Episcopats Erw'agung 
 unterbreiten mocbten, betrifft die Einrich- 
 tung des Index librorum prohibitorum. 
 
 Wir wissen, dass es der kirchlichen 
 Autoritaten heilige Pflicht ist, iiber die 
 Beinheit der Lebre zu wacben, Irrthiiiner 
 zu beztichnen und zu verbessern, Irrende 
 auf den rechten Weg zu leiten. Allein das 
 Verfahren, welches man in den lelzten 
 Jahrhunderten in Ausiibung dieses Berufs 
 eingcsclilagen hat, die Eintragung solcher 
 Scbriften, die irrige oder bedenkliche und 
 unsittliche Darstellungen enthalten, in 
 einem demnachst verdffentlichten Katalog 
 und das Verbot, solche Biicher ohne beson- 
 dere Erlauhniss der kircbliclien Obern zu 
 lesen, dieses Verfahren scheint uns weder 
 seinem eigentlichen Zwecke zu entsprt chen, 
 mch dem Geiste und der Wiirde der Kirche 
 vollkommen angemt ssen, noch fiir die Ent- 
 wicklung der Wissenschaften heilsam. Es 
 erfiillt seinen Zweck nicht, weil unmoglich 
 alle Scbriften mit irrigen und bedenklichen 
 S"atzen katalogisirt werden konnen und es da- 
 hor oft von Zufalligkeiten, etwa von Dcnun- 
 ciationen, abhangen muss, welehe Biicher 
 eingetragen werden, welehe nicht ; weil 
 ferner nicht die irrigen und bedenklichen 
 Lthren selbst, sondern nur die Biicher, 
 deren Lecture nicht gestattet sei, und deren 
 Autoren bezeichnet werden; weil das Ver- 
 bot, solche. Biicher zu lesen, von der Mehr- 
 zahl der gebildeten Katholiken in sehr 
 vielen Fallen gar nicht beachtet werden 
 kann und, wie Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden 
 gewiss recht wohl bekannt ist, auch ganz 
 allgemein nicht beachtet wird ; es ist der 
 Wiirde und dem Geiste der Kirche nicht 
 vollkommen angemessen, weil biter glaubige 
 katholitche Verfasser, die in der beaten 
 Absicht geirrt oder auch nur Missfalliges 
 geaussert baben, durch Notirung ihres 
 Namens. mitunter unmittelbar neben den 
 Verfassern wahrer Schandschriften, als 
 geiahrlich gekennzeiclmet und liir alle 
 Zeit mit einem Makel behaftet werden, 
 w'ahrend Wissenschaft und Kirche ihnen 
 fiir bedeutende Leistungen eher Dank 
 schuldig w'aren ; es ist endlieh fiir den 
 wissenschaftlichen Fortschiitt nicht heilsam, 
 weil die Furcht, durch irgend einen unwill- 
 kiirlichen Fehltritt oder Miasgriff, vielleicht 
 gar in Folge der unberuienen Dienstfertig- 
 keit eines Gegners, sich eine solche dinV 
 mirende Strafe zuzuziehen, sich wie ein 
 Bleigewicht an die Forschungen der katho- 
 lischen Gelehrten l.'angt. Wir hegen daher 
 den Wunseh es mdge dem bevi rstehenden 
 allgemeinen Concil gefallen, den Index li- 
 brorum prohibitorum aufzuheben. Es ist das 
 Recht der kirchlichen Autoiitat, uns durch 
 
 Y 
 
326 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVII. 
 
 den Mund unserer Seelsorger vor irrigen 
 Lehren und unsittlichen Biichern zu warnen, 
 wann und so oft sie es fiir nothig halt ; die 
 unfreiwillig irrende Person aber darf von 
 der christlichen Liebe der kirchlichen 
 Obern Schonung ihres Namens und Rufes 
 erwarten, so hinge sie in gl'aubiger Demuth 
 bereit ist, den Irrthum aufzugeben, und 
 nicht eine ausser»te Gefahr fiir das Seelen 
 heil der Gl'aubi^en Warnung vor dem 
 Irrlehrer erheischt. 
 
 Das sind, hochwiirdigster Herr, die Ueber- 
 zeugungen und Wiinsche, welche vor Ihnen 
 auszusprechen unser Gewissen uns ge- 
 dr'augt hat. Sie verdienen, dunkt uns, 
 gehort zu werden, so gut wie alle andern, 
 die von treuer Anh'anglichkeit an unsere 
 heilige Kirche, von aufrichtiger Besorgn'ss 
 fiir deren Wohl eingegeben und in lang- 
 jahrigem Nachdenken gebildet sind. Uns 
 hat nichts anderes veranlasst, offentlich 
 mit unserm Namen hervorzutreten, als das 
 Gefiihl der Pflicht, lebliaft erregt durch die 
 Wahrnehmung zun'achst der weitverbrei- 
 teten Abneigung mit der man in katbo- 
 lischen Kreisen die oben mitgetheilten 
 Auslassungen der Civilta aufgenommen, 
 sodann der beklagenswerthen Bedenklich- 
 keit, mit der so manche, die es nicht soil ten, 
 vor freimiithigem Widerspruch zuriickschrec- 
 ken. Audi der traurigen Kirchenspaltung 
 des 16. Jahrhunderts ging ein allgemeines 
 Concil unmittelbar voraus, oline auf die 
 Entwicklung der Dinge einen giinstigen 
 Einfluss auszuUben. Sollen heute die 
 christlichen Volker durch das fiir die Kirche 
 wirklich wiedergewonnen werden, so muss 
 einseitig absprechenden Behauptungen 
 gegeniiber die lehrende und regierende 
 Kirche durch bestimmte und klare Bekennt- 
 nisse von dem Zustande der Geister voll- 
 kommen unterrichtet, den wahren Bediirf- 
 nissen der Zeit entgegenzukommen in den 
 Stand ge^etzt sein, und dazu nnch Kr'aften 
 beizutragen fiihlten auch wir uns ver- 
 prlichtet, die wir als treue Sohne der 
 Kirche in der Einheit mit ihr und ihrem 
 Mittelpunkte, dem Stuhle zu Rom. und in 
 kindlichem Gehnrsam gegen Ew. Bischof- 
 lichen Gnaden mit Gottes Hiilfe zu leben 
 und zu sterben entschlossen sind. 
 
 DOCUMENT XVII. 
 
 Die neue Oeschaftsordnung des Concils 
 und ihre theologische Bedeutung. 
 
 Die neue Gesch'aftsnrdnung, welche dem 
 Concil durch die fiinf Cardinal-Legaten 
 
 auferlegt worden, ist vollig verschioden von 
 allem, was sonst auf Concilien gebr'auehlich 
 war, und zugleich massgebend und ent- 
 scheidend fiir den ferneren Verlauf dieser 
 Versammlung, und iiir die zahlreichen 
 Decrete, welche durch sie zu Stande gebracht 
 werden sollen. Sie verdient daher die sor«;- 
 faltig.ste Beachtung. Zur geschichtlichen 
 Orientirung mag nur in der Kiirze erw'ahnt 
 werden, dass fiir die allgemeinen Concilien 
 der alt< n Kirche im ersten Jahrtausend cine 
 bestimmte Gesch'aftsordnung nicht exi^tirfe. 
 Nur fiir romische und spanische Provincial- 
 Concilien gab es ein liturgisches Ceremo- 
 niell. 1 Alles wurde in voller Versammlung 
 vorgetragen ; jeder Bischof konnte Anti'age 
 stellen, welche er wollte, und die Pr'asidenten, 
 die weltlichen sowohl. welche die Kaiser 
 sandten, als die geistlichen, sor<jten fiir 
 Ordnung und leiteten die Verhandlungen in 
 einfachster Weise. Die grossen Concilien 
 zu Konstanz und Basel mach*en sich eine 
 eii>;ene Ordnung. da die Theilung und Ab- 
 stimmung nach Nationen eingefiihrt wurden. 
 In Trient wurde diese Eiiirichtung wicder 
 verlassen, aher die Legaten, welche pr'asi- 
 dirten, vereinbarten die Geseh'aftsordiiung 
 mit den Bh-chofen. der Cardinal de Monte 
 li°ss dariiher abstimmen, und alle genehj 
 migten sie. 2 Von keiner Seite erfolgte ein 
 Widerspruch. So ist denn die heutige 
 romische Synode die erste in der Geschichte 
 der Kirche, in welcher den versammelten 
 Vatern ohne jede Theilnahme von ihrer Seite 
 die Procedur vorgeschrieben worden ist. 
 Diis erste Begolamento erwies sich so hem- 
 mend und unpraktisch, dass wiederholte 
 Gesuche um Ab'anderung und Gestattung 
 freierer Bewegung von verschiedenen Frac- 
 tionen des Episkopats an den Papst gerichtet 
 wurden. Dies war vergehlich; aber nach 
 dritthalb Monaten fanden die fiinf Legaten 
 endlich 'seller, dass, wenn das Concil nicht 
 ins Stocken gerathen solle, eine Aenderung 
 und Erganzung dringend nothwendig sei. 
 Auf die Petitionen der Bischofe ist indess 
 in der neuen Einrichtung keine Rucksicht 
 dabei genommen worden. 
 
 Zwei Ziige treten darin vor allem hervor. 
 Einmnl ist alle Macht uudaller Einfluss auf 
 den Gang des Concils in die Hande der 
 prasidirenden Legaten und der Deputationen 
 gelegt, so dass das Concil stlbst ihnen gegen- 
 iiber machtlos und willenlos erscheint. 
 Sodann sollen die gewichtigsten Frac;en des 
 Glaubens und der Lehre durch cinfacke 
 
 1 Au r genommen von Pseudoisidor, und abgeilruckt 
 bei Mansi, Cone. Coll. i. 10. 
 
 2 Le Plat, Mortumenta, iii. 418 : " Diount Patres, 
 utrum Inc. modus procedendi cis placeat." 'SVurauf 
 abgej-timmt wurde. 
 
Document XVII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 327 
 
 Mehrheit der Kopfzalil, dureh Aufstehen 
 uml Sitzenbkiben, entschieden werden. 
 
 Man liat bekanntlich, in den zwei Jahren, 
 irelche der Eroffnung des Concils vorherge- 
 gangen, eine Menge von Abhtindlungen mit 
 dazu gehorigen Decreten und Canones ausar- 
 beiten lasseu ; diese sullen nun von dem 
 Concil angenommen und dann vom Piipst 
 " approbante Concilio" als Gesetze, als 
 Lehr- und Glaubensnormen fur die ganze 
 katholische Christenheit verkiindigt werden. 
 Es sind im ganzen einundfiinfzig soldier 
 Schcmate, von welchen lis jetzt erst fiinf 
 discutirt bind. 
 
 Das Verfaliren welcke3 bei der Berathung 
 mid Abstinmiung stattfinden soil, ist nun 
 folgendes : 
 
 1. Das Schema wild mehrere (zehn) Tage 
 vor der Berathung den Vatern des Concils 
 ausgetheilt, welche dann schriftliche Erin- 
 nerungen, Aus.->tellungen, Verbesserungsan- 
 trage machcu konnen. 
 
 2. In diesem Pall miissen sie sogleich eine 
 neue Forinel oder Fassung des betrefFenden 
 Artikels statt des von ihnen beanstandeten 
 in Vorschlng bringen. 
 
 3. Solche Antiage werden dureh den 
 Secretar der einschlagigen Deputation (es 
 sind deren vier) iiberguben, welche dann 
 in i eh ihrem Ermessen da von Gebrauch 
 macht, indera sie das Schema, wenn sie es 
 fiir zwtekmassig halt, reformirt und dann in 
 cittern, aber nur gummarisch gehaltenen, 
 Berichte dem Concil von den gestellttn 
 Antiagen eine Notiz gibt. 
 
 4. Die Prasilenten kdnmnjedes Schema 
 intweder bloss im Ganz<:ii oder auch in Ab- 
 schnitte getheilt der Berathung unter- 
 stellen. 
 
 5. Bei der Berathung konnen die Prasi- 
 denten jeden Redner unterbrechen, wenn 
 es ihnen scheint, dass er nicht bei der Sache 
 bleibe. 
 
 6. Die Bischofe der Deputationen konnen 
 in jedem Moment das Wort ergreifen, urn den 
 Bisehofen, welche den Wortlaut des Schema 
 beanstanden, zu erwiedern. 
 
 7. Zehn V'ater reichen hin,um denSchluss 
 der Discussion zu beantragen, woriiber dann 
 mit einfacher Mehrheit dureh Aufstehen 
 oder Sitzenbkiben entschieden wild. 
 
 8. Bei der Abstimmung iiber die einzel- 
 nen Theile des Schema wird zuerest iiber 
 die vorgeschlagenen Ver'anderungen, dann 
 iiber den von der Deputation vorgelegten 
 Text dureh Aufstehen oder Sitzenbleiben 
 abge.stimmt, so dass die tinfuche Mehrheit 
 entsclieidet. 
 
 9. Hierauf wild iiber das ganze Schema 
 mit Namen-.aufruf abgestimmt, wobei jeder 
 der Vater mit placet oder non placet ant- 
 
 wortet. Ob auch hit r die blosse Mehrheit 
 der Kopfzalil entscheiden solle, ist nicht 
 angi geben. Es scheint aber nach der 
 Analogie b jaht werden zu miissen, denn 
 das ganze Schema ist ja doch nur wieder 
 (in Stuck oder Theil von einem grossern 
 Ganzen, und es liegt durchaus kein Grund 
 vor, mit dem grossern Stiick anders zu 
 verfaliren als mil dem kleinern. Wiirde das 
 Princip der schlechthinigen Mehrheit hier 
 verlassen, so wiirden wohl gerade die wich- 
 tigern, tiefer einschneidenden, Schemate ver- 
 loren gehen. 
 
 Man sieht nun wohl, dass einige parla- 
 mentarische Formen in diese Geschafts- 
 ordnung heriibergeuommen sind. Aber 
 wenn in polititchen Versammlungen gewisse 
 den hier gegebunen iihnliche Einrichtungen 
 bestehen, so sollen sie gewohnlich zum 
 Schutze der Minderheit gegen Majorisirung 
 diencn, wahrend sie hier umgekehrt zu dem 
 Zwecke gegeben zu sein scheinen, die Mehr- 
 heit noch m'ach tiger und unwiderstehlich zu 
 machen, wie sich dies besonders in dem ihr 
 eingeraumten Rechte zeigt, die Discussion, 
 i-obald es ihr gefallt, abzuschneiden uml 
 a'so der Min<lerheit das Wort zu entziehen ; 
 dies wird ran so peinlicher wiiken, als 
 bekanntlich auch die Mdglichkeit, sich in 
 gedruckien Gutachten oder Aufkl'arungen 
 den iibrigen Mitgliedern des Concils niit- 
 zutheilen, weder fiir einzelne noch fiir ganze 
 Gruppen von Bisehofen gegeben ist. 
 
 In politischen Versammlungen konnen 
 Beschliisse gefasst, selbst Ge.etze gegeben 
 werden dureh einfache Mehrheit, da keine 
 der folgenden Parlamente oder Kammem 
 dureh die Beschliisse und Gesetze der 
 fruhern gebunden ist. Jede kann zu jeder 
 Zeit eine Satzung ihrer Vorg'angerinnen 
 andern oder abrogiren. Aber die dogma- 
 tischen Beschliisse eines Concils sollen, 
 wenn es wirklich ein bkumeiiisches ist, fiir 
 alle Zeiten unantastbar und unwiderrutlich 
 gelten. 
 
 Voraus-ichtlich wild bei den nun folgcn- 
 dtn Abstimmungen die Mehrheit dieses 
 Concils nicht etwa eine flus.-ige, auf- und 
 abwogende sein, sie wird nicht wechseln 
 mit den zu fassenden Beschliissen, sondem 
 sie wird sich, mit geringen Schwankungen 
 der Zahl, in ihrer Zusammensetzung wesent- 
 lich gkich bleiben. Denn es ist bekannt, 
 dass die Theilung der Bischofe in eine Mehr- 
 heit und eine Minderheit sich gkich von 
 Anfang an schon bei der Wahl der Deputa- 
 tionen, und ehe nnch eine t inzige Abstim- 
 mung stattgefunden, scharf und entschie- 
 den herausgestellt hat. So musste es 
 kommen, weil in der Fiage von der papst- 
 lichen Unfehlbarkeit sich alsbald ein dureh- 
 Y 2 
 
328 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVI T. 
 
 greifendor und principieller Gegensatz 
 ergab, und man sofort erkannte, dass diese 
 Fia^e die Hauptangelegenheit der Ver- 
 sammlung bilde, und alle andern von ihr 
 beherrscht wfirden. Es steht zu erwarten, 
 •lass die Anh'anger der Unfehlbarkeits- 
 tbeorie die Voilagen, sowie sie aus den 
 H'anden der Deputationen hervorgehen, 
 audi unbedenklicb votiren werden ; denn 
 fiir sie ist ganz folgerichtig alles mass- 
 gebend, was vom romischen Stable ausgeVt, 
 und daffir ist ausreichend gesorgt. dass in 
 den Deputationen, web-hen jetzt iiber alle 
 auf die Verbesserung der Schemate bezfig- 
 lichen Antr'age die umfassendste und inap- 
 pellable Gewalt tibertragen ist, nur eine 
 Ansicht sich geltend machen kann. Ein 
 Blick auf das Personal der wichtigsten 
 Deputation. '' de fide," genfigt. Vor allem 
 findet sich da der Romer Cavdoni, der 
 schon in der Vorbereitungs-Cornmission das 
 Dogma der p'apstlichen Unfehlbarkeit in 
 einer eigenen Denksc-hiift empfohlenund in 
 seiner Commission hat annehmen lassen. 
 Neben ihm der Jesuit Steins, sodann die 
 beredten Namen Dechamps von Mecheln, 
 Spalding von Baltimore, Pie von Poitiers, 
 Ledochowski. Hassun der Armenier, de 
 Preux von Sitten, von Deutschen Martin, 
 Senestrey, Gasser von Brixen, zwei Spanier, 
 drei Sudamerikaner, drei Italiener, ein 
 Ii lander, endlieh Simor Regnier und Sharp- 
 man. 
 
 Seit 1800 Jahren hat es in der Kirche als 
 Grundsatz gegolten, dass Decrete iiber den 
 Glauben und die Lehre nur mit einer 
 wenigstens moralischen Stimmeneinhellig- 
 keit votirt werden sollten. Dieser Grundsatz 
 steht mit dem ganzen System der katho- 
 lischen Kirche im eugsten Zusammeitha>'g. 
 Es ist kein Beispiel eines Dogma bekannt. 
 welches durch eine einfache Stimmenmehr- 
 heit uuter dem Widerspruche einer Minder- 
 heit beschlossen und darauf bin eingefuhrt 
 worden ware. 
 
 Um dies klar zu machen, muss ich mir 
 Raum fur eine kurze theologische, aber 
 hoft'entlich allgemein verst'andliche, Eiorte- 
 rung erbitten. 
 
 Die Kirche hat ein ihr von Anfang an 
 iibergebenes Depositum geoffenbarter Lehre 
 zu bewahren und zu verwalten. 1 Sie emp- 
 fangt keine neuen Offenbarungen, und sie 
 macht keine neuen Glaubensartikel. Und 
 wie mit der Kirche selbst, so ist es auch 
 
 1 Die Theologie hat sich in der Entwicklung dieser 
 Fragen angeschlossen an die all<:emein als classisch 
 und vollig correct angenommene Schrift des Vincentiue 
 von Lerins, das Commonitorium, das schon um das 
 Jahr 434 erschien. Auf diese beziihe ich mich daher 
 in dem folgenden. 
 
 mit dem allgemeinen Condi. 1 Das Concil 
 ist die Representation, die Zusammenfas- 
 sung der ganzen Kirche ; die Bischofe auf 
 demselben sind die Gesandten und Ge- 
 sch'aftstrairer aller Kirchen der katholischen 
 Welt : sie haben im Namen der Gesammt- 
 heit zu eikl'aren, was diese Gesammtheit 
 der Gl'aubigen iiber eine religiose Frage 
 denkt und glaubt, was sie ids Ueberlieferung 
 empfangen hat. Sie sind also als Procura- 
 toren anzusehen, welche die ihnen gegebene 
 Vollmacht durchaus nicht fiberschreiteti 
 diirfen. 2 Thaten sie es, so wiirde die 
 Kirche, deren Vertreter sie sind, die von 
 ihnen aufgestellie i^ehre und Definition 
 nicht bestatigen, vielmelir als etwas ihrem 
 gl'aubigen Bewusst-ein fremdes zuriick- 
 weisen. 
 
 Die Bischofe auf dem Concil sind also 
 vor allem Zeugen , sie sagen aus und consta- 
 tiren, was sie und ihre Gemeinden als 
 Glaubenslehre empfangen und bisber be- 
 kannt haben ; sie sind aber auch Richter, 
 nur dass ihre richterliche Gewalt fiber den 
 Glauben nicht fiber den Bereich ihres Zeu- 
 genthums hinausgehen darf, vielmehr durch 
 dieses fortw'ahrend bedingt und uinschrieben 
 ist. Als Richter haben sie das Gesttz 
 (die Glaubenslehre) nicht erst zu machen, 
 
 1 So saut der Bischof Fisher von Rochester, der ftir 
 den Primat des Papstes sein Leben opferte, in st-iner 
 Streitschrift gegen Luther (Op*ra, ed. Wirceburg, 1597, 
 p. 592), mit Strutting auf den gleichen Au.-spruch 
 des Duns Scotus : " In eorum " (des Concils mit dem 
 Papste) "arbitrio non est situm, ut quicquam tale vel 
 non tale faciant, sed spiritu potius vrritatis edocti, id 
 quod revera pridem de substantia fidei fuerat jam 
 declarant, esse de substantia fidei." Und der Minorit 
 Davenport, Systema fidti, p. lid: "Secundum recep- 
 tam, tarn veterum, quam modernorum ductorum sen- 
 tentiam ecclesia non potest agere ultra revelationes 
 antiquas, nihil potest hodie declarari de fide, quod non 
 habet talem identitatem cum prius revelatis . . . Unde 
 semper docet Scotus : Quod illae conclusiones solum 
 possunt infallibiliter declarari et determinari per ec- 
 clesiam, quae sunt necessario inclusae in articuHs 
 creditis. SI igitur per accidens conjunguntur, vel si 
 solum probabiliter sequuntur ex artlculis, fldem non 
 attiugent per quascnmque dcterminationes, quia Con- 
 cilia non possunt identificare, quae sunt ex objecto 
 diversa, nee necessario inferre ea, quae solum apparen- 
 ter, seu probabiliter sunt inclusa in articulis creditis." 
 
 2 "Concilium non est ipsamet ecclesia, sed ipeam 
 tantum repraesentat ; ... id est episcopi illi qui con- 
 cilio adsunt, legati mittuntur ab omnibus omnium 
 gentium catholicarum ecclesiis, qui, ex nomine totius 
 universitatis, declarent, quid ipsa universitas sentiat 
 et quid traditum acceperit. Itaque ejusmodi legati 
 omnium ecclesiarum sunt veluti procuratores, quibus 
 nefas esset procurationem sibi creditam tantillum ex- 
 cedere. Unde constat, quod si quingenti episcopi, ut 
 videre est in exemplis Ariminensis, et Constantino- 
 politanae contra imagines eoactae synodi, suam de fide 
 communi declaranda procurationem tantillum excede- 
 rent, universa ecclesia, cujus sunt tantummodo procu- 
 ratores et simplex repraesentatio, definitionem factam 
 ab illis ratam non haberet, imo repudiaret." — (Euvres 
 de Fenebm, Versailles, 1820. ii. 361. 
 
Document XVII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 329 
 
 Modern nur zu interpretiren und anzu- 
 wenden. Sie stehen unter dem oft'ent- 
 liclu n Rechte der Kirche, an welchem sie 
 niclits zu 'andern vermbgen. Sie fiben ihr 
 Bichteramt, erstens : indem sie die von ihnen 
 abgelegten Zeugnisse unter einander pifi- 
 fen und vergleiclien und deren Tragweite 
 erw'agen ; zweitens, indem sie nach gewis- 
 senhafter Priifnng : ob an einer Lehre die 
 drei unentbehrlichen Bedingungen der 
 Universalitat, der Perpetuit'at und des 
 Consensus (" ubique, semper, ab omnibus ") 
 zutreffen, ob also die Lebre als die allge- 
 ineine Lehre der ganzen Kircbe, als wirk- 
 lii'her Bestandtbeil des gottlicben Deposi- 
 tums, alien gezeigt und ilir Bekenntniss 
 jcdcm Christen aufxrlogt werden konne. 1 
 Jhre Priifung hat sich demnach sowohl 
 fiber die Vergangenbeit als die Gegenwart 
 zu erstrecken. So ist von dem Amte der 
 Biscbbfe auf Concilien jede Willkiir, jedes 
 bkwa subjective Gutdiinken ausgeschlossen. 
 Es wiirde da frevelhaft und verderblich 
 sein, denn da die Kircbe keine neuen Offen- 
 barungen empfan^t.keine neuen Glaubensar- 
 tikel machr, so kann und darf aucb ein 
 Coneil die Substanz d s Glaubens nicbt 
 andern, niclits da von wognehmen und 
 nicbts hinzufiigen. Ein Concilium macbt 
 also dogmatische Decrete nur iil>er Dinge, 
 welche schon in der Kircbe, als duicli 
 • Scbrift und Tradition bezeugt, allgemein 
 geglaubt wurdc-n, 2 oder welcbe als evidente 
 
 1 So der Jesuit Bagot in seiner Inslitutio Theo?ogica 
 de vera Rdigvme, Paris, 1645, p. 3Ho : " Uniyersitas 
 sine duabus aliis, nimirum antiquitate et consensione 
 stare non potest. Quod autem triplici ilia prob.itione 
 confirmatur, est baud dubie ecclesiasticum et catholi- 
 cutu. Quod si universitatis nota deficit et nova aliqua 
 quaestio exoritur, novaque contagio ecclesiam romma- 
 culare incipit, tunc hac universitate praesentinm ec- 
 clcMarum deficieme rtcurrendum est ad antiquiuitem. 
 Notat euira Vincent, posse aliquam haereseos conta- 
 gioiiem occupare multas ecclesias, sicut constat de 
 Ariana; adeo ut aliqiiaiulo plures ecclesiae et episcopi 
 diversarum nationum Ari.mi quam Catholici reperiren- 
 tur. Et quantumvis doctrina aliqua latissime patcat, 
 si tamen novam esse constat, baud dubie erronea est, 
 nee enim est apostolica, nee per successionem et tra- 
 ditioiu-m ad nos usque pervenlt. Deindc, ut notat 
 idem Vincentius, anliquitas non potest jam seduci. 
 Verum enimvero quia et ipse error atitiqnus esse 
 potest : idcirco cum consulitur vetustas, inea quaerenda 
 est consensio." 
 
 2 So Vincentius: "Hoc semper nee quidqiiam aliud 
 Conciliorum decretis catholica perfecit ecclesia, nisi ut 
 quod a mijjiibus sol i traditione susceperat, boc deinde 
 posteris per scripturae chirographum consignaret." — 
 Oommomt. cap. 32. Der Tridentiniscbe Theologc 
 Vega, ap. Davenyoi t, p. 9 : " Concilia generalia hoc 
 t mtum habent, ut ventates jam alias, vel in seipsis, 
 vi- 1 in suis prlncipiis a Deo, ecclesiae vel SS. Patribus 
 revelataa vel per Bcrtptoru vei tmditionem prophe- 
 tarum et apogtolorum turn declarent, turn conflrment et 
 sua auctoritate claras et apertas et absque ulla ambigui- 
 tateab omnibus Catholicis tenendas tradant. Addit: 
 et ad hocdico: fraesentia Splritus sancti illu>trantur, 
 
 und klare Folgerungen in den bereits ge- 
 glaubten und gelebrten Grundsatzen ent- 
 halten sind. Wenn aber eine Meinung 
 Jahrhunderte lang stets auf Widersprucli 
 jrestossen und mit alien theologischen 
 Watfen bestritten worden, also stets min- 
 destens unsieher gewesen ist, so kann sie 
 nie, auch durcb ein Concilium nicbt, zur 
 Gewissheit, das beisst zur Dignit'at einer 
 gottlicb geoffenbarten Lehre, erboben wer- 
 den. Daher der gewblmliche Ruf der V'ater 
 auf den Concilien nacb der Annahme und 
 Verst'andigung eines dogmatischen Deerets : 
 " baec fides Patrum." 
 
 Soil also z. B. an die Stelle der f ruber 
 geglaubten und gelebrten Irrthumsfreiheit 
 der ganzen Kirche die Unfehlbarkeit eines 
 Einzigen gesetzt werden, so ist das keine 
 Entwicklung, keine Explication des vorber 
 implicit Geglaubten, keine mit logischer Fol- 
 gerichtigkeit sich ergebende Cousequenz, 
 sondern einfach das gerado Gegentbeil der 
 friiiieren Lebre, die damit auf den Kopf 
 gestellt wiirde. Geradewie es im politiscben 
 Leben keine Fortbildung oder Entwicklung, 
 sondern einfach ein Umsturz, eine Revolu- 
 tion ware, wetin ein bisher freies Gemein- 
 wesen plotzlicb unter das Jocb eines absolut 
 herrsclienden Monarchen gebracht wiirde. 
 
 Die Zeit, in welcber ein okumenisckes 
 Coneil fiber den Glauben der Christen 
 bei'ath, ist also stets eine Zeit der lebbaf- 
 testen Erweckung des religiosen Bewusst- 
 seins, eine Zeit der abzulegenden Zeugnisse 
 und der oSeneu . Krklarungen fur alle treuen 
 Sohne der Kirche, Geistliche wie Laien, 
 gewesen. Man glaubte, wie die Geschiehto 
 der Kirche beweist, allgemein, da.-s man 
 gerade durch solche Kundgebungen dem 
 Coneil seine Aufgabe erleichtere, und nicbt 
 die V'ater dadurch store oder heninie. Zeug- 
 niss ablegen, Wfinsche ausspi ecben, auf die 
 Bedfirfnisse der Kirche binweisen, kanu 
 und darf jedtr, auch der Laie. 1 
 
 primo ut infallibiles declarent veritates ecclesiae reve- 
 latas, et secundo, ut ad terniinanda dubia in ecclesia 
 suborta, extirpandosque errores et abusus infallibiliter 
 etiam ex revelatis colligant populo Christiano credenda 
 et usurpanda in fide et moribus." 
 
 1 So sagt der Cardinal Reginald Pole, einer der 
 Prasidenten des Tridentinischen Concils, in seinem 
 Buche, De Cuncilio, 1562, fol. 11 : " Patet quidera locus 
 oniiiibiis et singulis exponendi, si quid vel sibl vel 
 ecclesiae opus esse censeant, sed decernendi non om- 
 nibus patet, verum iis tantum, quibus rectionem anl- 
 marum ipse unicus pastor et rector dedit." Passt 
 Nikolaus I. bemerkt dass die Kaiser an den Concilien 
 theilgenommen haben, wenn vom (Jlauben gehandelt 
 worden sei. " Ubinam legistis, imperatores anteces- 
 8nres vestros synodalibus conventibus InterfoUse ? nisi 
 forsitan in quibus de fide tractatum est, quae universi- 
 tatis est, quae omnium communis e>t, quae non solum 
 cd clericos, verum etiam ad Laicos et ad onmes omnino 
 pertinet Christianas. " Diese Stelle fand auch in 
 Graf aaa Decret .A w'a ilinie 
 
330 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVII. 
 
 Ganz besonders wenn es sich urn die 
 Einfuhrung ernes neuen Dogma handelt, 
 welches etwa, von einer Seite her gef order t, 
 dem Bewusstsein der Gl'aubigen fremd ist 
 und ihnen als eine Neuerung erscheint, 
 dann ist der sich erhebende Protest der 
 Laien ein ebenso gerechter als nothwen- 
 diger, und unvermeidliches Zeugniss der 
 Anh'anglichkeit an den ihnen iiberlieferten 
 Glauben, und sie eriullen damit eine Pflicht 
 gegen die Kirche. 
 
 Auf dem Concil selbst aber beweist der 
 Widerspruch, den eine Anzahl der Bischbfe 
 gegen eine als Dogma zu verkundende 
 Meinung erhebt, dass in den von ihnen 
 repr'asentirten Theilkirchen diese Meinung 
 nicht fur wahr, nicht fiir gbttlich geoffenbart 
 gehalten worden ist, und auch jetzt nicht 
 dafiir gehalten wird. Damit ist aber schon 
 entschieden, dass dieser Lehre oder Mei- 
 nung die drei wesentlichen Erfordernisse 
 der Universalit'at, der Perpetuit'at und des 
 Consensus abgehen, dass sie also auch nicht 
 der ganzen Kirche als gottliche Offenbarung 
 aufgtdrungen werden darf. 
 
 Darum hat man es in der Kirche stets 
 fiir nothwendig erachtet, dass, sobald eine 
 nur eini^ermassen betrachtliche Anzahl von 
 Bischbfen einem von der Mehrheit etwa 
 a orgeschlagenen oder beabsichtigten Decret 
 widersprach, dieses Decret beiseite gelegt 
 word, die Definition unterblieb. Die wahr- 
 hafte Katholicit'at einer Lehre soil evident 
 und unzweifelhaft sein ; sie ist es abtr 
 nicht, sobald das Zeugniss wenn auch einer 
 Minderzahl den Beweis liefert, dass ganze 
 Abtheilungen der Kirche diese Lehre nicht 
 glauben und nicht bekennen. 
 
 Darum war bei jedem Concil die Haupt- 
 frage : " Sind die Glauben sdecrete von 
 alien Mitgliedern gehehmigt worden?" 
 Sogleich auf dem ersten allgemeinen Concil 
 zu Nic'aa, wo unter 318 Bischbfen zuletzt 
 nur zwei sich der Unterschrift weigerten. 
 Zu <Jhalcedon zbgerte man so lange mit den 
 Entscheidungen, liess sich immer wieder 
 auf neue Eiorterungen ein, bis endlich alle 
 Bedenken, welche besonders die illyrischen 
 und die pal'astinensisehen Bischbfe gegen das 
 Schreiben Leo's aiifanglich hegten, gehoben 
 waren. Noch ehe Kaiser Marcian die Synode 
 entlie.-s, drang er auf eine Erkl'arung : ob 
 wirklicb alle Bisc ofe (es waren iiber 600) 
 der Glaubensdefinition zustimmten, was 
 denn auch alle bereitwilligst bejahten, und 
 worauf Papst Leo selbst Gott dankte, dass 
 sein Schreiben "nach alien Zweifeln und 
 Bedenken doch endlich durch die unwider- 
 legliche Znstimmung des gesammten Epis- 
 kopats" best'atigt worden sei. So ver- 
 sicherten auch auf dem sechsten allgemeintn 
 
 Concil die Bischbfe auf die Frage des 
 Kaisers : dass die dogmatisehe Entschei- 
 dung unter Zustimmung a Her aufgestellt 
 worden sei. Dasselbe geschah auf dem 
 siebenten im Jahr 787. Und wiederum 
 meldete Karl der Grosse von dem Concil zu 
 Frankfort 794 den spanischen Bischbfen: 
 alles sei geschehen, u quatenus Sancta 
 omnium unanimitas decernuret," etc. 
 
 In Trient gab Papst Pius IV den Le- 
 gaten die Weisung : niehts entscheiden zu 
 lassen, was nicht alien V'atern genehm sei. 
 Einer der dort befindlichen Theologen, 
 Fayva de Andrada, berichtet : mehrmals 
 habe man ein Decret Wochen, Monate lang 
 unentschieden gclassen, weil einige wenigo 
 Bischbfe widerstrebten oder Bedenken aus- 
 serten ; erst dann, wenn endlich nach langen 
 und sorgfaltigen Berathungen Einstimmig- 
 keit der V'ater erzielt worden, habe man das 
 Decret publicirt. Payva fiihrt mehrere 
 Beispiele davon an. 1 Und Bossuet bemerkt 
 iiber die Vorschrift Pius IV : dies sei eine 
 treffliche Kegel, um das "Wahre vom Zwei- 
 felhaften zu scheiden. 
 
 Alle Theologen machen es zur Bedingung 
 der Oekumenicit'at eines Concils, dass vbllige 
 Freiheit auf demselben herrsche. Freiheit 
 des Redens, Freiheit des Stimmens. Nie- 
 mand, sagt Tournely, darf zuriiekgewiesen 
 werden, der gehbrt werden will. Nicht 
 bloss physischer Zwang wiirde die Be- 
 schlusse eines Concils kraftlos und werthlos 
 machen. Die Freiheit, diese Lebensluft 
 eines wahren Concils, wird auch durch die 
 gar mannigfaltigen Formen, in denen mo- 
 ralischer Zwang eintritt, oder der Mensch 
 sich willig knechten l'asst (z. B. durch die 
 verschiedenen Arten der Simonie), zerstbrt, 
 und die Legitimit'sit des Concils dadurch 
 aufgehoben. Tournely nennt als die auf 
 S\noden wirksamen und die conciliarische 
 Freiheit aufhebenden Leidenschaften 
 Furcht, Stellengier, Geldgeiz und Hab- 
 sucht. 2 
 
 Als der grosse Abfall zu Seleucia und 
 Rimini gleichzeitig stattfand, als an sechs- 
 hundert Bischbfe das gemeinsame Bekennt- 
 niss verl'augneten und pieisgaben, da war 
 es " Geistesschwache und Scheu vor einer 
 miihseligen Reise " (" partim imbecillitate 
 
 i Defensio Fidei Thidevt'tiae, f. IV: "Cum quin- 
 decim tere aut viginti dubitare se aiebant, ne vero 
 quicquam praeter Conrilit)rum vetu-tum morem con- 
 cluderetur, horum paucorum dubitatio plurimorum 
 impetum retardavit, atque effecit, ut res in aliam se^-- 
 sionem dilata, omnium fere calculi* tandem deflnire- 
 tur." Man vergleiche dort das Weitere. Man sieht, 
 dass zu Trient die Ueberzeugung herrscbte, es miis>e 
 alles in der Weise der alttn Concilien behandelt und 
 entschieden, wenigstens die wesentlicbe Form dersel- 
 ben beibehalten werden. 
 
 1 De Eccltsia, i. 384. 
 
Document XVII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 331 
 
 ingenii, partiin taedio peregrinationis evic- 
 ti," Sulp. Sever. 2, 43), was sie iiberwand. 
 
 Die blosse 'I'hatsache einer wenn anch 
 Tioch so zahlreichen,bischotiichen Versamm- 
 lung ist also noch lange kein Beweis der wirk- 
 lichen Oekumenicit'at eiues Concils ; oder, 
 wie die Theologen, z. B. Tournely, sich 
 ausdriicken, es kann wohl bkuineniscli der 
 Berufung nach sein, ob es dies aber audi 
 dem Verlauf und Ausgang nach sei, dariiber 
 kann das Concil selbst nicht entscheiden, 
 kann nicht silber sicli Zeugniss gebeu; da 
 muss erst die doch auch noch uber jedem 
 Concil stehende Autoritat, oder das Zeug- 
 niss der ganzen Kirche, als entscheidend 
 nnd bestatigend hinzutreten. Die Con- 
 cilien als solclie liaben keine Verheissung — 
 auch in den gewohnlich angefiihrten Won en 
 des Herm von den " zwei oder drei " kommt 
 el en alles auf das "in seinem Namen Ver- 
 sammeltsein " an, nnd dies enth'alt, wie 
 alle Theologen annehmen, mehrere Bedin- 
 gungen, die z. B. Tournely auffiihrt. 1 Aber 
 die Kirche hat die A r erheissungen, und sie 
 muss erst sich iiberzeugen, oder die Gewiss- 
 heit besitzen, dass physiscber oder mora- 
 lischer Zwang, Furcht, Leidenschaften, Ver- 
 fiihrungskiinste — Dinge wie sie zu Kimini 
 nnd noch gar oft gewirkt liaben — nicht auf 
 dem Concil tibermachtig geworden sind, 
 dass also die walireFreiheit dort geherrscht 
 babe. In diescm Sinn sagt Bossuet von 
 einem okumenischen Concil : der Bischofe 
 auf demselben miissten so viele und aus so 
 verschiedenen L'andern, und die Zustimmung 
 der iihrigen so evident eein, dass man klar 
 sehe, es sei nichts anderes da geschehen, 
 als dass die Ansicht der ganzen Welt 
 
 1 Quaeres : quibus conditionibus promisit Cliristus se 
 conciliis adfuturum? Re.-p. Ista generali: Si in 
 nomine suo congregata fuerint ; hoc est servata suffni- 
 giorum libertate ; invocato coele^i auxilio; ndhibita 
 humana indus-tria et diligcntia in conquirenda veritate. 
 . . . Deus scilicet, qui omnia suaviter disponit ac 
 inoderatur, via su; ernaturali aperta et manifesta non 
 adest conciliis, sed occulta Spiritus subministratione 
 (Deus) permittit, episcopos omnibus humanae inflr- 
 mitatis periculis subjacere et aliquando succumbere : 
 neque enim unquam promisit, se a conciliis ejusmodi 
 pericula certo temper propulsaturum ; sed boc unum, 
 se iis semper adfuturum, qui in tuo nomine congrega- 
 rentur. Congrtgari autem in suo nomine censentur, 
 quoties eas observant leges et conditiones, quas voluit 
 observari. Tournely, 1-ra elect torus theohigicue de Deo 
 et uivinis attnhutis, 1. 165. Tournely fiilirt denselben 
 (iodanken in seinen /'raeleclionet tluoloiicae de. icclesm 
 Christi, i. 384, noch weiter aus: "(Deu>) episcopos 
 permittit omnibus humanae infirmitatis periculis ob- 
 noxios esse, metus scilicet, ambitionis, avaritiae, cupi- 
 d.tatis, - ' &c. 
 
 zu.*ammengetragen worden. 1 Sollte sich 
 also zeigen, dass auf dem Concil keineswegs 
 " die Ansicht der ganzen katholischen Welt 
 zusanimeugetraeren" worden, dass vielmehr 
 Mebrheitsbeschlusse gefasst worden seien, 
 welche mit dem Glauben eines betr'acht- 
 lichen Theils der Kirche im Widerspruch 
 stehen, dann wiirden gewiss in der katlio- 
 lischen Welt die Fiagen aufgeworfen 
 werden : Haben unsere Biscbofe richtig 
 Zeugniss gegeben von dem Glauben ihrer 
 Diocesen? und wenn nicht, sind sie wahr- 
 baft frei gewesen ? Oder wie kommt es, 
 dass ihr Zeugniss nicht beachtet worden 
 ist? dass sie majorisiit worden sind? Von 
 den Antworten, die auf diese Fiagen ertheilt 
 werden, werden dann die ferneren Ereig- 
 nisse in der Kirche bedingt sein. Und 
 darum ist audi in der ganzen Kirche die 
 vollste Publicit'at stets als zu einem Concil 
 gehorig ge\sahrt worden; denn es liegt 
 der gesammten christliclien Welt hochlich 
 daran, nicht nur zu wissen, dass etwas dort 
 beschlossen wird, sondern auch zu wissen, 
 wie es beschlossen wird. An diesem Wie 
 h'angt zuletzt alles, wie die denkwiirdigen 
 Jahre 359, 449, 754 u. s. w. beweisen. Auf 
 das Concil von Trient h'atte man sich beziig- 
 lich des zwangsweise auferlegten Schwei- 
 gens nicht berufen sollen; denn erstens 
 wurde dort bloss eine Mahnung gegeben, 
 und zweitens betraf die Erinnerung nur die 
 Bekanntmachung von Entwiirfen, welche, 
 was heutzutage bei dem Stand der Presse 
 nicht mehr mbglich ware, damals in der 
 Feme mit wirklichen Decreten verwechselt 
 wunlen. 
 
 Den 9 M'arz 1870. 
 
 I. V. D6LLINGER. 
 
 1 " Et que les autres consentent si evidemment h 
 lpur assemblee, qu'il sera clair, qu'on n'y ait fait 
 qu'apporter le sentiment de toute la terre." ^ Histoire de 
 Variations, 1. 15, n. 1000.) Und darum fordirt der 
 Papst Gelasius zu einer " bene gesta synodus " nicht 
 nur, dass sie nach Schrift und Tradition und nach den 
 kirchlichen liegeln ihre Entscheidungen gefasst habe, 
 sondern aucb, dats sie von der ganzen Kirche »nge- 
 nommen sei : " quam cuncta recepit ecclesia " (Epist. 
 13 bei Labbe, Concil. iv., 1200 und 1203). Und Nicole 
 bemerkt gegen die Calvinlsten : "llsont une mavque 
 evidente que le Concile qui se dit Universel doit etie 
 recu pour tel, dans l'acceptation qu'en fait l'Eglise." 
 (I'ritendus Reformes convaincm de schisme, 2, 7, p. 
 289.) Die Kirche gibt den Concilien Zeugniss (nicht 
 erst Autoritat), sowie sie durch ihren biblischen Canon 
 den einzelnen Btichern der Bibel Zeugniss gibt, wah- 
 rend natiirlich die innere Autoritat derselben nicht 
 von der Kirche ausfiic;st. Sie ist auch da " testis, non 
 autor fidei." 
 

 332 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVIII. 
 
 DOCUMENT XVIII. 
 
 PIUS EPISCOPUS 
 
 SEBVUS SEEVOKUM DEI 
 SACRO APPROBANTE CONCILIO 
 
 AD PERPETTJAM EEI MEMORIAM. 
 
 Dei Filius et generis humani Redemptor 
 Doniinus noster Jesus Christus, ad Patrem 
 coelestem rediturus, cum Ecclesia sua in 
 terris militante, omnibus diebus usque ad 
 consummationem saeculi futurum su esse 
 promisit. Quare dilectae sponsae praesto 
 esse, adsistere docenti, operanti benedicere, 
 puviclitanti opem ferre nullo unquam tem- 
 pore destitit. Haec vero salutaris eius provi- 
 dentia, cum ex aliis beneficiis innumeris 
 continenter apparuit, turn iis manifestissime 
 comperta est fructibu.s, qui orbi christiano 
 e Conciliis CEcumenicis ac nominatim e 
 Tridentino, iniquis licet temporibus cele- 
 brato, amplissimi provenerunt. Hinc enim 
 sanctissima religionis dogmata pressius de- 
 fiuita uberiusque expooita, errores damnati 
 atque cohibiti ; hinc ecclesiastica disciplina 
 rcstitufa firmiusque sancita, promotum in 
 Clero scientiae et pietatis studium, parata 
 adolescen'ibus ad sacram militiam edu- 
 candis collegia, cbristiani denique populi 
 mores et accuratiore fidelium eruditione et 
 frequentiora sacramentorum usu instaurati. 
 Hinc praeterea arctior membrorum cum 
 visibili Capite communio, universoque Cor- 
 pori Christi mystico additus vigor; hinc 
 religiosae multiplicatae familiae, aliaque 
 christianae pietatis instituta; hinc ille 
 etiam assiduus et usque ad sanguinis eftu- 
 sionem constans ardor in Christi regno late 
 per orbcm propagando. 
 
 Verumtaiuen haec aliaque insignia emo- 
 lumenta, quae per ultimam maxime oecu- 
 nienicam Synodum divina dementia Eccle- 
 sia e largita est, dum grato, quo par est, 
 animo recolimus ; acerbum compescere baud 
 possumus dolorem ob mala gravissima, iude 
 potissimum orta, quod eiusdem sacrosanctae 
 Synodi apud permultos vel auctoritas con- 
 tempta, vel sapientissima neglecta fuere 
 decreta . 
 
 Nemo enim ignorat, haereses, quas Tri- 
 dentini Patres proscripserunt, num reiecto 
 divino Ecclesiae magisterio, res ad reli- 
 gionem spectantes privati cuius vis iudicio 
 permitterentur, in sectas paullatim disso- 
 lutas esse multiplices, quibus inter se 
 dissentientibus et concertantibus, omnis 
 tandem in Christum fides apud non pnucos 
 labefactata cA. Itaque ipsa sacra Biblitt, 
 
 quae antea christianae doctriuae unicus fons 
 et iudex asserebantur, iam non pro divinis 
 haberi, imo mythicis commentis accenseri 
 coeperunt. 
 
 Turn nata est et late nimis per orbem 
 vagata ilia rationalismi seu naturalismi 
 doctrina, quae religioni christianae utpote 
 supernaturali instituto per omnia adversans, 
 summo studio molitur, ut Christo, qui solus 
 Dominus et Salvator noster est, a mentibus 
 humanis, a vita et moribus populorum 
 excluso, merae quod vocant rationis vel 
 naturae regnum stabiliatur. Kelicta autetn 
 pr< dectaque Christiana religione, negato vero 
 Deo et Christo eius, prolapsa tandem est 
 multorum mens in pantheism], materialismi, 
 atheismi barathrum, ut iam ipsam rationalem 
 naturam, omnemque iusti rectique normam 
 negantes, ima humanae sccietatis funda- 
 nienti diruere connitantur. 
 
 Hac porro impietate circumquaque gras- 
 sante, infeliciter contigit, ut plures etiam 
 catholicae Ecclesiae filiis a viaverae pietatis 
 aberrarent, in iisque, diminutis paullatim 
 veritatibus, sensus catholicus attenuaretur. 
 Variis enim ac peregrinis doctrinis al)ducti, 
 naluram et gratiam, scientiam humanam 
 et (idem divinam perperam commiscentes, 
 genuinum sensum dogmatum, quern tenet 
 ac docet Santta Mater Ecclesia, depravare, 
 integritatemque et sinceritatem fidei in 
 periculum adducere comperiuntur. 
 
 Quibus omnibus perspectis, fieri qui 
 potest, ut non commoveantur intima Eccle- 
 siae viscera? Quemadmodum enim Deus 
 vult omnes homines talvos fieri, et ad 
 agnitionem veritatis venire ; quemadmodum 
 Chiistus venit, ut salvum faceret, quod 
 perierat, et filios Dei, qui erant dispersi, 
 congregaret in unum, ita Ecclesia, a Deo 
 populorum mater et magistra constituta : 
 omnibus debitricem se novir, ac lapsos 
 eiigere, labantes sustinere, revertentes am- 
 plecti, confirmare bouos et ad meliora 
 provehere parata semper et intenta est. 
 Quapropter nullo tempore a Dei veritate, 
 quae sanat omnia, testanda et prnedicanda 
 quiescere potest, sibi dictum esse non 
 ignorans : Spiritus meus, qui est in te, et 
 verba mea, quae posui in ore tuo, non re- 
 cedent de ore tuo amodo et usque in sem- 
 piternum. 1 
 
 Nos itaque, inhaerentes Praedecessorum 
 Nostrorum vestigiis, pro supremo Nostio 
 Apostolico munere veritatem catholicam 
 docere ac tueri, perversa-que doctiinas 
 reprobare nunquam intermisimus. Nunc 
 autem sedentibus Nobiseum et iudicautibus 
 universi orbis Episcopis, in l.anc oecumeui- 
 
 i Is. lix. 21. 
 
Document XVIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 333 
 
 cam Synodum auctoritate Nostra in Spirit u 
 Sancto congregatis, innixi Dei verbo scripto 
 et trudito, prout ab Ecclesia catbolica sancte 
 custodituni et genuine expositum accepimus, 
 ex bac Petri Catbedr i n conspectu omnium 
 salutarem Christi doctrinam profiteri et 
 declarare constituimus, adveisis erroribus 
 potestate nobis a Deo tradita proscriptis 
 atque dumnatis. 
 
 Caput I. 
 De Deo rerum omnium Creatore. 
 
 Sancta Catbolica Apostolica Romana 
 Ecclesia credit et confitetur, unum esse 
 Deum verum et vivum, Creatorem ac Do- 
 minum coeli et terrae, omnipotentem, aeter- 
 num, immensum, incomprehensibilem, in- 
 tellectu ac voluntate omnique perfectione 
 infinitum ; qui cum sit una singularis, 
 simplex omnino et incommutabilis substan- 
 tia spiritualis, praedicandus re et essentia 
 a mundo distinctus, in se et ex-beatissimus, 
 et super omnia, quae praeter ipsum sunt et 
 concipi possunt, ineffabiliter excelsus. 
 
 Hie solus verus Deus bonitate sua et 
 omnipotenti virtute non ad augendam suam 
 beatitudinem, nee ad acquirendam, sed ad 
 manifestandam perfectionem suam per bona, 
 quae creaturis imperitur, liherrimo consilii) 
 simul ab initio temporis utramque de nihilo 
 condidit creaturam, spiritualem et corpora- 
 lem, angelic.im videlicet et mundanam, ac 
 deiude humanam quasi communem ex 
 spirilu et cor pore constitutam. 1 
 
 Universe vero, quae condidit, Deus pro- 
 videntia sua tuetur atque gubernat. attin- 
 gens a fine usque ad finem f'ortiter, et 
 disponent omnia suaviter. 2 Omnia enim 
 nuda et apevta sunt oculis eius, 3 ea etiam, 
 quae libera creaturarum actione i'utura 
 
 oullU. 
 
 Caput II. 
 De revelatione. 
 
 Eadem Sancta Mater Ecclesia tenet et 
 docet, Deum, rerum omnium principium et 
 finem, naturaii lmmanae rationis lumine 
 e rebus creatis certo cognosci po:-se ; invi-i- 
 bilia enim ipsius, a creatura mundi per ea 
 quae facta sunt intellecta, conspiciuntur : 4 
 att mien placuisse eius s-apieittiae et boni- 
 tati, alia, eaque supematurali via se ipsum 
 ac aeterna voluntatis suae decreta humano 
 generi revelare, dicente Apostolo : Multi- 
 fariam, multisque modis olim Deus loquens 
 patribus in Propbetis : novissime, diebus 
 istis locutus est nobis in Filio. 5 
 
 Huic divinae revelationi tribuendum 
 
 1 Cone. Later, iv. c. 1. Firmite*. 
 
 - Sap. viii. 1. 3 cf. Hob. vi. 13. 
 
 * Horn. i. 20. s Heb. i. 1, 2. 
 
 quidem est, ut ea, quae in rebus divinis 
 l.umanae rationi per se impervia non sunt, 
 in praesenti quoque generis bumani con- 
 ditione ub omnibus expedite, firma certi- 
 tudine et nullo admixto errore cognosci 
 possint. Non bac tamen de causa revelatio 
 absolute necessaria dicenda est, sed quia 
 Deus ex infinita bonitate sua ordinavit 
 bominem ad finem supernaturalem, ad par- 
 ticipanda scilicet bona divina, quae humanae 
 mentis intelligentiam omnino superant; 
 siquidem oculus non vidit, nee auris audivit, 
 nee in cor hominis ascendit, quae praeparavit 
 Deus iis, qui diligunt ilium. 1 
 
 Haec porro supernaturalis revelatio, se- 
 cundum universalis Ecclesiae fidem, a 
 sancta Tridentina Synodo declaratam, con- 
 tinetur in libris scriptis et sine scripto 
 traditionibus, quae ipsius Christi ore ab 
 Apostolis acceptae, aut ab ipsis Apostolis 
 Spiritu Sancto dictante quasi per manus 
 traditae, ad nos usque pervenerunt. 2 Qui 
 quidem veteris et novi Testamenti libri 
 integri cum omnibus suis partibus, prout 
 in eiusdem Concilii decreto recensentur, et 
 in vetere vulgata latiua editione habeutur, 
 pro sacris et canonicis suscipiendi sunt. Eos 
 vero Ecclesia pro sacris et canonicis habet, 
 non ideo quod sola humana industria concin- 
 nati, sua deinde auctoritate sint approbati ; 
 nee ideo dumtaxat, quod revelationem sine 
 errore contineant ; sed propterea quod 
 Spiritu Sanclo inspirante conscripti Deum 
 babent auctorem, atque ut tales ipsi Eccle- 
 siae traditi sunt. 
 
 Quoniam vero, quae sancta Tridentina 
 Synodus de interpretatione divinae Scrip- 
 turae ad coercenda petulantia ingenia salu- 
 briler decrevit, a quibusdam hominibus 
 prave exponuntur, Nos, idem decretum 
 renovantes, hanc illius mentem esse decla- 
 ramus, ut in rebus fidei et morum, ad 
 aedificationem doctrinae Cbristianae per- 
 tinentium, is pro vero sensu sacrae Sciip- 
 turae habendus sit, quern tenuit ac tenet 
 Sancta Mater Ecclesia, cuius est iudicare de 
 vero sensu et interpretatione Scripturarum 
 sanctarum : atque ideo nemini licere contra 
 hunc sensum, aut etiam contra unanimem 
 consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram 
 interpretari. 
 
 Caput III. 
 
 De fide. 
 
 Quum bomo a Deo tanquam Creatore et 
 Domino suo totus dependeat, et ratio creata 
 increatae Veritati penitus subiecta sit, 
 plenum revelanti Deo intellectus et volun- 
 tatis obsequium fide praestare tenemur. 
 
 ' Cor. ii. 9. 
 
 2 Cone. Triil., sc.-s. iv. Deer, de ('an. Script. 
 
334 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVIII. 
 
 Hanc vero fidem, quae humanae sal u I is 
 initium est, Ecclesia cathoiica profitetur, 
 virtutem esse supernaturalem, qua, Dei 
 aspiiante et adiuvaute gratia, ab eo revelata 
 vera esse credimus, non propter intrinseram 
 rerum veritatem naturali rationis lumine 
 perspectam, sed propter auctoritatem ipsius 
 Dei revelantis, qui nee falli nee fallere 
 potest. Est enim fides, testante Apostolo, 
 sperandaruni substantia rerum, argumen- 
 tum uon apparentium. 1 
 
 Ut nihilominus fidei nostrae obsequium 
 rationi consentaneuin esset, voluit Deus cum 
 internis Spiritus Sancti auxiliis externa 
 iungi revelationis suae argumenta, facta 
 scilicet divina, atque imprimis miracula et 
 propbetias, quae cum Dei omnipotentiam 
 et infinitam scientiam luculenter common- 
 strent, divinae revelationis feigna sunt cer- 
 tissima et omnium intelligentiae accommo- 
 data. Quare turn Moyses et Prophetae, 
 turn ipse maxime Christus Dominus multa 
 et manifestissima miracula et prophetias 
 ediderunt ; et de Apostolis legimus: II I i 
 autem profecti praedicaverunt ubique, 
 Domino cooperante, et sermonem confir- 
 mante, sequentibus signis. 2 Et rursum 
 scriptum est : Habemus firmiorem propheti- 
 cum sermouem, cui bene facitis attendentes 
 quasi lucernae lucenti in caliginoso loco. 3 
 
 Licet autem fidei assensus nequaquam 
 sit motus animi caecus : nemo tamen evan- 
 gelicae praedicationi consentire potest, sicut 
 oportet ad salutem consequendam, absque 
 illuminatione et inspiratione Spiritus Sancti, 
 qui dat omnibus suavitatem in consentiendo 
 et credendo veritati. 4 Quare fides ipsa in 
 se, etiamsi per cbaritatem non operetur, 
 donum Dei est, et actus eius est opus ad 
 salutem pertinens, quo bomo liberam prae- 
 stat ipsi Deo obedientiam, gratiae eius, 
 cui resistere posset, consentiendo et co- 
 operando. 
 
 Porro fide divina et cathoiica ea omnia 
 credenda sunt, quae in verbo Dei scripto 
 vel tradito, conlinentur, et»ab Ecclesia sive 
 solemni iudicio sive ordinario et universali 
 magisterio tamquam divinitus revelata cre- 
 denda propouuntur. 
 
 Quoniam vero sine fide impossibile est 
 placere Deo, et ad filiorum eius consortium 
 pervenire ; ideo nemini unquam sine ilia 
 contigit iustificatio, nee ullus, nisi in ea 
 perseveiaverit usque in finem, vitam aeter- 
 nam assequetur. Ut autem officio veram 
 fidem amplectendi, in eaque constanter per- 
 severandi satisfacere possemus, Deus per 
 Filium suum unigenitum Ecclesiam insti- 
 tuit, suaeque institutionis manifestis notis 
 
 1 Ileb. xi. 1. * Marc. xvi. 20. 
 
 3 2 Petr. 1. 19. * Syn. Araus. ii. can. 7. 
 
 insfruxit, ut ea tamquam castos et magistra 
 verbi revelati ab omnibus posset agnosci. 
 Ad solam enim catbolicam Ecclesiam ea 
 pertinent omnia, quae ad evidentem fidei 
 cbristianae credibilitatem tam multa et tarn 
 mira divinitus sunt disposita. Quin etiam 
 Ecclesia per &e ipsa, ob suam nempe admi- 
 rabilem propagationem, eximiam sanctitatem 
 et inexhaustam in omnibus bonis foecundi- 
 tatem, ob catbolicam unitatem, invietam- 
 que stabilitatem, magnum quoddam et 
 perpetuum est motivum credibilitatis et 
 divinae suae legationis testimonium irre- 
 fragabile. 
 
 Quo fit, ut ipsa veluti signum levatum 
 in nationes, 1 et ad se invitet, qui nondum 
 crediderunt, et filios suos certiores faciat, 
 firmissimo niti fundamento fidem, quam 
 profitentur. Cui quidem testimonio efficax 
 subsidium accedit ex superna virtute. 
 Etenim benignissimus Dominus et errantes 
 gratia sua excitat atque adiuvat, ut ad 
 agnitionem veritatis venire possint ; et eos, 
 quos de tenebris transtulit in admirabile 
 lumen suum, in boc eodem lumine ut per- 
 severent, gratia sua confirmat, non deserens, 
 nisi deseratur. Quocirca minime par est 
 conditio eorum, qui per coeleste fidei donum 
 catbolicae veritati adliaeserunt ; atque 
 eorum. qui ducti opinionibus liumanis, fal- 
 sam religionem sectantur; illi enim, qui 
 fidem sub Ecclesiae magisterio susceperunt, 
 nullam unquam habere possunt iustam 
 causam mutandi, aut in dubium fidem 
 eamdem revocandi. Quae cum ita sint, 
 gratias agentes Deo Patri, qui dignos nos 
 fecit in partem sortis sanctorum in lumine, 
 tantam ne negligamus salutem, sed aspi- 
 cientes in auctorem fidei et consummate >rem 
 Iesum, teneamus spei nostrae conf'essionem 
 indeclinabilem. 
 
 Caput IV. 
 De fide et ratione. 
 
 Hoc quoque perpetuus Ecclesiae catbo- 
 licae consensus tenuit et tenet, duplicem 
 esseordinem cognitionis,non solum principio, 
 sed obiecto etiam distinctum : principio 
 quidem, quia in altero naturali ratione, in 
 altero fide divina cognoscimu3 : obiecto 
 autem, quia praeter ea, ad quae naturalis 
 ratio pertingere potest, credenda nobis pro- 
 ponuntur mysteiia in Deo abscondita, quae, 
 nisi revelata divinitus, innotescere non pos- 
 sunt. Quocirca Apostolus, qui a gentibus 
 Deum per ea, quae facta sunt, cognitum 
 esse testatur, disserens tamen de gratia et 
 veritate, quae per Iesum Christum facta 
 
 i Is. xi. 12. 
 
Document XVIII.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 335 
 
 est, 1 prouuntiat : Loquimur Dei sapientiani 
 in mysterio, quae absconclita est, quam 
 praedcstinavit Deus ante saecula in gloriam 
 nostrum, quam nemo principuni huius sae- 
 culi cognovit : — nobis autem revelavit Deus 
 per Spirituni suum: Spiritus enim omnia 
 scrutatur, etiam profunda Dei. 2 Et ipse 
 Unigenitus confitetur Patri, quia abscondit 
 haec a sapientibus, et prudentibus, et re- 
 velavit ea parvulis. 3 
 
 Ac ratio quidem, fide illustrata, cum 
 sedulo, pie et sobrie quaerit, aliquam, Deo 
 dante, mysteriorum intelligentiam eamque 
 fructuosissimam assequitur, turn ex eorum, 
 quae naturaliter cognoscit, analogia, turn e 
 mysteriorum ipsorum nexu inter se et 
 cum fine liominis ultimo ; nunquam tamen 
 idonea redditur ad ea perspicienda instar 
 veritatum, quae propriam ipsius obiectum 
 constituunt. Divina enim mysteria suapte 
 natura intellectum creatum sic excedunt, 
 ut etiam revelatione tradita et fide suscepta, 
 ipsius tamen fidei vela mine contecta et 
 quadam quasi caligine obvoluta maneant, 
 quamdiu in hac moitali vita peregrinamur 
 a Domino : per fidem enim ambulamus, et 
 non per speciem. 4 
 
 Verum etsi fides sit supra rationem, nulla 
 tamen unquam inter fidem et rationem vera 
 dissensio esse potest : cum idem Deus, qui 
 mysteria revelat et fidem infundit, animo 
 humano rutionis lumen indiderit ; Deus 
 autem negare seipsum non possit, nee 
 verum vero unquam contradicere. Inaiiis 
 autem huius contradictionis species hide 
 potissimum oritur, quod vel fidei dogmata 
 ad mentem Ecclesiae intellecta et exposita 
 non fuerint, vel opinionum commenta pro 
 rationis effatis habeantur. Omnem igitur 
 assertionem veritati ilium inatae fidei con- 
 trariam omnino falsam esse definimus. 5 
 Porro Ecclesia, quae una cum apostolico 
 munere docendi, mandatum accepit, fidei 
 depositum custodiendi, ius et ofneium di- 
 vinitus habet falsi nominis scientiam pro- 
 scribendi, ne quis decipiatur per philoso- 
 phiam, et inanem fallaciam. 6 Quapropter 
 omnes christiani fideles huiusmodi opi- 
 niones, quae fidei doctrinae contrariae esse 
 cognoscuntur, maxime si ab Ecclesia re- 
 probatae fuerint, non solum prohibentur 
 tanquam legitimas scientiae conclusiones 
 defendere, sed pro erroribus potius, qui 
 fallacem veritatis speciem prae se ferant 
 habere, tenentur omnino. 
 
 Neque solum fides et ratio inter se dis- 
 sidere nunquam posfeunt, sed opem quoque 
 
 > loan. i. 17. « 1 Cor. ii. 7-9. 
 
 3 Math. xi. 25. * 2 Cor. v. 7. 
 
 * Cone. Lat. V. Bulla Apostolici regiminis. 
 « Coloss. ii. 8. 
 
 sibi mutuam ferunt, cum recta ratio fidei 
 fundamenta deinonstret, eiusque lumino 
 illustrata rerum divinarum scientiam ex- 
 colat; fides vero rationem ab erroribus 
 liberet ac tueatur, eamque multiplici cogni- 
 tione instruat. Quapropter tantum abest, 
 ut Ecclesia humanarum artium et disci- 
 plinarum culturae obsistat, ut banc multis 
 modis iuvet atque promoveat. Non enim 
 commoda ab iis ad hominum vitam dima- 
 nantia aut ignorat aut despicit ; fatetur 
 imo, eas, quemadniodum a Deo, scientiarum 
 Domino % profectae sunt, ita si rite pertrac- 
 tentur, ad Deum, iuvante eius gratia, per- 
 duceie. Nee sane ipsa vetat, ne huiusmodi 
 disciplinae in suo quaeque ambitu propriis 
 utautur principiis et propria methodo ; sed 
 iustam banc libertatem agnoscens, id sedulo 
 cavet, ne divinae doctrinae repugnando 
 errores in se suscipiant, aut fines proprios 
 transgressae, ea, quae sunt fidei, occupent 
 et perturbent. 
 
 Neque enim fidei doctrina, quam Deus 
 revelavit, velut philosophicum inventnm 
 proposita est humanis ingeniis perficienda, 
 sed tamquam divinum depositum Christi 
 Sponsae tradita, fideliter custodienda et 
 infallibiliter declaranda. Hinc sacrorum 
 quoque dogmatum is sensus perpetuo est 
 retinendus, quern semel declaravit Sancta 
 Mater Ecclesia, nee unquam ab eo sensu, 
 altioris intelligentiae specie et nomine, re- 
 cedendum. Crescat igitur et multum vehe- 
 menterque proficiat, tarn siugulorum, quam 
 omnium, tarn unius hominis, quam totius 
 Ecclesiae, aetatum ac saeculorum gradibus, 
 iutelligentia, scientia, sapientia : sed in suo 
 dumtaxat genere, in eodem scilicet dogmate, 
 eodem sensu, eademque sententia. 1 
 
 CANONES. 
 
 Be Beo rerum omnium Creatore. 
 
 1. Si quis unum verum Deum visiMlium 
 et invisibilium Creatorem et Dominum ne- 
 gaverit ; anathema sit. 
 
 2. Si quis praeter materiam nihil esse 
 affirmare non erubuerit ; anathema sit. 
 
 3. Si quis dixerit, unam eandemque esse 
 Dei et rerum omnium substantiam vel es- 
 sentiam ; anathema sit. 
 
 4. Si quis dixerit, res finitas, turn cor- 
 poreas turn s-pirituales, aut saltern spiri- 
 tuales, e divina substantia emanasse ; 
 
 1 Vine. Lir. Common, n. 2^. 
 
336 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XVIII. 
 
 aut divinam essentiam sui manifestatione 
 vel evolutione fieri omnia ; 
 
 aut denique Denm esse ens universale 
 seu indefinitum, quod sese determinando 
 constituat rerum universitatem in genera, 
 species et individua distinctam ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 5. Si quis non confiteatur, mundum, 
 resque omnes, quae in eo continentur, et 
 spiiituales et materiales, secundum totam 
 enam substantiam a Deo ex nihilo esse pro- 
 ductas ; 
 
 aut Deum dixerit non voluntate, ab omni 
 necessitate libera, sed tarn necessario 
 creasse, quam necessario amat seipsum ; 
 
 aut mundum ad Dei gloriam conditum 
 esse negaverit ; anathema sit. 
 
 II. 
 
 Be revelatione. 
 
 1. Si quis dixerit, Deum unum et verum, 
 Creatorem et Dominum nostrum, per ea, 
 quae facta sunt, naturali rationis humanae 
 lumine certo cognosci non posse ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 2. Si quis dixerit, fieri non posse, aut non 
 expedire, ut per revelationem divinam homo 
 de Deo, cidtuque ei exhibendo edoceatur; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 3. Si quis dixerit, hominem ad cogni- 
 tionem et perfectionem, quae naturalem 
 superet, diviuitus evehi nou posse, sed ex 
 seipso ad omnis tandem veri et boni posses- 
 sionem iugi profectu pertingere posse et 
 debere ; anathema sit. 
 
 4. Si quis sacrae "Scripturae libros inte- 
 gros cum omnibus suis partibus, prout illos 
 sancta Tridentina Synodus recensuit, pro 
 sacris et canonicis non susceperit, aut eos 
 divinitus inspiratos esse negaverit ; anathe- 
 ma sit. 
 
 III. 
 
 Be fide. 
 
 1. Si quis dixerit, rationem humanam ita 
 independentem esse, ut fides ei a Deo im- 
 perari non possit ; anathema sit. 
 
 2. Si quis dixerit, fidem divinam a na- 
 turali de Deo et rebus moialibus scientia 
 non distingui, ac propterea ad fidem divinam 
 non requiri, ut revelata Veritas propter auc- 
 toritatem Dei revelantiscredatur ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 3. Si quis dixerit, revelationem divinam 
 externis signis credibilem fieri non posse, 
 ideoque sola interna cuiusque experientia 
 aut inspiratione privata homines ad fidem 
 moveri debere ; anathema sit. 
 
 4. Si quis dixerit, miracula nulla fieri 
 
 posse, proindeque omnes de iis narrationes, 
 etiam in sacra Scriptura contentas, inter 
 fabulas vel mythos ablegandas esse, aut 
 miracula certe cognosci nunquam posse, nee 
 iis divinam religionis christianae originem 
 rite probari ; anathema sit. 
 
 5. Si quis dixerit, assensum fidei chris- 
 tianae non esse liberum, sed argumentis 
 humanae rationis necessario produci ; aut 
 ad solam fidem vivam, quae per oharitateni 
 operatur gratiam Dei necessariam esse ; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 6. Si quis dixerit, parem esse ennditionem 
 fidelium atque eorum, qui ad fidem unice 
 veram nondum pervenerunt. ita ut cattiolici 
 iustam causam habere possint, fidem, qnam 
 sub Ecclesiae magisterlo iam susceperunt, 
 assensu suspenso in dubium vocandi, d nee 
 demonstrationem scientificam credibilitatis 
 et veritatis fidei suae absolverint ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Be fide et ratione. 
 
 1. Si quis dixerit, in revelatione divina 
 nulla vera et proprie dicta mysteria con- 
 tineri, sed universa fidei dogmata posse per 
 rationem rite excultam e naturalibus prin- 
 cipiis intelligi et demonstrari ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 2. Si quis dixerit, disciplinas humanas ea 
 cum libertate tractandas esse, ut earum 
 assertioius, etsi doctrinae nvelatae adver- 
 sentur, tanquam verae retineri, neque ab 
 Ecclesia proscribi possint ; anathema sit. 
 
 3. Si quis dixerit, fieri posse, ut doe- 
 matibus ab Ecclesia propositis, aliquando 
 secundum progressum scientiae sensns tri- 
 buendus sit alius ab eo, quern intellexit et 
 iutelligit Ecclesia ; anathema oit. 
 
 Itaque supremi pastoralis Nostri officii 
 debitum exequentes, omnes Christi fideles, 
 maxime vero eos, qui piaesunt vel docendi 
 munere funguntur, per viscera Iesu Christi 
 obtestamur, necnon eiusdem Dei et Salva- 
 toris nostii auctoritate iubemus, ut ad bos 
 enoies a Sancta Ecclesia arcendos et eli- 
 minandos. atque puiissimae fidei lucem pan* 
 dendam studium et operam conferant. 
 
 Quoniam vero satis non est, haereticata 
 pravitatem devitare, nisi ii quoque errorei 
 diligenter fugiautur, qui ad illam plus 
 ininusve accedunt ; omnes officii nionemus, 
 servandi etiam Constitutiones et Decreta, 
 quibus pravae eiusmodi opiniones, quae 
 isthic diserte non enumerantur, ab liaf 
 Sancta Sede proscrijtae et prohibita6 
 sunt. 
 
 Datum Romae in ]>ublica Sessione in 
 Vaticana Basilica solemniter c. lebratu, anno 
 
pvmarra XIX. XX.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 337 
 
 Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo oetin- 
 jpmtesimo septuagtsimo, die vigesima 
 
 (j larti Aprilis. 
 Pontifieatus Nottri anno vigeshno quarto. 
 Ita est. 
 
 Iosephxs Episcopus S. Hippolyti, 
 
 Secretarius Concilii Vaticani. 
 (Dal'a Civilta Cattolica, 7 nmggio 1870.) 
 
 DOCUMENT XIX. 
 
 Formule. 1 
 
 I. is soussignes pretres et clercs du diocese 
 do Florence, repondant a, l'invitation faite 
 an I lerge italien, offrent au Concile CEcu- 
 na-'nique leur modeste obole pour le soulage- 
 ment de l'auguste pauvrete du Vicaire de 
 JJ.-us-Ohrist, et saisissent avee empresse- 
 ment cette occasion nouvelle d'affirmer leur 
 de'vouement a sa Personne saere'e, leur zele 
 pour ses droits sacrosaints et leur foi ine- 
 branlable a son infaillible autorite. 
 
 (Suivent les signatures du Clerge.) 
 
 (De L'ltalie, 4 juillet 1870.) 
 
 DOCUMENT XX. 
 
 CONSTITUTE DOGMATIC! 
 
 PRIMA 
 
 DE ECCLESIA CHRISTI 
 
 ED1TA IN SESSIOXE QVARTA 
 
 SACROSANCTI OKCUMENICI CONCILII 
 VATICANI. 
 
 PIUS EPISCOPUS 
 
 6ERVIS SERYORUM UEI 
 SACRO APPROBANTE CONCILIO 
 
 Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. 
 
 Pastor aeternus et episcopus animarum 
 uostrarum, ut salutiferum redemptionis 
 opus peienne redderet, sanctam aedificare 
 Ecclesiara decrevit, in qua veluti in domo 
 Dei viventis fideles omnes utiius fidei et 
 charitatis vinculo continerentur. Qua- 
 
 l Le present modele de souscription devra etre 
 remis, en meine ternps que les offrandes recueillies, 
 a Till, et Rev. thanoine N. au Seminaire florentin, pas 
 plus tard que le 24 juin. 
 
 propter, priusquam clarificaretur, rogavit 
 Patrera non pro Apostolis tantum, sed et 
 pro eis, qui credituri erant per vorburn 
 eorum in ipsum, ut omnes unum essent, 
 sicut ipse Filius et Pater unum sunt. 
 Quemadmodum igitur Apostolos, quos sibi 
 de nmndo elegerat, misit, sicut ipse missus 
 erat a Patre; ita in Ecclesia sua Pafe tores et 
 Doctores usque ad consummationem saeculi 
 esse voluit. Ut vero Episcopatus ipse unus 
 et indivisus esset, et per cohaerentes sibi 
 invicem sacerdotes credentium mullitudo 
 univeisa in fidei et communionis unitate 
 conservaretur, beatum Petrum caeteris 
 Apostolis praeponens in ipso instituit per- 
 petuum utrius-que unitatis principium ac visi- 
 bile fundamentum, super cuius fortitudinem 
 aeternum exstrueretur templum, et Ecclesiae 
 coelo inferenda sublimitas in huius fidei 
 firmitate consurgeret. ' Et quoniam porta e 
 inferi ad evertendam, si fieri posset, Ecole- 
 siam contra eius fundamentum divinitus 
 positum maiori in die-i odio undique in- 
 surgunt ; Nos ad catholici gregis custodiam, 
 inculumitatem, augmentum, necessarium 
 esse iudicamus, sacro approbante Concilio, 
 doctrinam de institutione, perpetuitate, ac 
 natura sacri Apostolici primatus, in quo 
 totius Ecclesiae vis ac soliditas consistit, 
 cunctis fidelibus credendam et tenendam, 
 secundum antiquam atque constantem uni- 
 versalis Ecclesiae fidem, proponere, atque 
 contrarios, dominico gregi adeo pemiciosos, 
 errores proscribere et condemnare. 
 
 CAPUT I. 
 
 De apostolici primatu* in Beato Petro 
 institutione. 
 
 Docemus itaque et declaramus, iuxta 
 Evangelii testimonia primatum iurisdiclionis 
 in universam Dei Ecclesiam immediate et 
 directe beato Petro Apostolo promissum atque 
 collatum a OLristo Domino fuisse. Unum 
 enim Simonem, cui iam pridem dixerat : 
 Tu vocaberis Cephas, 2 postquam ille suam 
 edldit confessionem inquiens : Tu es 
 Christus, Filius Dei vivi, solemnibus bis 
 verbis allocutus est Dominus : Beatus es 
 Simon Bariona, quia caro, et sanguis non 
 revelavit tibi, sed Pater meus, qui in coelis 
 est : et ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, et 
 super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam 
 meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt 
 adversus earn: et tibi dabo claves re»ni 
 coelorum : et quodcumque ligaveris super 
 terram, erit ligatum et in coelis : et quod- 
 cumque solveris super terram, erit solutum 
 
 1 St. Leo M. Serm. iv. (al. iii), eap. 2, in diem 
 Natalis sui. * loan, j. 42. 
 
338 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XX. 
 
 et in coelis. ' Atque uni Simoni Petro eon- 
 tulit Iesus post suam resurrectionem summi 
 pastoris et rectoris iurisdictionem in totum 
 suum ovile dicens : Pasce agnos meos : 
 Pasce oves meas. 2 Huic tam manifestae 
 sacrarum Scripturarum doctrinae, ut ab 
 Ecclesia catholica semper intellecta est, 
 aperte opponuntur pravae eorum sententiae, 
 qui constitutiim a Christo Domino in sua 
 Ecclesia regiminis formam pervertentes, 
 negant solum Petrum prae ceteris Apostolis, 
 sive seorsum singulis sive omnibus simul, 
 vero proprioque iurisdictionis primatu fuisse 
 a Christo instructum ; aut qui affirmant 
 eundem primatum non immediate, directe- 
 que ipsi beato Petro, sed Ecclesiae, et per 
 hanc illi, ut ipsius Ecclesiae ministro, dela- 
 tum fuisse. 
 
 Si quis igitur dixerit, beatum Petrum 
 Apostolum non esse a Cbristo Domino con- 
 stitutum Apostolorum omnium principem 
 et totius Ecclesiae militantis visibile caput ; 
 vel eundem honoris tantum ; non autem 
 verae propriaeque iurisdictionis primatum 
 ab eodem Domino Nostro Iesu Cliristo 
 directe et immediate accepisse ; anathema 
 sit. 
 
 CAPUT II. 
 
 De perpetuttate primatus Reati Petri in 
 Romania Pontificibus. 
 
 Quod autem in beato Apostolo Petro, 
 princeps pastorum et pistor magnus ovium 
 Dominus Chri^tus Iesus in perpetuam sa- 
 lutem ac perenne bonum Ecclesiae instituit, 
 id eodem auctore in Ecclesia, quae fundata 
 super petram ad finem saeculorum usque 
 firma stabit, iugiter durare necesse est. 
 Nulli sane dubium, imo saeculis omnibus 
 notum est, quod sauctus beatissimusque 
 Petrus, Apostolorum princeps et caput, 
 fideique columna, et Ecclesiae catholicae 
 fundamentum, a Domino Nostro Iesu 
 Christo, Salvatore humani generis ac Ee- 
 demptore, claves regni accepit : qui ad hoc 
 usque tempus et semper in suis succes- 
 soribus, episopis Sanctae Eomanae Sedis, 
 ab ipso fundatae eiusque consecratae san- 
 guine, vivit et praesidet et iudicium exercet. 3 
 Unde quicumque in hac Cathedra Petro 
 succedit, is secundum Christi ipsius insti- 
 tutionem primatum Petri in universam 
 Ecclesiam obtinet. Manet ergo disprsitio 
 veritatis, et beatus Petrus in accepta forti- 
 tudine petrae perseverans suscepta Eccle- 
 siae gubernacula non reliquit. 4 Hac de 
 causa ad Eomanam Ecclesiam propter poten- 
 tiorem principalitatem necesse semper fuit 
 
 i Matth. xvi. 16-19. 2 loan. xxi. 15-17. 
 
 3 Of. Ephesini Concilii, Act. iii. 
 
 * St. Leo M.,Serm. iii. (al. ii.), cap. 3. 
 
 omnem convenire Ecclesiam, hoc est, eos, qui 
 sunt undique fideles, ut in ea Sede, e qua 
 venerandae communionis iura in omnes dima- 
 nant, tamquam membra in capite consociata, 
 in unam corporis compagem coalescerent. * 
 
 Si quis ergo dixerit, non esse ex ipsius 
 Christi Domini institutione, sou iure divino, 
 ut beatus Petrus in primatu super uni- 
 versam Ecclesiam habeat perpetuos sucees- 
 s^res ; aut Eomanum Pontificem non esse 
 beati Petri in eodem primatu successorem; 
 anathema sit. 
 
 CAPUT III. 
 
 De vi et ratione primatus Romani Pontifuis. 
 
 Quapropter apertis innixi sacrarum litte- 
 rarum testimoniis, et inliaerentes turn Prae- 
 decessorum Nostrorum, Eomanorum Pon- 
 tificum, turn Conciliorum g«neralium disertis, 
 perspicuisque decretis, innovamus (Ecu- 
 menici Concilii Florentini d^finitionem, qua 
 credendum ab omnibus Christi fidelibus est, 
 Sanctam Apostolicam Sedem, et Eomanum 
 Pontificem in universum orbem tenere pri- 
 matum, et ipsum Pontificem Eomanum suc- 
 cessorem esse beati Petri principis Aposto- 
 lorum, et verum Christi Vicarium, totiusque 
 Ecchsiae caput, et omnium Christianorum 
 patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi in beato 
 Petro pascendi, regendi et gubernandi uni- 
 versalem Ecclesiam a Domino Nostro Iesu 
 Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse; 
 quemadmodum etiam in gestis (Ecumeni- 
 corum Conciliorum et sacris canonibus 
 continetur. 
 
 Docemus proinde et declaramus, Ecclesiam 
 Eomanam, disponente Domino, super omnes 
 alias ordinariae potestatis obtinere princi- 
 patum, et hanc Eomani Pontificis iuris- 
 dictionis potestatem, quae vere episcopalis 
 est, immediatam esse ; erga quarn cuius- 
 cumque ritus et dignitatis pastores atque 
 fideles, tam seorsum singuli quam simul 
 omnes, officio hierarchicae subordinationis, 
 veraeque obedientiae obstringuntur, non 
 solum in rebus, quae ad fidem et mores, 
 sed etiam in lis, quae ad disciplinam et 
 regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem diffusae 
 pertinent ; ita ut custodita cum Eomano 
 Pontifice turn communionis, quam eiusdem 
 fidei professions unitate, Ecclesiae Christi 
 sit unus grex sub uno summo pastore. 
 Haec est catholicae veritatis doctrina, a 
 qua deviare salva fide atque salute nemo 
 potest. 
 
 Tantum autem abest, ut haec Summi 
 Pontificis potestas officiat ordinariae ac 
 
 1 S. Iren. Adv. haer. 1. iii. c. 3, et Cone. Aquilei.a 
 381 inter epp. S. Ambros. ep. xi. 
 
Document XX.] 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 339 
 
 imraediatae illi episcopali iurisdictionis po- 
 testati, qua Episcopi, qui positi a Spiritu 
 Sancto in Apostolorum locum successerunt, 
 tamquam veri pastores assignatos sibi greges, 
 singuli singulos, pascunt et regunt, ut eadera 
 a supremo et universali Pastore asseratur, 
 roboretur ac viudicetur, secundum illud 
 sancti Gregorii Magni : Meus honor est 
 honor universalis Ecclesiae.. Meus honor 
 est fratrum meorum solidus vigor. _ Turn 
 ego vere honoratus sum, cum singulis qui- 
 busque honor debitus non negatur. l 
 
 Porro ex suprema ilia Romani Pontificis 
 potentate gubernandi universam Ecclesiam 
 ius eidem esse consequitur, in huius sui 
 muneris exercitio libere communicandi cum 
 pastoribus et gregibus totius Ecclesiae, ut 
 iidem ab ipso in via salutis doceri ac regi 
 possint. Quare damnamus ac reprobamus 
 illorum senteutias, qui banc supremi capitis 
 cum pastoribus et gregibus communi- 
 cationem licite impediri posse dicunt, aut 
 eandem reddunt saeculari potestati obnoxiam, 
 ita ut contendant, quae ab Apostolic.i Sede 
 vel eius auctoritate ad regimen Ecclesiae 
 constituuntur, vim ac valorem non habere, 
 nisi potestatis saecularis placito confir- 
 mentur. 
 
 Et quoniam divino Apostolici primatus 
 iure Romanus Pontifex uuiversae Ecclesiae 
 praeest, docemus etiam et declaramus, eum 
 esse iudicem supremum fidelium, 2 et in 
 omnibus causis ad examen ecclesiasticum 
 spectantibus ad ipsius posse iudicium re- 
 curri. 3 Sedis vero Apostolicae, cuius auc- 
 toritate maior non est, iudicium a nemine 
 fore retractandum, neque cuiquam de eius 
 licere iudicare iudicio. 4 Quare a recto veri- 
 tatis tramite aberrant, qui affirmant, licere 
 ab iudiciis Romanorum Pontificum ad CEcu- 
 menicum Concilium tamquam ad auctori- 
 tatem Romano Pontifice superiorem appel- 
 lare. 
 
 Si quis ita que dixerit, Rf.manum Ponti- 
 ficem habere tantummodo officium inspee- 
 tionis vel directionis, non autem plenam et 
 supremam potestatem iurisdictionis in uni- 
 versal Ecclesiam, non solum in rebus, 
 quae ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in iis, 
 quae ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiae 
 per totum orbem diffusae pertinent ; nut eum 
 habere tantum potions partes, non vero 
 totam plenitudinem huius supremae potes- 
 tatis ; aut banc eius potestatem non esse 
 ordinariam et immediatam sive in omnes 
 ac singulas Ecclesias, sive in omnes et 
 singulos pastores et fideles ; anathema sit. 
 
 1 Ep. ad Eulog. Alexandria, 1. viii. ep. xxx. 
 
 « Pii P. VI. Breve Super toliditate, d. 28 nov. 1786. 
 
 3 Concil. Oecum. Liwdun. II. 
 
 * Ep. Nlcolai I, ad Michaelem Imperatorem. 
 
 CAPUT IV. 
 
 De Romani Pontificis infallibili magisterio. 
 
 Ipso autem Apostolico primatu, quern 
 Romanus Pontifex, tamquam Petri principia 
 Apostolorum successor, in universam Eccle- 
 siam obtinet, supremam quoque magisterii 
 potestatem comprehendi, haec Sancta Sedea 
 semper tenuit, perpetuus Ecolesiae usus 
 comprobat, ipsaque CEcumenica Concilia, ea 
 imprimis, in quibus Oriens cum Occidente 
 in fidei charitatisque unionem conveniebat, 
 declaraverunt. Patres enim Concilii Con- 
 stantinopolitani quarti maiorum vestigiis 
 inhaercntes, banc solemnem ediderunt pro- 
 fessionem : Prima salus est, rectae fidei 
 regulam custodire. Et quia non potest 
 Domini Nostri Iesu Chri.~ti praetermitti 
 sententia dicentis: Tu es Petrus, et super 
 banc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam raeara, 
 haec, quae dicta sunt, rerum probantur 
 effectibus, quia in Sede Apostolica imma- 
 culata est semper catholica reservata religio, 
 et sancta celebrata doctrina. Ab huius ergo 
 fide et doctiina separari minime cupientes, 
 speramus, ut in una communione, quam 
 Sedes Apostolica praedicat, esse mereamur, 
 in qua est integra et vera Christianas reli- 
 gionis soliditas. 1 Approbante vero Lugdu- 
 nensi Concilio secundo, Graeci professi sunt : 
 Sanctam Roman am Ecclesiam summum et 
 plenum primatum et principatum super 
 universam Ecclesiam catholicam obtinere, 
 quern se ab ipso Domino in beato Petro 
 Apostolorum principe sive vertice, cuius 
 Romanus Pontifex est successor, cum potes- 
 tatis plenitudiae recepisse veraciter et hu- 
 mi liter recognoscit, et sicut prae caeteris 
 tenetur fidei veritatem defendere, sic et, si 
 quae de fide subortae fuerint quaestiones, 
 suo debeut iudicio definiri. Florentinum 
 denique Concilium definivit : Pontificem 
 Romanum, verum Christi Vicarium, totius- 
 que Ecclesiae caput et omnium Chiistianorum 
 patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi in 
 beato Petro pascendi, regendi ac gubernandi 
 universalem Ecclesiam a Domino Nostro 
 Iesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam 
 esse. 
 
 Huic pastorali muneri ut satisfacerent, 
 Praedecessorea Nostri indefessam semper 
 operam dederunt, ut salutaris Christi doc- 
 trina apud omnes terrae populos propa- 
 garetur, parique cura vigilarunt, ut, ubi 
 recepta esset, sincera et pura conservaretur. 
 Quocirca totius orbis Antistites, nunc sin- 
 
 i Ex formula S. Hormisdae Papae, prout ab Ha- 
 driano II. Patribus Concilii lEcumenici VHI, Con- 
 stantinopolltani I V, proposita et ab iisdem subscripts, 
 est. 
 
340 
 
 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 
 
 [Document XX. 
 
 guli, nunc in Synodis congregati, longam 
 Eoclesiarum consuetudinem, et antiquae re- 
 gulae formam sequentes, ea praesertim 
 pericula, quae in negotiis fidei emergebant, 
 ad banc Sedem Apostolicam retulerunt, 
 ut ibi potissimum resarciientur damna 
 fidei, ubi fides non potest sentire defectum. 1 
 Eomani autem Pontifices, prout temporum 
 et rerum conditio suadebat, nunc convocatis 
 CEcunienicis Conciliis, aut explorata Eccle- 
 siae per orbem dispersae sententia, nunc 
 per Synodos particulares, nunc aliis, quae 
 divina suppeditabat providentia, adbibitis 
 auxiliis, ea tenenda definiverunt, quae sacria 
 Scripturis et apostolicis Traditionibus con- 
 sen tanea, Deo adiutore, cognoverant. Neque 
 enim Petri succcssoribus Spiritus Sanctus 
 promissns est, ut eo revelante novam doc- 
 trinam patefacerent, sed ut eo assistente 
 traditam per Apostolos revelationem seu 
 fidei depositum sancte custodirent et fideliter 
 exponerent. Quorum quidem apostolicam 
 doctrinam omnes venerabiles Patres amplexi 
 et sancti Doctores orthodoxi venerati atque 
 secuti sunt ; plenissime scientcs, banc sancti 
 Petri Sedem ab omui semper errore illibatam 
 peimanere, secundum Domini Salvatoris 
 Nostri divinam pollicitationem discipulorum 
 suorum principi lactam : Ego rogavi pro te, 
 ut noQ dtficiat fides tua, et tu aliquando 
 conversus confirma fratres tuos. 
 
 Hoc igitur veiitatis et fidei numquam 
 deficientis cbarisma Petro eiusque in hac 
 Cathedra successoribus divinitus collatum 
 est, ut excelso suo munere in omnium 
 salutem fungerentur, ut universus Christi 
 grex per cos ab erroris vtnenosa esca a versus, 
 coelestis doctiinae pabulo nutriretur, ut sub- 
 lata scbismatis occasione Ecclesia tota una 
 conservaretur, atque suo fundamento innixa 
 firma adversus inferi portas consisteret. 
 
 At vero cum bac ipsa aetate, qua saluti- 
 feva Apostolici muneris cmcacia vel maxime 
 roquiiitur, non pauci inveniantur, qui illius 
 aurtoritati obtrectant; necessarium omnino 
 esse censmms, praerogativam, quam uni- 
 1 Cf. S. Bern., Epist. cxc. 
 
 genitus Dei Filius cum summo pastorali 
 officio coniungere dignatus est, solemn iter 
 asserere. 
 
 Itaque Nos traditioni a fidei Christianae 
 exordio perceptae fideliter inhaerendo, ad 
 Dei Salvatoris Nostri gloriam, religionis 
 Catholicae exaltationem, et Christianorum 
 populorum salutem, sacro approbante Con- 
 eilio, docemus, et divinitus revelatum dogma 
 esse definimus : Eomanum Ponlificem, cum 
 ex Cathedra loquitur, id est, cum omnium 
 Christianorum Pastoris et Doetoiis munere 
 fungens, pro suprema sua Apostolica aue- 
 toiitate doctrinam de fide vel moribua ab 
 universa Ecclesia tenendam definit, per 
 assistentiam divinam, ipsi in beato Petro 
 promissam, ea infullibilitate pollere, qua 
 divinus Ked emptor Ecclesiam suam in deri- 
 nienda doctrina de fide vel moribus instruc- 
 tam esse voluit; i<1eoque eiuimodi Komani 
 Pontificis definitiones ex sc se, non autem ex 
 consensu Ecclehiae iireformabiles esse. 
 
 Si quis autem huic Nostrae definitioni 
 contradicere, quod Deus avertat, praesump- 
 serit ; anathema sit. 
 
 Datum Komae, in publica Sessione in 
 Vaticana Liasilica solemniter celebrata, anno 
 Incarnationis Dominicae milhsimo octin- 
 gentesimo septuagesimo, die decima octava 
 Iulii. 
 
 P(jntificatus Nostri anno vigcsimo quinto. 
 
 Ita est. 
 Josephcs Episcopus S. Hippolyti, 
 Secretarius Concilii Vaticaui. 
 
 De mandato SS.mi in Christo Patris et Domini 
 Nostri Domini divina Providentia Pii PP. IX., anno a 
 Nativitate Domini MDCCCLXX., Indict, xiii., die 
 vero xviii. Julii, Pontificatus eiusdem SS.mi Domini 
 Nostri Anno xxv., praesens Constitutio Apostolici 
 afflxa et publicata fuit ad valvas Basilicarum S. Ioannis 
 in Laterano, Principis Apostolorum, et S. Mariae 
 Maioris, Cancellariae Apostolicae, ac Magnae Curiae 
 Innocentianae, atque in Acie Campi Florae per me 
 Aloitium Seraflni A post. Curs. 
 
 Philifpus OssANr, Magist. Curs. 
 
 (Dal Giornale di Soma, 19 luglio 1870.) 
 
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