V 1BRAR? OF THE university Caufor^ 7//^ Vatican Council. EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME DUIUNG THE VATICAN COUNCIL. IMPRESSIONS OF A CONTEMPORARY. By POMPONIO LETO. TRANSLATED FROM THE ORIGINAL. LONDON: JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET. 1876. LONDON : PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS,, STAMFORD STRKET AND CHARING CROSS. faejiy/^jutw Mis PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR. The Memoirs of the Vatican Council which are here presented to the public, are the work of a sincere and liberal Roman Catholic, and are inspired by a genuine desire to promote the welfare of that religion. The book is marked by a spirit of frankness and modera- tion, and there is abundant internal evidence to show that the writer had peculiar means and opportunities of closely observing the incidents which he depicts, and of recording them with accuracy. When to these recommendations it is added that the subject is one of universal and enduring interest, enough has been said to justify the attempt that is made to render the work -accessible to the generality of English readers by this translation. The Translator is however sensible, that some in- justice may have been done to the original, in a version which has been undertaken by one who is little ac- quainted with the metaphysical arguments in which the Author frequently engages ; and with the technical language in which those arguments are embodied. The general meaning of the original has, it is hoped, been invariably preserved ; but there are refinements a 2 R1S4-8308 iv PREFACE BY THE TRANSLATOR. and distinctions in the Italian, which may not have been always rendered with perfect accuracy, and which the English language is, perhaps, scarcely fitted to reproduce. To errors of this nature, for which the Translator must be held responsible, the Author and the reader will, it is hoped, alike extend their in- dulgence. NOTICE BY THE EDITORS. Tins manuscript, containing a sort of chronicle of the Vatican Council, having been placed in our hands, we have deemed its publication advisable on account of the great national importance for Italy, of all that concerns the time and the subject ; both in itself, and in its connection with the past, the present, and the future. Moreover because, excepting in so far as the question has been dealt with by the periodical contemporaneous press, very few works have appeared in Italy with the view of enlightening the public, and recalling their attention to that memorable event, particularly in its relations, direct and indirect, with the reviving civil and political life of the country. This object being especially aimed at in the present work, it seems the better adapted for filling a gap much felt in our current literature, since the proroga- tion of the Vatican Council. The book is well suited for general readers, because, as the Author himself explains, it has no kind of theological aim or pretension ; but treats rather of the influence likely to be exercised by the Council on the condition of our people, and their religious state, VI NOTICE BY THE EDITOBS. a consideration which renders it especially important to Italians ; while the narration is made with an absence of party spirit and an impress of truth which may cause it to be useful and instructive for all. We present it to our readers as we ourselves have received it, leaving untouched even the anachronism inscribed on the title-page, where it is stated that the book is the work of a contemporary, and yet it bears the name of Pomponio Leto. That the former state- ment is correct is undeniable, that the Author was an eye-witness of all he relates is beyond doubt, as the book itself proves; whereas the name of Pomponio Leto can no more be accounted that of a contemporary at the Vatican Council, than it was at the Council of Trent. Still there has always been, and there will be at least for a long time to come, a Pomponio Leto in Italy. That name embodies a type which arose at the time of the Renaissance, especially in Rome, and was produced by the combination of the genius of classical antiquity with Christian sentiment, and by the Latin spirit of inquiry, in contact with the first source of the principle of authority. It represents resistance, opposition, and investigation slowly progressive, but yet compatible with Catholic feelings and institutions. Pomponio Leto was a philosopher who taught in one of the Italian schools of thought and learning at the period of the Renaissance ; and was on that account regarded with much suspicion, and even persecuted by Paul II., but subsequently numbered Paul III. among his pupils, and became himself the friend of two later Popes, Sixtus IV. and Innocent VIII. NOTICE BY THE EDITORS. Vll Our readers must not suppose that we desire to deal in fables, or to set their imagination to work in regard to our manuscript ; for the conditions to which we have referred, were more frequently met with in the fifteenth, than they are in the nineteenth century. We only wish to point out that as Italy is morally and intellectually, if not politically, the product of the two great movements of world-wide interest evolved in her and by her, to which we have already alluded — Catholicism, and the questions pertaining to it, must ever have a part in the political combinations of the nation, as philosophy and the old classics have deeply modified her religious feelings. For that reason philo- sophers are bound to attach great weight to spiritual influences, and a Pomponio Leto will always be forth- coming to indite the history of a Council. INTRODUCTION. These impressions, recorded during the Vatican Council at Rome, as the events occurred, were originally in- tended for a periodical Review ; but owing to certain difficulties having arisen, their publication in that form was suspended, and the work itself might have been laid aside, had not some friends who regarded it with favour, encouraged the Author to persevere in his design. He then continued to collect, as he had done before, in their proper sequence, the most notable particulars of that important period of contemporary history ; not only those which of right belonged to the public, but others which by good fortune were rescued from the official secrecy in which they should have been lawfully shrouded. In so doing he had no other purpose but that of endeavouring to fix in the memory of all those interested in these transactions, a true image of that great event, rendering its ex- ternal features, so to speak, as impressive and familiar as possible. To make an exhaustive study of such a complex subject as a Council, would involve a far greater effort than either the limits of the present work or the powers of the Author allow, and to this accordingly he has not aspired. Some one placed in more favour- a 3 x INTRODUCTION. able circumstances may be enabled, before long, worthily to satisfy the desires of those who are intent upon the study of the religious and political history of our age. These pages contain a simple chronicle, or rather they embody the fugitive recollections and impressions retained by the memory of the Author, or the memory of others (where such could be usefully invoked), mingled with the reflections which occurred to him, and which were recorded at the same time. In collating these slender notes, little method has been observed. The narrative was originally com- menced at the end of each successive month, so as to form an article : the same plan has been followed here, therefore] every chapter bears the name, and describes the proceedings of the month just elapsed ; and pre- serves the form which the current development of events produced ; each chapter moreover carries with it the impress of the opinions prevailing at the moment, and of the actual condition of affairs. Passing under review the impressions of those earlier months, after the lapse of all the phases which culminated in the declaration of Infallibility, how many mistaken opinions appear ! how many antecedents which failed to pro- duce the results expected from them ! Nevertheless, with the exception of some slight re-touches, rather affecting the form than the substance, and indispensable to preserve a certain unity in the composition, it has been thought preferable to alter nothing that was com- mitted to writing under the force of first impressions. It will consequently not be surprising if the arrange- ment in which the materials are disposed is defec- tive, and the materials themselves are sometimes dis- INTRODUCTION. xi connected or reiterated. But if for such reasons the present book does not pretend to be a history, nor a work of literary merit, it yet possesses a certain stamp of reality which, consistently maintained during the eight months of the duration of the Ecumenical Council, may, perhaps, help others in forming an opinion on this notable period of Ecclesiastical history when it shall belong to the distant past ; and may enable the book even now, in the living present, to direct upon the events it records an amount of light which, though cast here and there in scattered rays from contemporary publications, has not been as yet combined in any other quarter to exhibit them com- prehensively and at once. After this preamble, it is hardly necessary to add that the Council is here regarded, not in its bearing on theology and canon law, but in its relation to civil life ; and that it is studied, not from within, which was, indeed, impossible for common spectators, but from without, as the title-page is intended to indicate. It only remains for us to assure the reader that, though these sketches may be wanting in the depth and research which so grave a subject demands, yet by way of compensation they are strictly conformable to truth ; for there is very little related of which the Author was not a personal witness, or which he did not receive on authority of equivalent value. TABLE OF CONTENTS. TAG E Preface by the Translator iii Notice by the Editors v Introduction ix DECEMBER. I. — Opening of the Council 1. Announcement of the opening of the Council. — 2. Its first meeting. — 3. Procession. — 4. Entrance into St. Peter's. — 5. Description of the Council Hall. — 6. First Session. — 7. The Fathers do homage. — 8. Benediction by the Pope. — 9. The Council is opened. II. — The Importance of the Assembly 1. Importance of the Assembly. — 2. Condition of Christendom. — 3. Causes of its divisions. — 4. Present state of affairs. — 5. The longest interval without an Ecumenical Council. — 6. Character of this meeting. — 7. Causes that brought about the Council. — 8. The Catholic party. — 9. Reasons for the convocation of the Council. — 10. Bull of Convocation. 111. — The Meeting of the Council 13 1. First official document. — 2. Impression it produces. — 3. Invi- tation to Protestants and schismatical bodies. — 4. Proceed- ings of foreign ambassadors. — 5. Objects of the Council. — <>. Further remarks on the same matter. — 7. Hospitality XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS. III. — The Meeting of the Council— continued. PAGE offered to the bishops. — 8. Nomination of the Commissions. — 9. The Civilta Cattolica. — 10. Its article of February 6th. — 11. The Fulda proclamation and Padre Giacinto's letter. — 12. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris, and publications of the anti-Infallibilist party. — 13. The programme of the Council is unfolded. — 14. The Archbishop of Westminster. IV. — The Kuxes and Conditions of the Assembly 22 1. Jubilee and preliminaries. — 2. First Papal allocution. — 3. Order of the Council. — 4. The same subject. — 5. The same subject. — 6. Nomination of the presidents and other officials. — 7. Objections to the Order. — 8. Objections to the nomina- tions. — 9. Position of parties. — 10. Their description. — 11. Considered with regard to their nationality. — 12. The French episcopate. — 13. French Opposition. — 14. Opportune declaration. — 15. German episcopate. — 16. The other Ca- tholic bishops. — 17. Italian episcopate. V. — First Session 31 1. Papal allocution at the first Session. — 2. First meeting of the Congregations. — 3. Judges of excuses and complaints. — 4. Bull for the election of the Pope. — 5. Bull for the limita- tion of censures. — 6. Election of persons to serve on the Commissions for amendments. — 7. The great questions under discussion in the Council. — 8. The first question. — 9. The second question. — 10. The third question. — 11. The Papacy essentially Italian.— 12. The Roman Curia in regard to the Church. — 13. Interests of the Papacy and of Italy. — 14. One question should not prejudice another. — 15. Predictions. — 16. Importance of these events. JANUARY. I. — The Second Session 42 1. Aspect of the Church of St. Peter's on a feast-day. — 2. The same. — 3. Second Session. — 4. Aspect of the Council Hall. — 5. Defects of the same. — 6. Profession of faith. — 7. De- scription of the ceremony. — 8. Reasons for its taking place. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv TAGK II. — Tiie Arrangement of the Work. — First Scheme 4G 1. Classification of subjects. — 2. Ecclesiastical policy is omitted from the Commissions. — 3. Distribution of the schemes. — 4. Duty of the Commissions. — 5. Nomination of the same. — 6. Method observed in the debates. — 7. The Assembly sanctions the scheme. — 8. Difference between an Ecclesiastical Council and an assembly of laymen. — 9. On Papal appro- bation. — 10. On the proposals of the bishops. — 11. Compo- sition of the Council. — 12. Addresses against its Order. — 13. The Opposition declares itself. — 14. The scheme "De Fide." — 15. Observations on the same. — 16. Debate on the same. — 17. On the Opposition. — 18. Its composition. — 19. The Italians. — 20. Admonitions of the presidents. — 21. Other provisions. — 22. The scheme "De Fide" sent back. III.— First Step towards Infallibility. — Other Schemes .. .. 57 1. Petition for Infallibility. — 2. The predominant question. — 3. The promoters of the address. — 4. Its contents. — 5. Its arguments. — 0. Manner of its publication. — 7. Number of signatures. — 8. Undignified supposition. — 9. Promoters of the address.— 10. Addresses against Infallibility. — 11. Singular situation. — 12. Division of parties in the Assembly. — 13. Efforts to promote Infallibility. — 14. Revelations of the Unita Cattolica. — 15. Distribution of new schemes. — 16. Their form is displeasing. — 17. The scheme " De Episcopis." — 18. Discourse of the Bishop of Cologne. — 19. Speech of the Bishop of Orleans. — 20. General features of the schemes. — 21. The bishops ask for more information on the subjects of debate. — 22. The scheme " De Catechismo." IV. The Scheme "De Ecclesia" 67 1. Distribution of the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 2. On Infallibility, — 3. Arguments to be brought forward. — 4. Continuation of the Congregations without much result. — 5. The number of bishops diminishes. — 6. Opinions on the duration of the Council. xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. FEBRUARY. PAGK 1. — The Fikst Results of the Scheme "De Ecclesia" 72 1. Summary of the proceedings of the three previous months. — 2. On the Canons contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 3. Summary of their contents. — 4. Fate of the addresses of the Opposition. — 5. Letters of the Bishop of Orleans. — G. Tactics of the Opposition. — 7. Explanation of the tardiness in the deliberations of the Council. — 8. Attempt to obviate this defect. — 9. Italian addresses. — 10. Project for shortening the speeches. — 11. Project of reconciliation. — 12. Failure of the same. — 13. Other plans for bringing about an agreement. — 14. New diplomatic intervention. — 15. The amended schemes. — 16. Affairs of the East. — 17. Debate on the scheme " De Catechismo." II. — The Scheme " De Ecclesia" 83 1. The twenty-one Canons of the scheme. — 2. Summary of the same. — 3. Their probable effect on the world. — 4. Means of escape. — 5. Temporal power before Infallibility. — 6. Re- mainder of the scheme. — 7. Its application. — 8. Conclusion. 111. — Condition of the Catholic Nations 01 1. Displeasure caused by the publication of the Canons. — 2. Questions for the consideration of the Council. — 3. Ques- tions regarding France. — 4. Catholicism and modern society. — 5. The Revolution. — 6. Dilemma. — 7. Exceptions to preceding observations. — 8. Responsibility of Institu- tions. — 9. Excessive authority. — 10. Intolerance and indul- gences. — 11. Asceticism. — 12. Centralisation. — 13. Rebel- lion. — 14. Conclusion. IV.— The New Oeder 105 1. Objections to preceding arguments. — 2. Address of the Catholics of Coblentz. — 3. Infallibility sole object of attention. — 4. Close of the first phase of the Council. — 5. The new Order. — 6. Judgment of the majority. — 7. Holidays. — 8. Anecdotes. — 9. Different postulata. — 10. Various publi- cations. — 11. Speech at the opening of the Exhibition. — 12. Diplomatic interference is aroused. — 13. Predictions. — 14. Conclusion. TABLE OF CONTENTS. XVil MAECH. PAGE 1.— Appendix to the Scheme "De Ecclesia" 118 1. Distribution of Appendix to the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. Foreign influence. — 3. Plans for leaving the Council. — 4. Great discouragement. — 5. More on politics. — 6. Kecall of the French ambassador. y II.— A Truck 123 1. Death of Count de Montalembert. — 2. Funeral service in his honour. — 3. More petitions by the bishops. — 4. Article by Dbllinger. — 5. Suspension of the scheme " De Ecclesia." III. — The First Schemes again brought forward 126 1. The first schemes again brought forward. — 2. Stormy sitting. — 3. Protest of the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio. — 4. Speech of the Pope. — 5. Incidents relating to the Eastern bishops. — 6. Theme for a speech at the Roman University. — 7. Withdrawal of some amendments. — 8. Reasons for the same.- — 9. Despatches of Count Daru and of Cardinal Anto- nelli. — 10. Ambassadors. — 11. Relations between France and the Vatican. — 12. The scheme "De Fide" voted in part. — 13. Catholic Art Exhibition. — 14. The same. APRIL. I. — The Scheme "De Fide" for the Second Time 137 1. Cessation of diplomatic intervention. — 2. Definitive voting on the scheme. — 3. Result of the voting. — 4. Easter Festival. — 5. The public Session fixed. — 6. Third Session. — 7. Im- pression it produced. II. — The First Scheme "De Fide" .. ..141 1. Comparison of the first and second schemes. — 2. The same. — 3. Description of first scheme. — 4. The same. — 5. The same. — 6. Considerations. — 7. Further reflections. — 8. On faith. — 9. The connection of faith and science. — 10. Dog- matic Theology. — 11. Close of observations od first scheme. — 12. Annotations. xvm TABLE OF CONTENTS. r ao. B HI.— The Second Scheme " De Fide" 149 1. The scheme as a whole. — 2. First and second chapters. — 3. Third chapter. — 4. Fourth chapter. — 5. Observations of the bishops. — 6. Their influence. — 7. Continued observa- tions. — 8. Difficulties that beset the scheme. — 9. Reasons for describing the scheme. — 10. Note of the North-German Confederation. MAY. I. — The Scheme "De Ecclesia" fob the Second Time 155 1. The scheme " De parvo Catechismo " for the second time. — 2. The scheme "De Ecclesia" sent back. — 3. Returns modified. — 4. The scheme "De parvo Catechismo" is voted. — 5. Its amendments are voted, and the scheme is laid aside. — 6. The debate on the scheme " De Ecclesia " is opened. — 7. It is continued. — 8. Speech of the Pope on giving the Prizes at the Exhibition of Catholic Art. — 9. Speech against Infallibility. II. — Foreign Policy J60 1. Despatch by Ollivier. — 2. 'Ce qui se passe au Concile.' — 3. Disquietude at the Vatican. — 4. Speech by Monsignor Kettler.— 5. Infallibility publicly promoted. — 6. Address of the Roman parish priests. — 7. Unfortunate position of affairs.— 8. Duke of Saldanha.— 9. Feast of St. Peter. JUNE. I, — Close of the General Discussion 167 1. Close of the general discussion on the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 2. Speech of Monsignor Maret. — 3. New protests. — 4. Proposal for secret voting. — 5. Resistance to be kept up to the last. — 6. Feast of Pentecost. — 7. Objections to pro- posal of the Archbishop of Malines. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix PACK 11.— Summary of the Question of Infallibility 173 1. Summary of the question. — 2. The scheme " De Ecclesia " is reduced. — 3. First and second chapters. — 4. Third chapter, and its quotation from St. Gregory the Great. — 5. Doctrines of the scheme " De Primatu." — 6. The time for presenting observations upon personal Infallibility limited to ten days. — 7. Text inserted in the first draft of " De Ecclesia." — 8. No special Canon for Infallibility. III. — Debate on Infallibility 179 1. Prognostications and state of parties. — 2. Processions, prayers, and addresses. — 3. Opening of the debate on Infallibility. — 4. Approach of summer. — 5. Speech of the Pope on the Festival of Corpus Domini. — 6. The fight begins. — 7. History of the question of Infallibility. — 8. The same. — 9. The same. — 10. Continuation and ending. — 11. Speech of Cardinal Guidi. — 12. Speech of Valerga. — 13. Speech of the Archbishop of Osimo. — 14. Predictions. — 15. A third party. — 16. The Opposition pray for a prorogation of the Council. JULY. I. — Close of the Debates 195 1 . Effects of the climate. — 2. Weariness of the assembly. — 3. The bishops begin to leave Pome. — 4. The first heads of the scheme " De Ecclesia" are voted. — 5. Close of the discussion. — 6. Reasons of the Opposition for accepting it. — 7. The same. — 8. Discussion on the amendments. — 9. The Opposition consider their future course. — 10. For- mula of Infallibility. — 11. After the proposal. — 12. The third chapter is voted. — 13. The fourth chapter is voted. — 14. The vote on Wednesday, July 13. II. — Foubth Session 206 1. Calculations well founded, but disappointed. — 2. The Opposi- tion send a message to the Pope. — 3. Adjunct to the formula XX TABLE OF CONTENTS. II. — Fourth Session — continued. PACE of Infallibility. — 4. Protest of the assembly. — 5. Last at- tempts of the Opposition. — 6. Fourth Session. — 7. Re- flections on the vote.— 8. Protests of the Opposition. — . 9. After the event. — 10. Text of the Canons that promulgate Infallibility. — 11. The future. — 12. Mnemosynon. Conclusion .. 223 APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. DOCUMENTS. I. Bull of Convocation of the Council 259 II. French Correspondence from the ' Civilta Cattolica ' 262 III. Proclamation of the Bishops at Fulda 263 IV. Letter of Padre Giacinto 266 V. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris 268 VI. Pastoral of the Bishop of Orleans 273 VII. Promulgation of the Jubilee .. 294 VIII. Allocution of the Sistine Chapel .. ., 296 IX. Bull " Multiplies inter " 298 X. Allocution at the First Session 303 XI. Bull for the Pope's Election 304 XII. Bull for limiting Censures 306 XIII. The Canons published in the ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' and the < Siid-Deutsche Presse ' 311 XIV. Statistical Extract from Franscini 320 XV. Last Letter of Montalembert 321 XVI. Address of the Catholics of Coblenz to the Bishop of Treves . . 321 XVII. New Order of the Council, &c. Article by Dollinger .. .. 326 XVIII. The Scheme " De Fide " 332 XIX. Formula of Adhesion to the Dogma of Infallibility given by the ' Italie,' at the end of June 1870 337 XX. The Scheme " De Ecclesia," from the ' Giornale di Roma ' . . 337 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. DECEMBEK. I.— OPENING OF THE COUNCIL. 1. Announcement of the opening of the Council. — 2. Its first meeting. — 3. Pro- cession. — 4. Entrance into St. Peter's. — 5. Description of the Council Hall. — 6. First Session. — 7. The Fathers do homage. — 8. Benediction by the Pope. — 9. The Council is opened. 1. At nine in the morning of December the 8th 1869, the salutes from Monte Aventino and the bells of all the churches in Rome, announced to the world the opening of the Twentieth Ecumenical Council, fifteen centuries after the first so recognised by history — that of Nicea; eighteen after that of Jerusalem, and three after the last Council — that of Trent. 2. At the same hour, all those called to attend the Council were assembled in the great hall above the portico of the Vatican Basilica, which on this occasion was arranged as a chapel ; though it is generally used for the functions of the Papal Benediction and of the Last Supper. The Pope, who on ordinary occasions never leaves his own apartments till all is prepared and ready for his reception, was to-day one of the first to enter the hall, as if to show that he desired to place himself on an equality with those present ; and remained quietly seated till the long cortege was complete which was to pass before him in solemn procession to the Church of St. Peter. There were 47 cardinals present out of the 55 in Rome ; more than 700 bishops out of the 1000 B 2 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. supposed to form the entire Catholic episcopate ; more than 20 mitred abbots, five abbots nullius, and about 30 Generals of Orders ; this being the computation given by the Official Index published in Rome, of those who were present, and had the right of sitting at the Council. The Civilta Cattolica gave the complete list of names as 723, the Unita Cattolica at 720 — both differing from the Official Index, which declared them to be over 760 ; but, in truth, it was difficult to make the calculation with perfect accuracy, this only being certainly known, that the polling papers gathered at the first sitting of the Council amounted to 678. Nine of the Bishops present were Patriarchs, four of the Western Church, and five Oriental. There were five Primates, and above 130 Archbishops ; these, however, had not all the charge of a diocese, and among the Patriarchs were some who had never in their lives left Rome. There were also a consider- able number of Archbishops and Bishops in partibus, who were not diocesans, and scarcely knew the geographical situation of the territories whence they derived their designations ; all these, however, were equally admitted to the Council and allowed to vote. Abbots and Generals of Orders had also a seat, together with the power of voting, although without any real claim to that privilege. The result of all these concessions was very materially to affect the action of the Council by admitting to its assemblies a numerous body of dignitaries holding no cure of souls ; and consequently, though equal in dignity to the other ecclesi- astics, inferior to them in that practical knowledge and sense of responsibility which was required to render their vote dis- interested and valuable ; they availed, however, to swell the numbers present, and to make the Vatican Council the largest ever witnessed in the Catholic Church. While the hierarchy were assembled in the upper hall, the rest of the Roman clergy, both regular and secular, arranged themselves along the great staircase, the portico, and the church, and formed two long lines through which the procession passed. 3. When all were assembled, the Pope rose, prostrated him- self before the altar, and began, with his singularly clear and distinct voice, to intone the hymn to the Holy Spirit, the choir December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 3 took up the strain, and the procession moved onward in the following order : first, the chamberlains and private chaplains, who headed the cortege, then the consistorial advocates, the promoters of the Council, and the singers ; next to them, the " Abbreviatori di Parco Maggiore," the " Votanti di Segnatura," the " Cherici di Camera," and the " Auditori di Rota," two prelates in each of the four classes last mentioned having the duty of scrutinising the votes of the Council ; then came the Head of the " Sacro Ospizio," and two chaplains carrying the Pope's mitre and tiara. The abbots in ordinary, the abbots vii I/i us, the bishops, archbishops, prelates, patriarchs, and car- dinals according to their order then followed, preceded by an incense-bearer, and the apostolic sub-deacon carrying the Papal cross between two acolytes, the bishops and cardinals being each accompanied by a chaplain or train-bearer. Close to them were the senator and the " conservators " representing the municipality of Rome, the vice-chamberlain of the Church, and the Prince of the Pontifical Throne ; then two protonotaries, the cardinal-deacon, the masters of ceremonies, and finally the Pope himself, carried on his chair of state under a canopy ; the generals of religious orders, various other officials and persons in the service of the Council, secretaries, notaries, and lastly, shorthand-writers, who completed the procession. 4. This long line of dignitaries of the highest grade then passed down the lines formed by the humbler ecclesiastics, and leaving the great hall above the portico, advanced through that which gives access to the Sistine Chapel ; then descending the grand staircase of Bernini, they turned to the right through the portico and solemnly entered the Church of St. Peter, which now ap- peared to be filled for the first time within the memory of man. The Pope and the bishops were vested in white, the day being the Feast of the Immaculate Conception ; and the Pope, who usually wears a tiara or a mitre of plates of gold, now had on a costly mitre made especially for the occasion. These particulars have some significance, as they were intended to in- dicate a certain equality with all the other bishops, which, however, did not extend beyond the minor accessories of cere- monial. At the entrance of the Church, the Pope descended from his B 2 4 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Dkcember. Throne and, uncovering his head, proceeded to the Papal altar, where he took up his station. 5. The Council Hall is situated in the right transept of the Church of St. Peter, in the area in which the ceremony of the Washing of the Feet is held on Maundy Thursday ; it lies between the two pilasters which support the cupola of Michael Angelo, and the space above is filled in by an attic and a tym- panum, under which is a great door that remained open to satisfy the curiosity of the public during the ceremony and, indeed, during all the public sittings of the Council, only being shut when the private Congregations were held. The guardianship of this door belonged, of ancient right and usage, to the Knights of Jerusalem, and they hastened to avail themselves of the privi- lege by placing their services at the disposal of the Council, showing a natural eagerness to follow the deliberations from so favourable a position, rather than to hear them by report from afar. As, however, it is the special duty of the " guardie nobili " to accompany the Pope on all occasions, it was found necessary to commit the keeping of the great door equally to them and to the Knights of Jerusalem. Above the door was inscribed in large letters the appropriate text, " Go ye, and teach all nations : I am with you always, even unto the end of the world." The hall itself, though simply arranged, presents an imposing appearance, due to its own grand proportions ; at the further end is placed the Pope's throne, next to it the benches for the patriarchs and cardinals, and then the seats for the bishops, descending gradually in seven rows till they reach the level of the floor. Every seat bears a number corresponding to the ticket given to each of the bishops, according to which they were inscribed in the printed catalogue distributed to all members of the Council. The hall is adorned with various paintings, representing the Doctors of the Church, and the Popes who have convened Ecumenical Councils, and above the throne hangs a picture of the Descent of the Holy Spirit ; everything is simple but striking. There is, however, one serious defect in the building with reference to public speaking, namely, its want of acoustic pro- perties. The immense height of the vaulted roof, and the December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 5 grand arches of the nave, seemed to favour the desires of that portion of the Council which was accused of being inimical to discussion, by swallowing up the most learned propositions and the wisest sayings in their vast depths before they could be heard. Indeed, this inconvenience was found to be so serious, that many people believed that the Vatican Hall, prepared with such care, would only be used for public sittings and for the promulgation of decrees, and that the closed meetings would be held in the " Sala degli Svizzeri," or some other of the great courts or churches of Rome. 6. Towards eleven o'clock all were seated in the Council Hall — the Pope on his throne, the cardinals and patriarchs in their places, and then the bishops, Latin, Greek, Melchitic, Russian, Roumanian, Bulgarian, Syrian, Chaldean, Maronite, Copt, and Armenian, all vested in their pontifical attire. They presented one of the most remarkable spectacles ever witnessed by human eyes, especially in our days, when such grand displays of pomp are rare. No spectator, however little inclined to sympathise with the assembly, could do otherwise than marvel, not so much at its outward magnificence, as at the moral power inherent in the Papacy which could still avail, after the lapse of centuries, to draw together by a simple letter of invitation multitudes from the furthest corners of the world, men of all nations, united by a discipline almost without perceptible authority ; yet many of them devoted to a degree unknown in any other assembly, even to the furthering of their own abasement, and ready to contend with public opinion, not for the extension, but for the restriction of their own prerogatives. Such a spectacle enables one to com- prehend the sense of indomitable power with which the Popes have always acted ; no other rulers have ever reached such a pitch of authority and grandeur in dealing not only with their own subjects, but with human society at large. 7. As soon as the Pope entered, the Cardinal- Vicar intoned the mass ; after which, the Secretary of the Council having placed a copy of the Gospels on a superb lectern, the Bishop of Iconium, standing before it, delivered a Latin oration, and the Pope, in his pontifical vestments, received the allegiance of all the members of the Council. This consisted in the bishops C EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December kneeling before him, one after the other, and kissing his knee. What an effort must it have cost him, who bears the humble title of " Servant of the Servants of God," to keep in memory that modest designation during such a ceremony ! 8. This being ended, the Pope bestowed his solemn benedic- tion on the assembly three times, and pronounced the opening allocution ; after which there was a movement of deep emotion among all present. Every one who knows the Pope is aware how peculiarly sensitive he is, and how liable to strong excite- ment : at that moment he seemed inspired by the deepest faith and enthusiasm, which supported him, notwithstanding his age, through all that long and fatiguing ceremony, and the whole assembly shared his enthusiasm ; for it is in the nature of earnest conviction and intense feeling to find a ready response in the breasts of others. The Pope, after pronouncing his allocution, invoked the Holy Spirit and the Virgin, and then rising, extended his arms to- wards Heaven, when the whole assembly simultaneously rose ; it was a solemn sight. None of the differences which were after- wards to cool that enthusiasm and divide those hearts were yet apparent ; and all the fears, the hopes, and the affections of the Catholic world were agitating the breasts of those who formed its universal assembly. 9. After other prayers, and the hymn to the Holy Spirit, the decree for the opening of the Council was read, and the consent of the assembled bishops being asked, they responded with the liturgical " Placet " ; a thanksgiving followed, and then the first Session closed ; the second being fixed for the 6th of January. Such was the opening of the Vatican Council called together eighteen centuries after Christ, to consider and influence the fate of the Catholic Church, and to decide whether the Western nations of Europe, with their present social and political insti- tutions, have or have no longer a religion. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. II.— THE IMPOKTANCE OF THE ASSEMBLY. 1. Importance of the assembly. — 2. Condition of Christendom. — 3. Causes of its divisions. — 4. Present state of affairs. — 5. The longest interval without an Ecumenical Council. — 6. Character of this meeting — 7. Causes that brought about the Council. — 8. The Catholic party. — 9. Reasons for the convocation of the Council. — 10. Bull of Convocation. 1. Thus far we have treated of the Council externally, and in this respect it was indeed splendid, and surpassed all expecta- tions. It was a marvellous sight to behold so many dignitaries from all parts of the world assembled at the Pope's invitation, ready to bend before him, and to encounter on the threshold of the Vatican (as a French writer has observed) the Patriarch of Babylon and the Bishop of Chicago, representatives of by- gone ages and of ages yet to come, met together at a period of highly-developed civilisation, with intentions and purposes of such vast importance. But if one turns from these thoughts to bare matters of fact — from the contemplation of externals to that of the subject in itself — the Bishop of Chicago does not represent a Catholic Chicago, any more than the Patriarch of Babylon represents a Catholic Babylon. It is no wonder that these two extreme examples do not repre- sent Catholic societies ; but how many of the other bishops are in the same position ! Leaving out of the question all the prelates in partibus injidelium, what do the American bishops really represent in connection with the titles of their dioceses? What, for instance, does the Bishop of New York represent in face of the Catholic or universal Church? or, not to take the countries known to be anti-Catholic, how many are the French bishops able to feel themselves pastors of the whole or the greater part of their flock, or who really represent a Catholic society, or even a true Catholic majority? Among the great nations of Europe such a state of things could only be found in Italy, or more probably in Spain ; in Ireland and Poland, if they be reckoned as nations ; and lastly, less universally, yet more really in some parts of Germany. 2. If the West has remained Christian, nevertheless, since the 8 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. eighth century, when, with but transitory exceptions, the Catholic or universal Christian faith reached its culminating point, many great nations or races have detached themselves by degrees, and according to their separate tendencies and characteristics, from that faith, and no Councils have been able to prevent their seces- sion. Neither the fourth Council of Constantinople, nor later, the Council of Florence, could hinder the schism of the East, which was the first stage of disunion ; nor could the Council of Trent bring back the German races to the fold, and restrain the advance of Protestantism, which was the second stage of disunion, and cost the Catholic Church the loss of Germany, England, Scandinavia, and through them of America and Australia. The third phase, which for nearly a century has menaced Catholicism in the countries still remaining to it, is that which, having as yet no other designation, we may call by the generic name of Revolution. What attitude would the Vatican Council assume with respect to this new phase — how would it face this danger ? Such was the great problem which every one, from the opening of the Council, was endeavouring to solve. Would the Council proceed on a principle of selection or of elimination ? Would it take a wide limit, so as to embrace the greater portion of mankind within the Church, or would it choose a narrow limit, and thus throw numbers into revolution ? Such thoughts occupied all earnest minds, because for them both the moment and the subject were most serious, far more so than was apparent to superficial observers. We repeat, the question at stake was to decide whether the Catholic nations of Europe are, or are not to have a religion — not a nominal or outward form merely, but a real religion in common, which should be manifest in their actions, and be in harmony with their customs and institutions. 3. If the Council of Constantinople did not prevent the schism of the East, or the Council of Trent the Reformation in the West, yet undoubtedly other Councils have, with more or less difficulty, finally triumphed and accomplished the end for which they were convened. Thus, the Councils of Nicea, Ephesus, and Chal- cedon really conquered, not indeed at once but eventually, the errors they condemned, and no traces of those errors remain at the present day. And the reason for this success is, that every time December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 9 the Catholic Church had to oppose a mere error of judgment, arising simply from differences of opinion, she conquered it with more or less ease, according to its greater or less importance, because in such a case the principle of authority embodied and represented the interests of the great majority of Catholics, who were ready to sacrifice purely speculative differences for the sake of unity. When, however, the Church had to confront great interests, and the general or partial, yet weighty tendencies of a race or nation, which either gave rise to some error, or by furnishing a pretext for it, manifested it to the world, then those tendencies strength- ened the error which finally triumphed through their instru- mentality. Who does not recognise in the two great schisms that have rent the Christian world the manifestation of those sentiments, old as the human race, pride in the past and impa- tience for the future? Who does not see in the one, intolerance of the old yoke, and in the other, opposition to the new ? If to all this be added the consideration of the other great interests and secondary combinations also at work, a just view may be obtained of the different powers fighting in the camp of Theology, in those ages especially when they could find expression in no other way. 4. To which of these two cases does the present state of things appertain ? Under what external and internal conditions has the Vatican Council assembled to meet the difficulty, and how will its deliberations affect the progress of society and of the Church ? To find the first answer is not difficult, because there is no doubt that behind every inquiry suggested in the Council there lies a great social question of deep moment at the present day, involving an immense amount of living interests. The second answer was not so easily perceived at the opening of the Council ; and in order to form some conjectures and make an approximate judgment, it was necessary to review all that had preceded it, and to observe the present course of its deliberations. 5. From the foundation of the Church up to the present time there never had been so long a period without the assembling of an Ecumenical Council. Many reasons can be adduced for this, to be sought principally in the calm which followed the stormy crisis of the Reformation, in the religious apathy which 10 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. prevailed in the latter centuries, as also in the great difficulty of calling together a General Council, after the last experiment at Trent, which resulted in the position of the bishops being strengthened as regards their flocks, though weakened in other respects ; and in the fact that the authority of the Pope having been secured on this occasion, he had no wish to expose it to another trial. But (without going into further particulars) the main reason is that the Church, which had hitherto formed a sort of constitutional monarchy, emerged from the Council of Trent by virtue of constant and progressive explanation and discussion as a monarchy, only slightly tempered ; and from this came the unwillingness, and even dislike, subsequently shown to the assembling of her States-General. If, by a further process of discussion, the Church should become an absolute monarchy, the Vatican Council might prove her last deliberative assembly ; and her meetings, changing their character, might become simply consultative, and therefore, like the consistory of cardinals, rather a solemn ceremony than a real event in the economy of the Church. 6. It is undeniable that the spontaneous act of the Pope in calling together the Council, when nothing obliged him to do so, and when the episcopate generally was attached and subservient to his wishes, was an act of liberal tendency — a step backwards in the path of absolutism, and a step in advance towards a larger and more complete restoration of the ecclesiastical constitution, because that is founded in the combined opinion of many rather than in the absolute power of one. Whoever doubted the good effects of the Council, must logi- cally have doubted also the character and disposition of the epis- copate, the good-will of the Pope in the matter being apparent. Indeed, in summoning this assembly his action was entirely free and spontaneous, though up to a certain degree he may have been influenced by the force of circumstances. 7. In the year 1859-60, when troubles in Italy seemed to threaten her political existence, Rome, finding her territories slipping from her grasp, and without the means of retaining them, turned for help, as she has always done in similar perils, to the other Catholic nations. But the political condition of Europe being such as to prevent her obtaining assistance from December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 11 the various Governments, Rome addressed herself (with her peculiar power of adaptation to the exigencies of the moment) to public opinion, instead of to the Cabinets of Europe. In that appeal she availed herself of the press, of public meetings, and of all other means of influence ; in fact, she adopted the policy of partisanship instead of diplomacy. From this beginning there sprung, or rather rose again, the so-called Catholic party, which rapidly increased till it presented a well-organised body, with a strong will, and a clear and definite programme. This party was then moulded, disciplined, and kept in constant communication with Rome by means of the different gatherings held there on various occasions, such as the pro- mulgation of the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, the centenary of St. Peter, and the canonizing of new saints. Its consolidation was also assisted by the institution of " Peter's pence " for replenishing the Papal finances, by the enrolling of the Zouaves for a short period of service, which was renewed every year, by the issue of different publications and newspapers, by civil and religious festivities, and by many other means ; in fact, the traditional policy of the Church of Rome, though remaining essentially the same, shifted its ground, and created for its service, instead of the Holy Alliance, a cosmopolitan Catholic party, which combined the strongest interests and passions, and fought with good success against the adverse march of the times. The Society of the Jesuits was an excellent instrument in the cause, on account of its unique and extraordinary discipline, and of its authority and extension in all parts of the world, which enabled it to work in the matter with a unity of aim and action, otherwise difficult to obtain. 8. All this could not be accomplished without quitting the field of politics and entering upon that of principles, since in the Papacy, the two powers are so nearly connected as necessarily to act on one another. The Catholic party, which naturally per- sonified the principle of absolute authority, had drawn most of its adherents from the world that was past, and was no sooner arrayed for the combat than it found itself in collision with the world as now existing ; the shock was soon felt, and was as violent as the toleration of the present age admitted. 12 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. Rome was unable to moderate the ardour of this conflict, nor could she, being placed at the mercy of her defenders, maintain the equanimity in action which, notwithstanding her authorita- tive position, or perhaps even on account of it, she had hitherto preserved. While the religious movement was in its first stage and only showed itself in the pages of the Civilta Cattolica, the Univers, and the pastoral letters of some of the French bishops, the En- cyclical and the Syllabus came to light, and no one in the Church either raised objections or suggested doubts, all minds being occupied with the peril that threatened the temporal power. Only the Bishop of Orleans seemed to view the course of events with some anxiety, which he indicated in his sibylline treatise on the Encyclical ; but it was of little avail, for the impetus being now given, it was too late to check the progress of events. 9. The retrograde step embodied in the declaration of the Encyclical, — that the Pope could not follow the spirit of the times, — and the results of the unfortunate battle of Mentana, both combined to render the Pontiff more than ever desirous of finding in the episcopate a real help and support, not only privately and officially, but formally and solemnly, and of ob- taining the aid and advice of the whole Church for the purpose of lightening the responsibility that weighed so heavily upon him. Moreover, on several occasions he had already been brought into contact with great assemblies of the bishops, had become familiar with them, had studied their opinions and dis- positions, and was aware of the important help to be drawn from them in the present difficulty ; besides which, he had found many of the prelates favourably inclined towards an Ecumenical Council. 10. On the 29th of June, 1868, a few months after Garibaldi had reached the gates of Rome, when revolution had pene- trated beyond the walls of the city even to the doors of the Vatican, and the barracks of the Zouaves were blown into the air, the apostolic letter for the assembling of the Council was published ; the Pope, showing wonderful reliance in his own destiny, having chosen this most grave and dangerous moment for its convocation.* * See Appendix, Document I. 1)k« kmber.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 13 III.— THE MEETING OF THE COUNCIL. 1. First official document. — 2. Impression it produces. — 3. Invitation to Protes- tants and schismatical bodies. — 4. — Proceedings of foreign ambassadors. — 5. Objects of the Council. — 6. Further remarks on the same matter. — 7. Hospi- tality offered to the bishops. — 8. Nomination of the Commissions. — 9. The Civilta Cattolica. — 10. Its article of February 6th. — 11. The Fulda proclama- tion and Padre Giacinto's letter. — 12. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris, and publications of the anti-Infallibilist party. — 13. The programme of the Council is unfolded. — 14. The Archbishop of Westminster. 1. We now come to the public and official acts of the Council, and from them it is easy to judge of the intentions and aim of the assembly, and also to form some conjectures — though in these caution is necessary — as to the direction in which it would probably move. 2. The idea of the Council sprang naturally in the Pope's mind from the desire of finding some shelter from the storms which beset him, and of lightening the burden of his heavy responsibilities. The Catholic party easily acceded to the plan, thinking that the bishops, who were in some places harassed, and in others found their powers diminished, would readily meet the wishes of the party, on account of the work they had done, and the energy with which they had successfully fought for the interests of the Church ; besides, the present seemed a favourable occa- sion for inducing the entire episcopate either to accept their views, or at least to become participators in their responsibility. It is true that some viewed with unfavourable eyes the calling together of any assembly that could possibly be dispensed with ; but these were a few incorrigible members of the " Curia," or a still smaller body of " prudent " men, the larger number inclining to the other opinion. The rest of the Church having for the last eight years heard but one note of alarm, that which was sounding the dangers that threatened the temporal power, turned for help to the Ecu- menical Council, and trusted that it might devise some remedy for the evils which had been so long impending. Public opinion is slow in these days to concern itself with matters not of imme- diate consequence, and did not trouble itself with any far-sighted reflections on the subject of the assembly. 14 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 3. An invitation to join the Council was then sent to the Protestant and schismatical bodies, rather with the pretence of including all Christian denominations in its assembly, than with any expectation that they would come ; for the letters were couched in terms which presupposed entire submission to Rome in all who should attend. The invitations were declined with more or less courtesy, as was to be expected. Further nego- tiations were carried on for a time with some hope of success, but these also proved in the end abortive. An attempt was made to obtain from the Russian Government permission for the Polish bishops to attend the Council, but this attempt failed ; and, if the story be true, its only result was to victimise an innocent person, a Polish priest, who happened to be obnoxious to the Russian Government, by whom his expul- sion from the Roman States was demanded as one of the con- ditions preliminary to the grant by the Czar of his " exequatur." The priest was banished ; but, nevertheless, the permission was not granted by Russia, nor did the bishops ever arrive. From these preliminaries it gradually became evident that the great questions which divide Christendom would meet with no solution in a Council, from whose deliberations they were excluded one after the other. 4. One of the first discussions that took place, was on the propriety of admitting the ambassadors of Christian Sovereigns to the meetings of the Council ; but as the Pope had very little desire for their presence, and the several Governments had no wish to meddle in the matter, it was easy to come to an agreement on this point. A Congregation of cardinals was held, in which it was decided that the ambassadors should not be present at the Council, but that the Secretary of State should keep them informed of all the business that was transacted. A great inter- change of notes and despatches followed ; and it was finally determined that at the public Sessions a particular tribune, as was customary at all great ceremonies, should be reserved for the diplomatic body, who were obliged to rest satisfied with this amount of participation in the deliberations of the Council ; and the publications of the Libro giallo (yellow book) confirmed the acceptance of these conditions by the two parties reciprocally interested in the liberty of Church and State. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 15 5. The Papal Bull, published on the 29th June, 1868, in the vestibule of the Vatican Basilica, enumerates (in its liturgical compilation) the reasons for assembling the Ecumenical Coun- cil as follows : — " The horrible tempest (horribili temjpestate) threatening society and the Church ; " " the authority of the Apostolic See trodden under foot ; " " the abolition of religious corporations ; " " the confiscation of ecclesiastical property ; " " the insults offered to the clergy ;" " the perversity of the press;" "the increase of Sectarianism ; " " the secularisation of education ; " and, finally, " the corruption and impiety of manners, and the unbridled license of thought." Further on it also alludes to the discipline and instruction of the clergy. 6. If it be borne in mind that the Council was convened on the day dedicated to the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin, so as to be under her patronage, as the Pope had an- nounced in his first" allocution on the subject addressed to the bishops assembled for the Centenary of St. Peter, 30th of June, 1867, it will be obvious how he viewed the matter with regard to dogma, and to what end the Council was directed as a means of discipline. 7. At the same time the Pope addressed a circular to the bishops, offering them hospitality ; this was accepted by some entirely ; by others, in part ; and by others, again, courteously refused, as being able to dispense with it without thereby suffer- ing inconvenience. At the opening of the Council it was reckoned that about three hundred bishops were guests of the Pope, half of them living entirely at his expense, the others being indebted to him for lodging only. It was calculated that this hospitality cost the Pope's private exchequer about 2500 lire a day ; but as such a contingency had been foreseen, a short while before the opening of the Council some of the faithful had imagined a way of meeting the expense. This was by insti- tuting a festival on the fiftieth anniversary of the first mass cele- brated by the Pope ; and the immense amount of money collected on the occasion, amounting to several million francs, served to defray the heavy expenditure occasioned by the Council. 8. Before the meeting of the assembly, the Pope instituted a Congregation of cardinals to undertake all the preliminary work, and placed at its head the Cardinal-Vicar of Rome ; the 16 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Decembek. members of the body being eight — Reisach, Bernabo, Pane- bianco, Bizzarri, Bilio, Caterini, and Capalti. Six of these were themselves presidents of other Commissions branching out from it, whose duty it was to classify the matters to be treated of in the Council in the following order : — Commission on Dogma, under the presidency of Cardinal Bilio (to whom, in great measure, though perhaps wrongly, the compilation of the Syllabus was attributed) ; Ecclesiastical Policy, under Cardinal Reisach ; Affairs of the East, under Cardinal Bernabo, Prefect of the Congregation " De Propaganda Fide ;" Religious Orders, under Cardinal Bizzarri ; Ceremonial, under the Cardinal- Vicar ; Ecclesiastical Discipline, under Cardinal Caterini. Besides these, the Pope appointed a Commission on Biblical Studies and the Revision of the Index, under the presidency of Cardinal de Luca, but he was not included in the Directive Congregation, and his commission remained on one side, and was not inte- grally connected with the others. It attracted, however, a good deal of public attention by reason of the important nature of its subjects, and was commonly reckoned among the six principal Commissions, that on Ceremonial being omitted as of little moment. The fact is, that the management of this Commission seemed, from the first, displeasing to the authorities, as the affairs relating to the Index were treated of in a large and liberal spirit, and the result was that after a few meetings it entirely dropped. It remained in public opinion as one of the six Con- gregations, but had no status, and all mention of it was omitted in the official organs. It was thus consigned to oblivion, notwithstanding that its members had already commenced much business, important both in matter and in the manner of its transaction. The members of these Commissions were theologians and counsellors chosen by the Pope and the Committee of cardinals in Rome and in different Catholic countries. They, of course, received, under the strictest seal of secrecy, information as to the matters to be treated of in the Council, either fully or by degrees, according as they were prepared in Rome. Together with the creation of these Commissions, notice was sent to the bishops of a fixed and limited number of subjects to be discussed in the Council, that they might have the oppor- Dei ember.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 17 tunity of studying them beforehand ; but, saving these, the Vatican maintained absolute silence towards the bishops with regard to the matters for debate. The result of this was to place the bishops at a disadvantage with reference to those theologians who were admitted to a more intimate knowledge of the con- cerns of the Council than fell to their own lot, these latter being also officially their inferiors. Much was said both in Rome and in Germany against this system of concealment, which kept the bishops in ignorance of matters on which they had a right to give their opinion, and regarding which they would shortly be called to pass judgment ; but the reply from the Vatican was, that these being subjects on which the Pope voluntarily consulted the bishops, the manner and time of the communication must be left entirely to him, and that the greatest reserve was necessary for fear of any interference from the press in Europe. 9. Meanwhile, the Civilta Cattolica exercised great influence in the Church, and especially in the Vatican ; this paper was a periodical compiled by the Jesuits, which ever since the recent Italian troubles had fought valiantly for the Papacy, and was able, being under a favourable a?gis, to discuss sundry persons and things without fear of contradiction, notwithstanding the restrictions imposed on the press ; consequently, it took an active part in preparing and directing the preliminaries of the Council. Having reached this point, the Civilta Cattolica determined to pursue its advantage, and commenced a series of articles under the heading of " Matters pertaining to the Council," in which, without fear of opposition, and fortified by the official " imprimatur," it set forth a full exposition of its own views on all the subjects that were to be treated of. The Jesuits had, indeed, found some difficulty in making the ideas of their organ acceptable to the preparatory Commissions, though many of their order were among the members ; but by reason of this, and of their authority in those assemblies, they felt confident of ultimate success, and began openly to manifest their intentions, and to show, without circumlocution, what in their opinion, should be the programme of the future Council. 10. For some time past, a spirit of opposition to this sort of dictatorship had arisen in the Church, and a portion of the C 18 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. Liberal Catholics who, between the absolutism of the so-called Catholic party on the one hand, and the general carelessness of Freethinkers on the other, had hitherto dragged on a painful existence, and had been reduced to silence by the events of the last ten years, now again showed signs of life. The articles of the Civilta Cattolica, as emanating from Rome, had caused serious apprehensions, and tended to increase this feeling of mistrust wherever it existed, till at length, on the 6th of February, 1869, an article was published, under the heading of " French Correspondence," giving clearly and exactly the whole programme of the Vatican Council, and announcing that its principal objects were the declaration of the Syllabus, of the Infallibility of the Pope, and of the Assumption of the Virgin ; and a further notice caused yet more astonishment, which announced that the work being all arranged, and the opinion of the Church so evident, the Council would have little further to do, and would be of short duration.* At this, the Catholic Opposition broke forth openly ; the Bishop of Orleans among the first, as is well known, openly refuting those ideas as injurious to the episcopate, and the dispute was from that moment carried on by the press with an eagerness very unusual in such matters. The Civilta Cattolica endeavoured, in the April number, to excuse itself by saying that the letter in question was only the production of a French correspondent ; but being entirely in accordance with the well-known opinions of the paper, this reply was of no avail, and the article re- mained as the signal of assault. No one could imagine the reason of such an indiscreet and inopportune because prema- ture attempt on the part of the Civilta Cattolica ; and it was said, in extenuation of the mistake, that the party represented by that periodical had become uneasy as to the ultimate success of the Council, and, fearing that it might not coincide with their wishes, had adopted this means of — as it is sometimes ex- pressed — forcing the situation. However that may be, it is certain that hitherto there had prevailed in Rome full confidence in the power of the Vatican to obtain a unanimous consent, or a large majority, for all its propositions, so that the intelligence of these differences of opinion was most unexpected. * See Appendix, Document II. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 19 11. The strength of the Opposition increased ; letters, articles, pamphlets, and pastorals succeeding one another with great rapidity, but the first ecclesiastical document in a moderate sense of any importance, as emanating from a reunion of the higher orders of the Church, was the pastoral or proclamation of German bishops dated from Fulda.* It was signed by the bishops of all the principal sees in Germany, and was the only protest which had hitherto appeared bearing a local, and not merely a personal character. This document, drawn up in a broad and liberal spirit, was the expression, not of individual opinion, but of the majority of those Catholic populations who, by natural disposition, neither think lightly nor act rashly, and, fortunately for them, are not afflicted either with the levity of the French, or the indifference of the Italian character. The number and nature of the signatures bore testimony to this opinion, as it was evident that some of them were affixed to the document only by reason of the strong force of public opinion in their country ; and the pastoral itself was in every respect so well and forcibly framed, that by reason of the authority of its subscribers it was considered entirely beyond the reach of censure, by those even who disliked it most. On the other hand, the first document emanating from France was of a noisy and personal character. It was a letter written by a Carmelite friar, Father Giacinto ; and, for that very reason, it attracted the attention of the profane.f It was not accept- able to the ecclesiastical world, being the fragment of an animated disquisition, in which the subjects, instead of being calmly argued, were treated in a hasty manner, and from its nature was only adapted for publication in the newspapers. Rome, acting with magnanimity and shrewdness, took no notice of the work. Dupanloup sharply but courteously disap- proved it ; the French Catholic Liberals were silent on the matter ; and Father Giacinto, by the advice of influential friends, went off to America. 12. Next in order comes the pastoral letter of the Archbishop of Paris, and this, though somewhat intricate and diffuse, is the ablest among the French documents, and carries the most weight ; j its language and style were displeasing at Rome, but * See Appendix, Document III. | Ibid. Document IV. J Ibid. Document V. c 2 20 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [December. next to the pastoral from Fulda, it was of great importance, from its moderate spirit, from its subject, and from the distinguished position of its author. Shortly after appeared the publications of the Bishop of Orleans — his pastoral,* his pamphlet, and his letter to Veuillot. The fiery defender of the temporal power, in his pastoral, envelops his repugnance to the doctrine of personal Infallibility with many expressions of devotion to the Holy See ; in the other document he is more explicit, and becomes once more the ardent apologist ; in fact, he constitutes himself the head or official champion of Liberal Catholic opinions in the Latin world. What a grand office might that be, if only the Western nations had a more lively feeling of religion ! and, on the contrary, how characteristic is it of the times, that the bishop should find the exercise of his championship so difficult. The book by the Bishop of Sens, Monsignor Maret, entitled, * The General Council and Religious Peace,' next appeared ; and then a publication in Germany, under the assumed name of Janus, entitled, ' The Pope and the Council,' besides many other works of a Liberal Catholic tendency, in France, Italy, and Germany. The two books above mentioned are, however, the most complete exponents of the plan of Opposition, and the latter really sets forth the programme of Catholic resistance in Germany, where alone the Opposition has held its ground and maintained a constant and local character. The question was more hotly debated every day ; and in addition to these clear and decided expressions of public opinion, special organs of the Press opposed with great vigour that paper which had for so long held possession of the field. All sorts of stories were circulated, such a religious excitement had not been seen for years, and Rome, which had hitherto remained quiescent, now seemed fully aroused. "Janus" was put in the Index, and the sale or circulation of Maret's work was prohibited ; the Secretary of the Index declaring that, though the Congregation did not consider its tenets reprehen- sible, they were not conformable to Roman doctrine. We may observe, for it is worthy of notice, that the two works thus severely reprobated, were not only written on the subject of the * See Appendix, Document VI. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 21 Council, but were in a certain sense addressed to it. The Civilta Cattolica, the Univers, and the Uniia Cattolica sufficed to confront the other minor publications of the Opposition. 13. The result of all these polemics was to lift in some degree the thick veil which ecclesiastical secrecy had so closely drawn over the mysterious work of the Committees, and the public began openly to discuss the questions of the Syllabus, of the Pope's personal Infallibility, and of the Assumption of the Vir- gin in soul and body — that being the series of propositions announced on the 6th of February by the Civilta Cattolica. To these was added a scheme of clerical reformation, with a view of modifying the authority of the different orders of the hierarchy, and with the intention of promoting the advance of the Church from the possession of a limited to that of an absolute sovereignty. There may have been exaggeration in this belief ; but whether the prevalent rumours were true or false, public attention, casting aside all secondary considerations, fastened on the questions of " personal Infallibility," and of " the Syllabus." 14. Nevertheless, by reason of the secrecy imposed, and at first maintained beyond all expectation, the work of the Com- mittees was shrouded in profound darkness from the gaze of the outer world. Anecdotes and opinions were circulated, but without any certainty of their accuracy. The principal support of the Syllabus lay in the fact that it was a Papal act, and once brought before the Council by public opinion, it could scarcely be afterwards invalidated, without the risk of seriously affecting the authority of the Holy Father. As to the question of " Infallibility," its only exposition had hitherto been carried on in the pages of the Civilta Cattolica ; but Monsignor Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, wishing to supplement this deficiency, wrote a pamphlet, in which he supported the doctrine most vehemently. His opinions on the point were already known, and by reason of his rank in the Church, carried considerable weight, if not for the ideas them- selves, at least for the way in which they were brought forward, and the opportune moment chosen for their expression. Indeed, by his activity and energy he became the principal champion of the supporters of Infallibility, as the Bishop of Orleans was of those who opposed it. 22 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. Manning was not long since a Protestant, and not only joined the Catholic Church, but became Archbishop of Westminster : none are so devoted as converts ; and the fact of having been in error the first half of his life did not hinder his becoming in the latter an ardent advocate of Infallibility. At any rate, as his antecedents justified the supposition that he was lacking in the traditional ecclesiastical spirit which is seldom acquired save by early habit and long usage, a presumption further sup- ported by his own immoderate restlessness, it seemed likely that his authority would be somewhat diminished in the esti- mation of that portion of the clerical world whose principles, being conservative, are best able to exercise a calm and impartial judgment. IV.— THE KULES AND CONDITIONS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 1. Jubilee and preliminaries. — 2. First Papal allocution. — 3. Order of the Council. — 4. The same subject. — 5. The same subject.— 6. Nomination of the presi- dents and other officials. — 7. Objections to the order. — 8. Objections to the nominations. — 9. Position of parties. — 10. Their description. — 11. Considered with regard to their nationality. — 12. The French episcopate. — 13. French Opposition. — 14. Opportune declaration. — 15. German episcopate. — 16. The other Catholic bishops. — 17. Italian episcopate. 1. On the 11th of April appeared the second Papal document which concerns the Council — the apostolical letters announcing the Jubilee * to be enjoyed by all Catholics during its Session. The bishops thronged in greater numbers to Rome ; and as the day for the solemn opening of the Council drew near, the Cardinal- Vicar issued an edict on November 18th, ordering the public prayers which are usual on great occasions ; and lastly, the municipality invited the citizens to hail the auspicious event with rejoicings and festivities. On the 2nd of December the Pope convened a preparatory meeting of all the fathers in the Sistine Chapel, as a preliminary to the opening of the Council, and on this occasion the third public document was published. 2. When the bishops were assembled, the Pope made an allocution, in which he again reverted, though more vaguely, * See Appendix, Document VII. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 23 and with fewer details, to the aim of the Council, saying it was " to supply a remedy for the many evils which disturbed the Church and society." * On this occasion, the fathers received copies of the apostolic letter, " Multiplices inter," which is dated November 27th, and is the fourth official document of the Council, containing all the regulations for its manage- ment.! 3. Foremost among these is that which orders " all the Fathers, officials of the Councils, theologians, doctors of the sacred Canons, and all others who in any way assist the Fathers and the aforesaid officials in the work of the Council, not to divulge or manifest to any outside the Council, the decrees or other matters to be examined, or the discussions or opinions of any that are present." Further on, the same injunction is repeated to those who, not possessing the episcopal dignity, are either servants of the Council, or, by reason of some office, attend at its meetings ; and from such is required the further obligation of an oath. 4. In the same list of rules, the power of proposing questions is conceded to the Fathers, but with the following stipula- tions : — 1st. That they be previously communicated in writing to a Congregation of cardinals and bishops specially deputed for this purpose. 2nd. That they be of general importance. 3rd. That they can be shown to be opportune. 4th. That they be in harmony with the mind and traditions of the Church. The appropriation of seats then followed, according to which, by reason of a singular prerogative peculiar to the Roman Curia, the cardinals, not themselves bishops, who being without the right, yet enjoy the privilege of a seat and the power of voting in the Council, occupy the first places. The patriarchs, primates, archbishops, bishops, the abbati nullius, and lastly, the abbati generali and Generals of Orders followed in succession ; and thus seven tiers of seats were arranged in the Council Hall corresponding to the same ranks in the hierarchy. * See Appendix, Document VIII. t Ibid. Document IX. 24 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. 5. The Fathers were forbidden by the regulations to leave Rome during the sittings of the Council, and were therefore released from the obligation of residing in their dioceses for that time. 6. In the same act the following cardinals were appointed presidents of the Council : — Bilio, De Luca, Capalti, Reisach, and Bizzarri, and along with them the other officers of the Council, beginning with the Secretary, the Bishop of Sant Ippolito ; Monsignor Fessler, a German professor of Canon Law in Vienna ; and with him, the sub-secretary, the clerks, the assistants, the notaries, advocates, examiners of voting papers, promoters of the Council, masters of the ceremonies, shorthand- writers, and the guardians of the Council, who were the two Roman princes assisting at the Pontifical Throne, Colonna and Orsini. All the officials swore to fulfil their obligations and to main- tain the secrecy prescribed in the apostolic letter ; and thus terminated the preparatory meeting which preceded the opening of the Council. 7. The Order produced a most unfavourable impression on the greater part of the bishops in Opposition ; they especially distrusted the article by which the power of initiating a ques- tion was to be subordinated to a Congregation of cardinals, and that one which prohibited their absence from Rome during the Council. They said that the Order left no way open for legal opposition ; and it was reported by tale-bearers in the city, that the dominant party would use it for their own advantage, and were determined, not only to adhere to their programme, but to maintain it to the end, the Pope being with them, and that they would take every means of subduing the Opposition. Above all, the prohibition against leaving Rome was inter- preted as an attempt to shorten the duration of the Council — a suggestion for which the Civilta Cattolica had been much blamed — and as an endeavour to prevent any actual protest against the work of the Vatican. Some, who took exaggerated views, went still further ; they added to the vigour both of the resistance and of the attack, and predicted that scandals would arise in the Church in consequence. 8. The power of initiative given to the bishops, though subject to the control of a Congregation, was an unexpected Pkckmber.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 25 concession, but its value was greatly diminished and the feeling of mistrust, already existing, increased by the fact that the persons composing this Commission as well as all the others were almost exclusively drawn from the ranks of the majority, and were, in consequence, little inclined to favour the proposals of the Opposition. A little later, the members of the Congregations were de- clared. There were twelve cardinals : Patrizi, Di Pietro, De Angelis, Corsi, Riario Sforza, De Rauscher, Bonnechose, Cullen, Barili, Moreno, Monaco, and Antonelli ; and besides these, Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, the Archbishop of Tours, Archbishop of Baltimore, Archbishop of Malines, the Bishops of Valenza and Paderborn, a bishop from Chili, and two Oriental Patriarchs ; the rest of the Commissions being composed of Italian bishops — making, in all twenty-six Fathers. Of these by far the greater number represented the Roman Curia, and the Opposition were scarcely represented at all ; some of the bishops clearly inclined to the Catholic party, and others were of no particular shade of opinion. In fact, it was evident that this Congregation, in virtue of the number and rank of its members, constituted an assembly which, pretending only to be of secondary consideration, in reality had the power of determining, without appeal, most of the matters to be brought before the Council, even those of serious import- ance, such as the propositions of the bishops, who, from their pastoral office and practical knowledge of the needs of their people, might often bring forward questions well worthy of consideration. The Congregation, which had the power of allowing or pre- venting discussion on these proposals, really judged them a priori in a more absolute manner than the Council itself. All this did not escape the notice of the Opposition ; and the appointment of so many cardinals, and of the most strenuous supporters of the prerogative of the Vatican to serve in the Con- gregation, caused great alarm among those who were already apprehensive. 9. The fears and hopes of the different parties grew stronger day by day, and the strength of the contending factions was anxiously reckoned up. The Opposition were fully aware of their small number, which, taking also into account the disfavour 26 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. showed them in the Order of the Council, rendered it very difficult for them to carry out their designs. Glancing at the assembly, it appeared that, taking it as a whole, the Opposition might be reckoned as one-fourth or one- fifth ; but if considered only with regard to those who decidedly opposed them, they would be as one to two, leaving out of the calculation all the bishops of undetermined opinion, and those who though nominally adherents of the majority were still susceptible to the influences exercised by the other side. 10. The Catholic party, properly so called, or the Infallibilist, as it tried to designate itself, predominated with different gra- dations in the Spanish episcopate ; as also among most of the French and Italians, in the small body of English bishops, but more strongly among the Irish. The same opinions prevailed among all the South American bishops, but scarcely among the North American ; among the Orientals with but slight excep- tions ; among the bishops in partibus ; and almost all the re- presentatives of the small Catholic nationalities, excepting the Portuguese, shared the like views. The opinions of the rest were of a less decided character, and the more determined among them constituted the Opposition. One of its members reckoned that if they had been able to draw over to their opinions fifty Italian or Spanish prelates they might have held their own in the contest ; but it was not easy to obtain that number, as the Spanish bishops could not be counted on in this respect, and only twenty of the Italian favoured the Opposition. All these estimates were, however, immature, for as yet it was very difficult to form any with accuracy. 11. In making these reflections, it is well to remember how the bishops were massed together, for it was their habit from the time of their arrival in Rome to group themselves in their meetings according to their nationality, and thus by their separate action they indicated their views and their dispositions. 12. The French bishops have certainly a leaning towards Rome, in consequence of all they have suffered from the effects of the revolution ; they are drawn towards it as a person stumbling in darkness, and doubting which way to go, turns eagerly to the light that shines from afar to guide him, and owing to this inclination the strength of Gallicanism has been weakened. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 27 However, this decided proclivity of the French Church is not the result of a pure and simple abdication of her autonomy, but a change in its direction. The bishops, feeling their powers diminishing at home, turned not unnaturally towards Rome for two reasons ; first, on account of the preponderating authority which their numbers and importance would give them there among the rest of the Catholic episcopate ; secondly, because France, always desirous of increasing her influence, was more likely to support them abroad than at home ; and that they judged rightly is proved by the military Occupations in Italy effected by the various French Governments, whereby they have anticipated rather than followed the Ultramontane movement afterwards developed in the French Church. This also accounts for the great docility shown of late by the French prelates towards the Holy See in all disputed matters, even in those of which traditionally they had reason to be jealous, and of the solicitude they manifested for the Papacy in its recent re- verses, instead of endeavouring to curtail its prerogatives still further, after the example of their predecessors before the French revolution. Only the Archbishop of Paris, being consistently moderate in his opinions, stood firm ; and partly from his indi- vidual qualities, partly from his dignified position, he became the centre and rallying-point of all that yet remained of the old Gallican Church. 13. While, however, the bishops were thus drawn towards Rome, they could not forget that they lived in France ; con- sidering their own interests, as well as their ministerial office, they could not afford to lose any of the influence they possessed there, and so were restrained from directly opposing the tendency of the age and the general spirit pervading their country. The exaggerations of the Catholic party have too often the result of exposing its ecclesiastical adherents to the danger of witnessing the gradual diminution of their flocks. Owing to the compact and peculiarly Italian nature of the Roman Curia, it is very exclusive, and could not, without radical modification, yield to the wishes of the French prelates. Accordingly, those bishops who were influenced by the consider- ations we have indicated, formed a sort of confederation, a party distinct from the others, though more in form than in substance, 28 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. and they constituted the French Opposition ; of which Dupan- loup, by reason of his unlimited devotion to Rome, the bent of his mind, and the obligations imposed on him by his literary and social proclivities, naturally became the chief. He was better adapted for the position than Darboy, who remained in a sort of isolation, serene and unmoved even by the prospect of a cardinal's hat. 14. It is unnecessary to remark that in discussing these various tendencies we refer only to such differences of thought and opinion as the force of circumstances necessarily produces among men, and we do not allude to those deliberate individual purposes which it would be unwise to canvass, and which have little bearing on great and important questions. 15. The most clear, sincere, disinterested, serious opposition was that of the German bishops, among whom the Ultramon- tanes bore the same proportion as the Liberals among the Spaniards. Their opposition was the most clear, because they made no secret of their wishes, which were well known ; the most sincere, because they pretended no change of opinions, but simply remained as they always had been, moderate ; the most disinterested, because by reason of their antecedents and small numbers, as well as the state of Germany, they could never hope to exercise much influence in the government of the Church ; and the most serious, because they embodied and represented the real opinions of the majority of their flocks. The German bishops derived this character of moderation from the fact of their representing a people whose religion had felt the influences of cultivation and progress, and also to the Protestantism which, prevailing so extensively in Germany, considerably modified the working of Catholicism in that country. 16. The same state of things does not, as a rule, appear in England, where many of the bishops, with Manning at their head, being more Catholic than the Pope himself, make themselves famous for their Ultramontane opinions ; but there is a reason for this. The German bishops are surrounded by Protestants, but their people are Catholic, and thus Protestantism only works as a rival religion ; whereas in England, Protestantism has the ascendency, and therefore the bishops would hold an isolated and difficult position were it not lor the liberty they enjoy, December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 2D which much exceeds that to be found in France. They are sur- rounded by Protestants, and consequently they are more strongly attracted towards the Vatican, the universal centre of their faith, than towards that branch of their Church which exists in Eng- land only by toleration. Indeed, it was sometimes remarked that the Irish bishops showed themselves less inclined to the doctrine of Infallibility than the English. The Belgians in this matter followed the French ; Monsignor de Merode trod in the steps of Dupanloup, and both having been champions of the temporal power, became afterwards adversaries of Infallibility, e£ £m quoque Brute, Jill mi! The constitution and liberal tendencies of Belgium naturally influenced its representatives. As for the Spaniards, imbued as they are with the traditions of Torquemada, it is so much gained for humanity when they are satisfied with being simply Ultramontanes. The South Americans are merely Spaniards who have crossed the sea ; and the Portuguese, for the most part, are Liberals. The bishops from the United States have a character of greater simplicity and individuality, and are little accustomed to ecclesiastical politics, the result of the society in which they live, which is entirely different from that of Europe. This disposition, and the fact that many of them were educated for clerical life in the colleges of Rome, as well as the small amount of consideration they enjoy in a country so little Catholic as America, rendered them more favourable to the ideas predominating in Rome than was expected. Still even they never forgot their country ; they concealed the independence of citizens of the United States under their ecclesiastical dignity, and sooner or later, in greater or less measure, the most reason- able and liberal ideas prevailed among them. As to the Orientals, living isolated in heathen countries, or surrounded by schismatical Greeks in the midst of wretched and untaught populations, they naturally looked to Rome as their one object of existence ; and provided there was no question of their privileges, of which they are extremely jealous, showed themselves most subservient to the Vatican. They made a grand display with their splendid vestments, and gave the surest votes to the Ecumenical Council. 30 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. The bishops in partibus were still more devoted to Roman inte- rests ; for having no dioceses and no flocks in connection with the titles conferred upon them by the Pope, they formed together with the Orientals a nucleus directly dependent on the Congre- gation " De Propaganda Fide," and were, with few exceptions, naturally subservient to the " Curia Romana." 17. There remain, then (leaving out small fractions), simply the Italians, and they being very numerous, were the only body able to set themselves against the French. The Italian episcopate, which, beyond any other, was concerned in many of the questions at stake, could also, when it chose, carry the most weight. We have already alluded to the saying attributed to one of the bishops of the Opposition, that if they could reckon fifty Italian and Spanish prelates on their side, they might have hoped to prevail : but no reliance could be based on the Spaniards ; and as to the Italians, it was impossible (for such an end) to count on the support of more than twenty among them. If this estimate be incorrect, it is nevertheless true that the Italian episcopate might have been the arbiter of the question, and that those who inclined to the opinions of Maret and of Dupanloup were very few in number. The reason for this is to be found in the nature of the traditional education which prevails among the Italian clergy, and in the little experience they had had up to this time of the questions to which modern civilisation had given rise. Various other reasons might also be adduced, but the principal one must on no account be for- gotten, which is that they were Italian. Nor is it so only because the irritation resulting from recent events so worked on their minds as to render them more devoted adherents of Rome, for that result could only be of a transitory nature ; and even though it occasioned a feeling of displeasure, could never have accounted for the uniform and coherent line of action which they subsequently adopted. The real reason of the conduct of the clergy is found in the fact that the Papacy itself is Italian, not politically, which would be difficult to prove, but essentially. What is the authority which has for centuries commanded the obedience of kings and of nations, which at the present day has subjects in the most remote corners of the earth, and December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 3L can assemble round its throne the dignified representatives of distant churches for the purpose of acknowledging its supremacy ? By whom has this authority for many centuries been wielded, not occasionally, but according to an invariable tradition? By an assembly of Italian prelates. This is the reason why the Opposition of Dupanloup, which touches the Pope's authority, found but few followers among the Italian bishops ; neither did the Syllabus, that cherished formula of the Catholic party, meet on the whole with any warm sup- port. It seemed, therefore, that if the Italian episcopate were up to a certain point in accordance with the " Catholic party " on the matter of Papal authority, it was not prepared to follow its determination to set at open defiance the exigencies of modern society, and, indeed, contrary dispositions began to show themselves in some of the bishops. In the midst of all these conflicting opinions, the Pope, the cardinals, and a few Roman prelates, remained inflexible, prepared to defend the Church from the aggressions of society, and on behalf of the Curia to resist the resumption by the Church of her own proper authority. V.— FIRST SESSION. 1. Papal allocution at the first Session. — 2. First meeting of the Congregations. — 3. Judges of excuses and complaints. — 4. Bull for the election of the Pope. — 5. Bull for the limitation of censures. — 6. Election of persons to serve on the Commissions for amendments. — 7. The great questions under discussion in the Council. — 8. The first question. — 9. The second question. — 10. The third question. — 11. The Papacy essentially Italian. — 12. The Roman Curia in regard to the Church. — 13. Interests of the Papacy and of Italy. — 14. One question should not prejudice another. — 15. Predictions. — 1G. Importance of these events. 1. In this state of affairs we come to the ceremony described at the beginning of this narrative, the opening Session of the Vatican Council. In the allocution then held, which was the fifth public act of the Council, the enemy against which it would contend was again specified :* " Ilia impiorum conjuratio * See Appendix, Document X. 32 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. fortis, opibus potens, munita institutes, et velamen habens malitia? libertatem, acerrimum adversus sanctam Christi eccle- siam bellum omni scelere imbutum urgere non desinit." An indication vague certainly, but of which the application, under a " velamine," was not difficult. The style is expansive and full of confidence, as is shown by the expression, " Ecclesia est ipso ccelo fortior," and the dignity of the Papal See is maintained by calling the Council " Unio sacerdotum Domini cum supremo gregis ejus pastore." Par- ticular mention of the City of Rome is also made in the allocution, " Quae Dei munere tradita non fuit in direptionem gentium." Nothing else was said which could throw more light on the subject. 2. After the first Session, commenced the Congregations, or ordinary assemblies, from which the public were excluded, and in these was unfolded the whole work of the Council. Eccle- siastical secrecy was maintained here as well as in the Commis- sions, the barest formalities only being officially known, though it was impossible to prevent something transpiring to the public of what occurred in an assembly of seven or eight hundred persons. 3. In the first and second Congregations, held on the 10th and 14th of December, after mass and the usual ceremonies, there followed the voting for the election of the five judges of excuses, and as many of complaints, " judices excusationum," and "judices querelarum." According to Conciliar discipline, the duty of the first is to receive and examine the procura- tions and excuses of the absent bishops, and the applications for leave of absence on just grounds, during the Council, on which, however, they do not decide themselves, but refer the matter to the assembly ; and the second have to judge any controversies arising between those who are gathered together. All these judges are chosen by the votes of the Fathers in Council. 4. The most important event in the first Congregation was the publication and distribution of the Papal constitution in the form of a Bull, by which the Pope, alluding to the reasons that guided him, and citing the examples of Julius II. and Pius IV., ordained that, in the event of his death during the Council, the December] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 33 new Pontiff, should be elected as usual by the Cardinals, without any intervention on the part of the Council, which should from the moment of his death be ipso facto prorogued.* From this document it is clear that some apprehension was felt lest the ancient rights and privileges enjoyed by the Curia at the election of a Pope should be disputed and called in question. In his allocution the Pope provides for the Church in her relations to society, and in the Bull he provides for the privileges of the Curia in its relation with the Church. This Bull had been compiled in November, but was only now published. 5. The second Congregation was occupied by another Bull on the limitation of censures, and under this title ecclesiastical censures were again published.! Every one knows, or, rather, every one does not know, how great in number and how various in character these may be. The Pope being well aware of this, abrogates them entirely in the constitution, " Apostolicae Sedis," with the exception of certain titles which virtually include them almost all, so that the whole penal ecclesiastical system is maintained intact. These censures are preserved in their ancient style, beginning with " heretics," their abettors, and those that give them shelter. This last would furnish a good moral theme for young students in theology, for how would it apply to the Roman hotel keepers and to the Pontifical Government, who not only give shelter to heretics, but a church in which to celebrate their worship outside the Porta del Popolo ? These censures refer to the cases of those who possess prohibited books — of schismatics — of those who appeal to a future Council — of those who injure ecclesiastical dignitaries — of those who obstruct ecclesiastical jurisdiction — of laity intermeddling with the judgment of eccle- siastical things or persons — of those who falsify apostolic letters : then comes a special censure against the unauthorised bestowal of absolution in confession ; and, finally, one against all those who either invade, destroy, or retain, for themselves or others, the cities, territories, places, or rights that appertain to the Roman Church, or who disturb, usurp, or retain the supreme jurisdiction therein. It is useless to give here the long index * See Appendix, Document XI. t Ibid. XII. D 34 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. which all may examine for themselves. This act is one of apparent moderation, in that it limits or contracts the cases liable to punishment, but it must be observed that although certain titles are abrogated, those that remain include the whole penal ecclesiastical code in full force. It is obvious that the Pope in abolishing some censures, while he confirms others, exercises supreme authority in matters of discipline, and it should be remarked that he thus acts proprio motu in the face of the Church assembled in the plenitude of her power, for the very purpose of exercising it, and of judging all matters touching ecclesiastical discipline, and consequently, many of those contemplated in the Bull. What if the Council had not deemed all those acts worthy of punishment, or at least had not thought well to inflict it in some cases? But we must leave such questions to the bishops, as we freely confess ourselves unable to arrive at their solution. 6. In the Brief that regulates the proceedings of the Council, four Commissions are instituted instead of the six that undertook the preparatory work. These four are composed of ninety-six bishops in all, twenty-four for each Commission, corresponding to the four parts into which the matters to be treated in the Council are divided — namely, Faith, Discipline, Affairs of the East, and Religious Orders. In the second Congregation, the names of those who should compose these commissions were settled, beginning with that on Faith ; the same subject was discussed in the Congregations held on the 20th and 28th, and with such matters the year 1869 drew to a close. 7. From all that has hitherto occurred, it is evident that there are three grand questions of principle before the Council, on the solution of which very important results depend, though careless observers might pass them over. The first is the ancient conflict always going on in the Church from the earliest ages, between those who maintain a direct supernatural agency in all matters, and those who, without rejecting it, believe also in secondary causes. The infallibility of a single man is a more striking miracle, and a greater infraction of the laws of nature, than the infalli- bility of a large and well-organised assembly under the security December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 35 of a strong and severe discipline ; it is much more so, because the infallibility of a society with regard to itself is by its very nature relative, while that of an individual towards society cannot be other than absolute. It is reasonable to believe that God protects the Church, as we believe that God protects the world, and that the Church in her own office should be infallible, may be in a certain sense reasonable ; but that God should take away from an individual man the liability to error, which is characteristic of humanity, would be an absolute and standing miracle. In the first case Faith allies herself with reason, in the second she subdues it. In the various cases in which, under one form or another, the conflict between these two opinions has been waged in previous Councils, the decision has always been in favour of the absolute miracle. Thus far, we have considered the matter as regards Faith, that is to say, the speculative question. The second question is the position of the modern world, and the greater part of its institutions as confronted with the Syllabus ; and as this concerns Discipline, or the practical part of the matter, it is the social question. The third touches the position of the hierarchy of the Church, relatively to the Roman Curia, and this I may call the political question. 8. The first matter, considered as a principle, enters into the region of dogma, and as such, its discussion is neither - useful nor desirable for us ; but in its practical application at a certain point it approaches the third question. 9. As to the second, the social question — those who can rightly interpret public opinion, will find (notwithstanding the prevalent religious indifference) this to be its clear and emphatic expression. It is the ardent longing of society (looking beyond the narrow limits of party to the wide interests of nations) for the cessation of that antagonism between the claims of civil and religious authority upon conscience among Catholic popula- tions, which in its results has gone far towards depriving them of any conscience whatever. Indeed, all who belong to Christian or merely civilised nations, will readily agree in the desire for peace, and in the hope that some settlement of these social and political questions D 2 36 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [December. may be found other than the alternative of absolutism and rebellion, which seems at our day to be the lot of most Catholic countries. The strength of the Latin nations is exhausted by their constant oscillations between the theories of the Univers and those of the Rappel, between the dogmas of the Unita Cattolica and those expressions of opinion, or rather unbridled instincts for which nothing is sacred ; oscillations which sway backwards and forwards between revolutionary barricades on the one hand and coups oVetat on the other. This was the momentous question now before the Vatican Council, most serious because the displacement of the material aims of great societies, regarded merely in its philosophical aspect, is fraught with serious risk to their moral perceptions, and must, therefore, be considered as dangerous by all of whatever shade of opinion. Besides this, it is undeniable that matters of faith which do not influence practice, and practices which do not spring from faith, are especially repugnant to the spirit of the age. Everything at this time seemed to strengthen the desire that the discipline of the Church, which is by nature flexible, should meet the new wants of society by extending itself to as large a number of adherents as it could embrace, rather than that in narrowing its limits it should cast out into un- certainty many of those still in heart adhering to their ancient faith. 10. As to the third question, that which regards the internal policy of the Church, it presents itself to Italians under a special form, unlike that in which it appears to other Catholic nations. The bishops assembled in Rome might be of different opinions on the various questions proposed to them ; but there is one point on which they would all, Infallibilists or Anti-Infallibilists, be inclined to agree, so far as ecclesiastical discipline allowed, viz., in the preservation and aggrandisement of their own pre- rogative, and consequently in resisting and modifying, if not diminishing, the authority of the Roman Curia. Indeed, not- withstanding the marvellous power of the ecclesiastical insti- tutions of the Church, almost every time that a Council has been convened to consider her organisation and interests, this strife between the bishops and the Curia has been renewed. When, on the other hand, we consider the external dealings December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 37 of the Church in her contact with civil society, we find that the differences between Rome and the episcopate were never very serious, and of late have been less than ever, and for this reason ; that on whichever side the balance of power inclined, the interests of the " Curia " and the episcopate being here identical, no strife would ensue between them, and conse- quently no important change could be effected by the Council. On the contrary, in the internal question, the tendency of the episcopate to enlarge or simply to guard its own rights, and that feeling which may be termed the instinct of self-preserva- tion that has always existed with varying fate and intensity, and from time to time has shown itself in the Church ; this feeling, though often subdued and vanquished, has again appeared involved in the question of Infallibility. There is, however, a barrier to this tendency, and that is represented by the Pope and the cardinals, who for many centuries have stood firm as personifying the best organised in- stitution in the world ; and, wonderful to relate, owing to their own strength and power, they were followed in the recent struggle by many of the bishops. The only portion of the episcopate to which this observation does not altogether apply, and which has not the same interests as others in this question, is the Italian ; and, as we have already observed, the Italian prelates showed little inclination to join the Opposition. 11. The Papacy is an institution by nature profoundly and entirely Italian, and in a certain way the most ardent defenders of the Papacy render back with one hand to Italy, regarded as an abstraction, what they take away with the other. If Italy had not always had the art of ruining her own productions, and if her sons of all ranks had not been influenced by the spirit of intestine divisions, what profit might she not have drawn from such a combination ! Every day this fact becomes clearer to the Papacy and to Italy ; and perhaps in the future, when of less importance, it will be plainer still. Would that both one and the other could comprehend. — what, indeed, seems easy to understand — that all power which is inevitable should be so directed as to effect the greatest good, or, at any rate, the least evil ! But we must leave these almost retrospective reflec- tions, and turn to those facts which may enlighten us on the 38 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. special affinity of the internal policy of the Church with the Italian nation. 12. As long as the Papacy existed by its inherent strength, derived from the principle of its traditions, the practical ap- plication of its authority, and the place which it held in the political organisation of Europe, it never permitted its decrees to be subjected to discussion ; but since it has resorted to the means of help furnished by modern society, that is, to parties, and has received from them the aid of men and money, the force of circum- stances has given to those very auxiliaries a new and powerful influence on the Papacy. They, for the most part, were strangers to Italy and to the Curia, properly so called, and up to the meeting of the Council they had supported the cause of the Pope unani- mously, and had fought valiantly for him in his recent reverses ; but having reached the cross roads opened before them by the Council, they branched off in two divisions, though Dupanloup and De Merode, the leaders of the Opposition, continued as ardent champions of the temporal power of the Pope, as Manning and Deschamps, who were the principal upholders of his spiritual supremacy. These particulars must be borne in mind, because it is by no means certain that all parties, even the most devoted to Rome, would invariably consider it their duty to strive* for the greater glory of the Italian prelates ; and that, in the course of events, they would never desire to take part themselves in the supreme direction of the Church. This is a point that has nothing in common with the doctrine of Infallibility, indeed, events have proved the contrary ; the in- terests, both of the supporters and the antagonists of Infallibility, being here very much the same. Still, this question of the rela- tions of the foreign episcopate to the Roman Curia is in many ways owing to the complex nature of human interests mixed up with that of Infallibility, this latter being the ground and the pretext on which the tendencies above alluded to, enter into Jhe contest with the Roman Curia ; which has always main~ tained a firm and inexorable policy, and notwithstanding all the dangers to which it has been exposed by the course of recent events, and the appeal made to all Catholic nations, has never admitted the slightest change among its members, or the least modification in its institutions. December.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 39 But how long could such a state of things last? Whatever solutions the other great questions at issue have already found, or are to find, in the Council, will the conditions of the Roman Curia remain as they have been till now, when the course of this religious movement is accomplished ? 13. This contingency is not an unimportant one for Italy, or for the rest of the Catholic world. If we could imagine a fundamental change in the economy of the Church, affecting s not her temporal power only, but the manner in which she so actively interferes directly and indirectly, in all the most im- portant social and political questions, in such a case, Italy would be as disinterested as other nations. But as that is not probable, it follows that the Papacy, remaining as firmly rooted as ever in the Church, but ceasing to be Italian, and losing thereby that birthright of indigenous tradition which is natural to it and guides it, would change its character as an active agency in the world, and become a problem for all, and Italy could not remain indifferent to such a vicissitude. But to resume — omitting the consideration of what is conve- nient for the Church — a question which it is not our object to discuss, Italy would neither derive any advantage herself, nor benefit the world in general, by surrendering the Papacy, with or without modification, into the hands of foreigners. On her own account such a course would be prejudicial, because the national preferences that foreigners bring with them would make an intrenched position in the very heart of Italy, of which all countries by turn would try to hold the keys ; and with regard to the world at large, the change would be detrimental, because if once the Papacy ceased to be Italian, it would lose the traditions that animate it, that are identified with it as its second nature, and would enter upon a new and untried course, of which no one as yet could predict the end. Perhaps, on more than one occasion, Italy has already committed the mistake of endeavouring (more than was either necessary or advisable) to thrust the Papacy into the hands of foreigners ; and that these mistakes have not as yet produced the evil that was to be ex- pected, is due to the cohesion and tenacity of the Roman Curia. 14. However, such secondary considerations must not dis- tract us from those of a more important character ; which prove 40 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [December. how desirable it is, that on every subject and under every aspect, the decisions and the policy of the Church should be as broad, as reasonable, and as conciliatory as possible ; and that her aim should be to connect the religion of the great majority of the Latin race with the increase of their civilisation and the spread of their greatness, rather than to make it a religion fit only for bigots. We should learn to be very cautious in the means we adopt for promoting the good, both of the Church and of Italy ; we must avoid the vulgar oratory of declamation, and the enuncia- tion- of grandiloquent and foregone conclusions ; and also espe- cially resist that cynical indifference, which counsels an equally cynical resignation to events which it was unable to anticipate. In order to reconcile conflicting interests, Italy should strive to maintain the initiative of all that is useful in secular concerns, to place herself at the head of the religious movement of our day ; and to carry out the needful reforms in the discipline of the Church ; functions for which her peculiar position renders her well fitted, though in truth she seems too little disposed to take the task upon herself. 15. At the opening of the Vatican Council it would have been presumptuous to prognosticate its success ; for, putting aside unforeseen contingencies, no one could predict the course of an assembly of about 1000 persons. It was only known that the great majority, speaking in parliamentary language, were Conservative ; so that the promoters of absolutism had more followers in the Council than those who were in favour of a comparatively Liberal policy, and exercised a predominant authority. The Liberal Catholics had to contend with the smallness of their own numbers, and the general constitution of the Council, which was so arranged as to prove a great bar to the initiative of the Opposition. According to various esti- mates, the strength of the Opposition, embracing different grada- tions of opinion, was about 150 or 200 ; and, reckoning on the influence which might be exercised on the wavering, it seemed probable that they might suffice to neutralise the efforts of the partisans of Infallibility, though not to take the initiative them- selves, or still less to imprint a character of liberal reform on the Council. EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 41 Certainly the state of affairs was unpromising for the Opposi- tion, though some hope was derived from the general acknow- ledgment of the needs of modern civilisation, and from the longing for reconciliation which extended on all sides and to Kl classes. Would this longing suffice to prevent the execution of those ogrammes of absolutism now circulating in the higher spheres of the Vatican ? Optimists answered this question hopefully : but as for the prospect of obtaining any real change in matters of discipline long rooted in the Church, all were fully aware that neither the desire, nor the conditions necessary for such a result existed. 16. At any rate, if it was then impossible to form a correct judgment as to the future, it was at all events very useful to follow the course of events so important, and, for Italy espe- cially, fraught with such momentous results ; and that is what we propose to do in writing the present work. 42 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. JANUARY. I.— THE SECOND SESSION. 1. Aspect of the Church of St. Peter's on a feast day. — 2. The same. — 3. Second Session. — 4. Aspect of the Council Hall. — 5. Defects of the same. — 6. Pro- fession of faith. — 7. Description of the ceremony. — 8. Reasons for its taking place. 1. EVERY one who has been at Rome knows the peculiar physiognomy of the Church of St. Peter on a day of festival : a mixture of the sacred and the profane ; of the majestic and the vulgar ; of the sublime and the grotesque — such as Shakespeare, perhaps, first dared to depict with congenial energy — is the cha- racteristic of the scene, a mixture which, running through all the varieties of style from Michael Angelo to Pinelli, presents a complete image of Catholic society, from the splendour of a Pope to the squalor of a boor — from the faith of St. Peter to the faith of the Magdalene. 2. The motley crowd moves under those immense arcades with the easy freedom of men who feel themselves at home, and to whom by long usage the most solemn and mysterious acts of worship have become familiar. Cardinals, peasants, princes, beggars, favourites of fame, followers of fashion, in garments of every shape and colour, sweep past one another with an incessant movement that reminds one of the description given by Dante (Inf. xviii.) — " Come i Eoman per l'esercito molto L' anno del Giubileo, su per lo ponte Hanno a passar la gente modo tolto," and of a public thoroughfare. From time to time a single group, preceded by an official from the palace, forces its way with January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 43 difficulty through the surging crowd — probably a king, or one of the great of the earth — while every now and then you may find a wayworn traveller with flowing hair, prostrate in devotion in some corner of the church — a pilgrim who has come from the depths of Galicia to kneel at the shrine of the Apostles. 3. Such was the aspect presented by the Church of St. Peter on the 6th of January in this year, when the second Session of the Vatican Council was held. There was nothing, however, on this occasion to indicate that any special event occupied the public mind ; the general concourse was smaller, but, owing to the arrival of more bishops, the Council Hall was better filled than at the first Session, and presented a striking appearance. 4. Unfortunately, the grandeur of the effect was somewhat marred by the necessity of placing the seats very close together, owing to the number of Fathers present ; and as each seat was marked with a figure of large dimensions, it will easily be un- derstood that the appearance presented by the hall when filled (though in one sense imposing) was rather that of a closely packed and numbered multitude, than, as it should have been, a venerable assembly of distinguished persons. 5. It had been decided to change the hall for the Congre- gations, on account of the serious acoustic defect we have already mentioned, for it was related that in one of the first meetings, when the bishops were interrogated on some propo- sition, that they answered " Nihil intelleximus," instead of " Placet ;" but this plan was soon abandoned, and an attempt was made to remedy the defect, by stretching awnings across so as to reduce the size of the area about one-third, and to crowd the bishops more closely together round the throne. These awnings, being only used for the Congregations, were removed during the public Sessions, and the same hall served for both assemblies, but at the cost of much inconvenience and without a satisfactory result, as it was still very difficult if not impos- sible to hear, a serious embarrassment in the long discussions carried on in an unfamiliar language with every variety of pronunciation. 6. The procedure of the Council of Trent was followed and imitated on this occasion, though with a different intention. The third Session of that Council was occupied in drawing up 44 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. the confession of faith which is contained in the Creed of the Roman Church, as, owing to the tardy arrival of the bishops, no important business could be transacted. At the Vatican Council the confession of faith served to occupy the second Session ; because on account of the shortness of the time, and of the unexpected resistance evoked by the first matters proposed, no other work was ready, and no decree prepared for promulgation. It was a common practice in all Councils, especially the more ancient ones, on account of the great divisions within the Church which drew people away in all directions, that the assembly, in order to give proof of fellowship, should com- mence its deliberations by reciting a creed or common pro- fession of faith ; in our days, when such divisions are either much lessened or no longer exist, showing themselves, when they do occur, without, not within the Church, such a profession of faith, like many other old traditions, becomes a mere ceremony. With this view, the enlarged and precise formula of Pius IV. was selected, because it contains the additions made at the end of the Council of Trent on account of the Reformation, and because it is the one used in all public acts, and obligatory at the University for those who wish to obtain their degrees at the end of the scholastic course. 7. On the 6th of January, after the Fathers had taken their places in the hall, and the Pope, surrounded by his court, was seated on his throne, the solemn mass, used on such occa- sions, was celebrated, after which the Secretary of the Council placed the book of the Gospels upon the altar. The prayers followed, and the Pope, crossing himself six times, blessed the assembly. The reading of the Gospel and the invocation of the Holy Spirit took place, and then the ritual being com- pleted, the two " avvocati promotori " of the Council approached the Pope's throne, praying him to allow the profession of faith to be made by the Fathers. This being complied with, the Pope first recited the formula himself, and after him the Bishop of Fabriano, ascending the ambo, read it aloud ; then all the Fathers, one by one, according to their rank, approached the throne, and kneeling with the right hand on the Gospels repeated in turn, " spondeo, voveo et juro January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 45 juxtaformulam prela?ctam." Each one repeated this phrase in the language of his own ritual, so that it was heard in six or seven different tongues, and the ceremony lasted over two hours. When it was completed, the two " promoters " of the Council requested the apostolic protonotaries to draw up the record of the proceedings, and with a hymn of thanksgiving the second Session was closed, having, like the first, consisted merely in ceremonies. 8. The reason for having recourse to this expedient to occupy the second Session, which had been fixed beforehand, but for which nothing was ready, was certainly the shortness of the time ; but also in making the arrangements, no doubt had been entertained as to the celerity with which they could be carried through. The first propositions contained only matters of dogma which did not admit of doubt ; so it is no wonder that having reckoned six months as long enough to spend on the questions most open to dispute, it was supposed that one month would amply suffice for the consideration of the others, and that the decrees relat- ing thereto might be published in the first Session after the public opening. Matters, however, went contrary to the expectation : the first subjects provoked unlooked-for discussion ; and as the public Session was announced for that day, no other way was found of occupying the time save in having recourse to the profession of faith. But the better to understand this, before proceeding further we will call to mind the rules that guided the progress of the assembly. v 46 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. II.— THE AKEANGEMENT OF THE WORK.— FIRST SCHEME. 1. Classification of subjects. — 2. Ecclesiastical policy is omitted from the Com- missions. — 3. Distribution of the schemes. — 4. Duty of the Commissions. — 5. Nomination of the same. — 6. Method observed in the debates. — 7. The assembly sanctions the scheme.— 8. Difference between an Ecclesiastical Council and an assembly of laymen. — 9. On Papal approbation. — 10. On the proposals of the bishops. — 11. Composition of the Council. — 12. Addresses against its Order. — 13. The Opposition declares itself. — 14. The scheme " De Fide.'' — 15. Observations on the same. — 16. Debate on the same. — 17. On the Opposition. — 18. Its composition. — 19. The Italians. — 20. Admonitions of the presidents. — 21. Other provisions. — 22. The scheme " De Fide " sent back. 1. The matters to be treated of in the Council were classified in five sections — Faith, Discipline, Religious Orders, Eastern Affairs, and Ecclesiastical Policy (omitting the section on Cere- monial as less important), and were prepared in the Commis- sions corresponding to these titles, which were named by the Pope at the convocation of the Council. Consequently, up to the present time these subjects were nothing but propositions set forth by the Pope in order to obtain the opinions of the bishops, whereby the primary object of the Council was very much restricted ; and instead of being a general discussion on the wants and condition of the Church, it was limited to an inquiry from the bishops of what the Pope desired to know. 2. The section for Ecclesiastical Policy, which naturally in- cluded the relations between Church and State, was subsequently set aside ; owing, probably, to diplomatic considerations and their results. There remained then the four first, and among these the subjects of the fifth section were divided, the section on Discipline receiving the chief accession. Accordingly, when the Council selected by vote the five Commissions to take the place of those previously nominated by the Pope, that on Policy no longer appeared, any more than that on Ceremonial. The Commissions chosen by the Pope for the preparatory work, no longer existed officially at the opening of the Council ; having completed their duty of compiling all the subjects to be discussed in a series of schemes (schemata), each of which com- prised one set of subjects. January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 47 3. These schemes were only communicated separately by the Secretaries to the Council, as the time of their discussion arriveJ ; and thus it was impossible for the bishops to know a priori their number and contents. Neither could they learn whether they would all be preserved, and in their original form ; or if, according to the progress of the deliberations, some might not be laid aside or modified otherwise than was indicated by the Bull — "Multiplices inter" — which declared that they should be maintained in their integrity. Such a method of proceeding left the bishops in complete ignorance of what would be the next subject, and prevented their forming a just opinion of all on which they had ultimately to judge. It also followed that the order in which the different subjects were presented to the Fathers greatly influenced their reception by the assembly, as sometimes the mere collecting and placing together an assemblage of laws may suffice to prove their value and desirability. This was, in fact, one of the chief complaints of the Opposi- tion, of that portion especially, which, belonging to free countries like America, was accustomed to subject all matters to the fullest investigation. They could not understand such mys- terious proceedings, and, generally speaking, the entire Opposition viewed this part of the arrangement as derogatory to their dignity, and injurious to the success of the Council. 4. As the Pope at the beginning had named the first Commis- sion to prepare his propositions, so now the Council chose an equal number to undertake the amendments. Not five, but four only were named, corresponding to the classification explained at the beginning of this chapter ; indeed, only three were chosen at first, that on Eastern Affairs remaining suspended, till finally nominated in the Congregation of January 19th, The gravity and the delicate nature of this subject, together with the international questions it involves, and the difficulties experienced by the Oriental bishops — the only competent judges in such matters — all, perhaps, contributed to this suspension ; and ought to have had great weight in the progressive treat- ment of the Eastern question. In fact, the only business of these Commissions was to receive at second-hand the schemes which, having met with partial or entire disapproval in the 48 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. Council, they then amended according to the views of the assembly ; so that the same schemes which had failed on being presented as the Pope's initiative, might return again to the Council as the proposals of its own Commissions, and modified according to what was believed to be its own opinion. 5. This part of the arrangements might have been sensible enough, but that which diminished its good effect on the Oppo- sition was the choice of the individuals elected on these Com- missions, which provoked much comment. It was said that tickets bearing the names of candidates were photographed in large numbers and distributed to the bishops, many of whom on their arrival, knowing nothing of the persons in question, were likely to accept them at once ; and it was added, that these tickets were actually found in the urn, when the polling papers were scrutinised, having been placed there by some of the Fathers who wished to avoid the trouble of copying them. It was also said, in proof of the moral violence exercised, that some of the Fathers, feeling that it was impossible to contend against this sort of electoral in- fluence, placed blank polling papers in the urn from a feeling of disdain. However that may be, it is undoubted that the names drawn, the first especially, proved to be exactly such as the Civilta Cattolica would have chosen. Without overlooking the part that the contending forces in Council might take in the matter, it is certain that the opinions prevailing among the majority of the Fathers, especially at the beginning, contributed greatly to bring about the election of those Commissioners. 6. By the Bull, " Multiplices inter," was established the order to be followed in the discussion of matters already arranged and settled. The proposed scheme is communicated to all the Fathers, who may then study it with the assistance of one or more theologians, chosen by themselves, and bound to secrecy. Those who intend to speak, either for or against the matter, inscribe their names by turns in a register ; and in one or more Congregations the speakers are heard on every question, after which comes the real debate, the discussion properly so called. If the scheme is either universally accepted, or meets with few objections, it is put to the vote, agreed on, and promulgated in the January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 49 next public Session ; but if it meets with serious resistance, it is sent back to the Commission to which it belongs, to be modi- fied, and then again brought before the assembly. A few copies of the speeches and discussions, as reported by the shorthand-writers, are printed at the private office of the Council for the use of the presidents only, all other persons having to depend on their memory for the impressions received in the Congregations. 7. The schemes approved and compiled in the form of decrees are then put definitively to the vote in the public Sessions ; this is done orally by the scrutineers, who interrogate the Fathers one by one, and having received their answers — " Placet" or " Non placet " — inscribe the answers and the names in a book, and thus ascertain the majority, and the issue of the vote. 8. According to the ideas of laymen on the constitution of an assembly, the matter is here decided, as the opinion of the majority being ascertained, the point is settled. But in this assembly the vote of the majority, however deliberate, does not constitute the decision, unless approved by the Pope, to whom it is then submitted, and who may either give or withhold his sanction. Only when the vote of the assembly is approved by the Pope does it become law, although the decree speaks of the number or unanimity of the consenting bishops, which shows that the Council is a deliberative, and not simply a consultative one. This rule has generally prevailed in great assemblies of the Church, and on this occasion full advantage was taken of it by Rome ; indeed, the canons of the Vatican Council begin with the formula, " Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, sacro approbante Concilio, ad perpetuam rei memoriam," a title which gave rise to no small complaint on the part of the Opposition. According to the very extended application thus made of the principle, not only does the vote of the majority require the Pope's sanction in order to become a binding decree, but the " Curialisti " maintain that the vote of the minority, with the Papal approbation may be of equal value ; although even they allow that prudence would never permit the use of such a power. 9. Without, however, further entangling ourselves in these questions, one thing is certain, namely, that according to canon- E 50 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. ical theory and the practice of Catholic institutions, the appro- bation of the Pope alone gives the authority of a canon to the decision of a general Council. This distinguishes the nature of a Conciliar assembly from that of a civil or political one, as whatever weight may be attached to the vote of a Council, it is still really of a consultative character, since the power of the Pope, instead of being subject to it, actually outweighs it. In forming a judgment on these points, this fact must be borne in mind, because it follows, that if in ecclesiastical assemblies the majority lose the authority they possess in meetings of the laity, the minority, on the other hand, obtain it ; for as the reason of a decision may, in the Pope's mind, proceed from expediency and not from numbers, it follows that some minorities may, for special reasons, carry more weight with them than is warranted by their numerical composition. These grounds afforded a reasonable hope of success to the Opposition in the present Council, because, though few in number, they represented popu- lations, societies, and interests of far more importance than did most of the Infallibilists. 10. It will now be apparent, from the explanations we have given, how many difficulties the Opposition had to contend with. All propositions proceeded from Commissions nominated by the Pope, and when they did not meet with a favourable re- ception, returned to other Commissions composed almost entirely of the same elements as the first. By the Bull, the bishops possessed the right of initiating questions, but these could not come before the assembly until they had received the sanction of a special Congregation nominated by the Pope (and con- taining twelve cardinals), and finally of the Pontiff himself. After all this preparation, they passed into the category of Papal propositions ; but as according to the provisions of the schemes they were only communicated separately to the bishops, it became a very difficult matter for the latter to bring forward any subject themselves. Being left in ignorance of the questions to follow, how could they make propositions that might not be in accord- ance with the course of deliberations? Who can tell what is wanting without knowing what already exists ? How is it pos- sible to prejudge a question which may be reserved for future deliberation ? According to this plan, the bishops would only January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 51 know at the end of the proceedings many things on which they might wish to deliberate ; and then, how could they take up again matters already discussed, and connect questions that had been considered separately, or would now be most difficult to modify by reason of their previous treatment. The Commission nominated by the Pope to examine the proposals of the bishops met for the first time on Sunday, the 23rd of January ; but the Opposition asked, with reason, what proposals would be accepted for discussion in the Council in the state of affairs just described ? 11. The same cardinals who presided over the first Commis- sions, which prepared the schemes, presided also over the second, whose duty it was to modify them when they proved unaccep- table ; and three of these cardinals were, at the same time, legates or presidents over the five, who directed the whole procedure of the Council. If to this it be added that (in the present condition of the Church) a great proportion of the bishops present at the Council were simply nominees of the Pope, and not the representatives of the opinions of their dioceses, if we consider the numbers of the bishops in partibus who are all subject to the Curia, of the Vicars- Apostolic, who are dependants of the Propaganda Fide, of the Generals of Orders, who form a sort of Papal army ; and remember, more- over, that the half of these, including men who, from their dignity and position, might be expected to be independent (as, for example, the French cardinals) were guests of the Pope, it will easily be understood how much suspicion was awakened among the Opposition, and how everything concerning the Order of the Council was received by them with greater mistrust than the propositions in themselves seemed to warrant. To all this was added another consideration, of no small consequence, which contributed to keep up the feeling of irritation and suspicion. The work of the Council of Trent was settled in its second Session in a sort of Order by which the whole procedure was fixed ; but this Order, like a simple decree, was submitted in the accustomed manner to the " Placet " of the Fathers, discussed and approved by the whole assembly. The corresponding act to this in the Vatican Council was a Papal Bull, by which the whole Order of the Council was E 2 52 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Januaky. settled a priori without discussion, and by the sole authority of the Pope, the assembly having no voice whatever in the matter. 12. In consequence of this, the Opposition began to con- centrate their efforts on certain principal points; and in order to guard against the dangers threatened by the superior numbers of the majority, they insisted especially on the necessity of una- nimity for any declaration of dogma, and upheld the importance of this maxim to the end. Some of the wisest bishops were of opinion that the modification of the Order should at once be insisted on, as without it, all resistance would be impossible, and could be put down almost as soon as it appeared. With this view two addresses were made to the Pope : the one signed by twenty- eight bishops, praying for the reform of the whole Order ; the other, asking for its partial modification, being signed by a great part of their number. A small number of the French also pre- sented a petition in the same sense, but these addresses produced no effect, and did not even receive an answer. Perhaps, if the Opposition had insisted further, and had shown themselves firmly united from the beginning, they might have been spared great trouble in the end. 13. The discontent occasioned by the difficulty of hearing in the hall, by the names of the Commissioners, and, above all, by the regulations of the Council having been disregarded, it increased and strengthened the Opposition, by attracting to it some of the uncertain and irresolute, and as soon as it could be legally manifested, it became very formidable. 14. The scheme " De Fide " was the first published, and it was discussed in the last Congregations in December. It con- tained a sort of dogmatic decree against every modern error, and, indeed, every ancient error as well. It condemned Materialism, Pantheism, and all kinds of philosophical systems under a series of heads, which, beginning with the creation of the world, and continuing to the present day, set forth and affirmed the whole body of Catholic doctrines. The compilation of this scheme was attributed to the Jesuits, and especially to Father Franzelin, Professor of Theology in the Roman College. 15. Now it is clear that in a Catholic assembly no doubt could arise on these matters, and therefore such declarations Jakuaky.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 53 can only concern those who are beyond the pale of the Catholic Church and of Christianity, but here a dispute arose. A Catholic assembly, said some, is called together to legislate for those who recognise it and, in some measure, depend upon it, but those who are out of the Church are already condemned by their own act ; with regard to these de- nunciations the Council might just as well condemn Buddhism or Islamism. Then, as to philosophical systems and opinions, they added — the Catholic Church may, if it pleases, oppose its own philo- sophy to that of the Rationalists, or confront Rosmini with the German philosophers ; that would be to fight on the same ground ; but to condemn is not to discuss. We can condemn those who hear us or are subject to us, but we either argue with, or are silent, regarding those with whom we have nothing in common, and who cannot hear us. Every unauthorized con- demnation is useless, and injures, rather than enhances, the dignity of him who pronounces it. Such were the principal arguments of those who opposed the first scheme. Besides, they took exception to other things, and especially to the title that headed the scheme, which began with " Pius Episcopus " instead of " Sacrosancta Synodus," as was usual in the principal Councils, especially that of Trent. Of this title we shall speak hereafter, when we come to discuss the scheme " De Fide ;" but as soon as it appeared it gave rise to vehement objections on the part of the Opposition, as it implied a solution of the whole question which divided the Council before it had been discussed. Moreover, the manner in which the scheme was compiled was obnoxious to the assembly, being mean, invidious, trifling, and likely to render its contents anything but acceptable to the ears and the intellects of the nineteenth century. Only conceive the impression produced by the mournful lucubra- tions of the Fathers of the Civilta Cattolica, and of a few theo- logians, little versed in the ways of the world, on all those bishops who, being either themselves highly cultivated, or understanding, even if not sharing, the great movement of modern society, are aware of its importance, and can estimate the great value of the questions it involves. The effect of all this was, that on account of the vehemence of the Opposition, 51 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. the scheme, instead of being promulgated in the second Session, as had been intended, was sent back in its entirety to the ' ' Congregation on Faith," to which it belonged, in order to be revised. 16. This discussion occupied six Congregations, that of De- cember 28th being the first and the most important, because in it the Archbishop of Vienna, and the Archbishops of San Louis and of Nisibi, spoke extremely well. The Archbishops of Sorrento, Smyrna, and Malta, all unanimously opposed the scheme for the reasons before specified, and the Archbishop of Halifax also spoke against it with great effect. On the 30th the discussion was continued by Strossmayer, Genouhilhac, Caixal y Astrade, and a Roumanian Greek bishop. The same subject was under deliberation on January 3rd ; but from that date the publication of the names of the orators in the Official Gazette, which had hitherto taken place, was prohibited, most probably on account of the interest they had excited in the public mind since the preceding Congregations. On the 4th, 8th, and 10th of January the scheme was discussed without interruption, and then, the debate being closed, it was sent back for revision. 17. This fact rendered it evident that the Opposition, in which people had hitherto been slow to believe, had really acquired importance, and showed that matters would not progress as easily as was pretended by the Civilta Cattolica. Indeed, though it was impossible yet to judge of the final result, it was clear that the vague and uncertain divergences of opinions which had but hitherto prevailed were now concen- trated in a real opposition, not as yet very unanimous and well organised, but far more serious than was expected. Above all, that which gave it weight and constituted its importance was the elements of which it was composed, as we shall now proceed to point out. 18. The German bishops, being almost unanimous, were fore- most in the Opposition, their leaders being such men as the Archbishop of Vienna, Cardinal Schwarzemberg, and Mon- signor Hefele, Bishop of Rottenburg, a prelate profoundly versed in ecclesiastical learning. The German episcopate standing very high both in intellectual culture and in social condition, January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 55 and being firmly united, had drawn together into a common line of action even those members of their body the least dis- posed towards it, such as the Archbishops of Mayence and of Cologne, the former a most remarkable man, and others. The German bishops gave proof, moreover, of the greatest aptitude and vigour in discussion. The Archbishop of Vienna in one of the recent debates showed such vivacity, and caused the president so much embarrassment, that to him was attributed by the public, the substitution of De Angelis for De Luca in the direction of the debates ; the change being effected after that stormy meeting, though it may have been only in consequence of ecclesiastical regulations. The eldest of the five presidents usually conducted the pro- ceedings ; and on account of the death of Cardinal Reisach, which had recently occurred, that office fell to Cardinal de Luca ; but he in turn had to cede the place to Cardinal de Angelis, on his nomination to the post of president as being the senior. Schwarzemberg was highly distinguished on account of his birth, his courteous manners, and the decision of his language, and almost all the other bishops were for some reason or other highly esteemed and remarkable men. The Bishops of Hungary and Croatia, led by the Primate of Hungary (Strossmayer), the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio, and the Archbishop of Colocza, formed one group with the Germans ; Monsignor Strossmayer being universally considered the most splendid orator, the best Latin scholar, and the person of highest authority. The Archbishop of Colocza, Monsignor Haynald, was much esteemed for his learning, and considered liberal in his opinions, and the final decision regarding the unlucky scheme was attributed to a speech of his. The rest of the Opposition was made up as follows : — About one-third of the French bishops, who fol- lowed with various gradations the steps of the Archbishop of Paris ; the Bishop of Orleans and Maret, author of the book, ' On the General Council and Religious Peace ;' almost the whole of the American episcopate, about twenty Italian bishops, and other small parties. These taken together formed a body which, on account of the learning of its members, the illustrious names it contained, and the nations it represented, made up in impor- tance the weight it lacked in numbers. 56 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. 19. Monsignor Tizzani, Bishop of Nisibi in partibus, made some stir among the Italians by the speech already mentioned ; and although blind and aged, he was able to exercise consider- able influence in the assembly by his eloquence, and the strength of his arguments. The Bishops of Casale, Biella, and Salerno, showed themselves able orators in the succeeding discussions, but with slight success ; because, as we have already explained, the Italians who joined the Opposition were few and timid, though at the same time they made but little stir in the opposite camp. It was very difficult to judge correctly of the disposition of the Italian bishops ; as a rule, they inclined towards Rome, but they were by no means inclined to surrender themselves blindly into the hands of the so-called Catholic party, and on many occasions a spirit of moderation seemed gradually gaining ground among them. 20. A more rigorous observance of the Order of the Council was the consequence of the vote of mistrust which sent back the first scheme for revision, and of the clearer perception of the situation which prevailed after the public Session of January 6th. In one of the first Congregations that followed, the presidents warned the Fathers against the length of speeches, and the useless repetition of things already discussed by others ; and admonished them solemnly on the necessity of secrecy, adding to the simple injunction given in the Order the further threat that those who transgressed it would be considered rei gravis culpce, that is to say, guilty of mortal sin. The effect caused by this last admonition varied according to the different shades of opinion prevailing among the Fathers. Those who considered the Council a sovereign assembly depending only on itself, asked how such an obligation could possibly be made binding upon them; and declared that although this secrecy was a just and mutual obligation for convenience sake, it could never so fetter the conscience as to render those who infringed it guilty. Nevertheless, we must allow that notwithstanding these opinions, secrecy as to the Council was, especially at first, very well preserved, considering that more than a thousand persons were present, and the little that did transpire was gathered from the few words indiscreetly dropped by many, rather than by the revelations of one. January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 57 21. The bishops were forbidden to print their speeches, even for the use of their colleagues ; just as the ' Diario di Roma ' was not allowed to publish the names of the orators, as had been done for the first Congregations. It really seemed that those who guided the Council were trying to justify the apprehensions to which the first appearance of the Order had given rise, and to foment the prevailing discontent by pushing it to its extreme limits at the expense of the Opposition, against whom every sort of moral violence was adopted ; all of which, as might naturally be expected, ended by bringing about .results very different from those intended. 22. Meantime, the scheme, having been returned to the Com- mission on Faith, was studied anew ; and if we are correct in believing that this work was entrusted to its original compilers, and among them to Father Franzelin, its opponents could hardly expect any such modification as was likely to content them. in.— FIRST STEP TOWARDS INFALLIBILITY.— OTHER SCHEMES. 1. Petition for Infallibility. — 2. The predominant question. — 3. The promoters of the address. — 4. Its contents. — 5. Its arguments. — 6. Manner of its publi- cation. — 7. Number of signatures. — 8. Undignified supposition. — 9. Promoters of the address. — 10. Addresses against Infallibility. — 11. Singular situation. — 12. Division of parties in the assembly. — 13. Efforts to promote Infalli- bility. — 14. Revelations of the Unita Cattolica. — 15. Distribution of new schemes. — 16. Their form is displeasing. — 17. The scheme " De Episcopis." — 18. Discourse of the Bishop of Cologne. — 19. Speech of the Bishop of Orleans. — 20. General features of the schemes. — 21. The bishops ask for more information on the subjects of debate. — 22. The scheme " De Catechismo." 1. The Infallibilists continued their work outside the doors of the Council. A notice was circulated by the Archbishop of Westminster, and the Fathers of the Civilta Cattolica, along with a letter addressed to the bishops, soliciting the Council to proclaim the personal Infallibility of the Pope in faith and morals. 2. There was abundant excitement on other matters, but this was the important point, the dominant question of the 58 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. Vatican Council ; all else was of minor consequence, and turned on this. Every individual in his own way, and according 1 to his own ideas and interests, felt that here was the to be or not to be of the matter. 3. The letter was signed by eighteen bishops from different countries, but scarcely any of them Italian. The address was headed by the signature of the Archbishop of Westminster ; and it was said also by that of the Archbishop of Baltimore, one of the few American Infallibilists. 4. The address was with much subtlety addressed to the Commission, whose duty it was to receive the proposals of the bishops, and was the first episcopal document of importance presented with the view of obtaining leave for its discussion ; and was all that the Infallibilists had been able to carry out of the programme announced by the Civiltd Cattolica, which said that the Council at its first sitting would proclaim Infallibility by acclamation. 5. The address was based on what it declared to be the universal opinion of the Church, as previously manifested, and insisted on the necessity of the dogma in order to preserve her unity, citing other Councils in which it had to a great extent been recognised. But the most learned of the Opposition affirmed that these examples were neither exact, nor to the point, because such an explicit and personal declaration as the Infallibilists required, had only up to the present time met with the sanction of a Provincial Council (recently held in Holland, if I mistake not) which, from its inconsiderable numbers, could carry no weight whatever. Who can explain the reason why Holland, the classic ground of Protestantism and Positivism, has, as far as its microscopic proportions would allow, filled the Roman State with Zouaves, and the Council with Infallibilists? Perhaps it is owing to the strength and energy which characterise the movements of robust and determined nations. The contents of the address were calculated to impress very deeply all who considered them calmly, and reflected that they were the expres- sions of men in whose hands are deposited the religious interests of multitudes, and who act as the guides of whole nations ; the tone of indifference, or we might almost say of disdain, with which the writers regard the separations and schisms likely to kn i jary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. sue from their address is most striking, being so entirely at variance with their mission. 6. It was remarked that this notice or pamphlet was circu- ed without bearing any sort of licence ; and in Rome, as is well nown, nothing can be printed without an " approbation," and 1 sorts of addresses are absolutely forbidden. Of course this ond restriction could not apply to the Fathers in Council ; but with regard to the first, the omission was evidently intentional, in order to avoid what would have been unbecoming if the Papal authorities had directly sanctioned such a request. 7. The promoters of this address took much pains to obtain signatures, but the precise number of those subscribed was never ascertained. One of them had affirmed that they could count on 500 bishops, but this was perhaps rather the expres- sion of an arithmetical venture than of certain and individual knowledge. On subtracting from the whole number of bishops sitting in the Council those 200 who formed the Opposition, there re- mained certainly about 500, . and the person in question ap- parently assumed that all these would consent to sign the address ; or perhaps he founded his hypothesis on the numbers who had done homage to the Pope, particularly on the festival of the centenary of St. Peter, though between that act of respect, and the declaration of Infallibility, a very wide distance intervened. Later on, when the address had been circulated, the signatures were with greater accuracy calculated at 400, with the prospect of additions, and the best-informed individuals and those above suspicion were satisfied as to the correctness of this total. Any one judging only from the external aspect of opinions in the Council would have considered this number exaggerated, and some tried to reduce it to 200, or even 100 ; but on the whole the most probable calculation was the second one, already stated, as made by the promoters of the address, though there never was entire certainty on the matter. 8. Some tried to point out to the compilers that the address was not only questionable in itself, but actually inopportune, as tending to preclude a discussion that should have taken place when the question of the Prerogatives of the Roman See were under deliberation, and that therefore it should not have been 60 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [January. mooted beforehand ; but they met with the answer that the assent of the presiding Cardinals had been obtained to the step. The only result of so indiscreet a proceeding was to expose the Curia Romana to the imputation of having sought, without any sense what was becoming, to bring about its own apotheosis. 9. The more moderate among the clergy were much dis- satisfied with these proceedings, which, as they truly observed, did more harm than good to the cause they were intended to defend. For the Jesuits, the question of Infallibility was a complex one, involving much that concerned their own exist- ence ; and many reasons, too numerous to analyse, induced them by a sort of fatality to declare retrospectively Infallible both Clement XIV., who annulled their order, and Pius IX., who did much the same, and left them to seek a new formula for interpreting the judgment of any Pope who should take a like step hereafter. The persistence of the Archbishop of Westminster was per- haps the logical result of his own antecedents. Having been a priest and a Protestant at the outset of his career, he knew his own religion from within and not from without, and the Catholic religion from without but not from within. He was well acquainted with the many divisions and sub-divisions of Protes- tantism, and admired the majestic unity of Catholicism. He did not appreciate the good effects of allowing a moderate degree of liberty, and the constant exercise of the conscience and reasoning powers ; neither did he understand the dangers arising from the excessive authority exercised by United Catho- licism. In fact, he was enamoured of the principle of autho- rity as the slave adores the idea of liberty ; and this want of discrimination and of real Catholic perception in his dealings with the Council was a matter of reproach to him even by the most faithful and devout clergy at Rome. As for all the other Infallibilist bishops, we can only again remark that the ardour they manifested in following out their end was a phenomenon beyond the comprehension of the very Council itself. 10. The reason adduced by the Infallibilists for the publica- tion of this address was that the Opposition having first done the like, it was impossible for them to be behindhand ; but the comparison was inexact. The addresses of the Opposition January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 61 which preceded the publication of this one, only concerned the Order of the Council, and in no way prejudged matters that were to be brought forward for discussion, but after the address of the Infallibilists was published, appeared the addresses of the bishops of the Opposition in a contrary sense. They were signed by about forty-five out of fifty-seven of the German and Aus- trian bishops, while others declared that they reserved them- selves to oppose the Infallibilist address whenever the occasion should present itself. The Primate of Hungary was at first among these latter ; but he afterwards signed an address, and between twenty and thirty of the French did the like. Some of the French, especially the cardinals, joined that portion of the Germans who held back from making a protest. A third address which was prepared by the Italians had twenty or twenty-five signatures. Taking all into considera- tion, the number of representatives of different nations who signed addresses against Infallibility amounted to more than 160. The Infallibilists had directed their document to the Council, thus giving it the form of an episcopal proposal, and so the Opposition were obliged to address theirs directly to the Pope. As all proposals after being accepted by the Congre- gation, like the other acts concerning the Council, had to receive the approbation of the Pope, it was absolutely neces- sary that their addresses should be directed personally to him, because where his sanction was withheld, no discussion was possible. 11. Can anything be imagined more singular than the posi- tion of a man who receives in his house a vast concourse of people assembled with the intention of proclaiming his apo- theosis, and at the same time listens to their earnest prayers beseeching him to forego that honour ? 12. After the appearance of these addresses, it was possible to divide the assembly with tolerable accuracy, assuming that the figures of the Infallibilists were correct, and the result was as follows. The Infallibilists numbered about 400, the Opposi- tion reached 160 or 200, and there remained about 100 of the timid and irresolute, who preferred to watch the combat rather than take part in it themselves. If the figures of the Infalli- 62 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. bilists were incorrect, the numbers taken from them would swell the sum of those who had not yet made up their minds, and of these a large proportion were Italians. 13. The Infallibilists, on their part, left no means untried in propagating their doctrines outside the walls of the Council. The Feast of the Epiphany was celebrated early in January, and at that time, owing to some old custom, it was usual to exhibit in the church of St. Andrea della Valle a representation of the Grotto of Bethlehem, with the Holy Family, and the adoration of the Magi, in memory of the extension of Chris- tianity to all nations, which that event prefigured ; this represen- tation lasted for a week, and during that time long discourses were made in the church in different languages. The Infalli- bilists availed themselves of this ceremony to make during those eight days a series of addresses, all bearing directly or indi- rectly on their favourite subject, the style being a concentra- tion of that of the Civilta Cattolica, and sometimes even eclips- ing it. Monsignor di Ginevra, Bishop of Ebrun in partibus, in a speech, asserted so strong a likeness between the Grotto of Bethlehem, the Shrine, and the Vatican — and so close an analogy between the Infant adored in the one and the old man venerated in the other — that the audience, though well dis- posed to judge him favourably, considered his language quite extravagant. Such flights of imagination seemed exaggerated even to the most vehement Infallibilists present ; and one of the clever descendants of the old " Pasquins," remarked, in allusion to the recent death of several cardinals, that fifteen hats were visibly hovering in the air, and that possibly some Father of the Council, being much excited in his mind, might mistake them for tongues of fire, and speak accordingly, as if inspired. Father Gallerani, a Jesuit, was especially violent, making his sermon a vehicle for politics quite after the style and fashion of the Unitd Cattolica. The Bishop of Thule, one of the most ardent Infallibilists, about whom many stories were already circulated, and who was noted for the rudeness with which he had received Maret at his arrival in Rome from France, made a long speech to prove the importance of proclaiming Infalli- bility, in order that the world, worn out with vacillation and January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 63 uncertainty, might find at length a place in which truth re- sided, and a person by whom truth could be proclaimed when- ever it was sought, and thereupon promised universal peace and rest for the conscience. That such a consummation would be very convenient is undeniable, but this kind of argument is akin to those which in political matters, and treating of the sort of peace following on one of the numerous experiments made with that view upon mankind, was expressed in the well- known words, Uordre regne a Varsovie. The orator then pro- ceeded to point out that the present was a suitable time for the proclamation of Infallibility ; and being very bold in this part of his argument, was loudly applauded by part of the audience, which was on that day almost exclusively French, the reason for such an outburst of joy being probably none other than the old habit which causes the public to show transports of delight when some sort of yoke is to be put about its neck. 14. In the meantime, the Unita Cattolica commenced a new campaign. Wishing to profit by the enthusiasm of the last few years, it promised to its readers, and began to publish, the whole repertory of the protestations and addresses put forth by the various bishops under the pressure of recent political events, using for this purpose extracts from letters, chance phrases, and matters of a private nature, comparing them so as to compromise their authors, and thus to bring the pressure of public opinion to bear on the timid and un- certain. 15. In this condition of affairs, the second scheme was published ; the first had occupied six Congregations before it was sent back, and the second seemed destined to meet with a like fate. Three or four schemes instead of one, were distributed at the same time to the Fathers as subjects of the next discus- sion, all concerning matters of discipline. The titles were three, because the fourth pamphlet was merely an appendix to the others, " De Episcopis — De Moribus Clericorum — De Cate- chismo." Each of these was divided into several chapters ; the first, for example, containing the following headings : — " De Synodis — De Vicariis Generalibus — De Sede Episcopali Vacante — De Officio Episcoporum — De Residentia — De Visitatione — 64 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. De Obligatione Visitandi sacra Limina — De Conciliis Provin- cialibus — De Synodis Dicecesanis — De Vicario Generali, Sic." 16. The Congregation of January 12th began to consider these new matters, which occupied it during several sittings ; for this scheme also, though its subjects were such as per- tained to the ordinary ecclesiastical law, met with much resistance. That which generally irritated the Opposition in these projects of decrees — beyond the manner in which the subject was treated — was the shape or form in which they were brought forward, as this always implied that they must be accepted in their entirety as presented, and not otherwise, and this irritation, combined with that caused by the impossibility of in any way shaking off the yoke of the Order of the Council, was shown on every opportunity. 17. The scheme " De Episcopis " touched several questions of vital concern for the episcopate, and tended to circumscribe their rights with reference to vacant benefices, the appoint- ment of vicars, and other matters of great importance. Paoli Sarpi had said of the bishops who attended the Council of Trent, that they entered the Council bishops, to come out simple priests ; so now the bishops attending the Vatican Council, or a part of them at least, were much alarmed at the idea of finding themselves further despoiled of their dignity, and therefore strenuously opposed every measure tending to diminish their authority within their own dioceses. Six persons spoke in the Congregation of January 15th, and as many on the 19th. On the latter occasion, the Archbishop of Paris made a most eloquent discourse, in which he insisted on the necessity of restoring to the bishops the consideration and dignity due to their office, and thus vindicated the position of the Gene- ral Assembly of the Church ; but his views by no means re- sembled those of the proposed scheme. His language was very severe : addressing himself to the partisans of Infallibility, he reproached them with walking in darkness, while he and those who shared his opinions followed the light ; alluding to the mighty power of the age which makes itself felt by all who co- operate in its movement, either by active labour or mental work. Monsignor Darboy had only to stretch out his hand to secure a cardinal's hat, but he preferred the simple satisfaction of doing January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 65 his duty. The torrent, whose impetuous course he so accurately described, has swept him away into its eddying depths, an elect and noble victim. This speech was, perhaps, his last cry to warn the Church of the danger that threatened her, and then his voice was drowned for ever in one of those terrible convulsions by which society is from time to time degraded, and he disap- peared unregretted and unwept, like a stranger from a world that was unworthy of him. 18. The deepest impression was made that day by a stirring speech of the Archbishop of Cologne, who, of all the Germans, was considered one of the most Roman in opinion. The views of Darboy had long been patent to all ; but as the Archbishop of Cologne was not supposed to favour the Opposition, his speech struck very deeply as an indication of the general state of opinion. 19. In the meeting of the 21st, after several Fathers had spoken, the Bishop of Orleans arose ; the greatest attention prevailed, and many prelates left their seats in order to surround him. It was impossible, however, to obtain an accurate report of his words, owing to the difficulty of hearing in the Council Hall, which was very trying to orators not possessed of strong voices. 20. It appears that the bishops of the Opposition found great fault with the authors of the schemes for the narrowness of their ideas, and it was reported that one of them compared the City of Rome to an enchanted island, the inhabitants of which, having been asleep for three centuries, were quite astonished on awakening to find that the habits and customs of the world had considerably altered. This story, if not true, is at all events well calculated to describe the effect produced by these schemes (the first especially) on the most enlightened and intelligent part of the Opposition. On another occasion, an eminent English statesman, when speaking of the political constitution and tradi- tions of Rome, observed that their consideration produced the same sort of effect on the mind as is felt on raising the marble slab that covers an ancient monument. 21. Meantime, the bishops never ceased demanding fuller communications on the subjects to be discussed during the Council. Some amount of concession was determined on, in F 66 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. order to calm these disturbances ; and it was finally announced that the Pope, seeing that present arrangements were not likely to lead to any conclusion, was disposed to order the compilation of a general index to be distributed to the bishops for their information. It was also said that Cardinal de Angelis, the senior president, was about to circulate some project of adjust- ment on the question of Infallibility, which might be acceptable to both parties, and might, at any rate, avail to divide those dissentients who were united by the pressure exercised by the majority ; but the accuracy of all these reports, though ema- nating from trustworthy sources, could of course only be proved by time. Meanwhile, the fifth scheme was promulgated (being the sixth since the beginning of the Council), although two of the four last were not yet completed ; but as no remedy, though so urgently needed, had been found for the very involved state of affairs, it seemed probable that all the subsequent schemes would follow the first, to the office of the Commissions for amendment. 22. Even the scheme " De Catechismo," which from its nature was closely allied with the daily life of the Catholic populations, appeared likely to share the fate of the others. We must re- member that the Catholic catechism has different formulas — though the substance of all is the same — sanctioned by long and constant use in the various churches ; now the question arose of modifying that catechism, and every one is aware how difficult it is to interpolate changes in matters of tradition, which are identified with feelings and habits contracted at an early age. The tendency towards concentration and equalisation in all laws and institutions, which prevails at the present day, is often repugnant to and vehemently resisted by human nature, which rather seeks unity in an allowable variety ; a certain measure of liberty affording the only hope of obtaining an agreement between different races and nations on any one subject. Januauy.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 67 IV.— THE SCHEME "DE ECCLESIA." 1. Distribution of the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. On Infallibility.— 3. Arguments to be brought forward. — 4. Continuation of the Congregations without much result. — 5. The number of bishops diminishes. — 6. Opinions on the duration of the Council. 1. The sixth scheme, which was distributed at the sitting of the 21st January, came into the hands of the Fathers scarcely dry from the press, a fact which suggested the surmise that it was a fresh edition made under the impression caused by the bad success of the first, and consequently revised and reprinted. As it was better written, this opinion was in some measure cor- roborated, but with regard to its spirit, the essential point, that, as we shall see, gave little reason to believe that any such con- siderations had influenced its compilation. Under the heading " De Ecclesia," it really contained all the most serious questions before the Council ; it was a purely dog- matic scheme, treating especially of the Pope's authority, " De Primatu Pontificis," &c, and was said to contain a chapter entitled, " De Potestate Temporale ;" it was, in fact, the battle- ground on which the character and fate of the Council were to be decided, and on that decision depended the solution of all those questions which the volition of men and the force of cir- cumstances had brought before its tribunal. 2. In this scheme the question of Infallibility, the pivot on which all else turned, was again brought under discussion. A question of the gravest import from its own nature, it assumed still larger proportions from the fact that it involved most of the decrees of the Church, especially the more recent ones, as, for instance, the Syllabus ; and great part of the political and religious system developed in these latter years. If the question of Infallibility were settled in the affirmative, not only would the conclusions of the past receive a solemn confirmation, but any future modification through the united action of the epis- copate would be rendered very difficult ; and yet this latter course was surely the most legitimate and constitutional ex- pression of Catholic opinion. Indeed, after careful observa- tion, it appeared that the question, so far as it treated of absolute F 2 68 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. dogma, was already won by the minority, because even the partisans of Infallibility were well aware of the difficulty and danger that exists in forcibly proclaiming a dogma in the face of an intelligent minority amounting to a fourth of the whole assembly. Meantime, the address of which we have spoken had already so far prospered, that if the Council (or the Commission for receiving proposals) had accepted the petition in favour of Infallibility, said to carry 400 signatures, the promoters of that doctrine might well have been satisfied with such a favourable result, in default of the unanimity they desired. A rumour also prevailed, that in order to make a sort of com- promise, the Pope had accepted the address as an act of homage, and not wishing the question to be formally proposed, had en- joined silence on the matter. But as no bishop was likely to bring forward a counter-proposition in favour of fallibility, the result of all these proceedings in days to come would certainly be this : that to posterity, ignorant of the details of the matter, it would appear that the great majority of the Vatican Council was in favour of the personal Infallibility of the Pope. Future generations would imagine that the Pope, from con- siderations easily understood, had declined the expression of that wish, but that the fact remained recorded by the Curia Romana, as what is called proxime Jidei ; and if, at the time of which we write, the Opposition did not believe in the full and decisive success of the dogma of personal Infallibility, they had no defence against its being declared proxime Jidei. 3. The most singular part of the whole proceeding is that, on probing the opinion of Catholics, even of those who in the recent troubles had manifested the greatest zeal for the Papal cause, they showed a great amount of indecision, if not of repugnance, towards a dogmatic declaration of personal Infallibility ; and the like sentiments prevailed even among the clergy up to a certain rank in the hierarchy. But on entering the Council Hall, it was found that between the defenders of the dogma, those who adhered to it, and those who simply submitted to it, there was a large majority in favour of Infallibility. This phenomenon can only be explained by taking into consideration the present constitution of the episcopate, for the conditions that regulate the nomination and election of bishops naturally induce them January.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 69 to turn more readily to the source from which their authority is derived, than to the people among whom they exercise it ; and thus they reflect the ideas that prevail in the Curia, rather than the public opinion of their flocks. Beyond all doubt, there existed in the very centre of Catholicism a certain spirit of oppo- sition, prepared, not only to hold its own against the aggres- sions of the so-called Catholic party, but also to exact the reforms so urgently needed by the age ; and this opposition was not only constantly engaged in the conflict, but was actually, though slowly, gaining ground. It was impossible, on account of the weighty reasons we have already mentioned, to form any conjecture as to the length to which this opposition might be carried ; because it had opposed to it all the strength and vigour inherent in an ancient and well-disciplined institution, which had been gradually moulded by the lapse of centuries, and which possessed not only a com- plete system of education and legislation, the habit of authority with the greatest power and means of enforcing it, but what is of still greater consequence, a familiarity with ecclesiastical policy, and the prerogative of dispensing all the honours and dignities of the hierarchy. 4. Congregations were held on the 24th and 25th of January, which, including the public Sessions, made fifteen meetings in all since the Council was opened two months previously ; and as no conclusion had yet been arrived at, it was evident that the hope of its short duration would be disappointed. Moreover, as events had turned out so differently from what had been expected, the interests of the Catholic party and of the Opposi- tion became in some cases identical ; for if the latter desired that matters should go slowly, in order to avoid being overcome by superior numbers, so, on the other hand, whenever a strong resistance was made, the former were willing to temporise, and sometimes even to prorogue an assembly so little amenable to their wishes, as to threaten destruction to the edifice which for the last twenty years they had been carefully constructing. 5. The words attributed by the Constitutionnel to Ollivier, the new French minister, " that it was impossible to treat with Italy for the removal of the French army of occupation while the Council was sitting," tended considerably to strengthen these 70 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [January. considerations, and to reconcile the Catholic party to the longer duration of the Council. On the 19th the election by vote of the Commission for Affairs of the East took place, and it became apparent, by the polling-papers collected, that the number of bishops present had diminished by seventy. Of these the greater part had left Rome ; four were dead ; and it was reported that others had absented themselves owing to some concealed dis- content, thus rendering very bad service to their own cause. Moreover, some of the French prelates had been obliged to return to their dioceses on account of political disturbances. From these facts it became evident, that as the summer drew on, the number of absentees would increase, and some persons consequently advised the prorogation of the Council ; but if this course were once adopted all would be uncertainty in the future ; for during the prorogation changes might take place. The bishops, who on returning to their respective dioceses, escaped from the authoritative atmosphere of Rome, would be able to consult the feeling of their flocks ; public opinion, once aroused, must necessarily exert some influence over them, and nothing would in that case have remained of all that had been proposed, save the fact that the Council had been opened. The Catholic party were assured of the permanency of the French occupation — no small thing, seeing that politics were, after all, at the bottom of the affair — and Catholicism secured this advantage, that it could emancipate itself from a rapid and summary fulfil- ment of the programme of the Civilta Cattolica, and gain time, which in cases of difficulty is the best remedy and the best counsellor. 6. As these opinions gained ground, they coincided with an increasing desire for the prolongation of the Council. The Opposition desired it openly, the Curia acquiesced ; only the most resolute Infallibilists were against it, although neither did their tactics point to its being of short duration. They maintained a passive demeanour in the Council before the Opposition ; few, if any of them spoke ; and they did not conceal their hope that, when the spirit of opposition had ex- hausted itself on these first matters of common interest, the furia francese would calm down, and they would triumph more quickly and easily than was at first supposed. But they forgot Jaxuauy.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 71 that they had also to deal with the unimpassioned German nature, and with the tenacity of the Italians, who possess tra- ditionally a more intimate acquaintance with the battle-field than any other nation. At the same time the Italians, in order to profit by their advantages, should have clearly recognised the influence they might exercise with regard to the Papacy and the other questions agitating Catholicism and their own great responsibility, of which they must render an account to history. 72 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. FEBRUARY. I.— THE FIRST RESULTS OF THE SCHEME "DE ECCLESIA." 1. Summary of the proceedings of the three previous months. — 2. On the canons contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia." — 3. Summary of their contents. — 4. Fate of the addresses of the Opposition. — 5. Letters of the Bishop of Orleans. — G. Tactics of the Opposition. — 7. Explanation of the tardiness in the delibe- rations of the Council. — 8. Attempt to ohviatethis defect. — 9. Italian addresses. — 10. Project for shortening the speeches. — 11. Project of reconciliation. — 12. Failure of the same. — 13. Other plans for bringing about an agreement. — 14. New diplomatic intervention. — 15. The amended schemes. — 16. Affairs of the East. — 17. Debate on the scheme " De Catechismo." 1. The Ecumenical Council had now been sitting three months without arriving at any result. One of the Fathers, on being asked how soon it would finish, answered bj inquiring when it would begin ; and in this story we have a true picture of the state of affairs which prevailed last month, which still existed, and which to all appearance would continue in future. The scheme " De Episcopis " had, like that " De Fide," been sent to the Commission on amendments, and had been closely followed by those " De Moribus Clericorum " and " De Catechismo." Up to this time the subjects under consideration were such as did not touch any serious question, at least directly, or any on which the opinions of the Council were substantially divided. But decided resistance was expected when the scheme "De Ecclesia " came under discussion ; it had been distributed in the Congregation of January 21st, and was full of the most difficult questions, such as vehemently stir up the members of the Church, and are of more or less importance to society, ac- cording as Catholic feeling is exercised thereon. 2. Through some indiscretion, for which we should be grate- ful, the canons of the scheme " De Ecclesia " were published in February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 73 the Augsburg Gazette, and also in a more detailed form, to- gether with the doctrinal part of the scheme, in the Sliddeutsche Presse. In the part of the scheme entitled " De Romano Pon- tifice," were the rules briefly jet fully expressed, by which not only the most unlimited power was attributed to the Papacy, but in which the temporal power was also indirectly sanctioned, and in the doctrinal part were all those designations such as doctor em etjudicem supremum, which, having been for long used regarding the Pope in official documents, have prepared the way for the declaration of his supreme Infallibility. 3. But as the explicit declaration of the personal Infallibility of the Pope was not, and could not be, inserted in a scheme which emanated directly from himself, the Infallibilist bishops had last month prepared an address to the Council, in which that declaration was formally demanded. This address followed very closely on the distribution of the scheme " De Ecclesia," so as to complete it, and was addressed to the Commission on " Postulata," as an amendment to be added to the propositions of the scheme itself, in order that the Council, as that document expresses it, " apertis omnemque dubitandi locum excludentibus verbis sancire velit supremam, ideoque ab errore immunem esse Romani Pontificis auctoritatem, quum in rebus fidei et morum, ea statuit ac praecipit, quae ab omnibus Christi fidelibus cre- denda et tenenda, quaeque rejicienda et damnanda sunt." Thus were brought to light in a scheme to be afterwards con- verted into a decree, the doctrine or doctrines which have agitated the Catholic world of late years, viz. the exaltation of Papal authority, the principles of the Sjdlabus, and, though much more indirectly and in a less absolute form than these, the Temporal power, the first being at the same time cause and effect of the other two, the very doctrines in fact which settle and de- fine the practical action of the Vatican Council on civil society. 4. It was not difficult to predict how the assembly would receive the other propositions, as the respective opinions of the Fathers on these points were known (though nothing was cer- tain) ; but, with regard to Infallibility, the number and strength of those who opposed it a viso aperto were patent to all, by means of the various addresses which they had signed. The Opposition, not wishing to make a positive proposal, but only to put forth a negative opinion in reply to the decided " postulatum " of their 74 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [February. adversaries, and desirous to make their views known before the debate commenced, were obliged to address themselves directly to the Pope, his approbation being necessary for every matter to be brought forward in the Council, though it had previously been accepted by the Commission. They had done this immediately on hearing a report of the address of the Infallibilists, giving as a reason for inducing the Pope to grant their request and withhold his approbation from the " postulatum," the great diversity of opinions on the matter, and praying him to use his authority to impose a dignified silence on so dangerous a subject. The Pope sent all the addresses in this sense to the identical Commission on " Postulata," which had already received the ad- dress in favour of Infallibility. However difficult it be to com- prehend the organisation of the Council, it is plain that this action of the Pope was equivalent to a distinct refusal, for those documents were addressed to him, and not to the Commission, and it was obviously impossible for the latter to entertain a negative demand — a demand which asked them not to make their own petition. It was, of course, open to the Commission to accept or reject a proposal once made ; but if in accepting a proposal they received also the observations in opposition to it, the general discussion would have been insensibly diverted from the subject in itself to the question of its expediency, and its consideration transferred from the general assembly, to the Com- mission on " Postulata," which would have overturned the order of Conciliar treatment, and have displaced and prejudged the question. This refusal, though conveyed with all legal formality, Was displeasing to the bishops who had subscribed the address, as they considered that being 137 in number, and representing about one-third of the Catholic populations, besides including in their body the most illustrious men in the Church, and the pastors of the principal Congregations both in Europe and America, they had a right to expect that the respectful expres- sion of their wishes should meet with a better reception. 5. However, owing to that great ally of the Curia Romana, the fear of scandal, a feeling that generally governs all its dependants — the most remote as well as the nearest (sometimes really from motives of Christian charity) — the discontent of the Opposition was kept under control outside the Council Hall, and only mani- fested itself from time to time by small explosions, as in the case February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 75 of the letters of the Bishop of Orleans, which were published in the newspapers, and fully expressed his discontent, and which, notwithstanding their vivacity, were never repudiated by their author. In his answer to the Archbishop of Malines, in which he treats of the reimprimatur refused by the censorship, so that he was obliged to publish the letters himself, the Bishop of Orleans points to that very fact as a proof of the treatment to which bishops were subjected in Rome ; and in writing to his Chapter, seems to lament the persecutions falling on him after having given such numerous and undoubted proofs of his devotion to the Church and the Apostolic See. 6. Within the Council however, this discontent showed itself openly by a systematic and continued opposition, which was no longer a simple diversity of opinion, but had taken such a definite form as alone answered to the position in which the minority were placed. Being only a small body under pressure of rules by which everything was definitively submitted to the action of the legates and the Pope, there remained for them no resource but so far as possible to temporise. To this end they occupied the time with lengthy orations, in which they un- doubtedly had the advantage of their adversaries, from the learning and eloquence of most of their body, many of them being well acquainted with public life, and some, as, for ex- ample, the Hungarians, acquainted with parliamentary pro- cedure, from experience gained in their national Diets. Even their adversaries admired the mira venustas of these speeches. They awaited the beneficial results of time, the awakening of public opinion ; they looked to the future and the unknown. Would such tactics render applicable to them the words said of Fabius, that " cunctando restituant rem ?" 7. These considerations gave a significance to three months of unproductive labour and vain expectation, although nothing remarkable occurred during that time. Every one knows the length of the Council of Basle and its vicissitudes. The Council of Trent lasted eighteen years ; and it is evident that months and years were necessary for the full consideration of the important matters brought before the Vatican Council in such different circumstances, and after the lapse of three centuries. 76 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. But that was exactly what many wished to avoid. They pre- tended that a work so important as the reform, or even simple revision of the Catholic legislation, with the view of bringing it into harmony with the new wants and conditions of modern society, could be accomplished in the same short space of time as would suffice for voting a budget ; and they desired that the Council should be merely a grand ceremony for the solemn fulfilment of a pre-arranged programme, and not an event of real importance. Therefore the fact that the proceedings assumed the character of an actual discussion was in itself a notable circumstance, to which it was impossible not to attach importance when the cause of it was known. 8. Of course this strategy was very displeasing to the ma- jority, who complained of the waste of time, and the length of the speeches, which occasionally occupied entire " Congrega- tions," as many Fathers spoke on the same subjects, and the same arguments were frequently repeated. Indeed, but for the reasons above given, such laments were worthy of consideration, because, if the time squandered in useless words is to be re- gretted in all assemblies, in this it was more especially so ; on account of the loss occasioned to those who composed it, by a protracted absence from their Sees and their duties at home. Moreover, on this point one disadvantage attending this Council as compared with others, and influencing its duration, was, that no distinction of parties being recognised, there could be no collective expression of opinion, and the orators only spoke their individual mind ; so that any number might speak on the same subject and in the same sense. Yet one becomes tolerant of such an abuse, and even grateful for it, on considering how few were the means allowed to the Opposition for defending themselves, and preventing the influence of the dark traditions of the Middle Ages from gaining the upper hand in Catholicism. Such, however, was not the opinion of the majority, and of the legates, who began to seek some means of providing against this, as yet unforeseen, danger. 9. In the English Parliament, in order to obviate this con- sumption of time, speeches are not read, but delivered viva voce ; a rule which limits the number of orators, and also controls their length. It was proposed, in imitation of this practice, that in the February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 77 Vatican Council written speeches should be prohibited, and that the orators should depend only on memory ; having, at the same time the permission of placing their manuscript, if they wished, on the president's desk, for the fuller information of the legates. It was said -that this project was brought forward by some of the Italian bishops, with the hope of obtaining certain reforms in the Order of the Council, in a restrictive sense ; and that it would thus form an answer by the Infallibilist party to the first addresses of the French and German bishops of the Opposition, who, on their part, had sought for a liberal and extended reform of the same Order. A short while before this, certain Italian bishops, belonging for the most part to the southern provinces, had prepared a petition in favour of Infallibility, interspersed with quotations drawn from the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Alphonso di Liguori ; and these proceedings would by no means have conduced to imprint the stamp of liberality on the opinions of the Italian episcopate ; the project, however, went no further, but dropped out of notice. 10. Although the attempt to modify the Order of the Council, with regard to the method of discussion, did not take exactly the intended shape, yet another proposal to the same effect was soon made, which caused great apprehension among the bishops of the Opposition, who saw themselves threatened in their last means of defence ; and those of them who held the highest position prepared to take more definite and determined mea- sures to avert the peril. They endeavoured to procure a protest by the laity from such a quarter as would best insure its being heard, and thereby to defeat the plan which, if success- ful, would deprive the Opposition of the greater part of its means of action, and leave it merely the empty consolation of offering the fruit of its reflections in writing to the Cardinal legates, for their particular information. These precautions did, in fact, stop the matter from being carried further, though the idea was not entirely laid aside. The Augsburg Gazette published a telegram from Rome, in which a similar project was set forth, with this difference, however, that the manuscripts were to be consigned to the re- spective Commissions, according to the subjects of which they treated. This was a less radical innovation than consigning 78 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [February. them to the presidents ; but at the same time, it hindered them from being publicly known, and made it impossible to maintain a strict control over the most important matters — those con- tained in the written speeches — which are of course fuller and more detailed than such as are made from memory only. This last project, like the other, included a proposition for resolving questions by silence where unanimity was impracticable. L'Unita Cattolica, a journal usually well-informed in these matters, did not entirely contradict the truth of this last hy- pothesis, and though it was not carried into effect, no doubt was entertained that every way was tried which might serve to limit the discussions. The Sunday Congregations, on which devolved the duty of examining the petitions of the previous month, also took up the subject, and a special meeting was held for its con- sideration. A last project, which met with greater favour, as being more conciliatory, prohibited the reading of speeches, but allowed them to be given in writing to the Commissions (as in the case of the second project we have mentioned), with this difference, however, that they were to be condensed, printed, and distributed to the Fathers. Afterwards, the oral discus- sion and the voting were to take place. It was said that a clause was added to this project, which provided that the observations and objections of the Fathers could not be simply negatived, but must have appended to them the affirmative opinion of their opponent on the matter in question ; and though this con- dition was not ultimately brought forward, the party predomin- ating in the Council continued to seek for some solution of the difficulty. 11. Meanwhile it was necessary to remove the existing mis- trust, to divide the Opposition, which, though quite in the minority, greatly embarrassed the proceedings of the Council ; and to endeavour to bring over some part of its members to the opinions of the majority. With this view, a new kind of " postulatum " was circulated, to serve like the first-mentioned (or instead of it) as an appendix to the matters contained in the scheme, " De Romano Pontifice " ; its aim being to obtain the signatures of the less resolute dissentients to a formula in favour of Infallibility, but more moderate in tone than that which had provoked so much resistance. February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 79 This new project contained three principal points : First, the condemnation (but without an anathema) of those who appeal from the sentence of the Pope to a future Council ; secondly, the con- demnation of the opinion of those who say that only apparent, and not real obedience, is due to the judgments of the Pope ; thirdly, the condemnation of those who affirm that there may be such a real discordance between the episcopate and the Pope as to render it necessary to judge which of them is the greater ; as such a discordance could not occur, and therefore should not be considered at all by the Church. This project was followed by a long commentary on its utility ; and it was declared to be more convenient than a pure and simple declaration of Infalli- bility, which would always afford ground for innumerable dis- cussions among theologians as to the conditions required for proving a case ex cathedra, that being, according to its own pro- moters, the only way in which the matter must be considered as " of faith." It was observable, also, how by this plan such a solution of difficulties would be arrived at, as would obviate the trouble of solving many historical questions very embarrassing for those who desired to reconcile them with personal Infalli- bility ; and ultimately it was strongly urged as the best means of obtaining such a measure of unanimity as was requisite for attaining grave decisions with any safety. It was, indeed, a real attempt at conciliation, the only one, perhaps, then possible. It was so worded as to be in favour of blending (up to a certain point) the Infallibility of the Pope with the Infalli- bility of the Church, and was a return to the ancient Roman theological opinions, which are far more moderate and less definite than the new, for the latter, being produced by the mingled enthusiasm and terror of the Catholic party, are as absolute and exclusive as the sentiments from which they have sprung. 12. As is usually the case, the idea of a third party did not please either one side or the other ; the Opposition only saw in it an attempt to divide them ; and the Infallibilists, feeling that if it were successful they would be considered beaten, regarded it with no sort of satisfaction. The project was certainly welcomed by those who in all assemblies seek for peace and agreement ; but these quiet spirits are never possessed of much authority, 80 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. nor can they settle great questions ; and though the plan obtained the support of a few active members of the Opposition, it failed in regard to" the end for which it was designed, and the diffi- culties remained the same as ever. 13. Whilst the eager desire to overcome the obstacles that hindered the consummation of their plans, continued to occupy the minds of those most deeply engaged in the impenetrable recesses of ecclesiastical politics, the assembly, which had already been sitting a considerable time, began to divide itself into different parties ; intrigues were formed, and all sorts of reports and projects were spread abroad, the origin and the truth of which it was most difficult to ascertain. Among others, a proposal attracted considerable attention, said to have been originated by one of the most illustrious, if not the most influential persons in the Council ; this was a method of accommodation founded on the acceptance by both parties of the formula of the Council of Florence, with some slight modification. As the reputed author was one of the heads of the Opposition, this plan would have been on his part equivalent to an abdication, and therefore the report, whether true or only circulated from party spirit, acquired particular value. The most violent Infallibilists declared that they must remain firm, without admitting any idea of accommo- dation ; that as a last resource the utmost pressure of authority would be used, and the dogma defined on the strength of a simple numerical majority, leaving the minority out of the question ; as in their opinion it would melt away on meeting with such firm and vigorous resistance, and find itself finally constrained to submit to the " riverenza della somme Chiavi." * 14. The ever-increasing rumours indicating that some check, at any rate, must be placed on the liberty of discussion, aug- mented the fears of the Opposition to such a pitch, that they (the French especially) turned for succour to diplomacy, which seemed at length inclined to emerge from that state of supine neutrality hitherto observed in all matters concerning the Coun- cil. The Catholic Governments instructed their ambassadors to strengthen the anti-Infallibilist bishops with their authority, and to assist them with some arguments which might prove * " The reverence for the keys superlative." Longfellow's Daute, Inf. xix. 101. February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 81 sufficiently convincing to calm the enthusiasm of their adver- saries. 15. The third point on which the Opposition were agitated, besides the Order of the Council, and the proposal of Infallibility, was the desire of finding out what became of the schemes once sent back ; as by this only could they measure the real value of their own resistance. It was already known that in the Com- missions for emendation the schemes were revised either by the persons who had originally drawn them up, or by others of like opinions; but even supposing that they were amended in this way, what came of it? According to the Order, they could be put to the vote " si nihil obstiterit." The universal opinion was, that they ought not to be again subjected to partial dis- cussion, but put to the vote as entire schemes ; for once amended according to the opinions of the Council, there remained nothing but to submit them to the definitive vote. In this case would the judgment of the majority suffice to change those schemes into decrees ? If that was so, the Opposition would be utterly defeated. Then again, was this judgment sufficient in matters of discipline of great importance, and of dogma ? Was it entirely free from danger, and if this course was not adopted, what other criterion would be thought sufficient ? Such were the speculations, the result of which the Opposition awaited with little satisfaction, considering the temper of the party predomi- nant in the Vatican. The next Session was to make known openly what they had to expect. 16. Meantime, as usually happens when men's minds are excited, every little incident that would otherwise have passed unnoticed, becomes of immense importance, it is at such mo- ments that "Poca favilla gran fiamma seconda."* One of the fixed ideas that the Church and the Propaganda, in that zeal for unity which is now so much felt, have been inde- fatigably working out in these latter years, is the uniting of the different Oriental rites ; not their liturgies, which would be an impossible work, but their laws and privileges, particularly those regarding episcopal elections, of which the Orientals are exceed- ingly jealous, and other special matters of jurisdiction and dis- cipline. Rome had long been able to count for support on two * "A little spark is followed by great flame." — Longfellow's Dante, Farad, i. 34. G 82 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [Febbuaby. of the Oriental Patriarchs who were her sworn lieges, the Latin and the Armenian. The first, Monsignor Valerga, before his promotion to the episcopal dignity, was simply a Roman ecclesi- astic ; the second, Monsignor Hassoun, was as devoted to Rome as a Roman ecclesiastic could be. But the Propaganda had never been able to induce the old Chaldean Patriarch to further its designs, as he remained a firm supporter of the privileges of the Oriental churches, and was followed by a considerable and influential portion of the Eastern clergy, both regular and secular. The Pope could not suffer such resistance ; and in the presence of Valerga, who was the interpreter and only witness of his in- terview with the Chaldean, he one day invited the old Patriarch either to submit or to resign his office. Being reduced to this extremity by his imperious brother, the Patriarch chose rather to resign than bend to the Pope's authority, and this episode, which was reckoned as the herald of a new schism long threatening in the East, created a great sensation. The rumour of certain retrospective processes to be carried on at the same time by means of the Propaganda before the Holy Office against some bishops under its own immediate jurisdic- tion, who had manifested a want of docility in seconding its projects, also excited much notice, and provoked very undesirable analogous recollections of the detested name of the Holy Inqui- sition. Events of this nature are of common occurrence in eccle- siastical administrations, and might be repeated a thousand times without acquiring great weight or attracting much notice ; but in such a moment as the present, and under prevailing circum- stances, they acquired exceptional importance. 17. Altogether, the state of affairs was most complicated, and betokened no sort of approach to a conclusion. The Infalli- bilists on their part held that a defeat would be followed by very disastrous consequences for the Pope's authority ; and, on the other hand, the Opposition were so entangled by public opinion and the wishes of their flocks that they could not recede from their position. While events were in this stage, the scheme " De Catechismo " came under deliberation in the Congregations, and the large numbers who inscribed their names as orators on the subject awoke some displeasure. The matter in question was no less than an attempt to abolish February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 83 the catechisms in various forms in the words of which different nations had been ever accustomed to lisp their religious belief, and to substitute for all, one common catechism, probably the Roman. It happened that some bishop, in the heat of discussion, ventured to take exception to the pattern thus set forth as a type to be universally adopted ; but for an individual at Rome to object to the Roman Catechism was a liberty which the Holy City, par excellence, though accustomed to every vicissitude of fortune, could scarcely have expected. II.— THE SCHEME «DE ECCLESIA." 1. The twenty-one Canons of the scheme. — 2. Summary of the same. — 3. Their probable effect on the world.— 4. Means of escape.— 5. Temporal power before Infallibility. — 6. Remainder of the scheme. — 7. Its application. — 8. Conclusion. 1. The moment for the discussion of the scheme "De Ecclesia " was approaching. Very serious reflections arose from a study of its propositions, as reported by the Augsburg Gazette and the S'dddeutsche Presse, especially those parts which refer to the primacy, the temporal dominion, and the other points which, more or less, directly touch on the Pope's authority.* The scope of the twenty-one Canons given by the Augsburg Gazette is partly to reaffirm ancient beliefs and traditions, and partly to sanction certain opinions in their most absolute form, and in the sense of what would be called on the other side of the Alps the purest " Ultramontanism." If there is anything new in them, it is the precise, and I might almost say geometrical form of the system to which these points are all reduced, and the way in which not only many of the most cultivated and flourishing nations of the world are condemned as dissentients from the Church, but even a great part of the customs and insti- tutions of those countries actually in connection with her are included in the same condemnation. As to the first point, it was observed by many irreproachable Catholics that all these differences having been already condemned * Sec Appendix, Document XIII. o 2 84 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. in their own day, it was useless, even for reasons of eccle- siastical policy, to offend and irritate great and powerful nations by reiterating a judgment which there was no hope of their accepting, and that the only result of such a course would be to give them a most unfavourable idea of a religion thus intolerant and aggressive. Then, as to the second point, many asked of what avail could be the endeavour to cast Governments and nations out of the Church, and to narrow and restrict her limits, instead of endeavouring to enlarge them — a duty indicated by her very name and mission ? Such were the considerations to which the publication of this document gave rise, and indeed a perusal of its contents makes one wonder with what object it was compiled and to whom the greater part of it was addressed. So far as dissentients from its doctrines are concerned, they (as we already remarked) have been long since condemned, and their position with regard to the Church has been clearly settled. Freethinkers will only class these Canons with those that preceded them, and see an additional reason for disregarding them all, so that there remain only the Catholics, rightly and properly so called. They seldom err on the side of tolerance, and all these judgments enter, more or less directly, into the habits and feelings of their religious education, which, if it needs anything, certainly requires to be deepened and enlarged rather than narrowed and restricted. 2. The first Canon, as published by the Augsburg Gazette, affirms the identity and autonomy of the Catholic Church ; the second its immutability ; the third its exterior and sensible action ; and the fourth reverts to its autonomy excluding all dissentient bodies. The fifth lays down that the Catholic Church is the one only way of eternal salvation. The sixth declares, by Divine authority, that no other confession of faith can be tolerated. The seventh affirms the infallibility of the Church, and the eighth its perfection. The ninth extends its Infallibility, even to unrevealed truths, and in so doing claims for the Church un- limited and supreme power over all human society. In the tenth the Church is withdrawn from the control of the State. The eleventh establishes the supremacy of the episcopate. The twelfth authorises temporal punishments for disobedience to the law of the Church. Finally, as a corollary of all this, the February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 85 thirteenth Canon pronounces an anathema against all who say that salvation can be found out of the one holy Catholic Apo- stolic Church of Rome. We leave it to the authors of the scheme to consider what, in our days, such a declaration can avail to the millions of Catholics who, along with all the rest of the human race, are thereby again condemned. With the fourteenth Canon commence those declarations on the primacy of the Pope within the Church, which, by progressive steps, reach their culminating point in the sixteenth, where it is said that he has " plenam et supremam potestatem jurisdictionis in universam Ecclesiam," and also " ordinariam et immediatam in omnes ac singulas Ecclesias." Theologians may determine what power can remain to diocesan bishops in their own churches after such a declaration as this ; but it baffles the comprehension of secular persons. The relations between Church and State are thus adjusted upon a system of gentle gradations, which the seventeenth Canon explains. The eighteenth vindicates the Divine right in all power that governs civil society. The nineteenth condemns those who uphold the supremacy of the civil right. By the twentieth all secular power is declared to be in subjection to the laws of the Church, and in the twenty-first these latter are with- drawn entirely from the cognisance of the State. 3. Now, on summing up these Canons, what do they amount to? Sole religion the Catholic — sole head the Pope — "qui habet plenam et supremam potestatem ; " his laws superior to those of the State on which he exercises his judgment "de licito et de illicito," and disposes of permissions and punish- ments. Dante has imagined an Emperor and a Pope, who between them should direct the world ; but if the idea of these Canons were fully carried out with regard to civil society, there would remain the Pope only. It is not the aim of the present work to discuss the theological view of such decrees, so we limit our considerations to the social and civil aspect of the question. What feelings and expec- tations would be awakened in other religious and constituted powers, by the enunciation of an authority so complete and absolute as that set forth in these articles? This question was asked on all sides by those bishops especially who, living in 86 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. civilised countries, and among liberal and cultivated nations of different religious professions, are obliged to form an opinion on these points. It was said that an American prelate, having this in mind, expressed his feelings in the apposite quotation from Tacitus : " non obtrectari a se urbanas excubias, sibi tamen apud horridas gentes e contuberniis hostem aspici." 4. It would appear that it was intended in some degree to mitigate the condemnations of the doctrinal part of the scheme ; for instance, a distinction is made with regard to errors of faith between invincible ignorance and that which is wilful. But how are we to define invincible ignorance? for immediately, and it would seem as a commentary on this distinction, there follows the condemnation of liberty of conscience. This term has many meanings, and the only one which is true, and should be agree- able to all, pleases no one, and for that reason is accepted neither by its eulogists nor by its enemies. Its condemnation, thus simply expressed, answers the question we have proposed, by excluding the testimony of conscience from being the justifica- tion of invincible ignorance, which it limits to the material incapacity for acquiring knowledge, though that is a^state of things rarely met with in our day, and restricted to cases which have no relation to our society. "~~\ Such a condemnation carries with it an antithesis, making the Church of Rome the point of divergence between the just and the unjust — between light and darkness — up to an absolute dualism between good and evil ; between Christ and Belial, or between Rome and all that is not of Rome. The same may be said of the civil power, to which is con- ceded the sanction of Divine right, in return for its submission to ecclesiastical power ; but after describing the intimate union between Church and State as the source of great advantage to the latter, the scheme proceeds to assert that that union is a Divine law, and is not left free to the choice of man. If it is the duty of mankind, taken individually, to submit to the true religion, it is no less their duty, when taken collectively ; and thus carrying out the syllogism to its last result, the scheme, asserts that if individual believers are to be in subordination to the Church, the State, which is a union of believers, should be the same. February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 87 In another place it adds as a corollary that, for the same reason, the State has both the right and the duty (irrespective of the obligation of maintaining public order) of inflicting penalties on persons who offend against religion. The doctrinal portion of the scheme concludes by observing (as we have already pointed out) that to the Church belongs the supreme judgment over all questions of morals in civil society and of what is lawful in public affairs ; and that as she is the guide and teacher of men in the way of salvation, those Sovereigns who have not the Church for a mother, have not God for their Father. 5. Sometimes the scheme rises above this narrow and jealous style, and delineates with vivid colours the benefits to be de- rived from the influence of religion upon the State ; and a passage of this sort taken independently, and considered apart from the claims of unlimited power that otherwise predominate in the scheme, has an excellent effect. The one we refer to, is in these terms, " that religion teaches submission to lawful authority, not from fear, but for conscience sake ; and while it inculcates obedience to kings, it also enjoins on them the care of their people, because power was given them not to satisfy the desire of dominion, but in order to exercise justice, for God has created both small and great, and has equal care of both." When, on the contrary, the scheme speaks of the temporal power, which it says " singulari divina? Providentiae consilio dato " to the Roman Church, it returns to the old style, which may be perhaps well adapted to the political question. It reverts to liturgical phrases on the benefits of that temporal power, and on the impiety of all " quovis insidiarum et violentiarum genere labefactare ac convellere adnitantur," and in consequence con- demns those who affirm " repugnare juri divino ut cum spirituali potestate in Romanos Pontifices civilis conjungatur," and also the perverseness of those " qui contendunt Ecclesiae non esse de hujus principatus civilis ad generale Christianae reipublica? bonum relatione quidpiam cum auctoritate constituere adeoque licere Catholicis hominibus ab illius decisionibus hac de re editis recedere aliterque sentire." Now, seeing that the Pope is supreme judge, and embodies in himself the judgment of the Church under the severest penalties, o» EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. it follows that, according to this proposition, it is unlawful for any one to entertain opinions on the temporal power differing from those of the Pope. It is most unlikely that the Pope should himself decree the downfall of his own power, but rather from sincere conviction promote its continuance, and therefore his decree would, in such a case, be a priori strengthened by the judgment issued against all those who are not of his way of thinking. That would constitute in the public law of nations a State which, in the heart of Europe, would set at defiance, as being itself superior to law, all the vicissitudes and necessities of the age, an eternal State. Still, it cannot be denied that the formula we have just quoted was relatively moderate, though it acquired great im- portance from the general character of the decree in which it was incorporated. One of the greatest difficulties arising from the want of any limit to Papal authority in the constitution of the Church, is that of assigning some bounds to the matters on which the Pope has the right of judging ex cathedra, hence the danger of his making everything dogma, like the King of Phrygia who turned all that he touched into gold. And here a hypothesis presents itself: supposing that one day a Pope, either from humility or from eccentricity, should voluntarily abdicate his temporal power (though we admit such a thing is very unlikely), what would the Infallibilists who are so fond of that power, then think of the doctrine of Infallibility ? In such a case the chances are that they would not care to recognise in the occurrence a natural condition of the Church expressed by its living word, but would rather consider themselves to be suffering from the caprice and tyranny of an individual. Many similar instances might be cited to prove what, indeed, is nothing new, but old as the world itself, namely, that all absolute power is a two-edged sword that wounds both friends and enemies ; whereas, liberty affords protection to both. The Infallibilists made no account of such considerations, and argued thus, Who habitually directs the Church in the absence of the exceptional and comprehensive influence of Councils ? The Pope. How would the Church proceed if this guidance could be false ? By this argument they showed that they were unable to appreciate the slow but collective action of society ; and like Febbuary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 89 all men who submit to the influence and allurements of des- potism, could not relish an authority which was not distilled through the arbitrary will of one individual. 6. The rest of the scheme, if the report of it be true, was interspersed with the arguments of the Syllabus, and the favourite doctrines of the Catholic party more or less distinctly enunciated. It condemned, among other things — liberty of con- science — universal suffrage^— lay teaching — the suppression of ecclesiastical immunities — the abolition of religious orders — the confiscation of the property of the clergy — the exaction of mili- tary service from ecclesiastics, and so forth. In speaking of these things the scheme, like the Syllabus, abounds too often in that sort of metaphor which, taking a part for the whole, confuses the evils of a system with the system itself, and passes judg- ment on a whole category of facts, only some of which are really reprehensible ; as if one were to say, " thirst is wrong because it leads to inebriety." With regard to lay teaching, the scheme certainly specifies that those only are condemned who exclude ecclesiastics from giving instruction ; but with regard to universal suffrage, it seems indistinctly to condemn all those who guide their actions by public opinion or the voice of the majority ; whereas, though such a criterion is not, of course, infallible, it is often the truest, and in many cases the only one to be had in modern society. There are some just remarks to be found in the scheme mixed with the most exorbitant exactions. Still the tenor of the whole document tends to enforce the ideal set forth in the formula we have described — one fold and one shepherd, by whom civil society is to be directed and guided — thus render- ing it the object and instrument of the absolute and exclu- sive regime imposed by his irresponsible and unlimited will, and in so doing society carries into action the mind of the Church, and thus becomes, as it were, her embodiment and representative. 7. It is evident that all conceptions destined to become matters of deliberation in an assembly whose object it is to influence civil society should be not only specious, but oppor- tune, and of a feasible nature ; and, therefore, the theologians, who are the authors of this scheme, in compiling the treatise 90 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February " De Monarchia," failed to render it serviceable to the living institutions and practical interests of the day, though they made it closely accord with the ideal of their own minds. 8. Of course, their programme, considered merely in its specu- lative part, and as an argument of faith, only concerns those who believe in it, but as its doctrines are inseparable from the working of civil institutions, with which they are substantially identified, and as their practical application is distinctly con- templated, did the theologians who drew it up in very indifferent Latin under the safe shelter of the Vatican, ever consider what its result would be ? Did those theologians ever attempt to estimate the harm that must be done, and the blood that must be shed, ere this scheme could be carried into effect? The man of the greatest intellect of the age in Italy, " Cavour," well-knowing the inflexibility of the traditions of Rome, con- sidered the separation of Church and State, the "Chiesa libera in Stato libero," as the only logical solution of the eternal and difficult problem, the conditions of which are Church and State. The scheme implicitly rejects such an idea, and explicitly condemns all those who say that the separation of Church and State is requisite for the good of society ; and thus, when it is once accepted, only two hypotheses remain. The one is to Consider speculatively any Catholic society active and powerful, as portrayed by the schemes, trying to carry out its ideal at the present day in the world ; and you tremble at the thought of the resistance it would provoke, and the misfortunes it would entail. The other is to reflect practi- cally on the number of adherents that such a programme would find among Catholics themselves, and you receive a very dif- ferent impression from the disproportion between the grandeur of the challenge, and the poverty of the means of sustaining it. In both alternatives the mind reverts to the Bull of Con- vocation of the Council, which states that it was assembled for the purpose of providing a remedy for the needs and evils of society. If the first case were possible, in what would this remedy consist, but in exile, in imprisonment, in the Inquisi- tion, in religious warfare, in schisms, and all the other evils which have already resulted from that system — sad remedies indeed ? If, on the other hand (as is more probable), the second February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 91 alternative were accepted, where then is the remedy ? Cruelty or contempt, tyranny or impotence, a fatal dilemma to which sooner or later every absolute and inexorable system is reduced, according to its power or its object. III.— CONDITION OF THE CATHOLIC NATIONS. 1. Displeasure caused by the publication of the Canons. — 2. Questions for the consideration of the Council. — 3. Questions regarding France. — 4. Catholicism and modern society. — 5. The Revolution. — 6. Dilemma. — 7. Exceptions to preceding observations. — 8. Responsibility of Institutions. — 9. Excessive authority.— 10. Intolerance and indulgences. — 11. Asceticism. — 12. Central- isation.— 13. Rebellion.— 14. Conclusion. 1. The publication of the documents in the German papers caused the greatest excitement at the Vatican ; a searching investigation was the result, and several persons slightly con- nected with the Council fell into trouble. Some were deprived of their office, others were obliged to leave Rome, and punish- ment followed all those supposed to be the authors or accom- plices of these indiscreet revelations. It is clear that one of the principal causes of this discontent was the sensible effect produced by these documents, in those countries especially where such questions are of great importance ; but this was unreasonable, as it was far better for the Vatican that its schemes should be known beforehand, than later. It was a matter of serious import that Europe should receive, either with indifference or with disfavour, the decrees of the Catholic Assembly, as they were of much greater consequence than the simple propositions of a number of theologians, even though emanating from the Vatican. Public opinion, so severely reprobated by the scheme, is, nevertheless, very often of the greatest utility ; and the refusal to take any account of it is sometimes the cause of serious and irremediable mistakes. 2. If, for example, public opinion could be so far heard in the Church, as to substitute for the Canons we have described some other scheme treating of the subjects that now occupy men's minds, and loudly call for a rational solution, might not the attention of the Council be turned to matters of more general importance, though of equal consequence to Catholicism, 92 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [February. than the scholastic subtleties contained in the Canons ? Are there no defects in the Catholic religion save those regarding its authority? Is that the only subject worth consideration? Is the loss of the temporal power the sole evil on which we should deliberate? Could no other matters be found worthy to occupy the atten- tion of the Ecumenical Council, called together with such solemnity after the lapse of three centuries, to deliberate on the interests of religion ? For instance, would it not be a suitable inquiry for the Ecumenical Council of the nineteenth century, to examine into the cause of the various evils that affect the Catholic popula- tions of our age — their abnormal condition in many ways — the slowness of their growth, and their relative inferiority, moral, civil, and political? an inferiority which is in proportion to the greater or less prevalence of the system described in the scheme. No very profound statistical knowledge is necessary ; one can see with a glance the difference in prosperity and of civilisation to be found in Spain as compared with England, and in Ireland as compared with the sister Isle — or as between Portugal and Holland ; between South and North America ; between Italy and Germany ; between Savoy and Switzerland ; and in this latter country between the Catholic and Protestant cantons ? Does not the contrast involuntarily strike the mind of any person who, sailing along the shores of the Lake of Geneva, has the opportunity of observing the relative condition of the Savoyard and the Swiss villages ? Again, we must remember that in the conflict between the Austrians and the Prussians — both of the same German race — the advantage was not for the former. Or to take another test, what progress has been made in these latter days by the first-named countries as compared with the second, in all those useful institutions by which mankind can render homage to the Creator in the pursuit of art and science, and in grand undertakings ? I say in recent times, in order to point out the epoch at which began not only the consolidation of those great differences which have divided Christendom, but also the formation of that system of Catholic Government which the Vatican Council has striven still further to enforce. We will not, however, proceed further February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 93 with these comparisons, but only observe that as the scheme "De Ecclesia" asserts that the Church is a visible society of men, and exists on earth for their salvation, she cannot be entirely indifferent to the conduct of her followers. 3. The best illustration of these reflections is found on turning to France, for she presents two views to the observer, both of them well adapted to throw light on our subject. By the one she appears as the centre of life and of civilisation, by the other she affords matter for serious consideration to all who either observe her, or are influenced by her. By the first, she appears as the rival of the greatest nations ; but by the second she seems to share the lot of those countries that are less pros- perous, and that have before them a dark and uncertain future. To whom does France owe that part of her civilisation which enables her at the present time to rank among other great nations ? I mean her culture, her science, her industry, and her material prosperity. Beginning from the encyclopedists down to the learned men of the present day, how many of the savants, and of those who have in any way assisted the growth of modern France, would have been recognised by Rome as her children ? How many laws, how many institutions, and what an amount of learning, would have been of necessity lost to France, had the voice of Rome prevailed in that country? Imagine the con- sequences to France as regards culture and science, had her intellectual progress been subjected for a century to the cor- rections and revisions of the Roman Index? What part can the influence of Catholicism (using the terms in the very sense adopted by its own party), what part can that influence claim in the civil glory and intellectual progress of France ? So far we have considered her under the aspect in which she equals the most cultivated and civilised nations of the world, but at the same time, what nation is more deeply affected than France by grave and dangerous social questions, or is in a condition less favourable for their resolution? Considered from this view, which concerns her social and political state, France affords ample material for the reflections, which we shall shortly make, on the political condition of the Catholic populations.* * When these pages were written no one could have foretold the misfortunes so soon to fall upon France, but it seems well to leave them in their original form. 94 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Febeuaey. 4. But turning from France, to view the matter in a more general light, how have the doctrines of absolutism — to which we have already alluded — affected the progress of the great institutions, enterprises, and discoveries of modern times, and how many of these latter — beginning even from the days of Galileo — have been carried out in spite of those doctrines ? What place can Catholicism claim for its tenets in the increase of liberty, the toleration, and the amicable and peaceful inter- course, which, after much useless destruction of humanity, seems to be the settled character of society in our days ? What part did the Catholicism of Torquemada and of Philip II. take in the grand discovery and colonisation of those new countries which are the glory of the two last centuries? Who has profited by the work of Christopher Columbus and of Amerigo Vespucci? What has Catholicism, following, though more quietly, in the same track of discovery, effected in North America ; a country entirely free, in which all religions emulate one another ; and, again, in Australia ? These two parts of the world came into being, as it were, in a moment, through the diffusion and expansion of the European, and therefore Christian race ; and what part in the miracle can be attributed to Catholi- cism ? Has not the Catholic Church, on the contrary, reason for sad meditation on the spectacle presented by Mexico, and the other unhappy republics of the South, which are entirely under her sway? Here one would think are plenty of subjects well deserving the whole attention of the Catholic hierarchy assembled in Rome ; for such facts may be more or less appre- ciated, may be understood in one sense or another, and attributed to this or that cause ; but their existence cannot be denied, and therefore they ought to be considered. 5. Another question might also be asked, which, without entering into details — that are liable to be questioned by many — is really matter of fact. Whence comes that disordered spirit by which in our days Catholic societies exclusively are agitated — the spirit of revolution ? In using this word I do not here intend to apply it in the widest sense — that which expresses a universal law felt more or less deeply, but common to all humanity. I use it in that special way which signifies the violent, brutal, and envious form of revolution, which, February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 95 from the end of the last century up to the present day, has rent and distracted the most beautiful countries of Europe. Germany, England, Switzerland, and America, have their revolutions in ideas, their modifications, their progress, their changes for the better or for the worse. But all this is car- ried on without anger and violence, without blows and blood- shed. They may have other evils, because humanity can never be exempt from such, but they are free from that terrible social plague — chronic revolution ; the not being able to say to-day what may happen to-morrow ; and what is more, these nations have not, like us, their only hope of existence in the exercise of force, which seems at the present time to have become our sole means of persuasion. Which of the Catholic nations can live like England and America in the exercise of the greatest activity, and in a state of constant social and political agitation, without a large standing army ? In how many Catholic countries has not the Govern- ment more than once collapsed during recent years ; and how many of them can look forward to a more secure future? Here we have another series of inquiries which, according to the promises contained in the Papal Bull, we might expect the Council to take into consideration. 6. At first sight only two answers seem possible to these questions. Either such a state of things is the effect of the education that prevails among the populations we have men- tioned, or else the form of religion in question has assimilated itself, and has prospered best among the nations that exist under those conditions. Some try to explain away these facts by alleging the unfavour- able effects of climate and the fatality of race, but they forget that the same results are met with among different peoples and in different latitudes ; and even if their hypothesis were admissible as to the first alternative, they could not escape from the second. Thus from which ever side the subject is viewed, we necessarily return to one of the two parts of the dilemma, both of which are equally deserving of the most serious con- sideration. The partisans of the absolute prefer to accept implicitly the second solution as being the most easy, though humiliating, for humanity, and, if true, involving irreparable evil ; 96 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. while generous and liberal minds are content to take the first hypothesis as the least discouraging, and affording the best hope of remedy. Those who adhere to the former opinion exonerate existing institutions from all responsibility as to the evil wrought within their range, considering it sufficient that they oppose that evil, as, indeed, they do to the uttermost. But then, they overlook the responsibility inherent in these institutions, not only as to the substance of their teaching, but as to the way in which they set about their work ; and not only as to their aims, but as the means they use for carrying out their intentions. Indeed, an excess of zeal often leads to a contrary effect ; as, for example, absolutism generates rebellion, and extreme severity in a law secures impunity to the law breaker. Events balance themselves in human affairs, the chain which begins with the inquisitor finishes with the sectary ; and the partisan of Mazzini stands at one end of the diameter, the opposite point of which is occupied by the " Sanfedista." England does not possess either the Univers or the Rappel, at least her existence is not daily threat- ened by similar publications; neither has she inquisitors nor revolutionary fanatics, and Fenians come only from the neigh- bouring shores of Ireland. 7. Of course there are exceptions to the comparisons that we have made in this chapter, but they really illustrate those com- parisons more clearly, because among the Catholic populations where they are found, they correspond in very exact measure to the influence that has been exercised by large and liberal ideas, or rather to that which has been lost by the contrary ideas, and thus they from a scale which, taking the Campagna di Roma as a starting point, culminates in the prosperity of Belgium. Moreover, there is another way of measuring these exceptions, less precise, but more convincing for Catholics, as being within the bosom of the Church itself, and that is, by means of those bishops who in the Council, resisted the spirit prevailing at the Vatican. 8. At the same time it would be not only unjust but useless to fasten the responsibility of these results upon Catholicism itself, one might as well charge them upon that Christianity which has animated all modern civilisation. Up to the sixteenth century there were no effective and visible distinctions amongst Febbuary.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 97 Christians in the West, and the influence of the religious movement which was formally accomplished in that century only affected the civil and political condition of Europe at a later date. Still later within the bosom of the Catholic Church herself was more decidedly manifested that spirit (called in France Ultramontanism) which, rapidly increasing after the Revolution, and as a reaction from it, reacted again upon the Curia Romana, where it had first originated. Gaining ground there by little and little, it disclosed its own desires, pressed forward its own aims, and succeeded in giving a distinct and separate existence to those political and religious conceptions which, though habitually possessed by the Curia, had always hitherto preserved an indefinite character, having been wisely shrouded in the prudent and traditional policy of that body. Now, in our day, those ideas are crudely, and with much ex- aggeration, asserted by the party calling itself " Catholic " par excellence, which has exercised so great an influence in all that concerns the Vatican Council. This became gradually visible at every outbreak of the revo- lutionary spirit, first in France and then generally in the world, though the chief causes of that revolution were the very system and the very ideas which in their latent state had prepared the way for it both in France, and in the other countries (principally Catholic), where revolution seems particularly rooted ; because in such cases a tardy rebellion takes the place of the reforma- tion undergone twc\centuries before, by the nations of the North. Perhaps even this reformation was affected by the resistance it encountered ; and it is possible that both crises might have been moderated, or even prevented, by a slow and progressive transformation moving continually round the immutable centre of eternal truth, conformably with the variations of the times and of moral conditions. This idea, which some may consider daring, is not only confirmed by the example of those countries which are the most deeply affected by the evils we have enume- rated, but receives satisfactory illustration from a strict and dis- passionate investigation of the spirit that generally prevails in the education of Catholic populations. It would not be difficult to specify, one by one, the laws (and very often their interpreta- tions), the customs, the institutions, the habits, and the abuses, H 98 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. which have long prevailed, but more especially in the latter centuries, in Catholic education ; and are the principal causes of the evils we have indicated. It is certainly neither our desire nor our business to investigate fully these grave and compli- cated questions, many of which have been already well dis- cussed ; but wishing to assist with a few general outlines those who study the matter in good faith, some few salient points naturally occur to the mind. When these particular evils are understood, it remains for us to judge whether they can be remedied by empirical restrictions and fresh condemnations, or whether, on the other hand, it is not more likely that such remedies only serve to increase the evil, and like the doctors of an old Italian medical school who are much addicted to bleed- ing, in endeavouring to cure they do not really kill the patient. 9. The principle of authority by its very nature is predomi- nant in Catholicism, of which, indeed, it is the strength and characteristic ; but this principle, owing to the natural tendency of the institutions founded upon it, has been always exaggerated to such an extent in Catholic education, that on all subjects, and in every way, it has usurped the first place, and has produced the blindest submission corresponding to the most absolute power. This thirst for authority, called forth in the first instance by the insubordination of the age, and kept up with the view of maintaining order and unity in the Church, too often results in destroying the first and impairing the second ; it tends to paralyse the collective action of the hierarchy of the Church, and concentrates it in the Head, thereby isolating the clergy from the rest of society. Moreover, the excessive use of authority in relation to the masses has the result of weaken- ing and sometimes of suppressing the working of individual consciences, by absorbing their sense of personal responsibility in the sole conscience of Church authority, and so the perception of good and evil ceases to be personal and spontaneous, and becomes reflective and obligatory. It often happens that a Catholic, unless gifted with an unusual superiority of mind, has no knowledge of good and evil other than that which he derives from the external authority, which in many cases is represented by any chance individual. Nor is this only with regard to ques- tions of principle, where such help may be sometimes both February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 99 desirable and salutary, but the same external direction is applied on all occasions, in all contingencies, in the every-day life of the people, and is carried by simple natures into trivial details, and matters of no importance. The consequence of such an excessive submission to authority is that the human conscience, being often illguided, is likely to go astray ; at any rate, never having learned to reflect and judge for itself, it loses the capacity for so doing, grows gradually weaker, and at last becomes impotent, just as the members of the body, if never used, lose their strength. A double evil, and a very serious one, results from this state of things. In the first place, when a Catholic, brought up as we have described, is deprived of the external guidance which supports him, he has no rule or restraint to keep him straight, and the recoil from such a despotism at the present day frequently throws the pupils of the Jesuits into the wildest revolutionary excesses. In the second place, the external authority can only find expression through words spoken or written, and being unable to follow the infinite complexities of human action or to discern the secret recesses of the human heart, cannot give a rule of right and wrong to meet all contingencies ; so that there must still remain many cases in which an individual being without that guidance, can only ascertain the right course by consulting the delicate and indefinable instinct of his own conscience. Hence arise the subtleties, the mental compromises, and the disingenuousness too frequently met with, among our people. 10. Another tendency much to be deplored, is the disposition of Catholics to inculcate great intolerance for all errors of the intellect, while they regard with much leniency errors of the will ; yet these latter are surely infinitely more culpable than the former. It is deplorable that a man should not know and understand what is right ; but if he is guilty, he is surely less so than a man who well knowing his duty, either neglects or transgresses it. Faults of intellect do not deteriorate the character, whereas faults of the will (making every allowance for human frailty) are far less excusable. Dante lived in an age that was certainly not given to religious indifference or to be over tolerant, yet in the 'Divina Corn- media' he places heresiarchs among those who err from want of II 2 100 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [February. self control, apart from the abode of those who had sinned with intent, thereby showing that he regarded the guilt of the first, as distinguishable from, and less worthy of punishment than that of the latter. Besides, the working of the mind has always an ennobling effect, while the indulgence of the passions brutalises human nature. A society educated for many centuries under the stimulus of the double direction we have described, not only loses the power of exercising the individual conscience, but yields up the exercise of its own judgment to a certain set or distinct class of persons whose duty it becomes to think and to judge for the rest. Such a society becoming disinclined and inapt for the exercise of thought on account of the trouble it involves, and following only the inclinations of nature, seeks what is pleasing to the feelings and affections, and readily transgresses by yielding to the passions which appear not only attractive in themselves, but, as we have already remarked, have the promise of greater tolerance than is extended to errors of the mind. We do not mean to say that severity in principle, and charity towards frailty, are not, when united with wisdom and moderation, two marvellous characteristics of Christianity — more true to human nature than a vague indecision on the first point, and an inflexible severity on the second ; but having been abused, like many other good things, they led, the one to the institution of the Inquisition, and the other to the adoption of a systematised indulgence, and such subjects are surely well worthy of deep consideration on account of their influence on Catholic populations. 11. A third point for reflection, is the tendency of Catholic education to turn aside its followers from the numerous duties of practical life, and to incline them to an ascetic and speculative existence which does not always correspond to the inexorable necessities of human nature. Two evils result from this tendency when fully developed, as often occurs among the most faithful of the Catholic populations. The first is, that this tendency, when carried into private life by a mistaken ap- plication of a sublime contempt for terrestrial matters, dis- poses men to go through the world with their eyes turned upwards, and their thoughts entirely abstracted from the earth. Human nature soon takes advantage of such a disposition to February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 101 justify one of its most common and pernicious propensities ; industry and independence give place to idleness and mendi- cancy ; and this disposition when coupled with an abuse of outward forms often inclines people to superstition. The second evil, and one of equal importance, is, that a Catholic, though for the most part a good subject, is not always a good citizen, because though his religious education teaches him the duty of passive obedience, at the same time it tends to absorb him, and to draw him away from the civil society in which he moves ; and- these conflicting attractions of the Church and of society, though sometimes useful as counterpoises, really weaken Catholic communities, which are seldom able to unite the two interests and to conciliate the two powers. Besides those eternal moral laws on which there can be but one opinion, there are an infinity of subjects which do not absolutely represent either good or evil ; and with regard to which the Catholic is often placed in a difficult position between his kinsmen, his country, his station in life, and his Church. In such cases the Church either draws him to herself by a powerful attraction, or if he resists, abandons him and casts him out. Hence, the phenomenon frequently met with in Catholic societies, though rarely, if ever, in others, that religion hinders the advancement of the nation, and that patriotism subverts religion. 12. A fourth source of great difficulty for Catholic popu- lations is the undue centralisation which prevails in the exercise of authority. All the laws, general and particular, which inform and regulate the consciences of the Catholic world, proceed, with the weighty sanction we have mentioned, from a very small nucleus ; a narrow centre of individuals, who, with the best intentions and the greatest solicitude, are yet incapable of judging and of appreciating the varying feelings and needs of populations so many and so different. This fact tends to form instead of a Catholic world a Catholic party, gradually separating it in all countries from the habits, the interests, and the affections of the rest of the nation. 13. There remains a yet greater evil than any we have spoken of, and it is this ; these tendencies and impulses if developed to the highest degree might form a society sui generis, little dis- 102 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. posed to intellectual or material growth, and little fitted for the production of civil greatness, and the mischief would stop here. The practical result, however, is that as such a regime can only apply to a restricted number of people, and never to society in general, the fetters imposed on the heart and intellect by this jealous authority, and this artificial state of mind, often pro- duce, especially among the young, a corresponding reaction, and the more intelligent such people are, the stronger is this reac- tion. A great proportion of the young on reaching mature age are necessarily affected by the influence of the times ; and being without the safeguards of solid instruction, and such an acquaintance with practical interests as would serve to restrain, or at least to occupy their minds, they look back- wards, and in so doing fall into serious errors, confounding the abuses of a system with the system itself. In their retrospec- tion they confuse God with the priest, become equally unmind- ful of both, and turning their backs on religion altogether, either rush headlong into the pursuit of pleasures, burying in them all the aspirations and regrets of a wasted life, or if of too noble a nature to incur such moral suicide, they fall into another snare equally dangerous, if in some ways less deplor- able. Their ardent and youthful minds endeavour to find some means of reconciling the old faith with the newly enlightened reason, of making the two compatible, but as soon as they set about it, they discover such a process to be quite impracticable ; for the Church endeavours in every way to repel them, and liberty presents every attraction that can allure them. In the face of this impossibility they are driven to revolt ; no rebellion is so desperate as that of a slave, and youthful multitudes of great promise, but without conscience, unused to exercise their judgment, and blinded by the heritage of hatred and of rancour that results from the moral conflicts they have experienced, are driven to swell the ranks of revolution in increasing numbers, as one generation succeeds another. They become involved in that terrible revolution whose standard is negation, and whose aim is destruction ; that cosmo- politan revolution which has already avenged, and unless restrained by Providence may yet more deeply avenge such outraged souls. Those, meanwhile, on whom devolves the re- February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 103 sponsibility of such misfortunes will learn perhaps too late, and at too dear a price, that a just balance is indispensable both in the moral and material world ; and that by endeavouring to make a man grow in the swaddling-clothes of an infant, either he will become a cripple, or his bands will be rent into shreds. All that has been said of the superior and intelligent portions of society, applies equally to the less cultivated and more im- pulsive multitudes, who with the same defects of character and reasoning power, pass through the like moral phases uncon- sciously and mechanically. The defects of the lower classes may be at first sight less apparent than those of their superiors, but when they do break out openly, the consequences are more disastrous. The result of this deadly conflict between authority and reason, between the spirit and the letter, is to diminish the number of the faithful in Catholic societies, and to drive many into rebellion in will or in deed ; the first class are wanting in real force, the second lack not only order and discipline, but very often morality ; both are proficients in the art of destroy- ing Governments, but are alike incapable of establishing one on a solid basis, the first for want of power, the second for want of knowledge. The first class are immovable instead of Conservative, the second revolutionary instead of progressive : they have no com- mon ground, and their differences instead of finding expression in changes of administration (as happens in all rational coun- tries) find it instead in changes of Government, in which there is always a conqueror and a conquered, and therefore a triumph and a defeat with the usual consequences. The happy results of a Conservative spirit, combined with the desire of progress, are found in all well-governed and prosperous nations ; but from their very nature are difficult and almost impossible of attain- ment in Catholic countries, especially those in which the doc- trines of absolutism prevail, for such usually relapse into confusion and disorder as soon as the strong pressure which an absolute Government exercises over them is removed. Disorder and anarchy are too often the lamentable political condition of the southern nations of Europe, as compared with the state of regular and uniform progress found among the northern ; and this com- 104 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. parison affords ample grounds for reflection on the causes why revolution is so specially rooted in Catholic countries. 14. In addition to these primary considerations suggested by the condition of Catholic populations, others of still greater importance might be cited contingent on the ordinary course of events, and leaving untouched the defects of men, which naturally have deeply affected their institutions : but we will not proceed further, and would only remark in conclusion, that the religious education of our people is negative rather than positive; and though usually sufficient in externals (though even here greater elevation is desirable), is too often lacking in substance, that is to say, in the moral and practical part. These remarks have already led us beyond the limits we had assigned to our subject, and therefore we merely leave this outline for the consideration of those who desire to study the matter more deeply. It is a true picture of the state of things prevailing at the present day in all communities governed by the Ultra-Catholic regime, though of course varying in different countries according to their respective conditions. We find in them many churches, but few schools ; more devotion than virtue ; more passion than judgment ; general intolerance, and scanty prosperity, with fluctuations of submission and rebellion ; they are characterised everywhere by a craving for authority, whether in a convent or a sect, but without any appreciation of the real nature of authority, which is alternately adored with servility and subjected to outrage. Febkuaky.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME, 105 IV.— THE NEW ORDER. 1. Objections to preceding arguments. — 2. Address of the Catholics of Cob- lentz. — 3. Infallibility sole object of attention. — 4. Close of the first phase of the Council. — 5. The new Order. — 6. Judgment of the majority. — 7. Holi- days. — 8. Anecdotes. — 9. Different Postulata. — 10. Various publications. — 11. Speech at the opening of the Exhibition. — 12. Diplomatic interference is aroused. — 13. Predictions. — 14. Conclusion. 1. Owing to the entire lack of independence in judgment, and to a determination to look on all persons either as slaves or enemies, such observations as we have just made are usually considered to bear a hostile character, and are therefore held to be injurious by those to whom they are displeasing, and by all who follow in their steps. Such persons are accustomed to re- lieve themselves of any responsibility as to human affairs by charging the blame on particular associations, the Freemasons, for instance ; and, in recent times, on the Government of the country. But the existence of those associations affords better ground for incrimination than for apology, inasmuch as they are not produced, and have no means of affecting society except by its institutions, in which they are generated as insects in bodies, a phenomenon depending on their own decay. This is illustrated by the fact that healthy and virtuous communities which live in the exercise of liberty, are either free from such organisations, or afford them no resting-place. Freemasonry has served much the same purpose for the Catholic party as the Society of Jesuits has for the Liberals ; they are respectively accused as being the cause of all the evil in the world. Then, with regard to Governments, who doubts that if they had the chance they would very soon act up to the Pope's principle, so far as they could ? whereas, at the present day, they are obliged to content themselves with such a measure of authority as is permitted by the spirit of the age. 2. Even among so-called Liberal Catholics, the religious question is rarely treated on general grounds. In nearly all the publications they have issued of late years, the subject is con- sidered only partially, and not with that fulness which alone presents it in a true light. The address of the Catholics of 106 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [February. Treves* to the Archbishop of Coblentz, though of a special character, seems, however, to rise to a more elevated tone ; and any Catholic wishing to find a remedy within the Church for the evils we have already noticed, might well adopt the words of the address, which are as follows : — " We cannot hide from ourselves that it is impossible for a General Council to undertake the particular examination and solution of the difficulties arising from the numerous wants of mankind which are rooted in the manifold life of the Church. The organisation of the Church ought to establish in its various parts, with freedom to develop their powers in the most salutary manner, such agencies as may best overcome evil." The address concludes by praying for the re-establishment of those assemblies, or synods, national, provincial, and diocesan, which have always considered and provided for the different needs, both old and new, of the Church in general, and for their portion of it in particular. Taken as a whole, this address is one of the most remarkable documents produced on these sub- jects. It contains an answer and a remedy for all the questions and all the evils which we have pointed out ; and its theory of the relations between Church and State is the most precise and reasonable commentary, on the maxim, " A free Church in a free State." In few words, the address is a full and well- arranged scheme for applying the principle of liberty, so far as is possible, to Catholic institutions. 3. Instead, however, of attending to these questions, the whole consideration of the Council was irrevocably concentrated on the question of Infallibility. The definition of this dogma weighed on the Council and hampered all its movements, the majority had no other object but this, and followed it with that intensity of purpose which is peculiar to religious sentiments and passions. Human nature alternately builds up and destroys the same things, under the sincere conviction that it is making progress ; overturns with infinite labour the despotisms and the oracles it originally fabricated, and then begins to recon- struct them, always under the belief that it is accomplishing something new, and despises what is past as if that in turn had not been equally its own work. * See Appendix, Document XVI. February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 107 Ask the Infallibilists what they think of the apotheoses of the ancients ? or of the simplicity of certain religious beliefs which are entertained by other nations with a faith as lively and sincere as their own ? and they would shrug their shoulders in compas- sion without deigning to answer. Again, what are the Infalli- bilists themselves striving for so earnestly, but to create within their own Church and country a condition of things which, if found outside their circle, they would not even condescend to discuss ? Human nature never displays such violent passions as on religious matters ; and though the form of their manifestation may be milder at the present day, the intensity of feeling when applied to such subjects is always the same. Thirty-one meetings, including the two Sessions, were held between the 16th of December and the 22nd of February, in which about 150 orators spoke, and although no mention was actually made of Infallibility, it pervaded the minds of all, on every subject. Towards the end of February, in one of the last Congregations, a French bishop named Infallibility for the first time, and proposed its speedy declaration as a mode of cutting short all difficulties ; but his speech was coldly received, and the allusion allowed to drop without producing any effect. Another bishop in the same Congregation made an open and violent attack on the Opposition, but his speech met also with disfavour. In fact, this second attempt on the part of the majority was received with vehement cries of " Sujficit" it is enough ; which has always been the answer to propositions that failed in gaining public favour. 4. Great part of January was occupied by the scheme regard- ing the episcopate, which was finally sent back in the Congre- gation of the 24th, after a splendid speech by the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio, in which he urged the re-establishment of provincial and diocesan synods, a matter which had been strongly pressed by the Catholics of Cologne in their address. He also insisted on the necessity of the intervention of the bishops in all declarations issued in the Church, and deprecated their publication on the authority of the Pope alone, in the shape of Bulls or Briefs. In saying this, he evidently alluded to the Bull on the limita- 108 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. tion of censures, issued by the Pope before the opening of the Council, and he concluded by observing that the attempt to reduce the bishops to the position of mere officials of the Pope was contrary to the true spirit of the Church. The Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio (Strossmayer) also reflected in this speech on the constitution of the College of Cardinals, and complained of the difficulties which attended the admission of eminent men of different countries into its ranks. Strossmayer spoke later on the scheme " De Moribus Cleri- corum," but not so brilliantly as on this occasion, when he was said to have equalled the famous speech made at the opening of the Council by which he took rank as one of the principal orators. The scheme " De Moribus Clericorum " was under discussion from the 26th of January to the 8th of February, its aim being to give the bishops unlimited power over the priests, as an equivalent to the authority asserted by the Pope over the bishops in the scheme " De Episcopis." The French and the Spaniards warmly supported the former; but among those who opposed it, Monsignor Scissmor attracted much notice by a convincing and eloquent speech, in which he pointed out the tyranny and hardships that must inevitably result from the adoption of such a system. The rest of February was occupied with the scheme, " De Catechismo," which was finally settled in the Congregation held on the 22nd, after forty members had spoken on the subject. On this day the first phase of the Council concluded. Its time had been occupied in sending back for revision all the propositions brought before it, and in proving the utter fallacy of that part of the programme announced by the Civiltd Cattolica, which promised a spontaneous and unanimous agree- ment among members of the Council. 5. On the 22nd of February the new Order was published, the result of the deliberations carried on with the view of imposing some limit on the length of the debates. Ten days' holidays were announced, in order that the Council might rest, and start again with renewed vigour along the road in which Rome never ceases to advance, even though her progress be slackened for a while. The opinion of the Fathers was not asked, and the assembly February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 109 was not consulted on this new Order any more than on the former one ; but, like the first, it was communicated to the Council, and carried into execution by the same authority, and with the intention which had prevailed from the beginning. It contains pretty nearly all those injunctions we have noticed, as emanating from the directive body in the Council, with this difference, that in future it should be optional and not obligatory on the Fathers to present their speeches in manuscript to the Commis- sions ; and providing that when they did so, the Commissions should print those speeches in a compendious form, and distri- bute them to the bishops. Of course it followed that when the Fathers preferred simply to recite or to read their speeches, they should be allowed to do so, and therefore no real innovation was made ; but the same document contained two articles, which were its " raison d'etre," and contained the spirit of the new Order. The first article authorised the president to cut short an orator every time he wandered from the subject under debate ; this seemed, at first sight, a simple expedient for regulating the discussion, but one of the presidents took occasion to make it severely felt on the very day on which it came into operation. Monsignor Haynald, Bishop of Colocza, one of the most prominent bishops in the Opposition, made some historical quo- tation, which showed that on the occasion of the reform of the Roman Breviary, a Pope had expressed an opinion contrary to that of the present majority in the Council ; and the president immediately requested him to stop, and to descend from the tribune. Such interference on a slight matter the first day that it was practicable plainly indicated to the Opposition the view that the presidents entertained of the new authority given to them. The second article was still more important, for it pro- vided that any debate might be brought to an end when the subject had been " satis excussa," on the proposal of not fewer than ten Fathers. It declared also that when the closing was proposed it should be decided at once, and that the opinion of the majority alone was requisite on the matter. The practical result of such an arrangement was to constitute the majority sole and absolute arbiter of the debates, since it could either permit them or stop them entirely at its own pleasure. HO EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [February. It is true that the article says the matter must have been " satis excussa," but who was to judge of this condition ? The majority again? In fact, judgment by the majority prevailed throughout the new Order, for it provided that the different parts of any scheme, and its amendments also, should be voted by the " rising or sitting " of the Fathers," and that by it " decernetur " the result of the vote of the majority. The definitive oral vote on the whole scheme was given by saying "Placet" or "Non placet;" but nothing further was de- creed with regard to it, as here the Pope's authority is touched on, an authority which will not endure the slightest diminution or qualification, and which, by its individual action can change the scheme into a decree. 6. The idea that pervades these modifications is clearly that, as it was impossible to obtain unanimity in the Council, it was necessary to be content with the vote of the majority, this last being, in fact, already so well organised and homogeneous, that full trust might be placed in it. Moreover, this was the most obvious and legal means of subduing the Opposition. Accordingly, by the new Order everything was left to the judgment of the majority, and this arrangement gave great im- portance to a clause which could prejudge to the detriment of the interests of the Opposition one of the gravest questions before the Council, that, namely, of the necessity of unanimity in its decisions. The immediate danger for the Opposition, under the new Order, was that, by the aid of its provisions, the Infallibilists might, within a week, arrest the discussion on the scheme " De Ecclesia," vote its acceptance, and present it to the Pope for his approbation. It may be inferred that they did not intend at once to avail themselves of this facility, from the fact that an injunction was inserted in the rule obliging those who objected to any measure not to be content with opposing it, but to bring forward some other proposal in its stead. This proviso would have been useless had the intention of the authorities been to impose the schemes illico et immediate on the minority ; but it is well to point out what might have been the logical results of the new Order. The power of the majority once established, the minority was as much at its mercy in the Council as in any secular assembly ; February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. Ill with this difference, however, that the judgments of the latter, if mistaken, can be revoked, whereas those of the Council, from the fact of their dealing with absolute truths, and from the mode of their enunciation, are irrevocable. Indeed, the Papacy is an institution so well organised and established in the Church, that like the ship which is its symbolical image, it always floats, however tossed by the waves. In the scheme the Papacy condemns the majority, in the Order it approves it, without fearing to seem contradictory, since the two decisions equally rest on its own unlimited authority. 7. A new scheme, " On Religious Orders," was distributed in the Congregation of February 22nd, together, it was said, with a general index of the business before the Council, and after all these important events, began the promised ten days' vacation. This interval divides the first phase of the Council, which we have already considered, from the second now to be inaugurated on a new system, the working of which was as yet uncertain and dangerous in proportion as the pressure of the majority and consequent resistance of the minority were more deeply felt. At first the Opposition did not make the same objections to the new Order as they did later. Most of the bishops were ori- ginally in favour of a reform, the principle of which seemed, with regard to an Assembly, natural and useful, but the danger lurk- ing beneath it soon became apparent ; and the Opposition felt that, if once accepted, their situation would become daily more difficult, and their ultimate defeat undoubted. To reject the Order was, however, no easy matter. The Oppo- sition felt that if sometimes the majority were wrong in pressing their opinion, the minority were certainly wrong in disregarding it. Moreover, the fate of the addresses put forth against the first Order was by no means encouraging for those who were now inclined to make a similar attempt. The prorogation of the assembly left all in doubt ; the future course of the Opposition was unknown, but it was expected that, after deliberation, they would adopt some definite line of action. 8. Before closing the narration of February's events, we may mention certain occurrences which plainly indicated the popular feeling at the time. Dupanloup in one of his speeches had given the cardinals to understand that they would do well to 112 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. L Fei5 ™ary. follow the example of their predecessors in those ages when the Sacred College manifested greater independence and firmness. Cardinal Di Pietro, in his answer, tried to turn the tables upon Dupanloup, by observing that if any strictures could be passed on the Sacred College they were due to the conduct of cardinals of old, and not to those of the present day. Perhaps the prelates were both right up to a certain point : there was nothing remark- able in the reflection, and such encounters were common between the Opposition and the majority. It happened, however, that the day on which these speeches were made, Dupanloup lost part of his manuscript between his house and the Vatican ; the event in itself was entirely unimportant, but it arrested public attention, and furnished ample scope for conjecture to those who were anxiously looking out for gossip concerning the Council ; in fact, it was difficult to make them believe that a bishop might lose his papers, like another mortal, without any mysterious or extraordinary results. Some amusing incidents occurred from time to time, and served to enliven the monotony of the meetings ; among these may be mentioned the speech of a Neapolitan bishop on the long coat worn by the clergy, which provoked much merriment among the venerable Fathers of the Council. 9. During the vacation, all sorts of new propositions sprang up, and the bishops spent the time in collecting .fresh materials — as if there were not enough already — wherewith to put to the test the small amount of faith yet prevailing in the nineteenth century. One of these propositions on the Assumption of the Virgin had been already announced by the Civilta Cattolica ; and there was another brought forward by the Oriental bishops, and reported in the Univers, to the effect that the Church should issue some declaration to repress and limit the rights of war. It is pleasing to find this charitable thought amid so many anathemas and condemnations, but it was due to Copts and Armenians ! 10. The Liberal Catholic party continued to issue publica- tions of great interest, and among these Dollinger's article on the address of the Infallibilists holds the first place. Dollinger re- ceived the congratulations of Cologne, Bonn, Miinster, Breslau, Fribourg, Tubingen, Prague, and other great intellectual centres February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 113 in Germany ; of the universities and theological faculties, even those whose opinions were unlike his own ; and all these addresses praised his firmness, expressed their concurrence with him, and encouraged him to persevere. On the other side of the Alps, the principal publications were Maret's defence of his own book and the letters of Pere Gratry. In Italy pamphlets appeared with increasing frequency, one written with great force and accuracy, but anonymously, was entitled ' The Pretended Infallibility of the Pope.' 11. The Pope's speech, on opening the Exhibition of Art applied to Catholic worship, awoke great interest, for in it he made a declaration little expected, and which was certainly out of place on the occasion. He affirmed that it was not only wrong, but blasphemous for any to say that the Church needed reform, alluding to words recently used by a distinguished indi- vidual which had provoked his displeasure. This person was not named ; but a double interpretation was put on the Pope's speech. It seems that one of the leaders of the French Liberal party, irritated by the proceedings of Rome, of which he had once been a warm supporter, had, in conversation with a friend, expressed himself openly on the matter by declaring that the Church needed an " 89." The Pope cited, and condemned the phrase, and the Liberal Catholics thought that they recognised in his allusion a condemnation of their leader ; the Ultramon- tane papers, moreover, took a malignant pleasure in pressing this meaning, in order to vex them. This is the first interpretation. The Osservatore Romano, on the other hand, hastened to give a contrary view, by asseverating that the Pope had speci- fically attributed these words to " the great Italian demagogue " — a denomination which, though vague, certainly excluded a French Catholic. This was the second interpretation. If this latter view were the true one, the Pope had apparently mistaken the date ; for though a French Catholic might naturally on such an occasion have alluded to the year '89, an Italian demagogue would rather, in the present condition of the public mind, have referred to '93. If the Pope's speech, as appears most probable, were really directed against the French Liberal Catholics, they would only be receiving the same treatment which they tried to inflict on the I 114 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [February. Italian Liberals ; and under this aspect their punishment would be merited. If the phrase which produced such an effect be taken by itself, it is just as indefinite as most of those in the Syllabus, and, having no certain meaning, lends itself equally to the favourable and unfavourable comments made upon it. If by the word Reform, the reform of Luther be understood, the Pope could not be expected to praise it ; if necessary changes only are understood, the existence of the Council proves its desirability. If there were nothing requiring change, what was the use of summoning the Vatican Council three centuries after the last that was held? But supposing there were something to change, there was something to reform ; so if the Pope used the phrase in an absolute sense, he condemned himself for having summoned the Council ; and this opinion would be perhaps in accordance with that of several prelates, and even of some cardinals of the Roman Curia. 12. Recent events, especially the knowledge of the maxims of public ecclesiastical law contained in the scheme " De Ecclesia," produced a change in the attitude of the Catholic Powers with regard to the Council ; and according as the Church seemed indisposed to recognise the liberty of the State, they began to look with suspicion on the liberty of the Church. Up to the present time little notice had been taken of the Council except by the representatives of the smaller Catholic nations ; but now the great Powers, and France in particular, instructed their am- bassadors to pay closer attention to the subject, and to bring their influence to bear upon the proceedings at the Vatican. Rome, however, with her great diplomatic ability, knew how to avert their interference, and it is supposed that the fall of the Bavarian Ministry at that time was due to her influence; Bavaria was the only country that comprehended the gravity of the situation, and had acted with an amount of energy hardly warranted by the rank she held among other Catholic Powers. Now that Rome was freed from an embarrassment by the downfall of the Bavarian Ministry, it might have been supposed that the great Powers would come forward and act in the matter. Accordingly there was some talk of ambassadors being sent to the Council by the Catholic Powers, according to ancient usage, thus renouncing the policy of abstention, from which Rome February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 115 drew all the profit. Special mention was also made of an am- bassador to be sent from France to Rome, in addition to the one already there accredited to the Holy See, but no name was mentioned. The Vatican, meanwhile, had so well learnt to play its part as " a free Church " that any ambassador who should succeed hereafter in taking part in a Congregation of the Council would give proof of no slight dexterity, and no common know- ledge of his profession. Whatever these official intentions may have been, it is nevertheless true that the attention of Europe was now turned to the Vatican, and public opinion occupied itself with the Council more than was desired at Rome. Ger- many was the source of the greatest disquietude to the Vatican. Some symptoms of discussion also appeared in Italy, and none too soon, for we must admit that, though she exercises consider- able influence in such matters, which are not new to her, Italy is very slow to move, and usually waits to follow the initiative of the Northern nations. The clergy of Milan thanked their Archbishop for not signing the petition for Infallibility, and besought him to uphold the rites and the dignity of the Ara- brosian Church. In the East heavy storms were gathering. The Oriental Christian communities were so irritated by the attempted abo- lition of their prerogatives, and by the subserviency to Rome manifested by some of their bishops at the Council, that a schism appeared probable in consequence ; and schisms flourish wonderfully in the East, where many persons are quite ready to foment them to their own advantage. The danger became ap- parent at Rome, and some steps were taken to quell the storm, although the authorities continued to pursue the same line of conduct with regard to the East as before. On the other hand, no notice was taken of the opposition of the West, and it seemed strange that the threatened loss of a few Armenians should stir the Vatican more deeply than the representations of numbers of the most intelligent men in Europe. 13. In all respects the condition of the Council remained un- changed ; the relative position of its parties, the probable results of its action, continued the same. Its duration was uncertain ; but the Archbishop of Paris, in a letter to the Archdeacon of Notre Dame, said " that his return to Paris would be undoubtedly I 2 116 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Febbuaby. at Easter, whether the work of the Council were already com- pleted by that time, or whether it were to be resumed the December following." According to this calculation, there only remained to the Council six weeks of the current year in which to complete its deliberations, and therefore this opinion, notwithstanding the position of its author, was not considered to be well founded. Other people, more patient, looked for the closing, or, at any rate, the suspension of the Council at the feast of St. Peter in June — a supposition strengthened by the in- variable cessation of work in Rome at that season. The real struggle in the Council remained unaltered as to its purpose — " Would the Opposition succeed in preventing absolutism from gaining supremacy in the Church ?" This was the great question on which all others depended, as they were relatively secondary and unimportant ; and here three hypotheses were possible. First. — Supposing the Opposition to be vanquished and unable to control the majority, it was probable, from the prevailing temper on both sides, that most of the States, at present Catholic, would cease to be so in fact, at least in regard to the principles that govern modern civilised institutions — and with them a large number of the noble and intelligent minds, who hitherto had remained within the bosom of the Church ; and the Church herself, weakened by her losses, and finding herself at the mercy of an individual will, would be violently driven forward on a perilous course, the issue of which no human being could esti- mate or foresee. Secondly. Should the Opposition succeed in modifying in any decree, more in form than in substance, the proposals of the majority, very little real change would be effected in the economy of the Church ; excepting that the Curia Romana would con- sider the results of the Council as a new precedent to be remem- bered favourably for those who had sided with it, leaving the others unnoticed until a fresh opportunity should arise of re- suming the interrupted work, and bringing it to an end. Thirdly. Should the Opposition really succeed in arresting the movement towards absolutism, a reform might begin, of which this fact, and even the Council itself, would only be the pro- logue. But this end, though a very modest one, seemed already most difficult of attainment. A sense of alarm prevailed gene- February.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 117 rally in the Opposition, and the Augsburg Gazette, one of its most authoritative organs, did not disguise its fears as to the final success of the great question of Reform. 14. The majority which ruled and was in its turn ruled by the Catholic party, entangled the Opposition in the confused mazes of ancient laws, traditions, and expedients, which it could handle, from long practice, with consummate art. The Oppo- sition, while involved in these toils, were kept in good order and obedience by ecclesiastical discipline and the respect due to the Holy Keys ; and found great difficulty in throwing off the yoke of a party possessing so many advantages, and striving so pertinaciously for what it considered the ideal development of the Church. Facts were, however, opposed to these just argu- ments, and during the three months the Council had lasted, no solution had yet been found for the principal question, or any of the others submitted to its deliberation. 118 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. MARCH. I.— APPENDIX TO THE SCHEME " DE ECCLESIA." J. Distribution of Appendix to the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. Foreign influence. — 3. Plans for leaving the Council. — 4. Great discouragement. — 5. More on politics. — 6. Eecall of the French ambassador. 1. On the evening of Monday, the 7th of March, it was dis- covered that an Appendix to the scheme " De Ecclesia " had been distributed to the bishops, which proposed the declaration of the personal Infallibility of the Pope, in faith and morals, on the ground that it was desired by most of the bishops in the Council. This Appendix was put forth at a moment when the Opposition had scarcely recovered from their amazement in regard to the new Order, and when many of the bishops mani- fested their increasing disapproval of the fact that it vested de- cisive power in the majority, rather than in the unanimity of the Fathers, and that it enabled the presidents to encroach on the liberty of discussion. The Appendix was, in fact, the famous " postulatum" contained in the address of the Infalli- bilists — which had aroused so much ill-will, and now reap- peared with the approval of the Commission on " Postulata" the ground having been prepared by the new Order. This docu- ment affirmed that the Infallibility of the Pope should be considered as entirely and on every point equivalent to the infallibility of the whole Church. This axiom was clearly expressed in a periodical published in North Italy, called The Ecumenical Council, by the algebraic formula : a = a + b, a formula which can only be verified when Z>, which in this case represented the episcopate, is zero. Some people might be unwilling to admit the idea suggested by this paper, and so Maret proposed another view of the difficulty ; he March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 110 affirmed that Infallibility was a mystery as incomprehensible as the doctrine of the Trinity. The new Appendix, of which we are treating, concluded by expressly declaring — that every one professing a disbelief in Infallibility must be considered beyond the pale of the Catholic Church. 2. This last declaration broke like a thunder-clap over the Opposition. No one expected such an assertion, and all were astonished at it ; even those not immediately occupied in eccle- siastical matters. It involved a departure from the prudence and patience usually characteristic of the Roman Curia, which had never before professed doctrines either so absolute in them- selves, or expressed in so absolute a form, and certainly had never employed such violent means to attain its ends. It seemed as though a northern Ultramontane blast had blown over the cautious and patient Curia, and rendered its proposals more cutting by its chilling influence. A great commotion ensued ; and the Opposition were in a state of confusion, almost amounting to despair. 3. On the publication of the new Order, it was evident to the Opposition that, if they consented to continue the discussion under the conditions it established, their position would be hopeless ; and they debated whether it would not be advisable to protest, and leave the Council entirely, such a course being the only one yet open to them if they did not take the road of their own dioceses. When, however, the bishops in Opposi- tion began to reckon up the names of those who would agree to this step, their number was found to be small. At first it was said that eighty might be depended upon ; but subse- quently even the most ardent admitted that from thirty to fifty only would be found prepared for so extreme a measure as that of leaving the Council. 4. The publication of this new Appendix caused much alarm and disturbance in the ranks of the Opposition, for its inten- tion was unmistakable. The new Order had already authorised the closing a debate at the judgment and desire of the majority. The proposal of Infallibility included a monitum of the Com- mission that had approved the " postulatum," and (together with the presidents) greatly influenced the direction of the Council, by which the time for presenting written observations on the 120 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. subject itself was limited to ten days. A clause was also added to the declaration of Infallibility, which distinctly affirmed that all who did not submit to the dogma were out of the Church. The Opposition saw the danger of their situation ; the majority might vote the scheme " De Ecclesia " and the Appendix in ten or fifteen days, and then they would find themselves out of the Church. If the natural timidity of persons under ecclesi- astical discipline be remembered, and the intolerable position in which they are placed by being cast out of the pale of the Church, as well as all the considerations and precedents that bind them, it will easily be understood that the bold step of the majority caused the utmost dismay among the minority. The most sincere and resolute leaders of the Opposition were greatly discouraged, and it almost seemed at that moment as if the Civilta Cattolica were right, and that the Jesuits had conquered. 5. According to their usual practice in moments of imminent peril, the Opposition now had recourse to the aid of diplomacy ; every one turned for help to the representative of his own country, but on this occasion with less success than before. The attention of the different Governments of Europe which had been aroused and directed to the Council had again subsided, and they returned to their former attitude of inaction. No excuse can be found for this carelessness at a period when such important matters were under discussion — matters in many ways directly concerning those very Governments themselves. The traditional policy of Rome has always possessed the extra- ordinary faculty of turning its misfortunes as well as its suc- cesses to its own advantage ; it has profited equally by the enthusiasm of bygone centuries, and by the indifference of the present age. Such a policy, with a settled line of action, easily adapts itself to the difficulties it meets with in order to obtain the desired end ; the Vatican party during the Council followed this course, and it succeeded. The Governments of Europe being impressed with the general decline of religious feeling, and therefore with the slight influence it would exercise on the life and interests of nations, affected great negligence for all that concerned religion. Rome had long profited by this liberty, and now the Council benefited by it likewise. The Governments laid aside the prevision and caution they usually exercised. March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 121 The Vatican was not slow to take advantage of this calm, and its adherents immediately drew up the scheme " De Ecclesia," which asserts the entire subordination of society to the authority of the Pope, with a precision never yet adopted in the formulas of the Roman Curia. Whatever opinions may be entertained on the decay of religious feeling in general, to overlook what was going on in the Vatican Council, was undoubtedly to cou- found the political with the historical question. Whatever may be the future relations of Church and State in conjunction with modern institutions ; Catholicism is, de facto et dejure, the pre- dominant, if not the sole religion of the majority of the Latin races, and therefore the manner in which it is taught and exer- cised, and the individuals to whom is confided its direction, cannot be indifferent to civil rulers. All the Catholic Governments failed in discharging this duty of vigilance with regard to the Council, Bavaria only seeming to understand its importance. Some countries were by a singular chance incapacitated from exercising any influence in the matter ; Spain being in a state of utter disorder, and Italy (as Visconti Venosta observed, in reply to a question on the subject in the Italian Chambers) being, from political circumstances, disse- vered from all relations with Rome, and unable to influence her in any way. France held in her hands the fate of the Papacy, France guarded the doors of the Vatican Council, and though she did not respect the liberty of others, she ought at least to have respected the liberty of her own religion. France ought not to have remained deplorably indifferent while her own religion was being remoulded and modified anyhow, without endeavouring to intervene and to exercise a legitimate influence on the Council ; though in her own case the sad result would be that of showing herself, according to circumstances, alternately " the Catholic nation" or the nation of "89," and as extreme in the one character as in the other. 6. The French and Austrian ambassadors had met the re- iterated appeals made to them by the bishops on the publication of the new Order with the greatest official suavity. Their re- spective Governments had never really changed the instructions given them from the first — to maintain the strictest neutrality. The only exception to this fact (if it be considered of any 122 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. importance) may be noticed in the official and semi-official letters of Count Daru, which produced on the Court of Rome the effect already described by Monti, in referring to the tremenda vanifa di Francia, which as he expresses it, sul Tebro e nebbia clie dal sol si doma. It is true that the only result of the last remonstrances made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs, with a view to the reform of the Order, was, if I mistake not, the pub- lication of the proposal of Infallibility. The bold and rapid strides of the majority, and the faint resistance of the Oppo- sition, had for a moment aroused the French Government, which then proposed to send orators or envoys to the Council ; but the result of this slight movement was to cause the hasty and unexpected distribution of the proposal of Infallibility to the bishops, and it was said that this sort of coup d'etat once accom- plished, Rome no longer objected to receive the ambassadors from France. Indeed, when the entire programme of the Council was known, and its discussion commenced, no danger was to be apprehended from any Caesarean envoys ; for it was easy to take shelter from their representations under the authority of the as- sembly, and in the event of their arrival their sole office would be quietly to watch the logical development of the official part of a drama, the success of which it was already easy to foretell. France had undoubtedly proposed to exercise some inter- ference in conjunction with the other Catholic powers, but the idea was coldly received. Spain and Italy declined to move at all in the matter of the Council, the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs sending a circular to that effect to his diplomatic agents, and Visconti Venosta in the speech already mentioned, declaring the opinion of the Italian Government. This attempt at com- bined action having failed, there was no further talk of orators being sent to the Council, either because the Pope interposed difficulties, or because the French Government, foreseeing what would be the position of its ambassador, thought well to let the matter drop, and the diplomatic movement found vent in an interchange of letters and explanations between the Vatican and the Tuileries. The French ambassador was summoned to Paris to give an account of his conduct ; but this sign of displeasure was transitory, only for some days was there a talk of his definitive recall, and, in fact, the excellent Monsieur de Mauch.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 1 23 Banneville very soon reappeared at his post in Rome, where his influence mainly contributed to encourage the Infallibilists and reduce the Opposition to despair. II.— A TKUCE. 1. Death of Count de Montalembert. — 2. Funeral service in his honour. — 3. More petitions by the bishops. — 4. Article by Dollinger. — 5. Suspension of the scheme " De Ecclesia." 1. The Count de Montalembert was just dead. He, like a few others, had found himself placed in so hard and painful a position by the moral condition of France and his own convictions, that after having striven all his life to sacrifice his liberal ideas for the sake of his religion, on his death-bed he found himself almost abandoned by his religion on account of his liberalism. Many lamented him as an eloquent and learned man ; only a few private friends and an inconsiderable party could follow him in his laboured mediation between the tem- poral power and Infallibility, and could therefore feel his loss as a politician, or as the representative of a great idea, excepting in so far as his name had strengthened the Opposition, and his great talents had helped their cause. His death, however, aroused in some measure the religious passions of the Vatican. The letter with which Montalembert closed his life, as well as his political and religious career, is well known ; * its frank and noble lan- guage is a legacy for which generous and liberal minds will ever hold him in grateful remembrance ; but it produced a very different effect on the ruling party at the Vatican. It seemed to arouse the ancient enmity against the liberal Catholic party, and the Pope went so far as to speak of M. de Montalembert before a large auditory in very unfavourable terms. The friends of the Count, however, were determined to render homage to his memory, and arranged a funeral service in his honour at the Church of Aracceli. This church was particularly connected with the Roman municipality, and Montalembert had been made a Roman patrician for the good offices he rendered to the Government on the occasion of the French expedition to Rome. * See Appendix, Document XV. 124 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [March. As soon as the Pope was aware of the intended service, he pro- hibited its celebration, and those who were invited to attend received notice that the function would not take place on the appointed day. Notwithstanding- this prohibition, a few bishops and members of the diplomatic body, along with some personal friends of Montalembert's, went to the church at the time fixed ; some because they would not yield to such an arbitrary in- junction, and more, because they were really unaware of the interdiction issued by the Pope. They found at the church a notice similar to that sent round to their houses, and they were obliged to depart without even being able to obtain the cele- bration of a low mass for the departed, at which they would have assisted without any pomp or grand solemnity. This occurrence made a deep impression on all, and was the culminating point of that phase of oppression, which commencing, with the reform of the Order of the Council, had already attained the unlooked- for proposal of Infallibility, and now ventured to forbid the celebration of a loving and pious service to one who bore the name of De Montalembert. 2. And now we come to a truce, or rather a movement which might be called a step backwards were it not to be succeeded by a bound forwards. The Osservatore Romano announced that the Pope, wishing to testify his recollection of all the services rendered to the Church by Count de Montalembert, had per- sonally assisted at a service for the repose of his soul, held in the Church of the Traspontina. The truth was that the advisers of the Vatican — either of their own accord, or because they were aware of the unfortunate impression caused by the intolerance of the previous day and were desirous of making up for it — had during the night arranged this funeral celebration, at which the Pope assisted next morning unknown to all, so that the friends of the Count had no chance of being present. Europe received by telegraph the announcement of the honours paid by the Pope to the memory of M. de Montalem- bert, but on those who were cognisant of this event it produced a very strange impression. The reasons adduced by the friends of the Vatican for having thus endeavoured to prevent a demon- stration which, on account of the nature of Montalembert's later opinions, might seem undesirable, could not, however, avail to March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 125 justify the effect produced by the intervention of the authorities, and the employment of force, in order to prevent dignitaries of the Church, Fathers of the Council, and other persons of posi- tion and eminence, from rendering to their friend what even the poorest anxiously procure for those they love — the last offices after death. And yet this happened in the case of one of illus- trious name, who had deserved well of the Church. 3. The bishops, recovering from their first stupor, and seeing how little aid they could expect from diplomacy, had again adopted, after much wavering, the plans which had already proved so unsuccessful, of framing protests and petitions against the Order. In these they demanded chiefly three things : — 1st. The abolition of the limits of time imposed on the study and discussion of the schemes. 2nd. The creation of a mixed Com- mission, in which controverted points might be orally debated before being altered. 3rd. That all decisions should depend, invariably, not on the vote of the majority, but on the moral unanimity of the Fathers. 4. At the very time when the bishops in Opposition made these protests in Rome, an article signed by Dollinger appeared in the Augsburg Gazette, which set forth clearly the grounds on which the Church of Germany would be compelled to secede, unless the Council stopped short of the fatal precipice to which its course was tending.* The object of this article was to point out that no Council had ever been fettered by an Order, that the principal Councils had none at all, and that when an Order was first introduced, as in the more recent Councils, it was always voted unanimously by the Fathers themselves. The article also affirmed that no solemn declarations were ever made in the Church, otherwise than with unanimous consent, for this reason ; that the Council in a certain sense cannot create new dogmas, but can only render testimony to those which rest on the universal consent of the Church. According to this principle, not only is the majority incapable of making dogmas (which is admitted by all), but it cannot even attest them ; for the very ideas of a majority and a minority are at variance with the idea of universality, the latter beginning where the former ends. By this important document it appears that a Council which is sub- * See Appendix, Document XVII. 12(3 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. jected to a rule not framed by itself, a Council which creates dogmas by its own authority, and in addition to this accepts the decision of the majority only, has not the characteristics necessary to make it an Ecumenical Council. This opinion, in plain words, means that the Vatican Council, under its present conditions, would not be accepted as an Ecumenical Council by those whose opinions were described in the article. Such was the language of Germany ; while in the East protests and menaces increased, until an actual split took place among the Armenian Catholics on the question of the nomination of their bishops, on which point they are extremely jealous. 5. Whatever weight may be attributed to these manifestations of public opinion, or be ascribed to the influence of laymen and diplomatists, which, though slight, was yet felt, one thing is certain — the immediate discussion of the scheme, " De Ecclesia," and of the Appendix to the declaration of Infallibility, was dropped. All that we have described took place during the adjournment of the Council, which occurred on the sending back of the first schemes and the publication of the new Order. Instead of lasting ten days, as announced in the Congregation of February 22nd, this adjournment lasted twenty-five days ; and when the Council met again it was not occupied with the scheme " De Ecclesia," but with the amended schemes, and thus the Opposition obtained a little respite from the severe and unex- pected pressure which had reduced them to such extremities. III.— THE FIRST SCHEMES AGAIN BEOUGHT FORWARD. 1. The first schemes again brought forward. — 2. Stormy sitting. — 3. Protest of the Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio. — 4. Speech of the Pope. — 5. Incidents relating to the Eastern bishops. — 6. Theme for a speech at the Eoman univer- sity. — 7. Withdrawal of some amendments. — 8. Seasons for the same. — 9. Despatches of Count Darn and of Car.liiml Antonelli. — 10. Ambassadors. — 11. Relations betwe?n France and the Vatican. — 12. The scheme " De Fide " voted in part. — 13. Catholic Art Exhibition.— 14. The same. 1. Such was the state of affairs when, on Friday, March 18th, the Congregations were resumed after a holiday in which many important events had occurred : the sitting was occupied with the scheme "De Fide," now brought forward for the second March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 127 time, after its emendation, by the proper Commission. Not- withstanding its amended form, it met with much opposition. Five orators had inscribed their names for the debate, but three only had spoken, when the Congregation was interrupted, that the Fathers miffht attend one of those ceremonies which have become frequent of late years, owing to the Pope's fondness for outward display. According to an old custom, it was usual for the Pope on a Friday in March to descend from his apart- ments to the Church of St. Peter, in order to visit the relics which are preserved in the gallery behind the tribune ; and on this occasion, the sitting of the Council was suspended, and the Fathers left the Hall to accompany him. It seems that some striking result had been expected from this Congregation, for one of the Fathers who favoured the majority suddenly en- deavoured, as if by " chance," to obtain a declaration of Infalli- bility, but only a small number supported him ; and if the Infallibilists had really pre-arranged this surprise during the recess they must have been much disappointed at its results. No other incident marked the opening of the Congregations. 2. The next sitting, on Tuesday, March 22nd, was a memor- able one, as on that occasion the storm which had long been gathering under the pressure of recent events burst forth. Three orators contributed to bring it to a climax. First, Cardinal Schwarzemberg, Archbishop of Prague, then the Bishop of Grenoble, and finally Strossmayer, the effect of whose speech was such that the adjournment of the sitting was called for. The principal subjects that provoked the anger of the majority were : first, the defence of the proposals made by the Opposition for obtaining greater liberty in debate, and rejecting the judg- ment of the majority and all the provisions of the new Order ; secondly, the continued objections to the amended schemes, as still containing excessive and useless condemnations, which the Opposition asserted were likely to produce a bad rather than a good effect on those who were not Catholics ; and lastly, the exception taken to the form of the scheme, which was admitted by all to be faulty. Certain words used in attacking the judgment of the majority, offended the greater part of the bishops pre- sent ; words hinting that delicate comparisons might be drawn between the votes of the Fathers according to the importance 128 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. of the flocks they represented. This question, although a diffi- cult one, was, however, absorbed in the more important matter of determining whether the unanimity of a Council or the votes of a majority of its members should, by its decision, constitute a Canon ; and here the first storm arose. The intolerance of the majority was further provoked by some words in which, while discussing the second subject, justice was rendered to certain Protestants by name ; and here a second outbreak occurred, more violent than any which had yet taken place. Schwarzemberg, whose speech had been the first occasion of the storm, was ordered to desist by the legate De Angelis ; and on attempting to begin again, met with so much interruption, by cries of " sileat " from the majority, that he was obliged to omit some of his discourse, and bring it to an abrupt conclusion. Strossmayer, who caused the second tempest, was three times ordered to stop by the legate Capalti, the last time in a way anything but courteous. He replied that he was tired of being thus called to order, and thwarted on every point ; that such pro- ceedings were incompatible with freedom of debate, and that he protested against them. At this a storm broke forth, the Fathers left their seats and crowded round the tribune ; threats and menaces of every sort — " e suon di man con elle " ;* cries of " Viva Pio IX. ! " " Vivan i Cardinali Legati ! " were heard in different accents in the no longer venerable assembly. One cardinal cried, " You protest against us, we protest against you ; " and other utterances equally serious and serene proceeded from every part of the hall ; in fact, the uproar was so formidable, that some confusion ensued outside, in the church itself. Certain partisans of Infallibility, on hearing the disturbance, imagined that it signified the spontaneous passing of that dogma by acclamation, as had been predicted, and were ready to add their shouts of triumph on the happy event ; others, of a contrary opinion, prepared to mock at these rejoicings ; and St. Peter's was very nearly the scene of a tumult. The ubiquitous gen- darme, however, who is the last argument in every discussion, and the strongest and most effective instrument of every sort of Infallibility, here interfered, ordered off the crowd — who were * '' Sounds of hands with these." Ford's Danto, Inf. iii., 27. March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 129 pressing eagerly round the door of the Council Hall, and met with no resistance save from the servants of some of the bishops, who, on hearing the cries from within, feared that their masters were threatened by some dangers in that tumultuous assembly, and tried to enter the hall to assist them. 3. The day after this storm, Strossmayer, having been ad- monished by his colleagues that such resistance exceeded the limits of what was lawful, took upon himself the sole responsi- bility of the occurrence, and presented a protest in his own name against the threats and pressure to which he had been subjected at the preceding meeting, not only with regard to the question of principle, but with regard to all that he had so energetically opposed — as the restrictions on freedom of debate, judgment by the majority, and the other points which we have mentioned. At the first private meeting in which the leaders of the Opposition of different countries met together, Strossmayer was received with the warmest expressions of regard ; and almost all, though they had not actually signed his protest, declared themselves in favour of it. 4. The Pope soon made his opinion on the matter known, in a speech he delivered when distributing to the missionary bishops the ecclesiastical vestments and ornaments sent from Belgium by a society of pious ladies, called " L'CEuvre des pauvres Eglises." On this occasion he made many allusions to present difficulties, and rendered his meaning evident by the words with which he closed his speech — " be united with me, and not with revolution." Who could possibly have predicted that these good Fathers, who, a few years back, were so strong against revolution, would now themselves be accused of revolution ? Who could have told them in 1860, that in the short space of ten years the Head of the Church would have included many of them in the same class with that very Count Cavour whom they so detested, and that by a series of deductions they might find themselves at length in that bad company, actually banded with Mazzini ! Revolution ! wondrous word invoked by subjects against their rulers, and levelled as a reproach against their subjects by those who govern. Rulers who endeavour to degrade Stross- K 130 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [March. mayers to the level of a Rochefort not infrequently reverse the intended result, and raise a Rochefort to the height of a Strossmayer, thus rendering both equally instruments of their own ruin. 5. The Pope had directed his speech particularly against the Oriental bishops ; and being alarmed at the threats of schism from the East, he employed language adapted to the crisis. He made use of many loving and considerate expressions towards them, as he had .done recently on opening the Exhi- bition of Catholic Art, and dwelt much on his great regard for their religious rites, but strange to say, at the very time when his words were thus friendly towards the Orientals, a most inexplicable event occurred, an event which had much influence on the separation that afterwards took place in the Armenian Church. The Vicar-General of the Armenian Archbishop of Diarbekir, had severely blamed the Armenian Patriarch Hassoun, and the Latin Patriarch Valerga, both in words and in writing, for having caused by their undue servility to Rome great dis- pleasure to the Chaldean Patriarch, of whom mention was made in a former chapter. It seems that the Pope, upon the com- plaint of the Armenian and Latin Patriarchs, intimated to the Vicar-General that he should retire to a monastic establishment for a short time, as a punishment for his language ; but the latter, with the support of his bishop, either declined to obey this command altogether, or did not obey it exactly, whereupon his arrest was ordered, and he was seized one day while out walking. He attempted to resist, and a scandal ensued ; the affair was soon known on all sides, and the Turkish Minister, resident at Florence, hastened to Rome to take the Armenians under his protection as subjects of the Ottoman Porte. It was a singular fact that brethren in Christ should find themselves reduced to seek protection against His vicar, from whom ? from a Turk ! The whole affair was badly managed, and though at first a matter of little consequence, was allowed to assume grave pro- portions, and became further involved by the fact that a com- munity of Armenians, known as the " Frati Antoniani," were subjected to persecution of the same sort, the brothers who would not obey the injunctions of the ecclesiastical authorities ending, after many vicissitudes, by dissolving their community March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 131 and quitting Rome. Monsignor Pluym, Apostolic delegate at Constantinople, in the Pontifical Brief addressed to the Ar- menians of the Cilician Patriarchate a few weeks after these disturbances, was unwillingly obliged to acknowledge the unfor- tunate results they had produced. Speaking of those who had taken part in this affair, the Brief affirmed that " despising the laws and authority of the Church, they continued to cele- brate with solemn ritual the functions of the sacred ministry, although prohibited from exercising them," and alluded to the secular clergy and many of the monks at Constantinople, to the " Mechitaristi " of the congregation of Venice, and to all the " Frati Antoniani," including those at Rome, as the persons especially compromised in the revolt. This statement was really the involuntary denunciation of an incipient schism. 6. An anecdote was circulated about this time which may be taken as an illustration of the spirit prevalent in Rome. On account of the death of Padre Modena, one of the two Domini- cans who act as Censors of the Press in the office of " Masters of the Sacred Palaces," the theological chair of the Roman Univer- sity was vacant. The competitors for this office had a theme given them on which to write an essay ; a subject was to be selected by lot for this theme, and out of thirty the one on which the lot fell was " Papal Infallibility," a very strange coincidence. 7. But we must return to the Council. The sitting of Wed- nesday, the 23rd, was tranquil, as is usually the case after a storm, and the members of the Opposition who spoke that day were for the most part Armenian bishops ; they upheld the views of Schwarzemberg and Strossmayer, but the legates and the majority offered no interruption. The sitting of Thursday was equally quiet; and on Saturday, the 26th, several of the objec- tions to the scheme " De Fide," were withdrawn, and the bishops came to an agreement on part of it, so that the Optimists began again to indulge hopes of a future third Session, which up to the present time had seemed quite out of the question. 8. In order to understand this sudden calm, it must be ex- plained that at one of the international meetings (in which all the leaders of the Opposition of different nations consulted together), after the scene of the 22nd, they had taken a new step. Finding that their petition against the vote of the majority was K 2 * 132 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. of no avail, they resolved on presenting another formal protest to the effect that they rejected all dogmas declared to be such by the majority only, without the unanimous consent of the Fathers, and refused to recognise the validity of the Council as Ecumenical. This proposal met with so many supporters in the meeting, that probably, if carried into execution, it might have commanded the adhesion of a considerable portion of the Oppo- sition ; it was, in fact, the application of the principles advo- cated by Dollinger's article. It was also determined as a corol- lary to this plan that the Opposition should reserve their strength for the vital questions of the scheme " De Ecclesia," instead of wasting it in formal discussions on the scheme " De Fide." By this policy they intended to show their wish to be as conciliatory as possible, and their sincere desire for peace ; twelve amendments prepared by their own party were imme- diately withdrawn in conformity with this plan; a period of calm succeeded to the recent tempestuous discussions, and the first almost unanimous decisions of the Council were obtained. 9. Meantime the slackening of the zeal and activity of the Infallibilists was in some measure explained by the publication of the recent note of the French Government. This note had clearly been provoked by the Canons published in the Augsburg Gazette, and was forced from Count Daru by the petitions of the bishops after the circulation of the new Order. The answer of Cardinal Antonelli soon appeared, and the two documents threw much light on the state of affairs. The French note re- monstrated against the disquieting attitude assumed by the Church towards the State in the twenty-one Canons of the scheme " De Ecclesia." The answer of the Secretary of State was considered a chef-d'oeuvre of diplomatic art ; nor could it properly be otherwise, as it had to prove that those Canons which affirm that all civil society is entirely subject to the Pope were practically of no importance, and need not cause any uneasiness to Governments. This was the chief argument, which Antonelli tried to enforce. The other point on which he dwelt in his answer was more easy of demonstration, namely, that as these Canons were to be debated in the Council, no judg- ment could be passed on them until that discussion was over. But, after their consideration by the Council, the Cardinal March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 133 might easily protect himself against the importunities of Govern- ments by alleging that when the Church has decided a matter, the Secretary of State cannot interfere, and he would have some foundation for the statement. The aim of Cardinal Antonelli's reply to Count Daru was to delay the mission of the proposed Imperial orator, to reassure the French Government, so as to prevent its taking any steps in the matter, and whether in con- sequence of the ingenuity of the note, or for some other reason, he managed to attain his end without encountering any great resistance. But being uncertain whether she would have time to secure this result, Rome delayed the discussion of the scheme " De Ecclesia " and with it that on Infallibility, and instead of these reproduced some of the old amended schemes for consider- ation, and this policy, together with the forbearance manifested by the Opposition, explains the truce which prevailed for some days. The respite was, however, of short duration, and the minority were soon aware that their half-measures would not lead to any result. Once reassured, the Curia and the majority resumed their former road, a road that, whatever its windings may be, has for centuries been directed towards one point, the absolute power of the Church, in herself, and over all. A policy of this nature, when unduly pressed, will often miss its mark, and unless conducted with the utmost dexterity, will be thrown back or altogether frustrated, just as it seemed certain of success. 10. The representations of France were short-lived, and the talk of a special envoy soon dropped, though at one time it was supposed that an ambassador might be sent to Rome, accredited both to the Vatican and to the Council. It was then said that, notwithstanding all the explanations which had been made, M. de Banneville's recall would be final, but this was likewise a mistake ; and it appeared probable that he would return to Rome simply as ambassador to the Holy See, to resume the peaceful exercise of his duties in that capacity as heretofore. 11. The Vatican has long exercised upon France a singular influence, by which it attracts and allures her without actually winning her adhesion ; and thus, although unable to work any real change in her moral condition, the Vatican, whenever it 134 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [March. pleases, can render France wonderfully docile to its will. By the exercise of this influence, the Vatican has of late years, without making any concession on its own part, induced France in the plainest contradiction with herself to abjure the famous principles of " 89," and to reinstate and maintain in Rome a form of government which was their most explicit and conspicuous negation. The Vatican distinctly and loudly condemned those principles, as well as the whole constitution of modern France, in all the proposals hitherto brought before the Council ; and in doing all this it had no other instrument than France herself, who, by her soldiers, enabled the Council to pass those judgments, and thus actually belied and condemned her- self in the doctrines and actions of the Pope. Indeed, France has never ventured to assert her own free will in the face of the Vatican, a fact that is not to the credit of either party ; from the date of the letter to Edgar Ney to that of the note of Count Daru, her efforts to assert her independent opinion have been confined to inefficacious words and demonstrations of such a nature as almost obliged the Roman Chancery to oppose them out of courtesy. Even with regard to the Armenian question, in which France was compelled to intervene in order to keep up her authority in the East, the same fatal spell weakened her action, and caused her to adopt very insufficient means for remedying the evil. The political effect of the disturbances arisen among Eastern Catholics, is to give greater power to Russia as the representative of Greek influence ; for the Armenians, on breaking loose from Latin Catholicism, were obliged to turn to her for protection, being themselves surrounded by enemies. France, not daring to go to the root of the matter, or to exercise her authority at Rome to prevent the wrong, was content with ordering her representative at Con- stantinople to show kindness to the dissentient Catholics and take them under his protection, thinking thus to mend matters ; but if the schism which seemed imminent actually took place, under what plea could France protect them ? Not as French subjects, certainly ; and not as Catholics, for they would no longer be such. In the long run, it was easier for Russia to help them. Whatever the question at issue may be, the position is the same for France as for all other nations. March.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 135 Rome has an independent and separate line of action, which she expects them wholly to accept or reject ; but they, France especially, often choose the latter alternative. Many nations, nominally Catholic, have very little regard for their religion, and endeavour to be liberal, without founding their liberty on the necessary basis of all durable freedom — universal consent and — the rights of conscience. The Latin races do not seem to understand either of these principles ; authority with them stands instead of both, and when this authority exceeds its due limits, they have no other remedy than lawlessness and have recourse to revolutions, which by regular and inevitable stages bring them back to despotism. 12. The Congregations met every day from the 28th to the 31st of March. In these meetings, the greater part of the scheme, " De Fide," was voted without much difficulty, and almost unanimously for the reasons already stated, a result which gave rise to a joke on the scheme, to the effect that at the next Session it would be announced to the Catholic world, that the Vatican Council had almost unanimously decreed that God had created the universe. 13. An Exhibition of objects of Art applied to Catholic wor- ship, was opened at this time, but proved a great failure. It was intended to be a sort of adjunct to the Council, and the Pope in his inaugural speech declared that Catholic feeling was the soul of art, but events almost proved the contrary. At any rate, it was evident that the originators of the Exhibition were not in sympathy with the modern world ; and the Exhibition itself was only another argument to be added to those we brought forward in a former chapter when speaking on this subject. It was opened in the middle of February, but its popu- larity was of short duration ; it attracted little notice, and the number of its visitors rarely equalled that of the gendarmes who guarded it. 14. Ancient art was ill represented when compared with the collections to be seen on all sides in the churches and palaces of Rome, and examples of modern art, though more numerous, were of indifferent quality. The sculpture was decidedly inferior to that usually seen in such exhibitions ; the pictures were of ordinary merit. There was one fine painting by 136 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Makch. Ceccarini, representing the administration of the Communion in both kinds, in the catacombs, to Christians preparatory to their martyrdom. This picture was full of feeling and of life, and its style was a happy combination of the historical and the " genre," which, joined with some romantic handling, is the fashion of the day, and most popular in the present century ; it was bought by a German baron. Passing on to the secondary and industrial arts, there was little worthy of praise. Of wood-carvings, though much used in churches, there were few examples, and still fewer bronzes ; there were some sacred ornaments, but scarcely any musical instruments, such as are generally found in industrial exhibitions. Images and objects of painted terra-cotta abounded, but these are rather the vulgar expression of a material devotion than an artistic mani- festation of high religious feeling, and the grand cloisters of the Certosa, which served as the Exhibition rooms, were filled with a multitude of other things of no value and of doubtful taste. Where are the days in which, from Giotto and Andrea Pisano to Michael Angelo and Cellini, from the art of the builder to the art of the weaver (Arte della Lana), all was animated and impelled by the Christian spirit? What subjects for contrast might not be found in art as we see it embodied in the Church of Santa Maria del Fiore, the Campanile of Giotto, the doors of the Baptistery, even in the Vatican itself, and art as shown forth by the Roman Exhibition of 1870 ! One cannot but feel that active Christian sentiment is manifested more worthily by the various specimens familiar to us in interna- tional exhibitions which are the work of an industrious and intelligent Christian society, than in the ostentation and pomp of a so-called special religious exhibition. April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 137 APRIL. I.— THE SCHEME " DE FIDE" FOE THE SECOND TIME. 1. Cessation of diplomatic intervention. — 2. Definitive voting on the scheme. — 3. Result of the voting. — 4. Easter festival. — 5. The public Session fixed. — 6. Third Session. — 7. Impression it produced. 1. The speech made by Visconti Venosta in the Chamber of Deputies at the end of March, in which he declared, in answer to some inquiry, that the policy of the Government with regard to the Council would be that of non-intervention, was very remarkable, not only in itself, but as an indication of the general opinion of Europe on the matter. The announcement of this policy of non-intervention by the Government the most in- terested in the Council, seemed to indicate the cessation of the action which the other Catholic Governments had taken at the request of the bishops in Opposition, and on the publication of the new Order. Count Daru, who was in favour of interven- tion, resigned just after he had addressed the despatch we have commented on, to the Italian Secretary of State, and had recalled M. de Banneville from Rome ; and the latter shortly after returned to his post. There was no further diplomatic interference ; in fact, it had been confined to the philosophical considerations of the French note, and a letter almost exactly like it emanating from the Austrian Cabinet. The Vatican resumed its course, feeling secure against all further interruption from that quarter, and as France was just then engrossed in the second plebiscite, ordered by the Emperor Napoleon as a means of strengthening a Government which, already tottering, urgently needed the support of all the proselytes it could gain ; the Pope was able to convince himself that the fallibility of 138 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. the " plebiscite " might be an excellent argument for his own Infallibility. 2. During the early days of April, the Congregations worked with much assiduity to hasten the promulgation of the scheme " De Fide." On Friday, April 1st, and from the 4th to the 8th, the separate parts of the scheme were voted by " rising and sitting," and in one Congregation this mode of voting was used 100 times, to the great discomfort of the Fathers. The amendments to the scheme finally exceeded a hundred. Both parties, and especially the Opposition, made every endeavour to carry it through. The separate chapters, which were originally nine in number, were reduced to four, and on Tuesday, April 12th, the final and definitive vote by a call of names for the scheme " De Fide " took place. It was Tuesday in Holy Week, the last day on which a Congregation could be held before Easter, as the services of the Passion began on Wednesday. 3. Notwithstanding the good-will of both sides, out of the 592 bishops present, 83 gave dissentient votes, some with the formula " Non placet," others conditionally with the formula " Placet juxta modum." This result was very displeasing to the Pope, and to the Cardinal legates, who had hoped to give the foreigners present in Rome for Easter the grand spectacle of a public Session, as a testimony to the success of the Council, and as an adjunct to the festivities of the season. Another Congregation was announced for the earliest possible day, the Tuesday after Easter. There was a difference of opinion among the legates with regard to the scheme; some advising modifications for the sake of obtaining unanimity, but Capalti and Bizzarri would not hear of any change. 4. The Easter ceremonies were marked by no particular incident, and were less striking than usual, on account of the smaller number of strangers present, and also because the space occupied by the Council Hall diminished the size of the Church of St. Peter and detracted from its grand and imposing appearance. Moreover, owing to the large number of bishops present in Rome, the ceremonies which usually take place in the Sistine Chapel, and which have a religious and artistic interest peculiar to themselves, were omitted for want of space. April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 139 5. The Congregation held on Easter Tuesday did not bring ■about any change of opinions, and the Pope, as a last resource, resolved to " force the situation," and to proceed with the scheme, reckoning that all who dissented under the formula " Juxta modum," and many of those who dissented absolutely would give way rather than cause scandal by a public resistance ; and that no one hardly would venture on repeating " Non placet " at the public session. This calculation was well founded, because the differences of opinion on the scheme in question were neither important nor remarkable, nor did they touch on subjects regarding which the Opposition were already com- promised ; so the result justified the Pope's anticipation. 6. The third public Session of the Vatican Council was held on the Sunday after Easter. The usual ceremonies being con- cluded, the scheme " De Fide," with its collateral Canons, was proposed, and all the Fathers present responded with " Placet." Those whose conscience remained inflexible and who would not give their consent, were to absent themselves from the Session. This course was adopted because it was found that only one prelate was in that position, Monsignor Strossmayer, Bishop of Bosnia and Sirmio. Strossmayer, being placed * in the dilemma of either causing scandal by separating from his colleagues in Opposition, who had determined on pronouncing the " Placet," or of betraying his own convictions, preferred to absent himself altogether ; and his protest, though almost unobserved at the time, subsequently acquired great value from his consistent conduct with regard to all the other and more important business of the Council. 7. It is impossible for a person not an eye-witness of the ceremony to understand the feeling it conveyed of the utter isolation of that grave assembly from the rest of the world, the very world, in fact, which it was intended to represent. The first Session had commanded some amount of attention, and had drawn many to witness its ceremonies from motives of curiosity, love of novelty, and perhaps even from the hope of a good result, but on this last occasion there were few people present in St. Peter's, and fewer still paid any attention to the proceedings of the Council. No one listened to the reading of these formidable precepts of the Church ; no one knew what 140 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [April. was going on ; to the public the Council Hall was merely a spectacle, and nothing more. It did not occur to the by- standers that, being Catholics, they would retire to rest that night with the obligation of a new set of declarations, and articles of faith weighing on their intellect and conscience. The only person whom I heard make an observation to this effect was a schismatical Greek, and the answer of the Catholic, to whom he addressed himself, did not indicate that the decrees would meet with much obedience. The curiosity felt at the first Session no longer prevailed, and the present ceremony was merely considered an addition to the long list of those observed at the Vatican. Indeed, at the time, very few were either aware of, or reflected on the decree thus promulgated, and those few agreed that the declarations of the scheme were, on the whole, mild and moderate. Its subjects were hardly such as could fix the wavering attention of society at the present day, and even for those who, from particular circumstances, are drawn to their consideration they are unimportant, because the matters they contain are for the most part no longer of interest, besides, the way in which they are treated is such as to render any practical results unlikely. The scheme (observed many people) can make rules for the Church, but "concerning those that are without," St. Paul himself says if I mistake not "quid ad nos?" To reiterate to those that are within the fold the primary foun- dations of their faith may seem at least superfluous. As we remarked elsewhere, the condemnatory character of this scheme was, at the first, the reason for its being sent back ; it was then reformed, but still retained its original defect. The Catholic Church had already condemned Pantheists, Ration- alists, Materialists, and also Protestants ; the latter, since they separated from the Church, the others ever since the Church existed, because those condemnations are embodied in all the successive explanations of faith that the Church has issued, and are therefore included substantially and absolutely in the belief of Catholics. But with regard to those who " are without," those who are neither Catholics nor Christians, such condem- nations possess neither authority nor practical effect. To de- clare that a person is anathema, is to declare him out of the Church ; but if he never was in it how can he be cast out ? April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 141 how does this judgment affect him ? Such were the observa- tions generally made by those (and they were not many) who interested themselves in the matter. As the Vatican Council would not obey the mission which seemed to be imposed on it by the laws of the age, that is to introduce the reforms which the lapse of time renders necessary and which the conditions of the Church permit, it was compelled by the force of circumstances either to remain stationary and inactive, — a disposition which is exemplified in the scheme " De Fide," — or to press forward in the road of absolute authority, as it endeavoured to do in the scheme " De Ecclesia." II.— THE FIRST SCHEME "DE FIDE." 1. Comparison of the first and second schemes. — 2. The same. — 3. Description of first scheme. — 4. The same. — 5. The same. — 6. Considerations. — 7. Further reflections. — 8. On faith. — 9. The connection of faith and science.— 10. Dog- matic theology. — 11. Close of observations on first scheme. — 12. Annotations. 1. In order to appreciate the mild and moderate character of the scheme as amended, it is necessary to compare it with the original text as at first drawn up, a comparison which was most useful at the time of its promulgation, as an evidence of the beneficent influence exercised by the Opposition and as afford- ing ground for hope in the future. 2. We will first describe, as nearly as possible, the original form of the scheme. After a long preface, which indicated all the enemies to be combated, or the many antichrists who at the present day endeavour to subvert religion and reduce mankind to a state of unbelief, the scheme divided its subject into three parts. In the first, it condemned absolute Rationalism under its three manifestations, Materialism, Pantheism, and Rationalism, properly so called ; in the second, it condemned semi-Rationalism, introduced into Catholic doctrines ; and in the third it condemned, partially, various other errors which spring from Rationalism. 3. The first chapter began with the title, " Condemnatio Mate- rial ismi et Pantheismi," and after describing and condemning 142 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. these errors, it concludes with a profession of faith in God. " Una singularis, simplex omnino, et incommutabilis essentia, aeternus et necessario existens intellectu ac voluntate, omnique perfectione infinitus :" who " profitendus est super omnia quae praeter ipsum sunt aut concipi possunt infinite exaltatus." The heading of the following chapter was " Condemnatio Rational- ismi." In this the scheme first recognises the power of human reason to attain by itself to a knowledge of God, and then pro- ceeds to assert that if God were pleased to manifest Himself only through revelation, in that case reason must subject itself en- tirely. It affirms that this hypothesis has by providential arrange- ment been actually confirmed, so that it forms the basis of the Christian religion, and concludes by condemning all those who exalt reason as a supreme law, and standard of good, above faith and revelation. This chapter ends by fervently exhorting rulers to preserve instruction free from such pes- tilential error, and warns them against that sort of secondary Rationalism which creeps into wholesome study, and by which verbum veritatis non recte tractatur. These two last clauses really express the intention of the com- pilers of the scheme, just as the intention of a letter is very often revealed in its postscript. The systematic suspicion and the infinite precautions they contain against all that emanates from reason alone, and the insertion in such a document as the decree of a Council (which by right concerns only doctrinal and speculative matters), of an intemperate mandate to Govern- ments to guard the faith by all the means in their power, characterise a party which leaves unmistakable traces on all it touches. 4. The third chapter bore the heading, "De divinae revela- tionis fontibus in Sacra Scriptura et traditione." It affirmed the Divine inspiration of the Holy Scriptures, according to the text sanctioned by the Council of Trent and the truth of the inter- pretations contained in the traditions and infallible judgment of the Church. The fourth chapter, " De supernaturalis revelationis necessi- tate," was on the necessity of a supernatural revelation, not only because by it might be accomplished the rapid and universal diffusion (impossible through any other means) of April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. \ 143 that which reason with all its powers often finds it hard to understand; but also because God, wishing to raise man above the order of nature, could not bring him to a knowledge of what is superior to reason, otherwise than through faith, reason being incapable of attaining of itself to the knowledge of supernatural dogmas which are beyond the reach of our natural faculties. From this argument, logically conducted, the scheme suddenly comes to the postscript, that is to say, to a conclusion like that of the second part, which by means of a few vague and undetermined phrases tends to further the constitution of an unlimited authority. The conclusion states the duty of recognising " supernaturalis revelationis maximum beneficium," even in those matters which are not " imperviae " to human reason, that is to say, which can be treated of by reason, and the practical interpretation of this is simply that such matters are to be voluntarily subjected to the guidance of revelation. Every one can perceive the consequences which naturally result from such a doctrine, for those who are its depositaries and natural interpreters, and consequently for the Vatican. 5. The fifth chapter is entitled " De mysteriis fidei in divina revelatione propositis," and condemns all who say that it is pos- sible by reason and philosophy to search out the mysteries of faith. At first sight this condemnation seems equivalent to a prohibition of seeing when it is dark. If, however, its real intention is to contemplate the case of a person endeavouring in this darkness to guide himself by the light of reason, leaving the result out of consideration, it is difficult to understand the grounds for the condemnation. We owe many works by the Fathers, such as the " De Trinitate " and the " De Opere sex dierum " of Saint Augustine, to just such a case, and not only does the Church acknowledge these writings, but she adopts them and regards them with great honour. 6. The sixth chapter is entitled " De fidei divina? distinctione a scientia humana," and here again our first impression is, that an effort is made to distinguish between two things which could never be confounded. This chapter is a sort of sequel to the fifth, condemning those who do not distinguish between Divine faith and human science, and who believe, not because our belief is a 144 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [April. matter of Divine revelation, but because we can ourselves attain to it by natural means. It is difficult to see the meaning of this condemnation taken literally, and bearing in mind the subject indicated in the heading of the chapter, for every one is aware of the difference between faith and knowledge. Who is not sensible that by faith we accept that which we do not know? We must look for the real object of the scheme in its explanation, which affirms that if any one should delude himself by trying to reconcile faith and reason, and by elucidating so far as he can the former by the latter, such a consolation is to be denied him, in order that the renunciation of reason may be absolute and entire, an act of sacrifice and not an act of homage. This conclusion reveals, in its obscure and mysterious language, the spirit of those who framed the scheme. Unceasing war to reason, on those points where it can properly be exercised, as much as on those where it must yield, and a systematic and constant mistrust of its guidance, are integral parts of that order of ideas which has long and per- sistently prevailed in the direction of Catholic institutions. Such guidance tends to weaken and often to confuse the natural judg- ment of men, it creates and favours unreasonable and superstitious habits, and is a bar to the progress of civilisation among those nations Avhere the full and free action of this scheme has been felt. 7. Under the seventh heading, " De necessitate motivorum credibilitatis," the scheme (having in, the previous chapter cautioned man against his own reason), condemns with an anathema all who deny that the truth may be rendered evident by external signs (miracles). As the Gospel contains many miracles, to begin to affirm their possibility after nineteen cen- turies seems inopportune and superfluous, and here again we must look for the real meaning of this condemnation elsewhere than in its actual words. While the sixth chapter teaches us to doubt what seems reasonable, the seventh condemns us if we hesitate to accept what actually appears unreasonable. The reproduction of the ideas of these two chapters, if taken literally, would have no aim ; but the intention of thus combining them is to inculcate their practical application, and to favour their in- fluence among Catholic populations. The frequent result of such teaching is this, that people finding themselves abandoned April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 145 in the darkness of the supernatural, without the safe guidance of reason, easily become a prey to that vague mystical feeling which is often superstitious, not infrequently fierce and sullen, always prejudicial, and always a serious obstacle to the acqui- sition of the energetic and useful habits of civilised life. All these ideas and their practical results which we have now pointed out, are hidden and implied rather than openly expressed in the measured phrases of the above-mentioned chapter ; their real meaning is shown by their order and connec- tion with those that precede, still more so by the traditional use and constant application of their principles that have long pre- vailed in the economy of the Church. The moderation in words is a concession, a sort of homage to the spirit of the age, which, unlike the scheme, worships the goddess of reason, and wages constant war against all super- natural events (at least against all those of a religious character) which it runs down ; while at the same time it exalts reason by all the means in its power, especially invoking for the purpose the help of science and of public opinion. 8. The eighth chapter, " De supernaturali virtute fidei et de libertate voluntatis in fidei assensu," condemned all who do not acknowledge faith as a supernatural gift of God, rather than as a natural and necessary persuasion of reason. This again is so obvious in Catholic belief, that its repetition is useless, but the warnings on this subject are endless, and we are told to guard against reason, to repudiate the use of reason, not only when it attacks faith, but when it intervenes as a support and help to faith. The ninth chapter was in the same strain, " De necessi- tate et supernaturali firmitate fidei." This chapter, a very obscure one, condemned those who say that the condition of the faithful (or Catholics) is the same as that of those who have not yet come to the one true fold, so that it should be lawful for Catholics to doubt the faith received sub Ecclesice Magisterio, and to sus- pend their judgment until its credibility and veracity be demon- strated according to the rules of human science. This chapter was directed, as it seems, against the two particular tendencies of the present century, reciprocal tolerance, and the spirit of debate, and perhaps on that account its sentences were involved in obscurity ; and like those of the sixth and seventh chapters, L 146 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Apbil. were couched in terms of moderation that the compilers did not always adopt in other parts of this scheme, nor in the others, especially that " De Ecclesia." 9. The scheme having been occupied up to this point with faith in itself, began in the tenth chapter to regulate the connection between faith and science under the heading, " De recto ordine inter scientiam humanam et fidem divinam ;" and from the very beginning submitted all science to the judgment of the Church, with a course of reasoning which, apart from what it may con- tain that is just and true from a Catholic point of view, loses much of its force when one reflects that the practical application of these doctrines consisted for the most part in subjecting the laboured emanations of human intelligence, and even of human genius, to the narrow and ignorant tyranny of some obscure censor ; who, endeavouring amid distrust and suspicion to re- concile the progress of science with the integrity of the faith, might end by producing a condition of intellectual culture similar to that which has prevailed in Spain, some parts of Italy, and in Mexico. The eleventh chapter reverted to the argument, " De incom- mutabili veritate illius dogmatum sensus quem tenuit et tenet Ecclesia." Even here the scheme violently hurled its reproaches against those who hold that any intervention of reason and human philosophy is lawful in the explanation of dogmas. Reason again ! nothing but reason ! One might almost think that reason were the enemy, or, to adopt its own words, the most formidable of the antichrists against which this voluminous scheme contended. 10. In the twelfth chapter we seem to have gone back to the third century, " De unitate divinae naturae seu essentiae in tribus distinctis personis." The thirteenth is headed " De divina operatione tribus personis communi, et de Dei libertate in creando." It was certainly time to leave some liberty to the Almighty, the acknowledgment of His retrospective power of creating the world was due to Him from the theologians of the Vatican, as a compensation for all the liberty in governing it, which they took away. The fourteenth chapter is " De Jesu Christo una divina per- sona in duabus naturis, de redemptione et vicaria pro nobis satisfactione," &c. One would imagine we were living in the April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 147 days of Nestorius, or some such period. Not content with having begun again at the work of redemption, the scheme in the fifteenth chapter goes back to the days of Adam. " De com- muni totius humani generis origine ab uno Adam, et de natura humana una composita ex anima rationali et corpore." It is certainly impossible to carry the question beyond this. 11. The sixteenth chapter affirmed the intervention of the supernatural, or Providence, in the world, not only in its events, but in the moral order of ideas that prevail in it, and declared that man without the aid of supernatural grace could not attain the heights of justice and virtue. All this is comprised under the heading " De ordine supernaturali et de supernaturali statu originalis justitiae." The seventeenth heading is " De peccato originali et de poena aeterna destinata cuilibet mortali peccato," and from it one would imagine that the mysterious dogmas of original sin, and of eternal punishment, were now for the first time to be established in Catholicism. The eighteenth was " De supernaturali ordine gratiae quae nobis per Christum redemptorem donatur." This chapter entered into the whole theory of grace as completing the Christian edifice, and condemned all who deny that Divine grace is a supernatural gift, permanent and inherent in the soul, or who think that they may attain to Christian justification by their own natural strength. 12. This was the last chapter, and it was followed by long annotations and comments. The first was on the inscription with which all the schemes opened — " Pius Episcopus sacro approbante Concilio." I ought, according to chronological order, to have spoken more fully of this title before, as it was debated in the assembly, where it gave great offence to the Opposition, and became the subject of grave remonstrance on the part of its leaders ; but public opinion gave little heed to the matter at first ; the petition against it was lost among the many others with which the Opposition filled the Vatican Hall, and thus I did not enter into the question when it first arose. The subject is, however, too important to be passed over without some observa- tions, now that the annotations of the scheme which originally drew attention to it afford a suitable occasion for its consideration. We may really say that the whole significance of the Vatican L 2 148 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Aran.. Council is expressed in the title of the schemes. The decrees of the Council of Trent bore the inscription, " Sacrosancta cecumenica et generalis Tridentina synodus in Spiritu Sancto legitime con- gregata praesidentibus apostolicae sedis legatis." The decrees of the Vatican Council on the contrary are headed thus, " Pius Episcopus sacro approbante Concilio." The difference between these two formulas is such, that we cannot be surprised at the resistance made by the Opposition to the second ; or that Stross- mayer very ably pointed out that the new title was not an innova- tion in form only, but that it substantially changed the standard of the authority of an Ecumenical Council. However, the Opposition obtained no redress, and the original title remained untouched. The reasons for this formula were given in the annotations on the scheme " De Fide," which declared it to be the most suitable in Councils presided over by the Pope in person ; in the same way that his representatives in the special Congregations of the Vatican Council, were called presidents instead of legates, which is their designation in ordinary Councils where the Pope is not present. To this Strossmayer replied that he wished the Pope did preside personally ; but that as he never was present at the discussions in which all the real work of the Council was carried on, the reason given, did not justify the great innovation in the inscription. The other side then urged that the Council must be considered under the presidency of the Pope, as he was in the Vatican, and was personally present at the public meetings, the only ones in which the Council passed authoritative decrees. In fact, Rome was firm on the point, and the title was carried like the Order, and all else which was desired, "cola dove si puote."* The annotations of the scheme were twice as voluminous as the text, and contained the reasons and explanations of the same. Its form was so little in harmony with the habits of modern thought and science, so unscientifically expressed, in so dry a style, and in such pedantic language, that it will easily be believed that it met with little favour in the assembly. Every one may remember the lively assaults to which it was sub- jected, and the eloquent speeches by the Opposition against it ; * " It is so willed there where is power to do That which is willed." — Longfellow's Dante, Inf. iii. 95-96. Aran*] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 149 but reminiscences soon fade away, and as the discussion was then a purely verbal one, only a few reports of those speeches remain which were taken down by the shorthand writers, and now rest in eternal slumber among the secret archives of the Council. III.— THE SECOND SCHEME " DE FIDE." 1. The scheme as a whole. — 2. First and second chapters. — 3. Third chapter. — 4. Fourth chapter. — 5. Observations of the bishops. — 6. Their influence. — 7. Continued observations.— 8. Difficulties that beset the scheme. — 9. Reasons for describing the scheme. — 10. Note of the North-German Confederation. 1. When this scheme appeared for the second time, after all the events we have narrated, it was heu quantum mutatus ah Mo ! It only contained in the second edition an introduction and four chapters, in which part of the matter of the first scheme was condensed, the rest being either consigned to oblivion or tempo- rarily laid aside. The four chapters of the second scheme are entitled: — 1. " De Deo rerum Omnium Creatore." 2. " De Reve- latione." 3. " De Fide." 4. " De Fide et Ratione." The entire bulk of the second scheme does not exceed thirty-one pages, whereas the first numbered more than one hundred and forty. The introduction to the second scheme is longer, and indicates its subjects more fully, pointing out Naturalism from the first as an enemy to be combated, in which term, Pantheism, Rationalism, Indifferentism, and Atheism are all included. There is no mention here, and very little afterwards, of the so-called semi- Rationalism so much made of in the first scheme. 2. The first chapter contains in summary all that was said in the first chapter of the former scheme, leaving out the nominal condemnations of Pantheism, Materialism, &c. ; it con- tains likewise the confession of belief in God, with all His attributes, declaring that He is one in substance, distinct in nature and essence, liberrimo consilio, Creator of the world. The second chapter contains a compendium of all that was said in the second, third, and fourth chapters of the first scheme on Revelation and on the books that contain it, which Dcum 150 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. habent auctorem, and are sanctioned by the Council of Trent and the tradition of the Church. With regard to Revelation, there is a notable difference in the text of the two schemes. The first contained a chapter with the heading, " On the necessity of Revelation." The new one omits that chapter entirely, almost as if it no longer considered Revelation to be essential. 3. The third chapter contains an abridgment of all the matters of the first scheme from Chapter 1st to 9th, that is to say, the subjection of reason to faith, not by an intellectual operation, but by the authority of revelation, the possibility of external signs, such as miracles, prophesies, &c. ; the gift of grace, the supremacy of the Church, and her perfection when contrasted with other confessions and creeds, of which latter the present text affirms that they falsam religionem sectantur, whilst the old text was more moderate on the subject, saying only that, ad fidem unice veram non pervenerunt. The end of this chapter likewise asserts that it is impossible to doubt or to change the faith taught by the Church, and states all that was contained in the ninth chapter of the old scheme on this point. 4. The fourth chapter is on the relation between reason and faith ; and here the difference between the two schemes is most apparent. This fourth chapter includes pretty nearly all the contents of the tenth and eleventh chapters of the old scheme, with the addition of the precepts on the connection between faith and science scattered through other chapters. The in- tolerable pedantry with which reason is denounced, under the name of semi-Rationalism in the first scheme, is here omitted ; and the relation between reason and faith is treated of less absolutely. In fact, all the doctrines of the second scheme are relatively moderate. And were it not that practical experience has shown how far the results of that jus, acknowledged in the Church as divinitus falsi nominis sciential oppositiones proscribendi extend, the same character of moderation might be accorded to some of its ideas on the great questions raised among Catholic societies by modern civilisation. There is no mention whatever in the new scheme, of the matter contained in the old one, between the twelfth and the last chapter. The doctrinal parts then follow, the Canons corresponding to each of the headings ; Ai'iul.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 151 and last of all a sort of Appendix, which explains briefly the reason and the method of the emendation of the first scheme. 5. We have now described the scheme " De Fide " in its amended form, and prepared for the public Session, the changes made in it before its promulgation in the Session of April 24th being few and unimportant. Its consideration for the second time took place under the new Order, and consequently the ob- servations on it were for the most part in writing, and distri- buted to the bishops, so that we have more records of them. It is curious and important to observe, as a means of estimating the final result of all these events, that most of the annotations made by the bishops on the second scheme (already amended in an Infallibilist sense) are in the direction of exaggeration and restriction. For instance, a bishop tries to introduce Infalli- bility into the scheme as an accessory, by saying that " licet omnibus Ecclesiae necessitabus per ordinarium Summi Pontificis regimen et magisterium satis fuerit provisum, tamen," &c. Two or three other prelates proposed similar amendments. The intro- duction, in particular, was marked by their observations. The Infallibilists preferred writing, and the Opposition speaking, feeling that they had most eloquence on their side, and also that, being in the minority, speaking was the best means of gaining strength and of spreading their ideas. Still the great predominance of Infallibilist opinions in those annotations throws much light on the history of the Council. The introduction received various unimportant changes from the annotations. The observations on the first chapters, " De Deo rerum omnium creatore," were numerous, and entirely in an Infallibilist sense. There are a few remarks by independent and more liberal bishops ; one proposing the suppression of Canons in the scheme, judging the decrees as quite sufficient ; and another proposing to omit the anathema, and to condemn errors only, and never persons. 6. No notice was taken of these observations, and the first chapter re-appeared at the final publication of the scheme in almost the same form as at its promulgation. The only change was the addition of the last paragraph, and the omission of a word in the first, which was done at the instigation of the one bishop who had succeeded in carrying his emendations on this chapter. 152 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [April. One annotation proposed the substitution of " Sancta Catholica Ecclesia " for " Romana Catholica Ecclesia." Another, more modestly, proposed "Catholica et Romana;" and, on failing to obtain the conjunctive particle, pleaded for the insertion of a comma only, between Catholica and Romana, but even this was in vain. The oral debate on this subject was much hotter than appears from the written observations, but it was unsuccessful. The majority would not yield, and the only variation obtained in the formula was the change from " Sancta Romana Catholica Ecclesia," to " Sancta Catholica Apostolica Romana Ecclesia." The protesting bishop obtained a transposition of words instead of a comma, and the Church of Rome preserved its prerogatives untouched. 7. Of the many observations on the second chapter, those are worthy of notice which tended to allow more scope to the natural perception of God in the conscience of Catholics, otherwise this chapter underwent scarcely any change. The annotations on the third chapter were numerous, but of slight consequence for the laity ; the doctrinal part of the scheme was somewhat modified in form, but scarcely at all in sub- stance. One remark frequently made by the bishops we also have alluded to, and it is this, that most of those condemna- tions concern persons out of the Church, but, as one of the pre- lates justly observes, qui non credit, jam judicatus est. Many observations are also made on the fact that the opening formula of the scheme is " Pius Episcopus," instead of " Sancta Syno- dus Ecumenica." These are the few traces of independent opinion, and of sincere concern for the dignity and liberty of the Church which we meet with in perusing the records of the time ; and, owing to their small number, they are lost in the existing mass of obsequious testimony and theological subtleties. The Canons remained intact, excepting one on the connection be- tween faith and reason, which was omitted in consequence of the remarks of the bishops. It condemned those who entertain opinions which, though not declared to be heretical, are yet con- trary to the mind of the Church. With this exception the text, when finally promulgated, was almost identical with that sent back to the assembly after the first emendation. 8. In the debate on this scheme there were two subjects of April.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 153 difficulty which divided the Fathers for some" time, notwith- standing their good-will. The first was the addition of the word Romana added with an exclusive sense to Catholica Ecclesia, the second, the suppressed Canon. On the first point there were many petitions for the elimina- tion of the word Romana. One bishop very ingenuously re- counted the fact that in his English diocese some land had been left by will to the " Catholic Church," and that the Anglicans had appropriated it on the plea that they were really the Catholic Church, the so-called Catholic Church being styled Roman Catholic. The Roman Church, for whom this designa- tion was of great import, paid no regard to the land lost by the bishop, but maintained the title, only deigning to grant the wish of the more moderate among the Opposition, who begged for the addition of all the other titles as " Sancta Apostolica," 6cc. More explanation is needed on the second subject. In the text of the scheme was a Canon (the 3rd I believe) which condemned those who held opinions contrary to the mind of the Church, even though not declared heretical. At the end of the scheme, after the Canons, came an Appendix, which contained a sort of indefinite injunction (monemus) to Catholics to observe all those constitutions and decrees of the Holy See, directed against errors which are not exactly heresies, but yet are akin to them. These two parts of the text completed each other, because, as every one must see, the Appendix was contemplated and com- prehended by the Canon in such a way that the simple monemus was in fact a decided condemnation referring to that in the third Canon. The resistance on this point was most serious, and nearly all the eighty-three members of the Opposition who had answered " Non placet," or " Placet juxta modum," at the voting of the scheme, turned their attention to the subject. Although, as we have seen, the Canon was suppressed, the Appendix and the disputed paragraph remained unaltered, and the Opposition thought that, from what I might call their ambi- guous wording, and the fact of their juxtaposition, they might easily, even without the Canon, be so construed as to indicate and establish the sole and absolute dominion, or, in other words, the personal Infallibility of the Pope. 154 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Aikil. 9. We do not intend to follow in detail the progress of the other schemes, which would be entirely beyond the limits of the present work, but have dwelt at length upon this one, in order to convey to our readers a clear idea of the way in which the Council was managed, and of the spirit that guided its delibe- rations. We have considered the scheme " De Fide," as it appeared at the opening of the Council, and after its first amendment, and have seen that though the difference is great, the changes that it underwent in the debate between its second appearance and its final publication were of slight importance, and here we have an answer to the question which was asked at first on all sides as to the fate of the amended schemes. 10. The few changes actually made in the scheme on this second occasion were probably due in some measure to diplomatic intervention recently provoked by the insertion in it of certain strictures on Protestants. The North-German Minister, accre- dited to the Holy See, addressed a violent and menacing note on the subject to the Roman Secretary of State, either because really offended by these expressions, or in order to flatter the Opposi- tion and the opinions prevailing in the Catholic provinces of Germany, and intimated that such words were likely to diminish the obedience due from those subjects to the King and to the Prussian authorities; he added, moreover, that should the Prussian bishops accept the document and become sharers in it, proceed- ings would be taken against them. This made a deep impres- sion, the Prussian Cabinet not having shown such resentment against the Vatican before. The remonstrance had the greater effect owing to its novelty, and it was generally believed that the relative moderation of the scheme was owing in some degree to the note. We will not examine the particulars of the scheme as published on April 24th at the public Session, for every one can study it for himself.* When considered as a whole, and with regard to the circumstances of its production, one must give it credit for some degree of moderation ; and were it not for the last paragraph, which made such an advance towards Infallibility, even the Opposition might have been in great measure content, and many might have hoped that in future the decrees would bear the same temperate character. * See Appendix, Document XVIII. May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 155 MA Y. I.— THE SCHEME " DE ECCLESIA " FOE THE SECOND TIME. 1. The scheme " De parvo Catechismo " for the second time. — 2. The scheme " De Ecclesia " sent back. — 3. Returns modified. — 4. The scheme " De parvo Catechismo " is voted. — 5. Its amendments are voted and the scheme is laid aside. — 6. The debate on the scheme " De Ecclesia " is opened. — 7. It is con- tinued. — 8. Speech of the Pope on giving the prizes at the Exhibition of Catholic Art. — 9. Speech against Infallibility. 1. The public Session of April 24th was succeeded by a short recess, during which the scheme on the short Catechism was distributed for the second time, being the last of the four schemes published previous to the famous " De Ecclesia." It had been amended by the bishops like that " De Fide," but its spirit had, in reality, been subjected to very slight modification, the real intention of the scheme being to substitute one Cate- chism for all the various forms hitherto used by different churches in the Catholic world. The fact of the order of busi- ness being thus changed, and the two schemes, " De Episcopis " and " De Moribus Clericorum," which should, by rights, have followed that " De Fide," being put aside for " De Catechismo," the shortest and the last, clearly indicated the wish of the autho- rities to expedite matters as much as possible. People began to feel that the moment was approaching in which the truce would end and the strife recommence, a strife which this time would be decisive. The first Congregation held after the recess was on Friday, the 29th of April, when, a short report having been read, the debate " De parvo Catechismo " began. It terminated the following day, although it met with deep and serious resistance, so great was the desire of hastening on. The Giornale di Roma of that 156 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. day, perhaps unable to contain its impatience, by an exception to its usual practice, made the conclusion of the debate known to the public, who otherwise remained in complete ignorance of what passed in the Council. Thus, the famous scheme towards which all the business of the Vatican Council gravitated, after having been sent back and amended, now reappeared. 2. For the third time within six months was this question, so fundamental in the constitution of the Church, brought under discussion. The first time it was attempted to obtain the declaration of Infallibility by acclamation ; the second time, in March, it was attempted to carry a petition suddenly in favour of Infallibility ; and now, for the third time, the question was to be fought again with all the strength we cannot say of both parties, as the word strength is scarcely applicable in regard to the Opposition. Still connection and talent are always powerful, even when undisciplined, and we must remember that the favour of the day made up in some degree to the minority for their lack of numbers and of organisation. 3. The scheme " De Ecclesia " was not presented for discus- sion the second time in a complete form. By virtue of that im- personal and all-powerful authority which governed the Vatican Council, the scheme had been amended or rather mutilated with- out any discussion ; and during this process the first part of it had remained in the laboratories of the Vatican, to be repro- duced perhaps on some future occasion. This concession was probably due to the apprehensions of Foreign Powers, as the part of the scheme now omitted contained the famous Canons published by the Augsburg Gazette, which regulated the connection between Church and State. Foreign Powers, and France in particular, seem, strangely enough, to have been very suspicious as to these Canons, while they never troubled themselves on the question of Infallibility. Rome, on the other hand, was wisely content, for the moment, to sacrifice these Canons for the sake of the dogma of Infallibility, which virtually includes them all, and as many more besides as may spring from the sole and irresponsible will of an individual. If the statesmen who directed the policy of Europe had been more familiar with ecclesiastical matters and less distracted by other important interests, they would have seen that the dogma of Infallibility was a far more serious matter May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 157 than the Canons, because the effects and limits of these latter are known, whereas those of Infallibility are infinite and bound- less, as was apparent on all occasions when they could be exercised. Rome, profiting by the prevailing state of opinion, in re-casting the scheme " De Ecclesia " entirely omitted the Canons, and only brought forward the part, entitled, " De Apostolici Primatus in beato Petro Institutione." In the fourth chapter, under the heading " De Romani Pontificis Infalli- bilitate," was inserted the petition of the bishops, so unex- pectedly presented in the month of March, although even this, as we shall see, had undergone a slight change. 4. On Wednesday, May 4th, the nominal voting of the scheme " De parvo Catechismo " took place. There were about 100 " Non placet," as if the Opposition, aware of the coming battle, wished to show themselves fully prepared for resistance. The number of votes on that day was 591, fewer than in the winter. On this occasion, the observations in opposition to the scheme, and the consequent changes, were read, together with the ori- ginal text, by the Commission which had made the amendments, and then the partial amendments and the entire text of the scheme were voted at the same sitting. The result was such as we have related, that is, there were 100 dissentient votes ; nor is this surprising. If we consider the great difficulty of meddling with the Catechism, a religious formula familiar to whole populations from their earliest days, we shall rather wonder that the opposing votes were so few. To touch the Catechism at all is almost to touch the faith of a people, who, not being capable of comprehending the true value of words which habit has taught them to regard with veneration, remain faithful to the doctrines which those words convey, solely from respect for the familiar terms themselves. Why, said many of the bishops, should we cause this disturbance to Christian populations, in order to bring about a nominal agreement that cannot really increase the unity which consists in the belief which binds those people together in one faith and moral law, and not in the words or phrases by which that belief is expressed ? No Congregations were held between the 4th, and Friday, May 13th, as it was necessary to confer on the resistance which now manifested itself. 158 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. 5. The assembly was not induced by these deliberations to swerve a hair's-breadth from the course it had adopted. On the 13th it announced the amendments on the scheme " De parvo Catechismo," and proceeded no further that day, perhaps with the intention of adopting the same expedient with regard to this scheme which it had so successfully used for that " De Fide," and trusting that at the public Session the Opposition would overlook all they now objected to, for fear of creating a scandal, and in consequence of the attracting force of the majority. 6. For this reason, instead of dwelling longer on " De Cate- chismo," they proceeded at once to the discussion on the famous scheme " De Ecclesia Christi," now reduced to four chapters and three Canons. It bore the title " Constitutio Dogmatica Prima," perhaps in order to leave room for a second title, which should include the part now omitted, " De Ecclesia Christi reverendissimorum patrum examini proposita." Then follows the inscription, " Pius Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, sacro appro- bante Concilio, ad perpetuam rei memoriam," &c. After a short introduction comes the first chapter, " De Apostolici Primatus in beato Petro Institutione ;" the second, " De Perpetuitate Pri- matus Petri in Romanis Pontificibus ;" the third, " De vi et ratione Primatus Romani Pontificis." The fourth bears the dangerous heading, " De Romani Pontificis Infallibilitate," thus changed from the corresponding title in the first scheme, which was " De Ecclesiae Infallibilitate." The three Canons follow. The reporter of the Commission on Dogma opened the debate with a long speech, which, with its glowing pictures, inflamed the benevolent minds of the Infallibilists, but produced a very different effect on the Opposition. The theme of this discourse was a comparison between the martyrdom of St. Peter and that of St. Paul, great significance being attached to the myste- rious dispensation of Providence, which, though it permitted the latter saint to be beheaded, had preserved the former from such treatment. It is easy to see the intention of this comparison with reference to the question at issue ; every one will admit that, as an argument in favour of Infallibility, it was even more unworthy than as a rhetorical artifice, and will allow that the sarcastic smiles with which it was greeted by the Opposition, were more justifiable than the enthusiasm of the Infallibilists. May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 159 The reporter was the Bishop of Poitiers, especially noted of late years for his Ultramontane opinions, and of whom the story is told that he pronounced a solemn funeral oration for a Pontifical Zouave, reported to have fallen at Castelfidardo, but actually alive and well at the very time in France. 7. From that time forward the discussion was always on the same subject. Thirteen orators had inscribed their names on the 14th ; but seven only spoke, and among them was the Cardinal- Vicar. One might almost have imagined oneself back at the Council of Florence while listening to their obsolete arguments and antiquated forms of discussion. On Monday there was no Congregation, that being the day fixed for the distribution of prizes at the Exhibition of Catholic Art, which had a share in the ceremonies of the Vatican Council. 8. On this occasion the Pope delivered a speech, in which he reiterated the remark he made at the opening of the Exhibition, that he considered it a proof of the beneficent influence of the Papacy on civilisation. A few days after, he included in the same category an Exhibition of Roman Agriculture, at which he likewise attended, seizing the occasion to speak on the present crisis. Fortunately for himself, the Pope had never seen the great Exhibitions of modern times, or it would have been difficult for him to develope his subject within the narrow limits, in which he desired to restrict it. 9. The sitting of Tuesday, May 17th, was short, three orators only speaking, and the battle on Infallibility may be said to have commenced on the following day, when the number of Fathers inscribed had reached seventy. Among these were three cardi- nals, Schwarzemberg, the Cardinal Archbishop of Vienna, and Cardinal Donnay. The Archbishop of Vienna was unable to make himself heard, and consequently his speech was read for him. Schwarzemberg was vehement on behalf of the Oppo- sition, and created a profound impression. He made a most serious declaration, and a terrible threat for the future, in the words attributed to him on that occasion : — " It is said that you really believe in this dogma ; but if that be true, you cannot pretend that I and my companions ought to acknowledge what seems to us absurd, and if you do so, be sure that schisms will arise and abjurations will follow within the Church of Rome." 160 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. On Thursday, the 19th, the Cardinal Archbishop of Dublin spoke for the first time, likewise Cardinal Moreau and the Chal- dean Patriarch ; on the 20th the Primate of Hungary, the Arch- bishop of Paris and two others. In Saturday's Congregation the speeches were in rapid succession ; but nothing worthy of par- ticular attention occurred. II.— FOEEIGN POLICY. 1. Despatch by Ollivier. — 2. ' Ce qui se passe au Concile.' — 3. Disquietude at the Vatican. — 4. Speech by Monsignor Kettler. — 5. Infallibility publicly pro- moted. — 6. Address of the Roman parish priests. — 7. Unfortunate position of affairs. — 8. Duke of Saldanha. — 9. Feast of St. Peter. 1. Meantime the Opposition seemed to have recovered from their stupor, and regained strength and boldness. A report was circulated that Ollivier, who then directed the policy of France released from the cares of the plebiscite, and from any particular consideration for the interests of the clergy, had turned his attention to Rome, and in consequence of the vacancy at the Foreign Office subsequent on the resignation of Daru, had him- self written a new note to the Vatican, which he sent through M. de Banneville, strongly remonstrating against the promulga- tion of the dogma of Infallibility. It was said that this note threatened, in case of its counsels being rejected, a rupture of the Concordat and the withdrawal from Rome of the French army of occupation. This report was loudly denied by the Curia, which immediately published in the Osservatore Romano a dispatch ac- cording to which M. de Grammont, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, instructed M. de Banneville to continue the same line of conduct as formerly, and to preserve a strict neutrality and careful abstention from all interference with the Council. Con- sidering that the first note was signed by Ollivier, and was sent before M. de Grammont took office, and could issue the dispatch in question ; and remembering also the frequent changes of French policy at that time, it is possible that both these reports were true. In fact, the matter was soon forgotten, and Ollivier's note was neither confirmed nor denied, until in the month of June the original document appeared in the newspapers. According to this publication the note sent to the ambassador at Rome May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 161 was harsh in tone and of uncertain import. It directs him to hold no further communications with the Court of Rome on the matter in question, the opinion of France being already sufficiently clear, while at the same time he is instructed to express to the bishops the sympathy of the Government, and its trust in their energy, and readiness to take the initia- tive. As two-thirds of the French bishops were Ultramontanes, and one-third of the Opposition, M. de Banneville had to con- sider to which side he should deliver the communication. This was the whole of the note so much exalted by one party, and so much decried by the other, according to their wishes and hopes. Everybody could read it in the newspapers, and learn the extent of the influence exercised by the Ollivier Ministry on the Vatican Council. 2. About the same time an anonymous work, ' Ce qui se passe au Concile,' appeared in France ; it was short, but very important, and evidently written by some person of authority, so that it excited great attention. This work passed the most formidable judgments on the Vatican Council that could ever be inflicted by the severest criticisms of history. Its author pointed out that the real aim of the Council was to satisfy the exorbitant pretensions, and the old ambition of the Court of Rome ; noticed the means used to this end, described the irregularities and innovations which might in days to come cause its validity to be questioned, and lastly foretold the fatal results to the Church of the fulfilment of so outrageous an attempt. 3. The Vatican now for the first time showed signs of dis- quietude, whether on account of the French note, though that was of little weight, or of this new demonstration on the part of the Opposition ; and in its next meeting for amendments, the Com- mission on Faith endeavoured to frame such a formula on Infallibility, as should calm the irritation and displeasure of the Opposition, and win over some of its least determined members, without sacrificing in any respect the substance of the dogma. 4. The Congregations sat unweariedly, and on Monday 23rd, Monsignor Kettler spoke most strongly, pointing out to his col- leagues what would remain to the episcopate after the pro- clamation of Infallibility. This argument, which he cleverly handled, had considerable effect, as it touched very nearly all M 162 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Mat. the Fathers in the assembly who exercised any jurisdiction, and it was said that (contrary to the usual result of the best speeches in the world), it really convinced some people, and attracted a few sheep from the Infallibilist flock to swell the forces of the Opposition. The sittings of the 24th, 25th, 28th, 30th, and 31st of May, were passed in the same way, that is to say, in a repetition of the arguments already well known on both sides. On the latter occasion eighty orators had inscribed their names, so that it almost seemed as if the desire of speaking grew as the speeches multiplied, much in the same way as appetite is said to grow by eating. 5. On the part of the Opposition, this increase of speakers was in accordance with the policy imposed on them by cir- cumstances from the first, the desire to gain time, and the expectation of its benefits. On the part of the majority, it sprang from a desire to limit the chances of the Opposition as much as possible, by bringing every sort of pressure to bear upon them in the most minute particulars, as had been done from the beginning, and thus expecting and awaiting the moment when they could be entirely crushed without any great difficulty. The pamphlet ' Ce qui se passe au Concile,' gave an index of the briefs, the letters, and different works in the name of the Pope and other Authorities by which they encouraged personally and openly all who had in any way promoted Infallibility, or shown themselves in favour of it, and this fact produced a great impression. The instances cited by the pamphlet were, for the most part, collected beyond the limits of Italy, but some very curious examples were to be found in Rome itself. Who- ever said or did anything in favour of Infallibility received acknowledgments, remunerations, and honours, the Pope him- self condescending to act openly in this way. The papers pub- lished a Papal rescript approving and commending all those who fought for the good cause by means of the press (that press sometimes so much blamed). The newspapers even gave a formula of assent to Infallibility, a sort of plebiscite in its favour, drawn up by an ecclesiastic, and said to be sent from Rome through the bishops, to the clergy of their dioceses, with imperious commands that it should be accepted and signed.* The * See Appendix, Document XIX. May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 163 author" of the French pamphlet was not aware of the thanks and official encouragement given in the name of the Pope by the Nuncio at Paris to the French clergy who had assented to Infallibility, and made any demonstrations in its favour, conduct for which the said Nuncio was severely reprimanded by the French Government. By such a proceeding the Nuncio put into practice the principles of the scheme " De Ecclesia " before it was passed, and France, by her remonstrances, protested against the application of those doctrines. These facts were not publicly known before the month of June, when the observations of the French Government were published, though they had been under preparation for some time. The crisis was provoked by the conduct of some of the clergy who manifested themselves openly in favour of Infalli- bility, while their bishops in Rome were speaking against the dogma from the benches of the Opposition. This conduct, how- ever, was approved of at Rome, notwithstanding the complaints of the bishops interested in the matter, one of whom actually threatened to resign in consequence. Many examples of the like nature, both small and great, might be given. Nothing but the prestige inherent in all deep convictions could have so long sus- tained the Pope in the difficult position in which he was placed by his own followers ; the position of a man who, living in the nineteenth century, was urged to proclaim his own apotheosis. 6. In order to have an idea of the pressure exercised to attain the declaration of Infallibility, we will mention an important incident, of which at the time very little notice was taken. At the beginning of March, in one of the parochial meetings held periodically in Rome for the transaction of business, a priest belonging to a religious order which had sent a legate to the Council, proposed to his colleagues to draw up an address in favour of Infallibility. Another priest immediately answered that it was no business of theirs to do anything of the kind ; that they were not consulted on the matter, and that it would be inopportune and presumptuous for them to express any opinion on a question of so much gravity before the Church had decided on it. This rejoinder being approved of by the clergy present, the priest referred to saved his colleagues from entering into the stormy current of disputation from which, for M 2 164 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. the better exercise of their ministry, they should endeavour to keep aloof. By some chance, the newspapers got hold of this incident, which at once acquired weight from the fact that, as the parish priests are the best and most active among the clergy of Rome, the special diocese of the Pope, it was now apparent to the world that they were, if not actually adverse, but little inclined to Infallibility. The authorities immediately inter- vened with all the force which, in conformity with ecclesias- tical law, they could exercise upon those subject to them ; they intimated to the priests that they must repair the scandal, and strongly advised that an address should be framed. The parochial clergy accordingly drew up a form, which though apparently moderate, was to be understood by the public, who do not look narrowly into such matters, as favourable to Infallibility. Every one in Rome is acquainted with the history of that address. Some of the clergy evidently did violence to their own convic- tions ; for as Infallibility was not yet declared, they were by no means bound to accept it from the duty of submission, but according to certain Ultramontane notions of discipline, authority has a conscience for all. This substitution of the dictates of an ex- ternal authority for those of the individual conscience in all cases, is one of the chief causes of the evils that disturb Catholicism. 7. The Jesuits had originally brought forward the question of Infallibility in the month of February, when no one in the world was thinking of it, by their celebrated article in the Civilta Cattolica, and now they adduced the fact of its dis- cussion as a reason for its proclamation. The case of the parish priests was just the same ; one of them proposed an address, a word which implies liberty and spontaneous action, but these characteristics are removed by the fact of the proposal, which is then used as an argument for the project being carried out, and so alternately a necessity is created and the desired advantage is taken of it. What will be the judgment of pos- terity on this phase of ecclesiastical history ? what will be the opinion of those who view it with unprejudiced minds and full knowledge of the accompanying circumstances ? 8. If very little forbearance is shown by Rome in the pursuit of her wishes, equally little is shown in her conduct when May.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 165 those wishes are attained, and it almost seemed as if she were unwilling to leave those who voted for Infallibility under the slightest delusion as to the consequences that might follow. Although this prerogative is not supposed to extend beyond certain conditions, and to be exercised on certain matters only, yet it must inevitably add weight to the ordinary judgments of the individual invested with such virtue, and be reflected involuntarily in all his actions. The news of the " Pronunciamento " in Portugal, by which the Duke of Saldanha had imposed by force on his King a new administration, of which he himself was the head, reached Rome about this time. " Pronunciamenti " are the worst form of revolution, because they disturb the highest expression of order, and violate the faith that binds soldiers to their flag. As soon as the news was received, the Pope paid a visit to the national Church of the Portuguese, and the same evening the Osservatore Romano announced the fact, and said that the Pope wished to inspect the restorations made in the Portuguese Church by order of the Duke of Saldanha when ambassador in Rome. The coincidence afforded ground for the belief that the Pope had hastened to give the Duke of Saldanha the only mark of appro- bation in his power, the rather that the Duke is of the clerical party, and on taking office had found some pretext for an assumed quarrel with the Italian Minister. The effect of this conduct, whether intentional or fortuitous on the part of the Pope, was felt by all ; and the thoughts of those who remembered the 16th of November, 1848, went back to the moment in which he had found himself in the very same condition as that in which the Duke of Saldanha had placed his Sovereign, forced by violence to receive a minister from the rebels who directed their arms against his own palace ! Such persons wondered that the Pope, having been placed in that situation, did not perceive how dangerous might be even the mistaken presumption that his high sanction in any degree palliated acts of violence, or tended to render them familiar to the multitude, who are not all Excellencies like the Duke of Saldanha. 9. With these and similar events which, without adhering strictly to chronological order, I have brought together, as illus- 166 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [May. trating popular feeling, the work went on with the greatest activity and energy, June being fixed for the proclamation of Infallibility, as the feast of St. Peter and the anniversary of the Pope's accession are both celebrated in that month. We shall now see that the restless and imperious wishes of the majority were doomed to disappointment in carrying out this design, as they were in many other things. June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 167 JUNE. I.— CLOSE OF THE GENEEAL DISCUSSION. 1. Close of the general discussion on the scheme "De Ecclesia." — 2. Speech of Monsignor Maret. — 3. New protests. — 4. Proposal for secret voting. — 5. Re- sistance to be kept up to the last. — G. Feast of Pentecost. — 7. Objections to proposal of the Archbishop of Malines. 1. The congregations of June opened with an act which, though unexpected at the moment, was yet the legitimate consequence of the events we have described, and which will greatly influence the judgment, not only of the present day, but of future ages, on the Vatican Council, namely, the con- clusion of the general debate on the scheme "De Ecclesia." It will be remembered that an article was inserted in the new Order, by which the power of proposing to vote the close of a debate was vested in any ten bishops. This proviso had caused great displeasure, for every one was aware that the legates, who could always be sure of inducing the majority to vote the closing, could with still greater certainty reckon on finding ten bishops to make the proposition. In fact, the article was considered as one of the means employed to crush and subdue the minority. The new Order on its first appearance had caused a great disturbance, but seemed to superficial observers to have now dropped into oblivion, those even who framed it making very little use of it ; but when once its application seemed desirable, as in the present case, it reappeared in full force, and was employed with the utmost severity. The great numbers of orators inscribed for the scheme " De Ecclesia," the advance of the hot season, and the excitement manifested in the assembly, were the reasons for again applying the Order with much vigour, so as to bring about the results intended. On the 28th of May, the Bishops of Granvaradino, of Ratisbon, of 168 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [June. Savanah, and others, had spoken strongly in favour of the Op- position ; indeed the Bishop of Savanah said that it was sacri- lege to make innovations in the Church, and to introduce the doctrine of the personal Infallibility of the Pope. The majority could not brook the application of the word sacrilege to their long-sought and cherished ideal ; the Presidents Capalti and De Angelis quite lost their temper, and a scene of anger and excitement ensued, very similar to that which occurred in March. The majority, confident in their own strength, then resolved to close the debate, and carried their intention into effect at the second Congregation, on June 3rd. On that occasion, towards the end of the sitting and without any suspicion on the part of most of the Fathers present, the legates produced a petition, signed by many bishops, praying that the debate should be closed, and immediately, without postponing the decision to the next meeting, the question was in procinctu — put to the vote by rising and sitting. There was a large majority in its favour, and the legates then announced that the general debate on the scheme " De Ecclesia " was ended. 2. The minority were painfully surprised at this proceeding, the more so as Strossmayer had spoken at the preceding meeting of June 1st with greater calmness and moderation than usual, pointing out that the reason of the continued opposition on his own part and that of his colleagues, was the serious considera- tion of the belief of their flocks, who would never accept the dogma of Infallibility. The Opposition had remained calm, even though Valerga, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, one of the most ardent Infallibilists, had made a speech inveighing against them in unmeasured language, but their only reward was the unexpected closing of the debate by the presidents. Circumstances, in themselves unimportant, sometimes greatly change or aggravate the impression produced by an event. In the Congregation of June 3rd, the Fathers, unaware that the debate was to be stopped, had continued to speak as on former occasions, and the Bishop of Sens, Monsignor Maret, who had inaugurated the work of Opposition in France by the publication of his book on the Council, had made a long address. He tried to make the assembly understand, that to render the personal Infallibility of the Pope co-existent with the Infalli- June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 169 bility of the Church would be to introduce into the Catholic faith a new mystery, similar to that of the Trinity, a dogma teaching two Infallibilities in one. As he continued to dilate on this subject, he was stopped, and told to desist. Being rather deaf, he did not at once hear the command ; but when he became aware of it, said, with dignity and energy, that his conscience and sense of honour impelled him to complete his speech, and he did so. A North American bishop, who then took up the question on practical grounds, and declared that the dogma was repugnant to his countrymen, and would prove a serious obstacle to the conversion of Protestants in America, was also subjected to the like treatment. And thus the close of the general debate on the scheme was brought about, the president an- nouncing that at the next meeting on Whit-Monday, par- ticular points, such as the Primacy, Infallibility, &c., would come under discussion. 3. The Opposition were much irritated by this new blow (as they considered it) on the part of the majority, this fresh attempt to urge them on to the hated declaration, and began seriously to consider what course they should adopt. Their several leaders held a meeting at once, and many opinions were circulated. Some advised an immediate departure from Rome ; others, new protests ; others, a line of abstention and indifference henceforward to all proceedings in the Council up to the day of voting, on which occasion they might once for all give openly and definitively the answer " Non placet." The latter alternative involved a contradiction, for such indifference implied a refusal to recognise the validity of the Council, which would have been the only legitimate ground for disregarding its proceedings, and then, how was it possible to give even a negative vote in a Council possessed of no authority whatever ? So great was the prevailing irritation, that some began to speculate on the course to be followed outside the Council, and when it was ended, alluding thereby to the resist- ance which might be manifested towards the Church of Rome. As usually happens on such occasions, after the first explosion of wrath, the line of action adopted was a combination of all the plans that had been proposed. A strong protest against the closing of the debate, signed by about ninety bishops, was drawn 170 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. up, and presented to the Pope. Meantime, some of the Opposi- tion relaxed their attendance at the Congregations, and others took a short holiday under the pretext of visiting Naples or other neighbouring localities. Some of them were refused pass- ports on applying for them at the office of the Secretary of State ; but being for the most part foreigners, they could dis- pense with them, and travelled none the worse, meeting with no difficulties. 4. Among the many plans hatching in the heated minds of the Opposition was a petition that the vote on the delicate and anxious question of Infallibility should be secret, so as to relieve the sense of responsibility which would weigh heavily on many persons, and restore to them the moral liberty which they would be deprived of, in feeling that they were deciding the prerogative of the Pope, under his very eyes. The petition was drawn up, and obtained about eighty signatures. Its object was evident, and had it been successful it would have greatly assisted the Opposition, although no real difference in the final result could be expected. Owing to the general disregard of all the petitions and protests hitherto made by the minority, it was hardly pro- bable that this request for an essential change in the arrange- ments of the Council would be granted, especially on account of its aim, and the occasion for which the favour was asked — the very moment of reaching the long wished for conclusion of the struggle. 5. The Opposition now numbered about 130, their body having increased rather than diminished since the opening of the Council, and they used every means in their power of pro- testing against the famous dogma. They did not quite agree among themselves on the matter, some deeming the time unsuit- able for a declaration of Infallibility, though not averse to it in itself, and others being opposed to the substance of the dogma. This discrepancy, though not formidable in itself, as very often the belief of the first was only a milder and more practicable expression of the opinions of the second, was yet a serious hindrance to combined action ; as the first were logically unable to combat the ideas of the majority with energy and success. Moreover, on account of the natural weakening of the individual will usually found among priests, it was impossible to tell how Juke.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 171 many of the 130 in opposition would resist to the end, and dare to say " Non placet " at the public Session. This was the root of the matter, on this depended the future of Catholicism, not so much on the convictions already shown, as on constancy in manifesting them, and maintaining them to the end. There was certainly every hope that as the opinions of the minority had been clearly made known (though without any official demonstration), the majority would be obliged to recognise them, for fear of losing in authority before the im- partial tribunal of posterity all that by energetic and summary means they had gained in power with the view of overcoming and subduing their opponents. 6. Whitsuntide was approaching, and the Cardinal- Vicar ordered its celebration with special pomp. On Whit-Monday the whole Council, headed by the Pope, descended in solemn procession from the Sistine Chapel to the Church of St. Peter, to invoke the Holy Spirit. During the octave all the religious bodies in Rome went round the city in procession, imploring His aid — a proceeding which gave rise to a profane joke, with reference to the black habits of the monks, and the representation that they carried of the Holy Spirit, — that He would be rather driven away than attracted by such a cloud of wandering crows. The most singular among these processions was one comprising all the Jesuits in Rome, who very seldom manifest their numbers to the world at large. 7. Notwithstanding these demonstrations, the tenacious resist- ance of the Opposition caused considerable apprehension to the majority, who again tried to find some means of dividing and weakening them, the more thoughtful endeavouring to put forth a formula which might win over some of their opponents. But in this attempt, as often happens, the majority, instead of dividing their opponents, were very nearly divided themselves. The Archbishop of Malines, being opposed to all compromise, and dubious of the success of the means hitherto employed, proposed, instead, another formula, which should declare the whole of the Opposition excommunicate and out of the Church, and should anathematise all who held that the bishops shared the supreme authority vested in the Church ; and as this was a favourite doctrine of the Opposition, it followed that the whole of their 172 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. number were consequently excommunicate. It seems that Man- ning shared the opinions of the Archbishop of Malines ; but Monsignor Pie, Bishop of Poitiers, the same who had opened the debate with a speech on the decapitation of St. Paul, was of a contrary opinion, and refused to give his sanction to the summary decapitation of the episcopate. The bishops of the majority were divided on the matter, and this divergence threat- ened for a time to become serious, as there were said to be dis- sensions even among the legates. The firm conduct of Maret proved of great value in this conjecture. He declared to the Archbishop of Malines that as the proposal in question was in odium of himself and his colleagues, he should oppose it to the last by every means in his power. The exorbitant nature of such a plan became apparent at length even to the Archbishop of Malines, and being warned by Maret of the results if he persisted in his intention, he finally withdrew the proposal himself, and no further mention was made of it. In its place it seems that the majority agreed on another formula, to be issued at once. The details were not known as yet, but it was to admit of no concession to the wishes of the minority. This again was an innovation in the proceedings of the Council, for it implied the right of the presidents to substi- tute for documents already proposed, new ones which were without legal sanction, and were beyond Conciliar action. This familiar treatment of controversial matters took away a certain regularity, and consequently a certain security, from the debate. It was first adopted on discussing the introduction of the scheme " De Fide," and was substituted in various cases for the prudent traditions hitherto followed in conducting the business of the Council. June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 173 II.— SUMMARY OF THE QUESTION OF INFALLIBILITY. 1. Summary of the question. — 2. The scheme " De Ecclesia " is reduced. — 3. First and second chapters. — 4. Third chapter, and its quotation from St. Gregory the Great. — 5. Doctrines of the scheme " De Primatu." — 6. The time for presenting observations upon personal Infallibility limited to ten days. — 7. Text inserted in the first draft of " De Ecclesia." — 8. No special Canon for Infallibility. 1. Before the new formula appears, and while sub judice lis est, we will take a retrospective view of the whole subject, and consider all the documents which had hitherto appeared, as well as the present state of the question while its ultimate decision was still pending. Every one will remember what was said in the first scheme "De Ecclesia," which contained the famous Canons published in the Augsburg Gazette, and the sudden appearance of the declaration of Infallibility, under the form of an adjunct to the scheme " De Ecclesia," which was supported by many of the bishops, and caused such dismay to the Opposition in the month of March. The indignation excited by that surprise somewhat cooled the enthusiasm of its authors, or rather induced them to let the tempest pass over before they proceeded any further. The scheme, with its Appendix, dis- appeared in the dark recesses of the Secretary's office, and the scheme " De Fide " occupied public attention. When the pre- vailing agitation had calmed down with the reproduction of the scheme " De Fide " and " De parvo Catechismo," the scheme " De Ecclesia " reappeared modified, as circumstances required. In this process Infallibility had lost its character of a simple " pos- tulatum," and had become an integral part of the scheme before the assembly had considered the matter. The object of the first appearance of the question in March was now apparent. It was plain that the Pope's part in the proposals submitted to the Council was of so direct a character that he could not spon- taneously, and by his own initiative, embody in them the de- mand for the declaration of his own Infallibility, and therefore for the moment he was obliged to let it appear to emanate from the bishops. Neither could it be left isolated in a form which would give it less weight in the eyes of those in the assembly, who were accustomed to strict ecclesiastical discipline, 174 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. than it would possess if formally incorporated into the scheme itself; and therefore after its first appearance, Infallibility was inserted in the scheme from whence its authors had resolved that it should only emerge to become a dogma for the whole Church. 2. At the same time they sacrificed great part of the scheme " De Ecclesia," as they had part of that " De Fide," in deference to the remonstrances of diplomacy on the Canons regulating the connection between Church and State, thinking very justly that Infallibility virtually contained them all. Under these conditions the scheme that we mentioned last month, " Constitutio Dog- matica Prima de Ecclesia Christi " appeared in four chapters and three Canons, many fewer than those contained in the first draft. 3. In the first chapter, under the title " De Apostolici Pri- matus in Beato Petro Institutione," was contained the declaration of the primacy of St. Peter over the whole Church. In the second, " De Perpetuitate Primatus Petri in Romanis Pontifi- cibus," is asserted the perpetual and uninterrupted continuation of that primacy in the bishops of Rome as successors of St. Peter in the Church he founded. In the third chapter, entitled, " De Vi et Ratione Primatus Romani Pontificis," are enumerated and described the effects of this primacy, and here commences the apotheosis of the Pope, terminating in the last chapter with personal Infallibility. 4. The third chapter affirms the supreme jurisdiction, ordinary and immediate, of the Pope, over all churches singly and col- lectively, over the pastors as well as the flocks ; from which doctrine it follows that bishops, in exercising any jurisdiction, or authority, only do so as official delegates of the Pope. It seems that, conscious of this logical inference, the compilers of the scheme tried to avoid it, and to defend themselves from the imputation of seeking to lessen the jurisdiction of the bishops ; but in this endeavour, instead of exculpating them- selves, they really admit the charge. The scheme cites the words of St. Gregory the Great, in a letter to Eulagius, Bishop of Alexandria, " Turn vero ego honoratus sum cum singulis quisquis honor debitus non negatur." But these words are contained in the following passage, with reference to the title of Universal Apostle assumed by the Patriarch of Constantinople. " Non dixi nee mihi vos nee cuiquam June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 175 alteri tale aliquid scribere debere ; et ecce in praefatione epistolae quam ad me ipsum qui prohibui direxistis superbae appellationis verbum universalem me Papam dicentes impri- mere curastis. Quod peto dulcissima mihi Sanctitas vestra ultra non faciat, quia vobis subtrahitur quod alteri plus quam ratio exigit praebetur. Ego enim non verbis quaero prosperari sed moribus. Nee honorem esse reputo in quo fratres meos honorem meum perdere cognosce Meus namque honor est honor Universalis Ecclesiae. Meus honor est fratrum solidus vigor. Turn vero ego honoratus sum cum singulis quisque honor debitus non negatur. Si enim universalem me Papam vestra Sanctitas dicit negat se hoc esse quod me fatetur universum." When the whole quotation is given the words bear a much clearer and more extended application. The extraction of one phrase only, omitting the rest of the passage, in- dicates a wish to restrict its real meaning. In a series of letters on the pretensions of the Patriarch of Constantinople, St. Gregory the Great speaks yet more clearly and decidedly. In writing to Eulagius of Alexandria on the matter,* he alludes to the fact that the title of Universality was offered to the See of Rome by the Council of Chalcedon, and says, " Sed nullus un- quam decessorum meorum hoc tam profano vocabulo uti con- sensit, quia videlicet si unus Patriarca universalis dicitur Pa- triarcarum nomen caeteris derogatur. Sed absit hoc, absit a christiani mente id sibi velle quempiam arripere unde fratrum, suorum honorem imminuere in quantulacumque parte videatur." In another letter to the Emperor Maurice,f on the same sub- ject, he says, " Si igitur illud nomen in ea Ecclesia sibi quisque arripuit, quod apud bonorum omnium judicium fuit, uni versa ergo Ecclesia quod absit, a statu suo corruit quando is qui appellatur universalis cadit." And, after strongly reprobating the idea of universal supremacy being vested in one See, he says that the Church of Rome declined the offer, " Ne dum privatim aliquid daretur uni honore debito sacerdotes privarentur uni- versi." In another letter to the Emperor,! his words on this matter are still stronger. From all these passages, taken in full, it is very clear what St. Gregory meant by " honor debitus ; " but in the scheme which has so isolated and, I might almost say, * Lib. vii. cap. xxx. f Lib. iv. cap. xxxvi. t Lib. iv. cap. xxxii. 176 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Juke. retrenched them, what signification do they bear ? The scheme itself does not explain the meaning, and only touches on it later in the fourth paragraph, where it vehemently condemns those who oppose the legitimate jurisdiction of the Pope over the bishops, or place any obstacle between them. The limits of this jurisdiction are explained and defined in the third chapter. In the fourth paragraph, the scheme has two aims ; that of distinctly affirming the unlimited jurisdiction of the bishops, and of defending it against all lay interference, renewing the old protests against the " Exequatur," the " Placet," and all other lay rights, which it collectively denounces and condemns. 5. Up to this point some power was left to the Episcopate, and there was still a considerable step to be made before reaching an absolute system of arbitrary power in the Church. Kings enjoy supreme jurisdiction, particularly when they are absolute monarchs, but even they must recognise the possibility of being in error. There is always a great difference, and especially in the Church, in the jurisdiction which deals with facts, and legisla- tion which regards principles. If the primacy be held in the full significance given it by Rome, the Pope can order and dis- pose matters at will, he is, in fact, omnipotent, while the epis- copate does not as a body interfere with him ; and the Pope can exercise full power, or even it may be dictatorship, while the Church, which is the depositary of the highest authority, does not meet in the most solemn manner and take measures to reassert and exercise it. This was precisely the point on which arose the different opinion and pretensions of the " Curiali Romani," and their supporters, and the resistance of particular schools and churches, which had hitherto been respected, and had succeeded in keeping the matter unsettled and open to discussion. In the fourth paragraph of this chapter, before mentioning Infallibility, the scheme declares that no authority above that of the Pope exists in the Church ; that there is no appeal from his judgment ; that he can never be judged by any one, or in any case ; and lastly, it formally condemns any who should pre- sume to appeal from the decision of the Pope to that of an Ecumenical Council. The reason of this last condemnation June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 177 does not proceed, as might be supposed, from prudence, and from the necessity of not allowing the judgment of an ordinary authority to be eluded, by transferring the cause to an uncertain and prospective Council, thereby upsetting ecclesiastical discip- line ; but it proceeds absolutely from the principle asserted by the scheme, that the authority of the Church, even when united with that of the Pope, is not superior to the authority of the Pope alone. 6. From a practical point of view, the declaration of Infalli- bility could add nothing to the weight of this paragraph, because, if the Pope is raised above human judgment, whatever conse- quences may ensue to the Church, he is, in fact, Infallible. But absolute ideas are seldom satisfied with asserting and re-asserting their own principles ; and so, in the fourth chapter, under the heading, "De Romani Pontificis Infallibilitate," the Pope is specifically declared not only supreme judge, but supreme and Infallible ruler. The first petition for Infallibility, drawn up in March, after quoting the text on which the Roman primacy is founded, " Thou art Peter," &c, and the other, on which the present dogma is built up, " I have prayed for thee, that thy faith fail not," asserted that the Pope — " errare non possit " — in de- ciding questions of faith and morals ; and added, that the object of this Infallibility is the same as that to which the Infalli- bility of the Church extends. The document concluded with a monitum, limiting to ten days the time allowed to the bishops for presenting their observations. This was a fresh and excep- tional restriction, which went beyond those introduced by the new Order. This clause — by which a small body of persons endeavoured to impose the brief space of ten days on the supreme assembly of the united Church, as the limit of time in which they should decide on a very grave matter, that of giving a perpetual vote of confidence to the person of the Pope, and of rendering his authority absolutely unlimited — this clause may be some day regretted by those who framed it. It re- mains as a testimony to the pressure they exercised in order to carry it, and will lessen the belief in their wisdom, not only' in the minds of philosophers and of men of intelligence and energy, but also in the minds of moderate Christians capable of reasoning on the future. N 178 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. 7. The new text which was inserted in the Constitution " De Ecclesia Christi," recently published, gave as nearly as possible the same definition of the personal Infallibility of the Pope, only in a still more explicit form. It asserts that the acceptance of all his decisions in questions of faith and morals is obligatory, and reiterates even more strongly than the first text, that the same Infallibility is inherent in the Church and in the Pope, and applies in both to the same object. This was the declaration which gave rise to Maret's remark on the analogy created by its incomprehensible nature, between the new dogma and the mystery of the Trinity. 8. Both the schemes conclude by saying that he who (quod Deus avertai) contradicts this declaration, falls into error, and separates himself from the truth and unity of the Catholic Church. There is no Canon on Infallibility in either of the schemes. The three Canons of " De Ecclesia " answer to the three first chapters, namely, the Primacy of St. Peter, its per- petuity in his successors, and the supreme jurisdiction that flows from it ; but the chapter on Infallibility contains merely the doctrinal matter, and in neither text is there a special Canon. All, therefore, which the resistance of so many bishops and Catholics to the dogma of Infallibility had been able to extract from the Vatican was that it should not be compiled in the form of a Canon, or have an anathema literally coupled with it. This is a distinction which may not be evident even to acute and elevated minds, but it has great significance in the obscure and subtle reasoning introduced into the Church of Rome by the Greek influences, which were prevalent at its first formation. June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 179 III.— DEBATE ON INFALLIBILITY. 1. Prognostications and state of parties. — 2. Processions, prayers, and addresses. — 3. Opening of the debate on Infallibility. — 4. Approach of summer. — 5. Speech of the Pope on the Festival of Corpus Domini. — 6. The fight begins. — 7. History of the question of Infallibility.— 8. The same. — 9. The same. — 10. Continuation and ending. — 11. Speech of Cardinal Guidi. — 12. Speech of Valerga. — 13. Speech of the Archbishop of Osimo. — 14. Predictions. — 15. A third party. — 16. The Opposition pray for a prorogation of the Council. 1. All parties now looked eagerly for the promised formula, the plan of reconciliation which should emanate from the majority. Time wore on ; it was already the middle of June ; the feast of St. Peter, the date fixed by the Infallibilists for the promulgation of the new dogma was at hand, and the greatest anxiety was felt on both sides. Meanwhile as motus in fine velocior all sorts of conjectures were rife, especially with regard to the character of the formula, so long desired, and so much delayed, as well as the particular shade of Infallibilist opinion that would prevail in it. The general impression was, that coming from the majority it would be very absolute in tone, and would contain the most extreme Ultramontane opinions, hardly concealed, with the view of gaining over some few of the minority, and that it would insist on an unqualified declaration of Infallibility. The Opposition, on their part, had considered the expediency of putting forth a formula, by which both sides might come to an understanding, and Sant Antonio, Bishop of Florence, had suggested one which should affirm the Infallibility of the Pope, whenever he speaks with the advice of the epis- copate and the assent of the Universal Church. All these movements were, however, more apparent than real, the actual state of the case being such as we have described. The majority declared, with more reason than was evident at the moment, that they could carry their measures in despite of the minority, while the minority thought themselves secure of from eighty to one hundred and thirty votes, to keep up the Opposition. Many, however, doubted that such a number would be found willing to pronounce the " Non placet," which must necessarily be given, not only in the private Congregations, but before the Pope at the last public Session ; such people could not but see that it would N 2 180 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [June. be a very difficult, if not an impossible matter to force the defi- nitive promulgation of a dogma so disputed, while still opposed by such a number of Fathers as must (even if diminished) be considerable, and acquire great importance from the antecedents of the discussion, and the state of popular feeling. The minority, therefore, strained every nerve to hold back the majority, threaten- ing them with a large number of adverse votes, while the majority retorted, asserting their firm resolution to carry out their inten- tions. Whichever party could first discover the weakness of the other seemed sure of victory, and as the means of authority and influence were all in the hands of the majority, it was likely that they would succeed in dividing, if not crushing, the minority, or would find some less dangerous way of oppressing them. 2. The Catholic party used all possible measures for bringing about this result, and attempted by public prayers and proces- sions, in Rome and other places, to arouse the religious feelings of the people on the matter. The episode described in the month of May, regarding the parish priests, was utilised as a good example ; their address was the first of a series of addresses imploring the declaration of Infallibility, obtained from the collegiate and religious bodies in the city, and even from the Roman University. In order to procure the greatest possible number of clerical assents, individual priests were invited to subscribe for the celebration of masses in favour of Infalli- bility, and to devote the alms collected to the " Obolo di San Pietro." All the demonstrations employed since the year '60 in furtherance of the temporal power were now renewed in favour of Infallibility. Religious enthusiasm was excited on all sides in favour of the new dogma ; enticement and blandishments were tried on those who were independent, and very direct means of influence were brought to bear on the many in Rome — who, being in some way or other dependent on the Curia, are especially interested in finding it infallible — at the beginning of every month. Addresses were circulated in the country, where they had been hitherto strictly prohibited under heavy penalties ; the people (though far from possessing sovereign power) were canvassed for a plebiscite ; and owing to the state of fervid agitation which prevailed, anecdotes were circulated June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 181 which would sometimes have been comical, were it not that they might soon give place to something of a sad and serious character. 3. The partial discussion on the different chapters proceeded rapidly, as many bishops pretended to consider it of slight importance : towards the middle of June the three first were gone through ; and on Wednesday, the 15th, the debate on Infal- libility, the subject of the fourth chapter began. Eighty persons were prepared to speak, and as the discussion would thus inevit- ably extend beyond the feast of St. Peter, the majority were disappointed in their expectation of carrying the declaration of the dogma on that solemn festival. In fact, St. Peter's Day was so near, that even had the majority tried to bring the debate to a close by such another stroke (as they had employed on previous occasions), they had no time left to benefit by their success. That festival once passed, and the long, burning Roman summer begun, there seemed to be no special day which could afford a pretext for bringing the debate to a close, for undoubtedly recurring anniversaries exercise considerable influence in ancient establishments. Although the declaration of Infallibility, a dogma on which the fate of Christianity depended, was so im- portant a matter, that no limit could be assigned to its con- sideration, some people deemed it necessary that the declaration should take place on a great festival, such as that of St. Peter, for if the devout public had learnt on an ordinary week-day that the Pope was Infallible, it seems that they would hardly have appreciated the fact, and therefore the triumph of the supporters of the dogma would have been incomplete. 4. The programme of the Opposition appeared well arranged, for it was likely that the slackness in the work of the Council might end in a prorogation, on account of the heat of summer, and thus they would be saved from the otherwise inevitable shipwreck that awaited them. But, as will be seen, this reckoning did not suit the other side. Every one felt the gravity of the situation, and consequently the new move on the part of the majority gave rise to all sorts of conjectures, and people wondered what effect would under these circumstances be produced on the Council by the trying and unhealthy season now fast approaching — would it overpower the Oppo- 182 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Juke. sition or discourage the majority? The issue must soon be apparent, but though all the advantages appeared to be on the side of the majority, this fact was against them, that notwith- standing all which had been done in the six months the Council had been sitting, its deliberations had produced no definite results. 5. On Thursday, being the feast of Corpus Christi, no con- gregation was held, nor was there any on Friday, on account of the anniversary of the Pope's election. On the latter day it is customary for the Sacred College to offer their congratulations to the Pope through the Cardinal- Vicar, after the religious service is completed, and on this occasion their address was full of allusions to Infallibility, with prayers for its speedy defini- tion, and of good wishes for the extension of the Pope's reign even beyond the years of St. Peter's. The Pope displayed great dexterity in his answer ; he avoided the open acknowledgment of the honour paid to him, but alluding to the bishops now assembled in Rome, he divided them into three classes. He said the first (the Opposition) were worldly, and cared more for popularity than for the truth, and prayed for their illumination. The second class, he said, were uncertain, and for them he implored decision from heaven. On the third (the Infallibilists) who were walking in the paths of the Lord, he simply bestowed his benediction. These judg- ments appeared, at the least, premature, for if one part were already condemned, what was the use of prolonging the dis- cussion. 6. The sittings were resumed on Saturday, June 18th, when it was expected that the third chapter would be finally voted, but instead of that, the debate on Infallibility was opened. It was a memorable day, for it witnessed the commencement of the final combat in which (though pretty well settled by what had preceded) was to be irrevocably decided the fate of the Catholic Church, the most serious struggle in which she had ever been engaged, for it brought her into opposition with the institutions and civil society of the age. We have now arrived at the knot of the question which agitated the Vatican Council, a critical and decisive question, on which depended the consti- tution of the Catholic Church, and before proceeding further we June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 183 will turn back and consider briefly the history of the doctrine of Infallibility up to the present time. 7. The growth of the Papacy has been gradual ; it began with the application of our Lord's words to St. Peter to his successors, the Bishops of Rome, and, being strengthened by the transfer of the seat of government brought about by Gon- stantine, it naturally increased, as containing within itself the first principles of unlimited power, which were fostered by the growing favour of successive ages, and furthered by the wonder- ful talent and virtue of such men as Gregory VII., Innocent III., and Boniface VIII. The Church in general was occupied in the task of her own organisation, and in the laborious develop- ment of new forms of Christian life ; and though she had on many occasions acknowledged the primacy of the See of Rome, she had never had the opportunity nor felt the need of deter- mining a priori the character and conditions of their mutual relations, which varied according to circumstances, and were never made the subject of discussion, or accurately defined until the ninth century, when the study of Canon law sprang into existence. It was then that the jurists, seizing on the fact of the acknowledged primacy of the Roman See, constructed the syllogism which, with the aid of logic and dialectics (both powerful instruments of the intellectual movements referred to), would have led long since to the final result now under discus- sion but for the resistance constantly maintained by the energetic and practical working of the Church herself. The school that supported the theory of the unlimited power of the Pope arose with the appearance of the Decretals, or the formation of Canon law ; but with regard to his Infallibility, that was not included in the science of law, but belonged to the region of dogma ; therefore, however much the Papal school of canonists tried to amplify the prerogatives of the See of Rome, declaring it uni- versal, above all other authority, and subject to no control, they could only open the way for Infallibility and facilitate its de- claration, but could go no further. Infallibility, as a matter of discussion, and as a definite opinion of the Church, only appears at a. later date with the advance of theological studies. 8. The age of St. Thomas Aquinas was fertile in canonical and theological controversy, and it is then that we meet with 184 EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. [Juke. the first mention of Infallibility as a dogma ; it was taken up from that time by the Roman " Curia," and was maintained by the numerous mendicant orders who constitute the special defenders of Roman doctrine ; but even in those days it was re- sisted by many, and its nature was not accurately determined by its own supporters. A question had already been raised as to the case of a Pope falling into heresy, and the point was argued whether such a one would de facto lose the Papal quality. The Popes themselves carefully avoided giving any opinion on the matter of Infallibility for a long time. Some, like St. Gregory the Great, had declined the attribute indirectly, indeed, but most warmly and repeatedly ; and even those who, like Innocent III., were strongly in favour of Papal authority, had never ventured on assuming such a quality. The University of Paris, the earliest school of theology, and especially devoted to its study, had constantly opposed the doctrine, and had inaugurated the Gallican traditions, which were firmly maintained in France, with varying success, until the end of the last century. The jurisconsults and the canonists had indeed striven all this time, unweariedly and with some degree of success, to extend and enlarge the Papal authority, as is shown by the works on Papal prerogative so common in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries — those of Martino di Tropau, of Tolomeo da Lucca, for instance, and many others. By these means, and by the increased authority acquired by the Roman See after the reigns of Gregory VII. and Innocent III., the prerogatives of the Popes and their Infallibility would have made rapid progress but for the schism of the West, which occurred towards the end of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth century. This schism, by its long duration, by its disastrous consequences, and by the perplexity experienced by the faithful in witnessing the proceedings of the different Popes who contended for the Chair of St, Peter, gave a shock to the Papal system, and greatly dimi- nished the prestige of the school which supported it to the utmost. 9. In this crisis, people looked for help to the intervention of the episcopate, and a Council met at Pisa, whose work was not really completed until the Council of Constance. This latter assembly, which was convened in consequence of the great strife agitating the Church, checked the advancement of the Roman June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 185 Curia, of Papal authority, and, indirectly, the progress of the question of Infallibility. The Council of Basle was held shortly after, during the Pontificate of Eugenius IV., and under much the same con- ditions as the Council of Constance, but was dissolved on the deposition of Eugenius and the accession of Felix V., though, when Eugenius was again in power, it re-assembled at Florence. This time Papal authority recovered its lost prestige, owing to the Council being held in Italy, to the favourable opportunity now afforded for the advancement of the Pope's authority by the reunion of the Latin and Greek Churches, and also on account of the mistakes committed at Basle. The formula of the Council of Florence concerning the Pope, though the last hope of the Opposition at the Vatican Council, seemed a great gain to the Roman Curia after the Councils of Constance and of Basle, assisted its rising fortunes, and added to the prestige of the Papacy. The formula was to this effect : that the Pope is Vicar of Christ, Head of the Church, Father and Master of all Christians, and that he is endued by God with full power to rule the Church in the manner laid down by the Canons and the precepts of Ecumenical Councils. Ever since the Council of Constance, and especially since that of Basle, the promoters of absolute authority had urged their views within and without the Curia, and they became more active and energetic when, in consequence of those Councils, Papal authority was questioned and the dominion of the Curia threatened ; in fact, we may say that Infallibility then, for the first time, acquired a scholastic or scientific form. The works of Cardinal Torquemada, theologian, and Master of the Sacred Palaces under Eugenius IV., which are the manual of the new school, appeared after the Council of Basle. They were followed by the writings of Cardinal Caetano and of Cano ; and up to the time of Bellarmine, Infallibilist doctrines were steadily on the ascendant, though some protests against them were heard, even in Italy : as, for example, in the severe words addressed by St. Catherine of Siena to Gregory XL, with the view of arresting the growing absolutism of Rome. Many illustrious and able churchmen endeavoured to do the same, by raising the influence and authority of the bishops. Sadoleto, 186 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Juke. Contarini, Caraffa, Pole, and others among the cardinals, whose opinions carried much weight from their learning and high position, in the famous Memorial of 1538 acknowledged the necessity of placing some limit to the Pope's authority, and tried to find one ; but the fate of the Catholic Church in this respect was decided at the Council of Florence, where the triumph of the Papal system was inaugurated, the attempt to vindicate episcopal rights having failed at Basle. Torquemada and his school immediately resumed their efforts to further the movement towards Infallibility, which increased until its theory, though never universally accepted, and always opposed, was more or less explicitly admitted in the teaching and opinion of the adherents of the Roman " Curia." The doc- trine of Infallibility was not, however, fully admitted for three centuries, as a storm far more violent than the schism of the West now arose, and produced an insurmountable barrier to its progress. The Roman " Curia," as often happens, feeling confident of success, would not moderate its preten- sions ; and from the beginning of the sixteenth century there reigned a series of Popes who employed, without any re<* straint, the unlimited authority, political and religious, which the Curia had assured to them ; and thereby excited (especially among the German races, who were of a sterner cast than others) a profound reaction ; and opened the door to the religious inno- vators who, for more than a century, had been agitating the minds of the newly-civilised populations of Europe. When the great crisis burst forth which rent Western Chris- tendom and threatened the foundations of the Christian religion, the rapid and unlooked-for success of the Reformation inter- rupted all those laborious efforts which since the Council of Florence had contributed greatly to further Papal ascendency both in theory and in practice, and to promote the authority of the Curia. The progress of the doctrine of Infallibility, which had been as rapid as possible in that corrupt and heretical century, was also arrested. 10. The discussion of the prerogatives of Rome was im- possible at a moment when the very foundations of the Christian edifice were trembling beneath the shocks of the tempest of Reformation. That great event was attended by the same con- Jtokl] eight months at kome. 187 sequences as had resulted from the schism of the West ; when the crisis was past and Rome had triumphed at Trent (though with the loss of two flourishing countries), her one thought was how best to profit by the victory, and, as in the Protestant movement, the question of Papal authority was set in the front rank, so also a reaction in favour of that authority was mani- fested on the Catholic side. This reaction encountered but slight resistance and few obstacles, for the more energetic and vigorous populations had detached themselves definitively from the in- terests at issue, and those who did take part in it were already affected in some measure by that frivolous and sceptical spirit which prepared the way for the philosophy of Voltaire, and brought about a new crisis in the nineteenth century. The famous Bull of Urban VIII., " In Ccena Domini," was the most solemn manifestation of the renewed vigour of Papal authority, and in it the Pope himself spoke. Boniface VIII., three hundred years before, had established the primacy' of the Papacy on earth in the Bull " Unam Sanctam," and now the Bull " In Ccena Domini " confirmed those provisions, strongly reasserted ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and affirmed the unlimited power of the Pope in the Church. It is well to remark that the reaction against the independence and freedom of enquiry, introduced by the Reformation into Christianity, was charac- terised by an affected devotion and a blind and passive obedience to authority. One of the highest expressions of the tendencies of that period was the formation of the Order of the Jesuits, which adopted the qualities mentioned above as the rule of their conduct and as the very principle of their existence. For all these reasons Papal authority and the doctrine of Infallibility found themselves on favourable ground. Previous to the Re- formation Infallibility had borne a vague and indefinite character. Torquemada and his companions had indeed striven to fix its application ; but their theories had always been upset by one adverse argument, the possibility of a Pope proving to be a heretic. Here was a difficulty which they could not entirely overcome, though they endeavoured, by every possible means, to guard against it. It belongs to the character of passive reaction against mental freedom, which gave birth to the Order of the Jesuits, to advance the question of Infallibility, which 188 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. had constantly progressed as a recoil from any independent movement manifested in the Church ; and accordingly, in the period of repose and lassitude which succeeded the Council of Trent, the doctrine of Infallibility, with the assistance of casuistry, assumed more definite shape. Though obliged to con- tend with the incipient scepticism and pronounced cynicism of the age, it gained ground, and by means of the numerous writings and uncontested action of the Roman Curia, insinuated itself yet further into the feeble belief and lax practice of the Catholic populations, especially in Spain and Italy. There is, however, a considerable gap between Baronius, Orsi, and the apologists of that age and the present Infallibilists; and in reading the 'Annals' of the famous Baronius one can hardly understand, according to present ideas, how it was possible for a cardinal to use the language he often adopts, in writing the history of the Papacy. It remained for the storm of modern Revolution to drive into the widest antagonism the workings of absolute authority in opposition to those of uncontrolled license, and by the help of the latter, the promoters of absolutism, who are now represented by the so-called Catholic party, and led by the Jesuits (always its strongest promoters) have succeeded in passing the theory of the Pope's personal Infallibility in the clearest and most decided form, presenting it to a Council convoked for the express purpose of instituting it as a dogma of the Church on the 18th of June, 1870, about nineteen centuries after the foundation of Christianity, and about ten centuries after the theory had first become matter of debate. 11. Five cardinals, Rauscher, Di Pietro, Bonnechose, Cullen, and Guidi, spoke on the 18th. Rauscher was obliged to have his speech read for him, the weakness of his voice preventing his being heard : it was moderate and conciliatory, but did not produce much effect. The event of the day, was the speech of Cardinal Guidi, who, having begun in such a way as to please the majority, ended by showing himself favourable to, if not entirely in accordance with, the views of the minority. His conclusion was that the Pope could not define doctrine without the Council or the advice of the Church ; for there was some uncertainty among his hearers as to whether his words were sine consilio or sine concilio Ecclesice. June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 189 He was so led on by his own eloquence, that in the peroration he passed the limits he had originally fixed, and proposed a Canon which should contain an anathema against all who hold that the Popes could define doctrine without the advice of the Church. According to this, the Pope himself was in some peril of being condemned as having several times distinctly professed his belief in Infallibility. The effect of this speech was like that of a sudden thunder-clap in a cloudless sky. A Roman Cardinal actually the first, the only one, to side openly with the minority ! If a shell had exploded amongst the majority, it could hardly have excited more commo- tion. The Infallibilist Fathers were much perturbed, and turned to Cardinal Guidi with violent gestures, and marks of extreme displeasure, while the bishops of the Opposition received him with the warmest demonstrations of pleasure and affection. The next day Cardinal Guidi was the universal subject of conversa- tion, and was cruelly spoken of and reviled by those who do not follow the doctrine taught by St. John in the charitable exhorta- tion, "Brethren, love one another." At the same time Guidi was summoned to the Vatican, and there it was reported he had to encounter many reproaches, which he received with perfect firmness and dignity. It was said that on this occasion the Pope adopted the well-known words of Louis XIV., turning their application to himself with regard to ecclesiastical tra- dition ; but it was impossible to ascertain the truth of these reports which circulated in Rome, but were of no real import- ance, and neither added to nor detracted from the weight of the incident itself. 12. The number of inscribed orators on the 18th had risen to 108, and the presidents determined not to interrupt the discussion, but to leave it unchecked, as they did not wish again to incur the reproach of exercising pressure or violence on the minority. Per- haps they were assisted in this resolution by the expectation that the heat of summer would soon bring about the close of the dis- cussion. When the Fathers met on Monday, the 20th, the le- gates addressed to them a monitum recommending brevity in their speeches ; and the Patriarch Valerga, who in discussing Eastern affairs, expressed himself as violently as he had done on a former occasion, when he caused great offence to the French bishops, 190 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. was called to order. Valerga's vehement speech met with little favour, on account of the unfortunate position of Eastern affairs, in the direction of which he was a good deal concerned. The majority even were displeased, and he was obliged to descend from the ambo, although his party had looked to him to undo the effect produced on the previous day by the speech of Cardinal Guidi. On Tuesday no Congregation was held, that being the anniversary of the coronation of the Pope, and Pius IX. entered upon the twenty-fifth year of his reign under auspices not indeed devoid of sadness. For twenty-four years he had been applauded and made much of in every possible way, and now he was gra- dually approaching his apotheosis. All parties vied with each other in exalting him, and doing honour to his high and lofty station, until nothing remained but to ascribe to him the powers of Divinity, and, indeed, he was about to receive one of the Divine prerogatives. The twenty-fifth year of their reign seems to be a fatal one for the Popes ; Pius IX. was no exception to this rule, for it was to be the occasion of his ceasing in some ways to be merely human and of his becoming something higher. The ultra-Catholic journals were full of observations and felici- tations on the aupicious event. 13. On Wednesday the sittings were resumed, and the monitum ordering brevity in the speeches was put into practice. The legates adopted the expedient of ringing a bell in order to stop any orators who exceeded twenty minutes, and this plan answered very well, instead of closing the debate, a practice which was given up for the present. Only seven speeches were made on the 22nd, one of them by a bishop who warmly sup- ported Infallibility, but even he was obliged to desist after twenty minutes. The Archbishop of Osimo then made a con- ciliatory speech, and in order to dispose the legates in his favour, began by stating that he would be so brief as to save them the trouble of stopping him. In attempting this he incurred the imputation of want of clearness ; but notwithstanding the diffi- culty of treating matters so grave and complicated in a very short time, he managed to bring forward a project of reconcilia- tion. This was not of so absolute a nature as the formula adopted by the Jesuits, but was a reproduction of the ancient formula, which ever since the Council of Trent had been used in Roman June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 191 theology, and much resembled that contained in the second address issued after the first petition of the Infallibilists. This formula, as we have already stated, by asserting that the Pope and the bishops together form, de jure et de facto, one Church, virtually sanctions the Infallibility of the Pope. The Bishop of Osimo, while rejecting the separation of the Pope from the bishops as a thesis and a hypothesis, both de jure etde facto, left the nature of their reciprocal influence and connection as indefinite as pos- sible ; so as to avoid countenancing the Gallican system on the one hand, or admitting personal Infallibility on the other. This proposal was quite as much as could be hoped for in an assembly known to be adverse to reform ; and in which the Opposition ultimately showed itself unequal to making a serious resistance, or of entertaining a firm resolution. It was a last hope for those who saw no other chance of safety, and who, un- willing to prejudge the question, wished to leave matters as they were previous to the Council, postponing their decision till a happier moment should arise ; but this sensible opinion was not the general one, and the bishop's speech was lost with the many other ardent and generous voices clamantium in deserto. Other speeches succeeded that of the Bishop of Osimo, and the presence of Cardinal Guidi in the Council Hall was especially noted. On the 23rd seven orators spoke against Infallibility ; and in the next sitting, on the 25th, Strossmayer, the great champion of the Opposition, again came forward. So great was the desire of making progress, that a Congregation was held on Tuesday, the 28th, although the Vigil of St. Peter, and Mon- signor Genuilhac, Primate of Gaul, spoke against Infallibility, but could scarcely be heard, on account of the murmurs of the majority. He was formerly Bishop of Grenoble, and had only been raised a few days since to his new dignity on the urgent request of the French Government, for the Holy See, knowing his opinions, would rather have chosen another candidate. Wed- nesday, the 29th, being the feast of St. Peter, no sitting was held, and next day the Pope gave up the usual ceremonies at the Ostian Basilica for the feast of St. Paul, in order that the Con- gregations might be resumed, and the happy moment of the declaration of Infallibility might be hastened. 14. Meantime the feast of St. Peter had passed, and the aspect 192 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. of affairs, far from improving, grew darker. As Cardinal Guidi, who was considered an able and intelligent man, had abandoned the majority in order to side with the Opposition, it could hardly be supposed that their position was as yet hopeless, at least, such was the opinion of many. Moreover, the history of the address of the parochial clergy, and many other incidents, made it evi- dent that the Opposition were daily growing stronger, and signs of discontent were apparent very near the Papal throne. In Germany there were indications of a deep and increasing resist- ance ; and the same spirit showed itself in France, where, according to the disposition of the people, it was expressed in a less serious manner, and found vent in many sharp and witty sayings, but certainly gained ground rather than decreased. The Opposition was no longer vague, isolated, and divided, as when first it sprang into existence, but was now an organised, and, to a certain extent, a disciplined body, representing a considerable portion of the Church, from the Catholics of America to the Cardinals of the Holy See. A person of great talent and of excellent judgment, in describing the state of affairs at this time, said that if Infallibility were accepted the Vatican Council would certainly not be accepted ; and, indeed, in forming any opinion on the prevailing condition of affairs, which was at all reasonable, it was impossible to escape from this dilemma. 15. All who were acquainted with the course of Roman busi- ness saw that the Vatican could not stop halfway, and submit to a defeat which would be the more serious in proportion to the advance already made. At the same time it did not seem possible for the Vatican to insist on passing a dogma against the wish and convictions of an authoritative minority, whose numbers varied from 80 to 130, and if the timid and backward be included, reached 150. For if the whole of this number could not be reckoned upon for a definitive resistance, still the minority was too important to be overlooked. The ma- jority were well aware of this, and though quite determined themselves, they never gave up seeking for a formula which should split the Opposition and win over some of its members, but as they were determined not to sacrifice the smallest part of the dogma of Infallibility, their search was a vain one. The result of these attempts had been to found a sort of third June.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 193 party in the Council (though a third party in religious matters has a difficult position), the head of which, at this moment, was Cardinal Guidi ; for when the first surprise occasioned by his conduct had subsided, it was evident that the step he had taken was rather with a view to reconciling conflicting parties than of joining the Opposition. Moreover, the fact of the Cardinal Archbishop of Bologna, a personal friend of the Pope, placing himself at the head of this attempt at reconciliation, was felt to be an indication of its vigour and suitability. We must allow that the endeavour was both liberal and courageous on the part of Cardinal Guidi ; but, like many previous attempts of the same nature, it was fruitless, since nothing could induce the majority to make any concession on the matter of personal Infallibility, and the Opposition, having been subjected to so many vexations and delusions, were resolved not to put up with further equivocation, and had become mistrustful and stubborn. Moreover there was this technical difficulty to contend with, that the Popes, having gradually reached a position of unlimited authority by a constant though gradual system of expansion, and being endued with the rights of primacy and absolute jurisdiction in the Church, had already acquired all the accessories of Infallibility ; and as in the long and disputed process all possible sophisms and verbal sub- tleties, and all the most ingenious combinations of phrases had been exhausted, there really remained nothing further to do in the way of discussion. It only remained now to say the word, and therefore the Council found itself inevitably in the dilemma of either declaring the dogma, or of leaving matters as they were ; but they viewed this latter course in the light of a defeat, so that reconciliation seemed impossible, and the state of anta- gonism in which both parties had been placed for the last six months continued unchanged. 16. Towards the end of June the Opposition bethought them- selves of another expedient, and offered to the Pope a means of escaping in a manner convenient both to himself and to them, from the difficult position in which he was placed from being both the judge and the party chiefly interested, in the same question. Several bishops of the Opposition signed a petition, in which they prayed for a prorogation of the Council, on account of the great heat now prevailing in Rome, which seriously affected O !94 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [June. many of their number. Their petition met with the usual recep- tion, and nothing further was known of its results save the inex- orable determination of the Pope that the Congregations should proceed without interruption until all the business of the Council was completed. With these or similar tentative efforts on both sides, the month of June, the seventh since the Council had as- sembled, drew to a close, and though the grand question had not made any real advance since the first day, the Opposition had gained many adherents, had greatly extended its influence, and had spread considerably. This extension had drawn forth the expression of public opinion, which found vent in the saying we have alluded to, that " if the dogma of Infallibility were accepted, the Vatican Council would not be accepted," an opinion very generally entertained in the present serious state of affairs. Those who supported it did not suppose that if the Opposition were conquered, they would question the validity of the Council on account of the difficulties occasioned by the want of unanimity in its decisions, and other matters which they had often and earnestly lamented. Their intention was rather to point out that the world which had looked to the Council for the solution of the great political-religious and social-religious problems which had long troubled Catholic nations, and saw it occupied only in building up a perplexing and questionable apotheosis, would cease to regard it with attention, would lose all hope in it, and that in proportion as it endeavoured to render its action abso- lute and coercive, the influence of that action on society would be diminished. July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 195 JULY. I.— CLOSE OF THE DEBATES. 1 . Effects of the climate. — 2. Weariness of the assembly. — 3. The bishops begin to leave Rome. — 4. The first heads of the scheme " De Ecclesia " are voted. — 5. Close of the discussion. — 6. Reasons of the Opposition for accepting it. — 7. The same. — 8. Discussion on the amendments. — 9. The Opposition consider their future course. — 10. Formula of Infallibility. — 11. After the proposal. — 12. The third chapter is voted. — 13. The fourth chapter is voted. — 14. The vote on Wednesday, July 13. 1. The venerable assembly now began to experience the full heat of a Roman summer. The burning rays of the sun have not only a weakening effect on the constitution, but falling on the uncultivated and marshy Campagna occasion a state of atmosphere, if not always fatal, at least injurious to the natives themselves. Only those who have actually experienced the summer heat in Rome can understand the effect it produced on the bishops from northern countries, accustomed to the cool tem- perature, the bracing air, and the sparkling streams of Germany. At an advanced age, changes of temperature which would other- wise have no great effect, have serious and rapid results, and many of the bishops and their dependents fell ill. It is difficult to describe the lassitude and despondency which the hard and wearisome work of the Council produced in those sensitive natures, when the temperature was such as suited the Spaniards, Calabrians, and Mexicans. These latter had probably looked forward to the result produced on their northern brethren in Opposition, when the thermometer stood at 115° in the shade. The Opposition were influenced by the same consideration when they had prayed for the prorogation of the Council before pro- ceeding to the definition of Infallibility ; but the south occupied O 2 196 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [July the seat of authority, and the north was unable to carry this or any other of its wishes. 2. Signs of this state of weariness had been apparent for some time. The Bishop of Ferentino had urged it in one of the recent Congregations as an argument against the Oppo- sition, accusing its members of prolonging the sufferings of the Fathers, but he became himself the victim of his own accusation. While venting his displeasure against the minority in the well- known classical quotation, " quousque tandem abutere patientia nostra?" the legate remarked that his words were most apt, and invited him to set the example of the right course by himself descending from the tribune. The assembly, tired of him, as indeed it was of all the orators, cordially hailed the intervention of the legate, and those present asserted that the ringing of the bell which cut short the ardent speaker, was the most grateful sound which had ever yet reverberated through the Council Hall. 3. When the bishops learned that the Pope refused to listen to the just plea for a prorogation afforded by the tropical heat, their state of discouragement became one of deep vexation, and they began one by one to leave Rome for their own dioceses, partly from disgust at the want of kindness and generosity with which they had been treated, and partly from reasons of health and from mistrust of the future. The Vatican willingly granted leave of absence to all who then applied for it, with the hope, perhaps, of diminishing the strength of the Opposition by offering its members a safe means of retreat from the difficulties of their position. It was said that the authorities afterwards regretted not having obtained from those Fathers who left Rome, some guarantee or promise of submission to the decrees of the Council in the event of its proclaiming the dogma of Infallibility, a result which now seemed probable and near at hand. At any rate, the bishops in Opposition believed this, and several times feared that some such promise would be exacted from them, and this misgiving considerably affected their later deliberations. 4. The bishops of Savannah and Paderborn spoke on Friday, July 1st. The latter attempted to bring about a reconciliation between the two parties by conceding to the Pope the attribute July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 197 of Infallibility, without imposing its belief upon the consciences of the faithful as a dogma. This proposal was hailed with shouts of indignation, and the bishop who next came forward, proposed rather to extend the Infallibility of the Pope beyond the region of faith and morals, to all which is comprised in Catholic morality, as science, politics, &c. It does not appear that the assembly gave this second proposal as bad a reception as it had offered to the first. On the 2nd of July the Council clearly manifested their desire to bring the proceedings to a close. Some Fathers inscribed to speak, declared their intention of not doing so, and therefore in the course of one sitting, thirty-two names were cleared off the lists, of whom the greater number never entered the tribune at all. Several bishops proposed that two Congregations should be held daily as a means of shortening the discussion and gaining time, but this idea was unanimously rejected. The second and third chapters of the scheme were voted on this occasion, and the debate proceeded until brought to an end by the refusal of those who should have spoken, to come forward. 5. It was impossible to indulge any further illusions as to the intentions of the Vatican, which was evidently determined to carry through the plans approved by the majority, notwith- standing the resistance they might encounter. The patience of the Opposition had been already sorely tried by the heat of the climate and the wearisome delays in business, while the refusal of the Pope to agree to a prorogation of the Council after the festival of St. Peter had put the finishing stroke to their displeasure, and now the conviction that the Vatican was bent upon the declaration of Infallibility caused a real panic among them. On Sunday, July 3rd, their leaders held a meeting, in which they finally determined to desist from a combat hence- forward useless, and possibly dangerous ; the resolution was spontaneously adopted by nearly all present, and, in this frame of mind, the Fathers attended the Congregation on Monday. The history of the close of the debate has been told in many ways, but all admit that when one of the bishops belonging to the Opposition attempted to speak, he was greeted with impatient cries of "abstineas, renuncia," &c, from the ma- jority ; whereupon another member of the minority, supposed to 198 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. be Strossmayer, rose and declared his determination to be hence- forward silent, an example which was soon followed by his colleagues. One of the majority then observed that the Oppo- sition having announced their resolution not to speak further, the debates were ended, and invited his own party to express their agreement in this conclusion. Accordingly, all who had prepared to speak, announced their willingness to desist, except- ing two or three of the Fathers, who still wished to be heard. Cardinal de Luca, one of the presidents, gladly availed himself of the occurrence, praised the assembly for its determination, thanked those who had originated the happy idea, and declared the debate, and the sitting to be concluded. In fact, it might be said that the war ended for lack of combatants to carry it on. 6. The intention of the Opposition in thus promoting the close of the debate was simply, as one of their members publicly declared, to avoid wasting time and arguments upon adversaries who were resolved to take no account of them, and to disregard the traditions and the future fate of the Church. The majority tried to set aside this reasoning and to explain the matter so as to suit their own wishes, but the result of the definitive vote soon vindicated the truth of the assertion, even without the declaration of the bishops in Opposition. 7. Many people have criticised the conduct of the Oppo- sition on this occasion, but to form a correct judgment on the point all the facts of the case should be fully considered. Owing to the state of despondency prevailing in the minority, and the fact that many of the German, Hungarian, and French bishops had already left Rome, the Infallibilists had become more daring, and interrupted the speeches of their adversaries with signs of irony and disapprobation. It almost seemed that, like the Russians when their country was invaded by the French in 1812, they expected the climate to fight for them, and as soon as they felt its beneficial influences, they considered them- selves masters of the field, and began to taste the sweets of victory. The Opposition were obliged by their own policy, and by the nature of the subject and length of the discussion, to repeat the same things very frequently, but this could not go on. July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 199 When it was once ascertained that the Pope was determined not to prorogue the Council, and that the dogma of Infallibility would be certainly declared, there was no use in further delay, and no hope but in the final vote. Prolonged discussion on a matter already settled could not influence the opinions of the Fathers, and, moreover, the attempt to continue the debate in a season of intense heat, far from bringing about a good result, was likely rather to prejudice their cause. Indeed, had the meetings of the Council been extended, the bishops would still have, gone on leaving Rome, and the Opposition would in consequence have become daily weaker, as its members, being chiefly from northern latitudes, were especially sensitive to the effects of the Roman climate. The minority were most anxious to prevent this result, because the loss of votes, though not im- portant to the majority, was a most serious one to them at the final and conclusive decision, when the whole matter would be settled. Every day, therefore, now wasted was a clear gain to the majority, and an equal loss to the minority, a result which the former had probably foreseen ; when, once certain that the assembly would not be dissolved before their work was accomplished, they no longer demanded, or directly pro- moted the closing, but left the matter to be brought about by the state of general weariness prevailing among the Fathers, and the result soon justified their expectations. The Opposi- tion were also induced by these considerations to join, though reluctantly, in furthering the desires of the majority, who were naturally delighted to end a discussion on which they had made up their minds before it ever began. It remained for the future, now so dark and stormy, and pregnant with most important events, to reveal whether the Opposition had been right or wrong in their policy, and whether, after all that can be said in their defence, it might not appear that by a chance which could not be foreseen their patience had suffered shipwreck when they were almost within the harbour. If succeeding events had not justi- fied this latter conclusion, it would have been difficult to blame the Opposition for a policy which had been fatally guided by the natural course of events and the prevailing public opinion. Great astonishment was felt in the city on the day when the sitting of the Council terminated in the sudden manner we have 200 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July described, and all sorts of rumours were circulated at the sight of the bishops leaving St. Peter's at an unwonted hour, many on foot, having sent away their carriages, and others crowded to- gether in the public conveyances ; but none, perhaps, who wit- nessed the prelates thus returning quietly home, realised the influence their decrees would exercise on the civil and religious future, not only in Italy, but in Europe and the whole world ! 8. Business proceeded rapidly after this. On Monday, July 5th, the amendments on the third chapter concerning the Primacy were discussed, and, the general resistance having ceased, no objections were made, although the Congregation was a very full one. Some bishops proposed, in order to gain time, that this chapter, with the amendments agreed on, should be again printed and distributed to the Fathers, that they might examine its con- tents at leisure ; this occasioned a delay, and the vote on that chapter only took place on Monday the 11th. It was, if we may so consider it, the last concession granted by the president. It was said that on this chapter being presented to the Pope for his approbation, after it had been amended, though not definitively voted by the Council, he added something to it of his own accord, and when this became known to the assembly it aroused, on the part of the Opposition, the last demonstrations of an in- dignation which they well knew was hereafter unavailing and powerless. Everyone will understand that matters having reached this stage, such anecdotes are of little importance, and it is most difficult to arrive at a knowledge of their accuracy ; but one thing is certain — that the third chapter was passed in the assembly without serious resistance. 9. The majority, elated by this result, began to entertain hopes not only for the vote on the third chapter, but for the much questioned and important fourth chapter, and their expectations were strengthened by the knowledge that differences had arisen among the leaders of the Opposition. When these latter had agreed at their meeting to give up speaking and to allow the debates to be closed, they had also re- flected on the conduct to be pursued when the end, which their policy was now hastening, should arrive. It seems that the Bishop of Orleans, and most of the French prelates in Opposi- July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 201 tion, wished to make a solemn protest against the treatment they had met with, against the advantage taken of the hot season to weary them, the want of fairness shown towards them by the presidents all through the discussion, and, lastly, against the excesses, insults, and affronts of which the majority had been guilty with regard to them. Having made this protest, they proposed to leave Rome immediately. The Germans, with Monsignor Haynald at their head, were of a different opinion ; they were adverse to the protest, and wished to remain in Rome till the end. Perhaps they were right; so many protests had been already made and disregarded, that to continue them seemed almost undignified ; and, moreover, the subjects of complaint, though they might be just in themselves, were not of a nature easily susceptible of proof. In fact, the protest was never made. As to the question of leaving or remaining at Rome, time has perhaps shown that on this point the judgment of the Germans was the right one, for the most resolute and the clearest course is usually the best. 10. These divisions were a cause of hope to the Vatican, and therefore, whether in consequence of the encouragement thus gained, or as the logical and natural results of the policy adopted, it came about that the formula of Infallibility was finally produced under these auspices at the end of the discussion on the amendments to the fourth chapter, and in the very Con- gregation of the 4th of July in which the Fathers had announced their intention of not prolonging the debate. The formula was just what had been expected for some time, and what the ma- jority had prepared with much care, though it had never assumed a definite shape before, and it now appeared as the final result, the consummation of the unanimous wish of the majority who had convoked the Vatican Council and guided the course of its deliberations. As this formula was produced by itself, before the close of the debate, it might be looked upon as a sort of amendment to the fourth chapter, an amendment to the new scheme " De Ecclesia " introduced during the discussion. This scheme had not been sent back to the Commission for revision, and thus the formula preserved that curt and unceremonious cha- racter appertaining to the motus in fine velocior, with which the later business of the Council proceeded. The formula was thus 202 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. worded, that the Pope " cum omnium Christianorum pastoris et doctoris munere fungens, pro suprema sua apostolica auctoritate, doctrinam de fide vel moribus ab universa Ecclesia tenendam definit, per assistentiam divinam ipsis in Beato Petro promissam ea infallibilitate pollere, qua Redemptor Ecclesiam suam insti- tutam esse voluit." This was the ultimatum which, at the close of a trying and stormy discussion, and after numerous protests, the Vatican offered to the bishops, now wearied out by the simultaneous weight of an unbending will, of ecclesiastical prestige, and of the torrid climate of Rome. The formula itself was so clear and precise as to defy all com- ments. Some tried to persuade themselves that it was better than the preceding one ; others thought it worse ; in truth, it was difficult to draw fine distinctions where none really existed ; when one has said that snow is white, it would be hard to make the assertion in better or worse terms, for having said it, one has stated all that there was to say. The terms of this formula, on minute examination, might perhaps be construed to indicate that Infallibility resides primarily in the Church, and is enjoyed by the Pope ex derivato when he makes definitions ex cathedra, &c. But of what practical value are these subtleties ? In reality, any Pope wishing to extend this power to its logical consequences, has really the means of upsetting the whole world, or, at least, that part of it which recognises his authority, when- ever he chooses. History presents us with the example of several Popes who virtually exercised this power before it was decreed to them by an Ecumenical Council, and we do not find that they acknowledged any limit to their dominion. 11. It seems that, having thus made the definitive stroke, the Vatican remained for a moment astonished, and uncertain as to the effect it had produced. The authorities took measures to ascertain from the bishops in Opposition through their colleagues, what course they intended to pursue in the event of the Pope disregarding their resistance and vote of " Non placet," and in- sisting on the promulgation of the dogma of Infallibility. The Secretary of State appeared very uneasy as to the opinion of Governments on this declaration. How would they receive the bishops, new Papal vicars, who would now represent in their July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 203 States no longer a national authority and local interests, but the authority of Rome, and consequently of a foreign prince, with a policy of his own, a prince to whom they owed an obedience su- perior to all national duties and obligations ? With regard to the first doubt, the uncertainty as to the conduct of the Opposition, it was seriously proposed to present to the bishops, along with the definition of the dogma, a document to be signed by all those who had voted against it ; by which they should promise either to accept the dogma, or resign their sees. The Opposition, rightly or wrongly, were much alarmed at this prospect, not pos- sessing such unanimity of opinion or firmness of organisation as would insure their safety under the trial. They found them- selves reduced to such a predicament, that to escape from it logically, they must impugn, not only the Infallibility of the Pope, but the validity of the Council, thus indicating the constraint under which they had been placed in forming their decisions, for if they acknowledged the validity of the Council without accept- ing Infallibility, the resignation of their sees was the logical result. It was not possible for them to assume the course of action first mentioned, as Rome was not the place for it, the time was not propitious, and they themselves not the men to do it ; so to avoid the consequences of the second alternative was very difficult, and the uncertainty and perplexity they experienced greatly influenced their conduct in the public Session. With regard to the second doubt, the difficulty about Foreign Powers, although the most clear-sighted were far from being at ease, persons not possessed of great discrimination comforted them- selves with the reflection that an undue pressure of authority is readily excused by those who exercise authority themselves, and thought that the Secretary of State might easily reassure Foreign Governments by some such note as he had already addressed to them. The so-called Catholic party trusted, with regard to public opinion, to the tolerance and freedom of thought which has everywhere triumphed in modern days, a liberty which that party never ceases to oppose, but which it knows how to convert to its own purposes, better even than the Liberals. 12. The third chapter was voted on Monday, July 11th. Thirty or forty votes of " Non placet " were irremediably lost by the return of so many German, Hungarian, and French bishops to 204 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. their own dioceses. On the same day the debate on the amend- ments to the fourth chapter — nearly 100 in number — was com- menced, but it is clear from what we have already stated that no effectual discussion on the amendments could be undertaken, as the debate on the text itself had been abandoned. A last resistance was made to the word anathema, which was not originally inserted in the formula of Infallibility, nor in the text as read by the reporters, but was now unexpectedly brought forward in a new amendment by some Infallibilist bishops, who, being masters of the field, succeeded in affixing it to the state- ment as prepared for promulgation. The condemnatory clause may accordingly be read in the draft of the dogma, which was promulgated at the public Session, and takes the place of the circumlocutory phrases which had closed the other formulas presented to the assembly. 13. The greatest precipitation now characterised the proceed- ings of the assembly ; formulas succeeded one another with such rapidity that they were no longer revised by the Commissions, but were substituted one for another and amended in the course of a single debate. So great was the haste, that the discussion on the amendments to the fourth chapter, numbering almost 100, which commenced on the 11th, was finished on the 13th, and put to the vote, with the alterations we have indicated. The latter day will be ever memorable in the annals of the Church for its influence on her future destiny. That day wit- nessed the voting on the Infallibility of the Pope, the fourth chapter of the scheme " De Ecclesia," with these results : bishops inscribed, 692: total number of votes, 601; "Placet," 451; " Non placet," 88 ; " Juxta modum," 62; among which latter were three cardinals ; absent, 91, among whom was the Secretary of State. The number of Fathers absent from the Council on just grounds was about 30 ; so it might fairly be considered that the absence of the others was intentional, many of them being actually in Rome, and not choosing to appear, and others having left the city in order to avoid being present. From the absence of the Secretary of State it seems that up to that moment he was uncertain of the final result, and of the ultimate intention of the Pope. 14. Such is the history of the vote which expressed the July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 205 opinion of the assembly, on the personal Infallibility of the Pope. Notwithstanding all the efforts made to further the dogma, and all the pressure exercised by the authorities in its favour, between the votes of " Non placet," of " Placet juxta modum," those being conditional assents which in absolute matters become negative, and those who abstained from voting, we may dispassionately and equitably reckon the number of dissentients to be between 150 and 200. We include in this number all the Fathers who in this Con- gregation rejected the proposed formula of the personal Infalli- bility of the Pope, more or less distinctly, and absolutely, as to the whole, or in part, either in word, or in deed. If we revert to the calculation made in the first chapters as to the number of the Fathers present at the Council, and recollect how many bishops in partibus, that is to say, holding no cure of souls, were there ; how many cardinals in the same position, how many generals of religious orders, who constitute a sort of special army, and are trained under a peculiar and exceptional discipline, and if one remembers that all these form a class particularly depen- dent on the court of Rome, the sum of the dissentients, even taken at its lowest figure, acquires an importance greater than its amount would warrant in the proportions of the assembly. It must also be borne in mind that the episcopal sees of Italy and the Pontifical provinces, with regard to their size and number, are as five or six to one when compared with France and Germany ; and as the Opposition came almost exclusively from the latter countries, the same number, taken as the expres- sion of thought and power, gains still more in value. Finally, we must admit that the moral worth of the criterion afforded by this vote re-establishes, with less difference than appears from the figures in themselves, the relative position of the majority and the minority. Moreover, we should not forget the influence exercised, and that naturally produced by the august presence of the Pope in the Vatican, on the Fathers of the Assembly, and we should also remember human weakness, which must always be taken into account, in the presence of one who was the dispenser of ecclesiastical promotion, and the author of ecclesiastical rebuke ; when all this is borne in mind, the reflections we have already made are strengthened, and the relative proportions of the 206 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [July. majority and the minority are somewhat modified in the mind of the sagacious and impartial observer. There remains but one other test which, though an indirect one, cannot be overlooked in our estimate of the votes given on July 13th, and that is the moral and intellectual weight of the bishops and populations who in one way or other took no part in it. We have now pointed out all that is required for a just appreciation of this event, both in a civil and historical point of view, an event which is not and cannot be unimportant, to the credit and the future of the religion of the great majority of the Latin races. II.— FOURTH SESSION. 1. Calculations well founded, but disappointed. — 2. The Opposition send a message to the Pope. — 3. Adjunct to the formula of Infallibility. — 4. Protest of the assembly. — 5. Last attempts of the Opposition. — 6. Fourth Session. — 7. Reflections on the vote. — 8. Protests of the Opposition. — 9. After the event. — 10. Text of the Canons that promulgate Infallibility. — 11. The future. — 12. Mnemosynon. 1. The result of this vote, though it was not, and could not be contested according to the rules, we do not say of ancient Roman wisdom only, but even by those of common prudence, was yet such as ought to have withheld any Assembly from proceeding to further decisions on a matter of so much gravity. Indeed, owing to that vote, one side of the dilemma raised by the Opposition was brought into a clear and formidable light. According to general belief, especially at Rome, the Church never creates a dogma new in itself; but, in defining a dogma, simply attests some belief which has been always and universally professed. It was consequently maintained that a declaration which, notwithstanding all the helps and furtherances described, was still opposed by about one-third of the legitimate representatives of Catholic opinion, could not by the strongest resolution in the world be carried into effect ; because, as the universality of belief would be thus seriously impugned, not only in the past but in the present, the result would only be a futile endeavour to demonstrate at the same time what was and what was not. July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 207 Those who up to the last day believed that the work under- taken by the Civilta Cattolica would be unsuccessful, cannot be accused of presumption, or wilful self-deception, when all these considerations are borne in mind. The vote had, on the whole, justified the estimate formed of the state of opinion in the Church, and left room for a reasonable belief that the definition would be certainly suspended, if it did not altogether fail. But the contrary to all this soon became apparent. The Vatican was indeed deeply agitated at so grave a resistance, but in its agitation, " ne mosse collo ne piego sua costa."* On the day of the final vote, the legates only announced to the Fathers that the votes of " Placet juxta modum " would be taken into consideration, and a special report drawn up in the next Congregation. 2. The minority, who had already suspected it, then dis- covered that, notwithstanding their votes, the business was at once to proceed, and that the public Session for the definitive promulgation of the dogma would be held as quickly as possible. The leaders of the Opposition of different nations held meetings on the 14th and 15th, in order to settle by common consent the line of action to be adopted in this dangerous crisis ; and it was proposed to nominate a Commission on behalf of the minority, who should implore the Pope to suspend the definition of the dogma, making known to his Holiness their number, and their determination, if the demand were not complied with, to repeat, though with much regret, the " Non placet " — already given in the private Congregation — before all the world in the public Session. The Commission was composed of Cardinal Schwarzemberg, and the Archbishops of Paris, of Lyons, of Milan, and of Halifax. They spoke most strongly to the Pope of the dangers now threatening the Church ; they earnestly prayed for some modification of the scheme ; and they acquainted him with the intention of the Opposition to repeat the " Non placet" in the public Session if obliged to do so. They also informed him that to this end they could reckon confidently on about 120 Fathers, who fully concurred in their opinions. The Pope returned an ambiguous answer, and * ' Neither his neck he moved nor bent his sule.' — Longfellow, ' Dante,' Inf. x. 75. 208 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. showed himself ill-informed in the matter ; but said he would confer with the legates, promised to consider, and received the petition of the Commission. By such behaviour, he admitted that he was still dubious as to the attitude the Opposition might assume, and would not, therefore, give any decided opinion himself, but the doubt, if he ever really entertained it, was soon dispelled. 3. This took place on the Friday ; and in the Congregation held on Saturday the 16th, the following day, no other effect of all the opposition shown at the last vote and of the remon- strances made by the Commissions to the Pope was apparent, save the presentation of another amendment drawn up by the extreme Infallibilists. In this the formula of Monday, already recorded and amended, was embodied in its most concise ex- pression, carefully and specifically eliminating the proviso that the consent of the bishops and their approbation, though in a less exclusive form, was necessary in order to render the Papal decrees infallible. The fourth public Session of the Vatican Council was then definitively fixed for Monday, July 18th. The last amendment was, in the first place, so worded that the Pontifical decree ex cathedra should be " irreformabiles ex sese absque consensu Ecclesiae ; " but this formula, when proposed, was not accepted by the assembly, notwithstanding its favourable leaning towards Infallibility. It was requisite in order that this amendment should gain the vote of the majority, to modify it as follows : " Ex sese non autem ex consensu Ecclesiae irreformabiles esse." The addition of this new clause excluding the bishops from participating in the universal decrees of the Church was an incident similar to that which occurred on the introduction of the word " anathema " into the text in the Congregation of Monday, the 14th, that is to say, the clause was proposed and accepted by the assembly in the course of the discussion with- out any preparation whatever. We may infer this also, from the fact that the formula, as given by the Giornale di Roma and every other official document, even the draft of its pro- mulgation read at the public Session, contained the very phrases which expressly excluded the necessity of the consent of the bishops, according to the result of Saturday's Congrega- July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. 201) tion ; whereas, the formula given a little while before by the Unita Cattolica, which received its communications direct from Rome, contained the definitive text that was to be published, but no mention of the exclusion of the bishops.* It is clear that the Unita Cattolica had received its information from Rome immediately after the voting of Wednesday, the 13th, and previous to the last addition made in the text in the meeting of Monday, which we have already described. There- fore, if up to the day of voting it had never entered into the heads of the Commission or of the presidents to express this idea, and if they had already published the formula which resulted from that vote as definitive, there is ample proof that the clause was not the consequence of a careful considera- tion by the majority, but simply a partial opinion presented after the final voting under the form of an amendment, and summarily carried through on the 16th, after the minority had retired from the debate. But whose idea was it ? at whose instigation was it proposed ? The Giornale di Roma of the 26th of July, a few days after, re- pelled the accusation made by other newspapers, that the words excluding the consent of the bishops had been placed there by the Pope, and insisted, instead, that they were inserted by the Congregation of Saturday ; but the Giornale di Roma did not add at whose request or instigation had been proposed, in the last Congregation, an addition which the Commission itself up to that time had never brought forward. It did not say by whose authoritative hand the vote of the 13th had been taken back, after being once published, in order to be so much modi- fied ; and therefore the Giornale Ufficiale failed to throw any light on a question which remained still open to the free judg- ment of commentators. This was all the answer given to the remonstrances of the Commission of bishops sent to the Pope after the last voting. Moreover, the public Session which was fixed, as we have seen, for Tuesday, was anticipated by twenty- four hours, and after the visit of the Commission, in the Congre- gation of Saturday, at which the new amendment was voted, it was settled for Monday, the 18th. Whether the Pope had * " Ideo hujusmodi Eoraani Pontificis definitiones esse ex sese irreformabiles." Unita Cattolica, Martedi, 19 Luglio. P 210 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [July. ascertained that the minority would not continue their resistance till the public Session — whether the die being once cast, it was considered well to make as much as possible out of the chance, and at the same time, in order to avoid new difficulties, to pro- ceed as quickly as possible towards the attainment of the object now become indispensable for the majority — whatever were the reasons that determined the conduct of the principal actors at the moment, one thing is certain, that, between Friday and Saturday a great change was observable in their disposition, and that, finally, every external sign of hesitation and moderation was given up. It was said that during the voting of the last new amendment some of the most dispassionate bishops displayed signs of deep emotion, called forth probably by the consideration of the rapidity and security with which their act would be accomplished, and carried to its ultimate results : an act which spread over the future of the Church a veil impenetrable to human eyes. 4. At the close of Saturday's Congregation, a protest, after- wards inserted in the Giornale di Roma, was read to the whole assembly on behalf of the presidents. It was very decided in style, and marked by that violence which has of late charac- terised the productions of the Roman Chancery. This protest denounces in general terms all that, without distinction, it characterises as " le calunnie putridissime " (putrid calumnies), " e le turpissime menzogne " (shameful lies), not only of the heterodox but of nominal Catholics, and even of consecrated ministers of religion, against the proceedings and the freedom of the Council ; and especially condemned two pamphlets on the subject, ' Ce qui se passe au Concile,' which we have already noticed, and another recently published, entitled ' La derniere heure du Concile,' which pointed to the hope of a future Council, in the arrangements of which such liberty and justice should prevail as are requisite for effectually remedying the ills of the Church. It was evident from a protest so solemn, signed by the presidents and Secretary of the Council, against anonymous pamphlets and newspaper articles, that assaults, which are usually disregarded by private individuals, were keenly felt at Rome ; but instead of producing the desired effect, they seemed July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 211 rather to show that the authorities experienced the need of self- defence. Whatever may be thought of the substance of the protest, and the time of its appearance, the form in which it was drawn up met with much disfavour. Indeed, persons who try to prove too much, sometimes end by proving nothing. One may pro- test against a particular lie or several definite lies, but to protest against lies in general is a work of supererogation. Criticism can only be exercised on determinate facts, and consequently this sort of generic eloquence is unavailing, and of no historical value. Two copies of the protest, signed by the presidents, were distributed to each of the Fathers, who were invited to preserve one, and to sign the other, consigning it to the archives of the Council as a perpetual memorial. This document accordingly bore the signatures of those who usually made up the majority, and who had, in fact, done the whole work, including the framing of the protest itself, which will descend to posterity in con- nection with the history of the Council, and will, with all other events, be only then rightly estimated when it has undergone the scrutiny of succeeding generations. Before the close of the Congregation on Saturday, the legates announced to the Fathers that the Council would not be pro- rogued, but that the Sovereign Pontiff granted them a vacation during the summer months : they were invited to reassemble at the Vatican in the beginning of autumn, to continue their work ; which, by the way, was deprived of much of its importance and utility by the last declaration. 5. Every possible means of resistance was employed by the minority in the hours that remained between the Congregation of Saturday, and the Session announced for Monday ; prayers and supplications, written and verbal, and entreaties of every sort were used. Some of the Fathers, seeing that they were not likely to obtain any redress, proposed simply the elimination of the word " anathema," by which the proposition would revert to its original form, but in vain. On the Sunday, the bishops of the Opposition, seeing that all was lost, began to consider whether they should assist at the public Session, and openly repeat the " Non placet," as the Germans wished from the P 2 212 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. beginning, or whether, following the opinion expressed by the French, they should protest and leave Rome. The latter opinion prevailed, as being the more simple and easy course, and the one, as they themselves declared, most in accordance with filial duty. But it seems that before carrying this resolu- tion into practice, one of the leaders of the Opposition, the Archbishop of Vienna, on that very Sunday went again to the Pope to repeat the prayer already made on behalf of himself and his colleagues, and to inform him of their determination in the event of its rejection, not to assist at the public Session. This time the message met with a very decided and downright denial with regard to the thing prayed for, and very scant courtesy as to the matter generally ; so that on the return of the last messenger of reconciliation, the bishops of the Oppo- sition at once signed the protest, and left Rome in great numbers, as quickly as possible, for fear of any strong measures being adopted towards them by the conquerors. They were afraid, also, if the dogma were once promulgated, of find- ing themselves under the difficult alternative suggested by the " anathema," namely, of being constrained either to submit or to abandon their sees, and possibly, of finding themselves cast out of the bosom of the Church as well. This fear was, along with the motive reason of filial duty, the strongest argument in favour of the French opinion for leaving the city. If the dogma were once proclaimed in the public Session — notwithstanding the " Non placet " which they could pronounce — and with the addition of the " anathema " levelled against those who dissented from the doctrines contained in the schemes, what could they do when, as was inevitable, they found themselves obliged either to submit or resign their sees? They had no wish to be caught in this dilemma in Rome, under the very eyes of the Pope, and pre- ferred to await the result of their conduct among their own flocks, in their respective dioceses. Accordingly, sixty-three bishops, all diocesans and representatives of the most illustrious sees in Christendom, affixed their names to the document on that same Sunday, and by the evening most of them had left Rome, and the circumscribed limits of her terrestrial dominion. 6. Now all was over, and the day began to dawn which was to witness the fulfilment of the destinies of the Vatican. July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 213 On the morning of July 18th the sun rose amid threatening clouds, as it had done on the 6th of December, and a violent storm burst over the Eternal City during the fourth Session of the Council, just as incessant rain had accompanied its first meeting. Both the Council Hall and the city itself presented that cold and severe aspect, which seems naturally to accompany the consummation of great events fraught with momentous con- siderations. No representatives of the Christian powers assisted at the Session, save those from Brazil, Holland, Portugal, the Principality of Monaco, and some small states of no political importance. The bishops of many eminent sees, such as Paris, Vienna, Turin, and Milan, were absent from the Session, as also those who formed the Opposition. The number of bishops in the hall was 535, which as the Council numbered 692 showed 157 absent, and of these, with the exception of 38 whose absence was accounted for, and whose opinions were unknown, all had consistently opposed the dogma to the last. This computation agrees with the number reported to the Pope by the Com- mission on the preceding Friday, when they implored him on the part of the Opposition to suspend the definition. Of the 535 present at the Session, 533 gave a favourable vote; those who said " Non placet " were only two, the Bishops of Caiazzo and of Little Rock in Arkansas, a Neapolitan and an American : extremes meet. In the excitement of mind which prevailed during the last six months among those who took an active part in the struggle, everything is possible. Comments were made even on these two dissentients thus separated from the rest of the Opposition and left behind, and it was insinuated that their remaining in order to bear testimony to the liberty of the Council, was due to some con- trivance of the majority. This idea arose from the fact that the Bishop of Caiazzo had been recently nominated to his see by the Pope ; and the American, imagining himself the only dissentient, at first begged not to be called forward, but on hearing that one of his brethren was prepared to give a contrary vote, he resolved to do the same, and accordingly pronounced the " Non placet," which echoed through the Council Hall as the last protest against the definition of the dogma of Infalli- bility. In such a momentous crisis, and on such occasions as 214 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [July. we have described, people may suppose and assert anything ; but why should one imagine abstruse and unlikely reasons for the conduct of these two representatives of the Opposition, instead of acknowledging that they chose the regular form for expressing their opinions, and afforded a striking proof of moral courage by their conduct before the Council ? No sooner had the Pope pronounced the formula, than the little crowd of monks, nuns, and the like, who pressed round the door of the hall, gave vent to such demonstrations of joy as were hardly consistent with the sacredness of the locality ; and as soon as the noise had ceased, the Pope made a short speech, in which he acknowledged the greatness of the dignity assured to him by the present declaration, and declared that it would be reflected on the bishops, and become a source of advantage to them likewise. He concluded by saying that he trusted all those now absent, would give their adhesion to the dogma. Two or three houses in the city were decorated, but this and the applause at the door of the Council Hall, were the only signs of rejoicing at the declaration of Infallibility. In the evening the Govern- ment offices, the religious establishments, and a few private houses were illuminated, but the rest of the city remained in perfect silence and profound darkness. It seemed, however, as if the elements had conspired to disturb the terrestrial calm, for a hurricane broke over Rome during the ceremony, thunder- bolts fell in two or three places while the service was pro- ceeding between half-past eleven and twelve o'clock, and both the heavens and the city of Rome appeared to bear external evidence of the great events then taking place, events which in one sense closely concerned them both. 7. The result of the voting gives rise to considerations very important in the history of mankind, as well as in the records of the Council. On the first voting for Infallibility on Wednesday the 13th there were 451 in favour of the dogma, and in the public Session 533, an increase of 82. These must be taken from the 91 absent, and the 62 "juxta modum," but as the numbers voting on Wednesday amounted to 601, and at the public Session only to 535, the number of absentees, far from diminishing, had increased by about one-half, and thus one must look for those who adhered to the definition after Wednesday, July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 215 as far as the calculation admits, chiefly among the 62 conditional votes. What had induced these Fathers to change their opinion ? The formula remained the same in substance as on the day that it was voted, with the exception of the amendments, which exaggerated without essentially altering it, and the greater part of the sixty-two who had voted " juxta modum," were known to be personally unfavourable, if not actually adverse, at least for the present, to the declaration of the dogma. What was the reason which induced them so quickly to change their opinion, and then supposing that they had actually done so, what could be the value historically of a double and conflicting testimony at the same time, and on the same subject? Among those who were absent from the Congregation of the 13th were Antonelli, Berardi, Grassellini and Hohenlohe ; M. de Merode, the warlike minister of Castelfidardo, and Count Ludovico de Besi, Bishop of Canopo, once Vicar-Apostolic in China, Padre Luigi da Trento, for- merly Apostolic preacher, and at the present time Vicar of the Capitolo di San Pietro, were likewise wanting at the meeting. Padre Luigi da Trento was renowned for his scientific acquire- ments, but his opinions were known to be adverse to Infallibility, and the Pope having observed his absence at the public Session, remonstrated with him on the point. Cardinal Guidi had given up the triumphant position he held for a short time, and though he had voted "juxta modum " on Wednesday the 13th, on per- ceiving that resistance was vain, he retraced his steps at the final decision by giving the orthodox " Placet." It was said that when he came forward to vote on this occasion the Pope observed him attentively, and on hearing him give the answer "Placet," said, "buon uomo" (good man); others thought the words were " pover uomo " (poor man). It is quite possible that in Italian these observations might bear the same signifi- cation. Several prelates of the minority, the French especially, had at the last moment modified their opinion, and among them, if I mistake not, were the Bishops of Rheims, of Avignon, and of Salzburg ; also the Archbishop of Pisa, whose vote was con- sidered most important from his being a Cardinal and a person of great piety. Up to this time he had been reckoned among those who opposed personal Infallibility, but now he accepted the doctrine. He and the other dissentient cardinals drew 216 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. their scarlet hats down over their eyes, and remained silent. Thus was obtained the number that voted favourably at the public session, and the difference between that and the number of favourable votes in the Congregation held on Wednesday is explained. Nearly 150 pastors of Catholic flocks were absent altogether, though they occupied some of the most important and illustrious sees in Christendom. Among them, as we have already observed, were the Archbishops of Paris, Vienna, Turin, and Milan. Also the Primate of Gaul, the Bishop of Orleans, the Primate of Hungary, the Archbishop of Prague, of Saint Louis, of Colocsza, and the Bishops of Mayence, of Treves, of Bosnia and Sirmio, of Nice, of Marseilles, and many others ; in fact, we may say that the absent prelates were not only men who occupied eminent positions, but men eminent in themselves, which means that at the present time in them lay the best and surest hopes of the Church. 8. The protest signed by sixty-three bishops of the Opposition before leaving Rome was written in a sober and respectful style, which forms a striking contrast with the address of the legates. We will give the document in extenso, on account of its im- portance both in itself and in regard to the occasion of its production : — Eeatissime Patee. In congregatioDe generali die xiii hujus mensis habita, dedimus sufifragia nostra super schemata prima? constitutionis dogmatical de Ecclesia Christi. Notum est Sanctitati vestrae octoginta octo patres fuisse, qui conscientia urgente et amore sancta? Ecclesia? permoti, suffragium suum per verba non placet emiserunt: sexaginta duo alios, qui suffragati sunt per verba juxta modum, denique septuaginta circiter, qui a congregatione abfuerunt atque a suffragio emittendo abstinuerunt. His accedunt et alii, qui infirmitatibus aut aliis gravioribus rationibus ducti, ad suas diceceses reversi sunt. Hac ratione Sanctitati vestra? et toti mundo sufifragia nostra nota atque manifestata fuere, patuitque quam multis episcopis sententia nostra probetur, atque hoc modo munus officiumque quod nobis incumbet persolvimus. Ab eo inde tempore nihil prorsus, evenit, quod sententiam nostram mutaret, quin imo multa eaqne gravissima acciderunt, qua? nos in proposito confirmaverunt. Atque ideo nostra jam edita sufifragia nosrenovare et confirmare declaramus. Confirmantes itaque per hanc scripturam, sufifragia nostra a sessione publica die decimoctava bujus mensis habenda ut abesse liceat constituimus. Pietas enim filialis ac reverentia, qua? missos nostros superrime, ad pedes Sanctitatis vestrae, advexit, non sinunt nos in causa Sanctitatis vestra? personam adeo proxime concernente palam et in facie patris dicere non placet. July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 217 Et aliunde suffragia in solemni sessione edenda repeterent dumtaxat suf- fragia in generali congregatione deprompta. Redimus itaque sine mora ad greges nostros, quibus post tarn longam absentiam ob belli timores atque pres- saiitissimas eoruin spirituales indigentias summopere necessarii sumus, dolentes quod ob tristitiam in quibus versamur rerum adjunctam, etiam conscientiarum pacem et tranquillitatem turbatam inter fideles nostros reperturi sumus. Interea Ecclesiam Dei et Sanctitatem vestram, cui intemeratam fidem et obedientiam profitemur Domini nostri Jesu Christi gratia? et prsesidio toto corde commendantes sumus Sanctitatis vestras Devotissimi et obedientissimi (Here follow the signatures.) The day after the protest had been signed by so many bishops, the Giornale di Roma gave an account of the public Session, in which it said that the dogma of Infallibility had been unanimously passed, with the exception of two votes of " Non placet," and that numbers of the absent bishops had sent their adhesion to it in writing, and all the members of the majority remaining in Rome repeated the same assertion. It is, of course, very diffi- cult for outsiders to penetrate the mysteries of the secret retracta- tions and mental compromises made by uncertain consciences within the hidden recesses of the Congregations and offices of Rome ; but though the Giornale di Roma might choose to say that the dogma had met with universal assent, such words could not avail to blot out the protests that had been made, to account for the voluntary absences, to cancel, in fact, the whole history of the last few months. Nothing can alter the final dilemma, — either those who publicly and formally protested, adhered to their protest — and then it is impossible to maintain the universal acceptance of the dogma, for whatever may be said of the favourable votes, the number of Fathers who signed the protest is much too considerable to be overlooked — or supposing those who protested to have afterwards retracted, then their assent to the dogma was more detrimental to the object they had in view, than the most ardent opposition. 9. From this first test it became apparent that the decided opinion of the German bishops who advocated the attendance of the Opposition at the public Session, in order to repeat the " Non placet " given at the preceding Congregation, was by far the best and surest course ; for the assertion of the Giornale di Roma gave them a foretaste of the false statements and judg- 218 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. merits they must in future expect from having followed milder counsels. If the individual who induced the minority to adopt this course acted in good faith, he will have ample cause to regret his advice, for the sake of his own party ; if otherwise, upon him must rest the responsibility of the whole matter. Another phase of the question was opened by this article — a phase of " approbation." Now that the dogma is declared, it is evident that the same pressure used to bring about its pro- mulgation will be exercised to secure its acceptance, and, without doubt, this policy will succeed. The constitution of the Church in the nineteenth century renders resistance impossible ; it is like a machine worked by a single motive force which casts away all that it does not absorb within itself. The secondary wheels have no longer any controlling power, and as there is no repugnance to throw out more than is gathered in, there is no regular and lawful means of opposing the impulse from above : indeed, those who attempt it have always been themselves expelled. Consequently, the dissentients were nearly sure to give their approbation, and in the end they did give it, almost all ; but whatever its theological or canonical value may be, it is certain that cotemporaries as well as posterity will have much difficulty in understanding how it is possible to retract an opinion once given, to say at the same time yes and no in a question of fact ; a question whether the universal Church has held ah initio, and does hold at the present day, the doctrine of Infallibility. One can understand a change of determination from devotion, but to see white when the object contemplated is black, is beyond human power, and passes the limits of reason- able concession. In order to escape this contradiction we must detract from the value of the votes first given, but in doing so we diminish their worth as a testimony both in the first and second case, and with regard to the Opposition and the Majority. If the whole matter were not a question of fact, but an attempt to produce ex novo a development in the Church, how many difficulties arise and present themselves to the observer ! We will not, however, enter upon this view of the question, which rather concerns theologians and canonists, but confine ourselves to such considerations as best serve to guide public opinion ; not that which is found in the newspapers or the July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 219 passing politics of the day, but that which is based on con- scientious conviction. This opinion, in the long run, is certain to ascribe to all events their just value and importance, and by means of it alone, can be rightly estimated the effects of the Vatican Council, on the religious and political condition of Catholicism. 10. It is unnecessary to insert here the scheme " De Ecclesia," which any one can study now that it is not only published, but has become a law common to all ; those, however, who are anxious to peruse it, will find it in the Appendix.* Meantime it is well to call attention to the Canons, which contain the substance and last decisions of the scheme. In these three Canons, and the paragraph which answers to the fourth, are the words which serve as the key-note of the drama we have been considering, words which complete the work pursued for many centuries with wonderful constancy, and which secure for the Catholic Church the most absolute supremacy known upon earth. They are as follows : — Canon I. Si quis dixerit, Beatum Petrum Apostolum non esse a Christo Domino con- stitutum Apostolorum omnium principem et totius Ecclesise militantis visibile caput, vel eumdem honoris tantum, non autem verse propriaeque jurisdictionis primatum ab eodem Domino nostro Jesu Christo directe et immediate accepisse, anathema sit. Canon II. Si quis dixerit, non esse ex ipsius Christi Domini institutione seu jure divino, ut Beatus Petrus in primatu super universam Ecclesiam habeat perpetuos successores, aut Romanum Pontificem non esse Beati Petri in eodem primatu successorem, anathema sit. Canon III. Si quis dixerit, Romanum Pontificem habere tantummodo officium inspec- tions vel directioms, non autem plenam et supremam potestatem jurisdic- tionis in universam Ecclesiam, non solum in rebus quse ad fidem et mores sed etiam in lis qua? ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesia? per totum orbem dif- fusae pertinent aut eum habere tantum potiores partes, non vero totam pleni- tudinem hujus suprenue potestatis : aut hanc ejus potestatem non esse ordi- nariam et immediatam, sive in omnes et singulas Ecclesias, sive in omnes et singulos pastores et fideles, anathema sit. * See Appendix, Document XX. 220 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. Paragraph that takes the place of the 4th Canon. Itaque nos traditioni a fidei Christianse exordio percepta? fideliter inhasrendo ad Dei Salvatoris nostri gloriam, religionis Catholics exaltationem et Chris- tianorum populorum salutem, sacro approbante conciljo, docemus et divini- tus revelatum dogma esse definimus Romanum Pontificem cum ex cathedra loquitur, id est cum omnium Christianorum pastoris et doctoris munere fungens, pro suprema sua apostolica auctoritate, doctrinam de fide vel moribus ab universa Ecclesia tenendam definit per assistentiam divinam ipsi in Beato Petro promissam ea infallibilitate pollere, qua divinus Redemptor Ecclesiam suam in definienda doctrina de fide vel moribus instructam esse voluit, ideoque ejusmodi Romani Pontificis definitiones ex sese, non autem ex consensu Eccle- sia? irreformabiles esse. Si quis autem huic nostras definitioni contradicere, quod Deus avertat, prasumpserit, anathema sit. 11. This, then, is the act for which during the last seven months a never varying combat has been waged, with the result that, on all points and in all ages, usually attends such struggles, namely, in the triumph of authority, whenever that authority is well organised, and possesses the constancy of purpose and the requisite means for carrying its wishes into effect. It is the formal and solemn act by which the Church assumes absolute power, in such a way that one man, by means of his subor- dinates, who are under the strictest obligations of obedience, and are deprived of all freedom of judgment, can govern the consciences of more than a hundred millions of persons who acknowledge his sway ; consciences which must reflect the will and the ideas of their head, under the penalty of being deprived of the religious rites which direct and comfort them. Thus organised, the Roman Catholic religion is certainly easily guided by its superiors, and is well qualified for intervening in social or political strife, with its immense influence, while it also lends itself more surely to become an instrument of party. On the other hand, how does such a constitution promote that universality which is the characteristic of Christianity and is implied in the very name of Catholic ? It is almost superfluous again to remind our readers that we have no desire to pass judgment on theological questions on which we are not com- petent to decide, but simply wish to place before them the social and civil aspects of the question, and the practical results to society of the influence of the Vatican Council. Weighing these considerations by past experience, it seems probable that July.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 221 all that is intelligent, reasonable, and liberal in Catholicism, finding itself bound down within such narrow limits by external authority, will press forward with energy until it reaches a position of greater ease and freedom, a position in which the irresistible impulse of modern life may be able to attain its full development ; and it will be a great thing if in this struggle those who wish to preserve their religion, and yet are unable to follow the novelties of the Vatican, will content themselves with the old news, the good news par excellence, and still find guidance and comfort in the Gospel. The most devout and well-disciplined portion of Catholicism will no doubt strive under the direction of the Pope to set itself against the spirit of the age — but where will its course end ? That is a ques- tion which none can answer, and which will probably depend in great measure on the individual dispositions of the Popes who seek to make the experiment. Of course, it is possible that some Pope of large and liberal ideas may arise, but what could he do ? Might not his best endeavours in a position of such unlimited power be attended by the same dangers as follow on a policy of reaction ? Can a principle, illiberal by nature, ever produce real fruits of liberty ? The very name of " Catholic party" which the devout Catholics of all countries have spon- taneously assumed, seems to be a forecast of the future, and to indicate the opinion of those who have given up the universality of their kingdom, while it points out the probable condition of the Church of Rome in its laborious struggle with modern society. The world which previous to the Vatican Council was indiscriminately termed Catholic, will now inevitably split into two divisions ; but between them there will remain a con- siderable number of persons, who, unable to follow the liberal ideas of the first party, and impatient of the yoke of the second, will be lost in the burning sands formed by the detritus of wasted religious beliefs and moral principles, which constitutes the interminable desert, stretching away into the distance along the borders of modern civilisation. 12. History is bound to award to the author and originator of every work the praise or blame which is due to him. All must remember the part taken by the Fathers of the Civilta Cattolica, and Monsignor Manning, Archbishop of Westminster, 222 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [July. in promoting the dogma of the personal Infallibility of the Pope, and all know that it was their mind and their will that carried it. On the day of the promulgation of the dogma Monsignor Manning received as a gift, from the Society of the Jesuits, a portrait of Bellarmine with the following inscrip- tion — HENRICO EDWARDO MANNING, ARCHIEP. WESTM0NA8T. SODALES SOC. JESU, COLLEGII CIVILITATIS CATHOLICS, SESSIONI8 IV. CONCILII VATICANI MNEMOSTNON. LU8I0H.] EIGHT MONTHS AT EOME. 223 CONCLUSION. 1. Two years have elapsed since the events we have recorded took place, a period which appears as nothing with reference to the history of human thought, but which affords sufficient space for measuring the results already effected by the Vatican Council, especially in the relations it has established with Catholic nations and with society in general. And this inquiry is the more opportune, because the Council being now prorogued, it is important accurately to estimate its results during this period of interruption and repose. They may be considered under three aspects, corresponding with the three modes in which the interests of all societies are affected, namely, the religious, the social, and the political. 2. Under the religious aspect, the immediate effect of the Vatican Council has been to cause a feeling of weariness, even among the most devoted Catholics ; and in those quarters where the new doctrines have been most favourably received, to leave an impression of the disproportion between the object longed for and the result obtained ; to produce in the human mind that sort of vacuity which usually accompanies the attainment of a wish, the non plus ultra of the reality itself, the possession of anything ardently longed for by an individual, a people or an institution. The calamities in which the policy of the Vatican have resulted, in respect to its own temporal condition and its international relations, have also contributed very materially to strengthen this feeling. 3. That portion of the Church which comprised the Oppo- sition remains like the conquered after a battle, in a shattered and irresolute state ; and we are unable yet to form any con- jectures as to its sentiments, or as to the line of action which it may adopt. The bishops may be said to have universally 224 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. submitted ; and although the individuals who held aloof preserve a distinct character, which may one day acquire more general importance, this does not alter the fact of the more or less spontaneous, but almost universal, acceptance on the part of the episcopate, of the work of the Vatican Council. Among the inferior ranks of the hierarchy the case was different. A considerable number of clergy scattered in dif- ferent countries, especially in Germany, and a still larger number of the laity, have laid the foundations of a state of separation, the importance and duration of which it would as yet be premature and speculative to foretell. 4. Besides, no conscientious or impartial observer can fail to discern in the submission of the bishops, and equally in the energetic resistance of the Old Catholics, an absence of enthusiasm and a forlorn resignation. This resignation almost assumes the character of a passive resistance, according to their disposition and temperament, among a considerable number of intelligent Catholics capable of exercising their individual judgment on the doctrines and policy which, gradually gaining ground in these latter years in the guidance of the Church, have finally brought about those conclusions which are their seal and natural consequence, or, we might rather say, the compendium and formula by means of which those doctrines have been converted from mere matters of opinion, into integral parts of the common law of the whole Catholic world. 5. A great part of the episcopate accepted the doctrines and policy that prevailed in the first phase of the Vatican Council from a feeling of duty, or a desire to choose the lesser evil, or other similar reasons, rather than from actual conviction, and the sincere and spontaneous testimony of their own conscience. This applies first to those who gave in their adhesion after having upheld the contrary, as un- doubtedly in their case the primary and spontaneous decision of conscience must have essentially affected their mind and modified their external action in regard to the tenets they finally adopted ; and it applies still more to all who, after evident hesi- tation, either held aloof or passively accepted, on account of their order and position in the hierarchy, doctrines which no opposition on their part could enable them to repel. Among the Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 225 inferior clergy the proportion of those who possess the con- sciousness and often the painful experience of the clangers and difficulties attending the application of those doctrines, and the tendency of that policy, is much greater than among the bishops ; but an equal sentiment of order and discipline, and perhaps a lower degree of personal independence, keeps them in a state of obedience and of passive resignation, which paralyses their action, and renders them mechanical rather than intelligent members of the Church. Among the laity, all who are contained between the two extremes, that is between the Rationalists, the real free-thinkers, and those who compose what is properly called the Catholic party — that multitude which includes the living working mass of the Catholic populations — feels more or less, with a per- ception varying with the intelligence and morality possessed by each individual, the practical difficulties, the perils and the misfortunes, resulting from the constant prosecution of such aims as we have described. The spirit of resistance, moreover, manifests itself differently among the laity and among the clergy. The former, not being controlled by any special conditions or restraints, for the greater part break loose from the narrow circle which confines them ; and temporarily cease to belong to their own Church (at least in externals), without feeling any deep or lasting convictions in the matter, or being supported by the deliberate approval of their own conscience. Such desertions are readily and zealously noticed, by the very persons who actually promote them, and who prefer to see the number of the faithful constantly diminished, rather than to recognise as such any who are not completely and blindly submissive. A small part only accept the ungrateful and difficult task of resisting at the same time the oppressive and expul- sive forces which assail them ; and have in consequence the greatest difficulty in making themselves accepted "da Dio e da nemici suoi." G. A decided school, or rather a party, stands forth in opposi- tion to the various forms of resistance we have specified, and to the great multitude whose active powers are neutralised by the conflict between the pressure of ecclesiastical authority and Q 226 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. the reluctance of their feelings and interests, sometimes even of their reason and conscience, to submit to its demands. This party is ardent, impassioned, and fanatical, and is from character and education little familiar with the interests of daily life. Its programme is based on the freest interpretations of the old school of authority, and on the traditional absolutism of the Roman Curia ; and it is bound together by the troubles and disappointments, hopes and regrets, to which our days of rapid and violent changes give such ample scope. This party, strong in the progressive development by which its purposes have been attained, has the advantage of possessing numerous traditions and writings which have all contributed to its success, and may all be quoted in its favour ; and even more, it is strong in con- sequence of the preponderating influence exercised by its practices, and methods of teaching on the organisation of the Church, that wonderful organisation which has been matured by fifteen centuries of experience and of strife. Furnished with these formidable elements of power, it exercises an unquestioned supremacy over the multitudes that will not obey, but cannot resist it. Above this party, which by its movement imparts an impulse to the whole Catholic hierarchy, stands the Pope, as its highest expression and representative ; indeed, I might almost say its real personification, for on him necessarily rests the whole responsibility of its progress, owing to the supreme authority with which he is endued, an authority which has recently attained its highest development. 7. In consequence of the informal nature of this book, we may here venture to make a slight digression. Great moral authorities ought to be impersonal, in order to resist the many- violent and conflicting currents of interests which they must encounter on their path ; and these latter must never be allowed to individualise or personify the obstacles they oppose, for there are combinations of power against which no isolated force or resistance can possibly prevail, just as there are re- sponsibilities to which no human individual, however great, is equal. The will of an individual is a narrow passage, difficult of access for general interests. An individual will becomes the expression of the desires of those nearest to it, or of those who are instrumental in carrying out its own designs ; and Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 227 who, having thus the advantage over others, impart to that will a character less universal and a disposition to become tyran- nical. The greater the development attained by these tenden- cies towards isolation and concentration, the more serious are their consequences. The will of the Pope becoming of infinite importance in the Church, his responsibility, and the difficulties to be overcome in order to maintain its universal and uncon- trolled exercise, are also infinitely increased. How much we might learn if only the mighty spirits of those Popes who ruled the Church in times of great conflict and violent passions, when their supreme authority, though not so explicitly affirmed as at present, was in reality far more effective and more widely re- spected, could appear again among us ! If only we could freely study the precious documents of the Vatican archives, and find out the real connection between those great individualities and the important events of their respective ages, what part they took in them, and how they influenced them, we should be greatly enlightened on the subject, and be able accurately to appreciate the conditions of an authority so amazing, in its collision with the violent passions that oppose it. Critical works on ecclesiastical history, and the biographies of the great Popes which abound at the present day, have already begun to raise the veil from that period of history especially, which treats of the wonderful vicissitudes of the Reformation, the League, the English revolution, and of all, in short, that during the four last centuries has changed the face of Europe. We are now beginning to learn how to estimate the absolute will of individuals with regard to grave misfortunes, the sole responsi- bility of which is often attributed to them by the popular voice. But in the meanwhile how many persons attribute the massacre of St. Bartholomew, the assassination of Henry IV., and a thousand other horrors and crimes solely to the instigation of the Vatican? The fact that Paul III. first accepted the dedication of the works of Copernicus has not availed to counterbalance the fact that the imprisonment of Galileo was due to the Papacy, while the resistance of the Lutherans to the new astronomical theories have been entirely lost sight of in the ever-widening waves of universal opinion ; and in those days the work was not yet Q 2 228 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. finished, the responsibility of the government of the Church had not yet been renounced by the whole ecclesiastical hierarchy, in order that it might reside in the head alone. 8. But to return to our subject from this brief digression, it will easily be understood that the action of the Church on Catholic society is retarded in its free development, by the reciprocal relations of its internal elements. The condition of the Catholic Church is not satisfactory or hopeful with regard to her external relations, either from a purely religious view, or with respect to societies whose con- fession of faith differs from her own. The spirit of absolute and unlimited authority in Catholicism finds its counterpart in a spirit of equally absolute exclusiveness. Catholicism has been more successful in the second tendency than in the first, and has practically succeeded in placing the faithful in a condition of almost hostile isolation, in real life, from the members of all other Christian confessions. On this point its success has been entire. Catholics at the present day very often neither have, nor profess, any religion whatever ; but they rarely attempt, whether as individuals or as societies, to fraternise with others, or in the slightest degree to modify their views from contact with forms of religion the nearest, and most akin to their own. On the contrary, this curious phenomenon may be observed among them in the matter, that they seem to draw closer to those confessions of faith which tend most towards rationalism, than to those that have kept the nearest to religion. The same results have been generated by the spirit of hostility and exclusiveness as by the spirit of authority, both these sentiments have increased and reached their culminating point, just in proportion as their practical application has been most at variance with the temper and habits of the age. Such exaggeration at the present day, when universal tolerance prevails, is a source of great diffi- culty for Catholics in their intercourse with persons of kindred confessions of faith, for though always obliged in such intercourse to submit to an outward appearance of equality, they never frankly accept it. Again, from the overstrained application of the spirit of exclusiveness in practical life, Catholic institutions are unwilling Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 229 to make any interchange with others ; to give and accept at the same time any active co-operation on practical points of morals, or on grounds of common interest, but they keep up and create distrust and rancour where they ought rather to seek friends, or, at least, auxiliaries. These evil results are at variance both with the spirit of the Gospel and with true civilisation, and are as hurtful to the religious development as to the material progress of nations. 9. The situation that we have described is one of the princi- pal hindrances to the progress of modern civilisation among Catholic nations, and a reason why it can only be attained by degrees, at the co^t of much suffering and great revulsions. We see in this state of things an authority at once inflexible and incapable of carrying out its designs, bearing with all its weight on an unwilling and inert multitude, strong enough to over- power all resistance from its subjects, but incapable of assimi- lating them to itself, and making them partakers of its own spirit. It is an authority ever at war with the rest of the world ; ready and eager to create difficulties in the civil society in which it moves, but unable to conquer in the battle it has provoked. This authority is ever striving after the realisation of an ideal, which it seeks more ardently in proportion as that ideal eludes its grasp, and escapes from the region of human sympathies ; and for this it wages a perpetual warfare with the science, the laws, the habits, and the wants of modern society — in short, with all that constitutes the present age. We see here the reason why religious institutions which, as we learn from the history of great nations, should be and are, when in harmony with civil life, a most effective element of order, of unity, and of force, prove too often just the reverse. Those institutions should offer to mankind repose from their conflicts, consolation under disap- pointment, and a neutral ground whereon they may meet in the pilgrimage of life ; but their real action is too often very different. They become an inexhaustible source of divisions and of diffi- culties ; a perpetual battle-field, on which none are indifferent spectators of the combat, but all, both friends and enemies, when engaged in the fight, may prove equally dangerous to social order. Perhaps the most marked sign of the times is to be found in the fact that, in the unceasing and deadly warfare in 230 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. which the Church is engaged, her enemies if worsted, meet with only slight discomfiture, whereas her friends are often wholly vanquished. We have now considered the second, the social view of the question. 10. We must not deceive ourselves, the equipoise, or we might almost say the mechanical balance of the moral powers, is a law similar to that which, through the material forces, regulates the world ; it is therefore superior to all human laws, and cannot be disturbed without causing terrible confusion and violent reaction. An unnatural state of things outside of that equilibrium may be created and maintained by clever artificers, who, in so doing, demonstrate the power of human intellect ; but before long the inconvenience of such a position is manifested, and a reaction occurs sooner or later, becoming more violent in proportion as it is delayed, and most violent when it comes too late, and is powerless to restore the primitive order of things. Very often, in this latter case, reaction only seems to drag down to destruction the whole work, so painfully, and sometimes so wonderfully, built up and kept together. Institutions prosper, and constitute the happiness of societies, according as not only in their foundation, but in their succes- sive development, they conform and accommodate themselves to the rules of this great moral law, and keep the limits deter- mined by this just equilibrium. In the precepts of the Gospel, and its full and comprehensive teaching, we find the highest expression of a law that meets all the needs and provides for all the conditions of humanity, and it was in the strength of this law alone that Christianity in four or five centuries con- quered the whole of the known world. As Christian institutions have by degrees been developed, their application has become more minute and complicated (sometimes, it is true, with won- derful results), but they have lost in consequence much of their original simplicity and breadth, and much also of that cha- racter of universal adaptability which distinguished primitive Christianity. "Brethren, love one another," was the doctrine taught as a synthetical precept, by one of the earliest and most illustrious preachers of Christianity. Dissensions grew as the tendency to define and particularise increased ; and the legal definitive Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 231 elevation of the See of Rome was marked by the schism of the Kast. The process of ordering, arranging, and denning continued until they produced a system, a policy, and a law, which awoke differences of opinions, passions, and interests in men's minds, divided them into friends and enemies, and gave rise to endless controversies. This phase was replete with active life in Christianity and in the Church ; and the vitality, movement and collision inherent in it, produced the greatest men and the most marvellous institutions. While it lasted, there were many ob- stacles and difficulties to be encountered, and much resistance, moral and material, to be overcome ; but yet men continued to legislate, to order, to govern, and to centralise, until, finally, after much transitory agitation and resistance, a great part of Christian Europe refused to bend any longer to the laws of Rome, and made laws for itself. Still the work of denning and particu- larising proceeded, until casuistry was constituted into a science, and the framing of decrees and canons went on till the 18th of July, 1870. The result of an infinite number of circumstances, which arose during this long development of an authority so unlimited as that potentially and effectively contained in the Roman Church, has been to evolve and perfect a system which, though founded on a law most pure and simple (that of the Gospel), has by degrees embodied a new code so full, so minute, so uniform, alike in principle and in application, in theory and in practice — applying to matters of greatest breadth, as well as to minute particulars ; pressing equally on all its subjects, with scarcely any or no distinction of race and nation ; so framed as to bring all people to a given end by certain means, in such a way, and by none other — that human nature, finding itself thus bound down by a rule which was invariable, not only in sub- stance, but in its special application, began to react, first instinc- tively and submissively, and then consciously, openly and wildly. 11. Amidst all these explanations and definitions, this legis- lation preserved the character of the times and circumstances whence it derived its birth and expansion. Inflexible in its nature, the more it was enlarged and became minute, the greater also became the number of cases in which it applied, and to which that inflexibility extended. It followed in consequence 232 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. that in order to render its application possible, it was requisite to open or to enlarge a safety-valve, which might serve as a means of relief from such severe pressure, and thus the system of indulgence became widespread in the economy of the Church. Without this, very soon there would not have remained a single member who could be considered truly faithful according to her own rules, on account of the ever-increasing difficulties on the one side, and the weakening of religious belief and of individual character on the other. Meanwhile, time rolled on, customs changed, and both found themselves more than ever at variance with the laws that ruled them. The expedient we have noticed, already dangerous on account of its influence on individual character, no longer sufficed to meet the evil it was intended to obviate, neither could the patience and tolerance with which the Roman Curia prudently moderated its ecclesias- tical policy, provide a commensurate remedy. The time had come when the Curia, which claimed for itself the height of power and of learning, was constrained either to submit to the modifications demanded by the new character and exigencies of the age, or else to find itself in conflict with them. The authoritative nature of its constitution prevented its pro- gressive modification, and rendered its affinity with advance- ment and science very difficult ; equally so its relations with the feelings and habits gradually unfolded in the rest of mankind, and thus by little and little became visible the breach between Church and society, which had formerly been united. This separation increased daily ; and the more ap- parent it was, the more the pressure of religious institutions in Catholic society became artificial on one side, and intolerable on the other. The Church, on her part, multiplied laws, penalties, censures, inquisitions ; framed new institutions, and founded new militant religious orders. She also originated, for one reason or another, new devotions, new associations, new signs of fellowship, and tried by every possible means to advance her own special institutions. Catholics became more than ever a separate class, living under an exceptional regime, which, though containing much that was good, was yet so peculiar and uniform as to render it little adapted for universal application, and in the end, owing to their numbers being restricted, obedient Catholics, and, as they are called, Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 233 " praticanti," became, what indeed at the present day they are, simply a party in the Church. The age was not propitious to religious discussions, nor to the outward exhibition of religious passions ; and accordingly those who could not submit to the regime we have described, never thought of resorting to argu- ment on the question, nor of separating themselves from the Church ; they did not try to bring about a reform or to create a schism ; but, with regard to thought, they simply gave up thinking ; and, with regard to practical duties, they neglected them altogether ; so that, by little and little, they fell into a state of indifferentism, and of habitual corruption. Such people, how- ever, still hoped ultimately to obtain forgiveness ; and so the Church was able to retain them in a second circle, wider than that which comprises her faithful children, but consisting, as it were, of honorary members for life, on the condition of their abstaining from argument on matters of principle ; of observ- ing a few external practices of religion, and promising a final repentance. 12. The unexpected awakening of thought in Europe, at the end of the last century, made the falsity of such a moral situa- tion for Catholics keenly felt by all elevated minds and gene- rous hearts ; and provoked much irreverence and dislike to a regime which produced alternately, and sometimes contem- poraneously, bigotry and immorality. Indeed, at that moment began the phase of fierce reaction which showed itself in the horrors of 1793, and has not yet come to a olose with the misfortunes of 1871. The antagonism between religion and intellect being thus established, and the Church thrown back upon herself in consequence of so serious a breach with society, she still clung tenaciously to the system of inexorable and invariable pressure which had hitherto proved unsuccessful, and which now, far from helping her, was actually prejudicial to her interests, by rendering her difficult of access to mankind in general. Thus the condition of the Church in Catholic countries, with regard to the social question after the events we have described, is very much that of a refuge, the entrance to which is so rugged and difficult, that its proximity is a source of irritation rather than of succour to the people who dwell around it. 234 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. This state of discord does not arise from the inevitable obstacles that must be encountered in the pursuit of all that is right and just, but comes from the fact that a man who would be a good Catholic has so many difficulties to contend with, in regard to the external authority that guides him. A good Catholic finds such a voluminous codex of what is relatively good and evil to be consulted, so many customs prescribed by time to be respected ; so much of the learning of our age now familiar to us to be abandoned ; so many things to be renounced ; scientific opinions, political principles, and not rarely even one's country to be given up ; so many difficulties to be overcome regarding the institutions that govern us, that it is requisite to have two consciences, one to judge on matters of religion, and the other on civil government. Intelligent minds, which are the first to feel the burden of such a trial as this, are driven to rebel ; they are followed instinctively by the multitudes, and consequently both one and the other are deprived of the substantial benefits of religion, and remain embittered and for- saken, without guidance and without comfort. The Church is still before them — the Church that educates their children and guides their wives, but which denies to them that peace and equanimity, which is only possessed when all the feelings and faculties of the mind meet with their due recognition. The Church with- holds from them this peace, because they profess some ideas or opinions which may not perhaps be faultless in themselves, but are yet of a nature that raises and ennobles the human mind ; while she does not deny her blessings to souls stained with the greatest crimes when they implore her mercy. From this result naturally, war with the Church, and hatred towards the priests who represent her ; and if the open enemies of religion profit largely thereby, it is because they find the ground so well pre- pared. To this state of antagonism are also due the terrible aberrations prevailing among Catholic populations, for the reac- tion has been proportioned to the action which had been pro- voked ; and their rebellion has been fierce as the pressure upon them by the Church was inexorable ; nor must we forget that one of the permanent causes of these evils is found exactly there where their chief remedy should be sought. Hence it comes that, in our day, Catholicism has shown itself Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. 235 unequal to the difficulties it must face, and impotent against contemporaneous social evils. We see not only that coups d'etat, but the most inhuman revolutions recur among' Catholic nations ; we see them have recourse to such violent measures as the axe, petroleum, brigandage, and summary executions ; and the Church has nothing wherewith to calm their fury but vain declamations, and tardy lamentations ; or, descending to practical efforts, her only remedies are such as Peter's pence, the French pilgrimages, mystical associations, and periodical religious demonstrations. Fighting itself, and unsuccessfully, among the combatants already so numerous, Catholicism has only become another element in the social war, which it is unable either to restrain or to bring to a victorious close. Here we meet with another most discouraging phenomenon, so common that it cannot be overlooked, which is this. Nearly all the Governments of Europe, both Liberal and Conservative, in accomplishing the task of keeping order (a difficult one at the present day), are often obliged to oppose at the same time the aggressions of revolution, and the demands of the Church. We are far from wishing to pronounce judg- ment on these facts individually ; but their frequent recurrence in different conditions of life, reveals to us an organic pheno- menon worthy of the deepest attention. 13. A second digression is necessary at this point, in order to take note of the argument of those who hold the doctrines of absolutism — viz., that it is not the part of the Church to accom- modate herself to progress, to science, or to the habits of the age ; but rather that it is the part of these to submit to the Church. This view of the question is one-sided, and can apply only to Catholics, as it takes no account of others ; but even as regards them such an opinion is incorrect. Without making science and material progress responsible for all the mistakes, errors, and follies, that have sought refuge under their shield, and which are reproduced in every age and under every condition of human nature, it is clear that the change of customs, the advance of science, great social and political discoveries, all things, in fact, which are included under the term, " The progress of the age," are providential dispensations beyond the limit of human power ; and thus, generally speaking, the responsibility of the 236 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. good or evil attaching to them does not fall, or cannot be rightly charged on any individual. The most eminent men only figure as instruments in these grand movements, and either sink or swim according as they use their little influence with equanimity and wisdom among those irresistible currents. On the other hand, the organised and disciplined administra- tion of the Church, though with regard to principles and to great questions founded on the faith, and grounded in the hearts of the faithful, is yet actually in the power of a small number ; especially as to those matters which are not essential to its essence, but have been introduced by other ages, and for other necessities. The same remark applies to points of discipline, which are neither integral parts of the Church's system, nor from their nature invariable, but which contain the principal subjects of dispute and of danger, and are exactly those points which enter most closely into the social and political life of nations. As the Church possesses full authority on these matters, she is likewise inevitably responsible for them ; not only because the unlimited power which she exacts renders her so, but because her own great and exalted mission is one of good tidings and of peace — she herself being founded on the most wonderful sacrifice ever made for the salvation of humanity. 14. We have taken a broad view of the case, and considered from its origin the state of things which now meets us after the prorogation of the Vatican Council, because its aspect is not new, neither is it simply the result of the work of the Council. It is rather the consequence of a policy long since begun, constantly followed, with varying success, and especially mani- fested in these latter years in the Catholic direction ; and it is a result of the spirit of absolutism which prevails in the guidance of the Church. The subject presents no new features ; and the events of 1870 have had no other practical effect either on the religious or social side, save that of carrying with them, directly and indirectly, the seal and sanction of an Ecumenical Council in favour of the existing state of things. This it is that gives the deepest importance to the first period of the Vatican Council ; its sanction of the past is of equal value with the new laws and regulations it has introduced. All that had taken Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 237 place in the Church from the Council of Trent to the present day, a period of more than 300 years, in which, owing to its great length, may be found most of the causes of the events we have briefly considered ; all the laws and ecclesiastical customs which prevailed in those three centuries had never been brought under discussion, and had never received the solemn sanction of the Church. Consequently, a Council assembling for the first time, after that long interval, had a grand field before it ; three centuries of experience, and no binding precedents during that long period. The fact that the Council did nothing to show its appreciation of the great advantages of this situation, and its desire to profit thereby ; but, on the contrary, the fact that it made haste to pursue in the first Sessions what yet remained to be traversed of the road of dogmatism, and of absolutism, this it is that imparted so serious a character to the first period of its discussions, and at once determined the real position of the Church with regard to modern society, and the Catholic nations, in particular. This position may be summed up in one word — immobility — absolute immobility, as opposed to the decided movement and progress of the age. In the present state of things, this immobility signifies strife ; and we have been learning for nearly a century the evils which result from that strife ; more- over, so far as human foresight can reach, there seems little hope of its cessation. 15. We now turn to the political situation, and find that, from this point of view, the position of the Church since the proroga- tion of the Council is, owing to extraneous circumstances, very much altered, and presents an entirely new aspect. The doctrine of Infallibility was proclaimed at Rome on the 18th of July, 1870 ; and at Berlin, on the 19th of July in the same year was received the intimation of that war which was to effect the ruin of the temporal power ; and thus, by a singular disposition of Providence, the completion on one side of the edifice, reared with such perseverance through the lapse of centuries, was to coincide with the commencement of its demo- lition on the other. The clay feet of the Colossus were broken down and crumbled into dust, just as its head was surmounted with the last golden crown. At the very moment when the Papacy 238 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. had reached its utmost development of power, it lost its most effective and powerful instrument for exercising that power in the way, and with the intention, for which it had been raised so high. At the time when the Papacy was ready, solemnly to proclaim to the world its possession of the ascendency it had so long arrogated, but was as yet unable explicitly to assume, at that very moment the world with unwonted indifference saw it deprived of the modest and limited dominion it had hitherto enjoyed. A strange result, indeed, but one which might have been foreseen, though little expected by those who mainly brought it about, and who perhaps awaited a very different result of their labours. 16. The downfall of the temporal power is a great and real innovation in the economy of the Church, and it places the aspect of her political relations with Catholic nations in a new light ; so new, indeed, that as yet one cannot estimate, and can only conjecture, the consequences which may be evolved. The most important point in this new phase is this : that as the different aspects of a question are distinct, rather sub- jectively in regard to the mind of the observer, than in reality with reference to the actual essence of the question, since they mutually influence each other and are ultimately blended — so this novel and singular phase of the Church's political history cannot fail to react in some way or other, more perhaps than is now imagined, upon her own condition, and her religious and social affinities. 17. Every attempt has been made in past years, both within and without the Church, to reconcile her with the politics, the science, and the habits of the age ; with all those elements, in short, which constitute the sum of modern civilisation, in the hope that she might no longer be compelled to stand aloof from civilisation in the position either of an enemy or a victim, but might remain at its side as one of its own agents, an element of strength and moral power. All such attempts have hitherto failed. Each of them has been marked in history by schisms, strife, or profound social perturbations ; but society has not made a single step towards the solution of the problem, and the policy of the Church has proceeded tranquilly and un- alterably on its own way. Although many, and not the Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 239 least among these Dante Alighieri, have been more dis- cerning, society at large has not attached great importance to the influence that might be exercised on the constitution and character of the Church by such a centre of authority as the Roman Curia. The Roman Curia is furnished with infinite moral and material forces ; and by the education of its members, its peculiar traditions and forms, it stands detached from the ordinary interests of life, while it is endowed with a wonderful hierarchical organisation, and possesses a boundless supremacy. The diminution of power which the Church has recently under- gone, not in regard to her spiritual and speculative authority, but in regard to that practical and material power which has always been the special aim of what is properly called the Roman Curia, is a new phase in her history. Owing to this fact, the political element in the Church has diminished, while the purely ecclesiastical element has naturally resumed the upper hand ; as the mechanical centralisation of a State ceases, the moral uniformity takes its place as a spontaneous effect of the concordance of feeling and of principles ; force being suspended, conscience remains. This state of things must necessarily be modified by the opinions, the sentiments, and the requirements of the age. The bishops and clergy who living the ordinary life of citizens cannot but be to a certain degree influenced bv that common life, naturally take the place occupied exclusively up to that time by the Prelatura, and by the ecclesiastical con- gregations which are composed of mixed elements, and the pressure of the Curia on the episcopate loses considerably there- by, both in prestige and in power. These modifications are not the effect of a preconceived wish or design, but the notable result of the situation, and they are therefore the more deep and real. The essential transformation in the practical life of the Church which we have described, is coincident with, and balances the declaration of absolute power in her speculative life. What will be the result of such a clashing combination in the economy of the Church ? How can these two different orders of things co-exist? Which of them will pre- vail ? A transformation of this nature should be accomplished in the serene air of liberty in order to produce its full effects. The adverse pressure of the State, or of the violent currents of public 240 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. opinion produced by political passions in times of revolution, maj render the change unavailing, and may again rivet the fetters that liberty has unloosed ; and reproduce under the form of some hidden and powerful combination, the same phenomena that were apparent under the distinct and imposing form of the Curia when it was endued with temporal power. The problem consists in this very fact, and it is not easy of solu- tion ; at any rate, to determine it a priori is impossible, for our experience in the matter hitherto is too short, and cannot throw much light on the question. At any rate, in weighing the different results that have accrued to the Church from the proceedings of the last three years, no doubt can be entertained on the one hand, of the very great force exercised on all institutions by the principles that govern them, while on the other hand it is impossible to overlook the positive influence of the facts and interests which determine the conditions under which those institutions exist. Lastly, we must not forget the vital strength which animates a great organization like the Church, for she embodies the moral and religious sentiments of numerous and powerful races, sentiments which derive from the circumstances of the age the means necessary for their active and effectual development. 18. The present situation of the Church, as we have shortly described it, with regard to modern society and the religious condition of Catholic populations, is very discouraging, even to the least observant eyes and the most prejudiced judgment, for it presents many deplorable features. So far as to the Church herself. With regard to society, religion is one of its integral elements, it is one of the firmest bonds by which it is united, it is the foundation that sustains the social edifice. Abstract theories, multiplied reasonings, and the experiments of philosophers and of statesmen, have never yet been able to change this condition of humanity in the least degree ; on the contrary, if they have done anything they have rendered it more apparent. From the earliest age, a people is found to be religious in proportion as it is honest, laborious, moral, and strong ; and with disorder and decay come corruption and impiety : cotem- poraneous history has in no way changed or added to this rule, and all the endeavours made by elevated minds and determined Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 241 wills to confute it have utterly failed before the logical power of facts. 19. The religious sentiment, moreover, resembles the other faculties of the human mind ; when kept within due limits and applied rationally, it helps to form great societies and strong nations ; when hindered and turned out of its proper course, it prepares, or follows, the decay of a nation, and often perishes with it. All constituted societies and forms of civilisation have been animated by some religion which represented their mysterious tie with the Infinite, that is to say, with God. The small and degraded populations of central Africa have a religion that guides them, just as the cultivated Greek societies and the mighty Roman societies had theirs ; and without doubt religion has governed and still controls, though many fail to recognise it, the marvellous civilisation of the present age. Art, which so faithfully and indelibly represents the spirit of the times, has imprinted the character of this civilisation of which we are so justly proud in the ' Divina Commedia,' in the ' Disputa del Sacramento,' and in the glorious churches scattered over the face of the earth. The religious sentiment, which con- tains in itself the moral tie that binds society together, is at the same time cause and effect, it is an integral part of civilisa- tion, its very germ and spirit. The birth and development of civilisation are alike marked by a strong and living faith. The religious sentiment grows with civilisation ; feels the influence of expanding reason and tends itself to become rational ; adapts itself to the refinements of civilisation, and inspires the arts and literature. These are the two stages which conduct civilisation to its culminating point. When society degenerates and becomes corrupt, religion does the same ; and its downfall is marked by excessive devotion to outward forms, by the neglect of the inward reality, and by the growth of bigotry and indifference. That which happens on a large scale in the history of the world is reproduced in a minor degree in the life of separate nations. The principle is invariable, but its application is infinitely various. The offences of men do not subvert the principle, but only corrupt the societies in which they live. Societies that have become corrupt fall to pieces, but other communities may B 242 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. adopt the principles they have lost, and carry them out more worthily. Society passes away, but the world must accom- plish its destiny. The paganism of classical ages, with all its terrible corruptions, fell to rise no more, and at the present day not a single pagan exists on the face of the earth. Mean- while, Jewish Monotheism, which was relatively obscure and hidden in a corner of the Roman empire, was, in its decay, transformed into Christianity, and spread through the whole world. Christianity itself has gone through a reform by which it has given life to new societies, and new forms of modern civilisa- tion. By reason of the vast area over which these transforma- tions take place, much of their working is above the judgment of man, and cannot be affected in any way by the will of individuals, they resemble the great vicissitudes of the material world ; we may confront them, but can neither advance nor retard their progress by a single second. On the other hand, men are undoubtedly responsible for the part they take in promoting the development of national life, which accompanies an advanced state of civilisation. As society cannot exist without a religion, neither can it change that religion just as it pleases. The conditions under which religion exists, are beyond and above the ordinary action, and effective will of society, and surpass its calculable powers. It is of course possible for society by a process of self-training to modify its religion, to educate its religious as well as its civil sense. Society may, by cultivating simultaneously its feelings and reasoning powers, and improving at the same time its religious and civil institutions, be able to acquire gradually that harmony of reason and of will, that unity of action in all its faculties, which is requisite for the full development of its strength and greatness. 20. The examination and precise definition of the mystery of order, social and moral — the determination of the point at which individual responsibility for great revolutions ceases, and also where it begins — this examination is the quia* at which " deve stare contenta la umana gente." Yet this mystery by no means releases any nation from the responsibility as to its own destiny which naturally belongs to it. The more a people seeks * " State contenti, umana gente, al quia." — Dante, Furg. iii, 37. Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 243 to be, and actually does become, great and strong, the more that responsibility increases ; as it gains in power it is more directly the arbiter of its own fate ; and the unknown sum of general causes and influences which affect it, decreases in pro- portion as the certain and evident sum of its wisdom and virtue increases. 21. Three conclusions evidently result from this brief examina- tion into the present state of Catholic populations, under the con- sideration of their religious, social, and political aspect. First, it appears that the relations between Church and State, and the religious and civil condition of the inhabitants of Catholic countries in our day, are universally considered to be uncomfort- able, dangerous to public order, and obstructive to the diffusion of civilisation and religion. Secondly, it is the interest of the Church, for the sake of her own life, and for the fulfilment of her own mission, to modify this state of things so far as she can. Thirdly, it is essential for society, which can neither exist with- out a religion, nor can change its religion at will, to adapt itself to that form which it already possesses, endeavouring to improve or modify it in such a way as is most easily reconcilable with its nature and principles. This last condition must be especially observed, in order that the two interests may coalesce favourably, and also in order that the whole scheme of improvement may have a practical result, and not remain a dead letter. Reform in religious matters cannot satisfy reason in the abstract, but only in the relative sense, because faith and feeling are special faculties, having their own proper development. Hence appears the futility of the work of those rationalistic reformers who, having no religion to begin with, endeavour to construct one that may satisfy their own notions ; and also of those statesmen who, not feeling any need of religion themselves, try to make one for others. The first class endeavour to produce faith by a process of reasoning ; the second to create religious feeling out of scepti- cism, and both these errors, very common at the present day, spring from a profound ignorance of the origin of the matter. The religious sentiment is not fostered deliberately by a rational and symmetrical plan fixed a priori, but, like all other strong convictions, it is developed by education, by habit, and by example, and it is nourished by affections. B 2 244 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. Philosophers and statesmen find a justification for religion in its effects rather than in its causes, which remain a mystery to them — a problem only understood by its results ; and yet this problem is solved daily by the multitudes whose social con- dition is determined by the education and the habits they have acquired from religion. Moreover, these very multitudes, from their nature are accessible, more or less rapidly, to strong and profound convictions ; they possess intuitively a perception of justice and uprightness, which often compensates for their lack of reasoning power, and are not so easily led away by paradoxes and imposition as might be supposed. 22. The three conclusions we have now stated might be reached by different ways, but they are unimpeachable, and indeed are unquestioned. Objections may be made to the last by those who believe in a society composed of philosophers. We have no wish, with ancient and modern history in our hands, to engage in a discussion on this subject. It is sufficient to state our conviction that those who profess this hazardous opinion seriously, and not merely as a matter of pretext or fashion, cannot, if grave and conscientious men, in the presence of so dangerous a responsibility, and in a matter so vital to society, but see the necessity of carefully testing their experi- ments in the region of speculation, before endeavouring to give them practical effect ; time and liberty, render justice to every one, and everything. This being conceded, we believe that such persons will practically find little to change in the constitu- tion of national life as we understand it, or in the guidance and direction of those interests which can never be successfully treated hypothetically, but must follow the rules that are im- planted in the history, the habits, and the conscience of man- kind. 23. From whatever side the question be considered, it is evident that to enable Catholic nations to come out of the ab- normal and dangerous condition which now so severely tries them, and to proceed quietly on their road, they must be freed from the antagonism between the capital principles which govern them. They must be able to reconcile their religious and civil opinions under the aegis of liberty, in order to proceed without struggles and disturbance to the fulfilment of their Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 245 destiny, and to contemplate, without grave misgivings, the dark possibilities of the future. 24. Thus far we have pursued the road which we traced for ourselves. Were we to go further, we might be in danger of exceeding our limits, and of entering the labyrinth of ques- tions which are raised by the conflict between Church and State. We have been careful in this brief sketch not to touch on any arguments directly regarding canonical or theological matters, because it is better for the profane not to meddle with these ques- tions. We have been content to consider the deep and essential affinity of the subjects under discussion, with social and political questions, because in such points the natural instinct of self- preservation asserts its rights in each of us. If sometimes we have transgressed these limits, it has been unintentionally, and owing to our being drawn on by the intimate connection that exists between all the various interests discussed. Keeping to our resolution, we have noticed the phenomena manifested in Catholic societies, and the breach between religion and civili- sation daily widening within them ; the substitution of two consciences, a religious and a civil, in opposition to each other, in place of the one conscience, to which all feelings and faculties should be subject, as supreme guide in the difficult road of virtue and of justice ; and we have noticed the weakness and disorders that result to Catholic nations from this severance of moral responsibility. The " free Church in a free State," which is, indeed, a wonder- ful political formula, an excellent expedient, according to official opinion, for ameliorating the present condition of Catholic populations, is socially an impracticability, especially for those nations that have one single form of religion, the influence of which is therefore dominant in their disposition, their habits, and their civilisation. The only case in which this ideal could be carried out would be in the event of a great weakening of the religious sentiment among the people, and the entire absorption of the human con science by the State ; but the State in itself is a fact and not a conviction, and is unable to satisfy the human conscience, which cannot divide its allegiance. The power of man, who is, after all, physically speaking, but a weak creature, lies in his intelligence 246 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. and conscience ; by the first he is capable of acquiring the most profound knowledge ; by the second, of attaining the highest moral grandeur. Nations are only assemblages of men, and their power lies in their conscience. No great civilisation has ever been founded on scepticism ; and no society has ever maintained its greatness, if the elements of which it is constituted, are in permanent and irreconcilable conflict. We have considered all these subjects because they come within the range of the social investigation we undertook ; but it is impossible to go further without entering into questions that we have avoided. We may, however, without infringing this rule, suggest a few general considerations tending to simplify the question which seems so difficult and intricate as to be almost insoluble, of the amicable co-existence of the Church with the State and with modern society, particularly in Catholic countries, the interests of which we have much at heart. 25. The principles of the Catholic Church are most simple ; her mysteries represent dogma, and her commandments repre- sent morals. The mysteries are in every religion above the reach of human reason ; the commandments contain the one eternal universal moral law, the observance of which constitutes the life and prosperity of nations. The sum of both is ex- pressed in the simple and comprehensive words : — " On these two commandments hang all the law," &c. And — " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God, and thy neighbour as thyself." Is it so very difficult a matter to live in accordance with this precept ? Or can a rule be found in any past or future system of legislation more suited to serve as the basis of civilisation than this ? Is it likely that of all which has been accomplished in the Church by the work of man and the lapse of time, beyond the limits indicated by these two commandments, nothing will be modified or undone by the same agencies — man and time? or, again, is it likely that, as far as regards society, these same agencies will never constitute another, otherwise and elsewhere, than within the limits of these commandments? 26. Time and men, those two great factors in all institutions and forms of civilisation, carry out their work under different conditions. The work of time is necessarily irresistible ; we Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 247 can but observe and submit to it. The work of man, on the other hand, is accomplished by successive acts, and of free will, and thus the responsibility falls on him alone. In those regions of elevated principle, where passion and party differences vanish, nations regain their generic character which is deter- mined by the concurrent action of all their component elements ; and therefore it has been said that the destiny of a people is that which itself has merited. The truth of this axiom is proved by long experience, though it may be liable to special or temporary exceptions. The customs, the laws, the religious type, the civil type of a nation are all its own work, the application, the emanation of itself ; and if they could not be modified by education and study, free-will would be an expression void of meaning, and the whole world would become the prey of a revolting and iniquitous fatalism. When a society falls into a state of decay and disorder, the blame is usually thrown upon any one, or anything, as is most convenient at the time, and people reciprocally accuse one another ; the Government, the Liberals, the clergy, the sects, the Church herself, are from time to time denounced as the cause of the evil. All these have, of course, in varying degrees, their own measure of responsibility, which is sometimes partial, sometimes exceptional, and sometimes very serious ; but we cannot look upon them as apart from ourselves, for, after all, we make up their numbers, we determine their opportunities of action ; we constitute their power and their strength. The moral state and the prevalent opinion of a people determine the morality and the power of those who rule it materially and morally, just as these, in their turn, guide and direct the opinion of their subjects. Having thus settled the respective influences and the collec- tive responsibility of all classes in a nation, with regard to its social condition and the development of its prosperity, we can more easily investigate the causes of the dangers and difficulties that disturb our own people ; determine the measure of responsi- bility attaching to them, and ascertain exactly the duty of each section of society, with the hope of supplying some remedy for the evils under which it is labouring. The opinions, the education, and the moral and intellectual condition of our people 248 EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. [Conclusion. are such as to condemn them to a perpetual alternation between opposite and dangerous extremes. If, for instance, those races that we call the Latin races, which form a large proportion of the Catholic nations, be affected by the religious movement, it often conducts them, by a strictly logical process, to a state of theocracy and superstition. If, on the other hand, the spirit of liberty, and the exercise of reason be awakened among them, it often happens that by a similar process of logic their onward social and political march is only arrested when they have reached a state of anarchy and impiety ; and a negation of all responsibility, is the effect of this second course. The law of reaction and of compensation originates and regulates these moral oscillations, giving to the first phase greater durability, and to the second greater force and intensity. Wherever the Latin races have settled and manifested their principles by their institutions and forms of government, they seem to forget that their strength can only consist in so ruling their faculties and sentiments as to render them practically useful, just as the economy of human life, social and individual, consists in a tempered moderation. A people whose life is passed between one phase of superstition and tyranny, and another of anarchy and impiety, resembles an individual who spends half his ex- istence in habitual excess, and the rest in fasting, in both cases the result must be death. 27. Having already spoken of logic, we would here protest very strongly against the manner in which it is used. Owing to the scholastic form in which it has mingled with the traditions of the period of our intellectual development, logic has often proved a source of evil, and has led to disastrous conclusions. In the form in which it has passed into our method of reason- ing and thinking, logic is an imperfect instrument, by which man endeavours to reach the truth ; it is a machine to create truth. No doubt on many occasions this artificial process has been helpful to the weakness of the human mind, especially in the earlier ages ; it was a means of eliciting the truth on testing a subject by two propositions, just as a spark is pro- duced by two currents of electricity. But, granting all the services rendered us by logic, we must not forget that it is only an artifice, that the infinite can never be contained in Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 249 the finite ; and that though all can aspire to the truth, and find it in some degree, it is not given to all to possess it, and possess it always. In all truth there is something above our compre- hension, which must be supplied by faculties other than those of the intellect ; faculties that we must educate and develop in order to use them efficaciously. This is the reason why nothing is more likely to lead us to absurd conclusions than the process of argument familiar to us from long habit, which we call logic ; and it misleads us irremediably, because logic- ally. Our mental errors all involve a syllogism, and therefore they last so long, and produce so much harm. The religious principle, guided only by logic to its utmost development, often becomes abstract, mystical and intolerant ; it loses its chief characteristic, that of being the companion, the creator and the soul of civilisation ; it isolates itself, and becomes a great and sometimes an insuperable obstacle to real progress. If the human mind blindly follows logic it may lose religion, and being unable to appreciate subtle distinctions, but adhering to absolute deductions, may even cast it off entirely ; and society, being thus set free from the ties which bind it together, loses its strength and prosperity, and falls into a state of anarchy. In each of these cases an inflexible logic has been followed out with a like result — that of arriving at an absurd conclusion. 28. We have been led by these considerations to a point where we may consider the Church and society as standing on common ground, where their respective interests meet, and where it is possible to form such judgments on the condition of both, as may help the practical solution of the social problem affecting Catholic nations. But here we have reached the proper limit of a book so moderate in compass, and of so general a character as the present work. It remains for individuals to form for themselves, according to their opportunities, the con- clusions to be deduced from the facts we have indicated. It is not our business to settle in what way, or how far, the Church can, and ought to carry out the modifications demanded by the very existence of Catholic society ; any more than we can deter- mine the progress of human society, or limit its irresistible course. The Church and society have each a wide field open to B 3 250 . EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. them, where their respective powers for good may be duly deve- loped ; the Gospel and liberty. Every civil law may be in harmony with the Gospel, and every religious institution may be in harmony with liberty. How best to ensure the simple and faithful observance of both our religious and civil obligations, is a secret never yet discovered on account of its very simplicity ; and who knows if it will ever be discovered amid the distracting struggles and the absorbing passions that agitate humanity. 29. It is, indeed, most desirable that this secret, this happy solution of difficulties should be brought to light, though here we do not intend to enter upon the arduous question of the religious future of the age. Without doubt, religious con- victions have on all sides received a violent shock ; and none can foretell the results of the great social revolutions that have taken place ; they may work the ruin of societies and insti- tutions ; they may derange the equilibrium of nations, and change the course of the world ; but as these hypotheses are purely speculative, their consideration cannot conduce to any certain conclusion, or to any practical effect. Whatever the universal religious condition of the world may be, our duty is to attend to our own, to find out in what our difficulties and dangers consist, and to discover the essential difference between our social state, and that of other Christian populations. Among those nations religion and civilisation have, with more or less harmony, marched in unison, supporting and at the same time correcting, each other ; they are able to co-exist not indeed without some divergencies, but, at all events, without causing variance and enmity. Among our people, on the contrary, there seems to be defini- tively established a mortal strife between the religious principle represented by an exclusive inflexible authority, embodied in a form absolute and immutable in all its parts ; and that moral revolution, of which the latter must eventually feel the influence, which has itself a form equally concrete and organic, and which tends to become equally exclusive, inflexible and despotic. Our people, as well as other nations, obey the universal law, and follow their appointed destinies, but with very different results, for the latter attain their ends without catastrophes or great struggles ; whereas, the path of the former is marked by terrible Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 251 losses and ruin, owing to the violence of the current that sweeps them along. Such considerations are of the utmost importance to Catholic nations ; for their course has been hitherto marked by a brilliant light, which still shines upon their path, and forbids our indulging any disparaging estimates as to their moral and political inferiority. 30. Therefore, before bringing these reflections to a close, we would remind Catholic nations that though they may try to find the causes of their abnormal condition in their institutions, yet habits form laws as much, or perhaps more, than laws form habits ; and as the universal sentiment of a society is the element that nourishes its institutions, their life or their death depends upon the state of that element. It is requisite for the well-being of Catholic nations, not only that their own vitality be preserved, but that they do not prove occasions of ruin to others, and it is necessary that they find their own moral equilibrium. They must learn, moreover, that they will no more attain this moral equilibrium, this essential condition of life, through the inexorable mysticism of the Catholic party, than they would through the utter dissolution of all principle. They will not find it in scepticism, because nothing can be created by negation, nor in new divisions, because these only give rise to anger and discord ; and by separating the energetic and ardent part of society from the rest, renders the former weaker, and leaves the latter a prey to reaction and hatred. Catholic nations will find their wished-for peace only in a real modification of their principles, a work requiring time and thought, by which their religious and civil institutions, being in conformity with the eternal principles of morality and truth, may subsist in harmony and may assimilate with the various phases and developments of human nature. 31. If, on the other hand, we could prevail on those to whom is entrusted the direction of Catholic institutions, and of the exercise of their influence, to listen to our arguments with un- prejudiced minds, we would point out that although the spirit of the age is not congenial to religious belief, yet that real resist- ance and active enmity are never attracted by movements of an exclusively religious or speculative character, nor even by those that directly concern faith and morals. Such resistance is evoked 252 EIGHT MONTHS AT KOME. [Conclusion. by movements political rather than religious — material rather than spiritual, and touching discipline rather than morals or dogma. Nor is this unnatural, for morality in itself is one and eternal, whereas its legal expressions are variable and transitory. Consequently, it is evident and logical that these legal expressions may change, and be affected by social movements and the pro- gress of the age ; whereas morality in itself can be assailed by no real opposition other than that eternal antagonism between right and wrong which must affect all institutions, and is in- separable from the history of the universe itself. Two truths cannot contradict one another. There cannot be one truth for the Church and another for the State, any more than there is one truth for religion and another for science. That which is good for one nation cannot be evil for another ; and all those who maintain such antitheses are in error. A true and sublime re- ligion, firmly rooted on the earth and reaching to heaven, can never be opposed to truth and goodness, for that opposition could only be directed against evil. Therefore, when the conditions of the strife are such, that goodness and truth are on one side, and all the strength and energy of human nature rally round them ; evil diminishes and retreats to the position of impotence and subordination which it is intended to hold in the order of the universe. The nearer we approach this ideal, the more surely shall we attain that happy state of things on which the prosperity and grandeur of nations depends ; and the social and political problems which at first sight appeared inexplicable, will resolve themselves as naturally as the snow melts away beneath the genial rays of the sun. 32. We might sum up the principal wants of Catholic nations as follows : their sense of right and wrong should be simplified and rendered clearer, and they should be relieved from the burden of artificial evils that oppress them, in order that they may acquire the power of discerning what is really evil, and maybe able to oppose it. They must learn to be guided in their struggle by the spirit, and not by the letter of the law, because the spirit teaches what is upright in practice, whereas the letter is incapable of amending what is wrong. " Quid leges sine moribus." Much is to be done before these results can be at- Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 253 tained ; in the first place, it is requisite that the authorities by which Catholic nations are governed, and the principles by which they are led, should not be the production of absolute and exclusive ideas, isolated from the rest of the world ; but should rest upon universal opinion, and express the mind of the whole Church, for only in this way can she adopt and assimilate the various forms of good which are now extraneous to her, but with which she should be in unison. To this end it is necessary that her hierarchy, instead of being only the exponent of supreme authority, should be, as it was originally, the impersonation of the loftiest virtue and self-sacrifice. In taking the first step, religion escapes the danger of being only the appendage or instrument of a party, and becomes, what in truth she ought to be, the originator and fosterer of social order, the friend and benefactor of humanity. In taking the second step, religion becomes active, and descends from the region of abstruse speculation to enter upon that of facts, a region in which self- abnegation and virtue are necessary elements of progress. Having reached this point, religion has fulfilled her mission ; the rest is beyond our power and responsibility, and the destiny of nations remains in the hands of Him who created the uni- verse. But up to that point the responsibility is ours ; and we must answer for the evil resulting from a state of things we ourselves have brought about, and jealously maintain, with an energy worthy of a better cause, in despite of evidence and reason. 33. Even if the facts which we have specified did not exist, the peculiar form in which the internal working and the external movement of the Church manifest themselves, are such as to prevent our undertaking a discussion respecting them, of laying down rules or making suggestions to the authorities that guide and direct her course. The foundation on which these authorities rest their power, the connection existing between them, and all their movements, depend upon special laws which are inac- cessible to external considerations, and thus on practical grounds we have no language in which to interchange our ideas. Just as the State is obliged to provide for its necessities, so now the Church must herself seek the best means of reconciling the difficulties she encounters, of meeting the new conditions of life 254 EIGHT MONTHS AT HOME. [Conclusion. brought about by the lapse of time and the experience of the past ; this being the only way in which the word reconciliation can bear a real signification, as a point of meeting and not of departure. It remains for the Church to find the best means of reconciling the substance of religion, that is, faith and morality, with the great development of reason and with the new social and civil conditions of nations ; harmonising the good she teaches with the good which may be learned from science, from legisla- tion, and from the ever-varying and progressive movement of human society. It is the part of the Church to be a help rather than a hindrance to society in the tempest through which it is now passing ; an anchor of safety rather than a dangerous rock on which split the efforts of those — who placed at the helm of State, with the duty of guiding the ships tossed about by the angry surges of the social deep — must either strive to keep clear of such obstacles, or falling upon them, be dashed to pieces, leaving at the mercy of the waves the broken fragments of a ruined and shipwrecked society. 34. At this very moment when the Church, distracted by the many and serious controversies that trouble her, called together her States General, and looked trustfully to her Ecumenical Assembly for the solution of her difficulties, it was specially incumbent on her to carry out the course of action indicated by the steps she had already taken. Preliminary events do not as yet point to the fulfilment of this obligation, but still it is summa lex for the Church, because essential for the general safety, to discover some means of escape from the prevailing dangers ; to take some step towards the solution of the great problem that touches so nearly her own life and the very existence of Catholic nations. She may find that help in the marvellous strength of her own constitution, in her extensive authority, and well-proved ability in dealing with matters of difficult interpretation ; or, what would be still more satisfactory, she may find in a full and free discussion, the best solution of her difficulties. 35. It is true that to modify in any way the religion of a people while a strong and independent Rationalism prevails in the world, is a work so hard and so full of difficulties impossible to express a priori, that it can never be accomplished either by a Canon of the Church or by a law of the State, but must be the Conclusion.] EIGHT MONTHS AT ROME. 255 combined operation of time and human efforts. Still, if we have the right to look to any special agents for help in this great work, it is surely to those who received the injunction, " Go and bring forth fruit ;"* and who were likewise reminded as a commentary on this mission, that " a good tree cannot bring forth corrupt fruit. "f We look to those prophets and apostles of good tidings of whom it was said that they should be known by their fruits ; not by their privileges or vestments, not by the wisdom of their laws or the harmony of their institutions, not by the possession of worldly goods, or by the power they had attained, but simply by the fruits they brought forth, " wherefore by their fruits ye shall know them."$ * St. John, xv. 16. f St. Matthew, vii. 18. % St. Matthew, vii. 20. APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. CONTENTS. WiiUU B W. Page I. Bull of Convocation op the Council 259 II. French Correspondence from the ' Civilta Cattolica ' . . . . 262 III. Proclamation of the Bishops at Fulda 263 IV. Letter of Padre Giacinto 266 V. Pastoral of the Archbishop of Paris 268 VI. Pastoral of the Bishop of Orleans 273 VII. Promulgation of the Jubilee 294 VIII. Allocution of the Sistine Chapel 296 IX. Bull " Multiplices inter " 298 X. Allocution at the First Session 303 XI. Bull for the Pope's Election 304 XII. Bull for limiting Censures 306 XIII. The Canons published in the ' Allgemeine Zeitung ' and the * Sud-Deutsche Presse ' 311 XIV. Statistical Extract from Franscini 320 XV. Last Letter of Montalembert 321 XVI. Address of the Catholics of Coblenz to the Bishop of Treves 321 XVII. New Order of the Council, etc. Article by Dollinger . . 326 XVIII. The Scheme " De Fide " .. .. 332 XIX. Formula of Adhesion to the Dogma of Infallibility given by the 'Italie,' at the end of June 1870 337 XX. The Scheme "De Ecclesia," from the ' Giornale di Koma ' .. 337 DOCUMENTS. DOCUMENT I. SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI PII DIVINA PROVIDENTIA PAPAE IX. LITTERAE APOSTOLICAE QVIBV8 INDICITVR OECVMENICVM CONCILIVM BOMAE HABENDVM ET DIE IMMACVLATAE CONCEPTIONI DEIPARAE VIRGINIS SACRO AN. MDCCCLXIX 1NCIPIENDVM. PIVS EPISCOPVS SERVVS SERVORVM DEI Ad futuram rei memoriam. Aeterni Patris Unigenitua Filius propter nimiam, qua nos dilexit, caritatem, ut univer- sum humanum genus a peccati iugo, ac daemo- nis captivitate, et errorum tenebris, quibus primi parentis culpa iamdiu misere preme- batur, in plenitudine temporum vindicaret, de caelesti sede descendens, et a paterna gloria non recedens, mortalibus ex Imma- culata Sanctissimaque Virgine Maria indutus exuviis, doctriuam, ac vivendi disciplinam e caelo delatam manifestavit, eamdemque tot admirandis operibus testatam fecit, ac se- metipsum tradidit pro nobis, oblationera et horstiani Deo in odorem suavitatis. Ante- quam vero, devicta morte, triumpbans in caelum consessurus ad dexteram Patris con- scenderet, misit Apostolos in mundum uni- vereum, ut praedicarent evangelium omni creaturae, eisque potestatem dedit regendi 4am suo sanguine acquisitam, et con- stitutam, quae est cdumna et firmamentum itis, ac caelestibus ditata tbesauris tutum sal utis iter, ac verae doctrinae lucem omni- pulis ostendit, et instar navis in altum 8aeculi huiv.8 ita natat, ut, pereunte mundo, omnes quos suscipit, servet illaesos. 1 Ut au- tem eiusdem Ecclesiae regimen recte semper, atque ex ordine procederet, et omnia chris- tianus populus in una semper fide, doctrina, caritate, et communione persisteret, turn gemetipsum perpetuo affuturum usque ad eonsummationem saeculi promisit, turn etiam ex omnibus unum selegit Petrum, quem Apostolorum Principem, suumque bic in terris Vicarium, Eccleisiaeque caput, funda- mentum ac centrum constituit, ut cum or- dinis et bonoris gradu, turn praecipuae, plenissimaeque auctoritatis, potestatis, ac iurisdictionis amplitudine pasceret agnos, et oves, confirmaret fratres, universamque re- geret Ecclesiam, et esset caeli ianitor, ac ligandorum, solvendorumque arbiter, mansura etiam in caelis iuiiciorum suorum defini- tione? Et quoniam Ecclesiae unitas, et in- tegritas, eiusque regimen ab eodem Cbristo institutum perpetuo stabile permanere debet, iccirco in Romania Pontificibus Petri auc- cessoribua, qui in hac eadem Romana Petri Cathedra aunt collocati, ipsissima suprema Petri in omnem Ecclesiam potestas, iurisdic- tio, Primatus plenissime perseverat, ac viget. Itaque Romani Pontifices omnem Domi- nicum gregem pascendi potestate et cura ab ipso Chriato Domino in persona Beati Petri divinitus sibi commissa utentea, nun- quam intermiserunt omnes perferre labores, omnia auscipere conailia, ut a aolia ortu uaque ad occasum omnes populi, gentes, nationes evangelicam doctrinam agnoacerent, et in veritatis, ac iustitiae viis ambulantes vitam aasequerentur aeternam. Omnes au- tem norunt quibus indefessis curia iidem Romani Pontificea fidei depoaitum, Oleri di8ciplinam, eiusque sanctam, doctamque institutionem, ac matrimonii sanctitatem dignitatemque tutari, et cbriatianam utrius- que sexua iuventutis educationem quotidie magis promovere, et populorum religionem, pietatem, morumque honestatem fovere, ac iustitiam defendere, et ipsius civilis aocie- i San. Max., Serm. 89. - Sau. Leo, Serm. n. 260 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document I. tatis tranquillitati, ordini, prosperitati, ra- tiouibus consulere studuerint. Neque omiserunt ipsi Pontifices, ubi oppor- tunum existimarunt, in gravissimis prae- sertim temporum perturbationibus, ac sanc- tissimae nostrae religionis, civilisque so- cietatis calamitatibus generalia convocare Concilia, ut cum totius catholici orbis Episcopis, quos Spiritus Sanctus posuit regere Ecclesiam Dei, collatis consiliis, con- iunctisque viribus ea omnia provide, sapien- terque constituerent, quae adfidei potis&imum dogmata definienda, ad grassantes errores profligandos, ad catholicam propugnandam, illustrandam et evolvendam doctrinam, ad ecclesiasticam tuendam ac reparandam dis- ciplinam, ad corruptos populorum mores corrigendos possent conducere. lam vero omnibus compertum, explora- tumque est qua horribili tempestate nunc iactetur Ecclesia, et quibus quautisque malis civilis ipsa affligatur societas. Etenim ab acerrimis Dei bominumque bostibus catbolica Ecclesia, eiusque salutaris doctrina, et vene- randa potestaj,ac suprema buius Apostolicae Sedis auctoritas oppugnata, proculcata, et sacra omnia despecta, et ecclesiastica bona direpta, ac Sacrorum Antistites, et specta- tissimi viri divino ministerio addicti, homi- nesque catbolicis sensibus praestantes modis omnibus divexati, et Keligiosae Familiae extinctae, et impii omnis generis libri, ac pestiferae ephemerides, et multiformes per- niciosissimae sectae undique diffusae, et miserae iuventutis institutio ubique fere a Clero amota, et quod peius est, non paucis in locis iniquitatis, et erroris magistris commissa. Hinc cum summo Nostro, et bonoruin omnium moerore, et nunquam satis deplorando animarum damno ubique adeo propagata est impietas, morumque corruptio, et effrenata licentia, ac pravarum cuiusque generis opinionum, omniumque vitiorum, et scelerum contagio, divinarum, bumanarumque legum violatio, ut non solum sanctissima nostra religio, verum etiam bumana societas miserandum in mo- dum perturbetur, ac divexetur. In tanta igitur calamitatum, quibus cor Nostrum obruitur, mole supremum Pastorale ministerium Nobis divinitus commiasum exigit, ut omnes Nostras magis magisque exeramus vires ad Ecclesiae reparandas ruinas, ad universi Dominici gregis salutem curandam, ad exitiales eorum impetus cona- tusque reprimendos, qui ipsam Ecclesiam, si fieri unquam posset, et civilem societatem funditus evertere connituntur. Nos quidem, Deo auxiliante, vel ab ipso supremi Nostri Pontificatus exordio nunquam pro gravissimi Nostri officii debito destitimus pluribus Noa- tris Consistorialibus Allocutionibus, et ApoJ stolicis Litteris Nostram attollere vocein, ac Dei, eiusque sanctae Ecclesiae causam Nobigl a Cbristo Domino concreditam omni studij constanter defendere, atque buius ApostoJ licae Sedis, et iustitiae, veritatisque iuwl propugnare, et inimicorum bominum insidiasl detegere, errores, falsasque doctrinas dam-| nare, et impietatis seel as proscribere, ac universi Dominici gregis saluti advigilare et \ consulere. Verum illustribus Praedecessorum Nos-1 trorum vestigiis inhaerentes, opportunumj propterea esse existimavimus, in Generalel Concilium, quod iamdiu Nostris erat inl votis, cogere omnes Venerabiles Fratres 1 totius catholici orbis Sacrorum Antistitesi qui in sollicitudinis Nostrae partem vocati I sunt. Qui quidem Venerabiles Fratres sin- j gulari in catbolicam Ecclesiam amore incensi, eximiaque erga Nos, et Apostolicam banc Sedem pietate et observantia spectati, ac de animarum salute anxii, et sapientia, doctrinae eruditione praestantes, et una Nobi.scum tristissimam rei cum sacrae turn publicae conditionem maxime dolentes, nihil antiquius habent, quam sua Nobiscum communicare, et conferre consilia, ac salutaria tot calami- tatibus adhibere remedia. In Oecumenico enim hoc Concilio ea omnia accuratissime examine sunt perpendenda, ac statuenda, quae hisce praesertim asperrimis temporibus maiorem Dei gloriam, et fidei integritatem, divinique cultus decorem, sempiternamque hominum salutem, et utriusque Cleri dis- ciplinam, eiusque salutarem, solidamque culturam, atque ecclesiasticarum legum ob- servantiam, morumque emend ationem, et christi.tnam iuventutis institutionem, et com- munem omnium picem et concordiam in primis respiciunt. Atque etiam intentissimo studio curandum est, ut, Deo bene iuvante, omnia ab Ecclesia, et civili societate amo- veantur mala, ut miseri errantes ad rectum veritatis, iustitiae, salutisque tramitem re- ducantur, ut vitiis, erroribusque eliminatis, augu«ta nostra religio eiusque salutiftra doctrina ubique terrarum reviviscat, et quo- tidie magis propagetur, et dominetur, atque ita pietas, honestas, probitas, iustitia, caritas omnesque christianae virtutes cum maxima humanae societatis utilitate vigeant, et afflorescant. Nemo enim inficiari unquam poterit, catbolicae Ecclesiae, eiusque doc- trinae vim -non solum aeternam hominum salutem spectare, verum etiam prodesse temporali populorum bono, eorumque verae prosperitati, ordini, ac tranquillitati, et hu- manarum quoque scientiarum progressui ac soliditati, veluti sacrae ac profanae historiae annalcs splendidissimis factis clare aperte- Document I.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 261 Sue ostendunt, et constanter, evidentcrque emonstrant. Et quoniam Christus Do- minus illis verbis Nos mirifice recreat, reficit, et consolatur : Ubi sunt duo vel tres congre- (juti in nomine meo ibi sum in medio eorum; 1 iccirco dubitare non possumus, quin Ipse in hoc Concilio Nobis in abundantia divinae suae gratiao praesto esse velit, quo ca omnia statut-re possimus, quae ad maiorem Ecclesiae suae sanctae utditatem quovis modo perti- nent. Ferventissimis igitur ad Deum lumi- num Patrem in humilitate cordis No^tri dies noctesque fusis precibus hoc Concilium onmino cogendum esse censuimus. Quamobrem Dei ipsius omnipotentis Patris, et Pilii, et Spiritus Sancti, ac bea- torum eius Apostolorum Petri et Pauli aucto- ritate, qua Nos quoque in terris fungimur, freti et innixi, de Venerabilium Fratrum Nostrorum S. K. K. Cardinaliuni consilio et assensu, sacrum Otcumenieum et Generale Concilium in hac alma Urbe Nostra Korna futuro anno mille.simo octingentesimo sexa- gesimo nono, in Basilica Vaticana habendum, ac die octava mensis Decembris Immaculatae Deiparae Yirginis Mariae Conception sacra incijiiendum, prosequendum, ac Domino adiuvante, ad ipsius gloriain, ad universi Christiani populi salutem absolvendum, et perficiendum hisce Litteris indicimus, an- nuntiainus, convocamus et statuimus. Ac proinde volumus, mbemus, omnes ex omnibus locis tarn VenerabilesFratresPatriarchas, Ar- chiepiscopos, Episcopos, quam Dilectos Filios Abbates, omnesque alios, quibus iure, aut pri- vilegio Conciliis Generalibus residendi, et sententias in eis dicendi facta est potestas, ad hoc Oecumenicum Concilium a Nobis indictum venire debere, requirentes, hor- tantes, admonentes, ac nihilominus eis vi iurisiurandi, quod Nobis, et huic Sanctae Sedi praestiterunt, r.c sanctae obedientiae virtute, et sub poenis iure, aut consuetudine in celebrationibus Conciliorum adversus non accedentes fern, et proponi solitis, man- dan tes, arcteque praecipientes, ut ipsimet, nisi forte iusto detineantur impedimento, quod tamen per legitimos procuratores Synodo probare debebunt, Sacro huic Con- cilio omnino adesse, et interesse teneantur. In earn autem spem eri«imus fore, ut Deus, in cuius manu sunt hominum corda, Nostris votis proptius annuens iueffabili sua misericordia et gratia efficiat, ut omnes supremi omnium populorum Principes, et Moderatores praesertim catliolici quotidie in igis noscenles maxima bona in human im societatem ex catholica Ecclesia ndundare, ipaamque firmisftimum esse Iniperiorum, Re- gnoruinque fundamentum, non solum minime 1 Matth., cup. xviii, v. 20. impediant, quominus Venerabiles Fratres Sacrorum Antistites, aliique omnes supra commemorati ad hoc Concilium v«niant, vemm etiam ipsis libenter faveant, opemque ferant, et studiosissime, uti decet Catholicos Principes, iis cooperentur, quae in maiorem Dei gloriam, eiusdemque Coucilii bonum cedere queant. Ut vero Nosti-ae hae Litterae, et quae in eis continentur ad notitiam omnium, quorum oportet, perveniant, neve quis illorum ignoran- tiae excusationem praetendat, cum praesertim etiam non ad omnes eos, quibus nominatim illae essent intimandae, tutus foisitau pateat accessus, volumus, et mandamus, ut in Patriaichalibus Basilicis Lateranensi, Vati- cana, et Liberiana, cum ibi multitudo populi ad audiendam rem divinam congregari solita est, pal am clara voce per Curiae Nostrae cursores. aut aliquos publicos nolarios le- gantur, lectaeque in valvis dictarum Eccle- siarum, itemque Cancelleriae Apostolicae portis, et Campi Florae solito loco, et in aliis consuetis locis affigantur, ubi ad lec- tionem et notitiam cunctorum aliquandiu exjxtsitae pendeant, cunique inde amove- buntur, earum nihilominus exempla in eiusdem locis remaneant affixa. Nos enim per huiusmodi lectionem, publicationem, affixionemque, omnes, et quoscumque, quos praedictae Nostiae Litterae comprehendunt, post spatium duorum mensium a die Litte- rarum publicationis et affixionis ita volumus obligates esse et adstrictos, ac si ipsismet illae coram lectae et intimatae essent, tran- sumptis quidem earum quae manu publici notari scripta, aut subscripta, et sigillo per- sonae alicuius Ecclesiasticae in dignitate con- stitutae munita fuerint, ut fides cei ta, et indu- bitata habeatur, mandamus ac decernimus. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam Nostrae indictionis, annuntiationis, convocationis, statuti, decreti, mandati, prae- cepti, et obsecrationis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationeni Om- nipotentis Dei, ac Beatorum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Bomae apud Sanctum Petrum Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo octingentesimo sexagesimo octavo, tertio kalendas Iulias. Pontificatus Nostri Anno Vicesimotertio fa EGO PIVS CA.THOLICAE ECCLE- SIAE EPISCOPVS Loco fa Signi fa Ego Marius Episc. Ostiensis et Veli- ternus Card. Dccanus Mattei Pro- Datarius. fa Ego Constantinus Episc. Portuen. et S. Kufinae Card. Patrizi. 262 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document II. {fr Ego Aloisius Episc. Pracnestinns Card. Amat S. R. E. Vice-Cancellarius. {fr Ego Nicolaus Episc. Tusculanus Card. Paracciani Clarelli a Secretis Bre- vium. {fr Ego Camillus Episc. Albanus Card. Di Pietro. {fr Ego Carolus Augustus Episc. Sabi- nensis Card. De Reisach. {fr Ego Philippus Tit. S. Laurentii in Lucina Proto-Presb. Card. De An- gelis Archiep. Firmanus, et S. R. E. Camerarius. {fr Ego Fabius Maria Tit. S. Stephani in Monte Coelio Presb. Card. Asquini. fft Ego Alexander Tit. S. Susannae Presb. Card. Barnabo. {fr Ego Iosepb Tit. S. Mariae in Ara Caeli Presb. Card. Milesi. {fr Ego Petrus Tit. S. Marci Presb. Card. De Silvestri. {fr Ego Carolus Tit. S. Mariae de Populo Presb. Card. Sacconi. {fr Ego Angelus Tit. SS. Andreae et Gre- gorii in Monte Coelio Presb. Card. Quaglia. {fr Ego Fr. Antonius Maria Tit. SS. XII Apost. Presb. Card. Panebianco Poenitentiarius Maior {fr Ego Antoninus Tit. SS. Quatuor Coro- nator. Presb. Card. De Luca. {fr Ego Ioseph Andreas Tit. S. Hie- ronymi Illyricorum Presb. Card. Biz- zarri. {fr Ego Ioanne3 Bapt. Tit. S. Callixti Presb. Card. Pilra. {fr Ego Fr. Philippu* Maria Tit. S. Xysti Presb. Card. Guidi Archiep. Bono- niensis. {fr Ego Gustavus Tit. S. Mariae in Transpontina Presb. Card. d'Ho- henlohe. {fr Ego Aloisius Tit. S. Laurentii in Pane Perna Presb. Card. Bilio. {fr Ego Lucianus Tit. S. Pudeutianae Presb. Card. Bonaparte. {fr Ego Ioseph Tit. SS. Marcellini et Petri Presb. Card. Berardi. {fr Ego Raphael Tit. SS. Crucis in Hieru- salem Presb. Card. Monaco. {fr Ego Iacobus S. Mariae in Via Lata Protu-Diac. Card. Antonelli. {fr Ego Prosper S. Mariae Scalaris Diac. Card. Caterini. yfr Ego Theodulphus S. Eustacl.ii Diac. Card. Mertel. {fr Ego Dominicus S. Mariae in Dominica Diac. Gird. Consolini. {fr Ego Eduardus SS. Viti et Modesti Diac. Card. Borromeo. ffr Ego Hannibal S. Mariae in Aquiro Diac. Card. Capalti. M. Card. Mattei, Pro-Batarius. N. Card. Paracciani Clarelli. Loco+Plumbi Beg. in Secretaria Brevium. Visa de Curia D. Bruti L Cugnionius. (D.dla Civilta Cattolira, 18 luglio 1868.) DOCUMENT II. CORRISrONDENZA DI FrANCIA. 5. Per cio che riguarda la parte dom- matica, gia dissi che i cattolici desiderereb- bero che il fnturo Concilio Ecumenico pro- mulgasse le dottrine del Syllabus. Potrebbo darsi clie il Concilio, ennnciando con for- mole affermative e col necessario svolgi- mento le proposizioni stanziate nel Syllahus, sotto forma negativa, facesse compiutamente sparire il malinteso che su>siste non solo nelle sfere del potere, ma ben anco in un gran numero d' intelligenze per altro onlte, ma non intendenti di stile teologico. Checche ne sia, coll' andar del tempo i pregiudizii si dilegueranno, gli occhi si avvezzeranno alia luce, e la verita, essendo immortale, trionfera colle sole sue forze. I cattolici riceveranno con gioia la pro- clamazione del futuro Concilio sull' infalli- bilita dommatica del Sommo Pontefice. E i credono che il futuro Concilio sara molto breve, e che rassomigliera sotto questo rispetto a quello di Calce Ionia. Questa idea non procede soltanto dalle diflicolta sentite di tenero ora lunga assemblea; ma Rtmpolla anzi tutto dal sentimento che i Vescovi di tutto il mondo si troveranno d' accordo nelle questioni principali, in guisa che la minorita, per quanto eloquente esser pos-a, non potra durarla in una lunga oppo- sizione. Finalmente non potrebbero non vedcisi senza un certo stupore delle lotte prolungate di opinoini e di discorsi nel seno del futuro Concilio. (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 6 febbraio 1869.) DOCUMENT III. Pastorale collettiva dei Vescovi tedeschi e1uniti a fulda. Anche quest' anno noi Vescovi tedeschi, nello spirito di Gesii Cristo e della sua santa Chiesa, che anzitutto e spirito di unita e di comunione, ci siamo uniti a Fulda presso al sepolcro di San Bonifacio, in fraterna con- ferenza. Scopo di queste adunanze non e gia quello di emanare decisioni obbligatorie in materie ecclesiastiche, il che secondo le leggi della Chiesa puo farsi soltanto nelle assemblee ecclesiastiche propriamente tali e tenute nella dovuta forma (nei Sinodi o Concilii) ; ma esse hanno unicamente per iscopo di renderci, mcdiante vicendevoli colloqui, piu atti ad adempiere nel modo migliore il nostro sacro ministero, e di colti- vare fra noi quell' unione e carita, che e la madre e nutrice di ogni bene. Naturalmente in quest' anno un oggetto principale della no.stra conferenza fu di pre- pararci al Concilio Ecumenico, al quale il nostro Santo Padre Pio IX ha convocato tutti i Vescovi della terra. A questo riguardo noi abbiamo giudicato eoaa buona e salutare, prima di separarci, di livolgere in comune ai nostri amati dio- cesani, ecclesiastici e secolari, alcune brevi parole. Allorehe erasi fatta certa la convocazione di un Concilio Ecumenico, per una parte gli aiiiiiii dei fedeli furono riempiti da pia aspettazione e lieta speranza, e migliaia di essi tengono rivolti con figliale fiducia i loro sguardi a Roma. Non quasi fosse il Concilio un mezzo magico per togliere da noi ogni male e pericolo, e per mutare d' un tratto la faccia della terra, ma perche, secondo la costituzione data da Cristo nella sua divina sapienza alia Chiesa, 1' unione dei successori degli Apostoli intorno al successors di San Pietro, in un Concilio Ecumenico, e il mezzo principale per mettere in piu chiara luce la verita salutare del Cristianesimo, e per intro- duce nella vita piu etfieaceniente la sua santa legge. Cib che il santo pontefice Griegorio Magno dice si bellamente, che nel corso dei tempi le porte della divina verita e sapienza si aprono sempre di piu. alia cristianita, questo si effettua nel modo piu grandioso mediante i Concilii Ecumenici. DalP essere poi la dottrina di Cristo esatta- mente conosciuta e la sua legge piu univer- salmente osservaia dipende senza dubbio, come 1' eterno, cosi pure il vero benesseie temporale dell' umanita Percio i figli fedeli della Chiesa hanno salutato in ogni tempo i Concilii Ecumenici con gioia e con santa fiducia. Egli e nostro sacro dovere di nutrire in noi stessi e di diffondere negli altri cotali sentimenti anche riguardo all' imminente Concilio. Tuttavia non possiamo dissimularci, che d' altra parte persino da membri fervoiosi e fedeli della Chiesa si nutrono timori, atti a scemare la fiducia. Si aggiunge che dagli avversari della Chiesa vengono mosse accuse, le quali non hanno altro scopo, che di susci- tare vastamente la diffidenza e 1' avversione contro il Concilio, e di risvegliare persino il sospetto dei Governi. Cosi si sentono delle voci che il Concilio possa e voglia pronml- gare nuovi dogmi di fede, i quali non si contengono nella rivelazione di Dio e nella tradizione della Chiesa, e che esso possa e intenda stabilire dei principii che, pregiu- dicievoli agli interessi del Cristianesimo e della Chiesa, sieno incompatibili colle giuste pretese dello Stato, colla civilta e colla scienza, come pure colla legitirna liberta e colla prosperity temporale dei popoli. Si va ancor piu innanzi; si uccusa il Santo Padre che egli, sotto 1' influsso di un partito, voglia puramente usare del Concilio come di un mezzo per accrescere smodatamente il potere della Sede Apostolica, per cambiare 1' antica e vera costituzione della Chiesa, per ista- bilire una signoria spirituale incompatibile colla cristiana liberta. Non si ha rossore di designare il Capo supremo della Chiesa e 1' Episcopato con nomi di fazione, che noi s 2 264 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document I J I. finqui eravamo usi di sentire solamente dalla bocca dei piu dichiarati nemici della Chiesa. Quindi non si ha alcun riguardo di far sentire il sospetto, che non sara concessa ai Vescovi la piena liberta di discussione, e che manchera anche agli stessi Vescovi la neces- saria cognizione e il necessario coraggio per adempiere il loro dovere nel Concilio, e in conseguenza di cio si pone persino in questione la validita stessa del Concilio e delle sue decisioni. Da qualunque parte pvovengano questi e simili discorsi, essi non sono certamente dettati da feile viva, da ftdele amore alia Chiesa, da un' incrollabile fiducia in quell' aiuto, che non mai il Signore alia sua Chiesa sottrae. Cosi non hanno mai pen- sato i nostri padri nella fede, non mai i sunti di Dio; cio, amati diocesani, e contrario senza dubbio anche al vostro intimo convin- cimento cristiano. Non pertanto noi vogl ia- mo anche esplicitaniente esortarvi a non vi lasciar sedurre da tali discorsi, a non vacillare per cagione di essi nella vostra fede e nella vostra speranza. — Giammai un Con- cilio Ecumenico pronunciera ne pud pronun- ciare una nuova dottrina, che non sia con- tenuta nella Sacra Scrittura o nella Tradi- zione Apostolica ; come in generale la Chiesa, quando pronuncia in cose di fede, non pro- mulga nuove dottrine, ma mette 1' antica e originaria verita in chiara luce e la difende contro nuovi errori. Giammai un Concilio Ecumenico pub pro- mulgare e promulghera dottrine, le quali sono in contraddizione coi principii della giustiz : a, col diritto dello Stato e delle sue autorita, colla muralita e coi veri interessi della scienza, o colla legittima liberta e col benessere dei popoli. Tn generale il Con- cilio non istabilira nuovi principii, ne altri da quelli, che sono scritti dalla fede e dalla coscienza nel cuore di tutti voi, che furono sacri ai popoli cristiani di tutti i secoli, e sui quali ora e sempre riposa la prosperita degli Stati, P autorita dei superiori, la liberta dei popoli, e che costituiscono la base di ogni vera scienza e moralita. — E perche possiamo noi fare questa dichiarazione con tale pre- cisione e fidanza ? Perche noi sinno accer- tati dalla fede, che Gesu Cristo e colla sua Chiesa tutti i di sino alia fine del mondo, che lo Spirito Santo non la abbandona mai, e le ricorda ogni cosa e la introduce in ogni verita, per modo che essa e e rimane la co- lonna e il sost< gno della verita, cui le stesse porte delP inferno non possono espugnare; finalmente perche noi crediamo e sappiamo che, quando i successori di Pietro e degli Apostoli, il Papae i Vescovi, adunati legitti- mameute in un Concilio Ecumenico, fanno delle decisioni in cose della fede e della lcgge morale, sono assicurati contro ogni errore della provvidenza e assistenza divina. A quella nianiera, che Cristo e il mede- simo ieri e oggi e in eterno, e la sua parola dura sempre, quand' anche passino cielo e terra; cosi anche la sua Chiesa rimane la stessa in ogni tempo, e la verita di Cristo rimane in lei perpetua e immutabile. Anche il solo temere che un Concilio Ecumenico nelle sue decisioni dottrinali possa errare contro la verita della Tradizione, che esso possa in alcun modo alterare nella sua essenza la costituzione della Chiesa stabilita da Dio, e un disconoscere la virtu delle divine promesse fatte alia santa Chiesa, e P efficacia dell' aiuto della divina grazia. Fgwdmente nessuno ha ragione di temere, che il Concilio Ecumenico prenda inconsiderata- mente e con precipitazione delle risoluzioni, le quali senza necessita si oppongano ai vigenti rapporti e ai bisogni della presente eta, op- pure che esso, seguendo ilfanatismo di umani pensamenti, voglia trapiantare nelV eta pre- sente costumi e istituzioni di tempi trascorsi. E come si puo anche solo ragionevolmente temere una tal cosa da un' adunanza dei Vescovi di tutto il mondo cattolico, i quali forniti delle piu ricche esperienze della vita, fami>rliari alle condizioni dei piu svariati paesi, a^gravati dalla responsabilita della piu santa missione, dal Capo supremo della Chiesa, vengono adunati principalmente alio scopo, per deliberare con lui, in quale modo migliore le eterne verita della religione debbansi attuare nella presente eta, e come il beneficio del Cristianesimo si possa nie.^lio conservare e trasmettere alle presenti e future generazioni ? Egii e con si poco fondamento e con si poca giustizia che si temerebbe di veder attentare alia liberta delle deliberazioni del Concilio. Quanto poco coloro che cio pen- sano, conoscono i sentimenti del Papa, i sentimenti dei Vescovi e il modo di pro- cedere della Chiesa! Noi sappiamo nel modo piii certo che e volere formale e di- chiarato del Santo Padre di non mettere al- cun osbieolo alia liberta e alia duiata delle deliberazioni, e cib e nella natura stessa delle cose. Infatti in un Concilio della Chiesa i varii partiti non coinbattono ton tutte le arti dell' eloquenza per ottenere la vittoria ; i diversi membri dell' Assemblea non cer- cano di vincerla sui loro avversarii coll' acquisto di una maggioranza favorevole alle l<>ro opiuioni. A malgrado delle differenze di sentire, tutti sono antieipatamente d' ac- cordo sui principii della fede, e non ten- dono che ad uno seopo, che e la salute delle anime e il bene del Cristianesimo. Le dis- Document III] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 265 cussioni non hanno dunque pel oggetto di vincere un avversario o di far trionfare un interesse partioolare ; nou si disoate se non per fare risplendere la verita sotto ogui suo nsprtto e per nou decider nulla prima di awr riaolto tutte le difficolta e chiarito tutto ci6 che e oscuro. In cio die riguarda soprat- tutto le eterne verita delta fede, il Concilio non decider* nulla prima di aver esauriti tutti i mezzi della scienza e delle piu mature deliberazioni. E che direm noi a proposito degl' indegni sospetti che suppongono che i Vescovi potrebbero per considerazioni umane ri- nunciare uel Concilio alia ltbeita della pa- rola, che e uno dei loro obhlighi? Noi ricord aidoci del cornando del nostro Maes- tro non risponderenio con iugiurie a coloro che c' insultano, e ci contenteremo di dire semplieemente e lealmente : Quando i Ves- cnvi della Chiesa Cattolica saranno riuniti in Concilio Ecumenico, non dinunticheranno mai U piu santo dti loro doveri, il dovere di rendere testimonianza alia verita : si ram- menteranno di quelle parole dell' Apostolo : Chi viwl piacere agli uomini, non e servo di Cristo ; ricordandosi del conto che duvranno rendere quanto prima dinanzi al tribuuale di Dio, penseranno ch' essi non hanno altra regola da seguire che quella della loro coscienza. Nun abbiam creduto che fosse indegno di noi il difendere 1' Episcopate Cattolico e il Concilio Ecumenico contro questi tiisti sos- petti ; noi sappiamo che lo stesso Apostolo dei Gentili non ha disdeguato, nell' interesse dell' Apostoiico suo ministero e del suo amore per le auime e per la Cliiesa, di res- pingerne in tal m<>do le accuse piu insus- sistenti. Ma quaudo si giunge persino ad incrimi- Qare ed oltraggiare le iutenzioni del Santo Padre e la Santa Sede Apo^tolica stessa, dimenticando completamente il rispetto e 1' affetto che dobbiamo alia Chiesa ed al suo capo, quando lo si rappreseuta lui, che Cristo ha costituito pastore di tutti e di cui fece la pit tra sulla quale riposa tutta la Chiesa, come un partito e come lo struuiento d' un partito; quan.lo gli si attribuiscono progetti di dominazione ed ambiziosi, asso- lutainente come coloro che davanti Ponzio Pilato a'cusarono altre volte Cristo, il fon- datore della Chiesa, di essere un ribelle e di ammutinare il popolo, le parole ci man- cano per esprimere il nostro dolore nell' udire .siiuili discorsi, e per dichiararci contro lo s]iirito, da cui sono inspirati. Nulla e tanto contrario ed estraneo all' za della Chiesa Cattolica quanto lo spirito di partito. 11 divin Salvatorc ed i suoi Apostoli non hanno condannato nulla piii energicamente della scissione e della divisione in partiti, ed e precisamente per impedire ogni fatto di questo genere e con- Bervare 1' unita, degli animi mediante il legame della pace, che Cristo ha scelto fra tutti gli Apostoli uno solo per fare di lui il centro dell' unita ed il pastore supremo, sottoporre tutti all'autorita paterna di quel pastore ed unire a lui tutti i vescovi, preti e fe.leli del mondo intero col legame indisso- luble deli' obbedienza, fondata sulla fede e Bull' amore. £ vero che la Chiesa si compone di una immensa quantita di caratteri nazionali ed individual!. Essa abbraccia le associazioni, corporazioni e manifestazioni piu diverse della vita religiosa; essa fr'llera e protegge persino la varieta delle dottrine teoriche e pratiche ; ma non tollei a ed approva m d i partiti, ed essa stessa non e mai un partito. Per un cuore cattolico, finclie la sua fede ed il suo amore non sonooscuiati dalle passioni, e impossibile che sotto il rapporto religioso ed ecelesiastico sia mai penetrato dallo spirito di parte, poiche la sua fede lo induce a subordinare con umilta, amore e fiducia illimitata, il suo proprio giudizio e piu ancora i suoi iuteressi e le sue passioni alia Sede suprema, di cui Cristo c' impose di ascoltare gl' insegnamenti ed alia quale si applica eternameute la sua paiola : " Chi vi ascolta, mi aseolta." Al prossimo Concilio Ecumenico, questa Sede suprema ed infallibile della Chiesa parlera a tutti, o piuttosto sara Cristo ed il suo Spirito Santo, che parleranno mediante 1' organo di quella Sede, e tutti gli uomini di buona volonta, tutti coloro che amano Iddio, udiranno la voce di Cristo : " La voce della verita, della giustizia, della pace di Cristo." Come Pietro e i suoi Apostoli non avevano che una sola e stessa opinione al primo Con- cilio di Gerusalemme, e non parlavano che una sola lingua, cosi pure non vi saia oggidi che una sola opinione ed una sola lingua, sara rivelato a tutto il mondo che, come nella prima comunita cristiana, anche oggidi tutti gli aderenti della Chiesa Cattolica non hanno che un cuore ed un' anima sola. £ da questa funte dell' unita che deriva nella Chiesa tutto cio che v' ha di grande, di buono e di salutare; vi si riferiscono tutti i vantaggi del Cristianesimo e soltanto me- diante questa unita noi partecipiamo alia luce ed alia vita di Cristo. Percib Cristo nella sua preghiera dopo la Cena imploro dal suo Padre Celeste i benefizi di questa unita, poiche i benefizi di questa unita com- prendono tutti gli altri beni di salute, la -im THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document IV. fede, 1' amore, la foiza, la pace e tutte le benedizioni. All'opposto, dalla sdssione e dalla seccs- sione sono sorti i mali peggiori, da cui siano mai stati afflitti il Cristianesiino edil mondo, raentre che al contrario la salvezza dipende dalla conciliazione e dal ristabilimento dell' unita. Se, all' epoca nostra, come dobbiamo rico- noscerlo, grazie al Cielo, molti audi di pas- sati tempi nefasti furono guariti ; se la vita ecclesiastica e religiosa ha guadagnato forza, malgrado tutte le circostanze sfavorevoli, e se e stato fatto molto bene per la salute delle anime e la consolazione dei poveri e di co- loro che soffrono ; se il coraggio della fede e P amore per la Chiesa sono divenuti piu furti in tutti gli eeclesiastici ed i laici ; se in tutto 1' uni verso il regno di Dio cresce con novello vigore e porta frutti ; se anche tutti gli attacchi contro la Chiesa e tutt' i suoi pati- menti non si rivolgono che a suo vantaggio, noi non dubitiamo che cio non sia soprattutto il risultato di quell' arraonia intima e di quella unita di sentimento che, se si eccet- tuano alcune tristi ed insignificanti pertur- bazioni, regna in tutto il mondo cattolico. Non e vana iattanza, ma rendere omaggio ad una verita evidente dire che tutti i Vescovi del mondo cattolico sono uniti fra loro e colla Sede Apostolica nella piu perfetta unita, e che il clero ed il popolo sono pure d' accordo coi loro Vescovi ; e cosi che 1' unione piu cordiale esiste generalmente fra i varii servi della Chiesa e che i cattolici di tutte le na- zioni si sentono pure d' accordo ed uniti nella fede e nell' amore per la Chiesa ; le calamita e le burrasche dei tempi non fecero che con- solidare questa unita e specialmente 1' affet- tuosa cooperazione di tutte le nazioni a pro- teggere il Santo Padre, gravemente minac- ciato, ha stretto sempre piu. i legami di questa unita. Nello spirito di questa unita, come in- viati da Cristo, in noma di Cristo e per il Suo Cuore, noi consigliamo, preghiamo e scongiuriamo tutti e particolarmente i nostri fratolli nel sacerdozio e nel santo ministero dell' insegnamento, di mantenere e svilup- pare questa perfetta concordia, secondo la loro posizione, colle parole, gli scritti e l'esempio, facendo sparire completamente tutti i couflitti die potrebbero essere avvenuti precedentemente da una parte o dall' altra, ed astenendosi da tutto cio che potrebbe servire di alimento alia discordia e risvegliare le passioni umane. Fra brevo noi lasceremo per lungo tempo le nostre diocesi, ed i nostri cuori sono grandemente commossi, allorche pensiamo ai gravi pericoli dell' eta presente. In con- seguenza abbiamo deciso ed ordinate che siano indirizzate preghiere durante tre giorni al Sacro Cuore di Gesu, incomin- ciando dall' 8 dicembre di quest' anno in tutte le parrocchie delle nostre diocesi. Noi ci riserbiamo di piendere ulteriori dis- posizioni intorno a queste preghiere. La grazia e la pace di Gesu Cristo, 1* in— tercessione della Santissima Vergine e di tutti i Santi, sia e rimanga con voi tutti. Fatto a Fulda, il 6 settembre 1869. ►£< Paolo, Arc/'vescovo di Colonia. f£< Gregorio, Arciv. di Monaco e di Frisinga. \%i Enrico, Principe Vescovo di Bres- lavia. \%i G. Antonio, Vescovo di Wurzhorgo. >J< Cristoforo Fiorenzo, Vescoco di Fulda. \fc Gvglielmo Em., Vescovo di Ma- gonza. ffr Euoardo Giacomo, Vescovo J< Gio. Enrico, Vescovo d' Osnabruck e Provicario delle Missioni setten- trionali tedesche e danesi. ►£< Francesco Leopoldo, Vescovo di Eichstaedt. h£< IjOtario, Vescovo di Leuca in p. i. e Vic. cap. delV Arcidiocesi di Fri- burgo. ►£< Filippo, Vescovo di Ermeland. ^ Gio. Nepomuceno, Vescovo di Culm. tU Nicolo, Vescovo di Spira. ^ Carlo Giuseppe, Vescovo eletto di Bottenbourg. (Dalla Bivista Universale, ottobre 1869, fasc. 84, vol. x.) DOCUMENT IV. Lettera di Padre Giacinto. Au B. P. General des Carmes dechausses. Mon tres-rev. Pere, Depuis cinq anuees que dure mon minis- tere a Notre-Dame de Paris, et malgre les attaques ouvertes et les delations cach&fl dont j'ai ete' l'objet, votre estime et votM confiance ne m'ont pas fait uu seul instant defaut. J'eu conserve de nornbieux te'moi- Document IV.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 267 gnnges ecrits de votre main, ct qui s'adressent ii mes predications autant qu'a ma personne. Quoi qu'il arrive, j'en garderai un souvenir reconnaissant. Aujourd'hui copendant, par un brusque changement dont je ne cherche pas la cause duns votre cceur, mais dans les mene'es d'un parti tout-puissant a Rome, vous accusez ce que vous encouragiez, vous blamez ce que vous approuviez, et vous exigez que je parle un langage, ou que je garde un silence qui ne seraient plus l'entiere et loyale expres- sion de ma conscience. Je n'hesite pas un instant. Avec une parole fausse'e par un mot d'ordre ou mutile'e par des reticences je ne saurais remonter sur la chaire de Notre-Dame. J'en exprime mes regrets a l'intelligent et courageux archeveque qui me l'a ouverte, et m'y a maintenu contre le mauvais vouloir des homines dont je parlais tout-a-1'heure. J'en exprime mes regrets a l'imposant auditoire qui m'y environuait de son attention, de ses sympathies, j'allais presque dire de son amitie. Je ne serais digne de l'auditoirc, ni de l'e'veque, ni de ma conscience, ni de Dieu, si je pouvais consentir a jouer devant eux un pared role. Je m'e'loigne en meme temps du couvent que j'habite, et qui, dans les circonstances nouvelles qui me sont faites, se change pour moi en une prison de l'ame. En agissant ainsi je ne suis point infidele a mes vosux : i'ai promis l'obeissance monastique, mais dans les limites de l'honnetete de ma con- science, de la dignite' de ma personne et de mon ministere. Je l'ai promise sous le bene'fice de cette loi superieure de justice et de royale liberie qui est, selon l'apotre saint Jacques, la loi propre du chretien. C'est la pratique la plus parfaite de cette liberte sainte que je suis veuu demander au cloitre, voici plus de dix annees, dans l'elan d'un enthou?iasine pur de tout calcul hu- main, je n'ose pas ajouter degage de toute illusion de jeunesse. Si en echange de mes sacrifices on m'offre aujouraisi. N'est-il plus de bourne a Galaad? 268 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document V. et n'y a-t-il plus la de medecin ? Pourquoi done n'est-elle pas ferme'e la blessure de la title de mon peuple ?" (JeWmie, viii.) Et enfin j'en appelle a votre tribunal, 6 Seigneur Jesus, Ad tuum Domine Jesu tri- bunal appello. C'est en votre presence que j'ecris ees lignes; c'est a vos pi< ds, apres avoir beancoup prie, b< aucoup refleclii, beau- coup soufFert. beaucoup attendu ; c'est a vos pieds que je les signe. J'en ai la con fiance: si les hommes les condamnent sur la terre, vou-* les approuverez dans le ciel. Cela me suffit pour vivre et pour mourir. Paris-Passy, le 20 septembre 1869. Fb. Hyacinthe, Superieur des Cannes dechausses dt> Paris, denxieme de'finiu-ur de l'Ordre dans la province U' Avignon. (Dai Giornali contemporanei, come dall' Italie, n° 23, sett. 1869.) DOCUMENT V. Lettre Pastorale de Monseigneur l'Ar- cheveque de paris sur le prochain CONCILE. Georges Darboy, par la grace de Dieu et lautorite du Saint-Siege apostolique, arche- veque de Paris, grand aumonier de l'Em- pereur. Au clerge et aux fideles de notre diocese, salut et benediction en Notre - Seigneur Jesus-Christ. Nos tres-chers Freres, II y a deux ans, le Souverain Pontife a manifeste aux eveques i eunis a Kome autour de lui le vif desir de convoquer, aussitot qu*il le pourrait, un Coneile general pour rechercher avec eux les rernedes ne'ees- saires aux maux presents de l'Eglise. Quelqnes mois apres, il a publie la bulle d'indiction qui fixe 1'ouverture du Coneile au 8 decembre prochain, et un peu plus tard il a demande a tous les fideles, en leur ac- cordant une indulgence pleniere en forme de jubile', d'appeler par leurs supplications les lumieres et les graci s de Dieu sur les travaux de cette grande assemble'e. Ainsi le moment approche on les eveques du monde catho- lique vont repondre a l'appel du Saint-Pere, et oil vous-memes, nos tres-chers freres, devrez vous meler a leur ceuvre par vos prieres et vos actes de piete. II importe done de vous exposer, au moins brievement, ce qui va s'accomplir, et les motifs que vous avez d'y prendre un religieux interet. Ce qui rend plausible et moralemeut neeessaire aujourd'hui la tenue d'un Coneile, | c'est l'e'tat ge'ne'ral du monile ; ce qui l'au- ] torise, c'est la constitution meme, le droit et 1 le devoir de l'Eglise, divinement etablie pour veiller au salut des ames ; ce qui per- met d'y rattacher de solides et consolantes esperances, c'est avec les dispositions de l'episcopat la benediction d'en haut et l'as- sistance promise. du Saint-Esprit. L'etat general du monde est tel qu'il preoccupe les moralist es et les p litiques autant que les hommes de religion. Est-ce a dire que notre ^eide, eonsidere dans l'en- semble de ses actes, soit plus mauvais que les siecles ante'rieurs, qu'il souffre de choses que le passe n'aurait pas connues et qu'il se presente avec une plus grande somme d'ignorances et de perversites ? Nous ne pouvons pas l'admettre : les erreurs et les crimes sont de toutes les epoques ; le libre arbitre irs non plus ; des lors le respect n'a lieu a faire dans le monde, la force seule y regne, et tout est en proie a tons. Ce n'est done pas seulement la religion qui est en CSUse, e'est anssi l'ordre public et la tran- quillite' des Etats: les sophistes sement le vent, et les nations moissonnent la tem- pete. Telle est la situation morale de notre e"poque. Du reste, le Saint-Pere, en y cherchant un remede, l'a de'erite dans les termes suivants : " Depuis longtemps, dit-il, tout le monde sait et constate quelle hor- rible tempete subit aujourd'hui l'Eglise, et de quels maux immenses souffre elle-meme la societe civile. L'Eglise catholique et s-a doctrine salutaire, sa puissance ve'nerable et la supreme autorite de ce Sie'ge apostolique, sont attaquees et foulees aux pieds par des ennemis acharnes de Dieu et des hommes ; toutes les choses sacrees sont voue'es au me'pris, et les biens ecclesiastiques dila- pide's ; les pontifes, les hommes les plus ve'ne'rables consacre's au divin ministere, les personnages eminents par leurs sentiments catholiques sont tourmentes de toutes manieres ; on aneantit les communautes religieuses ; des livres impies de toute espece et des journaux pestilentiels sont repandus de toutes parts ; les sectes les plus pernicieuses se multiplient partout et sous toutes les formes : l'enseignement de la malheureuse jeunesse est presque partout retire' au clerge, et ce qui est encore pire, confie en beaucoup de lieux a des maitres d'erreur et d'iuiquite'. Par suite de tous ces faits, pour notre de'solation et la desola- tion de tous les gens de bien, pour la perte des ames, qu'on ne pourra jamais assez pleurer, l'impie'te, la corruption des mceurs, la licence sans frein, la contagion des opinions perverses de tout genre, de tous les vices et de tous les crimes, la violation des lois divines et humaines, se sont par- tout propage'es, a ce point que, non-seule- ment notre tres-sainte religion, mais encore la societe' humaine sont miserablement dans le trouble et la confusion." Cette peinture est triste, et de tels maux out besoin d'etre combattus avec zele et vigueur. Non pas qu'il faille se natter d'en avoir entierement raison, quelque etfort qu'on fasse; mais il est possible d'en arreter le de'veloppement et d'en limiter les funestes consequences ; d'ailleurs le role des j ustes dans cette vie de luttes et d'e'preuves, e'est de veuir en aide a la vertu. Or, tel est pre- cise'ment le droit et le devoir de l'Eglise. Elle est institue'e de Dieu pour eclairer, diriger et soutenir les ames par la predication de la verite, par ses regies de discipline et par l'efficacite des sacrements. Cette mis- sion de salut, Jesus-Christ la confiee aux apotres et aux eveques leurs successeurs ; ils la rempliasent depuis dix-huit siecles, veillant sur tout le troupeau ou le Saint- Esprit les a place's pour gouverner l'Eglise de Dieu, sous la commune houlette du Souverain Poutife, successeur de Pierre, charge' de paitro les agneaux et les brebis. En consequence, l'objct de leur travail est de se maintenir et de maintenir 1< s fideles dans 1'unite, qui a pour signe public et permanent la communion avec le Pape, divinement invt sti d'une pri- maute d'honneur et de juridiction s'e'tendant a toute l'Eglise. L'oeuvre s'accomplit dans ces conditions ; que les eveques soient disperse's ou reuuis, ils instruisent et gouvernent avec autorite' et succes. Les deliberations generales, les re'- solutions concertees ne sont done pas absolu- ment necessaires dans l'Eglise ; mais elles y ont toujours paru d'une force considerable et d'une grande efficacite. On n'a rien tiouve de meilleur que cette union des conseils et des sollicitudes pour faciliter la definition des dogmes de foi, pour refuter et dis-iper les erreurs les plus repandues, pour mettre en lumiere et developper la doctrine reli- gieuse, pour maintenir et relever la discipline ecclesiastique, pour corriger et perfectionuer les mceurs. On n'a rien trouve de meilleur non plus pour engager les Chretiens a rece- voir avec promptitude et respect les decisions doctrinales et disciplinaires de l'Eglise, for- mulees et de'ere'tecs par les eveques du monde entier qui ne prononcent qu'en tenant compte tout a la fois de la revelation dout ils sont les gardiens, etdes sentiments, des habitudes et des besoins de leurs dioceses, dont ils sont les pasteurs et les guides. Aussi le Saint-Pere declare-t-il opportune la reunion d'un Concile, oil tous les eveques du monde catholique seront appcles a s'en- tendre sur le caractere et la portee des maux 270 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [DOCUMKNT actuels, et sur les remedes qu'il est expedient de leur appliqui r. " Le Concile cecumenique, dit la Bulle d'indiction, devra done examiner avec le plus grand soin et determiner ce qu'il convient de fairc. en oes temps si ealamiteux, pour la plus grande gloire de Dieu, pour l'inte'grite' de la foi, i>our la splendeur du culte, pour le salut eternel des hommes, pour la discipline et la solitle instruction du clerge regulier et seculier, pour l'observation des lois eccle'siastiques, pour la reforme des moeurs, pour l'education chretienne de la jeunesse, pour la paix ge'ne'rale et la Concorde universelle. II nous faudra travailler aussi de toutes les forces de notre esprit, et avec l'aide de Dieu, a delivrer de tout mal l'Eglise et la societe civile, a ramener dans la voie de la verite, de la justice et du salut les mal- heureux qui s'egarent. Enfin nous devons re'primer tout vice et repousser toute erreur, afiu que notre auguste religion et sa doctrine salutaire reprennent partout une vigueur nouvelle, qu'elles se propagent de jour en jour, qu'elles reconquierent leur legitime empire, et qu'ainsi la pie'te, l'bonnetete', la probite, la justice, la charite et toutes les vertus refleurissent pour le salut du monde. Non-seulement, en effet, la puissante in- fluence de l'Eglise et de sa doctrine a pour objet direct le salut eternel des hommes, maifl aussi, et personne ne le niera, le bon- heur temporel des peuples, leur veritable prospe'rite', le maintien de la paix et de l'ordre, le progres meme et la solidite' des sciences humaines : les f aits les plus eclatants de l'histoire ne le prouvent-ils pas constam- ment, et de la maniere la plus e'vidente ?" Tel est done, ainsi qn'on le voit par les paroles du Saint-Pere, tel est l'objet general dont s'occupera l'assemblee des e'veques. Naturellement il se decompose en divers points qui deviondront a leur tour l'objet de decisions spe'ciales, et donneront lieu sans doute a des mesures particulieres. Mais cela ne peut se faire sans qu'on agisse par la meme sur vos opinions et vos doctrines pour les fixer et peut etre les corriger, et sur certains details de votre conduite privee ou sociale pour y apporter quelque heureuse modification. Cette perspective ne vous a pas toujours ete presentee d'une maniere satisfaisante, et plusieurs semblent avoir pris a tache de vous inquieter a ce sujet. lis vous out dit, par exemple, qu'on impose rait a votre foi catholique des articles que jusqu'ici vous n'etiez pas tenus de croire; que des questions interessant la societe civile et les relations de l'Eglise et de l'Etat seraient traitees et decidees dans un esprit d'opposition aux lois et aux moeurs politiques du temps present; qu'on enleverait certain vote par acclamation, qu'ainsi les e'veques seraient pas libres, et que la minorite, fut elle eloquente, serait traitee commo parti d'opposition qu'e'toufferait bientot majorite. Mais rassurez-vous, nos tres-cbers freres Ces plaintes, au moins prematureVs, ne peuvent prendre leur source que dans une connaissance imparfaite des choses, et ic.s menaces offensantes viennent assuremen d'hommesplus hardis qu'autorises. L'Eglise n'est pas une ecole de desordre et de vio- lence ; les eveques, ses representants et ses interpretes au concile, ne voudront pas se departir du plus religieux respect pour la verite' et des plus grands e'gards pour les personnes, et ils ti aiteront leurs droits comme ceux des autres avec une conscience re- flechie et avec un profond sentiment de justice. D'abord, en ce qui touche les de'finitions nouvelles, si le Concile cecumeuique ordoune de croire explicitement des choses qu'oi pouvait nier jusqu'ici sans etre be're'tique, e'est que ces choses seraient deja certainefl et geueralement admises ; car en ces matieres les e'veques sont des te'moins qui constatent, et non pas des auteurs qui inventent. Pour qu'une verite devienne article de foi, il faut qu'elle ait e'te re'velee de Dieu et qu'elle soit contenue dans le de'pot que les siccles chre'tiens gardent fidelement et se trans- mettent l'un a l'autre sans alte'ration. Or, on n'en saurait douter, cinq ou six cents eveques n'attesteront pas, a la face de l'uni- vers, avoir trouve' dans les croynnces de leur Eglise respective ce qui n'y est pas. Si done ils proposent, en concile, des ve'ritea a croire, e'est qu'elles existent deja dans les monu- ments de la tradition et dans le commas enseignement de la theologie, et qu'ainsi elles ne sont pas une nouveaute. II y a plus : les e'veques auraient 10911 des siecles anterieurs, par voie de tradition, cer- taines ve'rite's considerables, qu'ils ne s'em- presseraient pas pour cela de les declarer articles de foi. Le pouvoir de l'enseignement ne leur a pas ete' donne pour la destruction, mais pour l'e'dification. Avant done d'ajouter aux obligations du peuple cbre'tien et d'ac- croitre peut-etre les obstacles qui s'opiiostnt au retour de nos freres dissidents, ils vou- draient examiner serieusement les disposi- tions ge'ne'rales du monde et recbercher si ces nouvelles definitions de foi sont oppor- tunes et vraiment re'clamees par l'etat des esprits. C'est de la sorte que nos aine's ont procede', comme le te'moigne l'Listoire del Conciles, et c'est de la sorte aussi que pro- ce'dera la procbaine assemble'e des e'vequts. Si done elle ordonne, sous peine d'anatheme, Document V.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 271 dc oroire desormais quelque ve'rite' qui jusqu'a present n'etait pas de foi catholique, c'est que cette ve'rite se trouverait de'ja dans la tradition legue'e par vos ancetres, et qu'ellc aerait d'ailleurs jugee utile au progres du sentiment religieux et au triomphe de l'Eglise. Dans ces conditions, de'libe'res en concile par le Pape et les eveques, des dec-rets comme ceux que redoutent plusieurs per- sonnel, n'auraient rien d'abusif ni de pe- rilleux; ils seraient au contraire l'exercice regulier d'un droit et ne pourraient qu'avoir en definitive du salutaires efFets. II n'est pas loisible de penser autrement a qui veut rester catholique. Ensuite, quant aux questions qui interes- sent plus directement la socie'te civile et Its rapports de l'Eglise et de l'Etat, quelques- uns d'entre vous craignent qu'on ne les decide dans un sens oppose aux lois et aux nioeurs politiques de l'Europe, et qu'on ne cre'e ainsi entre les devoirs du fidele et du citoyen un antagonisine violent et doulou- reux. II faut le reconnaitre, bon nombre d'e'erivains, quoique places a des points de vue contraiies, se sont accordes pour e'veiller ces alarmes et out tout fait pour les nourrir et les re'pandre. Mais peut-etre n'y a-t-il la que des malentendus ; en ce cas, des ex- plications plus completes connne le concile peut en fournir re'ussiront a les faire cesser. Au fond, que peuvent vouloir les eveques (assembles a Rome de toutes les parties du monde, sinon servir la cause de l'Eglise et de la socie'te"? Quelle est leur doctrine sur les matieres dont il s'agit ? En ce qui vous concerne, par exemple, ils diraient sans doute que vous etes une nation baptisee et qu'ainsi vous appartenez a Je"sus-Christ, que par consequent vos lois et vos mceurs doivent etre chretiennes, et, comme elles ne le sont pas assez, qu'il y a done lieu de les corriger, en les rendant plus conformes a l'Evangile, et par la meme plus en rapport avec V03 veritables interets du temps et de l'eternite. Partant de ces principes et de ces faits, ils ajouteraient probablement que la liberte' de la presse, telle que vous l'avez faite, est un element de dissolution univer- sale et qu'il imp^rte de la contenir dans de plus justes bornes : que la liberte des cultes, etant souvent prise pour le droit legal d outrager tous les cultes et de n'en professer aucun, doit etre autrement entendue et pratiquee ; que la morale n'est pas un vain mot, qu'il n'y en a pas deux, l'une privee et l'autre publique, mais une seule, laquelle nous oblige tous, individua et nations ; qu'enfin le nombre et la force ne suffisent pas a tout justifier, et qu'ainsi tous encore, princes et peuples, ont besoin d'avoir raison pour valider leurs actes. Ce sont la certaine- ment des verites que vous n'ignorez pas, et que de'ja nous vous avons dites et repetees, sans vous blesser ni vous nuire. Mais cette fois, elles vous seront expliquees par le con- cile avec plus d'autorite et de vigueur, et sans doute aussi avec plus de precision. Qu'avez-vous done a y perdre, puisque vous saurez mieux deschoses dont la connaissance est pour vous uu devoir et un interet de premier ordre ? Mais, dites-vous, en appliquant ces prin- cipes aux de'tails de notre vie privee et sociale, on nous placera sous l'inspiration et la tutello du clerge', et la theocratic est au bout d'une telle entreprise. Soyez sans peur, nos tres-chers freres : vous ne mourrez pas de cette maladie; vous n'en etes pas atteints, et vous avez tout ce qu'il faut pour la prevenir. Bien des anne'es s'ecouleront avant que les soixante journaux que Paris voit eclore chaque matin, et les douze mille volumes qu'il publie par an, acceptent la censure eccle'siastique, et qu'ainsi la liberte de la presse vous soit ravie par vos arche- veques ; peut-etre pen serez- vous qu'il ne faut pas se donuer le tort de craindre un pe'ril aussi loin tain. II en estde meme pour la liberte des cultes : vous n'attendez pas de nous sans doute que nous les mettions tous sur un rang d'egalite', puisque nous tenons l'un d'eux pour le meilleur et le seul vrai. Or, telle etant notre conviction et notre foi au sujet du catholicisme, vous ne pouvez que nous trouver logiques, si nous vous pressons avec instance d'y adherer et de vous y maintenir fidelement. Est-ce done a dire que nous allons combattre materielle- ment les aiitres cultes, en provoquant contre eux des mesures severes et des decrets dYx- pulsion ? En verite, vous ne le croyez pas : nous sommes assez de ce siecle pour no pas reclamer de telles choses, et vous en etes trop pour les faire. Apres comme avant lo Concile, a cote des catholiques il y aura des dissidents, on peut le prevoir. Ainsi tout ce que vous nommez vos conquetes vous restera. Loin done d'apprehender que le concile ne tranche violemment toutes ces questions delicates et ne regie tous ces details epineux, plusieurs craignent au con- traire qu'il ne trouve pas le moyen de vous aider eflicacement a rend re sage la liberte de la presse et a re'tablir en Europe l'unite si desirable des croyances religieuses. Est-il besoin d'ajouter qu'en rappelant la regie et l'ideal, les eveques ne fermeront pas les yeux sur le cote positif et les exi- gences de la vie reelle, et qu'en traitant des sujets qui toucheraient a la politique, ils n'oublieront pas ce qu'ils doivent a leur 272 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document Vl pays ? Nous n avons donne a personne le droit de suspecter notre patriotisme ; la re- ligion, la voix du sang, 1'inteiet meme, tout nous commande la sympathie et le devoue- rnent pour nos concitoyens, et tout nous engage a servir, dans la mesure de nos forces, leurs dcstinees teiTestres. C'est un comrnun drapeau qui nous couvre, une com- mune loi qui nous protege ; nous vivons de la meme vie et voulons etre avec vous dans toutes les vicissitudes, a la peine encore plus qu'a la fortune. L'independance et la gran- deur de la nation nous sont aussi clieres qu'a vous: la France, cest le sol que nos a'ieux ont habite et qui garde leurs ossements avec leur souvenir et leur histoire ; c'est le coin de terre que vous honorez de vos travaux et de vos vertus, et oil coulent, chaque jour, vos sueurs et vos larmes. Notre coeur y tient par toutes ses fibres. Le sentiment religieux nous y attache aussi, soit parce que Dieu meme inspire aux hommes l'amour du sol natal et met le patriotisme au nombre de nos obligations, en nous prescrivant d'aimer nos semblables et surtout ceux qui nous sont plus proches, soit parce que nous trouvons dans notre pays une grande facilite' pour pratiquer la religion et remplir les devoirs que la conscience nous impose. S'il est certains points oil nous voudrions exprimer des regrets et des vceux, ce pent etre l'objet de demandes et d'explications que vous ne refuserez pas d' entendre. Du reste, nous ne l'ignorons pas plus que vous, dans le milieu complexe et tourmente oil nous vivons, tout est matiere ou pretexte a des re'clamations contradictoires et a des pretentions rivales, et nulle solution n'est entierement satisfaisante ou durable. Aussi croyons-nous que, dans les affaires reli- gieuses, il faut maintt nir, malgie les imper- fections qu'on y peut voir, les rapports de l'Eglise et de l'Etat tels que le concordat les a determines. Sans doute une mutuelle con- descendance ne tranche pas les difficultes ; elle les assoupit, mais les laisse vivre, et Ton peut dire aiusi que la moderation meme a ses desavantages ; mais il n'est pas expedient non plus de tout surmener avec l'impuissant dessein de tout refaire, car l'aprete' du zele aigrit les esprits et la violence ne finit rien. Ce qui est done possible et plausible, c'est de b'en tenir a de sages transactions qui garantissent suffisamment tous les interests et tous les droits essentiels, et c'est la que tend le patriotisme des eveques. lis sont disposes, autant que les hommes politiques peuvent l'etre d'autre part, a ne point obeir a des ardeurs intemperantes, mais a mesurer leur action sur les circonstances et a faire prevaloir, dans le leglement des questions mixtes, ces temperaments qui sont la con- dition de la marche correcte et prospere des choses humaines. Enfin, nos tres-chers freres, ce qu'..n a dil de l'entrainement avec lequel certain dogme serait vote d'acclamation par la major it e des e'veques, etouffant ainsi la liberte de leurs collegues dont la conscience ne ^e trouverait pas tout de suite penetree des meines lumieres irresistibles, merite a peine qu'on s'y anete pour le re'futer. Le bon sens et l'histoire protestent contre ces insinuations nial venui s et vaines. Si, pour les plus graves motifs, ' l'Eglise juge qu'il faut vous imposer, sous peine de damnation eternelle, 1' obligation de croire a 1'avenir ce qu'elle ne vous avait pas demande de croire jusqu'a present, elle ne le fera point de maniere a deconside'rer son acte, en le depouillant des conditions qui peuvent le recommander a vos yeux. Elle n'edictera pas d'enthousiasme une peine aussi terrible que celle de Panatheme, et cinq ou six cents eveques, reunis pour de'li- berer sur des inte'rets si graves, ne s'empor- teront pas a les decider de haute lutte, en dedaignant d'ecouter et de calmer, s'il y en a, des scrupules respectables et presents avec modestie. Est-ce que l'Eglise a jamais manie les ames avec ce sans i'a con, et com- mencera-t-elle demain ? Dans le concile de Jerusalem, qui fut le premier des Conciles et leur servit de modem on a delibe're, quoique tous les membres de cette auguste assemblee fussent persm- nellement infaillibles, et tous ont pu dire leur avis, meme apres l'avis du plus autoiise. Un Concile cecumenique s'est tenu trois siecles plus tard, ou il s'agissait de de'tinir et de formuler la foi de l'Eglise touch tnt la consubstantialite du Verbe, en d'autrea ter- mes d'affirmer la divinite de Jesus-Clni.st, le dogme fondamental du christianisme. un dogme pour lequel etaient morts pln«ieurs millions de martyrs, un dogme qui avait renverse les religions anciennes et fait la eonquete du monde, malgre les le'gions romaines et les lois de l'empire. Cert jamais dogme devait echapper a toute deli- beration, e'e'tait celui-la; s'il y avait une erreur eclatante et absurde, au point de vue du christianisme, e'etait celle d'Arius, et pourtant on delibera dans le Concile de Nicee; on entendit les raisons des contra- dicteurs, si infirmes qu elles fussent ; on ne vota point par acclamation. Ce piece'dent, pour ne parler que de celui-la, nos tres-chers freres, doit vous rassurer : on ne sera pas moins libre a Home aujourd'hui qu'on ne l'etait a Nicee il y a quinze siecles, et le prochain concile ne fletrira pas son ceuvre < n supprimant la discussion. Document VI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 273 Vous le voyez done, il n'y a rien de 6erieux ni de fonde dans les alarines que vous auraient fait concevoir, au sujet du concile, les paroles de quelques personnes prevenues ou ^implement irre'fie'ehies et mala- droites. Le but de cette assemblee est eleve et d'une supreme importance ; ses tra- vaux seront conduits avec une ,-agesse dont la presidency du Saint-Pere est la garantie ; Its e'veques y porteront un e'gal souci de leur dignite', de vos interets et de vos droits. Pour vous, aidez-les par la priere et les bonnes ceuvres ; et, afin qu'elles soient plus ine'ritoires et plus efficaces, prufitez tie la gi ace que le Souveiain Pontife accorde sous l;i forme d'une indulgence ple'niere. Selon l'invitation qu'il adresse au monde entier, pre'parez-vous par de pieux exercices au jubile' qui va s'ouvrir ; et, en ce qui vous conctrne, ramenez dans l'Eglise et faites-y regner la purete des mceurs antiques, la sinceiite' et l'energie de la foi, la pratique genereuse de la charite. Permettez qu'en nous eloignant de VOU3 pour quelque temps, nous sollicitions le secours de vos prieres fraternelles, afin que Dieu soit avec nous dans nos travaux et qu'il be'nisse le retour comme le de'part. De notre cote', nous ne manquerons pas de poiter votre souvenir devant lui, dans les sanctuaircs privile'gie's de Rome, et d'assurer de nouveau le Saint-Pere de votre religieux et filial devouement. (Seguono gli articoli riguardanti il Giubileo chej)mettiamo.) Donne a Paris, sous notre seing, le sceau de nos armes et le contre-seing du secre'taire ge'ne'ral de notre Archevecl.e, le 28 octobre 18G9. t£ GEORGES, Archeveque de Paris, Grand Aumonier de l'Empereur. Par Mandtment de Monseigneur l'Archeve'iue : E. Petit, Ch. Jion. Seer. gen. DOCUMENT VI. Lettre de Monseigneur l'Eveque d'Or- LEANS AU ClERGE DE SON DlOCESE. Messieurs, En m'adressant vos adieux et vos vooux, avant mon de'part pour Rome, vous m'avez dit les inquie'tudes et le trouble que repandent autour de vous, parmi les fideles, les violentes polemiques soulevees dans les journaux relativement au futur Concile, et en particulier touchant la definition de l'in- i'aillibilite' du Pape. Ces inquietudes, je les ai comprises. II s'agit ici du Saint-Pere et de ses pri- vileges, e'est-a-dire de ce qui parle le plus au coeur catbolique. II est naturel a la piete filiale de vouloir orner un pere de tous les dons, de toutes les pre'rogatives ; et com- bien il est pe'nible a des fils d'eutendre dis- cuter, la oil il leur serait doux, au contraire, de voir acclamer ce qu'ils considerent comme l'honneur et la gloire de leur pere. Des polemiques sur l'infaillibilife du Sou- verain-Pontife devaient done inevitablement susciter dans les ames ces deux sentiments, tous deux respectables. Mais, si douces et si cl.eres que soient les suggestions de l'amour filial, il y a, Mes- sieurs, vous le sentez, dans une question aussi delicate que la proclamation d'un dogme, autre chose a considerer et a ecouter que les elans du sentiment. II y a les raisons pour et contre, qui ont pu, dans une question non definie, partager de grands esprits: il y a de plus les inteiets meme du Pere vene're et cheri qu'on voudrait exalter, et qu'on pourrait compromettre : il y a s-ur- tout les inteiets de l'Eglise, qui sont avant tout les siens : il y a enfin Pinteret sacre des ames, l'etat des esprits contemporains, dont il faut bien aussi tenir compte : il y a, en un mot, a cote des avantages qu'on croirait voir, les inconve'nients, qu'il eonvient de peser inurement et gravement. Voila, Messieurs, ce qui ne doit pas s'oublier, si on ne veut point s'exposer, malgre les meilleures inten- tions, a meler, sans le vouloir, la querelle a l'amour, et faire dune question de theologie une question d'enthousiasme ou de colere. A Dieu ne plaise, Messieurs, que je veuille contrister un seul de mes ve'nerables Fieres dans l'Episcopat ! S'il n'y avait que des Evequis qui eussent exprime ici leurs pen- sees dapres les inspirations de leur eon- scence, j'aurais garde le silence, et e'eoute avec respect dts discussions respectueuses, sans contredire, ni leurs doctrines pour ou contre la question, ni leurs vues pour ou contre l'opportunite'. Sans vouloir juger ici aucune contluite, telle eut ete' la mienne. Et si, plus tard, au Concile, j avals ete' appele a me prononcer entre eux, je l'aurais fait, pour ma part, dans la simplicite' de ma conscience, dans la verite' et la charite de mon ame. Mais il n'en a pas ete ainsi, il s'en faut ; et la question, jetee d'une tout autre maniere dans le public, a produit dans les ames les inquietudes que vous m'avez expose'es, et sur lesquelles, ainsi que je vous l'ai promis, je 274 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document VI. me fais un devoir de vous dire maintenant ma pen see. Mais, auparavant, je dois rappeler ce qui s'est dit, ce qui s'est fait jusqu'ici, et oil la question en est a ce moment. I. Ce que je commencerai par vous faire remarquer, Messieurs, c'est qu'une telle ques- tion regardait le Coneile, et aurait du n'etre traitee que par lui. Malheureusement, des journalistes intem- perants n'ont pas reserve' ce soin a la future Assomblee de l'Eglise. Forcant les portes du Coneile, avant meme et longtemps avant qu'il put etre reuni, ils se sont hates d'ouvrir le debat sur un des sujets theologiques les plus delicats, et d'annoncer a l'avance en quel sens le Coneile deciderait et devait decider. C'etait un effort pour creer dans l'opinion un courant favorable a leurs desirs, et pour peser, de tout le poids de cette opinion pre- jujclicielle, sur les Eveques assemble's. Dois-je aller jusqu'a mentionner ici les pieuses industries qui ont ete imaginees dans le meme but? On a ete jusqu'a distribuer dans les rues, je l'ai vu, il y a deux ans, et on n'a pas cesse fie le faire depuis, des mil- liers de petites feuilles imprime'es, contenant le voeu de croire a l'infaillibilite personnelle et separee du Pape. On les faisait signer a de bons fideles, dunt beaucoup, assure'ment, n'etaient guere theologiens, et n'entendaient certes pas le premier mot de la question. 1 Deux journaux surtout, la Cicilta Caitolica et P Univers, ont pris ici la plus etonnante des initiatives. Tandis que le Saint-Pere imposait un prudent et rigoureux silence aux Consulteurs des Congregations romaines charges des travaux preparatoires au Con- eile, ils n'ont pas craint de livrer au public les questions qui, selon eux, doivent etre agitees et re'solues par la future Assemblee. lis ont annonce, en particulier, que la ques- tion de l'infaillibilite personnelle du Pape y serait detune : bien plus, qu'elle serait de- finie par acclamation. Cette delicate question ayant ete ainsi soulevee, et jetee dans la rue et dans la presse, un pi elat beige, mon saint ami, Mgr Dechamps, recemment nomine Archeveque de Malinc s, a publie un ecrit special sous ce litre : Est-il opportun de de'Jim'r, dans le pro- chain Coneile, l'infaillibilite du Pape f et il a repondu affinnativement. Deja, dans un premier e'er it, le nouvel archeveque de West- minster, le pieux et eloquent Mgr Manning, avait traite la meme question, au meme 1 II y a certaines villes, oil des laics out pris l'initia- tive vis-si- vis de leurs cures, et sont alles leur demander de signer, soit le vceu de croire a l'infaillibilite, soit des petitions sur ce styet pour le Coneile. point de vue, et en a traite depuis, plu expresse'ment encore, dans une seconde lettr a se8 diocesains. Les journaux anglais, ca tholiques et protestants, ont pris une par active a la controverse. D'un autre cote' les Eveques allemanc reunis a Fulda, le Memorial oiplomatiqv, Pannoncait il y a quelques jours, outr cette Lettre si pleine de mesure, d'ele'vation et de gravite, que toute PEurope a admiree, ont adresse au Souverain-Pontife, mai3 sans le livrer a Pavide puldicite des journaux, un Memoire, pour lui dtmanderde ne |».rmettre pas que la question de son infaillil »ilite per- sonnelle fut posee au procl.ain Coneile. Les choses en e'taient la, quand la con- troverse s'est reveille'e en France entre plusieurs de nos vene're's Collegnes. Mallieu- reusement les journaux s'en sont imme'diate- ment empare's avec une ardeur extreme : la prompte et vive simultaneite des attaquea a emu le public ; une certaine presse, sous les yeux de laquelle s'agitait ce debat, s'en est tiistement e'gayee, et dis publicistes connus se sont moque's de ce qu'ils appelaii.nt la guerre saiute. Enfin, d'autres ecrivains, laiques ou eccle- siastiques, en F'rance, en Angletcrre et en Allemagne, suivant l'exemple qui leur avait ete donne, ont rompu le silence et expriml k leur tour leurs opinions et leurs craintes. II etait difficile, devant ce spectacle, de ne pas se dire : si la question se traite deja de la sorte devant le public, que sera-ce, si elle vient a etre introduite au Coneile ? Et il e'tait impossible de ne pas sentir, une fois de plus, le tort grave des journalistes qui, les premiers, ont souleve, avec une supreme indiscre'tion, une question de cette nature. La question, en effet, est ties-grave. Car il s'agirait de proclamer un dogme nouveau, le dogme de l'infaillibilite personnelle et separe'e du Pape. Nous disons dogme nouveau, non pas en ce sens, vous le comprenez, Messieurs, qu'un dngme serait cree par le Coneile : l'Eglise ne cre'e pas les dogmes, elle les de'clare ; et il ne faut pas ici d'equivoque. Je dis dogme nouveau en ce sens que jamais, depuis dix- huit siecles, les fideles ne furent tonus, nous peine de cesser d'etre catholiques, a croire ainsi. II s'agirait done d'obliger de'sormais tous les catholiques a croire, sous peine d'ana- ti.eme. que le Pape est infaillible, meme, je me sers des propres expressions de Mgr PArcheveque de Westminster, quand il pro- nonce seul, " EN DEHORS DU CORPS EPISCOPAL, beuni ou disperse;" et qu'il pent definir les dogmes seul, "separement, independasi- Document VI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 275 sient r>E l'episcopat;" 1 sans aucun concours axpres on tacite, antecedent ou subsequent, des Eveques. Or ce n'est pas la, on le voit, un dogine spe'culatif : o'est une prerogative qui aurait, dans la re'alite' pratique, les plus serieusis oonse'quences. Telle est la question que nous voyons cliaque matin traite'e et tranchee, par un journalisme te'me'raire, avec la plus e'trange liber to. Plusicurs du reste la traitent de telle sorte, qu'a leurs yeux il n'y a la aucune difficulte'. II sufht pour cela, dit l'un d'eux, de savoir son Cate'cbisme. Bossuet, apparem- nient, ne le savait pas; ni Fenelon, qui en- tendait l'infaillibilite' autrement que Bellar- min, qui ne s'accorde pas de tout point ici avcc d'autres the'olo^iens roniains. A en- tendre ces journalistcs, la proclamation du dogine de l'infaillibilite' du Pape est si neces- saire, si facile, et si certaine, que le Concile n'aura meme pas a examiner ; et douter un instant de sa decision, ce serait lui faire injure : ce serait aussi se montrer suspect, a tout le moins, d'un bien tiede de'vouement pour l'Eglise et pour le Pape. C'est ce qu'ils disent, et avec de tels outrages pour ceux qui ne pensent pas comme eux, qu'en ve'rite' il n'y a plus de limites, et le de'bat s'envenime etrange- ment. Cependant tout le monde ignore absolu- ment ce que jugera bon de faire ou de ne pas faire sur ce point le Concile, qui n'existe pas encore. Mais en attendant, Messieurs, ces exces de la controverse troublent les fideh s, et les jettent dans la situation evidemment dan- gereuse que vous m'avez dite. Car, si le Concile vient a juger convenable de ne pas suivre la ligne qu'on lui trace si imperative- ment, ne paraitra-t-il pas a plusieurs avoir manque a son devoir? On affirme, et avec raison, que les Eveques auront au Concile une pleine et entiere liberte, Mais vrai- mcnt quelle liberte leur laissent, des a present, de telles discussions, menees de cette facnn par le journalisme ? A la maniere dont ils poursuiveut ce debat, ne semblent- ils pas denoncer a l'avance comme des schis- matiques ou des heretiques, ceux qui se permettront d'etre d'un sentiment con- traire ? Ce sont la, Messieurs, des reflexions de sens commun, qui m'ont e'te exposees, de vive voix et par e'erit, non-seuloment par vous-memes, ma is bien des fois deja par une i Lettre pastorale de Monseigneur, sur le Conzile acumenique et l'infaillibilite da Pontife romain. — Posts: riptwn. foule d'esprits, et des meilleurs, et des plus Chretiens, que ces polemiques, autour de moi ou loin de moi, preoccupent et agitent. J'ai attendu beaucoup avant de me re- soudre a prendre la parole sur un tel sujet. Vous m'y avez decide, Messieurs. Je m'in- quietais en effet, non pas de savoir si cer- tains hommes suspecteront plus ou moins et calomnieront mon zele pour le Pape et pour l'figlise, mais ce que j'avais a faire pour servir comme je le dois ces causes si cheres. J'ai examine, longuement, sous toutes ses faces, et surtout au point de vue pratique, la question discute'e dans les journaux. J'y ai vu, pour ma part, des difficultes de plus d'une sorte, et qui doivent, ce me semble, frapper ceux m&ines qui sont le plus con- vaincus, theologiquement, de l'infaillibilite pontificale. Je n'ai certes aucun gout a me jeter dans une melee si violente. Je ge'mis de la con- troverse qui s'agite devant le public, £t si j'ecris, ce n'est pas pour l'irriter, mars plutot pour la calmer, et meme, s'il se pou- vait, la supprimer ; car, pour moi, je la crois tres-inopportuue, tres-regrettable pour le Saint-Siege lui-meme, et les quenlles qui viennent d'avoir lieu n'ont fait qu'ajoutcr a ma conviction, deja ancienne, sur cette iuop- portunite. Ce sont ces difflcultes que, — sans toucher au fond meme de la question the'ologique, — je voudrais exposer simplement dans cet e'erit. Je ne discute pas l'infaillibiiite, mais 1'opportunite'. Et du reste, les vues que je pre'senterai ici ne me sont pas personnelles. Je m'en suis entretenu souvent avec un grand nombre de mes ve'nere's Collegues, de France et d'ailleurs, et ces raisons nous out paru si graves, a eux comme a moi, qu'a tout le moins sont-elles de nature a faire re- fle'ehir la presse religieuse, et a lui persuader enfin de reserver aux Eveques de si de'li- catcs discussions. II. Ces deljats, je vous l'ai dit, Messieurs, ne m'ont pas moins etonne qu'attriste. Car enfin, avant cette ingerence et ces eclats d'une certaine presse, la question n'e'tait pas pose'e. Le silence s'etait fait, grace a Dieu, sur des querelles qu'il vaut mieux, je l'ai toujours pen»e, oublierque l-aviver. jamais l'autorite' du Saint-Pere n'avait e'te plus respectee dans l'Eglise, ni sa parole mieux e'eoute'e. Jamais lis fiveques n'avaient e'te' plus empresses a se serrer autour de la chaire pontificale, accourant, non pas meme sur un ordre, mais sur un simple desir du Pape, des extremites du monde, au centre de la catho- licite. Enquoi done le Concile pouvait-il etre une 276 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document VI. occasion de provoquer des controverses am- ies prerogatives pontificales ? Est-ce dans ce but, est-ce pour se faire declarer infaillible, que le Saint-Pere a voulu assembler les Eveques du monde entier? La definition de 1'infaill ibi lite personnelle est-elle entree pour quelque chose dans les motifs et les causes de la convocation du Concile ? Pas le moins du monde. Quaml le Pape Pie IX annonca, dans deux allocutions celebres, aux Eveques rassembles a Home en 1867, son projet de convoquer un Concile cecumenique, il ne dit pas un mot de la necessite' ou de l'utilite de faire eriger en dognie de foi par la future Assemble'e son infjiillihilite' personnelle. Et les cinq cents Eveques reunis alors a Kome, dans leur adresse au Saint-Pere, en reponse a cette communication, ne di- rent pas non plus un seul mot de cette question. Enfin, dans la Bulle d'indiction, oil le Saint-Pere a trace si largement, et avec un si grand langage, le programme du futur Concile, il ne fut de meme nullement parle' de son infaillibilite personnelle. Non, nulle part, dans aucun des actes du Saint-Peie, cette preoccupation de grandir son autorite au moyen du Concile et a la faveur de ce respect dont le monde entoure ses vertus et ses malbeurs, n'apparait un seul instant. Vous le savez, Messieurs, ce sont d'autres et bien grands buts que le Vicaire de Jesus- Christ assigne a l'Assemble'e des repre'sen- tants de l'Eglise catholique. " Porter remede aux maux du siecle pre- sent dans l'Eglise et la socie'te," voila pour- quoi le Pape a convoque le Concile ; et de la certes, que de questions posc'es par les temps nouveaux, et par la crise actuelle ! On se demande de toutes parts avec anxic'te' si, a une e'poque aussi incertaine — oil d'un mo- ment a l'autre peuvent surgir des e've'nements capables de ditsoudre le Concile avant qu'il ait acheve' son ceuvre — les Eveques auront m§me le temps de les traiter. Et c'est au milieu de tant d'urgentes et necessaires questions qu'on voudrait tout a coup en jeter une nouvelle, imprevue, inat- tendue, d'une solution difficile assurement, et pleine d'orages ! Et que Ton s'exposerait, en snivant la voie tracee par les journalistes, au lieu de ce magnifique spectacle d'union que le monde attend de nous, a en donner un tout contraire ! He'las ! on peut pre'voir dejii, a 1'aprete' de ces debats preliminaires, ee que cette ques- tion, si on l'y portait, pourrait soulever de discussions au sein du Concile ! Mais pourquoi l'y porter ? Est-ce que la ne'cessite y force ? Est-ce que les perils du temps l'imposent ? Non. Mais j'entends dire qu'il s'agit ici d'un principe. D'un principe ? Eh quoi ! repondrai-je mon tour, ce principe, si e'en est un, est-i done necessaiie a la vie de l'Eglise, qu'I devienne dogme de foi? Comment alors ex- pliquez-vous que l'Eglise ait ve'cu dix-huit siecles, sans que ce principe essentiel a sa vie ait e'te' de'fiiii ? Comment expliquez-vous qu'elle ait formule' toute sa doctrine, produit tous ses docteurs, condamne' toutes Its he're- sies, sans cette definition? De ne'ecshiui il n'y en a evidemment aucune ici, et la solu- tion de cette question n'est pas plus indis- pensable qu'elle n'e'tait reclame'e. La raison, d'ailleurs, en est simple. L'Eglise est infaillible, et l'infaillibilite de l'Eglise suffit a tout jusqu'a cette heme. Craignez-vous qu'a l'avenir elle devienne insure" saute, et vous flatteiiez-vous que ceux qui ne voudront pas croire a l'infaillibilite' de l'Eglise unie au Pape, croiront plus facilement a l'infaillibilite personnelle et se'pare'e du Pape ? Est-ce qu'il y a dins l'Eglise catholique un doute sur l'infaillibilite de l'Eglise ? Est- ce qu'iri tous ne sont pas d'accord? Est-ce que le moindre fidele ne se sait pas en commu- nion avec son pasteur, qui est en communion avec son Eveque, qui est en communion avec le Pape? Est-ce que cela ne sun* it pas pleinement a la securite de noire foi ? et dans cet accord mervcilleux de te'muignaget, les fideles n'ont-ils pas tous une sure garantie contre l'erreur ? Craignez-vous que l'Eglise ne puisse plus vivre a l'avenir sur les memes bases qui Font soutenue dans un passe' de dix-neuf siecles? Que parlez-vous done de la necessite' de faire dans un Concile une de'finition nou- velle sur la regie de la foi, et de oonstituer dogmatiquement une nouvelle regie de foi ? Quoi! c'est en notre siecle qu'il dtvient ne'eessaire de venir mettre cela en question, de toucher a ce principe constitutif, a ce ressort principal de la vie de l'Eglise ! Nous aurions e'te constitue's durant tant de siecles d'une facon de'fectueuse ou incomplete ! Apres dix-huit cent soixante-dix anne'es d'enseignement, il faut qu'on en vienne a se den.ander dans un Concile, qui a le droit d'enseigner infailliblement ! Et cela a la f.ice du monde incie'dule et protestant qui nous regarde ! Non, laissons-la ces questions que rien n'appelle. Que des publicitites teme'raires n'aillent pas, avant l'heure, e'tonner et de'sorienter le bon sens des fideles par des controverses violentes, qui semblent vouloir imposer d'avance ces questimis aux Document vi.] TEIE VATICAN COUNCIL. 277 Eveques. Pour moi, Messieurs, ma pense'e, en la soumettant a mes vene'res Collcinies, est formelle sur ee point. Quand le chene est vingt fois se'eulaire, creuser, pour cber- cher le gland originaire sous ses racines, c'oi vouloir e"branler Parbre entier! III. Mais n'y-a-t-il pas deja, Messieurs, des precedents de'cisifs pour cette question d'opportunite' qui nous oecupe? Je rap- pel lerai d'abord la sage conduite du Concile tic Trente et du Pape Pie IV. An fond, du temps du Concile de Trente, la question qui passionna si vivement les espiits, et fut meme sur le point d'arner.er la dissolution du Concile, c'e'tait, sous une autre tonne, carles questions ne reviennent jamais absolume:it sous les meiues formes, cello-la meme dont nous traitons ici. Comment oublier avec quelle sagesse le Saint-Sie'ge sut ecarter le peril de ces con- troverses en e'eartant le debat? Pie IV, a la fin. voyantcomliien les esprits etaient ( ; mus, ecrivit a ses le'gats pour leur ordomier de retirer le sujet du litige, et de'clara qu'il ne fallait rien trailer qui put jnmvoquer des discussions orajreuses et jeter de la division parmi les Eveques. II posa cette regie si sage qu'il ne fallait rien deVi ler que de leur cousentement unanitne: Ne dffinireutur, nisiea, de quibus inter Patres unanimi consensione constaret.* Le Concile comprit qu'il avait autre chose a faire, devant les erreurs du temps, que d'e'riger en dogmes des opinions, si respec- tables qu'elles fussent, mais controversies parmi les docteurs, et de tie'tiir des theolo- giens catboliques. Et la discussion fut mise de cote, sans dommage aucun pour l'Eglise. Je me souviens tres-bien, et plus d'un Eveque present a liome en 1867 peut se le [toppeler, qu'une des plus se'ri uses preoccu- pations du Pie IX, avant de se decider a convoquer le Concile du Vatican, c'e'tait qu'il n'y surgit quelque question de nature ii provoquer des discussions orageuses et des divisions dans l'Episcopat. Mais le Pape se souvint de la conduite si sage du Concile de Tiente et de Pie IV, et, sur Pespoir qu'on ne l'oublierait pas au futur Concile, il pa.^su outre Est-ce qu'on penserait que, pour soulever et tiancher une question aussi de'licate que celle de la de'finition dogmatique annonce'e, nous sommes aujourd'hui en des temps plus favorables que ceux du Concile de Trente ; et que nous vivions a une epoque de foi plus five, et de plus ge'ne'rale soumission a l'Eglise ! 1 Voir ce recit dans Pallavicini, liv. XIX, cli. XV; et ailleura encore. Un autre prece'dent de sagesse et de moderation qu'il faut rappeler ici. c'est la conduite du Pape Innocent IX a l'egard do Bossuet. Quand Bossuet ecrivit son Expo- sition de la doctrine catholique, apres avoir, a l'article de Pautorite' du Saint-Siege, etabli fortement la primaute de droit divin, la pri- maute' d'honneur et de juridiction de saint Pierre, et des Papes ses successeurs, il passa sous silence, expressement et h, dessein, la question de Pinfaillibilite' pontificale. " Quant aux cbos( s dont on sait qu'on dispute dans les e'coles, quoique les Ministres ne cessent pas de les alleguer pour rendre cette puissance odieuse, il n'est pas necessaire d'en parler ici, puisqu'elles ne sont pas de la foi catholique." Ce silence re'flechi et calcule a Pendroit de Pinfaillibilite du Pape empecha-t-il In- nocent XI d'approuver Pouvrage ? Bien loin de la; car ce saint Pape adressa a Bossuet deux brefs, dans lesquels il lefelici- tait d 'avoir ecrit ce livre avec une methode et une sagesse bien propres a ramener les lie're'- tiques dans la voie du salut, et a procurer a VKglise les plus grands biens pour la propaga- tion de la foi orthodoxe. Bossuet, d'ailleurs, en e'eartant avec soin, dans la pensee si sagement exprimee par Innocent XI , le point controvert, n'avait fait qu'imiter le Catechisme du Concile de Trente J'ai lu et relu ce grand Catechisme, compose' sur Pordre du saint Concile et des Souverains Pontifes, par les plus celebres theologiens romains : je Pai lu, avec la pense'e expresse de chereher s'il parlait, oui ou non, de Pinfaillibilite du Pape, et j'ai constate qu'il n'en dit pas un seul mot. — Et il n'en est pas question non plus dans la solennelle profession de foi, dresse'e par Pordre de Pie IV et inse're'e au pontifical romain. Enfin, pourquoi ne citerions-uous pas ici l'exemple du ve'ne're Pie IX lui-meme '. On sait qu'il y a deux ans environ, en 1 807, cent quatre-vingt-huit ministres anglicans lui ecrivireut pour lni te'moiguer de leur bonne volonte, et lui demander les bases possibles de Punion. Que tit le Tres-Saint Pere? Dans une reponse pleine de charite' et do sagesse, il parla de Pautorite de l'Eglise, il parla de la supre'matie du Pape ; mais il ne parla pas de son infaillibilite'. Et c'est quand le Saint-Pere, dans Pins- piration de son noble et pacifiqxie cceur, donne de tels exemples de moderation et de sagesse, que des journalistes, en s'abritant derriere le nom veneie qu'ils profanent dans de sembLibles luttes, ont entrepris, k force d'aflinnatl'ns trancbantes, do poser sur Popinion publiquc, tandis que, du nit nm 278 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document vi. coup, comme s'ils voulaient intimider les Eveques et leur fermer la bouche, ils tien- nent suspendues au-dessus de leurs tetes des insultes pleines de violence et de fiel ! Je puis leur dire : Vous ne connaissez ni Pie IX, ni l'Episcopat. IV. Nous parlions de nos freres des com- munions separees. C'est en etfet quand on se place a leur point de vue, que la question d'une definition de rinfaillibilitepersonnelle du Pape parait surtout grave et perilleuse. Qu'on y songe : il y a 75 millions de chietiens orieutaux separe's; il y a pres de 90 millions de protestants de toutes nuances. Certes, s'il est un interet supteme pour l'Egbse, un voeu ardent de tous les coeurs vraiment catholiques, c'est bien le retour a l'unite de tant de freres sortis du giron de la ineme mere, et aujourd'hui e'loignes de nous. Voila la grande cause pour laquelle il faudrait etre prets, tous, a dinner son sang, et trembler a la seule pen see de ce qui pourrait la mettre en peril. Aussi quelles invitations pressuntes du Saint- Pere aux Eglises orientales ! Quel appel aux com- munions protestantes ! Eh bien, qu'est-ce qui se'pare de nous les Orientaux? La tuprematie du Pape. Ils ne veulent pas la reconnaitre comme de droit divin. C'est le point sur lequel on n'a jamais pu, ni apres Lyon, ni apres Florence, les decider serieusement, efficacement, et amener un retour durable. Et voila qu'a cette difficulte, insurmon- table jusqu'a ce jour, qui les tient depuis neuf siecles separe's de l'Eglise et de nous, on voudrait ajouter une difficulte nouvelle et beaucoup plus grande, elever entre eux et nous une barriere qui n'a jamais existe, en un mot leur imposer un dogme dont on ne leur paila jamais, les menacmt, s'ils ne l'acceptent pas, d'un nouvel anatneme! Car, ce nYst plus seuletnent la primaute' de juridiction qu'ils devront reconnaitre, c'est l'infaillibilite' persounelle du Pape, " en DEHORS ET SEPAREMENT DU CORPS EPIS- COPAL." 1 Se pourrait-il, je le demande, — et ici je repete simplement ce que le bon sens a deja inspire a ceux qui ont voulu y retiechir, — se pourrait-il, vis-a-vis des Eglises Orientales se'pare'es, rieu de plus contradictoire qu'une telle conduite, etdemoins persuasif qu'un tel langage : "Nous vous invitons a profiter de la grande occasion du Concile cecume'nique, pour vous expliquer et vous entendre avec nous. Mais voici auparavant ce que nous allons faire : elever un nouveau mur de separation, une nouvelle et plus haute 1 Monscigneur Manning. barriere entre vous et nous. Un fosse nous se'pare; nous allons en faire un abime. Vous vous etes refuses jusqu'a present a, re- connaitre la simple Primaute' de juridiction du Pontife Romain ; nous allons vous obliger pi enablement a croire bien autre cliose, et a admettre ce que jusqu'ici des docteurs calholiques eux-memes n'ont pas admis : nous allons eriger en dogme une d<.ctrino bien plus obscure, pour vous, dans l'Ecriture et dans la Tradition, que le dogme meme non encore accepte par vous, a savoir, l'infaillibilite personnelle du Pape, seul, INDEPENDAMMENT ET SEPAREMENT DES Eveqies. Voila dans quelles conditions nous venons vous proposer 1' entente." Parler ainsi, ne serait-ce pns vraiment une derision? Et ne serait-ce pas aussi un mal- heur? appeler et eloigner en meme temps? Ces couside'iations devront frapper encore plus, si l'ou refle'chit a l'e'lat d' esprit des clire'tiens scldsmatiques de l'Orient. Lors- qu'on traite avec les hommes, il faut bien savuir oil ils en sont. Or, sur ce point, oil en sont nos freres separes ? Ils en sont reste's prtVisement aux temps du schisme, au IX siecle. Ils n'ont pas marche depuis. Ils ne connaisseut pas les controverses qui se sont agitees sur ces mat.eres dans l'Eglise Occidentals Ils n'ont lu ni Bossuet, ni Bellarmin, ni Mel- chior Cano. Et, quelque conviction person nelle qu'on puisse avoir sur l'infaillibilite du Pontife Romain, it faut bien reconnaitre que le IX siecle etait loin d'etre dis-po.-e' a, la definition d'un tel dogme. En fait, jusque- la, les Conciles etaieut la grande forme de la vie de l'Eglise ; il s'en assemblait ssans cesse; touted les plus gra"dt s de'finitions dogmatiques avaient e'te' rendues t n Concile. Les Grecs ne sont done en rien prepares a la definition qu'on voudrait leur faire im- poser par le Concile du Vatican. Ma conr vittion profonde est qu'un des efi'ets certains, inevitables, d'une telle de'tinition, serait de faire reculer bien loin la reunion des Eglises Orientales. Une telle consideration ne paraitra le'gere a aucun de ceux qui savent le prix des aincs. Un fait recent moutre si la crainle que nous exprimons ici est sans fondement: c'est la re'pouse faite a l'euvoye'du Souverain- Pontife par le vicaiie general du Patriaiche schismatique de Constantinople. Parmi les raisons alle'gue'es par lui pour de'cliner l'in- vitation venue de Rome, se trouvait celle-ci: que " l'Eglise grecque ne pout reconnaitre l'infaillibilite' du Pape, et sa supe'riorite bur les Coneiles cecumeniques." 1 l CiviUa Ca tnlica, chroniquf du Concile- Cite par Wonst igneur l'Eveque de Grenoble. :UMENT VI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 270 PttUl souff Les schismatiques arrue'niens parlent le memo langage, et j'ai eu sous les yeux un journal arme'nien qui pretend que si Koine les invite au Concile, c'est " pour leur ini- poser 1'infuillibilite du Pape. ' On dira peut-etre : Mais de quoi vous pre'oc- cupez-vous ? Les Scliismatiques ne veu- lent pas de l'union. Qu'importe entre eux et nous une barriere de plus ! — Je suis loin, pour ma part, de perdre ainsi l'espe'rance, it sans connaitre les desseins de Dieu Mir Its peuples, je ne me crois pas peimis de seeller ainsi ia tombe deces antiques nations uhre'tiennes, — surtout quantl je viens a penser que dans cette tombe, dans ce sol de l'Orient, reposeiit des cendres comme celles des Athanase, des Cyrille, des Basile, des Gie- goire, des Chrysostome, melees a celles d;s Paul, des Antoiue, des Hilarion, des Pacome, <• tant d'autres saints a jamais illustres. "ais quand cela serait, quand aucun ffle de Dieu ni aucun effort des b/-nimes ne devrait rappeler de l'erreur qui les a perdus ces vieux peuples de l'Orient, noil, alors meme je ne croirais pas qu'il lut de la charite' de Je'sus-Clirist, et de la mission d'un grand Concile, de les eloigner davantage, et de leur rendre le retour plus difficile. . J'ai eu souvent l'heureuse occasion de m'entretenir longuement des iuterets de ces antiques Eglises, avec les Eveques orientaux qu'il m'a e'te' donne de rencontrer a Pome dans nos grandes reunions ; et en outre, une Donespondance particuliere, active, avec plusieiirs d'entre eux, m'a permis de con- naitre un peu l'etat des cuoses. Ce que j'ai appris d'eux, c'est ceci : un grand dear du rapprochement. — Oui, dans cet immobile Orient, beaucoup d'ames sont travaille'es par ces aspirations. — Et, en meme temps, de vives susceptibilite's, pour les inoindres details de leuis vieilles coutumes : a eombieu plus forte raison, pour ce qui est des araudes questions dogmatiques. Ct-rtes, le Concile de Trente eut une tout autre conduit e, et des managements Men autreinent digues de l'Eglise de Je'sus-Christ vis-a-vis des Eglises oiientules, et Cela, dans une question d'une capitale importance. Tout theologien sait comment, a la demande des amb.issadeurs ve'niiiens, le fameux canon : Si quia dixerit Eccledam erkabe, ebef- d'ceuvre de prudence tbe'ologique et de charite, fut tempere de maniere, tout-a-la- fois, a maintenir la ve'rite et a me'nager les Orientaux. V. La question est plus de'licate encore eu ce qui touche le Protestantisme. Or le •ehisme oriental, du moins, admet 1'autorite' des Conciles oacumeniciucs — de ceux qu'il regarde commetels— et 1'autorite' de l'Eglise, dent il se persuade faire toujours partie. Tandis quo le Protestantisme n'admet pas ct tte autorite. La, sur ce point pre'eis it de'cisf, 1'autorite' de l'Eglise est la grande controverse entre lui et nous, Le Protes- tantisme est avant tout la ne'gation de 1'autorite de l'Eglise. Dans ce principe de division est son essence, sa plaie fatale. Et c'est ce que beaucoup de nos treres se'pares eommenctnt a entievoir. lis sentent qu'un principe qui permet la division a l'infini, qui permet meme de n'etre plus chretien tout en demeurant toujours protestant, ne peut pas etre le vrai principe chietien. De la ce travail qui se fait au sein du Protes- tantisme, ces grands et consolants retouis, dont surtout l'Angleterre et l'Arne'rique nous donnent le spectacle, et ces aspirations vers l'union, qui sont, je le sais, au cceur de tant de Protestants. Qui, parmi nous, ne compatit a ce travail et a ces souffrances de tant d'ames? Qui ne les appelle avec amour? Qui ne prie av.-c elles ? car elles prient, je le sais encore, pour ce grand et supreme inte'xet, l'union des Eglises cbretiennes. "Nous sommes," me disait a Orleans meme le docteur Pusey, il y a deux ans, " huit mille en Angleterre, qui prions, chaque jour, pour l'union." Ah ! si les rapprochements tant desires p.irvenaient enfin k se faire! Si l'Angle- terre surtout, la grande Anghterre, se re- tournait un jour vers nous ! De toutes les reconciliations que le monde a vues, ce serait assure'ment la plus heureuse et la plus feconde. Je le dis tis, dans ce livre de la touverainete pontificate, ecrit en quelque sorte sous le feu des luttcs pour le Saint- S!e'gc, je le disais avec confiance aux Anglais maitres d'eux-memes et de leurs pre'juges : " Vous avez ete, il y a trois siecles, les plus redoutables ennemis de l'unite : quel honneur il y aurait pour vous a rameiier en Europe l'unite' ! Cet e'tendard de la Catticlicite chretienne, comme il sierait a vos mains de le relever, et a vos vaisseaux de le porter par-del.i les mers sur toutes les tenes que vous visitez ! Heuieux ceux a qui il sera donne de voir ces temps meilleurs, qui peut-etre ne sont pas e'loignes !" Eh bien ! le Concile a ranime chez un grand numbre de nos freres &epares, < t chez nous, ces t spe'iances. Ah ! sans doute, on doit le c aindre, elles ne seroiit pas toutes realise'es. Mais au moins, dnt a toutes les plus savantes Uni- versites de France, de Belgique, d'Kspagne et d'Alli magne. J'ai sous les yeux les re'ponses dc s Uni- versites de Paris, de Uouai, do L main, d'Alcala, de Salamanque, de Vlladolid: toutes, se placaut nu p> int de vue du droit divin, et laissant de cote, par consequent, ce qui a pu etre le droit public d'un au're age, re'pondriit expresse'meut que, ni le I'ape, ni ; dinaux, ni aucun corps ou individu de l'Eglise romaine, if out, de pur Je'sus- Ghrist, aucune autorite civile sur 1' Angle- tern', aucun pouvoir de delier les sujets de S. M. Britannique de leur serment de lide'lile. (Atte doctrine, pr"fe-ssce alors par les plus grandes Universite's de l'Eglise catho- lique, pouvait rassurer Pitt sur la doctrine emit! aire, protesse'e, dans des bulles celebres, il le i'aut dire, par plus d'un Pape. Mais pnpposez la Papaute declaree infaillible : cette definition dogmatique de 1'infaillibilite du Pape ne serait-elle pas de nature a raviver les vieilles defiances? Certes, ou peut le craindre, et voici pourquoi : Les Gouvernements non-catlioliques, en effet, ne croiront pas a cette int'aillibilite' ; et ce pouvoir immense, reconnu dogmatique- ment au Pape, le Pape, selon eux, en pourra abuser, en outrepasser les limites. Mais, ce qui sera grave a leurs yeux, leurs sujets catboliques y croiront, et seront obliges de se soumettre a toutes ses decisions, meme les plus abusives au puint de vue de ces Gouvernements mm-catholiques : comment Be pas voir que des lors le pouvoir pontifical bur s, mblera bien plus redoutable et plus odieux? lis out deja, ils conservent contre l'Eglise les defiances embrageuses que cbacun sait : combien plus suspecteront-ils le Pape infaillible, c'est-a-dire un seul liomme, qui, a leur point de vue, leur offrira bien moins de ga ran ties que l'Eglise, c'est- a-dire que les Eveques de leur pays et de tous les pays ? VII. Et les Gouvernements des nations catboliques elles-memes, de quel ceil ver- ront-ils proclamer le dogme nouveau ? C'est ce qu'il faut se demander aussi. Car enfin, • uvernements ne se regaideront jamais comme desiuteresses dans la question. Qui leur pei suadera qu elle ne les regarde pas ? Ici encore, pour apprecier sans illusion et selon la verite les consequences de la defini- tion dogmatique annonce'e, et sollicitee avec taut de bruit par des journalistes — qui, certes, devraient cesser, l'heure en est venue, meler dans les affaires les plus in- times, les plus graves, et les plus re'servees de l'Eglise, — placons-nous dans la rt ; aliie des cheses, dans Its faits ; voyons < e qui est, et ce qui sera. I-e grand fait, malhenreux, mais incon- t» stable, et plus que jamais subsistant, le voiui : c'est que les pouvoirs publics, meme cl.ez les nations catboliques, sont pleins d'ombrages contre l'Eglise. C'est ce que toute l'bistoire proclame : car l'histoire est pleine des conflits entre les deux puis- sances. Maifl que parle'-je du passe? A l'beure meme oil j'e'eris ce s lignes, est-ce que trois d( s quatre grandes puissances catholiques de l'Europe, l'Autriche, l'ltalie et l'Espasine ne sont pas engage'es plus ou moins dans de tristes luttes avec l'Eglise? Et cl.ez nous-memts, d un moment a l'autre, ne pent-il pas surgir un litig.;? Et ce mot ne serait-il pas encore trop tloux, dans la ter- rible e'ventualite de telle revolution pos- sible? Voila la situation : les Gouvernements catholitpaes out ete', sont, ou peuvent se tiouver de plus tn plus en couflit avec l'E-lise. Certes, nul plus que moi ne de'plore ces redoutables conflits, quand ils se produi- sent ; et si peu de gout que j'aie pour ces luttes, peut-etre ai-je montre', on me pardon- nera de le rappeler, que je ne suis pas de ceux qui reculent alors et faiblissent ? Mais la n'est pas la question, et, que les Gou- vernements soient, ou non, coupables, ce n'est pas non plus de cela qu'il s'agit. II s'agit de savoir de quel ceil, aujourd'hui, les Gouvernements verraient declarer le Pape infaillible. Est-ce la une timide preoccupation? Et l'Eglise doit-ello, dans ses Conciles, ne con- sultant que les priucipes de sa pleine in- de'pendance a l'egard des Gouvernements bumains, agir, de'ereter, definir, meme sur les questions pratiques les plus de'licates, comme si les Gouvernements n'existaient pas, et sans s'inquieter, en aucune sorte, de savoir si ses actes les blesseront, ou non, au vif? Telle n'est pas, telle ne fut jamais, dans les choses qui ne sont point de ne'eessite, la coutume de la sainte Eglise. Ah ! si d'un coup, et par une simple pro- clamation dogmatique, on pouvait couper court aux conflits, supprimer les vieux ombrages, et rendre, par decret, les Gou- vernements des nations catholiques dociles a l'Eglise et au Pape, comme des brebis ! Cela en vaudrait la peine ! Mais s'en flatter, aujourd'bui surtout, serait la plus chimeriqiic des illusions. Quelqu'un pcut-il douter qu'une definition 282 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document vi. dojmatique ute la stiite des siecks, un Pie IX sur le trone pontifical. N'est-il pas naturel de penser que, si le Pape est proclame infallible, ces re'flexions se presenteront d'elles-mem s aux Gouverne- ments d'aujourd'hui ? Et deja, n'est-il pas inutile, et, je Pajouterai, tres-dangereux de reveilkr de tels souvenirs ? Certes, ce n'est pas moi qui les reveille ! mais pourquoi d'imprudents avocats de la Papaule se donnent-ils tous les jours la ti iste mission de les re'veiller, et de les envenimer ? Mais, en outre, on se demandera sur quels objets s'< xercera cette infaillibilite person- nelle. Quand il n'y aurait que les matieres mixtes, ou les conflits furent toujours si frequents, quelles sont ici les limites ? Qui ks de'terminera ? Le spirituel ne touche- t-il pas au temporel de tous cotes? Qui persuadera aux Gouvernements que le Pape ne passera plus, jamais, dans aucun en- trainement, du spirituel au temporel ? Des lors, la proclamation du nouveau dogme ne paraitra-t-elle pas, non aux theologiens habiles, mais aux Gouvernements, qui ne sont pas thedogiens, consacrer, dans le 1 Et il suffit de lire dans ses Annates l'histoire du dixieme siejle pour vur que lui-merue ne la dissimule pas. Pape, sur des matieres peu de'finies et parfois non de'finissabks, une puissance illimitee, souveraine, sur tous leurs sujets catholiques, et, pour eux Gouvernements, d'autant plus sujette aux ombrages, que l'abus leur paraitra toujours possible ? Alors on se souviendra des doctrines formule'es, sinon definies, dans des Bulles celebres. Certes, ce n'est pas moi qui ai la moindre envie de defendre ici Pbilippe-le-Bel et si s imitateurs. Mais enfin, dans la Bulle Unam 8anctam, par exemple, Boniface VIII ne declare-t-il pas qu'd y a deux glaives, le spirituel et le temporel, que ce dernier aussi appartient a Pierre, et que le successeur de Pierre a le droit d'in&tituer et de juger les souverains? Fotestas spiritvalis terrenam potestatem instituere habet et judiaire. Et dans la Hulle Ausculta fili, il deman- dait au Koi d'envoyer a Rome les Arcbe- veques et les Eveques de France, avec lea abbe's, etc., pour y trailer de tinii ce qui paraitrait utile au bon gouvernemeut du ruyaume de France. Et apres meme que le protestantisme fut venu changer si protbndement le'tat de l'Europe, Paul III, dans la fameuse Bulle qui excommuniait Henri VIII, ne deliait-il pas de leur serment de fide'lite les sujets du roi d'Angleterre, et n'offrait-il pas l'Angle- terre a qui la voudrait conquerir, donnant, a ceux qui en t'eraient la conijuete, tous les biens, meubles et immeubk s, des Anglais devenus dissidents ? Croii-on que cette Bulle soit oubliee en Anglettrre? Et les de'clarations, dont je citais tout a l'heure quelques mots, pense- t-on qu'elles n'ont pas e'te demandees aux Eveques catholiques d'Irlande par le sou- venir, tout vi\ant encore, de cette Bulle? Me sera-t-il permis de dire ici toute ma pensee, et n'est-il pas pemis de le demander apres l'histoire : cette Bulle effrayante, a Pepoque ou elle fut public':', n'etait-elle pas de nature a precipitcr, plutot qu'a ramener, la nation anglaise? Est-il bien certain qu'elle n'a pas ete pour la Chretiente un grand malheur ? Du moins, en pensant ainsi, on ne contredirait aucun dogme catholique, pas meme celui de Pinfaillibilite du Pape, si elle venait jamais a etre e'rige'e en dogme. Je suis triste, et qui ne le serait ? en rap- pelant ces grands et douloureux faits de l'histoire ,* mais ils nous y forcent, ceux dont la legerete et la te'me'rite' remuent ces ques- tions bmlantes. Ils nous y forcent, et ma conviction profonde est que tout cola jette dans les meilleurs esprits un trouble deplo- rable, et que si on avait cntrepris de rendre JMENT VI. j THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 283 la puissance pontificale odieuse, on ne j>our- rait rien faire de mieux que de perpe'tuer de telles controverses. Car, enfin, potirront encore se demander lets Souverains, memo catholiques, la procla- mation dogmatique de l'infuillibilite du Tape rendra-t-elle, oui ou non, a l'avenir do telles Bulks impossibles? Qui done alors cinpe- chera uu nouveau Pape de de'finir Co que plusieurs de ses pre'de'-esseurs out emeigne: que le Vieaire de Je'sus-Christ a un pouvoir direct sur le tempoiel des princes; qu'il est dans ses attributions d'instituer et de deposer les souverains ; que les droits civils des iois et dt s peuples lui sont subordonne's '( l Mais alors, et apres la proclamation du dogme nouveau, nul clerge', nul e'veque, nul catliolique ne pourra recuser cette doctrine si odieuse aux Gouvernements ; c'est-a-dire qu'a leurs yeux tous les droits civils, poli- tiques, comme toutes les croyances reli- gieuses, seraient entre les mains d'un seul homme ! Et vous penseriez que les Gouvernements verraient avec indifference l'Eglise s'assem- bkr de tous les points du monde, pour proclamer un dogme qui, suivant eux, peut avoir de telles consequences ! Et ils pourrunt etre d'autant plus induits a considerer la definition de l'infaillibilite du Pape comme une conse'uration implicite de ces doctrines si rtdoute'es, que ces doc- trines sont loin d'etre abandonnees. Sans cesse les journaux, qui se donnent parmi nous comme les purs repre'sentants des principes romains, etalent ces theories dans leurs colounes, les e'tablissent a grand ren- fort d'arguments, et vont meme jusqu'a signaler, comme entachee d'atheisme, la doctrine, a laquelle tiennent si fort les souverains, catholiques comme non catho- liques, de l'iudependanee des deux puis- sances chacune dans sa sphere. II y a tres-peu de temps que nous lisions, cite'es avec eloge par un journal francais, les paroles suivantt s, oil Ton compare aux maniche'ens ceux qui soutiennent que les deux glaives ne sont pas dans la meme main : " Y aurait-il done deux sources d'autorite et de pouvoir, deux fins supremes pour les membresd'une meme socie'te, deux buts divers dans l'idee de l'etre ordonnateur, et deux destine'es distinctes chez un meme homme qui est a la fois membre de l'Eglise et sujet de l'Etat? Mais qui ne voit de suite l'ab- surtlite' d'un semblable systeme? C'est le dualisme des manicheens, sinon l'atheisme.' • Ignore-t-on tnie B Uarmin lui-nieme fut mis a I'm- drx pout n'avoir pas soutenu le pouvoir direct du Pape sur les couronni s ? C'e'tait Ik aussi cc que pre'tendait l'abbc' de Lamennais, dans les emportements de sa logique ; et, contre le premier des quatre articles, il posait co dilemme : ultramontain ou athe'e. Ces exces lui ont peu reussi. Et, au f nd, sous ce rapport, les e'erivains dont il s'agit iei sont de l'ecole de Lamennais. Mais plus ils reprocheront aux Gouverne- ments de ne pas admettre la doctrine de la Bulle Vnam sanctam, et de tonir a cette independance des deux puissances, plus ils demontreront eux-memts la force des repu- gnances et l'universalite des repulsions que je redoute. Et quand je parle de Pindependance des deux puissances, loin de moi la pensee de mettre en doute un seul instant la divine et ceitaine autorite' de l'Eglise, pour defiirr, proclamer, et rappeler, aux Couvernements comme aux sujets, les saintes et eternelles regies du juste et de l'iujuste ! Mais la n'est pas la question, on le sait bien, et c'est trop e'vident ! Non, les vieilles susceptibilite's ne sont pas pres de disparaitre : un journalisme pas- sion ne' a tout fait pour les ranimer ; et nulle part, on le peut affirmer avec certitude, ni en France, ni dans la catholique Autriche, ni dans la Baviere et sur les bords du Khin, ni dans l'apostolique Espagne, ni dans ce Portugal, qui naguere chassait les Sceurs de charite, les dispositions des Gouvernements europeens ne sont favorables a la proclama- tion du dogme annonce. L'heure vous parait-elle done venue de reveiller d'un bout de l'Europe a l'autre les haines contre le Saint-Sie'ge ? Ou plutot, l'heure presente n'est-elle pas deja pleine d'asst z nombreux et d'assez grands perils? Veut-on mettre a l'ordre du jour, dans l'Europe entiere, la separation de l'Eglise et de 1 Etat ? Veut-on meme faire courir au Concile d'autres chances ? Que faudrait-il, dans l'etat actuel de l'ltalie et de l'Europe, pour amener les plus grands malheurs ? II est impossible de se le dissimuler : il y a des esprits qui tiennent a pousser l'Eglise aux dernieres extremites ! Dans quel interet ? VIII. J'arrive maintenant aux difficulte's theologiques, non precisement de l'infailli- bilite pontificale, — ce' te question, encore une fois, je ne la traite, ni dans un sens, ni dans un autre, — mais aux difficulte's theologiques de la definition : car ces difficulte's-la, si elles sont vraiment serieuses, sont aussi une forte raison contre l'opportunitc. Les journalistes qui seniblent vouloir en- 284 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document vi. joindre au Concile de definir 1 infaillibilite du Pape, et de la de'finir par acclamation, se doutent-ils des conditions dans lesquelles le Concile aurait a faire cette definition? Certes, on ne le dirait pas, a la maniere dont ils en parlent ; — comme ils ne se dou- tent gueres de ce qu'il y a d'etrange, g- matique, ce serait done de determiner les conditions de Pinfaillibilite; car de'finir l'in- faillibilite du Pap^, sans preciser et de'finir les conditions de cette infaillibilite, ce serait ne rien de'finir, parce que ce serait de'finir trop, ou pas a.-sez. Mais comment determiner ces conditions? Les theologiens en disputent, soit en theorie, in abstracto, soit in concreto, et en fait. En un mot, quand et comment le Pape est-il infaillible? Voila ce qu'il faudra de'ter- miner. Mais c'est ici que les difficulte's ne sont pas mediocres. Le Pape, toutes les fois qu'il parle, e.-e ii'fallib litatis seur de theologieau Grand-Seminaire de I'archevechd de Westminster. 2 Ibid. Thesis duodecima. la lumltre de In parole de Dieu ecrite et tra- ditionnelle ; Ni qu'il e'leve sa priere vers Dieu avant de prononcer. Sans toutes ces conditions, sa decision n'en serait pas moins aussi valide, aussi valable, aussi obligatoire pour toute VEglise, que s'il avail observe' toutes les precautions que dicte la foi, la p',et€, le hon sens. Que faut-il done, selon ce doctenr. pour qu'une definition soit ex cathedra ? Le voici : " II reste a dire d'apres c^la, pour de't'endre la vuleur d'une decision ex cathe- dra, qu'elle existe, lorsque le Pape, dans un Concile ou hors d'un Concile, vekbalement ou par ecrit, donne a tous les fideles Chre- tiens, comme Vicaire de Jesus-Christ, au nom des apotres Pierre et Paul, ou en vertu de 1'autorite du Saint-Sie'ge, ou en d'autres termes semblables, avec ou sans la menace de l'anatheme, une decision relative au dogme ou a la morale." (Phillips, diet. Goschlez, article Pape.) D'apres ce theologien, l'Eglise n'a pas le droit de mettre une re&tiiction ni une con- dition quelconque, quant a la validite, a l'exercice de Pinfaillibilite. Un ecrivain francais, auteur d'un recent traite' De Papa, ne dit guere autre chose, et ne demande, pour que le Pape, parlant a l'Eglise universelle, soit infaillible, qu'une condition, non pas qu'il ait prie, non pas qu'il ait de'libere, etudie, consulte, mais simplement qu'il ait eu l'intention de faire un dogme, et qu'il n'ait pas ete violente. M. Ward, nous l'avons vu, ne demande meaie pas que le Pape s'adresse a l'Eglise : qu'il s'adresse a un seul Eveque ou a un seid laique, cela suffit. Voila done de quelle sorte quelques-uns ne eraignent pas, aujourd'hui, de traiter ces immen.ses questions ! Je dis quelques-uns, et je prie qu'on veuille remarquer ce mot; car, je ne voudtais pas que toutes les plus extremes theories purus- sent etre, contre mon intention, mises au compte de toute la the'ologie catholique. Eh bien ! en pre'sence de toutes ces opinions, le Concile declarera-t-il qu'il y a une forme ne'eessaire, sous laquelle le Pape sera tentj d exercer son infaillibilite? ou bien la forme n'y ferait-elle rien? et lePape sera-t-il infaillible, quand et de la maniere qu'il jugera bon de l'etre, sans avoir ni prie, ni e'tudie, ni consulte', et s'adressant au premier fidele venu? Et, puisque determiner en quelles cir- constances le Pape est infaillible, e'est deter- miner aussi dans quelles conditions il ne Test pas, il y aura done a de'finir ici deux 286 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document I dogmes, fill lieu d'un : le dogme do l'infailli- bilite, et le dogme de la faillibilite? On declarera, coinme de foi, non-seulement que le Pape est infaillible dans telles et telles conditions, mais qu'en dehors de ces con- ditions, il est faillible. Et comment, encore une fois, s'y prendra- t-on pour fixer ces limites? Ou sont-elles clHirement dans l'Ecriture? Ou sont-elles dans l'enseignement, si varie et si contra- dictoire ici, des theologiens? Quelles opi- nions va-t-on eriger en dogmes ? ou en heresies ? Et si on ne le fait pas, dans quel inconnu va-t-on jeter l'Eglise ? IX. Mais ce n'est pas tout : outre la ques- tion de droit, il y aura encore la question de fait. Qui de'eidera, en fait, que telle decision du Pape remplit toutes les conditions d'un decret ex cathedra ? Ce discernement sera- t-il toujours facile ? Non. C'est ce que reconnaissent de bonne foi les partisans les plus avances de l'infailli- bilite' pontificale. Le theologien anglais Ward, par exemple, dit expres?ement : " Puisque toutes les allocutions pontificales, toutes les lettres apostoliques, meme toutes les encycliques, ne contiennent pas des defi- nitions ex cathedra, il faut regarder de pres pour discerner d'une facon suffisante quels iront ceux de ces actes ou le Sou\ erain-Pontife doit etre cense parler ex cathedra; et il faut y regarder de pres dans les actes rnemes ex cathedra, e'est-k-dire dans les actes itifailli- bles, pour bien discerner ce qu'il enseigne ex cathedra, e'est-a-dire infailliblement." l Et ce discirnement est si difficile parfois aux the'ologiens eux-memes, que M. Ward reconnait, avec une modtstie qui 1 honore, avoir commis, et opiniatrement soutenu une grave meprise, touchant la nature des actes pontificaux de diverses sortes, ou avaient ete fletries les propositions signalees plus tard dans une piece recente emane'e de Rome. II avait era. et il affinnait, que chacun des actes qui a fourni des propositions au recueil appele Syllabus, devait etre regarde' par cela seul comme ayant le caractere d'un acte ex cathedra. Ce qu'il confesse maintenant avec franchise avoir ete' une grosse erreur. L'histoire ecclesiastique, du reste, est pleine de faits semblables. Qu'on se rap- pelle certains actes considerables des Papes, dans Its temps passes, sur lesquels les theo- logiens out tant dispute, et disputent encore, i Circa has igitur allocutiones et litteras apostolicas adlaborandum est, ut satis di(?no>catur in quibusnam earum Potitifex ex cathedra loqui, et quidnam ex cathedra docere, jure censeatur. pour savoir s'ils sont, oui ou non, ex cathe drd. Quand le Pape Etienne condamna sain Cypriin dans la question du bapteme del he're'tiques, a-t-il parle ex cathedra i Les uni i affirment, les autres nient. Quaid le Pape Honorius, consulte sur U question du mouothelisme par Sergius, Pa> triarche de Constantinople, et d'auties Eve- ques orientaux, ecrivit ces fameuses lettret qui donnerent lieu a tant de de'bats, a-t-il parle ex cathedra ? Les theologiens out en- core la-dessus vivement discute'. Qui de'eidera done ? E'Egliae. II faulra done souvent en revenir, de fait, a uue^ decision de l'Eglise. It en effet, outre les deux questions de fait dont parle M. Ward, et qui se doivent poser a propos de tout acte ex cathedra : — Facte est-il ex cathedra ? — Et s'il 1 est, sur quoi porte precise'ment la de'finition? — il y en a un autre, pas si simple dans la pratique qu'on pourrait le croire d'abord, et que voici : Ne se peut-il jamais rencontrer, en effet, dans la suite des sieeles, tel Pape de la liberte' duquel on puisse le'gitimement douter ? Les plus zele's sont bien forces de le recon- naitre, et d'admettre, en presence de l'his- toire, qu'un Pape, sous 1'intiuence de la crainte, peut de'finir l'erreur. Voila done, dans certaines circonstanees, une troisieme question de fait, a constater: la pleine et entieie liberte du Pape. N'y en a-t-il pas une quatrieme? car, si un Pape, meme declare infaillible, pourrait encore, meme dans un acte ex cathedra, errer sous le coup de l'intimidation et de la endnte, ne le pourra-t-il jamais par entiaineinent, par passion, par imprudence? — Les the'olo- giens, partisans de l'infaillibilite, expliquent que non : Dieu, disent-ils, ne fera pas de miracle dans le premier cas, pour enipecher un Pape faible de ceder a la crainte; maia il en iera toujours un dans le second, pour empeclier un Pape passionne ou teme'raire d'errer par imprudence; — et cela, ajoutent quelques-uns, meme quand le Pape n'aurait pris aucune des precautions qu'on apporte d'ordinaire dans une affaire se'rieuse : ila savent qu'un Pape peut de'finir l'erreur par faiblesse, pas autrement. Voila lexplication de ces theologiens. Mais je pose ici cette question : Sera-t il toujours facile d'apprecier la contrainte qu'aura pu subir un Pape ? Non. II peut se rencontrer des cas ou une telle constata- tion soit chose fort delicate ; et " tous les cas doivent etre prevus." Document vi.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 287 Comnie aus-i, " toutcs les fact s do la ques- tion examinees." Croit-on que la solution de toutes ces (linieultos serait une mince liesogne pour le Ooucile? Et ces e'crivans quotidiens, qui 1311 parlent si fort a leur aise, puree que les difficulte's ne les inquietent guere, — ils ne I, s voient seulement ^as— sont-ils autorise's, eoiume ils le font, a prescrire aux Eveques Je b'en charger ? X. C'est bientot fait de dire que la ques- tion, aujourd'hui, est juge'e ; mais les vrais theologiens, les theologiens se'rieux, savent Lien qu'au fond il u'en est rien ; et que, si le C>meile ici veut proce kr avec la maturite' et la gravite' dont ces saintes assemble'es de l'Eglise ne se sont jamais de'paities, lorsqn'il sYst agi de proclamer les doguies, tie bien longs labeurs peuvent etre reserve's a ses deliberations. La tradition, quels que puissent etre ses fcgmoignages, est-elle done ici unanime, et l'histoire sans embarras? C'est sur ce ter- rain surtout que la de'linition de l'infailli- lilite' pontificale, si le Concile croyait devoir s'eu orcuper, l'entrainerait force'ment dans les plus longues et les plus dedicates re- cherehes. Par la definition, en effet, de l'infaillibilite personnelle du Tape, ce ne serait pas lavenir seulement qu'ou engagerait, ce serait aussi tout le passe'. Car, si le Pape est infailiible, il l'a toujours e'te'. La proclamation de ce dogmc donnerait, dun coup, le caractere de decisions infaillibles a tout ceque les Papes, depuis dix-huit siecles, ont jamais decide, s'ils l'avaient fait dans les conditions et les formes que Ton aurait determinees pour l'exercice de l'infaillibilite. Je dis que le Concile ne pourrait rien avoir a examiner de plus grave et de plus epineux. Je rappelais, tout a l'heure, deux souve- nirs historiques, la dispute du Pape saint Etienne avec saint Cyprien, et la reponse du Pape Honorius a Sergius au sujet du monothe'lisme. Eh bien, s'il etait prouve que saint Etienne avait prononce ex cathedra, infailliblement, obligatoirement, saint Cy- prien et les Eveques qui ont resiste ne croyaieut done pas a l'infaillibilite du Pape ? Et saint Augustin, qui les excuse, parce que, dit-il, l'Eglise n'avait pas encore pro- nonce, 1 n'y croyait done pas non plus ? Et quand il ecrivuit.au sujet des Donutistes: qu'apres le jugement de Rome, il restait encore celui de l'Eglise universelle, restabat adhuc plenarium universal Eccle&ix conci- 1 S.iint Augustin, De Bapl.imno. lium^ il croyait done qu'apres le jugement de Pome, le jugement do l'Eglise devait entrer pour quelque chose dans la de'fimtion de la foi? Voila un nonvel exemple des difficulte's que l'examen des faits historiques pent soulever. De memo pour Honorius. On a e'erit des volume s, pour prouver que les aetes du 6° Concile, qui l'a condamne, avaient ete altere's; des volumes, pour prouver que ce Pape n'a pas re'ellement enseigne l'he're'sie ; lies volumes eiuore, pour prouver qu'Ho- norius n'a e'erit qu'une lettre privee. Quoi qu'il en soit de ces discussions, si facheuses a soulever, — qu' Honorius ait e'te heretique et condamne' justement comme tel par un Concile cecumenique. qui a prononce', Honorio httretico anathema; ou qu'il ait ete simplrment un fauteur de l'here'sie, et re- prouve comme tel par les Papes ses succes- seurs, dans la formule de serment qu'ils prononcaient a leur sacre : Qui pi-avis eorum a8sertionibu8 /omentum impendit ; — c'est ainsi que s'exprime le Liber diurnus pontificalis, recueil des aetes authentiques de la chan- cellerie romaine, — in dehors de ces points d'hiftoire incontestes, une autre question, fort se'rieuse assurement, se pre'sente ici. Dans ce temps-la, le Concile cecumenique, l'Eglise par consequent, considerait done le Souverain-Pontife lui-meme, adressant sur une question de foi a de grandes eglises, des lettres dogmatiques, Litteras dogmaiicas, 2 comme sujet a l'erreur ; et les Eveques reu- nis, comme compe'tents pour le condamner et lui dire anatlieme? Et le pape Leon II a confirme la sentence du Concile; les Eglises d'Orient et d'Occi- dent l'ont acceptee. Le pape Le'on II et les Eglises croyaient done egalement qu'un pape, s'expliquant sur des questions de foi portees a son tribunal, peut meriter l'anatheme ? Voila un point sur lequel le Concile aurait encore a se prononcer. Je n'ai ni la pensee ni le temps de faire ici, ce qu'il serait necessaire que le Concile fit pour proceder avec la circonspection accoutumee des Conciles, une revue com- plete de l'histoire. Je laisse les difficultes que peuvent soulever les Papes Vigile et Libere ; mais je demande permission de rappeler encore un seul fait. Au moyen- age, un Pape, Pascal II, fait a un empereur d'Allema^ne, Henri V, une concession telle- ment exorbitaute sur l'investiture des Eve- ques, qu'un Concile s'assimble a Vicnne, et qu'un Areheveque, qui devait plus tard monter lui-meme sur la chaire de Saint- ' Epist. ad Geor. Eleus. xlviii 2 Cone. t. Ill, p. 1331. 288 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document Pierre, sous le nom de Calixte II, declare que la concession faite par le Pape im- plique une veritable he're'sie, hxresim esse judicavimus, et condamne sa lettre a 1 Eni- pereur. Et de'ja le Pape lui-meme, en plein Concile de Latran, en presence de plus de cent Eveques, et tit humilie de son propre mouvement, et le Concile avait casse et annule sa concession. Quoi qu'il en soit de la faute de Pascal II, a tout le moins, ses conteinporains et lui- meme eroj-annt dmc qu'un Pape pent toniber dans l'heresij ? Dira-t-on qu'une l.ere'sie implicite, et ce- pendant digne d'anatbeme, dans ira grand acte pontifical, ne pnmvu rien contre l'in- faillibilite', quand C( t acte n'est pas une definition ex cathedra 1 Mais comment faire comprendre a la foule ces distinctions ? Car voici un autre cote de la question, dont le Concile aurait encore a se pre'oc- cuper sei ieusement : It s consequences de la de'finition au point de vue des bommes de ce temps. XI. II ne fuut pas se faire d'illusion, non- seulement sur les esprits inere'dubs, mais encore sur la masse enoime des esprils chez qui la bd est faible. Pour ma part, je ne puis penser sans effroi au nombre de ceux que la de'finition dcmande'e eloignerait peut- etre de nous a jamais ! Mais pour les fideles eux-memes, la de'fi- nition scrait-elle sans inconvenients ? Je me vois encore ici contraint de poser des questions qui me repugnant profonde'- ment. Mais je parle du pas.-e et pour l'avenir.. On nous contraint de re' veil I er le passe endormi, et nous avons a travailler pour les siecles futurs. Voila done le Pape declare infaillible, qui, neanmoins, pent comme ecrivain, comme docteur prive', faire un livre here'iique, et s'opiniatrer dans l'heresie. C'est l'opinion ge'nerale. Eien plus, voila le Pape qui, meme comme Pape, quand il ne parle pas ex cathedra, — et meme dans un acte oil il parle ex cathedra, en ce qui n'est pas l'objet precis de la definition, — peut, de l'avis uni- versel, errer, enseigner l'erreur; et puis etre juge', condamne'. de'pose. Eh bien ! supposons un Pape errant, ou accuse d'erreur : il faudra prouver que son enseignement, ou n'est pas ex cathedra, ou n'est pas errone': quelle difficulte' nouvelle si le Pape a e'te' declare infaillible ! En ne contestant qu'un fait, ne semblera-t-on pas contester un droit ? Et si le Pape s'obstine, quel de'sarroi dans les ames! II faudra done faire le proces pour cause d'be're'sie celuidont l'infaillibilite' sera un dogme? Qu'un nouvel Honorius dans l'avenir i > nncontre, qui, je no dis pas de'finisse, mail par des lettres dogmatiques, adresse'es a e- ritiores theolugi laborant. Document vi.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 289 Et voici, en effet, toujours selon eux, quel- qiv s-unes des questiuiis — pi penibles— qui f posent : — Uu Pape, par le fait de ["here'sie, cesse-t-il d'etre Pape? — Par qui et t eminent peut-il etre de'puse'? — Quand le est-il cense agir comnie Pape ou tioiiune personne privee? etc., etc. An papa .terhtrresim a dignitate excidati — A quo et ouomodo veniat deponendusi — Quand onam ■it Pontifex, aut ut privata persona, agere > toseatur 1 La declaration d'infaillibiiite' rendra- >elle toutes ces difficulte's moias inextri- <»bles ? Tout au conti aire, elle y ajouterait, dans la pratique, d'e'normes embarras. Aussi certains ti.e'ologiens ultramuntains l ne voient-ils qu'un nioyen de se tirer do la : c'est, dLent-ils, de proclamer l'infaillibilite absolue, incoiiditionnelle et universelle du Pape. Sans cela, et si on ne proclame qu'une infaillibilite' conditionnelle, — l'infail- libilite' ex cathedra: — on expose l'Eglise a un pe'ril evident : Ecclesia evidenti periculo tixponeretur. Et ils le prouvent. Le systerne, disent-ils, de l'infuillibilite du l'ape dans certains cas, et de sa failli- bilite dans les autres, iinplique une vraie contradiction. Ne pourra-t-il, en etfet ar- river que le Pape enseigne comme Pape, ex cathedra, l'erreur que, comme docteur prive, il aura cm la verite', c'est-a-dire de'nnisse dans uu acte infaillible l'erreur et veuille l'imposer a i'Eglise? Posset namque ipse suum errorem dejiuire et Ecclet'St obtrudere. On repond que cette bypothese, precise'- ment parce qu'elle iinplique contrad.clion, ne se le'alisei a jamais. Mais alors, re'pliquent-ils, vous etes forces d'avoir ret ours a un miracle : un Pape qui erre avec opiuiatrete, et qui natuiellement fait tous ses efforts puur proposer son erreur a la foi de i'Eglise: Potest Pontifex per- sonal iter in fide d ficere, errorem suum per- tinaciter tueri, et, quod amplius est, velle et COliar i eum Eccles »■ obtrudere et proponere; et qui, cependant, s'abstiendra toujours de la definir ; et ne peut pas arriver a faire une Bulle que nulle puissance humaitie no pent l'cnq echer d'ecrire; ou bien, un Pape qui nense d'une fac,on, et qui delinit de l'autie : Aut certe grande miraculum etset, quod ipse definiendo contra mentem suam de- jiniret. •Et de plus, ajontent-ils, n'y a-t-il pas, dans cette faillibilite et cette infaillibilite tout ensemble cbez le meme boinme, une uni'inalie etrange, et profonde'ment injuiieuse a la divine Providence, qui (jourrait si facile- ment rendre le Pape infaillible dans tous les 1 Albert Pighius, etquelques autres, cites par Bum cs, !. dubit. 2. cas aussi bien que dans quelques-uns : Con- tra divinam Providentiam, qux omnia sua- viter disponit, pugnat Pontificem posse per- sonaliter errare i Et enrin, poursuivent-ils, pourquoi dis- tinguer la ou Jesus-Cbrist n'a pas distingue' du tout: Oravi pro te, Petre, ut non deficiat fides tua, cula, disent-ils, s'entend de la foi de Pierre dans tous les sens ; de fide Petri tum personali et privata, tain publica et pustorali, intelligitur? Voila done des tbeologiens qui constatent, qui de'montrent les pe'rils de l'infaillibilite ex cathedra, et qui, logiques et re'solus, vont jusqu'au bout, jnsqu'a l'infaillibilite absolue, inconditionnelle et universelle du Pape : de telle sorte qu'un Pape, disent-ils, ne pourrait pas, meme quand il le vondrait, tomber dans aucune erreur, suit publique, soit privee : Ut non possit, Etiamsi velit, in errorem privatum: aut publice cadere ! Un tbeologien francais 1 expose au long tous ces raisonnements, et lui, qui accable d'injures les plus grands bommes de son pays, se contente de pre'senter ceromanisme, ve'ritablement insense, comme une opinion parfaitement libre : De libere controversa opinione qux tenet romanum Pontificem, etiam qpatencs doctorem privatum, esse infa'libilem. Eb ! mon Dieu ! on est libre aussi de controverser, si cela plait, la question de savoir si les bommes des antipodes mar- chent sur la tete ou sur 1< s pieds. II n'y a, que je sache, aucune de'finition qui dise le contraire, et on n'est justiciable ici que du bon sens. Evidemment, il y a dans l'figiit e, en cc moment, bien des gens passionne's; et qui poussent a d'etrangt s exces! Mais le Con- cile, nous en sommes surs, ne se laissera pas entrainer sur une telle pente. XII. II y a plus d'un point encore ou il est a crsiindre que la proclamation du nou- veau dogine, si elle avait lieu, ne trouble et n'embarrasse, dans l'esprit des fideles, ce qu'ils ont cm jusqu'ici. Comment, par exemple, leur persuader que cette definition n'entrainera pas, sinon en droit, du moins en fait et dans la pra- tique, un amoindrissement de l'Episcopat? Et d'abord, a ce point de vue, penseront- ils, que deviendront les Concibs? Les Conciles ont e'te' jusqu'ici une des grandes formes de la vie de I'Eglise, un de ses plus puissants moyens d'action. lis ont commence' des l'origine de I'Eglise, des les tomps apostoliques ; tous les siecles cbretiens, i De I'aja.t. I, p. 257. I 290 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document sauf les deux derniers, lea ont connus. II y a rneme de saints personnages, de grands esprits, des Conciles, qui ont reclame ou deVrete le retour pe'riodique de ces saintes assemblies. II est vrai, la politique oni- brageuse d*un regime qui n'est plus, les avait rendues dans les siecies derniers plus dilficiles ; mais les libertes moderues ont abaisse' ces jalouses barrier^ s ; les conquet s de la science contemporaine, en abiegeant les distances, ont fraye partout des voies rapides aux Eveques du monde entier vers la Ville eternelle ; et ces assemblers de'- libe'rantes, en meme tumps qu'elles sont deveuues plus faciles, se trouvent plus en harmonie aujourd'lmi avec les vceux des peuples Chretiens. Ne peut-on pas voir en tout oela des coincidences viaimeut provi- dent ie lies? Mais, si le proehain Coneile de'finissait l'infaillibilite du Pape, les fideles ne pour- raient-ils pas penser et se dire : a quoi bon desormais les Conciles oeeume'niques ? Puisque un seul, le Pape, " en dehors des eveques," pourra tout decider iufaillible- ment, meme les questions de foi, a quoi bou reunir les Eveques ? A quoi bon les longueurs, les recherches, les discussions des Conciles ? II est evident en effet que si le dogme nouveau, une fois proclame, ne . supprime pas en droit ces grandes assemblies, a tout le moins, en fait, il e.i diininucra singuliere- ment 1' importance. Ainsi done, on voudrait que le futur Con- eile fit un decret qui de'sormais supprimat ou amoindrit les Conciles ! Et que les Eveques de'eretassent eux- niemes pour ainsi dire leur abdication ! Mais ce n'est pas la le seul amoitidiisse- ment que l'Episcopat semblerait subir aux yeux des fideles. Scs plus essentielles pre- rogatives, sur lesquelles aueun ca'kol.que ne dispute, ne vont-elles pas, dans la pratique du moins, perdre singuliereint-nt aussi de leur re'alite? Et d'abord les Eveques sont juges de la foi : juges avec le Pape, bien enteudu ; mais vrais jugt s. Et toujours, jusqu ici, ils ont eu une part effective dans les jugeinents et les de'iinitionsdu dogme : toujours ils ont de'eide' dans les Conciles comme des juges reds : Ego judicata, egodefiniens, subtcripsi. Toujours ils ont ete, comme le dit Be- noit XIV, co-judices, juges de la foi avec le Pape. Mais avec la nouvelle regie de foi, ne semblerait-il pas aux fideles qu'il n'y a plus qu'un juge reel, et que les Eveques ne le sont plus serieusement ? Leur cooperation, anteYedente ou subtequente, en effet, ne sera plus en rien ne'eessaire. Le jugemei infaillible du Papi , comme dit Monsigni Manuing, sera complet et parfait t n hi ; meme, " en dehors et iniependamment e i l'episcopat." ils p.)urront ne plus entrt pour rien, si le Pape le veut ainsi, dans It jugements sur la foi. Alors i! n'y aura plm il en fait, qu'un seul juge, le Pape. Comment en effet, lorsque le Pape aur ;j proclame, seul, en dehors de l'e'piscopat t J sans les Eveques, un dogme de foi, commen faire comprendre aux fideles ces deux chosee J que la sentence du Pape a immed ateinen j par elle-meme, inde'pendamment de tout I adhesion e'piscopale, la force de chose juge* et que les Eveques cepeudant restent vrai juges ! Quelle sentence peuvent-ils done alor porter? — Une sentence de simple a IhesioH dit-on. — Mais cette sentence du moins sera t-ellelibre? Non; elle nest pas libre, ca: ils sont obliges d'adher«r. — Est-elle mem' requise? Non, elle n'est require d'aucum fa<;on, car la sentence du Pape est obliga toire par elle-meine, independamment d' toute adhe'sion de I'Episeopat. Je me demande si. dans ces conditions les fideles conside'rei ont toujours les Evequei comme de vrais juges ? Que serait en effet, a leurs yeux, ur tribunal dont le president aurait le privi- lege de decider et de juger tout, tout s=eul de telle sorte que tous les autr< s juges seraient obliges de juger comme lui? L< vote seul du president sufnrait : la senienct des autres seiait faite par la sieune, dictet par la senne ; nul ne pourrait juger apre- lui autrement que lui; et l'adhesion de ses collegues ne serait meme pas requise pour la deeisiin. Evidemment un tel tribunal paraitrait de'risoire, et de juges, en realite', on n'en verrait qu un. Les the'olugiens peuvent arguinenter et distinguer ici. Mais les fideles, ce grand public qui n'entend pas les distinctions the'ologiijues, ou en sera-t-il ? Sans doute le I 'ape est le juge principal, et son jugement est toujours indispensable. Non-seulement il preside le tribunal, mais il continue le jugement des autres juges. Dans les tribunaux ordinaires, la voix du pre'sident est ordinairement pre'p;.nde'rante; mais dans l'Eglise, la voix du Pape est de plus neeessaire, et le jugement des Eveques, meme dans un Coneile ceeumenique. n'est detinitif que quand celui du Pape s y ajoute. En un mot, dans la definition de la foi, les Eveques et le Pape ont respectivement leur part neces-aire. Cela serait-il encore vrai pour les Eveques, aux yeux des fideles, DOCUMENT VI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 291 quand le Pape, declare infaillible, jugerait Beul? XIII. Continuons, Messieurs, en nous placint toujours au point de vue des fideles, ii rechereher et a examiner quels peuvent (jtre le* inconvenients probal >les de la de'fi- jition dogmatique en question. En meme temps que juges, les Eveques uont doctei'bs. Tons les cate'chismes disent Les paroles t defini. Et la grande maxime catholique se realise : Quod unique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus. Les fideles comprennent facilement cela. Taudis qu'un jugement doctrinal du Pape seul, sans que l'adhesion de l'Episcopat n'y fut a aucuu point de vue requise, se pie'- sentcra a eux sous un autre aspect. Ce sera, dans une question de temoignage, un temoin, qui pourra, quand il le voudra, remplaccr tous les autrcs : un sevd te'moin, au lieu de tous : un temoin qui n'a aucun besoin, s'il letrouve bou, des autres temoins, ni de bur temoignage, pour savoir ce qui est la tradition et la foi de leurs Eglises. C'est-a-dire qu'a qu< lque ch^se de tres- simple et de tres-comprehensible, dans l'ordre spirituel, on subs lituei ait, aux yeux des fideles, qmlque chose d'txtraordiraire, d'anormal, un miracle perpe'tuel, et bien autre que celui de l'infaillibilite de l'Eglise. Ici du moins, s'il y a encore miracle, les fideles con coi vent que ce miracle est absolu- ment necessaire, et implique dans la notion meme de l'Eglise : sans l'infaillibilite' dans l'Eglise, pas d'Eglise. Mais ils conei.ivent moius la necessite de ce miia> le pour le Pape seul, parce que sans l'infaillibilite person- nelle et separe'e du Pape, l'Eglise se com- prend encore parl'aitement : l'infaillibilite de l'Eglise pourra b.ujours suffire a tout, comme tile y a toujours suffi. Les fideles savent tres-bien que, dans ce grand t-t univi rsel temoignage de l'Eglise, le Pape est te'moin, principal te'moin, temoin de la principale et souvi raine Eglise, de telle qui, place'e au etntru, communique avec toutes les autres, comme toutes Its autres doivent communiquer avec elle. Mais jusqu'ici lis fideles n'ont pas cru que le Pape fut dans l'Eglise le seul te'moin. De'sormais, prononcant seul, il le serait quand il voudrait. XIV. On dit bien. et il faut le dire: Vbi Petrus, ibi Ecclesia. C'est la un grand mot de saint Ambroise. Mais on abuse quelquefois de ce mot etran^einent. A en- tendre certains e'erivains, dont les exage'- rations assurement ne plaisent ni au Pape, ui guere a personne, on diiait que le Pape 292 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document est k lui seul toute l'Eglise. Non, le Pape est le Chef de l'Eglise; il n'est pas toute l'Eglise. Le mot hglise est un mot collectif, qui ne peut s'entendre d'aucune indivi- dualite' separe'e, quelle qu'elle soit. L'Eglise de Jesus-Christ a pour chef neVessaire le Papi', et il n'y a pas d'Egliso de Jesus- Clnist saus le Pape : ce sera it un corps sans tete. Mais le Pape n'est pas et n'a jamais pretendu etre toute l'Eglise. Le vrai et legitime usage pratique de ce mot celebre, c'est que, dans les divisions produites, par les schismes et les heresies, pour leconnaitre ou est l'Eglise, il faut regarder on est le Pape. C'est ainsi que nous sommes c( rtains que l'Eglise russe, l'Eglise anglicane ne sont pas l'Eglise de Jesus-Christ, paree qu\ lies n'ont pas le Pape avec elles; et au con- traire l'Eglise eatholique romaine est la vraie Eglise, parce qu'elle ri connait le suc- cc sseur de Pierre pour Chef: JJbi Petrus, ibi Ecclesia. Ne paraissons done pas. Messieurs, separer, aux yeux des fideles, par une definition qui les troublerait, ce qui ne doit pas etre se'pare : le Pape et l'Episcopat. Certaines ecoles the'ologiquts ont eu longtemps ici le nieme tort, en sens con- traire : les uns voulant se'parer le Pape de l'Episcopat, et les autres l'Episcopat du Pape. L'Eglise est un corps vivant : Corpus. C'est la le mot sans cesse repe'te par saint Paul, qui s'applique a montrer dans ce corps mystique les rapports de la tete et des membres, et l'harmonie de l'organisme tout en tier. Le Pape est la tete, le Chef visible de l'Eglise. Mais si l'on met la tete d'un cote et le corps de l'autre, oil sera la vie V L'Eglise est un e'ditiee: xdificabo Eccle- siam meam ; pourquoi vouloir isoh r le fi-n- dement de l'edifice, et l'e'difice du fonde- ment ? L'Eglise est batie sur la pierre : oui, mais au-di ssus de la pierre il y a l'edifice, et la pierre n'e6t le fondement que par sa liaison avec l'e'difice : Super hanc petram gedificabo Ecclesiam meam. Certains disent: Pierre tst tout. Evi- deniment nou : le Chef n'est pas tout le corps. 11 est le fondement, il n\ st pas tout l'edifice. L'edifice sans le fondement croulerait ; le fondement sans l'e'difice ne serait le fondt nient de lien. Point done de se'paration, Messieurs, ni germaniste, ni romaniste, ni gallicane, ni ultramontaine, ni dans les definitions dog- matiques, ni autrement, Je'sus-Christ a vou I autre chose : TJnum sint ! Laissons-la les vieilles et vaiucs qu r< lies ! Les fideles ne eomprennent que l'Egl: j avec son Chef supreme, et le chef avJ l'Eglise. Cette conception de l'Eglise ne nuit cj reste en rien k la divine autorite' et . l'initiative souveraine du Pontife romain. Successeur de Pierre, Vicaire de Je'su Christ, en qui reside la plenitude de ! puissance apostolique, Chef de tous les Ev> ques, Pontife de la chaire prineipale, « laqudle toutes les autres gardent l'unit Pasteur universel non-seulement des brebi mais aussi des Pasteurs, bouche de l'Eglis clef de voute de la catholicite : V'oila le Pape, voila la tete de l'Eglis enseignante. Et voici les Eveques : Succe.-seurs de a| otres, Juges et Docteurs, avec lesquel Je'sus-Christ est chaque jour et jusqu'a 1 consommation des siecles ; Pasteurs des per ph s, sous Fautorile supe'rieure et principal du Pontife souverain : poses par V Esprit Saint pour regir V Eglise de Dieu, et eiiseigne toutes les nations : Telle est l'economie toute puissante d cette myste'rieuse et vivante unite' de l'Eglise oil tout est divin, parce que tout est un, e oil l'assemblage et la correspondance son tels que chaque partie, quand elle est ii a place, participe a la force du tout. Non, n'e'toniions pas It s fideles en poitan la critique sur cette divine constitution : n creusons pas autour et au-dessus de cet fondements sacres : que personne ne se'pan ce que Je'sus-Christ a fait pour demeurc et> rnelli ment utii. Ah ! que plutot, nous serrant tous plui que jamais avec ve'neration, obe'issance ei amour, autour du Souverain-Pontife, nout eloijjnions de nous jusqu'a l'ombre meme d( la division ! Que tous, nous ouUiant ge'ne reusement nous-memes, et sacrifiant a l'Eglise nos preoccupations personnelles, nons tra- vaillions unanimement k la const rviition dt cette paix et de c tte unite' oil Dieu ha- bite ! C'est alors, mais alors seulement, que nous pre'eeuterons au moude le spictacle dt cette grande arme'e range'e en bataille, doni parle l'Ecriture ; invincible, parce qu'tlle est range'e. Et c'est alors uussi que, pai l'i xemple non moins que par la doctrine, nous ofi'rirons a la societe en pe'ril le secoun de Dieu qu'elle attend, et cette deiuiere ressource de vie qu'elle appelle k grandl cris. XV. Voila, Messieurs, bieii des details Document VI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 293 de theologie que j'aurais voulu e'viter; jo les destine au clerge', mais ils toniberont aussi sur le grand cheinin, sur la pierre et panui les ronces, au milieu des oiseaux moqueura, des ennemis *t des ignorants. Du reste, que nul ne s'e'tonne des opinions Bgitees dans nos e'coles. Cette divt rsite, ces discussions entre the'ologiens, prouvent la liberte, in dubiis libertas, et aussi la charite', in out minis curilas. Mais quatid il faut nrriver aux de'cisions ne'cessaires sur les- quelles l'accord doit so f.iire, in necessariis unitas, nous ne somnies pas alors des philo- 8ophes qui disputent, nous somnies d< s dooteurs qui cnseignent, et des temoins qui de'posent. Or nous devons nous consumer en re- flexions, en distinctions, en scrupules, avant de douner quelque chose a porter a vos Bsprits ou a vos consciences, hommes legers qui vous moquez d'un labeur entrepris pour vous ! Vous ne vous plaignez pas des cal- culs minutieux des astronomes et des marins, avant da vous embarquer, ni des investi- gations du juge qui tient votre sort entre Its mains. Les theologiens meritent aussi vos respects dans des recherches qui re- gardeut vos antes et la verite. Ne vous mo- quez pas, et ne vous troublez pas. Au lieu d'e'coutt r aux portes de nos ecoles, eutrez dins ct t admirable temple de la verite' cluetienne, dont dix-neuf siecles n'ont pas arrache une pierre, la ou l'on rencontre cette alliance unique de l'assistance de Dieu et de runauimite des temoignages, qui s'appelle I'Eglise : semblable en quelque sorte au fcysteme lumim ux du monde, qui se com- pose d'un principal foyer, d'astres sans Sombre et d'une seule et meme luniiere en tous lieux re'pandue. Dans l'e'clat d'un midi tranquille, un seul foyer semble re'pan- dre la luniiere ; mais si la nuit s'obseurcit, on voit au firmament des astres innom- brables, afin que 1'homme puisse toujours se couduire, mille rayons se fondant sur sa tete dans une seule clarte. XVI. Jo voudiais resumer toute cette longue se'rie de questions, et exprimer clain.- iw nt l'etat de mou ame. Nous avons b en des combats, et c'est la vie ! mais sur cette graude question de PLglise, nous avons la paix. Nul catho- Uque ne doute de 1'infaillibilite de r£>;lise; eon 11 ne nul ne doute de la Primaute du Pape, tjui institue les Eveques, convoque les CJonciles, propose les decrets, confirme les decisions ; nul ne doute e. Nous avons tous ensemble reclame et obtenu la liberte des peres de famille U 294 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document VII. dans l'eilucation de leurs enfants, tous en- semble defendu la liberte' des associations religieuses, liberte de la charite, le deve- loppenient des missions civilisatrices. L'E- glise entiere doit a la France les Sceurs de charite, les Freres des ecoles chretiennes, l'CEuvre de la propagation de la foi dans les deux mondes, les Conferences de Saint- Vincent de Paul, les colleges des Je'suites et des Dominicains, les Petites-Sceurs des pauvres, et toute cette incomparable armee pacifique qui est, comme notre armee guer- rieie, la premiere du monde. Depuis vingt ans, le Sie'ge pontifical a ete attaque, frappe, trahi, opprime', livre a des advereaires im- placables. Les Eveques francais Pont de- fendu, servi, assiste, aime, exalte, console dans un magnifique mouvement que le temps n'a pas affaibli. Et ne sont-ce pas eux encore, dans les mauvais jours que nous traversons, qui ont donne' la premiere im- pulsion a cette ceuvre si touchante et au- jourd'hui univenelle du Denier de saint Pierre? Ah! j'ose dire que tant de de'- vouement a Kome et au monde catholique, donne a l'Eglise de France le droit d'etre crue, le droit d'etre entt-ndue, quand elle parle de son attachement au Saint-Siege, et au Vicaire de Notre-Seigneur Jesus- Christ. Que dis-je ! Tel est Pentrainement de la France vers le centre de Punite, que les doctrines exageiees passent les monts en venant de France, et c'est de Eome que part la moderation, le temper iment, la cagesse ; c'est Kome quiarrete la furia francese, et se refuse a mettre les exces dans les dogmes. Aussi mes freres, ne soyez pas inquiets ! Hommes de foi, ne vous troublez pas ! Si je me suis decide a entrer avec vous, Messieurs, et en public dans ces de'tails, c'est par un secret instinct que j'avais plutot a calmer des emotions dans mon pays qu'a devancer des objections a Kome. J'en suis convaincu : a ptine auiai-je touche la tt-rre sacree, a peine aurai-je baise le tom- beau des Apotres, que je me sentirai dans la paix, hors de la bataille, au sein d'une assemble'e presidee par un Pere et composee de Freres. La, tous les bruits expireront, toutes les ingerences temeraires cesseront, toutes les imprudences disparaitront, les flots et les vents seront apaise's. Nous penserons aux ames dont nous repondons devant Dieu, nous penserons au Dieu qui nous voit et nous jugera, nous penserons aux Apotres, nous croirons lJ| FELIX, Eveque d' Orleans. Orleans, ce 11 novembre, en la fete de saint Martin. DOCUMENT VII. Pbomulgazione del Gtubbileo. Omnibus Christifidelibus, praesentes lit- teras inspectuiis, PIUS PP. IX salute m et apostolicam benedictionem. Nemo certe ignorat, Oecumenicum Con- cilium a Nobis fuisse indictum in Basilica Nostra Vaticana, die 8 futuri mensis Decem- biis, Immaculatae Sanctissimaeque Dei[:arae Virj-inis Mariae Conceptioni sacr.», incho- andum. Itaque hoc potissimum tempore nunquam desistimus in humilitate cordis Nostri ferventissimis precibus orare et obse- crare clementissimum luminum et miseri- cordiarum Patrem, a quo omne datum opti- mum, et omne donum perfectum descendit, 1 ut mittat de caelis sedium suarum assis- tricem sapientiam, quae Nobiscum sit, et Nobiscum laboret, et sciamus quid acceptum sit apud eum. 2 Et quo facilius Deus Nostris annuat votis, et inclinet aures suas ad pieces Nostras, omnium Christifidelium re- ligionem, ac pietatem excitare decrevimus, ut coniunctis Nobiscum precibus, Omni- potentis dexteraeauxilium.et caeleste lumen imploremus, quo in hoc Concilio ea omnia statuere valeamus, quae ad communem totius p -puli christiani salutem, utilita- temque, ac maiorem catholicae Ecclesiae gloriam et felicitatem, ac pacem maxime pertinent. Et quoniam compertum est, gratiores Deo esse hominum preces si mundo corde, hoc est animis ab omni scelere in- tegris ad ipsum accedant,iccirco hac occasione caelestes Indulgentiarum thesauros dispen- sationi Nostrae commissos Apostoiica libera- litate Christifidelibus reserare constituimus, 1 Sanct. Jac, cap. i., v. 1, 17. a Sapient, cap. ix., v. 4, 10. JP KB KT VII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 295 inpagatione, et pro catholicae Ecclesiae tranquillitate, ac tiiumpbo devote tverint, et praeter consueta quatuor anni ipora tribus diebus, etiain non continuis, pe quarta et sexta feria, et Sabbato iunaveriut, et intra commemoratum tem- poris spatium peccata sua confessi Sanctissi- mum Eucbaristiae Sacramentum reverenter susceperint, et pauperibus nliquam eleemosy- nani, prout unicuique devotio suggerit, erogaverint ; ceteris vero extra Urbem prae- dictam ubicumque degentibus, qui Eccle- sias, ab Ordinariis locorum, vel eorum Vicariis, seu Officialibus, aut de illorum mandato, et, ipsis deficientibus, per eos, qui ■hi curam animarum exercent, postquam ad illorum notitiam bae Nostrae Litterae per- veneri'it, de ignandas, vel earum nliquam praetiniti temporis spatio bis visitaverint, alia que recensita opera devote peregerint, plenissimnm omnium peccatorum suorum gemissionem et Indulgentiam, sicut in anno Iubilaei visit mtibus certas Ecclesias intra, et extra Urb.m praedictam concedi con- suevit, tenore prae^entium misericord iter in Domino concedimus atque indulgemus : quae Indulgentia animabus etiam quae Deo in caritate coniunctae ex line vita migra- veiint, per modum suffiagii applicari po- Concedimus etiam, ut navigantes atque iter agentes, quam primum ad sua se domi- cilia receperint, operibus suprascriptis, et bis si.-itata Ecclesia Cathedrali, vel Maiori, vel propria Parochiali loci ipsorum domicilii, eaindem Indulgentiam con»equi possint, et faleant. llegularibus vero personis utrius- que sexus etiam in claustris perpetuo i ibus, necnon aliis quibu.-cumque tam laicis, quam saecularibus, itemque in carcere, aut captivitate existentibus, vel aliqua corporis infirmitate, seu alio quo- cumque impedimento detentis, qui memo- rata opera, vel eorum aliqua praestare nequiverint, ut ilia Confessarius ex actu approbatis a locorum Ordinariis in alia pie- tatis opera commutare, vel in aliud proximum tempus prorogare po.sit, eaque iniungere, quae ipsi poenitentes efricere possint cum 1'acultate etiam dispensandi super Commu- nione cum pueris, qui nondum ad primam Communionem admis.-i fuerint, pariter con- cedimus atque indulgemus. Insuper omnibus et singulis Chriati- fidelibus Saecularibus et Eegularibus cuiusvis Ordinis et Inatituti, etiam ^pecia- liter nominandi, licentiam concedimus, et facultatem, ut sibi ad hunc effectum eligere possint quemcumque Presbyterum Con- tessarium, tam Saecularem, quam Eegu- larem ex actu approbatis a locorum Ordi- nariis (qua facultate uti possint etiam Moniales, Novitiae, aliaeque mulieres intra claustra degentes, dummodo Confessarius approbatus sit pro Monialibus), qui eos ab excommunicationis, suspen>ionis, aliisque ecclesiasticis sententiis, et censuris a iure vel ab bomine quavis de causa latis vel inflictis praeter intra exceptas, necnon ab omnibus peccatis, excessibus, criminibus et delictis quantumvis gravibus et enormibus, etiam locorum Ordinariis, sive Nobis, et Sedi Apostolicae speciali licet forma reser- vatis, et quorum ab.-olutio alias quantumvis ampla non intelligeretur concessa, in foro conscientiae, et bac vice tantum absolvere valeant ; et insuper vota quaecumque etiam iurata, et Sedi Apostolicae reservata (casti- tatis, religionis, et obligationis, quae a tertio acceptata fuerit. seu in quibus agatur de praeiudicio tertii semper exceptis, quatenus ea vota sint perfecta et absoluta, necnon poenalibus, quae praeservativa a peccatis nuncupantur, nisi commutatio futura indi- cetur eiusmodi ut non minus a peccato com- mittendo refraenet, quam prior voti materia), in alia pia et salutaria opera dispensando commutare, iniuncta tamen eis, et eorum cuilibet in supradictis oninii>us poenitentia salutari, aliisque eiusdem Confessarii arbi- trio iniungendis. Concedimus insuper facultatem dispen- sandi super irregularitate ex violatione Censurarum contracta, quatenus ad i'orum externum non sit deducta, vel de facili deducenda. Non intendimus autem per praesentes super alia quavis irregularitate sive ex defectu, vel publica, vel occulta, aut not i, aliaque incapacitate, aut inhabilitate quoquomodo contracta dispensare, vel ali- u 2 296 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document VIII. qnam facultatem tvibuere super praemissis dispensandi, seu habilitandi, et in pristinum statum restituendi, etiam in foro con- scientiae neque etiam derogare Constitu- tioni cum appositis declarationibus editae a fid. rec. Beuedicto XIV, Praedecessore Nostro Sacrameutum Foenitentiae, quoad inbabilitatem absolvendi complicem, et quoad obligationem denuuciationis ; neque easdem praesentes iis, qui a Nobis, et ab Apostolica Sede, vel aliquo Praelato, seu Iudice Ecclesiastico nominatim excoinmu- nicati, suspensi, interdicti, seu alias in sententias, et censuras incidisse declarati, vel publice denunciati fuerint, nisi intra tempus praefinitum satisfecerint, aut cum partibus concordaverint, nullomodo suffra- gari posse aut debere. Quod i-i intra prae- fiuitum terminum iudicio Confessari satisfa- cere non potuerint, absolvi posse concedimus in foro conscientiae ad eti'ectuni dumtaxat assequendi Indulgentias lubilaei, iniuncta obligatione eatisfaciendi statim ac pote- runt. Quapropter in virtute sanctae obedientiae tenore praesentium districts praecipimus, atque mandamus omnibus, et quibuscumque Ordinariis locorum ubicumque existentibus, eorumque Vicariis et Officials >us, vel ipsis deficientibus, illis, qui curam animarum exercent, ut cum praesentium Litterarum tranr-umpta, aut exempla etiam impressa acceperint, ilia, ubi primum pro temporum ac lot-orum ratione satius in Domino cen- suerint, per suas Ecclesias ac Dioeceses, Provincias, Civitates, Oppida, Terras, et loca publicent, vel publicari fariant, popu- lisque etiam Verbi Dei praedicatione, quoad fieri possit, rite praeparatis, Ecclesiam, seu Ecclesias visitandas pro praesenti Iubi- laeo designent. Non obstan, praesertim quibus facultas abcolvendi in certis tunc expressis casibus ita romano Pontiticis pro tt-mpore existenti reservatur, ut nee etiam similes, vel dissimiles Indulgentiarum, et faculta- tum buiusmodi concessiones, nisi de illis expressa mentio, aut specialis derogatio fiat, cuiquam suffragari possint : necnon regula de non concedendis Indulgentiie. ad instar ; ac quorumcumque Ordinum, et Congrega- tionum, sive Institutorum etiam iuramento, confirmatione Apostolica, vel quavis fir- mitate alia roboratis, statutis et consuetudi- nibus, priviiegiis quoque, indultis, et Litteris Apostolicis eisdem Ordinibus, Congrega- tionibus, et Institutis, illorumque personis quomodolibet concessis, approbatis, et inno- vatis : quibus omnibus et singulis etiamsi de illis, eorumque totis tenoribus, specialis, specifica, expressa et individna, non autem per clausulas generales idem importantes, mentio, seu alia quaevis expressio habinda, aut alia aliqna exquisita forma ad hoc ser- vanda foret, illorum tenores praesentibus pro Bufficienter expressis, ac formam in iis traditam pro servata habentes, hac vice specialiter, nominatim et expresse ad cfi'cc- tum praemissorum, derogamus, cetvrisque contrarii.i quibuscumque. Praecipimus autem, a commemorato die primo Iunii usque ad diem, quoOecumcnica Synodus finem habuerit,ab omnibus universis catholici Orbis utriusque Cleri Sacerdotibus • quotidie addi in Missam Conventualem, Sacrificium fieri in omnibus buius Urbis- Patriarchalibus, aliisque Basilicis, et Collt:- gialibus et Collegiatis Ecclesiis ab earing Canonicis, atque etiam in singidis cniusque Religiosae Familiae Ecclesiis Regularium, qui Conventualem Missam celebrare tciur.i- tur, feria quaque quinta, qua ftstum duplex primae et secundae classis non agatur, (piin tamen haec de Spiritu Sancto Missa ullam habeat applicationis obligationem. Ut autem praesentes Nostrae, quae adi singula loca deferri non possunt, ad omnium notitiam facilius deveniant, volumus ut praesentium transumptis, vel exemplis ei iam impre^sis, manu alicuius Notarii publici subscriptis, et sigillo personae in dignitate ecclesiastica constitutae munitis, ubicumque locorum et gentium, eadem prorsus fides habeatur, quae habiretnr ipsis praesentibus, si forent exhibitae vel ostensae. Datum Romae apud Sanctum Pctrum sub Annulo Piscatoris, die 11 Aprilis anno 1869. Pontificatus Nostri Anno Vicesimotertio. N. Card. Paracciani Clarf.i.tj. (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 1° maggio 1869.) DOCUMENT VIII. Allocuzione tenuta nella Congregazione generale innanzi la prima sessione del Concilio Vaticano dal Santissimo nostro Signore per la divina Provvidenza PAPA PIO IX, il di 2 dicembre dell' anno 1869 ai vescovi del mondo cattolico per lo stessc Concilio in Roma convenuti. Venerabiles Fratbes. Sacri oecumenici Vaticani Concilii Con- ventus post paucos hinc dies auspictturi, nihil opportunius Nobisque iucundius existi- mavimus, VV. FF., quam ut Vos universot 3UMENT VIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL/ 297 hodierno die iuxta Nostra hie desideria congregates alloqui, ac praecipuam carita- tcm, quam intimo corde alimus, Vobis aperire possemus. Cum enira de re maxima agatur, qualis est ilia in qua de remediis o i>mparandis agitur tot inalis, quae Chris- tiauam et civilem societateru hoc tempore perturbant, piitavimus Apostolica Nostra sollieitudine diguum esse, et tautae rei ma- giiitiulini consentancum, ut antequam Con- ciliarium rerum actio initiumhabeat, in omnia jfratiae auspiciuru Vobis caelestis benedic- tionis opem a Deo clementissimo precare- mur; ac nucessarium censuimus, Vobis eas tradere normas, Apostolicis Nostris litteris consiijnatus atque editas, quas ad omnia iu C't n ic i 1 iaribus actionibus ri te et ordine agenda, constituend is esse iudicavimus. Hoc au- tem illud est, VV. FF., quod Deo et inima- culata Dcipara votis No^tiis annuente ho- dierno dieiu ainplissimo hoc Vestro conventu peragimus; nee satis verbis explicare pos- sumus ingentem earn c>>n>olationem, quam Vestra haec exoptata, et debita Apostolic. ie vocis obsequio frequentia Nobis ingerit, cum Vos tandem ex omnibus C.ttholici Orbis partibus in banc almam Urliem, indicti a Nobis Concilii causa convenisse, et summa animorum con^en^ione Nobiscum coniunctos asjiiciamns : quos eximia erga Nos et Apos- tolicam Sedem devotio, mirificus ad navan- dam Christo Kegno operain ardor, et in pluribus etiam tribulationum pro Christo perpessio iure efficit cordi Nostro carissimos. Haec autem, VV. FF., haec Vestra Nobis- cum coniunctio eo gratior Nobis accidit, quod in ea haeicntes Apostolorum vestigiis in- sist im us, qui suae unanimae et constantis cum divino Magistro coniunctioui.s luculeuta Nobis exempla reliquerunt. Nostis enim ex tacris litteris, cum Christus Domiuus Pales- tinae regiones peragrans iter faceret per civitates et cast.ella, praedicans et evangeli- Ziins regnum Dei, Eius lateri Apostolus pari omnes studio adliaesisse, et duodecim mm Illu, uti Sanctus Lucas ' loquitur, fide- lity quacuuque iter haberet. es»e versatos. Ati|ue liaee Apootolorum coniunctio splendi- dius etiam eaituit eo tempore, cum caelestis Magister docans in Capiiarnaum, de divinae Eucharistiae mysterio coram Hebraeis iu»iori sermone pertractavit : tunc enim cum gens ilia carualis et obtusions sensus sibi de taiitae cadtatis opere peisuadere non posset, atque ita Magistri pertaesam se ostfidisset, ut multi discipuloruni, I< anne tcstaiit!', abireut retro et 2 non cum Jllo aiubular ut, Apostolorum tamen amor in Wagistii \eneratioue et obsequio immotus pi rstiiit, et Iesu Apostolus percunctante i Luc, 8, 1. - Iuann., 0, 67. num et ipsi vellent abire, graviter id ferens Petrus in eas voces erupit : " Domine ad quem ibimus?" ac rationem adiecit quare Dominum constanti fide sequi velle statueret: * Verba vitae aeternae babes." Haec nos animo recjlentes, quid dulcius aut iucundius hac nostra coniunctioae reputare, quid porro etiam firmius ac stabilius tueri deb<.-nmus ? Non deerunt certe Nobis, una licet in Christi nomine coniuuetis, non deerunt contradic- tiones ac ditnicationes subcundae, nee inimi- cus homo segnis erit, nil magis eupiens quam superseminare zizania ; at Nos memores Apostolicae flrmitudinis et constantiae, quae Domini praeconio laudari meruit : " Vos esiis qui permansi«tis mecum in tentationi- bus meis," ' memores Kedemptoris Nostri diserto denuneiantis : "Qui mecum non est conira me est," officii pariter Nostri me- mores esse debebimus, omnique studio curare, ut inconcussa fide ac firmitate Christum sequamur, Iliique omni tempore concordibus animis adhaereamus. In ea enim, VV. FF., conditione constituti sumus, ut in acie adversus multipliccs eosdemque acerdmos hostes, diuturna iam contentione versemur. Utamur oportet spiritualibus militiae Nostrae armis, totamque certamiuis vim, turn divina innixi auctoritate, turn caritati, patientiae, precationis et con- stantiae clypeo sustineamus. Nihil autem metus est ne vires nobis in hac dimicatione deficiant, si in Auolorem et Consumator. m Fidei nostrae, oculos animosque coniiceie voluerimus. Si enim Apostoli oculis et co- gitatione in Christo Iesu defixi satis ex hoc animi viriumque sumpserunt, ut adversa quaeque strenue pert'errt-nt, Nos pariter Ipsum adspicientes in sdutari pignore Re- di-mptiouis nostrae, ex hoc aspectu, unde divina mauat virtu-, Nos cam vim roburque inveniemus, quo calumnias, iuiurias, inimi- corum arte.i superemus, ac salntem Nobis, totque etiam miseris a via veritatis erranti- bus ex Christi Cruce haurire laetabimur. Neque vero Redemptorem Nostrum respicere contcnti, earn quoque mentis docilitatem induamus necesse est, ut Eidem libenter toto cordis aifectu audientes simus. Hoc est enim quod ipse Pater caelestis Maiestatis suae auetoritate praecepit, cum revelante Chiistt Doiniuo gloiiam suam in monte praecelso coram electis testibus : " Hie est, inquit, Filius meus dilectus in quo mini bene complacui, Ipsuin audite." Iesurn igitur prono mentis obsequio audiamus utique in omni re, ut in ea praucipue quam Ipse ita cordi habuit, ut praenoscens ditfi- cultates anions ipsa obuoxia t'utura esset iu mundo, de ilia ipsa Patrem suum obsecrare 1 Luc, 22, 28. 298 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document IX. in novissima Caena effusis iteratisque votis non omiserit : " Pater Sancte, serva eos in nomine tuo quos dedisti mihi, ut sint unura sicut et nos." ' Una itaque anima cum uno corde in Cliristo Iesu sit cunctis. Non aliud sane Nobis maiori consolationi futurum est quam si obsequentem Chiisti monitis aurem cordis iugiter praebuerimus, quo pacto et Nos esse cum Christo agnoscemus, et perspicuum aiternae salutis pignus inesse reperiemus in Nobis : " Qui enim ex Deo est, verba Dei audit." 2 Has Pontificiae Nostrae cohortationis voces ex intimo cordu depromptas, Omni- potens et Misericors Deus, Deipara Immacu- lata deprecante, potenti sua ope confirmet, efficiatque propitius, ut uberibus fructibus augeantur. t'onvertat deinde faciem suam ad Vos, VV. FF., ac turn corpora turn ani- mos Vestros benedictionis suae gratia prose- quatur : corpora nempe, ut labores omnes, qui a Vestro sacro ministerio abesse non possunt, strenue alacriterque ferre valeatis ; animos vero, ut oaelestibus auxiliis abunde repleti, saeerdotalis vitae exemplis et virtu- tum omnium splendore in Clnistiani Gregis salutem praeluceatis. Huius autem bene- dictionis gratia Vobis continenter adsit, atque omnil>us vitae Vestrae diebus cle- menter adspiret, ut dies pleni inveniantur in Vobis, pleni sanrtitatis et iustitiae, pleni sanctorum operum fructibus, in quibus verae nobis divitiae et gloria continetur. Atque ita Nobis continget feliciter ut expleto mortalis peregrinationis cursu, in novissimo illo vitae die dicere cum Pro- pheta Rege non vereamur : " Laetatus sum in bis quae dicta sunt mihi, in domum Domini ibimus; " atque aditum Nobis patere plane confidamus in Montem sanctum Sion, caelestem Hierusalem. (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 18 decembre 1869.) DOCUMENT IX. Lettere Apostolicbe della Santita di nostro Signore per divina Provvidenza PAPA PIO IX, colle quali si stabilisce l'ordine generate da osservarsi nella celeb razione del sacrosanto ecumenico Concilio Vati- cano. Pivs Papa IX AD FVTVRAM REI MEMORIAM. Multiplices inter, quibus divexamur an- gustias, ad Divinae Clementiae, quae conso- 1 Ioann., 17, 11. « loann., 8, 47. latur Nos in omni tribulatione Nostra, 1 gratias persolvendas maxims excitamur, qua propitiante, illud celeriter Nobis con- tinget, ut sacrosanctuin generale et oecume- nicum Concilium Vaticanum iam a Nobis ea adspirante indictum, feliiiter auspioemur. Gaudium autem in Domino iure praecipi- mus, quod salutares Conoilii eiusdem con- ventus solemni die Immaculatae Dei Matris Mariae semper Virginis Conceptioni sacro, atque adeo sub potentibus maternisque aus- piciis tius aggressuri sumus. eosque in Vaticana Nostra Basilica inituri ante Beatissimi Petri cineres, qui in accepta for- titudine Petrae perceverans suscepta Ecchsiae gubernacula von reliquit, et in quo omnium Pusforum sollicitudo, cum commenduturum sibi ovium custodia perseverat. 2 Iamvi to memores hoc oecumenicum Concilium a Nobis convocatum fuisse, ut extirpandis erroribus, quos praesertim huius saeculi conflavit impietas, removendis malis, quibus Ecidesia affligitur, emendandis moribus et utriusque Cleri disciplinae instaurandae, coniuncta Nobiscum sacrorum Ecclesiae Antictitum adhibeatur opera, ac probe nos- centes, quo studio intentsique sollicitudine curare debeamus, ut ea omnia, quae ad rectam rationem tarn salutaris negotii ge- rendi, tractandi ac perficiendi pertinent, ex sancta maiorum disciplina institutisque statuantur, idcirco Apostolica Nostra auc- toritate ea quae sequuntur decemimus, atque ab omnibus in hoc Vaticano Concilio servanda esse praecipimus. Be modo vivendi in Concilio. Reputantes aiiimo quod omne datum opti- mum, et omne donum perfectum desuraum est, descendens a Patre luminum, 3 quodque nihil Caelestis Patris benignitati pronius est, quam ut det spiritum bonum peteutihus se,* iam Nos, dnm Apostolicis Nostris Lit- teris, 5 die undecimo Aprilis hoc anno datis, Ecclesiae thesauros saerosancti huius Concilii occasione Christifidelibus reseravi- mus, non solum eosdein Christifideles vehementer hortati sumus, ut emundantes conscientiam. ab operibus mortuis ad ser~ viendum Deo viventi 6 orationibus, obsecra- tionibus, ieiuniis aliisque pietatis actibtd insistere velint : sed etiam Divini Spiritua lumen et opem in sacro^ancto Missae sacri- ficio celebrando, quotidie in univer«o Orbe « II. Corinth, i. 4. 2 San. Leo P. Serm. 2, in Anniver. Assumptionis suae. 3 Iacob. i. 17. •• Luc, xi„ 13. s Lilt. Nost. 11 aprilis 1869. 6 Kp. ad Hebrae., ix., H. 7UMKNT IX.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 299 Catbolico implorari mandavimus, ad pro- sperum a Domino huio Concilio exitum, et salutares ex eo Ecclesiae sanctae fructus impetrandos. Quas quidem adhortationes et praeserip- tioiit's mo Id nnovantes et confirmantes, id praeterea iubemus, ut in huius almae Urbis Nostrae Ecclesiis, sacrosancta Synodo per- dumnte singulis diebus Dominicis bora, quae pro fideli populo magis congrua videa- tur, Litaniae ali.ieqne orationea ad hunc finem constitutae recitentur. At longe bis maius aliquid et excellentiua ab Episcopis, aliisque qui in Sa< erdotali Online censentur hoc Concilium concele- biautibus, praestandum est, quos, uti mi- niatroa Christi et dispensatores mysteriorum Dei oportet in omnibus seipsos praebere txemplum bonorum optrum in d"C(rina, in integritate, in gravitate, ve bum sanum, irre- prehens.'bile, ut his qui ex ad verso est vereatur nihil habens malum dicere de nobis. l Quare veterum Com-iliorum ac Tiidentini nomina- tiin vestigiis inbacrentes hortamur illos omnes in Domino, ut orationi, sacrae lectioui, caelestium rerum meditationibus pro sua cuiusque pietate studiose intendant : ut pure casteque sancto Missae sacrificio, quam fkri possit, frequenter opereutur; aniiiiuni men- temque ab bumanarum rerum curis immu- nem servent; modesliam in moribus, iu victu temperantiam, et in omni actione religionem retineant. Absiut animorum dissidia, absit prava aemulatio et contentio, sed omnibus imperet, quae inter c. teras virtutes eminet charitas, ut ilia dominante et in olumi, de boc sacro Episcoporum Ec- clesiae conventu dici possit: Ecce quam bonum et qunm iucundum habitare j'ratres in unum. 2 Evigilent demum Patres in dome&ti- corum suoium cura, et christianae ab eis aanctaeque vitae disciplina exigenda, me- mores quam gravibus verbis Paulus Apo- fctolus praecipiat Episcopis, ut siut suae doinui bene pi aepositi. 3 II. De iure et modo proponendi. Licet ius et munus proponendi negotia, quae iu sancta oecumenica Synodo tractari debebnut, de iisque Pa tram sententiaa rogandi nonnisi ad Nos, et ad hanc Apo- stolicam Sedeui pert-neat, mbilominus non modo op'amus, sed etiam hortamur, ut si qui inter Concilii Patres aliquid projonen- clum habu>riut, quod ad publicum utiiita- tem confer. e posse existiment, id libere exequi velint. Cum vero probe perspiciamus 1 Ep. ad Tit., ii , 7. 2 Po. exxxii. 8. 3 J. I'iiiioth. iii , 4. banc ipsam rem, nisi congruo tempore et modo perficiatur, non p.trum nccessario Conciliarium aclionum ordini officere posse, idcirco statuimus eiusmodi propositiones ita fieri debere, ut earum quaelibet 1. scripto mandttur, ac peculiaii Congregationi non- nullorum, turn VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. Cardinalium, turn Synodi Patrum a Nobis deputandae privatim exbibeatur : 2. publi- cum rei el ristianae bonum vere respiciat, non siugularem dumtaxat unius vel alterius Dioecesis utilitatem : 3. rationes contineat, ob quas utilis et opportuna censetur : 4. nihil praeseferat, quod a constanti Ecclesiae sensu, eiusque inviolabilibus traditionibus alienum sit. Peculiaris pracdicta Congregatio proposi- tiones sibi exbibitas diligenter expendet, suumque circa earum admissionem vel exclu- sionem consilium No»tro itidicio subadttet, ut Nos deinde matura omideratione de iis statuamu8, utrum ad Synodalem dclibera- tionem dei'erri debt ant. III. De secreto servando in Conc'lio. Prude: itiae hie ratio Nos admonet, ut secreti fidem, quae in superioribus Conciliis non t-einel, adiunctorum gravitate exigente, indicenda fuit, in univorsa buius Concilii actione st rvandam iubeamus. Si enim un- quam alias, hoc maxime t( mpore baec cautio necesr-aria visa est, quo in omnem ocoasiomm excubat invidiae conflandae contra Catholi- cam Eccle^iain eiusque dtctrinam, pluribus nocendi opibus pollens impietas. Qua- propter praecipimus omnibus et singulis Patribus, Officialibus Concilii, Tbeologis, Sacroium Canonum Peritis, ceterisque, qui operam suam Patribus vel Officialibus prae- dictis quovis modo in rebus huius Concilii praebent, ut de^reta et alia quaecumque, quae iis txaminanda prot.onentur, necnon discussioues et singulorum sententias non evulgent, nee alicui extra gremium Concilii pandant, praecipimus pariter ut Officiales Concilii, qui episcopali dignitate praediti non sunt, aliique omnes, qui ratione cuiusvis demandati a Nobis ministerii Conciliaribus disceptationibus inservire debent, iuramt n- tum emitt< re teneantur de munere fideliter obeundo, et de secreti fide servanda circa ea omnia quae supra praescripta sunt, necnon super iis rebus, quae specialiter ipsis c-om- mittentur. IV. De ordine sedendi, et de non inferendo alicui praeiudicio. Cum ad tranquillitatem concordiamque animorum tuendam non parum moment! 300 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document IX. habeat, si in quibuslibet Conciliaribus acti- bus, unusquisque suae dignitatis ordinem fideliter ac modeste custodiat : hinc ad oflvnsionum occasiones, quoad eius fieri pos- sit, praecidendas, infruscriptum ordinem inter diversas dignitates servari praescribi- mus. Primum locum obtinebunt VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. Cardinales Episcopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi ; secundum Patriarchae ; tertium, ex speciali Nostra indulgentia, Primates, iuxta ordinem suae promotionis ad Prima- tialem gradum. Id autem pro hac vice tantum indulgemus, atque ita, ut ex hac Nostra concessione nullum ius vel ipsis Primatibus datum, vel aliis imminutum censeri debeat. Quartum locum tenebunt Archiepiscopi, iuxta su ie ad Archiepiscopa- tum promotionis ordinem ; quiutum Epi- scopi, pariter iuxta ordinem promotionis suae ; sextum Abbates Nullius Dioecesis ; septimum Abbates Generales, aliique Gene- rales Moderatores Ordinum Eeligiosorum, in quibus solemnia vota nuncupantur, etiamsi Vicarii Generalis titulo appellentur, dum tamen re ipsa cum omnibus supremi moderatoris iuribus et privileges, universe suo Ordini legitime praesuut. Ceterum ex superiorum Conciliorum dis- ciplina institutoque decernimus, quod, si forte contigerit, aliquos debito in loco non sedere, et sententiae etiam sub verbo placet proferre, Congregationibus iuteresee, et alios quoscumque actus facere, Concilio durante, nulli propterea praeiudicium generetur, nul- lique novum ius acquiratur. ' De Iudicibus excusationum et querelarum. Quo graviorum rerum pertractatio, quae in hac sacrosancta Synodo agi gerive debent, minus quam fieri posfit, impediatur, aut retardetur ob cognitionem causarum, quae singulos respiciunt : statuimus ut ipsa Synodus per sehedulas secretas quinque ex Concilii Patribus eligat in Indices excusa- tionum, quorum erit procurationem et excu- sationes Praelatorum absentium, necnon eorum postulata. qui, Concilio nondum dimisso, iustam discedendi causam se ha- bere putaverint, excipere, atque ad normam conciliaris disciplinae et SS. Canonum ex- peudere : quod cum feeerint, nrm quidquam de liisce rebus decernent, sed de omnibus ad Congregationem genera' em ordine re- .ferent. Praeterea statuimus. ut eadem Synodus pariter per schedulas secretas, i Cone. Trid. Scss. 2. Decret. De modo viv. $ lu- mper. alios quinque ex Patribus eligat, in Indices qwrelarum et controversiarum. Hi porro controversias omnes circa ordi- i nem sedendi, vel ius praecedendi, aliasque, si quae forte inter congregatos oriantur, iudicio summario atque oeconomice, ut aiunt, ita componere studebunt, ut nulli praeiudi- cium inferatur; et quatenus cotnpoiuTe nequeant, eas Congregations generalis auctoritati subiicient. VI. De Offic'alibus Concilii. Quo vero et illud magni refert, ut neces- sarii ae idonei ministri et officiates, iuxta conciliarem consuetudinem et disciplinam, omnibus in hac Synodo actibus rite et legi- time perficiendis designentur, Nbs huius- modi ministeriorum rationem habentes, in- frascriptos viros ad ea deligemus et no- minamus, scilicet : 1. Generales Concilii custodes, dilectos filios loannem Columna et Donriniciim Orsini romauos Principes Pontificio Nostro solio Adsistentes. 2. Concilii Secretarium, Venerabilem Fratrem Ioseplium Episcopum S. Hi|>polyti, eique adiic'mus cum officio et titido Subse- cretarii, dilectum filium Ludovicum Iacoj bini e Nostris et huius Apostolicae Sedis Protonotariis, necnon adiutores, dilectos filios Canonicos Camillum Santori et An- gelum Iacobini. 3. Concilii Nolarios, dilectos filios Lueam Pacifici, Aloisium Colombo, loannem Si- meoni, Aloisium Pericoli, et Dominican Bartolini Nostras et huius Apostolicae Se lis Protonotarios, eisque adiungimus dilectos filios Salvatorem Pnllottini et Francisruin Santi Advocates ; qui Notariis eisdem adiu- tricem operam navent. 4. Scrutatores Suffragiorum, dilectos filios Aloisium !■ erafini et Franciscum Nardi cau- sarum Palatii Nostri Apostolici Auditores; Aloisium Pellegrini et Leouardum Dials Nostrae Camerae Apostolicae Clericoi ; Carolum Cristotbri et Alexandium Montani Signaturae Iustitiae votantes ; Frideiiciun deFalloux du Coud ray Nostrae Cancellaria| Apostolicae Eegentem, et Lauientiuni Nina Abbreviatorem ex maiori Parco. Hi autem octo scruta'ores in quatuor distincta paria distributi, ita ad excipienda suffragia pre- cedent, ut bina paria ununi Conciliaris Aulae latus totidemque alteram obeant ; ac praeterea singula paria singulos ex Notariij secum habere debebunt, dum in muncie fungendo vereantur. 5. Promotores Concilii. dilectos filios loan- Document IX. J THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 301 Mm Baptistam do Dominicis-Tosti, et Philippinn Ralli S. Consistorii Advocatos. (J. Magistros Caeremoniaruin Concilii, dilectos filios Aloisium Ferrari Antistiteni Nostrum domesticum Praefectum, et Pium Martinut'ci, Camilluin Balestra, Kemigium Ricci. Iosephuni Roiuagnoli, Petrum : urn Binaldi-Bucci, Antonium Cataldi, Alexandrum Tortoli, Augustinum Accoram- boni, Aloisium Sinistri, Frnnciscuni Riggi, Antonium Gattoni, Balthasarem Baccinetti, Oaesarem Togui, Roclium Massi, Nostros, et huius Apostolicae Sedis Caeremomarios. 7. Assignatores locorum, dilectos filios Henrieum Folchi Praefectum, ac Aloisium Naselli, Edinunduni Stonor, Paulum Bas- tille Aloisium Pallotti iutimos Nostros Cnbicularios, et dilectos filios Scipionem Perilli, Gustavum Gallot. Franciscum Re- gnani, Nicolaum Vorsak, et Pliilippum Sil- vestri Cubicularios Nostros honorarios. VII. De Congregationibus generalibus Patrum. Ad ea modo curam convertentes, quae pongi egationum generalium ordinem re- spiciuut, statuimus ac decernimus, ut iisdem Patrum Congregationibus, quae publnis si\»si mibus praemittuntur quinque ex VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. Cardinalibus Nostro Nomine et Auctoritate praesint, et ad hoc iiuiniis eligimus et noniinamus, Venerabilem Fratrem Nostrum Carolum S. R. E. Car- dinalcm Episcopum Sabinemem De Reisacb nuncupatum, dilecios filios Nostros S. R. E. Presbyteros Cardinales Antoninum titulo SS. Quatuor Coronatorum De Luca nuncu- patum : Iosephum Andream titulo S. Hie- ronymi Illyricorum Bizzarri nuncupatum, et dilectum filium Nostrum Hanuibalem S. R. E. Cardinalem Diaconum S. Mariae in Aquiro Capalti nuncupatum. Hi autem Praesiles, pratter alia, quae ad aptam horum Conventuum moderationem Bpectant, curabunt ut in rebus pcrtractandis initium fiat a diseeptatione eorum, quae ad Hdem pertinent ; deinde integrum ipsis erit feonsultat ones in fidei vel disciplinae capiie couferre, prout opportunum iudicaverint. Cum vero Nos, iam iude a tempore, quo A] o-tolicas Litteras ad hoc Concilium tndicendum dedimus, Viros Theologos et jBcclesia.-tici iuris Convultos, ex variis Catho- 1 i < - 1 orbis regionibus in banc almam Urbem Nostram evocandos curaverimus, ut una cum aliis liuius Urb's, et earumdem disci- plinarum peritis viris, rebus apparandis flarent operam, quae ad huius generalis Synodi scopum pertinent, atque ita expe- ditior via in rcrum tractationc Patribus patere posset ; hinc volumus et mandamus, ut schemata decretorum et canonum ab iisdem viris expressa et redacta, quae Nos, nulla Nostra approbations munita, integra iutegre Patrum cognitioni reservavimus, iisdem Patribus in Congregationem gene- ralem collcctis ad examen et iudicium subiiciantur. Itaque, curantibus memoratis Praesidibus, aliquot ante dies quam Con- gregatio generalis habeatur, decretorum et canonum schemata, de quibus in Congrega- tione indicta agendum erit, typis impressa singulis Patribus distribuentur, quo interim ilia diligenti consideratione in omnem par- tem expendant, et quid sibi sententiae esse debeat accurate pervidcant. Si quis Patrum de schemate proposito sermonem in Congre- gatione ipsa habere voluerit, ad debitum inter oratores ordinem pro cuiusque digni- tatis gradu servandum, opus erit, ut saltern pridie diei Congregationis ipsius, Praesidi- bus suum disserendi propositum significant dum curet. Auditis autem istorum Patrum sermonibus, si alii etiam post eos in conventu ipso disserere voluerint, hoc iisdem fas erit, obtenta prius a Praesidibus dicendi venia, et eo ordine, qucm dicentium dignitas postu- laverit. Iamvero si in ea quae habetur Congrega- tione exhibitum schema vel nullas, vel non- nisi leves dirficultates in ipso congnssu facile expediendas obtulerir,, tunc nihil moiae erit, quominus, disceptationibus com- positis, decreti vel canonis Conciliaris, de quo agitur, formula, rogatis Patrum suf- fragiis, statuatur. Sin autem circa schema praedictum huiusmodi oriantur difficultates, ut, sententiis in contraria conversis, via non suppetat, qua in ipso conventu componi pos- siut, turn ea ratio ineunda erit, quam heic infra statuimus, ut stabili et opportuno modo huic rei provideatur. Volumus itaque, ut ab ipso Concilii exordio quatuor specialcs ac distinctae Patrum Congregationes seu Deputaliones instituantur, quarum prima de rebus ad fidi m pertinentibus, altera de rebus disciplinae ecclesiasticae, tertia de rebus Ordinum Regnlarium, quaita demum do rebus ritus Orientalis, Concilio perdurante, cognoscere et tractate debebit. Quaevis ex praedictis Congregationibus seu Deputa- tionibus numero Patrum quatuor et viginti constabit, qui a Concilii Patribus per sche- dulas secretas eligentur. Unicuique ex iisdem Congregationibus seu Deputationibus praeerit unus ex VV. FF. NN. S. R. E. Car- dinalibus a Nobis desiguandus, qui ex Conciliaribus Theologis vel Iuris Canonici peritis, unum aut plures in commodum suae Congregationis seu Deputationis adsoiseet, atquc ex iis unum constituet, ijni Secretarii 302 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document IX. munere eidem Congregationi seu Deputa- tion! operam navct. Igitur si illud conti- gerit, quod supra innuimus, ut nimirum in generali Conuregatione quaestio de propo- sito sehemate exorta dirimi non potuerit, turn Cardinales eiusdim generalis Congre- gations Praesides curabunt ut schema, de quo agitur, una cum obiectis difficultatibus examini subiiciatur illius ex specialibus Deputationibus, ad quam, iuxta assignata cuique rerum tractandarum genera pertinere intelligitur. Quae in hac peculiari Deputa- tioue deliberata fuerint, eorum relatio tjpis edita Patribus dirigenda erit, iuxta met. o- dum a Nobis superius praescriptam, ut deinde in proxima Congregatione generali, si nihil amplius obstiterit, rogatis Patrum suffragiis, deereti vel canonis Conciliaris formula condatur. Suffragia autem a Pa- tribus oretenus edentur, ita tamen, ut ipsis integrum sit etiam de scripto ilia pronun- tiare. VIII. De Sessionibus publicis. Publicarum nunc Sessionum celebratio exigit, ut rebus et actionibus in ea rite dirigendis, congrua ratione consulamus. Itaque in unaquaque publica Sessione, con- sidentibus suo loco et ordine Patribus, servatisque adamussim caeremoniis, quae in rituali instmctione iisdem Patribus de mandato Nostro tradenda continentur, de suggestu deeretorum et canonum formulae in superioribus Congregationibus «jeneiali- bus conditae, voce sublata et clara iussu Nostro recitabuntur, eo ordine, ut primum canones de dogmatibus Fidei, deinde de- creta de disciplina pronuncientur, et ea adhibita solenmi tituli praefatione, qua Praedecessores Nostri in eiusmodi Conciliari actione uti a msueverunt, nempe : Pius Epis- copus Pervus Servorum Dei, sacro approbante Concilio, ad perpetuam rei rnemoriam. Tunc vero rogabuntur l'atres, an placeant canoues et decreta perlecta; ac statim precedent scrutatores suffragiorum, iuxta methodum superius constitutam, ad suffragia singilla- tim et ordine excipienda, eaque accurate describent. Hac autem in re declaramus buffragia pronunciari debere in haec verba, placet ant non placet : ac simul edicimus, minime fas esse a Sessione absentibus quavis de causa, suffragium suum scripto consigna- tum ad Concilium mittere. lam vero suf- fragiis collectis, Concilii Secretarius una cum supradictis scrutatoribus penes Ponti- ficalem Nostram Cathedram, iis accurate dirimendis ac numerandis operam dabunt, ac de ipsis ad Nos referent : Nos deinde supremam Nostram sententiam edicemus, eamque enunciaii et promulgari mandabi- mns, hac adhibita solemni formula : " De- creta modo lecta placuerunt omnibus Patri- bus, nemine dissent) ente ; vel (si qui for'e dissenserint) tot numero excsptis; Nosqum sacro approbante Concilio, i la ita decern - mus statuim»8 atque sancimus, ut lecta sunt." Hisce autem omnibus explctis, erit Pr< mj torum, Concilii rogare Protonotarios prac- sentes, ut de omnibus et singulis in Sessione peractis, unum vel plura, instrunn ntum vel instrumenta conficiantur. Denique die proximae Sessionis de mandato Nostro in- dicia, Sessionis conventus dimittetur. IX. De non discedendo a Concilio. Universis porro Concilii Patribus, alii.s^ue qui eidem interesse debent praecipiinus sub poenis per SS. Canones indictis, ut ne quis eorum, antequam Sacrosanr'tum hoc gencrale et Oecumenicum Concilium Vaticanum rite absolutum et a Nobis dimissum sit, discedat, nisi discessionis causa iuxta normam supe- rius definitam cognila et probata fuerit, ac impetrata a Nobis abeundi facultas. Indultum Apostolicum de non residentia pro iis qui Concilio intcrsunt. Cum ii onmes qui Conciliaribus actionibus interesse tenentur, ea in re universali Eccle- siae de serviant ; Praedeoes-orum Nostrorum etiam exemplum sequuti l Apostolica be- nignitate indulgemus, ut turn Praesules aliique suffiagii ius in hoc Concilio ha- bente3, turn ceteri omnes eidem Concilio operam quovis titulo impendemV-s, suorum beneficiorum fiuctus, reditu-', proventus ac distributiones quotid anas peicipere possint, iis tantum distiibutionibus exceptis, quae inter praesentes fieri dicuntur; idque con- cedimus Synodo perdurante, et donee quisque eidem adsit aut inserviat. Haec volumus atque mandamus, decer- nentes lias Nostras Litteras et in eis con- tents, quarcumque, in proximo sacrosancto generali et Otcumenico Concilio Vaticano, ab omnibus et singulis ad quos spectat, respective et inviolabiliter observari debere. Non obstantihus, quamvis speciali atque individua mentione ac derogatione dignis, in contrarium facientibus quilmscumque. Datum Eomae apud S. Petrum sub An- nulo Piscatoris, die XXVII Novembris 1 Paulas III, Btcv. I, Januarii 1516; Hug IV, Brcv. 25, Nov. 1561. Document X.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 303 anno MDCCCLXIX. Pontifi'atus Nostri anno Yigesimo quarto. N. Card. Pakacciani-Clarelli. (Dalla Cicilta Caltolica, 18 decembre 18(39.) DOCUMENT X. locnzionechc il Santissimo nostro Signore per divina Provvidenza PAPA PIO IX, per dare principio al sacro C< medio ecu- menico il di 8 decembre dell' anno 1 869, tenne nella Basilica vaticana ai vescovi idel mondo cattolico convenuti alio stesso Coucilio. Venerabiles Fratres. QuoJ votis omnibus ac precibus ab Deo petebamus, ut Oecumenicum Concilium a Nobis indictum concelebrare possemus, id insigni ac singulari Dei ipsius beneficio, datum Nobis esse summopere laetamur. Itaque exultat cor Nostrum in Domino et incredibili consolatione perfunditur, quod tiuspicatissimo hoc die Immaculatae Dei Genitricis Virginis Mariae Conceptioni sa- cro, Voa qui in partem sollicitudinis Nostrae vocati ebtis, iterum maiori quam alius fre- quentia, in hac catholicae Religionis arce praesentes intuemur, aspectuque Vestro per- fruimur iueundissimo. Vos autem nunc, Venerabih s Fratres, in nomine Cbristicongregati ' adestis, ut Nobis- cum testimonium perbibeatis Verbo Dei et testimonium Iesu (Jhristi, 2 viamque Dei in veritate omnes bomines Ncbiscum doceatis, 3 et de oppositionibus falsi nominis scientiae, 4 Nobiscum Spiritu Sancto duce iudicetis. 5 Si enim unquam alias hoc maxime tem- pore, quo vere luxit et defiuxit terra infecta ab babitatoribus suis, 6 divinae gloriae zelus, et Dominici gregis salus a Nobis postulat, ut circumdemus Sion et complectamur earn, narremus in turribus eius, et ponamus corda Nostia in virtute eius. 7 Videtis enim, Venerabdes Fratres, quanto impetu antiquus humani generis bostis Domum Dei, quam decet sanctitudo, ag- gressus sit et usque aggrediatur. Eo auc- tore funesta ilia impiorum coniuratio late grassatur, quae coniunctione fortis, opibus potens, munita institutis, et velamen habens malitiae libertatem, 8 acerrimum adversus Banctam Christi Ecclesiam beilum, omni > Matt., 18, 20. 2 Apoc., 1, 2. 3 Matth. 22, 16.; * 1. Tim., 6, 20. 5 Act. A post. 15, 19. « Isai., 2i, 4, 5. ' l'salm xlvii., 13, 14. * J. Pet., 2, 16. scelere imbutum urgere non desinit. Huius belli genus, vim, arma, progressus, consilia non ignoratis. Versatur Vobis continenter aute oculos sanarum doctrinarum, quibus humanaeres in suis qu.iequeordinibus inni- tuntur, perturbatio et confusio, luctuosa iuris cuiusque perversio, multiplices mentiendi audacter et corrumpendi artes, quibus iustitiae, hon>statis et auctoritatis salutaria vincula solvuntur, pessimae quaeque cupi- ditates in flam man tur, Christiana Fides ab animis funditus convellitur, ita ut certum lioc tempore Ecclesiae Dei metuendum esset exitium, si ullis bominum machinationibus et conatibus exscindi posset. At nihil Ecclesia potentius, inquibat sanctus Ioannes Chryso3tomus : Ecclesia est ipso caelo for- tior. Caelum et terra transibunt ; verba autem mea non transibunt. Quae verba? Tu es Petrus, et super banc Petram aedi- ficabo Ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non prevalebunt adversus earn. 1 Quamquam vero Civitas Domini virtutum, Ci vitas Dei Nostri inexpugnabili funda- mento nitatur, tamen agnoscentes ac intimo corde dolentes tantam malorum congeiiem animarumque ruinam, ad quam avertendam vel vitam p mere parati c ssemus, Nos qui aeterni Pastoris Vicaria in Terris procura- tione l'ungenles, zelo domus Dei prae caeteris incendamur necesse est, earn viam et rationem ineundam Nobis esse duximus, quae ad tot Ecclesiae detiimenta sarcienda utilior et opportunior videretur. Ac illud Isuiae saepe anituo revolventes : " Ini consilium, coge concilium," et reputantes huiusmodi reme- dium in gravissimis rei christianae tempo- ribus a Praedecessoribus Nostris salutariter esse usurpatum, post diuturnas preces, post collata cum Venerabilibus Fratribus Nostris Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinalibus consilia, post expetita etiam plurium Sacro- rum Antistitum suffragia, Vos, Venerabiles Fratre3, qui estis sal terrae, Cu^todes Domi- nici Gregis et Pastores, apud banc Petri Cathedram censuimus evocandos; atque bodie, divina benignitate favente, quae tantae rei impedimenta sustulit, sanctae Con- gregationis initia, solemni maioruin ritu celebramus. Tot autem sunt, tamque uberes caritatis sensu-% quibus hoc tempore afnei- mur, Venerabiles Fratres, ut eos in sinu con- tinere non valeamus. Videmus enim in Vestro Conspectu universam Catholicae gentis familiam, carissimos Nobis Filios praetentes intueri : cogitamus tot amoris pign >ra, tot ferventis atnmi opera, quibus Vestro impulsu, ductu et exemplo suam jiietatemet observantiam Nobis et huic Apo- > Humil. ante exil. n. 1. 304 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XI stolicae Sedi mirifice probarunt, ac porro probant; atque bac cogitatione Nobis tern - perare nou possumus, quin in vestro amplis- s-imo coetu, Nostram erga eos omnes gratis- simam voluntatem, solemni et publica si- gnificatione profitc ntes, Deum enixe adprece- mur, ut probatio eorumfidei multo pretiosior auro, invenialur in laudem et gloriam et honorem, in revelatione Iesu Christi. 1 Miseram deinde etiara tot liominum condi- tionem cogitamus, qui a via veritatis et iustitiae, ideoque verae felicitatis decepti aberrant, eorumque saluti opem afferre desi- deriodesideramus, memores Divini Redemp- toris et Magistri Nostri Iesu, qui venit quaerere et salvum facere quod perierat. Intendimus praeterea oculos in boc Prin- cipis Apostolorum Trophaeum apud quod consistimus, in banc almam Urbem, quae Dei munere tradita non fuit in diieptionem gentium, in Romanum bunc Populuia Nobis dilectissimum, cuius constanti aniore, fide, obsequio circumdamur, atque ad Dei beni- gnitatem extollendam vocamur, qui divini sui praesidii spem in Nobis boc tempore, magis raagisque fulcire et confirmare vo- luerit. At praecipue Vos cogitatione com- plectimu'r, Venerabiles Fratres, in quorum solliuitudine, zelo et concordia, magnum momentum ad Dei gloriam operandam posi- tum nunc esse intelligimus ; agnoscimus rlagrans studium, quod ad Vestrum munus implendum attulistis, ac praeseitim prae- cltiam et arctissiinam illam Vestrum om- nium cum Nobis, et bac Apostolica Sede coniunctionem, qua, ut semper alias in maxi- mis Nostris acerbitatibus, ita potissimum boc tempore nihil Nobis iucundius, nihil Ecclesiae utilius esse potest; acvebementer gaudemus in Domino Vos ita esse animo comparatos, ut ad certain solidamque spem uberrimorum fructuum et maxime optabi- lium, ex Synodali bac Vestra coitione conci- piendam impellamur. Ut nullum fortasse aliud infestius et callidius bellum in Cbristi Regnum exarsit, sic nullum fuit tempus in quo magis Sacerdotum Domini cum Su- premo Gregis Eius Pastore unio, a qua in Ecclesiam miia vis manat, postularetur ; quae quidem unio, singulari divinae provi- dentiae munere et spectata virtute Vestra, ita iugiter reipsa constitit, ut spectaculum iacta sit, et futuram magis confidamus in dies, mundo et angelis et ljominibus. Agile igitur, Venerabiles Fratres, con- fortamini in Domino: ac in nomine ipsius Trinitatis Augustae, sanctifioati in veritate, 2 induti arma lucis, docete Nobiscum viam, ventatem et vitam, ad quam tot agitata aerumnis gens humana iam non adspirare 1 I. 1'tt., 1, V.. 2 loann., It, 19. non potest, date Nobiscum operam, ut pa: :jj regnis, lex barbaris, monasteriis quiesJ Ecclesijs ordo, cb-ricis disciplina, Deo popu j lus acceptabilis restitui possit. 1 Stat Dew i in loco sancto suo, Nostris interest consiliii et actibus, suos Ipse ministry et adiutorei in tarn eximio misericordiae suae opere No; adlegit, atque buic ministerio ita Nos in servire oportet, ut illi unice boc ttmpofjj mentes, corda, vires consecremus. Sed nostrae infirmitatis conscii, Nostris diffisi viiibus, ad Te levamus cum fiducie oculos, precesque convertimus, o Divini Spiritus, Tu funs verae lucis et sapientiae. divinae Tuae gratiae lumen praefer men- tibus Nostris, ut ea quae recta, quae salu- taria, quae optima sunt videamus ; Corda rege, fove, dirige, ut buius Coucilii actionem rite incboentur, prospere promoveantur, salu- briter perficiantur. Tu vero Mater Pulcbrae dileclionis, agui- tionis et sanctae spei, Ecclesiae Regina et propugnatrix, Tu Nos, consultations, la- bores Nostras in Tuam maternam fidem tutelamque recipias, ac Tuis age apud Deum precibus, ut in uno semper spiritu maneamus et corde. Vos quoque Nostris adeste votis, Angeli et Arcbangeli, Tuque Apostolorum Prin- ceps, Btatissime Petre, Tuque Coapostole Eius, Paule, doctor gentium, et predi- cate veritatis in uuiverso mundo, A T osque omnes, Sancti caelites, et praecipue, quorum cineres hie veneramur, potenti Vos depraj catione efficite, ut omnes, ministcrium Nos- trum fideliter implentes, suscipiamua misers cordiam Uei in meilio Templi Eius, Cui honor et gloria in saecula saiculorum. (Dalla Civclta Cattolica, 18 decern* >re 1869.) DOCUMENT XL SANCTISSIMI DOMINI NOSTRI PII DIVINA PROVIDENT! A PAPAE IX. CONST1TUTXO DE ELECTIONS EOMANI l'ONTlElCIS SI CONTINGAT SEDEM APOSTOLICAM VACABE DURANTE CONCiLIO OECUMENICO. PIUS EPISCOPUS SERVES SERVORUM DEI Ad %>trpetuam ret memoriam. Cum Romanis Pontificibus iu B. Petro Apostolorum Principe pascendi, regendi et i San. Bern., De Con., 1. 4, c. 4. Document XI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 305 gubeniaudi universalem Ecclesiam a Do- mino Nostro Iesu Chvisto plena potestas tra- dita fuerit ; pax et unitas ipsius Ecclesiae in grave discrimen facile adducerentur si, Apo- stolica Sede vacante, in electione novi Ponti- ficis quidquam fieri contingeret, quod earn incertam, ac dubiam reddere posset. Ad tarn funestum periculum avertendum plures a Eoraanis Pontificibus Decessoribus Nostris, ac praesertim a fel. record. Alex- andra III in generali Concilio Lateranensi III, 1 a B. Gregorio X in generali Concilio Lugdunensi II, 2 a Clemente V, 3 a Gregorio XV, 4 ab Urbano VIII 5 et a Clemente XII 6 editao sunt Constitutiones, quibus dum multa alia praescribuntur, ut negotium tanti momenti rite recteque expediatur, generatim et absque ulla exceptione declaratur ac de- cernitur electionem Summi Pontificis ad S. R. E. Cardinal ium Collegium unice et exclusive spectare. Haec Nos animo recolentes, cum Oecu- mcnicum et Generale Concilium Vaticanum per Apostolicas Littcras quae incipiunt Aeternis I'atris III kal. Iulias anno 1868, a Nobis in dictum, in eo iam sit ut solemniter initietur, Apostolici Nostri muneris esse ducimus, quamcumque occasionem discor- diarum et dissensionum circa electionem Summi Pontificis praevenire ac praecidere, si Divinae voluntati placuerit Nos, eodem Concilio perdurante, ex hac mortali vita migrare. Quapropter exemplo permoti fel. record. Iulii If, Decessoris Nostri, de quo, comper- tum ex bistoria est 7 tempore generalis Con- cilii Lateranensia V lethali morbo correp- tum Cardinales coram se convocasse, ac de legitima Successors Sui electione sollicitum, Qlis adstantibus edixisse banc non a prae- dieto Concilio, sed ab eorum tantum Collegio esse perficiendam, prout reapse, memorati Iulii sequuta morte, factum fuisse constat, atque exemplo insuper excitati aliorum Decessorum N(jstrorura item fel. rec. Pauli III et Pii IV. quorum primus Apostolicis Litteris datis III kal. Decembris an. 1544, alter vero similibus Litteris datis X kal. Octobris 1561, casum mortis suae praevi- dentes cum Tridentina Synodus celebrare- tur, decreverunt, eiusmodi casu occurrente, electionem novi Pontificis nonnisi a S. R. E. Cardinalibus esse faciendam, exclusa pror- sus quacumque memoratae Synod i participa- 1 Cap. Licet de Electione. 2 Cap. U( i de Electione in 6. 3 Clement. 2 de Electione. * Constlt. J)ect Homanum Povtifwm. 5 Coiisiit. Ad Eomani l'oniificls, V kal. februarii 1625. 6 Constit. Apostolatus, IV. nonas octobris 1732. 7 Raynald, Annal. Jiccles. ad annum 1513, n. VII. " tione : atque insuper de bis babita cum nonnullis Venerabilibus Fnitribus Nostris eiusdem S. R. E. Cardinalibus matura de- liberatione et diligenti examine, ex certa scientia Nostra, Motu proprio ac de Aposto- licae potestatis plenitudine declaramus, dc- cernimus atque statuimus quod, si placuerit Deo mortali Nostrae peregrinationi, prae- dicto generali Concilio Vaticano perdurante, finem imponere, electio novi Summi Ponti- ficis, in quibuscumque statu et terminis Con- cilium ipsum subsistat, nonnisi per S. R. E. Cardinales fieri debeat, minime vero per ipsum Concilium, atque etiam omnino ex- clusis ab eadem electione peragenda quibus- cumque aliis personis cuiusvis, licet ipsius Concilii auctoritate forte deputandis, praeter Cardinales praediclos. Quin imo ut in eiusmodi electione memo- rati Cardinales, omni prorsus impcdimento submoto, et quavis perturbationum et dissi- (iiorum occasione sublata, liberius et expedi- tius procedere queant, de eadem scientia et Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, illud praeterea decernimus atque statuimus ut si, praedicto Vaticano Concilio perdurante, Nos decedere conligerit, idem Concilium in qui- buscumque statu et terminis existat, illico et immediate suspensum ac dilatum intelli- gatur, quemadmodum per Nostras has litteras illud nunc pro tunc suspendere atque in tempus infra notandum differre intendimus, adeo ut nulla prorsus interiecta mora, cessare statim debeat a quibuscumque conventibus, congregationibus et sessionibus, et a quibusvis decretis seu canonibus confi- ciendis, nee ob qualemcumque causam, etiam- si gravissima et speciali mentione digna videatur, ulterius progredi, donee novus Pontifex a Sacro Cardinalium Collegio canonice electus suprema sua auctoritate Concilii ipsius reassumptionem et prosequu- tionem duxerit intimandam. Opportunum autem censentes, ut quae oc- casione praedicti Concilii Vaticani hactenus ordinavimus turn quoad Summi Pontificis electionem, turn quoad eiusdem Concilii suspensionem, certain stabilemque normam in simili rerum eventu perpetuo servandam suppeditent, pari scientia et potestate de- cernimus atque statuimus, ut futuris qui- buscumque temporibus, quandocumque con- tinent Romanum Pontificem decedere, per- durante celebratione alicuius Concilii Oecu- menici sive Romae illud babeatur, sive in alio quovis orbis loco, electio novi Pontificis ab uno S. R. E. Cardinalium Collegio semper et exclusive iuxta modum superius definitum fieri debeat, atque ipsum Con- cilium, pariter iuxta regulam superius sancitam, statim ab accepto certo nuntio do 306 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XU. mortui Pontificis suspensum ipso iure in- telligatur, et tamdiu dilatum, donee novus Pontifex canonice electus illud reassumi et contiimari iusserit. Praesentes autera litteras semper validas, firmas et efficaces existere et fore, suosque plenarios et integros effectus sortiri et ob- tinere, ac nullo unquam tempore ex quo- cumque capite, aut qualibet causa de sub- reptionis, vel obriptionis seu nullitatis vitio, vel intentinnis Nostra^, vel alio quopiam, quantumvis substantial! inexcogitato et inex- cogitabiii ac specificam et individuam mentionem aut expressionem requirente, defectu, aut ex quocumque alio capite a iure statuto, vel quocumque praetextu, ratione, aut causa quantumvis t;ili, quae ad effectum validitatis praemissorum necessario expri- menda foret, notari, impugnari, reilargui, invalidari, retraetari, in ius vel controver- siam revocari posse ; neque easdem prae- sentes sub quibusvis similium vel dissimi- lium dispositionum revocationibus, limita- tionibus, niodificationibus, derogationibus, sub quibuscumque verborum tcnoribus et formis, ac cum quibusvis clausulis et decre- tis, etiamsi in eis de hisce praesentibus, earumque tofo tenore ac data specialis mentio fieret, pro tempore faotis et concessis ac faciendis et concedendis comprehendi; sed semper et omnino ab iilis excipi debere atque ex nunc quidquid contra praemissa, Apostolica Sede vacante, quavis auctoritate etiam memorati Concilii Vaticani, vel alte- rius cuiuscumque futuris temporibus Con- cilii Oecumenici, licet de unanimi consensu hodiernorum, seu pro tempore exsisientium S. R. E. Cardinalium scienter * el ignoranter fuerit attentatum, irritum et inane ac nullius roboi is dect mimus. Non obstautibus quatenus opus sit, felicis recordationis Alexandri Papae III Deces- soris Nostri in Concilio I.ateranensi edita, quae incipit " Licet de vitanda " et quibus- cumque aliis etiam in universalibus Con- ciliis latis specialibus vel generalibus Con- stitutionals Apostolkis, quamvis in corpore Juris clausis, et sub quibuscumque tenor ibus et formis ac quibusvis etiam derogatoriarum derogatoriis, aliisque efficacioribus, et inso- litis clausulis, irritantibusque et aliis de- cretis in genere vel in specie, etiam Motu pari ac consistorialiter statutis, quibus om- nibus et singulis quatenus pariter opus sit eorumque omnium tenoribus peiinde ac si praesentibus de verbo ad verbum expriman- nir, pro insertis et expressis habentes, in ea tantum parte, quae praesentibus adversatur ill is alias in suo rubore permansuris, ad praemissorum omnium et singulorum vali- dissimum effectum hac vice dumtaxat latis- sime et plenissime ac sufficienter necnon specialiter et expresse harum quoque seri^j derogamus, ceterisque contrariis quilms- cumque. Nulli erc;o omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam Nostrae declarationis, ordinationis, s-tatuti, decreti, derogatiouis et voluntatis infrin^ere, vel illis ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc atten'are praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei ac Bea- torum Petri et Pauli Apostolorum eius se noverit incursurum. Datum Romae apud S. Petrum Anno In- carnationis Dominicae millesimo oetingen- tesimo sexagesimo nono. Pridie Nonas Decembris. Pontificatus Nostri anno vigesi- moquarto. M. Card. Mattei Pro-Da tai ius. N. Card. Paracciani Clarelli. Visa de Curia Loco ^ plumbi. Dominices Brvti I. CL'GNONI. (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 1° gennaio 1870.) DOCUMENT XII. SS. D. N. PI I DIVINA PROVIDENTIA PAPAF, IX CONSTITUTIO QEA CENSERAE LATAE SENTENTIAE LIMITANTER. PIUS EPISCOPUS SERVES SERVOREM DEI Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Apostolicae Sedis moderationi convenit, quae salubriter veternni canonum auctori- tate constituta sunt, sic retinere, ut si tem- porum rerumque mutatio quidpiam e?se temperandum piudenti dispensatione sa - deat, eadem Apostolica Sedes congrunm supremae suae potestatis renii dium ac pro- videntiam impendat. Quamobrem cum animo Nostro iampridem revolverenins, ec- clesiasticas censuras, quae per modum lntae sententiae, ipsoque facto incuirendae ad in- columitatem ac disciplinam ipsius Eccle- s'ae tutandam, effrenemque improborum licentiam coercendam etemendandam sancte per singula saetates indictae ac promulgatae sunt, magnum ad numerum sensim excre- visse; quasdam etiam, tempoiibus mod- :UMENT XII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 307 busque mutatis, a fine atque causis, ob quas impositae fuerant, vel a pristina utilitate, opportunitate excidisse ; eamque ob rem oon infrequentes oriri sive in iis, quibus animarum cum commissa est, sive in ipsis Idelibus dubietates, anxietates, nngoresque eonscientiae ; Nos eiusinodi ineonimodis occurrere volentes, plenain earumdem recen- sioin m fieri, Nobisque proponi iussimus, ut diligenti adhibita consideratione, stituere- mus, quasnam ex illis servare ao retinere oporteret, quas vero moderari aut abrogare congrueret. Ea igitur reeensione peraeta, ac Venerabilibus Fiatribus Nostris S. K. E. Oardinalibus in negotiis Fidei Gentralibus Inquisitoribus per universam Christianam Rempublicam deputatis in consilium ad- scitis, reque diu ac mature perpensa, motu proprio, certa sc'entia, matura deliberatione nostra, deque Apostolicae Nostrae potestatis plenitudine hac perpetuo valitura Constitu- tione decernimus, ut ex quibuscumque cen- suris sive excommunicationis, sive suspen- sions, sive interdicti, quae per modum latae sententiae, ipsoque facto incurrendae hactenus impositae sunt, nonnisi illae, quas in bac ipsa Constitutione inserimus, eoque modo, quo inserimus, robur exinde habeant ; simul declarantes easdem non modo ex veterum canonum auctoritate, quatenus cum hac Nostra Constitutione conveniunt, verurn etiam ex bac ipsa Constitutione Nostra, non secus ac si primum editae ab ea fuerint, vim suam prorsus aciupere debere. Excommuninatioiies latae sententiae speciali modo Romano Pontifici reservatae. Itaque excommunicationi latae sententiae speciali modo Komano Pontifici reservatae subiacere declaramus : 1. Omnes a Christiana fide apostatas, et omnes ac singulos haereticos, quocumque nomine censeantur, et cuiuscumque sectae existant, eisque credentes, eorumque recep- tees, fautores, ac generaliter quoslibet illo- rum defensores. 2. Omnes et singulos scienter legentes sine auctoritate Sedis Apostolicae libros eorumdem apostatarum et baereticorum hae- resim propugnantes, necnon libros cuiusvis auctoris per Apostolicas litteras nominatim prohibitos, eosdemque libros retinentes, imprimentes et quomodolibet defeudentes. 3. Schismatioos et eos qui a Komani Pon- tificis pro tempore existentis obeditntia pertinaciter se subtrahunt, vel recedunt. 4. Omnes et singulos, cuiuscumque status, gradus seu conditionis fuerint, ab ordina- tionibus seu mandatis Romanorum Ponti- fiVum pro tempore existentium ad univer- sale futurum Concilium appellantes, nec- non eos, quorum auxilio, consilio vel favore appellatum fucrit. 5. Umnes interficientes, mutilantes, per- cutientes, capientes, carcerantes, detinentes, vel hostiliter insequentes S. R. E. Cardi- nales, Patriarcbas, Archiepiscop s, Epi- scopos, Sedisque Apostolicae Legatos, vel Nuncios, aut eos a suis Dioecesibus, Ter- ritoriis, Tenis, seu Dominiis ejieientes, nec- non ea mandantes, vel rata babentes, seu praest antes in eis auxilium, consilium vel favorem. «J. Impedientes directe vel indirecte exer- citium iurisdictionis ecclesiasticae sive in- terni sive externi fori, et ad hoc recurren- tes ad forum saeculare eiusque mandata pro- eurantes, edentes. aut auxilium, consilium vel favorem praestantes. 7. Cogentes sive directe, sive indirecte iudices laicos ad trahendum ad suum tri- bunal personas ecclesiasticas praeter canoni- cas dispositiones : item edentes leges vel decreta contra libertatem aut iura Eccle- siae. 8. Recurrentes ad laicam pote»tatem ad impediendas litteras vel acta quaelibet a Sede Apostolica, vel ab eiusdem Legatis aut Delegatis quibuscumque piofecta, eorum- que promulgationem vel executionem directe vel indirecte prohibentes, aut eorum causa sive ipsas partes, sive alios laedentes, vel pe i ter refacient es. 9. Omnes falsarios litterarum Apostoli- carum, etiam in forma Brevis ac supplica- tionum gratiam vel iustitiam concernentium, per Romanum Pontificem, vel S. R. E. Vice-Cancellarios seu Gerentes vices eorum aut de mandato eiusdem Rornani Pontificis signatarum : necnon falso publicantes Lit- teras Apostolicas, etiam in forma Brevis, et etiam falso signantes supplicationes huius- modi sub nomine Romani Pontificis, seu Vice-Cancellarii aut Gerentis vices prae- dictorum. 10. Absolventes complicem in peccato turpi etiam in mortis artieulo, si alius Sa- cerdos licet non adprobatus ad confessiones, sine gravi aliqua exoritura infamia et scan- dalo, possit excipere moiientis confes- sionem. 11. Usurpantes aut sequestrantes iuris- dictionem, bona, reditus ad personas eccle- siasticas ratione suarum Ecclesiarum aut beueficiorum pertinentes. 12. Invadentes, destruentes, detinentes per se vel per alios Civitates, Terras, loca aut iura ad Ecclesiam Romanam pertinentia; vel usurpantes, perturbantes, retinentes su- premam iurisdictionem in eis ; necnon ad singula piaedicta auxilium, consilium, favorem praebentes. 308 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [DoCTJMKNT XII. A quibus omnibus excommunicationibus hue usque recensitis absolutionem Romano Pontifici pro tempore speciali modo reser- vatam esse et reservari : et pro ea generalem concessionem absolvendi a casibus et cen- suris, sive excommunicationibus Romano Pontifici reservatis nullo pacto sufficere de- claramus, revocatis insuper carumdem re- spectu quibuscumque indultis concessis sub quavis forma et quibusvis personis etiain Regularibus cuiuscumque Ordinis, Conjrre- gationis, Societatis et Instituti, etiam speciali mentione dignis et in quavis dignitate con- stitutis. Absolvere autem praesumentes sine debita facultate, etiam quovis praetextu, ex- communicationis vinculo Romano Pontifici reservatae innodatos se sciant, dummodo non agatur de mortis articulo, in quo tarn en firma sit quoad absolutes obligatio standi man- datis Ecclesiae, si convaluerint. Excommunicationes lafae sententiae Romano Pontifici reservatae. Excommunicationi latae sententiae Ro- mano Pontifici reservatae subiacere decla- ramus : 1. Docentcs vel defend entes sive publice, sive privatim propo&itiones ab Apostolica Sede damnatiis sub excommunicationis poena latae sententiae : item docentes vel defen- dentes tamquam licitam praxim inquirendi a poenitente nomen complicis, prouii dam- nata est a Benedicto XIV in Const. Su- prema 7 Iulii 1745 ; Vbi primum 2 Iunii 1746 ; Ad eradicandum 28 Septembris 1740. 2. Violentas manus, suadente diabolo, in- jicientes in Clericos, vel utriusque sexus Monachos, exceptis quoad reservationem casibus et personis, de quibus iure vel privi- legio permittitur, ut Episcopus aut alius absolvat. 3. Duellum perpetrantes, aut simpliciter ad illud provocantes, vel ipsum acceptantes ; et quoslibet complices, vel qualemcumque operam aut favorem praebentes, necnon de industria spectantes, illudque permittentes, vel quantum in illis est, non prohibentes, cuiuscumque dignitatis sint, etiam regalis vel imperialis. 4. Nomen dantes sectae 'Massonicae, aut Carbonariae, aut aliis eiusdem generis sectis quae contra Ecclesiam vel legitimas potes- tates seu palam, seu clandestine machi- nautur, necnon iisdem sectis favorem qualem- cumque praestantes ; earumve occultos eoi iphaeos ac duces non denunciantes, donee non denunciaverint. 5. Immunitatem asyli ecclesiastici violare iubentes, aut ausu temerario violantes. 6. Violantes clausuram Monialum, cuius- cumque generis aut conditionis, sexus vel aetatis fuerint, in earnm monasteria alsqu# lesatima licentiaingrediendo; pariterque eo& introducentes vel admittentes ; itemque Mo- niales ab ilia exeuntes extra casus ac fonnam a S. Pio V in Constit. Decori prae- scriptam. 7. Mulieres violantes Regularium virorum clausuram, et Superiores aliosve cas admit- tentes. 8. Reos simoniae realis in beneficiis qui- buscumque, eorumque complices. 9. Reos simoniae confidentialis in bene- ficiis quibuslibet, cuiuscumque sint digni- tatis. 10. Reos simoniae realis ob ingressum in Religionem. 11. Omnes qui quaestum facientcs ex indulgenitis aliisque gratiis spiritualibus excommunicationis censura plectuntur Con- stitutione S. Pii V. Quam plenum 2 Ianuarii 1569. 12. Colligentes eleemosynas maioris pretia pro missis, et ex iis lucrum captantes, faciendo eas celebrari in locis ubi missarum stipendia minoris pretii esse solent. In. Omnes qui excommunicatione mule- tantur in Constitutionibus S. Pii V. Admonet vo8 quarto Kalendas Aprilis 1567, Inno- centii IX. Quae ab hac Sede pridie nonas Novembris 1591, dementis VIII. Ad Roman* Pontificis curam 26 Iunii 1592, et Alexandri VII. Inter ceteras nono Kalendas Novembris 1660, alienationem et iufeudationem Civi- tatum et locorum S. R. E. respicientibus. 14. Religiosos praesumentes clericis aut laicis extra casum necessitatis Saciamentum extremae unctionis aut Eucharistiae per viaticum ministrare absque Parochi licentia. 15. Extrahentes absque legitima venia reliquias ex Sacris Coemeteriis sive Cata- cutnbis Urbis Romae eiusque territorii. eisqee auxilium vel favorem praebentes. 16. Communicantes cum excommunicato nominatim a Papa in crimine criuainoso, ei scilicet impendendo auxilium vel fa- vorem. 17. Clericos scienter et sponte communi- cantes in divinis cum personis a Romano Pontifice nominatim excommunicatis et ipsos in officiis recipientes. Excommunicationes latae sententiae Epi- scopis sive Ordinariis reservatae. Excommunicationi latae sententiae Epi- scopis sive Ordinariis reservatae subiacere declaramus : 1. Clericos in Sacris constitutes vel Re- gulares aut Moniales post votum solenne castitatis matrimonium contrahere praesu- mentes ; necnon omnes cum aliqua ex prae- Document XII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 309 dictis personis matrimonium contrahere praesumentes. 2. Proem-antes abortum, effectu sequuto. 3. Litteris apostolicis falsis scienter utentes, vel crimini ea in re cooperantes. Excom municcttiones latae sententiae nemini reservatae. Excommunicationi latae sententiae nemini geservatae subiacere declaramus : 1. Mandautes seu cogentes tradi Eccle- siastieae St-pulturae haereticos notorios aut nominatim excommuuicatos vel inter- dictos. 2. Laedentes aut perttrrefacientes Inqui- eitores, denuntiantes, testes, aliosve ministros S. Officii, eiusve Sacri Tribunalis scripturas diripientes, aut comburentes, vel pracdictis quibuslibet auxilium, consilium, favorem praestantes. 3. Alienantes et recipere praesumentes bona ecclesiastica absque Beneplacito Apo- stolico, ad formam Extravagantis Ambitiosae De Eeb. Ecc. non alienandis. 4. Negligentes sive culpabiliter omittentes denunciaie infra mensem Confessarios sive Sacerdotes a quibus sollicitati fuerint ad turpia in quibuslibet casibus expressis a Praedecess. Nostris Grcgorio XV Constit. Universi 20 Augusti 1622, et Benedicto XIV Constit. Sacramentum poenitentiae 1 Iunii 1741. Praeter hos hactenus recensitos, eos quo- que quos Sacrosanctum Concilium Tridenti- num, sive reservata Summo Pontifici aut Ordinariis absolutione, sive absque ulla re- servatione excommunicavit, Nos pariter ita excommunicates esse declaramus ; excepta anathematis poena io Decreto Sess. IV De editione et usu Sacrorum Librorum constituta, cui illos tantum subiacere volumus ; qui libros de rebus sacris tractantes sine Or- dinarii approbatione imprimunt, aut imprimi faciunt. Suspensiones latae sententiae Summo Pontifici reservatae. 1. Suspensionem ipso facto incurrunt a suorum Benefieiorurn perceptione ad bene- placitum S. Sedis Capitula et Conventus Ecclesiarum et Monasteriorum aliique omnes, qui ad illarum seu illorum regimen et ad- ministrationem recipiunt Episcopos aliosve Praelatos de praedictis Ecclesiis seu Monus- teriis apud eamdem S. Sedem quovis modo provisos, antequam ipsi exbibuerint Litteras Apostolicas de sua promotione. 2. Suspensionem per triennium a colla- tions Ordinum ipso iure incurrunt aliquem Ordinantes absque titulo bcneficii, vel patri- monii cum pacto ut ordiuatus non petat ab jpsis alimenta. 3. Suspensionem per annum ab Ordi- num administratioue ipso iure incurrunt Ordinantes alienum subdituin etiam sub praetextu beneficii statim conferendi, aut iam collati, sed minime sufficientis, absque eius Episcopi litteris dimissorialibus, vel etiam subditum proprium, qui alibi tanto tempore moratus sit, ut canonicum impedi- mentum contrahere ibi potuerit, absque Ordinarii eius loci litteris testimonialibus. 4. Suspensionem per annum a collatione Ordinum ipso iure incurrit, qui excepto casu legitimi privilegii, ordinem sacrum contu- lerit absque titulo beneficii vel patrimonii clerico in aliqua Congregatione viventi, in qua solemnis professio non emittitur, vel etiam religioso nondum professo. 5. Suspensionem perpetuam ab exercitio ordinum ipso iure incurrunt Eeligiosi eiecti, extra Eeligionem degentes. 6. Suspensionem ab Ordine suscepto ipso iure incurrunt, qui eumdem ordinem recipere praesumpserunt ab excommunicato vel suspenso, vel interdicto nominatim de- nunciatis, aut ab haeretico vel schismatico notorio : eum vero qui bona fide a quopiam eorum est ordinatus, exercitium non habere ordinis sic suscepti, donee dispensetur, de- claiamus. 7. Clerici saeculares exteri ultra quatuor menses iu Urbe commorantes ordinati ab alio quam ab ipso suo Ordinario absque lkentia Card. XJrbis Vicarii, vel absque praevio examine coram eodem peracto, vel etiam a prOprio Ordinaiio posteaquam in praedicto examine reiecti fuerint ; nec- non clerici pertinentes ad aliquem e sox Episcopatibus suburbicariis, si ordinentur extra suam dioeccsim, dimissorialibus sui Oidinnrii ad alium dirtctis quam ad Card. Urbis Vicarium; vel non praemissis ante Ordinem Sacrum suscipiendum exercitiis spiritualibus per decern dies in domo urbana Sacerdotum a Missione nuncupatorum, sus- pensionem ab ordinibus sic susceptis ad beneplacitum S. Sedis ipso iure incurrunt; Episcopi vero ordinantes ab usu Pontificalium per annum. Interdicta latae sententiae reservata. 1. Interdictum Eomano Pontifici speciali modo reservatum ipso iure incurrunt Uni- versitates, Collegia et Capitula quocumquo nomine nuncupentur, ab ordinationibus stu mandatis eiusdem Eomani Pontificis pro tempore existentis ad universale futurum Concilium appcllantia. 2. Scienter celebrantes vel celebrari fa- cientes divina in lot-is ab Ordinario, vel X 310 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XII. delegate Iudice, vel a iure interdictis, aut nominatim excominunicatos ad divinaofficia, seu ecclesiastica Sacramenta, vel ecclesias- tic-am sepulturam admittentes, interdictum ab ingressu Ecclesiae ipso iure incurrunt, donee ad arbitrium eius, cuius sententiam coatempserunt, coinpetenter satisfecerint. Denique quoscumque alios Sacrosanctum G medium Tridentinum suspensos aut inter- dictos ipso iure esse decrevit, Nos pari modo suspension! vel interdicto eosdem obnoxios esse volumus et declaramus. Quae vero censurae sive excommunica- tionis, sive suspensionis, sive interdicti Nos- tris, aut Fredecessorum Nostrorum Consti- tutionibus aut sacris canonibus praeter eas, quas recensuimus, latae sunt, atque hac- tenus in suo vigore perstiterunt sive pro R. Pontificis electione, sive pro interno regimine quorumcumque Ordinum et In- stitutorum Regularium, necnon quorum- cumque Collegiorum, Congregationum, coe- tuum locorumque piorum cuiuscumque nominis aut generis sint, eas omnes firmas esse, et in suo robore permanere volumus et declaramus. Ceterum decernimus, in novis quibus- cumque concessionibus ac privilegiis, quae ab Apostolica Sede coneedi cuivis contigerit, nullo modo ac ratione intelligi unquam debere, aut pnsse comprebendi facultatem absolvendi a casibus, et censuris quibuslibet Romano Pontifici reservatis, nisi de iis for- malis, explicita, ac individua mentio facta fuerit: quae vero privilegia aut facultates sive a Praedecessoribus Nostris, sive etiam a Nobis cuilibet Coetui, Ordini, Congre- gationi, Societati et Institute, etiam regulari cuiusvis speciei, etsi titulo peculiari praedito, atque etiam speciali mentione digno a quovis unquam tempore hue usque concessae fuerint, ea omnia, easque omnes Nostra hac Consti- tutione revocatas, suppressas et abolitas esse volumus, prout reapse revocamus, suppri- mimus, et abolemus, minime refragantibus aut obstantibus privilegiis quibuscumque, etiam specialibus comprehensis, vel non in corpore iuris, aut Apostolicis Constitutioni- bus, et quavis confirmatione Apostolica, vel immemorabili etiam consuetudine, aut alia quacumque firmitate roboratis, quibuslibet etiam formis ac tenoribus, et cum quibusvis deroiratoriarum derogatoriis, aliisque effifa- oioribus < t insolitis clausulis, quibus omni- bus, quatenus opus sit, derogare intendimus, et derogamus. Firmam tamen esse volumus absolvendi facultatem a Tridentina Synodo Episcopis concessam Sess. XXIV, cap. VI de Reform. in quibuscumque censuris Apostolicae Sedi hac Nostra Constitution reservatis, iis tan- tum exceptis, quas eidem Apostolicae Sedi speciali modo reservatas declaravimus. Decernentes has Litteras atque omnia et singula, quae in eis constitute, ac decreta sunt, omnesque et singulas, quae in eisdem factae sunt ex anterioribus Constitutionals Praedecessorum Nostrorum atque etiam Nostris, aut ex aliis sacris Canonibus qui- buscumque, etiam Conciliorum Generalium, et ipsius Tridentini, mutationes, deroga- tions, suppressiones atque abrogationes rates et firmas ac respective rata atque firma esse et fore, suosque plenarios et inte- gros effectus obtinere debere, ac reapse ob- tinere ; sicque et non alitor in praemissis per quoscumque Iudices Ordinarios, et Dele- tratos, etiam Causarum Falatii Apostolici Auditores, ac S. R. E. Cardinales, etiam de Latere Legates, ac Apostolicae Sedis Nun- tios, ac quosvis alios quacumque praemi- nentia, ac potestate fungentes, et func- turos, sublata eis, et eorum cuilibet quavis aliter iudicandi et interpretandi facili- tate, et auctoritate, iudicari, ac definiri debere ; et irritum atque inane esse ac fore quidquid super his a quoquam quavis auc- toritate, etiam praetextu cuiuslibet privi- legii, aut consuetudinis vel inducendae, quam abusum esse declaramus, scienter vel : ignoranter contigerit attentari. Non obstantibus praemissis, aliisque qui- buslibet ordinationibus, constitutionibus, privilegiis, etiam speciali et individua men- tione dignis, necnon consuetudinibus qui- busvis etiam immemorabilibus, ceterisque contrariis quibuscumque. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam Nostrae Constitutionis, Ordiua- tionis, limitationis, suppressionis, dero- gationis, voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausuij temerario contraire. Si qui autem hoc atten- \ tare praesumpserit, indignationem Omni-j potentis Dei et Beatorum Petri et Pauli | Apostolorum eius, se noverit incursurum. Datum Romae apud S. Petrum, annc j Incarnationis Dominicae MUlesimo Octin- gentesimo Sexagesimo Nono, Quarto Idus octobris, Pontificatus Nostri anno vigesimr quarto. M. Card. Mattei Pro-Datarius. N. Card. Paracciani Clarell Visa de Curia Dominicus Brv Loco \%i plumbi. I. Gugxoni. (Dalla Civilta Cattolica, 15 gennaio 1870. POCUKBKT XIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. :ui DOCUMENT XIII. Sl'IIKMA CONSTITUTIONS DOGMATICAE DE KiVLESIA CHRISTI PATEUM EXAMINI PRO- POSITI: M. Pius episcopus servus servorum Dei sacro approbante concilio adperpetuam rei memo- riam. Supromi pastoris apostolicum ministerium, in quo Dei ineffabili providentia et roiseri- cordia positi sumus, sollicite ac continuo Nos urget, ut nihil praetermittamus, quo via, quae ad vitam et salutem ducit aeter- nam, omnibus liominibus pateat, et qui in tenebris et in umbra mortis sedent, ad lucem et agnitionem veritatis perveniaut. Cum i^itur Deus ac Salvator noster totius salu- tiferae doctrinae veritatem, et mediorum salutis thesiiuros, in Ecclesiam suam quasi in depositorium dives contulerit, ut omnes sumant ex ea potum vitae: 1 in primis ipsa vera Ecclesia et errantibus indicanda et fidelibus instantius commendanda est, ut illi ad viam salutis adducantur, hi autem in ea conflrmentur et crescant. Quare Nostri nmneris esse ducimus, potiora capita verae et catliolicae doctrinae, de Ecclesiae natura, proprietatibus, ac potestate exponere, et grassmtes oppositos errores subiectis Ca- nonum articulis condemnare. Caplt I. Ecclesiam esse Corpus Christi mysticum. Unigenitus Dei Filius, qui illuminat om- nem hominem venientem in lmnc mundum, quique nulla unquam aetate miseris Adae filii.s ope sua defuit, in ra plenitudine temporid, quae sempiterno consilio fuerat ituta, 2 in similitudinera hominum metus 3 vi.sibilis apparait in assumpta nostri corporis forma, ut terreni homines atque earn ales novum hominem induentes, qui lum Deum creatus est in iustitia tt lanotitate veritatis, 4 corpus efformarent mysticum, cuius ipse existeret caput. Ad hanc vero mystici corporis unionem efficien- rlaiti, Christus Dominus sacrum regenera- tionis et renovationis instituit lavacrum, jjuo filii hominum tot nominibus inter se rlivisi, maxime vero peccatis dilapsi, ab oinni culparum sorde mundati membra ad invicem, 5 suoque divino capiti 1 Cf. S. Iren. adv. Haer. 1. iii. c. 4. • 8. Ambros. de fid. ad. b. Hieron. presbyt. ap. Mai. w. Scriptt. torn. vii. par. i. p. 159. s Ep. ad I'hilipp. ii. 7. • Kp. ad Ephes. iv. 24. • Cf. Ep. ad Coloss. i. 18. 2 Ep. ad Ephes. iv. 16. » Ep. ad Tit. ii. 14. x 2 312 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XIII. incarnati ipsius Verbi ministerium ope- ramque fundata, in Spiritu sancto constituta est, qui in Apostolos primum largissime effusus, abunde etiam iugiter diffunditur in filios adoptionis, ut iidem lumine eius collu- strati una mentium fide et Deo adhaereant et inter se cohaereant; ut pignus haeredi- tatis in cordibus suis circumferentes, carnis desideria ab eius, quae in mundo est, concu- piscentiae corruptione avellant, et beata una communique spe firmati, cnncupiscant promissam aeternam Dei gloriam, atque adeo per bona opera certain suam vocationem et electionem faciant. 1 Quum autem bis bonorum divitiis in Ecclesia bomines per Spiritum sanctum augeantur, atque bis eiusdem sancti Spiritus nexibus in unitate cohaereant : Ecclesia ipsa spiritualis so- cietas est, atque ordinis omnino super- naturalis. Caput IV. Ecclesiam esse societatem visibilem. Absit tamen, ut quis credat, Ecclesiae membra nonnisi intends ac latentibus vin- culis iungi, et abditam inde societatem ac prorsus invisibilem fieri. Aeterna siqui- dem Dei sapientia ac virtus volnit, spirituali- bus et invisibilibus vinculis, quibus fideles supremo ac invisibili Ecclesiae capiti per Spiritum sanctum adhaerent, externa quoque ac visibilia respondere, ut spiritualis ilia ac supernaturalis societas extrinsecus ap- pareret, et conspicua patesceret. Hinc visi- bile magisterium, a quo credenda interius exteriusque profitenda fides 2 publice pro- ponatur ; visibile quoque ministerium, quod visibilia Dei mysteria, quibus interior sanc- tificatio bominibus et debitus Deo cultus comparatur, munere publico moderatur ac curat ; visibile regimen, quod membrorum inter se communionem ordinat, externamque omnem et publicam fidelium in Ecclesia vitam disponit ac dirigit; visibile demum totum Ecclesiae corpus, ad quod non iusti tantum aut praedestinati pertinent, sed etiam peccatores, professione tamen fidei et communione cum eo coniuncti. Quibus fit, ut Cbristi Ecclesia in terris nee invisibilis nee latens sit ; sed in manifestatione posita, 3 veluti civitas excelsa et illustris in monte, 4 quae abscondi non potest, ac veluti lucerna super candelabrum. 5 i Ep. II. b. Pet. Ap. i. 10. 2 Cf. ep. ad Rom. x. 10. * St. Augustin. in Ps. xviii. enarrat. ii. n. b. coll. de unit. Eccl. 1. un. c. 16, n. 40, con. Crescon. Donatist. 1. ii. c. 36, n. 45, con. litt. Petil. 1. ii. c. 32, n. 74, c. 104, n. 239. * S. Cyrill. alex. com. in. Is. I. iii. c. 25, n. 4. * Cf. Mattb. v. 15. Caput V. De visibili Ecclesiae unitate. Cum eiusmodi sit vera Cbristi Ecclesia, declaramus, hanc visibilem conspicuamque societatem, esse illam ipsam divinarum promissionum ac misericordiarum Ecclesiam quam Cbristus tot praerogativis ac privi- leges distinguere et exornare voluit ; ean- demque ita plane in sua constitutione esse determinatam, ut quaecumque societates a fidei unitate vel a communione buius cor- poris seiunctae nullo modo pars eius aut membrum dici possint; neque per varias cbristiani nominis consociationes dispersam atque difFusam, sed totam in se collectam penitusque cohaerentem, in sua conspicua unitate indivisum ac indivisibile corpus praeferre, quod est ipsum corpus mystic Mm Cbristi. De quo Apostolus inquit, unum corpus, et unus spiritus, sicut vocati estis in una spe vocationis vestrae. Unus Dominus, una fides, unum baptisma. Unus Deus et Pater omnium, qui est super omnes, et per omnia et in omnibus nobis. 1 Caput VI. Ecclesiam esse societatem ad salutem conse- quendam omnino necessariam. Hinc omnes intelligant, quam necessaria ad salutem obtinendam societas sit Ecclesia Cbristi. Tantae nimirum necessitatis, quantae consortium et coniunctio est cum Christo capite et mystico eius corpore, praeter quod nullam aliam communiontm ipse nutrit et fovet tanquam Ecclesiam suam, quam solam dilexit et seipsum train didit pro ea, ut illam sanctificaret, mundans lavacro aquae in verbo vitae : ut exhiberet ipse sibi gloriosam Ecclesiam, n<>n habentem maculam, aut rugam, aut aliquid huiusmodi, sed ut sit sancta et immaculata. 2 Idcirco docemus, Ecclesiam non liberam societatem esse, quasi indifferens sit ad salutem, earn sive nosse sive ignorare sive ingredi sive relinquere ; sed esse omnino necessariam, et quidem necessitate non tantum praecepti dominici, quo Salvator omnibus gentibus earn ingrediendam praescripsit ; verum etiam medii, quia in instituto salutaris providentiae ordine communicatio sancti Spiritus, par- ticipate veritatis et vitae non obtinetur, nisi in Ecclesia et per Ecclesiam, cuius caput est Christus. i Ep. ad Ephes. iv. 4-6. 2 Cf. ep. ad Ephes. v. 29. et 25-27. Document XIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 313 Caput VII. Extra Ecclesiam salvari neminem posse. Porro dogma fidei est. extra Ecclesiam salvari neminem posse. Neque tamen, qui circa Christum eiusque Ecclesiam invinci- bili ignorantia laborant, propter hanc ig- norantiam poenis aeternis damnandi sunt, cum nulla obstringantur buiusce rei culpa ante oculos Domini, qui vult omnes homines salvos fieri et ad agnitionem veritatis venire, quique facienti quod in se est non denegat gratiam, ut iustificationem et vitam aeter- nam consequi po.-sit ; sed hanc nullus conse- quitur, qui a fidei unitate vel ab Ecclesiae communione culpabiliter seiunctus ex liac vita decedit. Si quis in hac area non fuerit, peribit regnante diluvio. Quare reprobamus et detestamur impiam aeque ac ipsi rationi repuguantem de religionum indifferentia doctrinam, qua filii huius saeculi, veritatis et erroris sublato discrimine, dicunt, omni- bus aeternae vitae portum ex qualibet reli- gione patere: aut contendunt de .veritate religionis opiniones tantum plus minusve probabiles, non autem certitudinem haberi posse. Pariterque reprobamus impietatem illorum, qui claudunt regnum coelorum ante homines, falsis praetextibus affirmantes, in- decorum vel ad salutem minime necessarium esse, deserere religionem, etsi falsam, in qua quis natu3 vel educatus ac institutus est; necnon Ecclesiam ipsam, quae se reli- gionem esse unice veram profitetur, omnes autem religiones et sectas a sua commu- nione separatas proscribit et damnat crimi- nantur, perinde ac si ulla unquam esse posset participatio iustitiae cum iniquitate, aut societas lucis ad tenebras, et conventio Christi ad Belial. Caput VIII. De Ecclesiae indefectibilitate. Declaramus insuper, Christi Ecclesiam, sive exsistentia sive constitutio eius spec- tetur, societatem esse pcrennem atque inde- fectibilem, nullamque post illam neque pleniorem neque perfectiorem salutis oeco- nomiam in hoc saeculo exspectandam esse. Eteuim cum ad finem usque mundi qui in terris peregrinantur mortales Christo auctore salvandi sint: Eccksia ipsius, quae sola est salutis societas, ad finem usque mundi in sua constitutione immulabilis semper et immota persistet. Licet igitur Ecclesia crescat, et utinam augeatur iugiter fide et caritate, ut Christi corpus aedificetur; licet pro vara aetate sua, et pro diversitate adiunciorum, inter quao constanter mili- lando versatur, varie sese explicet ; cadem tamen in se suaque a Christo accepta con- stitutione immutabilis perseverat. Quare Christi Ecclesia nunquam potest excidere suis proprietatibus et dotibus, sacro suo magisterio, ministerio et regimine, ut Christus per corpus suum visibile perpetuo sit omnibus hominibus via, Veritas et vita. Caput IX. De Ecclesiae infallibilitate. Excideret porro Ecclesia Christi a sua immutabilitate et dignitate, et desineret esse societas vitae ac necessarium salutis medium, si eadem a salutari fidei morumque veritate aberrare, ac in ea praedicanda atque exponenda falli vel fallere posset. At columna et firmamentum veritatis ' est ; ideoque ab omni erroris falsitatisque periculo libera et immunis. Sacro autem et univer- sali approbante Concilio docemus atque declaramus, dotem infallibilitatis, quae tan- quam perpetua Ecclesiae Christi praeroga- tiva revelata est, quaeque nee cum inspira- tionis eharismate confundi debet, neque eo spectat, ut Ecclesia novis revelationibus ditescat, collatam ad hoc esse, ut verbum Dei, sive id scriptum sive traditum sit, in universali Christi Ecclesia integrum, et a quavis novitatis im mutation isque corruptela immune asseratur et custodiatur, secundum illud Apoatoli mandatum : O Timothee, de- positum custodi, devitans profanas vocum novitates, et oppositiones falsi nominis scienti.te, quam quidam promittentes, circa fidem exciderunt. 2 Quod idem Apostolus iterum inculcat scribens : Forrnam habe sanorum verborum, quae a me audisti in fide et in dilectione in Christo Jesu. Bonum depositum custodi per Spiritum sanctum, qui habitat in nobis. 3 Obiectum igitur infallibilitatis tantum patere doce- mus, quantum fidei patet depositum, et eius custodiendi officium postulat ; adeoque praerogativam infallibilitatis, qua Christi Ecclesia pollet, ambitu suo complecti turn universum Dei verbum revelatum, turn id omne, quod licet in se revelatum non sit, est tamen eiusmodi, sine quo illud tuto con- servari, certo ac definitive ad credendum proponi et explicari, aut contra errores hominum ac falsi nominis scientiae opposi- tiones valide asseri defendique non possit. Haec autem infallibilitas, cuius finis est fidelium societatis in doctrina fidei et morum intemerata Veritas, magisterio inest, quod Christus in Ecclesia sua perpetuum instituit cum ad Apostolos dixit : Euntes » Ep. I. ad Timoth. iit. 15. 2 Ep. I. ad Timoth. vi. 20. 3 Ep. II. ad Timoth. i. 13, 14. 314 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XIII. ergo docete omnes gentes, baptizantes eos in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancti : docentes eos servare omnia quaecumque mandavi vobis ; et eece ego vobiseum sum omnibus diebus, usque ad consummationem sacculi. 1 Et iisdem promisit Cliristus veri- tatis suae Spiritum, qui maneret cum eis in aeternum, in eis esset, eosque omnem veri- tatem doceret. 2 Caput X. Be Ecclesiae Potestate. Christi autem Ecclesia non est societas a< qualium, acsi omnes in ea fideles eadem iura haberent; verum est societas inae- qualis, et hoc non ideo tantum, quia fidelium alii clerici sunt, alii ]aici : sed propterea maxime, quod in Ecclesia est potestas divinitus instituta, qua alii ad sanctificandum, docendum et regendum praediti sunt, alii destituuntur. Cum vero Ecclesiae potestas alia sit et dicatur ordinis, alia iurisdictionis ; de hac altera speciatim docemus, earn non solum esse fori interni et saeram en talis ; sed etiam fori extemi ac publici, absolutam atque omnino plenam, nimirum legiferam, iudiciariam, et coerci- tivam. Potestatis autem huiusmodi sub- iectum sunt Pastores et Doctcres a Christo dali, qui earn libere et a quavis saeculari dominatione independents exercent ; adeo- que cum omni imperio 3 regunt Ecclesiam JJei turn necessariis et conscientiam quoque obligantibus legibus, turn decretoriis iudi- ciis, turn denique salutaribus poenis in sontes etiam invitos, nee solum in iis, quae fidem et mores, cultum et sanctificationem, sed in iis etiam, quae externam Ecclesiae disciplinam et administrationem respiciunt. Undo Ecclesia Christi perfecta societas cre- denda est. Haec autem vera et tarn felix Christi Ecclesia alia non est, praeter unam, sanctam, catholicam, et apostolicam Ko- manam. Caput XI. De Romani Pontificis primatu. Pastor aeternus et episcopus animarum nostrarum, qui priusquam clarificaretur ro- gavit Patrem, ut credentes in ipsum omnes unum essent, sicut Pater et Filius unum sunt, 4 ad catholicae fidei et communionis unitatem in sua Ecclesia iugiter conservan- dam, in beato Petro Apostolo instituit per- petuum utriusque unitatis piincipium ac vmbile fundanientum, dum iuxta evangelii testimonia Petro Apostolo pi i mature iuris- 1 Matth. xxviii. 19, 20. 2 Cf. Joann. xiv. 16, 11, coll. xvi. 13. s Cf. ep. ad Tit. ii. 15, coll. ep. i. ad Cor. vii. 6. * Cf. Joann. xvii. I, 21, sq. dirtionis in universale Dei Ecclesiam im- mediate et directe promisit atque contulit. Ad unum namque Petrum Christus Filius Dei vivi dixit : Tu es Petrus et super h;mc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portan inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn; et tibi dabo claves regni coelorum : et quod- cumque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in coelis : et quodcumque solveris super terram, erit solutum et in coelis. 1 Atque uni Simoni Petro contulit Jesus post suam resurrectionem summi pastoris et rectoris iurisdictionem in totum ipsius ovile dicens : Pasce agnos meos. Pasce oves meas. 2 Unde condemnamus atque reiicimus huic tam manifestae saciarum Scripturarum doctrinae, ut ab Ecclesia catbolica semper intellecta est, contrarias eorum sententias, qui constitutam a Christo Domino in sua Ecclesia regiminis formam pervertentes negant, solum Petrum prae omnibus Apo- stolis sive seorsum singulis sive omnibus simul vero proprioque iurisdictionis primatu fuisse a Christo instructum ; aut qui affir- mant, eundem primatum non immediate directeque ipsi beato Petro, sed Ecclesiae, et per banc illi ut suo ministro delatum fuisse. Quod autem in beato Apostolo Petro princeps pastorum et pastor magnus ovium Dominus Christus Jesus 3 in perpetuam salutem ac perenne bonum Ecclesiae insti- tuit, id eodem auctore in Ecclesia, quae fundata super petram ad finem saeculorum usque flrmiter stabit, iugiter durare necesse est. Manet ergo dispositio veritatis, et beatus Petrus suscepta Ecclesiae guborna- cula non reliquit. 4 Semper enim in suis successoribus, episcopis sanctae Eomanae Sedis, ab ipso primum fundatae, eiusque consecratae sanguine, vivit et praesidet ct iudicium exercet. ita ut, quicumque in bac cathedra Petro succedit, is iuxta Christi ipsius institutionem primatum Petri in universam Ecclesiam obtineat. Hinc inno- vantes atque in omnibus sequentes turn praedecessorum Nottiorum Komanorum Pontificum decreta, turn praecedentium Con- ciliorum generalium disertas perspicuasque definitiones, docemus et declaramus, cre- dendum ab omnibus Christi fidelibus esse, hanc sanctam Apostolicam Sedem, et Romanum Pontificem, in universum orbem tenere primatum, et ipsum Pontificem Eomanum successorem esse beati Petri prineipis Apostolorum, et verum Christi Vicarium, totiusque Ecclesiae caput, ct 1 Mattu xvi. 18, 19. 2 Joann. xxi. 16, 11. 3 Ep. I. Pet. iv. 4, coll. ep. ad Ilcbr. xiii. 20. 4 S. Leo. M. tor. :i (al. 2), n. 3. Document XIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 315 omnium ehristianorum patrem, doctorem et iudicem supremurn existere ; et ipso in beato Petro pascendi, reg< ndi ac guber- nandi universalem Ecclesiam a Domino Dostro Jesu Cliristo plenam potestatem traditam esse; et hanc, quae propria est iurisdictionis potestas, ordinariam esse et immediatam, erga quam particularium ec- clcsiarum pastores atque fideles tarn seor- sum singuli quam simul omnes officio hierarcbicae subordinationis veraeque obe- dientiae ol)stringuntur, 1 ut eustodita cum Romano Pontifice tam communionis quam eiusdem fldei professionis unitate, Ecclesia Ohristi sit unus grex sub uno summo pas- tore. Haec est catholicae veritatis doctrina, a qua deviare salva fide atque salute nemo potest. Quare damnamus atque reprobamus eorum sententias, qui a fide discedentes et attendentes spiritibus erroris 2 negant, pri- matus potestatem a Christo Domino fuisse in beato Petro ita institutam, ut eundem oporteat perpetuos in eollata sibi primatus ]>otestate successores habere ; aut affirmant, Romanorum Pontificum iurisdictionem ordinariam et immediatam non esse tam in omnes simul quam in singulas seorsum particularium pastorum ecclesias ; aut etiam contendunt, licere ab iudiciis Romanorum Pontificum ad futurum g( nerale Concilium tanquam ad auctoritatem Romano Pontifice superiorem appellare. Ex hac autem suprema, ordinaria et immediata turn in Ecclesiam universalem, turn in omnes et singulos particularium Ecclesiarum pastores et fideles potestate iurisdictionis consequitur, Romano Pontifici necessarium ius ease, in huius sui muncris exercitio libere communicandi cum pastoribus et gregibus totius Ecclesiae, ut iidem ab ipso in via salutis doceri ac regi pos.^int. Quare damnamus ac reprobamus perniciosas illorum sententias, qui hanc supremi capitis cum pastoribus et gregibus communicationem impediendam dicunt, aut eandem reddunt saeculari potestati obnoxiam, ita ut con- tendant, quae ab Apostolica Sede vel eius auctoritate ad regimen Ecclesiae consti- tuuntur, vim ac valorem non habere, nisi potestatis saccularis placito confirmentur. Caput XII. Be temporali Sanctae Sedis Bominio. Ut autem Romanus Pontifex primatus sibi divinitus collati munus, uti par est, adim])leret, iis indigebat praesidiis, quae temporum conditioni et necessitati congrue- 1 ExnresM ad f.nnulis fuloi Cone. LugUunens. ii. Cone. Klorenlln.,et l'ii VI. lire v. " Super toliditate." 2 Kp. 1. ad Tim. iv. 1. rent. Unde singularl divinae providentiao consilio factum e^t, ut in ianta saecularium principum multitudine et varietatc, Romana quoque Ecclesia temporalem dominationtm haberet : quo Romanus Pontifex, summus totius Ecclesiae pastor, nulli principi sub- iectus, supremam universi domiuici grcgis pascendi regendique potestatem auctorita- temque ab ipso Christo Domino acceptam per universum orbem plenissima libertute exercere, ac simul facilius divinam rcli- giouem magis in dies augere, et quae pro re ac tempore ad maiorem totius christianao reipublicae utilitatem pertinere ipse cognos* ceret, efficacius peragere posset. Cum vero impii homines, qui omne in terris ius mutare conantur, hunc civilcm Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae principatum, in rei christianae bonum et utilitatem ordi- natum, et ab ea omnibus iuris titulis legitime tot sac culorum decursu possessum, quovis insidiarum et violentiarum genere labefactare ac convellere adnitantur: sacro approbante Concilio innovantes huius Apo- stolicae Sedis ac praecedentium Conciliorum indicia ac decreta, damnamus atque proscri- bimus turn eorum haereticam doctrinam, qui affirmant, repugnare iuri divino, ut cum spirituali potestate in Romanis Pontificibus principatus civilis coniungatur, turn per- verisam eorum seutentiam, qui cintendunt, Ecclesiae non esse, de huius principatus civilis ad generale christianae reipublicae bonum relatione quidpiam cum auctoritate conttituere ; adeoque licere catholicis homi- nibus, ab illius decisionibus hac de re cditis recedere aliterque sentire. Caput XIII. Be concordia inter Ecclesiam ac societatem civiltm. Perfecta haec civitas, quam gacrae litferae regnum Dei appellant, superna quidem est, si, unde orta sit et quo tendat, cogitatur, descendens quasi Christi sponsa de coelo et transitura in coelestem illam, quae sursum est Jerusalem consummatorum, cum Christus tradiderit regnum Deo et Patri, ut sit Deus omnia in omnibus. 1 Nunc vero Eccle- sia usque ad finem saeculorum in terris atque inter terrenas civitates adhuc mili- lans, ex divini fundatoris sui omniumque Redemptoiis mandato in sinum suum ina- ternum colligit omnes gentes, quae sicut indole ac moribus inter so diversae, ita etiam multiplici et varia civilis seen •tat is forma sunt constitutae. Qui enim homines, ad sui conservationem et congruam ration! i Cf. Heb. xii. 22, 23; 1 Cor. xv. 24, 88. 316 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [DOCUMEKT Xlir. felicitatem temporalem, riatura duce et Dei creatoris ordinatione in civilem societatem. coierunt, iidem ut aeternuni salventur, in sanctarn illam societatem, quae est Ecclesia, gratia Dei Salvatoris vocantur. Cum igitur utriusque socictatis, licet modo diverso pro diverso earum ordine ac fine, Deus infinite sanctus et sapiens sit auctor : ex ipsa natura inter Ecclesiam et societatem civilem vel inter potestates, quibus utraque regitur, non sane pugna est aut oppositio. Quin immo Ecclesia rempublicam maximo munimento firmat ac tuetur, eiusque se- curitati prospicit. Ilia enim instituta ad sanctificandos homines, ipsa virtute et pie- tate Christiana bonos etiam cives facit, qui si tales sint, quales esse praecipit doctrina catholica, sine dubio magna erunt salus reipublicae. ' Praeterea cum terrena po- testas in temporali utilitate et poenarum metu suam observandarumlegum sanctionem positam habeat, vera religio, cuius et custos et magistra est Ecclesia catholica, auctori- tatem imperantium validius doctrina legi- b usque divinis confirmat. Praecipit enim religio catholica sua auctoritate divina, ut homines legitimae potestati subditi sint non solum propter iram, sed etiam propter con- scientiam. 2 Quodsi Ecclesia monet ac iubet subditos secundum mandatum divinitus aeceptum obedire regibus, non minus reges quoque docet prospicere populis, ut intelligant et erudiantur, qui iudicant terram, non ad dominandi cupiditatem, sed ad oflScium pro- videndi sibi datam esse a Domino potesta- tem et virtutem ab Altissimo, ut tamquam ministri regni eius recte iudicent, et custo- diant legem iustitiae; quoniam pusillum et magnum ipse fecit et aequaliter cura est illi de omnibus. 3 Ecclesia igitur catholica regum et popu- lorum, atque in his singulorum omnis con- ditions hominum religione divina turn iura tuetur turn officia docet ac praecipit, atque ita legibus humanis sanctius fundamentum ponit et fideliorem conciliat obedientiam. Quare cum haec civitas Dei tantum conferat ad securitatem et felicitatem civitatis ter- renae, vel ex hoc uno omnes intelligant, quanta sapientia ac bonitate Deus auctor naturae et gratiae atque utriusque civitatis ordinator potestates sacerdotii et imperii non inimicas sed vinculo pacis coniungendas disposuerit. Haecautem utriusque civitatis coniunctio ex qua in ipsam civilem socie- tatem tanta bona promanant, non liberae hominum optioni permissa sed Dei lege praecepta est. Quoniam enim non solum 1 Cf. Aug. ad Marcellin.ep. 138, n. 15. 2 Rom. xiii. 5. 3 Cf. Sap. vi. 4-8. singuli privatim homines sed etiam omnes in vita publica ipsaque societas ad veram religionem erga Deum tenentur religionisque legibus obstringuntur, hinc ipsa publica societas, cuius cives simul fideles sint, magnis necessariis orficiis obligatur erga Dei Ecclesiam, quae verae religionis doc- trinam et leges et iura ex divino mandato custodit ac tuetur. Quapropter nemo dicere praesumat, non posse auctoritatem et iura Ecclesiae cum saecularis potestatis iuribus et auctoritate consistere ; atque ideo ad optimam societatis publicae rationem necessariam esse civilis reipublicae ab Ecclesia separationem, ita ut imperio negetur ius et officium coercendi sancitis poenis violatores catholicae reli- gionis, nisi quatenus pax publica postulet ; vel omnino ita, ut humana societas consti- tuatur et gubernetur nullo habito ad reli- gionem rispectu, ac si ea non existent, vel saltern nullo facto veram inter falsasque religiones discrimine. Quod inter sacerdotium et imperium dissidia orta sunt et in dies oriuntur, id nemo audeat asserere ex ipsa indole ac natura potestatis ecclesiasticae provenire. Pax vera inter utramque potestatem et concordia, quam Ecclesia semper optat et humili supplicatione postulat a Deo, servari nunquam potest, si libertas sponsae Jesu Christi opprimitur et violantur iura, quae Ecclesia exercere atque integra servare non solum potest sed etiam debet, quia simul cum ofriciis cohaerent, quae ipsi a divino suo fundatore iniuncta sunt ad salutem animarum. Huiusmodi bella iniquissima, qui volunt esse Ecclesiae filii, matri suae nunquam inferrent, si imperantium et populorum mentibus constanter obversaretur Veritas a Christo Domino severissimis verbis ineiil- cata, nihil prodesse homini mundum uni- versum lucrari, si animae suae detrimentum patiatur, ' atque adeo supra illam felicitatem vitae humanae, ad quam civilis potestas per se ordinatur, esse finem sublimiorem et unice necessarium beatitudinis aeternae, ad quam homines per Ecclesiam sunt deducendi ; ideoque habita vel sola ratione finis, qui utrique praestituitur, reipublicae civili Ecclesiam Jesu Christi tantum praecellerc, quantum huius vitae commoda ac bona superat salus animarum non auro vel argento, sed pretioso sanguine Christi redemptarum, et vitae aeternae felicitas. Quamvis igitur civilis societatis dispositio per so et directe non ad supernaturalem felicitatem, sed ad temporale communitatis i Cf. Matth. xvi. 26. Document XIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 317 bonum pertincat, christianis tamen homini- bus non in hoc solummodo sistendum est ; sed postulatur ab eis, ut temporali bono praeferant senipiternum, atque ideo non minus in publicis rebus, quam in privatis negotiis, finem inferiorem non ita respiciant, ut finem liominis ultimum et necessarium ab oculis dimittant ; unde si quando videantur utilia regno temporali, quae bonis sublimio- ribus Ecclesiae et aeternae saluti repug- nent, ea nunquam liabebunt pro veris bonis, sed sincere consequi studebunt, quod aiebat magnus ille Gregorius, ut terrestre regnum coelesti regno famuletur. Caput XIV. De iure et usu potestatis civilis secundum Ecclesiae catholicae doctrinam. Spreta Ecclesiae catholicae doctrina et auctoritate, eiusque circa humanam socie- tatem iuribus conculcatis, subintroierunt nostris temporibus magistri mendaces, qui non solum Ecclesiae, sed etiam omnis hu- mani consortii hostes, dominationem contem- nunt, 1 ita ut nulla lege, nisi quam ipsi spoute susceperint, obligari se posse dicant, omnemque sublimiorem potestatem ab ipsis independentem pro iniusto dominatu ha- bcant, quern pro lubitu abiicere atque ever- tere liceat: immo etiam contra mauifestam Dei legem affirmant, omnes homines ex lege naturae ita aequales iuribus esse, ut turn privata possessionum proprietas turn alia quaevis unius prae reliquis praerogativa iniusta censeri et abrogari debeat. Alii autem falsam civilis societatis speciem ac formam animo suo effingentes statum politicum, quern vocant, constituunt fontem omnis inter homines auctoritatis omnisque iuris, ita ut ab eodem statu politico eiusque lege turn ius proprietatis privatae unice derivari, turn societatem domestieam seu familiam suae existentiae totam rationem mutuari, omniaque parentum iu filios iura dimanare ac pemlere affirment, turn iu eius lege vel in maioris numeri civium placitis et in publiia, ut dieunt, opinione positam esse velint supremam normam couscientiae et offieiorum pro publicis et socialibus sive imperantium sive subditorum actionibus. Quin et eo usque non paucos progressos esse videmus, ut fortunatis eventibus vim iuris tribuentes audeaut dicere, id quod ex lege morali asset iniustum, si felicem habeat exituin. en ipso in publicis rebus ac negotiis ex lege politica iustum eradere et honestum, quasi vero lex moralis ad sociales et politicos i Cf. II. l'et. ii. io. actus non aeque ac ad privatos sese porri- geret. At haec humanae superbiae fig- menta non alio tendunt, quam ut incom- mutabilis sanctitas et iustitia aeterni Dei auferatur a recordatione filiorum hominum, in eorum animis sensus extinguatur iusti et iniusti, et inficiatur terra ab habitatoribus suis, quia transgressi sunt leges, mutaverunt ius, dissipaverunt foedus sempiternum. l Contra huiusmodi errores, qui etiam inter catholicos populos serpere coeperunt, omnibus in ruentem revocandam statuimus doctrinam catholicam, ut ea integra et inviolata cus- todiatur. Doeemus igitur, quod ab Apostolo traditum semper docuit Ecclesia, omnem legitimam potestatem, ideoque etiam civi- lem, Deum habere auctorem. " Omnis anima, scribit Apostolus, 2 pott statibus sublimiori- bus subdita sit, non est enim potestas nisi a Deo, quae autem sunt, a Deo ordinatae sunt ;" et ex eiusdem Apostoli sententia, qui hanc potestatem tenet, Dei minister est sive bonum facientibus in bonum, sive malum agentibus vindex in iram, 3 atque ideo sub- ditorum obedientiam iure suo postulat. Nemo itaque docere audeat, licitum esse huic legitimae potestati vi resistere, aut per detestandum facinus earn coniurationibus ac rebellione evertere, qui enim resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit ; qui autem resistunt, ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt. 4 Pari vero ratione doeemus, imperantibus in suae potestatis usu eandem normam divi- nae legis esse sequendam. Lex enim moralis sive lumine rationis sive per supernaturalem revelationem manifestata sicut pro bomini- bus actionibusque privatis, ita n >n minus pro iis qui praesunt, et pro publicorum munerum administratione actibusque sociali- bus ac politicis posita est. Norma itaque agendi non in utilitate, aut in muUitudinis opinione ac voluntate constitui potest, quando ad illicita ac Dei legi repugnantia impellunt; sed necessaria morum regula sicut pro subditis ita pro imperantibus etiam in ipsorum muneribus administrandis est lex Dei iubentis aut vetantis, secundum quam omnes in supremo iudicio communi Domino aut stabunt aut cadent. De ipsa autem agendi norma iudicium, quatenus de morum honestate, de lieito vel illicito sta- tuendum est, pro civili etiam societate publi- cisque negotiis ad supremum Ecclesiae ma- gisterium pertinet. Sane in via salutis aeternae omnibus tarn subditis quam princi- pibus Ecclesia a Deo constituta est dux et magistra. Neque de imperantibus minus verum est: qui Ecclesiam matrem non habet, Deum patrem habere non potest. 1 Of. Is. xxiv. 5. 3 Cf. ib. vers. 3, 4. • Rom. xiii. 1. * Rom. xiii. 2. 318 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XIII. Ut igitur Regem regnm patrcra ac pvopi- tium habere posyint, Ecclesiara se matrem habere re et opere comprobare Btudeant ; neque licere sibi existiment sive in privatis sive in publicis negotiis ob political rationes Dei et sanctae matris Ecclesiae leges ae iura violare. Caput XV. De specialfbus quibusdam Ecclesiae iuribus [ in relatione ad societatem civilem. Inter sanctissimorum iurium violationes, quae nostra aetate ad nationes erroribus infieiendas corrumpendosque in eis mores christianos perpetrantur, ilia est vel maxime perniciosa, qua fraudulenti homines conten- dunt, scholas omnes directioni ac arbitrio solius potestatis laicae subiiciendas esse, ita ut auctoritas Ecclesiae ad providendum religiosae institution! et educationi iuven- tutis christianae omnino impediatur. Quin eo usque progressi sunt, ut ipsam catholi- cam religionem a publica educatione arcere, atque universim scholas nullius professionis religiosae, sed litterarias tantummodo esse debere dicant. Contra huiusmodi sanae doctrinae morumque corruptelas ex ipso fine Ecclesiae a Christo Salvatore fundatae, ut homines per salutarem fidem ac disciplinam docendo regendoque ad vitam aeternam ad- ducat, ab omnibus agnoscendum est ins et officium, quo ipsa pervigilat, ut iuventus catholica in primis vera fide et Sanctis mori- bus rite instituatur. Hanc iniquitatem cumularunt aliausurpa- tione. Ipsam enim Clericorum educationem ac institutionem in disciplinis ecclesiasticis turn in aliis publicis scholis turn in ipsis Seminariis efficaci directioni ac vigilantiae Ecclesiae subducere et potestati laicae man- cipare praesumunt contra ius proprium Ecclesiae, quo maxime in suis ministris sanitati catholicae doctrinae et sanctitati vitae ecclesiasticae providere debet. Quin etiam eos ipsos, qui in sortem Domini vo- cantur, a sancta sua vocatione per vim avellere et iniquissima lege subiicere militiae saeculari alicubi veriti non sunt, atque ita quantum in ipsis est, Ecclesiam necessariis ad docendum, regendum et sanctificandum populum Dei ministris privare conantur. Quare declaramus et docemus, iura prae- dicta atque officia ad Ecclesiam pertinere, et esse cum eius magisterio divinitus insti- tuto, cum ipsius constitutione ac fine intime coniuncta, adeoque humanis legibus non posse auferri. Alia gravis iniuria sanctae Ecrlesiae in- fertur ab illis, qui professionem perfectionis evangelicac in Ordinibus Institutisque reli- giosis ab eadem Ecclesia approbatis iniqua oppugnatione persequuntur, atque affirm a re audent, professionem religiosam iuribus naturae libertatisque humanae contrarian^ vel ex regnis et civitatibus nostrae aetatis eliminandam esse, quod ilia profectui ac feli- citati populorum opponatur; eoque mads dolendum, quod inter ipsos legum latores, qui se catholicos profitentur, non desint, qui in hac re Ecclesiae ius conculcare et iniquis legibus, quantum valent, irritum reddere non vereantur. Quoniam vero sponsa Iesu Christi ipsam divini sponsi sui vitam et exemplum in se suisque membris exprimere, atque inciter sanctitatis praerogativa fulgere debet, idem Dominus Noster lesus Christus non solum sancta dedit mandata omnibus, si volunt ad vitam ingredi, necessario servanda ; sol etiam pro Ecclesia praemonstravit in suo evangelio statum perfectionis, quo ii, qui Deo vocante capiunt verbum istud, r< lictis omnibus, ut thesaurum habeant in coelis, ipsum Iesum Christum propinquiori imita- tione sequantur. 1 Consilia haec Iesu Christi ad Ecclesiam sponsam ac reginain ornan- dam varietatibus 2 non potuerunt manere irrita ; unde operante divina gratia omnibus Ecclesiae aetatibus plurimi utriusque sexus crucis Christi sectatores in Lac via ipsum Dominum ducem ac magistrum secuti sunt. Ut sic vocatis evangelicam peifectionem consectandi media non deessent, providen- tissima mater Ecclesia semper sedulo cura- vit. Legis enim pro summa auctoritate vel ipsa tulit vel a sanctissimis viris propoeitaa probavit, quibus religiosa vita et professio firma ac tuta consisteret, et ad sanctum suum finem dirigeretur. Quamvis igitur non omnes vocati sint ad hanc vitae ra- tionem in consiliis evangelicis voluntariae ac perpetuae paupertatis, continent iae, et obedientiae sequendam : attamen ex coii- stanti Ecclesiae declaratione atque usu omnibus necesse est aestimare, earn apoeto* licae doctrinae consentaneam esse et ad christianam perfectionem conducere. Ii vero, quibus datum est a Patre Christum vocantem audire et sequi, ultra praeceptonun observationem consilia quoque evangeliea in institutis religiosis non solum activao sed etiam contemplativae vitae secundum modum ab Ecclesia approbatum pie et laudabiliter amplectuntur, ac divina gratia opitulante possunt et tenentur, quae vovc- runt, reddere Domino Deo. Quare turn haeo Ecclesiae et fidelium iura turn suscepta votis religiosis otficia in supematurali Dei lege ac ordinationc fundantur, qua Christus i Cf. Matlh. nL\. 11,12, 17-29. 2 Cf. Ps. xliv. 10-16. Document X1IL] TETE VATICAN COUNCIL. 319 sapientia aeterna in sancta Ecclesia sua viam perfectionis evangelicae monstravit ac dispnsuit ; noc ilia politicis legibus sive dingi sive deleri possunt. Damnamus igitur turn doctrinam, qua pvofe&do religioea illicita vel vero profectui populorum noxia, ac propterea eliminanda MM tlicitur, turn impios hominuni conatus, qui cominemorata Ecclesiae ac fidelium iura invadunt, et tantam ipsi Deo ac sanctae reliiiioni catholicae irrogant iniuriam. Hie porro aliam sacrilegam iniustitiam, qua contra matrem Ecclesiam crudeliter et in dies latius grassatur, iterum damnare et perniciosissimas fallacias, quibus homines mendaces illam obvelare student, proscribere se Nobis est. Dicunt niniirum, ius Ecclesiae, acquirendi et possidendi bona temporalia, esse subiectum arbitrio status politiei, et ab eius libera concessione iugiter pendere, ita ut potestas politica vi suae suprema auctoritatis possit illud ius abolere, latisque legibus sibi vindicare velut bona domino vacua, quae legitimo proprietatis titulo sunt in possessione Ecclesiae ; aut affirmant, dispositionem ac distributionem bonorum ecclesiasticorum non secus ac eorum, quae publica sunt totius nationis, pertinere ad nativum ius supremae potestatis politicae. Huiusmodi autem perversis doc- trinis impugnantur iura Ecclesiae certissima, quae ex ipsa eius divinitus data coustitutione promanant. Ecclesia namque cum sit per- fecta societas divino iure coustituta, supei- naturalis quidem, sed eadem societas visibilis ex hominibus et ad hominum salutem in tenia consistens, propterea rebus etiam visi- bilibus et externis atque inter haec bonis qitnque temporalibus utitur et iuvatur tam- quam mediis ad divinam suam mission m a.liiiiplemlam et ad fiuem sibi a Christo Balvatore propositum assequendum. Ad banc enim suam missionem Ecclesia visibilis ex natura sua et ex divina institutione ministros proprios habet ex hominibus assumptos et pro hominibus constitutos, qui non potestati saeculari subordinati, sed ab ea independentes sacris muneribus fun- gantur : atque ideo iure suo Ecclesia eis prospicit, ut iuxta ordinationem Domini qui evangelium annuntiant,de evangelio vivant: 1 eiusdemque Ecclesiae sicut officium ita pro- prium ius est, providendi turn decori externi divini cultus, turn multiplicibus indigentium membrorum Christi necessitatibus, turn aliis, quae opportuna iudicaverit, cliristianao cari- tatis et pietatis operibus. His vero muneri- bus Ecclesiae atque officiis exsequendis cum secundum ordinem divinae providentiae bona 1 Cf. 1 Cor. ix. 11. temporalia subserviant, sane illud ius ac- quirendi ac possidendi titulo proprietatis, quod mere humanis societatibus legitime constitutis competere potest, in Ecclesia non deficit, sed in ea, ut in societate divinitus et ad altiorem finem instituta et ad imperiis mundanis independente, etiam sanctius est ac superioris ordinis, quia bona huiusmodi mystico corpori Christi, et per hoc ipsi Christo Deo specialius dicata sunt. Quare docemus, Ecclesiae, ut societati visibili a Deo inter bomines constitutae, ius esse, bona temporalia acquirendi et possi- dendi, neque hoc iure earn a quavis potestate saeculari privari posse; ac propterea prae- dictos errores damnamus, et leges quibus status politicus tanquam ex supremo iure sibi inhaerente bona ecclesiastica usurpat, iniustas spoliationes esse declaramus. Haec sunt, quae generatim visum Nobis est, Christi fideles circa Ecclesiam Christi docere : his autem contraria certis et pro- priis Canonibus in hunc qui sequitur modum damnare, ut omnes, adiuvante Christo fidei regula utentes, catholicam veritatem facilius agnoscere et tenere possint. De Ecclesia Christi. Canon I. — Si quis dixerit, Christi reli- gtonem in nulla peculiari societate ab ipso Christo fundata exstantem et expressam esse, sed a singulis seorsum, non habita ratione ad ullam societatem quae vera ipsius Ecclesia sit, rite observari et excoli posse; anathema sit. Canon II. — Si quis dixerit Ecclesiam a Christo Domino nullam certain ac immuta- bilem constitutionis formam accepisse, sed aeque ac reliquas hominum societates, pro temporum diversitate vicissitudinibus et transformationibus subiectam fuisse, aut subiici posse ; anathema sit. Canon III. — Si quis dixerit, divinarum promissionum Ecclesiam non esse societatem externam ac conspicuam, sed totam inter- nam ac invisibilem ; anathema sit. Canon IV. — Si quis dixerit, veram Eccle- siam non esse unum in se corpus, sed ex variis dissitisque christiani nominis socie- tatibus constare, per easque diffusam esse; aut varias societates ab invicem fidei pro- fessione dissidentes atque communione seiunctas, tanquam membra vel partes unam et universalem constituere Christi Ecclesiam; anathema sit. Canon V. — Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiam Christi non esse societatem ad aeternam salu- tem consequendam omnino necessariam ; aut homines per cuiusvis rcligionis cultiuu sal- vari posse ; anathema sit. 320 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XIV. Canon VI. — Si quis dixerit, intolerantiam illam, qua Ecclesia catholica omnes religiosas sectas a sua communione separatas proscribit et damuat, divino iure non praecipi ; aut de veritate religionis opiniones tantum non auteni certitudinem haberi posse; ideoque omnes sectas religiosas ab Ecclesia tole- randas esse ; anathema sit. Canon VII. — Si quis dixerit, eandem Ciiristi Ecclesiam posse offundi tenebris, aut infici malis, quibus a salutari fidei morum- que veritate aberret, ab originali sua insti- tutione deviet, aut depravata et corrupta tandem desinat esse ; anathema sit. Canon VIII. — Si quis dixerit, praesentem Cluisti Ecclesiam non esse ultimam ac supremam consequendae salutis oecono- miam, sed exspectandam esse aliam, per novam vel pleniorem divini Spiritus effu- sionem ; anathema sit. Canon IX.— Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiae infallibilitatem ad ea tantum restringi, quae divina revelatione continentur, nee ad alias etiam veritates extendi, quae necessario requiruntur, ut revelationis depositum inte- grum custodiatur ; anathema sit. Canon X. — Si .quis dixerit, Ecclesiam non esse societatem perfectam, sed collegium; aut ita in civili sou in statu esse, ut sae- culari dominationi subiiciatur ; anathema sit. Canon XI.— Si quis dixerit, Ecclesiam institutam divinitus esse tanquam societatem aequalium ; ab episcopis vero haberi quidem ofneium et ministerium, non autem propriam regiminis potestatem, quae ipsis divina or- dinatione competat , quaeque ab iisdem sit libere exercenda ; anathema sit. Canon XII. — Si quis dixerit, a Christo Domino et Salvatore nostro Ecclesiae suae collatam tantam fuisse potestatem dirigeodi per consilia et suasiones, non vero etiam iubendi per leges, ac devios contumacesque exteriori iudicio ac salubribus poenis coer- cendi atque cogendi ; anathema sit. Canon XIII. — Si quis dixerit, veram Christi Ecclesiam, extra quam nemo salvus esse potest, aliam esse praeter unam, sanc- tam, catholicam, et apostolicam Romanam ; anathema sit. Canon XIV. — Si quis dixerit, beatum Petrum Apostolorum a Christo Domino con- stitution non esse Apostolorum omnium principem et totius Ecclesiae militantis visi- ble caput; vel eum tantum honoris, non autem verae propriaeque iurisdictionis pri- matum accepisse ; anathema sit. Canon XV.— Si quis dixerit, non esse ex ipsius Christi Domini institutione, ut beatus Petrus in primatu super universam Eccle- siam habeat perpetuos successores ; aut Ro- manum Pontificem non esse iure divino Petri in eodem primatu successorem; ana- thema sit. Canon XVI. — Si quis dixerit, Romanum Pontificem habere tantummodo officium inspectionis vel directionis, non autem plenam et supremam potestatem iurisdic- tionis in universam Ecclesiam ; aut banc eius potestatem non esse ordinariam et immediatam in omnes ac singulas ecclesias ; anathema sit. Canon XVII.— Si quis dixerit, potestatem ecclesiasticam independentem, quam Eccle- sia catholica sibi a Christo tributam esse docet, supremamque potestatem, civikm non posse simul consistere, ita ut iura utriusque salva sint ; anathema sit. Canon XVIII.— Si quis dixerit, potes- tatem, quae ad regendam civil em societatem necessaria est, non esse a Deo ; aut eidem ex ipsa Dei lege subiectionem non deberi; aut earn naturali hominis libertati repug- nare ; anathema sit. Canon XIX. — Si dixerit, omnia inter homines iura derivari a statu politico; aut nullam nisi ab ipso communicatam dari auctoritatem ; anathema sit. Canon XX. — Si quis dixerit, in lege status politici vel in publica hominum opinione constitutam esse pro publicis ac socialibus actionibus supremam conscientiae normam ; aut ad easdem non extendi Eccle- siae iudicia, quibus ea de licito et illicito pronuntiat ; aut vi iuris civilis fieri licitum, quod iure divino vel ecclesiastico est illi- citum ; anathema sit. Canon XXI. — Si quis dixerit, leges Eccle- siae vim obligandi non habere, nisi quatenus civilis potestatis sanctione firmentur ; aut eidem civili potestati vi suae supremae auctoritatis competere, in causis religionis iudicare et decernere ; anathema sit. DOCUMENT XIV. Apparisce da questo prospetto, e consta dalle relazioni unanimi di quanti hanno per- corsa la Svizzera, che i Protestanti vi godono di maggior prosperita che i Cattolici. Se cercassimo di ascrivere un tal fatto alia dif- ferenza del territorio, mostreremmo ignorare che piii Cantoni cattolici (per esempio, Lucerna, Friburgo, Solera, Ticino) hanno suolo piii fertile di quello dei Protestanti di Ginevra, Neuchatel, ea, che dove i Cat- tolici si trovano misti ai Riformati su ter- reno di egual indole, ivi sono questi non poco superiori a quelli in benessere, e cio Documents XV. XVI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL 321 si tocca con inano nei Cantoni di Glarona, Friburgo, Appenzello, Grigioni, San Gallo, ec. Adunquo molti dei Protestanti vanno diceudo esser la religione riforniata migliore della cattolica, ma essi la discorrono alia peggio, perche iu cio 1' essenza della reli- gione Hon lia parte; ma dicesi dunque, perche sonosi i Cattolici lasciati sorpassare in prosperity dai Riformati ? Chi adduce una causa, e clii un' altra. I prudenti sono d'avviso concorrere insieme parecchie ra- gioni, ec. (Statistica della Svizzera di Stefano Fran- scini, ticinese. Lugano, 1827.) " Tout my a paru irreprocliable dans la forme comme dans le fond. J'en jaurais voloutiers signe cliaque ligne. " Vous me permettrez d'ajouter que je me sens un peu humilie par la pense'e que vous autres, Allemands du Rhin, vous avez eu cette fois l'initiative d'une demonstration qui convenait si bien aux antecedents des catho- liques francais, comme aux convictions qui, pendant la premiere moitie du dix-neuvieme siecle, nous ont valu l'lionneur d'inaugurer la defense de la liberte religieuse sur le continent . . . " Agreez, etc., " Ch. de Montalembert." DOCUMENT XV. TTRE DU COMTE DE MONTALEMBERT. " Paris, juillet 1869. LONSIELR, "... Deux fois, depuis quelques semaines, j'ai touche au bord de la tombe, sans pouvoir y trouver la delivrance apres laquelle je soupire et que le bon Dieu me fait attendre si longtemps. . . . Toutefois, la fin de mes maux ne peut tarder ; et des a present il me semble que je puis juger des cboses et des personnes d'ici bas avec un de'sinte'ressement et une independance dont la mort seule a le privilege. " Au milieu de cette ruine du corps, mon ame me semble avoir conserve encore une certaine vigueur, et c'est avec une intime et profonde jouissance que mon eceur et mon esprit vont se re'fugier sur ces bords du Rlnn on se sont developpees mes premieres impressions d'etudiant, et ou je retrouve aujourd'hui les seules consolations qu'il me soit donne de rencontrer dans la sphere des preoccupations du pole'miste politique et religieux. " Ces consolations, c'est a vous, Monsieur, que je les dois, a vous et a vos amis, a votre excellent journal les Koelniscbe Blaetter, a la savante et courageuse Feuille the'ologique de Bonn.mais surtout a l'admirable Adresse de certains laiques de Coblence a l'e'veque de Treves sur le futur concile, dont vous avez publie le texte et dont vous avez eu l'extreme bonte de m'envoyer un exemplaire. " Je ne saurais vous dire a quel point j'ai etc emu et charme' par ce glorieux Manifesto de la conscience et de la raison des catho- liques. . . . J'ai cru voir luire un eclair au milieu des tenebres, et entendre enfin un accent viril et chretien au milieu des de- clamations et des adulations ecoeuranti s dont nous sommes assourdis. . . . DOCUMENT XVI. COBLENZER LAIEN. — ADRESSE AN DEN B. v. Trier. Hochwiirdigster Herr ! E\v. Bischoflichen Gnaden als unserem geistliclien Hirten und Bischofe naben wir, die unterztichneten Gl'aubigen der Diocese Trier, in einer hoch- wichtigen, ernsten, unsere h. Kirche und damit unsere tiefsten Lebensinteressen un- mittelbar beriihrenden Saclie, von unserem Gevvissen gedrungen, eine ehrfurchtsvolle, offene und freimiithige Erklarung vor Iimen und der ganzen Kirclie abzugeben. Hochwiirdigster Herr ! In Ihrem dies- j'ahrigen Fastenliirtenbriefe, in welchetn Sie die Gl'aubigen auf die liedeutung des bevor- stehenden allgemeinen Concils hinwiesen, erw'ahnten Sie, dass in einem allgemeinen Concil zwar nur die Bischofe als die Nachfolger der Apostel entscheidendes Stimmrecht haben, dass aber nicht bloss ihre, sondern aller Glieder der Kirche Erf'alirung und Einsicht dort gehort und beachtet werde, dass nicht nur Priester, auch Laien, selbst in wichtigen Fragen, Einfluss auf die Besebliisse der Concilien zu iiben berufen sein konnten. In der That selien wir demgemass auch heute eine Anzahl von Gl'aubigen, deren lauteste Stimmfiihrer nicht Bischofe, sondern Or- densm'anner und Laien sind, eifrigst be- miilit, der Wirksamkeit des kiinftigen Concils gleiclisam eine bestimmte Rich- tung anzuweisen, und horen, wie sie, ilire Wunsclie und Lieblingsmeinungen mit dem Glauben und den bedurfnissen der Kirche verwechselnd, alle diejenigen im Gegensatze zu den " eigentlichen " fur " liberale " Ka- tholiken erklaren, welche ihre Lehrs'atze als Dogmen anzuerkennen und ilire Bestrebun- gen als lieilbringend zu bctrachten ausser 322 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. riV.Cl'MEXT XVI. Stande sind. Diese Gl'aubigen haben ini MHtelpunkte der Kirche, in Rom selbst, ein Pressorgan, die Civilta Cattolica, in welchem sie vor Kurzem in Form einer Correspondenz aus Frankreicb folgende auch in einer Zeitschrift deutseher Ordcnsm'anner repro- ducirte, durch sp'atere Erklarungen nicht wesentlkh abgeschw'achte S'atze veioffent- lichten : " Die libeialen Katholiken fiircbten, das kunftige Concilium moehte etwa die Doc- trin des Syllabus und die dogmatische Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes proklamiren, boffen jedocb wieder andererseits das Con- cilium konne etwa einige von den Satzen des Syllabus modificiren oder in einem ibnen giinstigen Sinne erl'autern. Ebenso hegen sie die Erwartung das Concilium werde die Unfeblbarkeit des Papstes gar nicbt beliandeln, oder doch wenigstens nicbt erledigen . . . " Die eigentlichen Katholiken aber, das heisst die grosse Mehrheit der Gl'aubigen, n'ahren ganz andere Hoffnungen. " Ziemlicli allgemein findet man dieUeber- zeugung verbreitet, dass das kunftige Concil ein kurzes, etwa wie das von Chalcedon, sein werde, denn man fiihlt die Schwierig- keit, unter den gegenw'artigen Umst'anden eine langdauernde Versammlung zu halten, und vor Allem erwartet man von den Bischofen, dass sie in den Hauptfragen einig sein werden, so dass die Minorifat nicbt lange wird opponiren konnen, so beredt sie auch sein mag . . . "Die Katholiken wiinschen, wie schon gesagt, dass das okumenische Concil die Doctrinen des Syllabus proclamire . . . " Die Katholiken werden die Proclamation der dogmatischen Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes mit Jubel aufnehmen. . . . Naturlich wird der Papst in dieser Frage, welche ihn direct zu beruhren scheint, die Initiative nicbt ergreifen, sondern scbweigsam und zuriick- haltend sein. Aber man noflt, dass die ein- stimmige Kundgebung d. h. Geistes durcli den Mund der V'ater des bkumenischen Concils das Dogma der Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes per acclamationem definiren wird. " Endlich giebt is in Frankreich auch noch eine Menge Katholiken welche den Wunsch aussprechen, das kunftige Concilium moge den vielen von der Kirche der unbefleckten Jungfrau Maria dargebrachten Huldigun- gen durch das Dogma von der glorreichen Aufnahme Maria in den Himmel die Krone aufsetzen ! " Hochwiirdigster Herr ! W'aren das Aeus- serungen irgend einer beliebigen, verein- zelten, durch keinerlei Gunstbezeugungen von Seiten einer kirchlichen Autorit'at aufgemunterten katkolischen Zeitung, wir diirften wohl schwerlich uns veranlasst gesehen haben, aus unserer Zuriickhaltung hervorzutreten. Nun aber ist es nicht unbekannt, dass jene Gl'aubigen mit der Zuneigung kirchlicher Autorit'aten und des heil. Stuhles selbst sich schmeicheln, und bat es den Anschein, als ob ein grosser Orden mit der ganzen Wucht einheitlicher Organisation nach denselben Zielen drange ; es ware demnach leicht erkl'arlich, wenn tin so planm'assiges und energisclies, die all- gemeinste Zustimmung beanspruchendes Vorgehen, falls es von keiner Seite offenen Widerspruch erfahren sollte, iiber die Gesin- nungen der Katholiken bedeutende, unter den gegenw'artigen Umst'anden doppelt beklagenswertlie Irrthiimer veranlasste. Angesichts einer solchen Lage aber diirfen und konnen auch wir nicht im Schweigcn verharren, die wir nicht minder treue, gl'aubige und fiir das Wohl unserer gemein- samen Mutter ohne Kuckhalt begeisterte Kinder der Kirche zu sein bestrebt sind, als jene; wir miissen vielmehr unsere Stimme erheben und vor Ilmen, unserem Bischofe, e« laut aussprechen : Wir theilen jene Ansichten, HofFnungen und Wiinsche der sogenannten eigentlichen Katholiken nicht, verwahren uns vielmehr gegen dieselben auf das entschiedenste, — uns sind im Hinblick nuf die vom heil. Vater in seiner Berufungsbulle erlauterte Bedeu- tung des bevorstehenden Concils Gedan- ken anderer Art vor die Seele getreten, die Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden in Kiirze darzu- legen uns vergonnt sein moge. Ueberschauen wir die Verbaltnisse, unter denen das allgemeine Concil zusammenzn- treten im Begriffe ist, so sehen wir in neuerer Zeit nirgendwo eine h'aretisclie Punkte des Glaubensbekenntnisses be- riihrende Spaltung, wie sie friihere Con- cilien zur Formulirung kirchlicher Lehren veranlasste, hervortreten. Der uns rings umgebende Unglaube stiitzt sich auf pbiln- sophische Meinungen, deren Fahchheit langst durch die grossen christlichen Walnheiten in helles Licht gesetzt ist, und eine Vereinigung mit unsern im Glauben getrennten christlichen Brudern moehte kaum dadurch erleichtert werden, dass man die Summe der uns trennenden Glaubens- s'atze noch um einige neu formulirte ver- mehrte. Hochwiirdigster Herr ! Unsere Zeit hat, wenn auch nicht in der eben bezeichneten Bichtung, in der That eigenthiimliche, auch von uns lebhaft gefiihlte Bediirfnisse, denen gerecbt zu werden die Kirche, die Allen Alios zu sein bcstimmt ist, aus dem tocuiIBOT XVI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 323 uiursch(")|)rtich(Mi Burn ihrer gottlichen Kraft die Mittel zu schopfen vermag. In dor Befreiung der Kireho von der Staats- gewalt, in der Herstellnng einer selbst- standigcn und harmouischen Bewegung der beiden Ordnungen, in denen nach Gottes Willen das Leben der Mensohheit sich ent- falten soli, in der organischen Regelung der Theilnahme der Gl'aubigen an der Gestaltung der kircblichen Lebensbezie- liungen, in der Zuriickfiihrung der getrenn- ten Biiider zur Kirche, in der Bew'altigung des socialen Elendes, im Aufsucben der richtigen Stellung des Klerus und de3 einzelnen Christen zur allgemeinen Bildung und zur Wissenschaft : an diesen das kirch- liche Leben im weitesten Sinne umfassen- den Aufgaben miiht die Gegenwart in geistigem Bingen sich ab, und fur ihre Losung scheint sie sehnsuchtsvoll Hulfe und Beistand von dem vom gottlichem Geiste geleiteten, von der Einsicht der ganzen Kirche getragenen bevorstehenden Concil zu erwarten. Wir verhehlen uns nicht, dass ein naheres, Einzelheiten bestimmendes Eingehen auf alio diese in dem vielgestaltigen und reiohgegliederten Leben der Kirche wur- zelnden Bediirfnisse einem allgemeinen Concil kaum moglich sein wiirde. Der Organismus der Kirche selbst wird in seinen einzelnen Theilen die Formen her- vorzubringen liaben, in denen die Schaden Heilung finden, die gesunden Kr'afte sich in segensreicher Wirkung entfalten konnen. Zun'achst und vor Allem wiirden wir es daher als sichere Biirgschaft segensreicher Entwicklung mit Freude begriissen, wenn vom bevorstehenden Concil eine Neubele- bung des grossen kirchlichen Organismus durch allgemeine Wiedereinfiilirung jener durch Jahrhunderte erprobten regelm'assi- gen National-, Provinzial- und Diocesansyno- den ausginge. Solche Synoden, wenn ihre Beschliisse aus wahrhaft freier und griind- licher Ber;ithung gesehopft und auf die Forderuugen des wirklichen Lebens ge- richtet waren, sind von jeher ein Quell des Heiles fur die Kirche gewesen, ihr Auflioren war fast iiberall Beginn oder Zeiohen der Erstarrung und des Hinwel- keiiji, von ihrer Herstellung, nicht bloss der jiusseren Form, sondern dem Geiste und Wesen nach, diirfen wir daher die ErfUllung derjenigen Wiinsclie lioffen, die wir in Bezug auf die kirchlichen Verh'altnisse in unserem Vaterlande so manchen betriibenden und bedenklichen Erscheinungen der Gegenwart gegeniiber Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden ans Herz zu legen vertrauensvoll wagen werden. Bichten wit vnrher noch unsere Auf- merksamkeit auf das allgemeine Verh'alt- niss der Kirche zum Staate und zur modormn Gesellschaft iiberhaupt, so scheint es uns im Interesse der Freiheit und Selbststandig- keit der Kirche aufs dringendste gerathen, dass das bevorstehende Concil keinen Zweifel dariiber lasse, die Kirche habe mit dem Wunsche, die theokratischen Staats- formen des Mittelalters herzustellen, voll- st'andig gebrochen. Denn das ist es vor- ziiglich, was die Geister heute der Kirche entfremdet, dass man fiirchtet, jene Zeiten mochten wiederkehren, wo die Staatsgewalt mit weltlichen Zwangsmitteln fur die Dog- men und Gesetze eines bestimmten auf ubernatiirliche Offenbarung zuriickgefuhrten religiosen Bekenntnisses eintrat, wo dem- nach das Gewissen gebunden und die Wiirde der Religion selbst, welche ohne die von staatlichem Zwange freie Hingebung der Gl'aubigen nicht zu bestehen vermag, geschadigt wurde. Wir verkennen nicht, dass auch das Staatsleben eine religiose Grundlage hat, insofern die Ordnung des Staates und die obrigkeitliche Gewalt auf der Anerkennung eines lebendigen person- lichen Gottes und des von ihm der Seele eingepflanzten Sittengesetzes beruhen ; aber wir sind uns auch mit voller Ueberzeugung bewusst, dass die Sph'are des Staates, der in gleicher Weise, wie die Kirche, auf dem ihm eigenthiimlichen Gebiete in voller Selbststandigkeit sich bewegt, innerhalb jener geistigen Erkenntnisse und sittlichen Gesetze bescldossen ist, welche durch die natiirlichen Kr'afte des Menschen erfasst werden. Gerade der Staat wird unserer Meinung nach der christlichste sein, der diese seine Schranken am gewissenhaftesten achtet, und w'ahrend er der ubernaturlichen .Religion, der Kirche und den Confessionen, welche seine eigene religios - sittliche Grundlage anerkennen, die freieste und selbststandigste Bewegung auf ihrem Ge- biete und den Schutz ihrer Rechte sichert seinerseits freiwillig, soweit es ohne Verlet- zung der Rechtsgleicliheit geschehen kann, auf die religiose Sitte des Volkes Riicksicht nimmt und die hohere Einsicht der durch das Christenthum erzogenen Burger gem benutzt, urn das natiirliche Gesetz immer tiefer zu erfassen und in seinen Ordnungen immer reiner zum Ausdruck zu bringen. Auf diesem Wege wird sich eine vollkomm- nere Harmonie, eine fruchtbarere Wirksara- keit, eine idealere Ausgestaltung von Staat und Kirche erreichen lassen, als die Go- schichte sie bis jetzt gesehen hat ; und wenn dennoch im Leben der Einzelnen Conflicte zwischen beiden Ordnungen ein- treten, so werden es doch nur solche sein, 324 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. f Document XVI. die einerseits aus dem durch das Christen- thum zuerst klar ausgesprochenen Unter- schiede der Kirche und des Staates, anderer- seits aus der Schw'ache und Fehlerhaftigkeit alles Menschliclien sich mehr oder weniger nothwendig ergeben. Hochwiirdigster Herr! Noch peinlicher und driickender, als die Stoning der Har- monie zwischen Kirche und Staat, miisste es von uns empfunden werden, wenn das Band, welches Clerus-und Laien, Seelsorger und Gemeinde unischlingen soil, gelockert wiirde oder gar eine tiefgreifende Dis- harmonie zwischen ihnen entst'ande. Mit schmerzlichein Bedauern wiirden wir daher jeden Versuch betrachten, die gemeinsame Bildungsgrundlage zu zerstoren, welche bisher in Deutschland, wenigstens im AU- gemeinen noch, den Clerus und die durch akademische Studien vorbereiteten welt- lichen Berufsstande einigte. Wenn es schon an sich den Interessen der Kirche als der ersten Culturmacht widerspricht, an den grossen Bildungsst'atten unserer Nation, um die alle Nachbarn uns beneiden, nicht vertreten zu sein, so genugt ein Blick auf das Verh'altniss, in welchem der Clerus mehrerer rornanischen Lander zu den gebil- deten Laien steht, uns vor den Folgen einseitiger Erziehung und Bildung der kiinftigen Seelsorger zuriickschrecken zu lassen. Wiirde man aber gar die theologische Bildung der angehenden Geistlichen be- schr'anken, wollte man Studirenden der Theo- logie, wie es in offentlichen Bl'attern heisst, von denjenigen Disciplinen ausschliessen. welche in die unmittelbaren Quellen des Glaubens und der kirchlichen Entwicklung einfiihren, so miissten wir darin gerade zu eine unheil voile Sch'adigung der kirchlichen Wissenschaft wie des kirchlichen Lebens erblicken. Wir sprechen daher den Wunsch aus, das bevorstehende allgemeine Concil moge, falls es die Bildung des Clerus zum Gegenstande der Berathung machen sollte, auf die eigenthiimlichenVerhaltnisse unseres Vaterlandes vorsorglich Kiicksicht nehmen, oder die entgultige Festsetzung dieses Ge- genstandes nationalen Synoden iiberlassen. Hochwiirdigster Herr! Die Gefahren, welche der Kirche in unseren Tagen durch den uns von alien Seiten bekampfenden Unglauben drohen, die bedeutenden Anf'or- derungen, welche die socialen Uebel der Zeit an die christiche Liebesth'atigkeit stellen, lassen es mehr als je nothwendig erscheinen, dass alle Gl'aubigen im engsten Verbande mit ihren Seelsorgern am kirch- lichen Leben theilnehmend und in ein- miithiger Gemeindeth'atigkeit die ganze Fiille christlicb?n Wirkens entfalten. Als in 'ahnlicher Lage die alte Kirche dereinst die heidnische Welt iiberwand, da war diese EinmUthigkeit vollkommen, da war der Gemeindeverband so innig und test, dass die Stimme des Volkes bei der Wahl des Bischofs gehort wurde. Die zeitge- m'asse Herstellung auch dieser Einrichtung wird freilich wohl erst einer ferneren Zukunft vorbehalten und von einer freund- lichen Auseinandersetzung zwischen Kirche und Staat abh'angig sein : schon jetzt aber scheint uns eine allgemeinere organise!) gere- gelte Betheiligung der Laien am christlich- sucialen Leben der Pfarrgemeinde hochst wiinschenswerth. Denn heute gibt es kaum noch einen lebendigen regelm'assigen christlich-socialen Verkehr der ganzen Gemeinde als solcher mit ihrem Seelsorger, dem Pfarrer. Fast nur im Gotte^hause oder bei den Cultushandlungen steht der Pfarrer der ganzen Gemeinde gegeniiber ; die christlichen Liebeswerke sind religiosen Orden, Einzelnen, endlich freien Genossen- echaften iiberlassen, in die einzutreten sehr viele durch Gleichgultigkeit, viele andere durch eine nicht unberechtjgte Scheu sich hindern lassen. Die Gemeinde hat fast uberall kein Organ, denn die Kirchen- vorsfande unserer Tage sind auf ein sehr kleines Gebiet beschr'ankt und kaum der Schatten einer wirklichen Vertretung. Und doch miisste nicht nur die Verwaltung des kirchlichen Vermogens, sondern auch die Sorge fur Arme, Kranke und Elende aller Art und fur die christliche Erziehung der Jugend; es miisste die Begutaclitung der Niederlassung religioser auf Unterstiitzung durch die Gl'aubigen oder bffentliche Wirk- samkeit innerhalb der Gemeinde ange- wiesener Orden, die Theilnalime an der Mis- sionsth'atigkeit und den allgemeinen Ange- legenheiten der Kirche. das Alles miisste der Idee nach Sache der ganzen mit ihrem Seelsorger audi mit Kiicksicht auf diese Verh'altnisse in zeitgem'assen Formen or- ganisch verbundenen Gemeinde sein. Der freien Liebesth'atigkeit Einzelner, der riihm- lichen Aufopferung und Hingebung reli- gioser Orden und dem Hirtenwalten des Seelsorgers auf diese Weise beengende Schranken zu ziehen kann um so we- niger unsere Absicht sein, als kirchliche Organe der bezeichneten Art ihrer Natur nacli zwingende Entscheidungen nicht zu treffen h'atten, wohl aber scheint uns die Hoffnung begriindet, dass mit Hiilfe solcher Orgrtne, welche nicht nur eine allgemeinere Heranziehung der Laien, sondern audi eine angemessene Verbindung und planvolle Leitung aller betlieiligten Kr'afte ermog-i lichi n wiirden, den socialen Uebeln der Document XVI.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 325 Gegenwart von dor Kirche mit durchgrei- fenderem Erfolge begegnet, die Einwirkung dee Klerus auf das Volk, die Dnrchdringung des Lebens mit christlichen Grundsatzen sieherer erzielt, religiose Gleichgultigkeit ehei gehoben, einseitige Richtungen bosser hintangehalten, dass durch sie namentlich ji-ne von Tage zu Tage sich erweiternde Klui't z wise lien sogenannten gnten und gewohnlichen Katholiken am ersten iiber- briickt werden konnte. Hochwiirdigster Hcrr ! Der heisse Wunseh, der den li. Vater, den ganzen hochwiirdigen Episcopat, jeden glaubigen Katholiken und vor Allen uns deutsche Katholiken, beseelt, der Wunseh, die Ver- idhnung der von uns getrennten protes- bmtischen Confersionen mit der Kirche zu erleben, 1 at wohl nur dann Aussicht auf Erfolg, wenn von unserer Seite Entschei- dendes geschieht, ran die Furcht und das Misstrauen bei unsern Briidcrn zu beseiligen, Vorurtheile zu uberwinden und Vertrauen zu erwecken. "Wie viele ihrer Vorurtheile aber wiirden nicht mit einem Male schwin- den, wenn sie bei uns die grossen Or- gane der Kirche wieder lebendig th'atig, wenn sie auch ein wahres, die socialen Aufgaben des Christenthums erfiillendes Gemeindeleben bei uus wieder bliih< n s'alicn, und daher unmoglich 1'anger die misstrauisehe Furcht zu hegen iiberredet werden konnten, dftea tine herrschsiichtige Hierarchie in der Kirche die Glaubigen ausbeute und die Geister gewaltsam in falsche Richtungen lenke oder niederdriicke. Was das Eintreten der KirchenspaltuDg wabrscheinlich verhin- dert liatte, das wird auch wohl am beaten sie aufzuheben vermdgen : nun aber hat die Verzweiflung an der Hierarchie, welcher man den Verfall des kirchlichen Lebens Scbuld gab, diese in jent n Tagen erkliir- licbe, wenn auch kleingl'aubige Verzweif- lung im Grande jene Lehren geboren, welehe die Hierarchie uberfliissig machen sollten. Die altchriatliche Kirche, das alt- christliche Gemeindeleben wollte man her- stellen; es gelang nicht, weil man das priesterliche verworfen hatte, auf welches allein die kirchliche Gemeinde sich erbauen lasst : wir aber, die wir die festen S'aulen uns bewahrt Laben, konnen unschwer auf den unztrstorten Fundamenten die nur lose gt schichteten Steine zum herrlichen Tempel zusanimenfiigen, in detsen weit geoffnete Pforten nach Gottes gnadiger Fiigung die heimkehrenden Briider freudig wieder ein- zieben. Eine andere nicht unwichtige Frage endlieh, welehe wir Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden und des ganzen zum allgeraehun Concil eingeladenen Episcopats Erw'agung unterbreiten mocbten, betrifft die Einrich- tung des Index librorum prohibitorum. Wir wissen, dass es der kirchlichen Autoritaten heilige Pflicht ist, iiber die Beinheit der Lebre zu wacben, Irrthiiiner zu beztichnen und zu verbessern, Irrende auf den rechten Weg zu leiten. Allein das Verfahren, welches man in den lelzten Jahrhunderten in Ausiibung dieses Berufs eingcsclilagen hat, die Eintragung solcher Scbriften, die irrige oder bedenkliche und unsittliche Darstellungen enthalten, in einem demnachst verdffentlichten Katalog und das Verbot, solche Biicher ohne beson- dere Erlauhniss der kircbliclien Obern zu lesen, dieses Verfahren scheint uns weder seinem eigentlichen Zwecke zu entsprt chen, mch dem Geiste und der Wiirde der Kirche vollkommen angemt ssen, noch fiir die Ent- wicklung der Wissenschaften heilsam. Es erfiillt seinen Zweck nicht, weil unmoglich alle Scbriften mit irrigen und bedenklichen S"atzen katalogisirt werden konnen und es da- hor oft von Zufalligkeiten, etwa von Dcnun- ciationen, abhangen muss, welehe Biicher eingetragen werden, welehe nicht ; weil ferner nicht die irrigen und bedenklichen Lthren selbst, sondern nur die Biicher, deren Lecture nicht gestattet sei, und deren Autoren bezeichnet werden; weil das Ver- bot, solche. Biicher zu lesen, von der Mehr- zahl der gebildeten Katholiken in sehr vielen Fallen gar nicht beachtet werden kann und, wie Ew. Bischoflichen Gnaden gewiss recht wohl bekannt ist, auch ganz allgemein nicht beachtet wird ; es ist der Wiirde und dem Geiste der Kirche nicht vollkommen angemessen, weil biter glaubige katholitche Verfasser, die in der beaten Absicht geirrt oder auch nur Missfalliges geaussert baben, durch Notirung ihres Namens. mitunter unmittelbar neben den Verfassern wahrer Schandschriften, als geiahrlich gekennzeiclmet und liir alle Zeit mit einem Makel behaftet werden, w'ahrend Wissenschaft und Kirche ihnen fiir bedeutende Leistungen eher Dank schuldig w'aren ; es ist endlieh fiir den wissenschaftlichen Fortschiitt nicht heilsam, weil die Furcht, durch irgend einen unwill- kiirlichen Fehltritt oder Miasgriff, vielleicht gar in Folge der unberuienen Dienstfertig- keit eines Gegners, sich eine solche dinV mirende Strafe zuzuziehen, sich wie ein Bleigewicht an die Forschungen der katho- lischen Gelehrten l.'angt. Wir hegen daher den Wunseh es mdge dem bevi rstehenden allgemeinen Concil gefallen, den Index li- brorum prohibitorum aufzuheben. Es ist das Recht der kirchlichen Autoiitat, uns durch Y 326 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XVII. den Mund unserer Seelsorger vor irrigen Lehren und unsittlichen Biichern zu warnen, wann und so oft sie es fiir nothig halt ; die unfreiwillig irrende Person aber darf von der christlichen Liebe der kirchlichen Obern Schonung ihres Namens und Rufes erwarten, so hinge sie in gl'aubiger Demuth bereit ist, den Irrthum aufzugeben, und nicht eine ausser»te Gefahr fiir das Seelen heil der Gl'aubi^en Warnung vor dem Irrlehrer erheischt. Das sind, hochwiirdigster Herr, die Ueber- zeugungen und Wiinsche, welche vor Ihnen auszusprechen unser Gewissen uns ge- dr'augt hat. Sie verdienen, dunkt uns, gehort zu werden, so gut wie alle andern, die von treuer Anh'anglichkeit an unsere heilige Kirche, von aufrichtiger Besorgn'ss fiir deren Wohl eingegeben und in lang- jahrigem Nachdenken gebildet sind. Uns hat nichts anderes veranlasst, offentlich mit unserm Namen hervorzutreten, als das Gefiihl der Pflicht, lebliaft erregt durch die Wahrnehmung zun'achst der weitverbrei- teten Abneigung mit der man in katbo- lischen Kreisen die oben mitgetheilten Auslassungen der Civilta aufgenommen, sodann der beklagenswerthen Bedenklich- keit, mit der so manche, die es nicht soil ten, vor freimiithigem Widerspruch zuriickschrec- ken. Audi der traurigen Kirchenspaltung des 16. Jahrhunderts ging ein allgemeines Concil unmittelbar voraus, oline auf die Entwicklung der Dinge einen giinstigen Einfluss auszuUben. Sollen heute die christlichen Volker durch das fiir die Kirche wirklich wiedergewonnen werden, so muss einseitig absprechenden Behauptungen gegeniiber die lehrende und regierende Kirche durch bestimmte und klare Bekennt- nisse von dem Zustande der Geister voll- kommen unterrichtet, den wahren Bediirf- nissen der Zeit entgegenzukommen in den Stand ge^etzt sein, und dazu nnch Kr'aften beizutragen fiihlten auch wir uns ver- prlichtet, die wir als treue Sohne der Kirche in der Einheit mit ihr und ihrem Mittelpunkte, dem Stuhle zu Rom. und in kindlichem Gehnrsam gegen Ew. Bischof- lichen Gnaden mit Gottes Hiilfe zu leben und zu sterben entschlossen sind. DOCUMENT XVII. Die neue Oeschaftsordnung des Concils und ihre theologische Bedeutung. Die neue Gesch'aftsnrdnung, welche dem Concil durch die fiinf Cardinal-Legaten auferlegt worden, ist vollig verschioden von allem, was sonst auf Concilien gebr'auehlich war, und zugleich massgebend und ent- scheidend fiir den ferneren Verlauf dieser Versammlung, und iiir die zahlreichen Decrete, welche durch sie zu Stande gebracht werden sollen. Sie verdient daher die sor«;- faltig.ste Beachtung. Zur geschichtlichen Orientirung mag nur in der Kiirze erw'ahnt werden, dass fiir die allgemeinen Concilien der alt< n Kirche im ersten Jahrtausend cine bestimmte Gesch'aftsordnung nicht exi^tirfe. Nur fiir romische und spanische Provincial- Concilien gab es ein liturgisches Ceremo- niell. 1 Alles wurde in voller Versammlung vorgetragen ; jeder Bischof konnte Anti'age stellen, welche er wollte, und die Pr'asidenten, die weltlichen sowohl. welche die Kaiser sandten, als die geistlichen, sor;ene Ordnung. da die Theilung und Ab- stimmung nach Nationen eingefiihrt wurden. In Trient wurde diese Eiiirichtung wicder verlassen, aher die Legaten, welche pr'asi- dirten, vereinbarten die Geseh'aftsordiiung mit den Bh-chofen. der Cardinal de Monte li°ss dariiher abstimmen, und alle genehj migten sie. 2 Von keiner Seite erfolgte ein Widerspruch. So ist denn die heutige romische Synode die erste in der Geschichte der Kirche, in welcher den versammelten Vatern ohne jede Theilnahme von ihrer Seite die Procedur vorgeschrieben worden ist. Diis erste Begolamento erwies sich so hem- mend und unpraktisch, dass wiederholte Gesuche um Ab'anderung und Gestattung freierer Bewegung von verschiedenen Frac- tionen des Episkopats an den Papst gerichtet wurden. Dies war vergehlich; aber nach dritthalb Monaten fanden die fiinf Legaten endlich 'seller, dass, wenn das Concil nicht ins Stocken gerathen solle, eine Aenderung und Erganzung dringend nothwendig sei. Auf die Petitionen der Bischofe ist indess in der neuen Einrichtung keine Rucksicht dabei genommen worden. Zwei Ziige treten darin vor allem hervor. Einmnl ist alle Macht uudaller Einfluss auf den Gang des Concils in die Hande der prasidirenden Legaten und der Deputationen gelegt, so dass das Concil stlbst ihnen gegen- iiber machtlos und willenlos erscheint. Sodann sollen die gewichtigsten Frac;en des Glaubens und der Lehre durch cinfacke 1 Au r genommen von Pseudoisidor, und abgeilruckt bei Mansi, Cone. Coll. i. 10. 2 Le Plat, Mortumenta, iii. 418 : " Diount Patres, utrum Inc. modus procedendi cis placeat." 'SVurauf abgej-timmt wurde. Document XVII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 327 Mehrheit der Kopfzalil, dureh Aufstehen uml Sitzenbkiben, entschieden werden. Man liat bekanntlich, in den zwei Jahren, irelche der Eroffnung des Concils vorherge- gangen, eine Menge von Abhtindlungen mit dazu gehorigen Decreten und Canones ausar- beiten lasseu ; diese sullen nun von dem Concil angenommen und dann vom Piipst " approbante Concilio" als Gesetze, als Lehr- und Glaubensnormen fur die ganze katholische Christenheit verkiindigt werden. Es sind im ganzen einundfiinfzig soldier Schcmate, von welchen lis jetzt erst fiinf discutirt bind. Das Verfaliren welcke3 bei der Berathung mid Abstinmiung stattfinden soil, ist nun folgendes : 1. Das Schema wild mehrere (zehn) Tage vor der Berathung den Vatern des Concils ausgetheilt, welche dann schriftliche Erin- nerungen, Aus.->tellungen, Verbesserungsan- trage machcu konnen. 2. In diesem Pall miissen sie sogleich eine neue Forinel oder Fassung des betrefFenden Artikels statt des von ihnen beanstandeten in Vorschlng bringen. 3. Solche Antiage werden dureh den Secretar der einschlagigen Deputation (es sind deren vier) iiberguben, welche dann in i eh ihrem Ermessen da von Gebrauch macht, indera sie das Schema, wenn sie es fiir zwtekmassig halt, reformirt und dann in cittern, aber nur gummarisch gehaltenen, Berichte dem Concil von den gestellttn Antiagen eine Notiz gibt. 4. Die Prasilenten kdnmnjedes Schema intweder bloss im Ganz<:ii oder auch in Ab- schnitte getheilt der Berathung unter- stellen. 5. Bei der Berathung konnen die Prasi- denten jeden Redner unterbrechen, wenn es ihnen scheint, dass er nicht bei der Sache bleibe. 6. Die Bischofe der Deputationen konnen in jedem Moment das Wort ergreifen, urn den Bisehofen, welche den Wortlaut des Schema beanstanden, zu erwiedern. 7. Zehn V'ater reichen hin,um denSchluss der Discussion zu beantragen, woriiber dann mit einfacher Mehrheit dureh Aufstehen oder Sitzenbkiben entschieden wild. 8. Bei der Abstimmung iiber die einzel- nen Theile des Schema wird zuerest iiber die vorgeschlagenen Ver'anderungen, dann iiber den von der Deputation vorgelegten Text dureh Aufstehen oder Sitzenbleiben abge.stimmt, so dass die tinfuche Mehrheit entsclieidet. 9. Hierauf wild iiber das ganze Schema mit Namen-.aufruf abgestimmt, wobei jeder der Vater mit placet oder non placet ant- wortet. Ob auch hit r die blosse Mehrheit der Kopfzalil entscheiden solle, ist nicht angi geben. Es scheint aber nach der Analogie b jaht werden zu miissen, denn das ganze Schema ist ja doch nur wieder (in Stuck oder Theil von einem grossern Ganzen, und es liegt durchaus kein Grund vor, mit dem grossern Stiick anders zu verfaliren als mil dem kleinern. Wiirde das Princip der schlechthinigen Mehrheit hier verlassen, so wiirden wohl gerade die wich- tigern, tiefer einschneidenden, Schemate ver- loren gehen. Man sieht nun wohl, dass einige parla- mentarische Formen in diese Geschafts- ordnung heriibergeuommen sind. Aber wenn in polititchen Versammlungen gewisse den hier gegebunen iihnliche Einrichtungen bestehen, so sollen sie gewohnlich zum Schutze der Minderheit gegen Majorisirung diencn, wahrend sie hier umgekehrt zu dem Zwecke gegeben zu sein scheinen, die Mehr- heit noch m'ach tiger und unwiderstehlich zu machen, wie sich dies besonders in dem ihr eingeraumten Rechte zeigt, die Discussion, i-obald es ihr gefallt, abzuschneiden uml a'so der Min'g. Es ist kein Beispiel eines Dogma bekannt. welches durch eine einfache Stimmenmehr- heit uuter dem Widerspruche einer Minder- heit beschlossen und darauf bin eingefuhrt worden ware. Um dies klar zu machen, muss ich mir Raum fur eine kurze theologische, aber hoft'entlich allgemein verst'andliche, Eiorte- rung erbitten. Die Kirche hat ein ihr von Anfang an iibergebenes Depositum geoffenbarter Lehre zu bewahren und zu verwalten. 1 Sie emp- fangt keine neuen Offenbarungen, und sie macht keine neuen Glaubensartikel. Und wie mit der Kirche selbst, so ist es auch 1 Die Theologie hat sich in der Entwicklung dieser Fragen angeschlossen an die all<:emein als classisch und vollig correct angenommene Schrift des Vincentiue von Lerins, das Commonitorium, das schon um das Jahr 434 erschien. Auf diese beziihe ich mich daher in dem folgenden. mit dem allgemeinen Condi. 1 Das Concil ist die Representation, die Zusammenfas- sung der ganzen Kirche ; die Bischofe auf demselben sind die Gesandten und Ge- sch'aftstrairer aller Kirchen der katholischen Welt : sie haben im Namen der Gesammt- heit zu eikl'aren, was diese Gesammtheit der Gl'aubigen iiber eine religiose Frage denkt und glaubt, was sie ids Ueberlieferung empfangen hat. Sie sind also als Procura- toren anzusehen, welche die ihnen gegebene Vollmacht durchaus nicht fiberschreiteti diirfen. 2 Thaten sie es, so wiirde die Kirche, deren Vertreter sie sind, die von ihnen aufgestellie i^ehre und Definition nicht bestatigen, vielmelir als etwas ihrem gl'aubigen Bewusst-ein fremdes zuriick- weisen. Die Bischofe auf dem Concil sind also vor allem Zeugen , sie sagen aus und consta- tiren, was sie und ihre Gemeinden als Glaubenslehre empfangen und bisber be- kannt haben ; sie sind aber auch Richter, nur dass ihre richterliche Gewalt fiber den Glauben nicht fiber den Bereich ihres Zeu- genthums hinausgehen darf, vielmehr durch dieses fortw'ahrend bedingt und uinschrieben ist. Als Richter haben sie das Gesttz (die Glaubenslehre) nicht erst zu machen, 1 So saut der Bischof Fisher von Rochester, der ftir den Primat des Papstes sein Leben opferte, in st-iner Streitschrift gegen Luther (Op*ra, ed. Wirceburg, 1597, p. 592), mit Strutting auf den gleichen Au.-spruch des Duns Scotus : " In eorum " (des Concils mit dem Papste) "arbitrio non est situm, ut quicquam tale vel non tale faciant, sed spiritu potius vrritatis edocti, id quod revera pridem de substantia fidei fuerat jam declarant, esse de substantia fidei." Und der Minorit Davenport, Systema fidti, p. lid: "Secundum recep- tam, tarn veterum, quam modernorum ductorum sen- tentiam ecclesia non potest agere ultra revelationes antiquas, nihil potest hodie declarari de fide, quod non habet talem identitatem cum prius revelatis . . . Unde semper docet Scotus : Quod illae conclusiones solum possunt infallibiliter declarari et determinari per ec- clesiam, quae sunt necessario inclusae in articuHs creditis. SI igitur per accidens conjunguntur, vel si solum probabiliter sequuntur ex artlculis, fldem non attiugent per quascnmque dcterminationes, quia Con- cilia non possunt identificare, quae sunt ex objecto diversa, nee necessario inferre ea, quae solum apparen- ter, seu probabiliter sunt inclusa in articulis creditis." 2 "Concilium non est ipsamet ecclesia, sed ipeam tantum repraesentat ; ... id est episcopi illi qui con- cilio adsunt, legati mittuntur ab omnibus omnium gentium catholicarum ecclesiis, qui, ex nomine totius universitatis, declarent, quid ipsa universitas sentiat et quid traditum acceperit. Itaque ejusmodi legati omnium ecclesiarum sunt veluti procuratores, quibus nefas esset procurationem sibi creditam tantillum ex- cedere. Unde constat, quod si quingenti episcopi, ut videre est in exemplis Ariminensis, et Constantino- politanae contra imagines eoactae synodi, suam de fide communi declaranda procurationem tantillum excede- rent, universa ecclesia, cujus sunt tantummodo procu- ratores et simplex repraesentatio, definitionem factam ab illis ratam non haberet, imo repudiaret." — (Euvres de Fenebm, Versailles, 1820. ii. 361. Document XVII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 329 Modern nur zu interpretiren und anzu- wenden. Sie stehen unter dem oft'ent- liclu n Rechte der Kirche, an welchem sie niclits zu 'andern vermbgen. Sie fiben ihr Bichteramt, erstens : indem sie die von ihnen abgelegten Zeugnisse unter einander pifi- fen und vergleiclien und deren Tragweite erw'agen ; zweitens, indem sie nach gewis- senhafter Priifnng : ob an einer Lehre die drei unentbehrlichen Bedingungen der Universalitat, der Perpetuit'at und des Consensus (" ubique, semper, ab omnibus ") zutreffen, ob also die Lebre als die allge- ineine Lehre der ganzen Kircbe, als wirk- lii'her Bestandtbeil des gottlicben Deposi- tums, alien gezeigt und ilir Bekenntniss jcdcm Christen aufxrlogt werden konne. 1 Jhre Priifung hat sich demnach sowohl fiber die Vergangenbeit als die Gegenwart zu erstrecken. So ist von dem Amte der Biscbbfe auf Concilien jede Willkiir, jedes bkwa subjective Gutdiinken ausgeschlossen. Es wiirde da frevelhaft und verderblich sein, denn da die Kircbe keine neuen Offen- barungen empfan^t.keine neuen Glaubensar- tikel machr, so kann und darf aucb ein Coneil die Substanz d s Glaubens nicbt andern, niclits da von wognehmen und nicbts hinzufiigen. Ein Concilium macbt also dogmatische Decrete nur iil>er Dinge, welche schon in der Kircbe, als duicli • Scbrift und Tradition bezeugt, allgemein geglaubt wurdc-n, 2 oder welcbe als evidente 1 So der Jesuit Bagot in seiner Inslitutio Theo?ogica de vera Rdigvme, Paris, 1645, p. 3Ho : " Uniyersitas sine duabus aliis, nimirum antiquitate et consensione stare non potest. Quod autem triplici ilia prob.itione confirmatur, est baud dubie ecclesiasticum et catholi- cutu. Quod si universitatis nota deficit et nova aliqua quaestio exoritur, novaque contagio ecclesiam romma- culare incipit, tunc hac universitate praesentinm ec- clcMarum deficieme rtcurrendum est ad antiquiuitem. Notat euira Vincent, posse aliquam haereseos conta- gioiiem occupare multas ecclesias, sicut constat de Ariana; adeo ut aliqiiaiulo plures ecclesiae et episcopi diversarum nationum Ari.mi quam Catholici reperiren- tur. Et quantumvis doctrina aliqua latissime patcat, si tamen novam esse constat, baud dubie erronea est, nee enim est apostolica, nee per successionem et tra- ditioiu-m ad nos usque pervenlt. Deindc, ut notat idem Vincentius, anliquitas non potest jam seduci. Verum enimvero quia et ipse error atitiqnus esse potest : idcirco cum consulitur vetustas, inea quaerenda est consensio." 2 So Vincentius: "Hoc semper nee quidqiiam aliud Conciliorum decretis catholica perfecit ecclesia, nisi ut quod a mijjiibus sol i traditione susceperat, boc deinde posteris per scripturae chirographum consignaret." — Oommomt. cap. 32. Der Tridentiniscbe Theologc Vega, ap. Davenyoi t, p. 9 : " Concilia generalia hoc t mtum habent, ut ventates jam alias, vel in seipsis, vi- 1 in suis prlncipiis a Deo, ecclesiae vel SS. Patribus revelataa vel per Bcrtptoru vei tmditionem prophe- tarum et apogtolorum turn declarent, turn conflrment et sua auctoritate claras et apertas et absque ulla ambigui- tateab omnibus Catholicis tenendas tradant. Addit: et ad hocdico: fraesentia Splritus sancti illu>trantur, und klare Folgerungen in den bereits ge- glaubten und gelebrten Grundsatzen ent- halten sind. Wenn aber eine Meinung Jahrhunderte lang stets auf Widersprucli jrestossen und mit alien theologischen Watfen bestritten worden, also stets min- destens unsieher gewesen ist, so kann sie nie, auch durcb ein Concilium nicbt, zur Gewissheit, das beisst zur Dignit'at einer gottlicb geoffenbarten Lehre, erboben wer- den. Daher der gewblmliche Ruf der V'ater auf den Concilien nacb der Annahme und Verst'andigung eines dogmatischen Deerets : " baec fides Patrum." Soil also z. B. an die Stelle der f ruber geglaubten und gelebrten Irrthumsfreiheit der ganzen Kirche die Unfehlbarkeit eines Einzigen gesetzt werden, so ist das keine Entwicklung, keine Explication des vorber implicit Geglaubten, keine mit logischer Fol- gerichtigkeit sich ergebende Cousequenz, sondern einfach das gerado Gegentbeil der friiiieren Lebre, die damit auf den Kopf gestellt wiirde. Geradewie es im politiscben Leben keine Fortbildung oder Entwicklung, sondern einfach ein Umsturz, eine Revolu- tion ware, wetin ein bisher freies Gemein- wesen plotzlicb unter das Jocb eines absolut herrsclienden Monarchen gebracht wiirde. Die Zeit, in welcber ein okumenisckes Coneil fiber den Glauben der Christen bei'ath, ist also stets eine Zeit der lebbaf- testen Erweckung des religiosen Bewusst- seins, eine Zeit der abzulegenden Zeugnisse und der oSeneu . Krklarungen fur alle treuen Sohne der Kirche, Geistliche wie Laien, gewesen. Man glaubte, wie die Geschiehto der Kirche beweist, allgemein, da.-s man gerade durch solche Kundgebungen dem Coneil seine Aufgabe erleichtere, und nicbt die V'ater dadurch store oder heninie. Zeug- niss ablegen, Wfinsche ausspi ecben, auf die Bedfirfnisse der Kirche binweisen, kanu und darf jedtr, auch der Laie. 1 primo ut infallibiles declarent veritates ecclesiae reve- latas, et secundo, ut ad terniinanda dubia in ecclesia suborta, extirpandosque errores et abusus infallibiliter etiam ex revelatis colligant populo Christiano credenda et usurpanda in fide et moribus." 1 So sagt der Cardinal Reginald Pole, einer der Prasidenten des Tridentinischen Concils, in seinem Buche, De Cuncilio, 1562, fol. 11 : " Patet quidera locus oniiiibiis et singulis exponendi, si quid vel sibl vel ecclesiae opus esse censeant, sed decernendi non om- nibus patet, verum iis tantum, quibus rectionem anl- marum ipse unicus pastor et rector dedit." Passt Nikolaus I. bemerkt dass die Kaiser an den Concilien theilgenommen haben, wenn vom (Jlauben gehandelt worden sei. " Ubinam legistis, imperatores anteces- 8nres vestros synodalibus conventibus InterfoUse ? nisi forsitan in quibus de fide tractatum est, quae universi- tatis est, quae omnium communis e>t, quae non solum cd clericos, verum etiam ad Laicos et ad onmes omnino pertinet Christianas. " Diese Stelle fand auch in Graf aaa Decret .A w'a ilinie 330 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XVII. Ganz besonders wenn es sich urn die Einfuhrung ernes neuen Dogma handelt, welches etwa, von einer Seite her gef order t, dem Bewusstsein der Gl'aubigen fremd ist und ihnen als eine Neuerung erscheint, dann ist der sich erhebende Protest der Laien ein ebenso gerechter als nothwen- diger, und unvermeidliches Zeugniss der Anh'anglichkeit an den ihnen iiberlieferten Glauben, und sie eriullen damit eine Pflicht gegen die Kirche. Auf dem Concil selbst aber beweist der Widerspruch, den eine Anzahl der Bischbfe gegen eine als Dogma zu verkundende Meinung erhebt, dass in den von ihnen repr'asentirten Theilkirchen diese Meinung nicht fur wahr, nicht fiir gbttlich geoffenbart gehalten worden ist, und auch jetzt nicht dafiir gehalten wird. Damit ist aber schon entschieden, dass dieser Lehre oder Mei- nung die drei wesentlichen Erfordernisse der Universalit'at, der Perpetuit'at und des Consensus abgehen, dass sie also auch nicht der ganzen Kirche als gottliche Offenbarung aufgtdrungen werden darf. Darum hat man es in der Kirche stets fiir nothwendig erachtet, dass, sobald eine nur eini^ermassen betrachtliche Anzahl von Bischbfen einem von der Mehrheit etwa a orgeschlagenen oder beabsichtigten Decret widersprach, dieses Decret beiseite gelegt word, die Definition unterblieb. Die wahr- hafte Katholicit'at einer Lehre soil evident und unzweifelhaft sein ; sie ist es abtr nicht, sobald das Zeugniss wenn auch einer Minderzahl den Beweis liefert, dass ganze Abtheilungen der Kirche diese Lehre nicht glauben und nicht bekennen. Darum war bei jedem Concil die Haupt- frage : " Sind die Glauben sdecrete von alien Mitgliedern gehehmigt worden?" Sogleich auf dem ersten allgemeinen Concil zu Nic'aa, wo unter 318 Bischbfen zuletzt nur zwei sich der Unterschrift weigerten. Zu e alles in der Weise der alttn Concilien behandelt und entschieden, wenigstens die wesentlicbe Form dersel- ben beibehalten werden. 1 De Eccltsia, i. 384. Document XVII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 331 ingenii, partiin taedio peregrinationis evic- ti," Sulp. Sever. 2, 43), was sie iiberwand. Die blosse 'I'hatsache einer wenn anch Tioch so zahlreichen,bischotiichen Versamm- lung ist also noch lange kein Beweis der wirk- lichen Oekumenicit'at eiues Concils ; oder, wie die Theologen, z. B. Tournely, sich ausdriicken, es kann wohl bkuineniscli der Berufung nach sein, ob es dies aber audi dem Verlauf und Ausgang nach sei, dariiber kann das Concil selbst nicht entscheiden, kann nicht silber sicli Zeugniss gebeu; da muss erst die doch auch noch uber jedem Concil stehende Autoritat, oder das Zeug- niss der ganzen Kirche, als entscheidend nnd bestatigend hinzutreten. Die Con- cilien als solclie liaben keine Verheissung — auch in den gewohnlich angefiihrten Won en des Herm von den " zwei oder drei " kommt el en alles auf das "in seinem Namen Ver- sammeltsein " an, nnd dies enth'alt, wie alle Theologen annehmen, mehrere Bedin- gungen, die z. B. Tournely auffiihrt. 1 Aber die Kirche hat die A r erheissungen, und sie muss erst sich iiberzeugen, oder die Gewiss- heit besitzen, dass physiscber oder mora- lischer Zwang, Furcht, Leidenschaften, Ver- fiihrungskiinste — Dinge wie sie zu Kimini nnd noch gar oft gewirkt liaben — nicht auf dem Concil tibermachtig geworden sind, dass also die walireFreiheit dort geherrscht babe. In diescm Sinn sagt Bossuet von einem okumenischen Concil : der Bischofe auf demselben miissten so viele und aus so verschiedenen L'andern, und die Zustimmung der iihrigen so evident eein, dass man klar sehe, es sei nichts anderes da geschehen, als dass die Ansicht der ganzen Welt 1 Quaeres : quibus conditionibus promisit Cliristus se conciliis adfuturum? Re.-p. Ista generali: Si in nomine suo congregata fuerint ; hoc est servata suffni- giorum libertate ; invocato coele^i auxilio; ndhibita humana indus-tria et diligcntia in conquirenda veritate. . . . Deus scilicet, qui omnia suaviter disponit ac inoderatur, via su; ernaturali aperta et manifesta non adest conciliis, sed occulta Spiritus subministratione (Deus) permittit, episcopos omnibus humanae inflr- mitatis periculis subjacere et aliquando succumbere : neque enim unquam promisit, se a conciliis ejusmodi pericula certo temper propulsaturum ; sed boc unum, se iis semper adfuturum, qui in tuo nomine congrega- rentur. Congrtgari autem in suo nomine censentur, quoties eas observant leges et conditiones, quas voluit observari. Tournely, 1-ra elect torus theohigicue de Deo et uivinis attnhutis, 1. 165. Tournely fiilirt denselben (iodanken in seinen /'raeleclionet tluoloiicae de. icclesm Christi, i. 384, noch weiter aus: "(Deu>) episcopos permittit omnibus humanae infirmitatis periculis ob- noxios esse, metus scilicet, ambitionis, avaritiae, cupi- d.tatis, - ' &c. zu.*ammengetragen worden. 1 Sollte sich also zeigen, dass auf dem Concil keineswegs " die Ansicht der ganzen katholischen Welt zusanimeugetraeren" worden, dass vielmehr Mebrheitsbeschlusse gefasst worden seien, welche mit dem Glauben eines betr'acht- lichen Theils der Kirche im Widerspruch stehen, dann wiirden gewiss in der katlio- lischen Welt die Fiagen aufgeworfen werden : Haben unsere Biscbofe richtig Zeugniss gegeben von dem Glauben ihrer Diocesen? und wenn nicht, sind sie wahr- baft frei gewesen ? Oder wie kommt es, dass ihr Zeugniss nicht beachtet worden ist? dass sie majorisiit worden sind? Von den Antworten, die auf diese Fiagen ertheilt werden, werden dann die ferneren Ereig- nisse in der Kirche bedingt sein. Und darum ist audi in der ganzen Kirche die vollste Publicit'at stets als zu einem Concil gehorig ge\sahrt worden; denn es liegt der gesammten christliclien Welt hochlich daran, nicht nur zu wissen, dass etwas dort beschlossen wird, sondern auch zu wissen, wie es beschlossen wird. An diesem Wie h'angt zuletzt alles, wie die denkwiirdigen Jahre 359, 449, 754 u. s. w. beweisen. Auf das Concil von Trient h'atte man sich beziig- lich des zwangsweise auferlegten Schwei- gens nicht berufen sollen; denn erstens wurde dort bloss eine Mahnung gegeben, und zweitens betraf die Erinnerung nur die Bekanntmachung von Entwiirfen, welche, was heutzutage bei dem Stand der Presse nicht mehr mbglich ware, damals in der Feme mit wirklichen Decreten verwechselt wunlen. Den 9 M'arz 1870. I. V. D6LLINGER. 1 " Et que les autres consentent si evidemment h lpur assemblee, qu'il sera clair, qu'on n'y ait fait qu'apporter le sentiment de toute la terre." ^ Histoire de Variations, 1. 15, n. 1000.) Und darum fordirt der Papst Gelasius zu einer " bene gesta synodus " nicht nur, dass sie nach Schrift und Tradition und nach den kirchlichen liegeln ihre Entscheidungen gefasst habe, sondern aucb, dats sie von der ganzen Kirche »nge- nommen sei : " quam cuncta recepit ecclesia " (Epist. 13 bei Labbe, Concil. iv., 1200 und 1203). Und Nicole bemerkt gegen die Calvinlsten : "llsont une mavque evidente que le Concile qui se dit Universel doit etie recu pour tel, dans l'acceptation qu'en fait l'Eglise." (I'ritendus Reformes convaincm de schisme, 2, 7, p. 289.) Die Kirche gibt den Concilien Zeugniss (nicht erst Autoritat), sowie sie durch ihren biblischen Canon den einzelnen Btichern der Bibel Zeugniss gibt, wah- rend natiirlich die innere Autoritat derselben nicht von der Kirche ausfiic;st. Sie ist auch da " testis, non autor fidei." 332 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XVIII. DOCUMENT XVIII. PIUS EPISCOPUS SEBVUS SEEVOKUM DEI SACRO APPROBANTE CONCILIO AD PERPETTJAM EEI MEMORIAM. Dei Filius et generis humani Redemptor Doniinus noster Jesus Christus, ad Patrem coelestem rediturus, cum Ecclesia sua in terris militante, omnibus diebus usque ad consummationem saeculi futurum su esse promisit. Quare dilectae sponsae praesto esse, adsistere docenti, operanti benedicere, puviclitanti opem ferre nullo unquam tem- pore destitit. Haec vero salutaris eius provi- dentia, cum ex aliis beneficiis innumeris continenter apparuit, turn iis manifestissime comperta est fructibu.s, qui orbi christiano e Conciliis CEcumenicis ac nominatim e Tridentino, iniquis licet temporibus cele- brato, amplissimi provenerunt. Hinc enim sanctissima religionis dogmata pressius de- fiuita uberiusque expooita, errores damnati atque cohibiti ; hinc ecclesiastica disciplina rcstitufa firmiusque sancita, promotum in Clero scientiae et pietatis studium, parata adolescen'ibus ad sacram militiam edu- candis collegia, cbristiani denique populi mores et accuratiore fidelium eruditione et frequentiora sacramentorum usu instaurati. Hinc praeterea arctior membrorum cum visibili Capite communio, universoque Cor- pori Christi mystico additus vigor; hinc religiosae multiplicatae familiae, aliaque christianae pietatis instituta; hinc ille etiam assiduus et usque ad sanguinis eftu- sionem constans ardor in Christi regno late per orbcm propagando. Verumtaiuen haec aliaque insignia emo- lumenta, quae per ultimam maxime oecu- nienicam Synodum divina dementia Eccle- sia e largita est, dum grato, quo par est, animo recolimus ; acerbum compescere baud possumus dolorem ob mala gravissima, iude potissimum orta, quod eiusdem sacrosanctae Synodi apud permultos vel auctoritas con- tempta, vel sapientissima neglecta fuere decreta . Nemo enim ignorat, haereses, quas Tri- dentini Patres proscripserunt, num reiecto divino Ecclesiae magisterio, res ad reli- gionem spectantes privati cuius vis iudicio permitterentur, in sectas paullatim disso- lutas esse multiplices, quibus inter se dissentientibus et concertantibus, omnis tandem in Christum fides apud non pnucos labefactata cA. Itaque ipsa sacra Biblitt, quae antea christianae doctriuae unicus fons et iudex asserebantur, iam non pro divinis haberi, imo mythicis commentis accenseri coeperunt. Turn nata est et late nimis per orbem vagata ilia rationalismi seu naturalismi doctrina, quae religioni christianae utpote supernaturali instituto per omnia adversans, summo studio molitur, ut Christo, qui solus Dominus et Salvator noster est, a mentibus humanis, a vita et moribus populorum excluso, merae quod vocant rationis vel naturae regnum stabiliatur. Kelicta autetn pr< dectaque Christiana religione, negato vero Deo et Christo eius, prolapsa tandem est multorum mens in pantheism], materialismi, atheismi barathrum, ut iam ipsam rationalem naturam, omnemque iusti rectique normam negantes, ima humanae sccietatis funda- nienti diruere connitantur. Hac porro impietate circumquaque gras- sante, infeliciter contigit, ut plures etiam catholicae Ecclesiae filiis a viaverae pietatis aberrarent, in iisque, diminutis paullatim veritatibus, sensus catholicus attenuaretur. Variis enim ac peregrinis doctrinis al)ducti, naluram et gratiam, scientiam humanam et (idem divinam perperam commiscentes, genuinum sensum dogmatum, quern tenet ac docet Santta Mater Ecclesia, depravare, integritatemque et sinceritatem fidei in periculum adducere comperiuntur. Quibus omnibus perspectis, fieri qui potest, ut non commoveantur intima Eccle- siae viscera? Quemadmodum enim Deus vult omnes homines talvos fieri, et ad agnitionem veritatis venire ; quemadmodum Chiistus venit, ut salvum faceret, quod perierat, et filios Dei, qui erant dispersi, congregaret in unum, ita Ecclesia, a Deo populorum mater et magistra constituta : omnibus debitricem se novir, ac lapsos eiigere, labantes sustinere, revertentes am- plecti, confirmare bouos et ad meliora provehere parata semper et intenta est. Quapropter nullo tempore a Dei veritate, quae sanat omnia, testanda et prnedicanda quiescere potest, sibi dictum esse non ignorans : Spiritus meus, qui est in te, et verba mea, quae posui in ore tuo, non re- cedent de ore tuo amodo et usque in sem- piternum. 1 Nos itaque, inhaerentes Praedecessorum Nostrorum vestigiis, pro supremo Nostio Apostolico munere veritatem catholicam docere ac tueri, perversa-que doctiinas reprobare nunquam intermisimus. Nunc autem sedentibus Nobiseum et iudicautibus universi orbis Episcopis, in l.anc oecumeui- i Is. lix. 21. Document XVIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 333 cam Synodum auctoritate Nostra in Spirit u Sancto congregatis, innixi Dei verbo scripto et trudito, prout ab Ecclesia catbolica sancte custodituni et genuine expositum accepimus, ex bac Petri Catbedr i n conspectu omnium salutarem Christi doctrinam profiteri et declarare constituimus, adveisis erroribus potestate nobis a Deo tradita proscriptis atque dumnatis. Caput I. De Deo rerum omnium Creatore. Sancta Catbolica Apostolica Romana Ecclesia credit et confitetur, unum esse Deum verum et vivum, Creatorem ac Do- minum coeli et terrae, omnipotentem, aeter- num, immensum, incomprehensibilem, in- tellectu ac voluntate omnique perfectione infinitum ; qui cum sit una singularis, simplex omnino et incommutabilis substan- tia spiritualis, praedicandus re et essentia a mundo distinctus, in se et ex-beatissimus, et super omnia, quae praeter ipsum sunt et concipi possunt, ineffabiliter excelsus. Hie solus verus Deus bonitate sua et omnipotenti virtute non ad augendam suam beatitudinem, nee ad acquirendam, sed ad manifestandam perfectionem suam per bona, quae creaturis imperitur, liherrimo consilii) simul ab initio temporis utramque de nihilo condidit creaturam, spiritualem et corpora- lem, angelic.im videlicet et mundanam, ac deiude humanam quasi communem ex spirilu et cor pore constitutam. 1 Universe vero, quae condidit, Deus pro- videntia sua tuetur atque gubernat. attin- gens a fine usque ad finem f'ortiter, et disponent omnia suaviter. 2 Omnia enim nuda et apevta sunt oculis eius, 3 ea etiam, quae libera creaturarum actione i'utura oullU. Caput II. De revelatione. Eadem Sancta Mater Ecclesia tenet et docet, Deum, rerum omnium principium et finem, naturaii lmmanae rationis lumine e rebus creatis certo cognosci po:-se ; invi-i- bilia enim ipsius, a creatura mundi per ea quae facta sunt intellecta, conspiciuntur : 4 att mien placuisse eius s-apieittiae et boni- tati, alia, eaque supematurali via se ipsum ac aeterna voluntatis suae decreta humano generi revelare, dicente Apostolo : Multi- fariam, multisque modis olim Deus loquens patribus in Propbetis : novissime, diebus istis locutus est nobis in Filio. 5 Huic divinae revelationi tribuendum 1 Cone. Later, iv. c. 1. Firmite*. - Sap. viii. 1. 3 cf. Hob. vi. 13. * Horn. i. 20. s Heb. i. 1, 2. quidem est, ut ea, quae in rebus divinis l.umanae rationi per se impervia non sunt, in praesenti quoque generis bumani con- ditione ub omnibus expedite, firma certi- tudine et nullo admixto errore cognosci possint. Non bac tamen de causa revelatio absolute necessaria dicenda est, sed quia Deus ex infinita bonitate sua ordinavit bominem ad finem supernaturalem, ad par- ticipanda scilicet bona divina, quae humanae mentis intelligentiam omnino superant; siquidem oculus non vidit, nee auris audivit, nee in cor hominis ascendit, quae praeparavit Deus iis, qui diligunt ilium. 1 Haec porro supernaturalis revelatio, se- cundum universalis Ecclesiae fidem, a sancta Tridentina Synodo declaratam, con- tinetur in libris scriptis et sine scripto traditionibus, quae ipsius Christi ore ab Apostolis acceptae, aut ab ipsis Apostolis Spiritu Sancto dictante quasi per manus traditae, ad nos usque pervenerunt. 2 Qui quidem veteris et novi Testamenti libri integri cum omnibus suis partibus, prout in eiusdem Concilii decreto recensentur, et in vetere vulgata latiua editione habeutur, pro sacris et canonicis suscipiendi sunt. Eos vero Ecclesia pro sacris et canonicis habet, non ideo quod sola humana industria concin- nati, sua deinde auctoritate sint approbati ; nee ideo dumtaxat, quod revelationem sine errore contineant ; sed propterea quod Spiritu Sanclo inspirante conscripti Deum babent auctorem, atque ut tales ipsi Eccle- siae traditi sunt. Quoniam vero, quae sancta Tridentina Synodus de interpretatione divinae Scrip- turae ad coercenda petulantia ingenia salu- briler decrevit, a quibusdam hominibus prave exponuntur, Nos, idem decretum renovantes, hanc illius mentem esse decla- ramus, ut in rebus fidei et morum, ad aedificationem doctrinae Cbristianae per- tinentium, is pro vero sensu sacrae Sciip- turae habendus sit, quern tenuit ac tenet Sancta Mater Ecclesia, cuius est iudicare de vero sensu et interpretatione Scripturarum sanctarum : atque ideo nemini licere contra hunc sensum, aut etiam contra unanimem consensum Patrum ipsam Scripturam sacram interpretari. Caput III. De fide. Quum bomo a Deo tanquam Creatore et Domino suo totus dependeat, et ratio creata increatae Veritati penitus subiecta sit, plenum revelanti Deo intellectus et volun- tatis obsequium fide praestare tenemur. ' Cor. ii. 9. 2 Cone. Triil., sc.-s. iv. Deer, de ('an. Script. 334 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XVIII. Hanc vero fidem, quae humanae sal u I is initium est, Ecclesia cathoiica profitetur, virtutem esse supernaturalem, qua, Dei aspiiante et adiuvaute gratia, ab eo revelata vera esse credimus, non propter intrinseram rerum veritatem naturali rationis lumine perspectam, sed propter auctoritatem ipsius Dei revelantis, qui nee falli nee fallere potest. Est enim fides, testante Apostolo, sperandaruni substantia rerum, argumen- tum uon apparentium. 1 Ut nihilominus fidei nostrae obsequium rationi consentaneuin esset, voluit Deus cum internis Spiritus Sancti auxiliis externa iungi revelationis suae argumenta, facta scilicet divina, atque imprimis miracula et propbetias, quae cum Dei omnipotentiam et infinitam scientiam luculenter common- strent, divinae revelationis feigna sunt cer- tissima et omnium intelligentiae accommo- data. Quare turn Moyses et Prophetae, turn ipse maxime Christus Dominus multa et manifestissima miracula et prophetias ediderunt ; et de Apostolis legimus: II I i autem profecti praedicaverunt ubique, Domino cooperante, et sermonem confir- mante, sequentibus signis. 2 Et rursum scriptum est : Habemus firmiorem propheti- cum sermouem, cui bene facitis attendentes quasi lucernae lucenti in caliginoso loco. 3 Licet autem fidei assensus nequaquam sit motus animi caecus : nemo tamen evan- gelicae praedicationi consentire potest, sicut oportet ad salutem consequendam, absque illuminatione et inspiratione Spiritus Sancti, qui dat omnibus suavitatem in consentiendo et credendo veritati. 4 Quare fides ipsa in se, etiamsi per cbaritatem non operetur, donum Dei est, et actus eius est opus ad salutem pertinens, quo bomo liberam prae- stat ipsi Deo obedientiam, gratiae eius, cui resistere posset, consentiendo et co- operando. Porro fide divina et cathoiica ea omnia credenda sunt, quae in verbo Dei scripto vel tradito, conlinentur, et»ab Ecclesia sive solemni iudicio sive ordinario et universali magisterio tamquam divinitus revelata cre- denda propouuntur. Quoniam vero sine fide impossibile est placere Deo, et ad filiorum eius consortium pervenire ; ideo nemini unquam sine ilia contigit iustificatio, nee ullus, nisi in ea perseveiaverit usque in finem, vitam aeter- nam assequetur. Ut autem officio veram fidem amplectendi, in eaque constanter per- severandi satisfacere possemus, Deus per Filium suum unigenitum Ecclesiam insti- tuit, suaeque institutionis manifestis notis 1 Ileb. xi. 1. * Marc. xvi. 20. 3 2 Petr. 1. 19. * Syn. Araus. ii. can. 7. insfruxit, ut ea tamquam castos et magistra verbi revelati ab omnibus posset agnosci. Ad solam enim catbolicam Ecclesiam ea pertinent omnia, quae ad evidentem fidei cbristianae credibilitatem tam multa et tarn mira divinitus sunt disposita. Quin etiam Ecclesia per &e ipsa, ob suam nempe admi- rabilem propagationem, eximiam sanctitatem et inexhaustam in omnibus bonis foecundi- tatem, ob catbolicam unitatem, invietam- que stabilitatem, magnum quoddam et perpetuum est motivum credibilitatis et divinae suae legationis testimonium irre- fragabile. Quo fit, ut ipsa veluti signum levatum in nationes, 1 et ad se invitet, qui nondum crediderunt, et filios suos certiores faciat, firmissimo niti fundamento fidem, quam profitentur. Cui quidem testimonio efficax subsidium accedit ex superna virtute. Etenim benignissimus Dominus et errantes gratia sua excitat atque adiuvat, ut ad agnitionem veritatis venire possint ; et eos, quos de tenebris transtulit in admirabile lumen suum, in boc eodem lumine ut per- severent, gratia sua confirmat, non deserens, nisi deseratur. Quocirca minime par est conditio eorum, qui per coeleste fidei donum catbolicae veritati adliaeserunt ; atque eorum. qui ducti opinionibus liumanis, fal- sam religionem sectantur; illi enim, qui fidem sub Ecclesiae magisterio susceperunt, nullam unquam habere possunt iustam causam mutandi, aut in dubium fidem eamdem revocandi. Quae cum ita sint, gratias agentes Deo Patri, qui dignos nos fecit in partem sortis sanctorum in lumine, tantam ne negligamus salutem, sed aspi- cientes in auctorem fidei et consummate >rem Iesum, teneamus spei nostrae conf'essionem indeclinabilem. Caput IV. De fide et ratione. Hoc quoque perpetuus Ecclesiae catbo- licae consensus tenuit et tenet, duplicem esseordinem cognitionis,non solum principio, sed obiecto etiam distinctum : principio quidem, quia in altero naturali ratione, in altero fide divina cognoscimu3 : obiecto autem, quia praeter ea, ad quae naturalis ratio pertingere potest, credenda nobis pro- ponuntur mysteiia in Deo abscondita, quae, nisi revelata divinitus, innotescere non pos- sunt. Quocirca Apostolus, qui a gentibus Deum per ea, quae facta sunt, cognitum esse testatur, disserens tamen de gratia et veritate, quae per Iesum Christum facta i Is. xi. 12. Document XVIII.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 335 est, 1 prouuntiat : Loquimur Dei sapientiani in mysterio, quae absconclita est, quam praedcstinavit Deus ante saecula in gloriam nostrum, quam nemo principuni huius sae- culi cognovit : — nobis autem revelavit Deus per Spirituni suum: Spiritus enim omnia scrutatur, etiam profunda Dei. 2 Et ipse Unigenitus confitetur Patri, quia abscondit haec a sapientibus, et prudentibus, et re- velavit ea parvulis. 3 Ac ratio quidem, fide illustrata, cum sedulo, pie et sobrie quaerit, aliquam, Deo dante, mysteriorum intelligentiam eamque fructuosissimam assequitur, turn ex eorum, quae naturaliter cognoscit, analogia, turn e mysteriorum ipsorum nexu inter se et cum fine liominis ultimo ; nunquam tamen idonea redditur ad ea perspicienda instar veritatum, quae propriam ipsius obiectum constituunt. Divina enim mysteria suapte natura intellectum creatum sic excedunt, ut etiam revelatione tradita et fide suscepta, ipsius tamen fidei vela mine contecta et quadam quasi caligine obvoluta maneant, quamdiu in hac moitali vita peregrinamur a Domino : per fidem enim ambulamus, et non per speciem. 4 Verum etsi fides sit supra rationem, nulla tamen unquam inter fidem et rationem vera dissensio esse potest : cum idem Deus, qui mysteria revelat et fidem infundit, animo humano rutionis lumen indiderit ; Deus autem negare seipsum non possit, nee verum vero unquam contradicere. Inaiiis autem huius contradictionis species hide potissimum oritur, quod vel fidei dogmata ad mentem Ecclesiae intellecta et exposita non fuerint, vel opinionum commenta pro rationis effatis habeantur. Omnem igitur assertionem veritati ilium inatae fidei con- trariam omnino falsam esse definimus. 5 Porro Ecclesia, quae una cum apostolico munere docendi, mandatum accepit, fidei depositum custodiendi, ius et ofneium di- vinitus habet falsi nominis scientiam pro- scribendi, ne quis decipiatur per philoso- phiam, et inanem fallaciam. 6 Quapropter omnes christiani fideles huiusmodi opi- niones, quae fidei doctrinae contrariae esse cognoscuntur, maxime si ab Ecclesia re- probatae fuerint, non solum prohibentur tanquam legitimas scientiae conclusiones defendere, sed pro erroribus potius, qui fallacem veritatis speciem prae se ferant habere, tenentur omnino. Neque solum fides et ratio inter se dis- sidere nunquam posfeunt, sed opem quoque > loan. i. 17. « 1 Cor. ii. 7-9. 3 Math. xi. 25. * 2 Cor. v. 7. * Cone. Lat. V. Bulla Apostolici regiminis. « Coloss. ii. 8. sibi mutuam ferunt, cum recta ratio fidei fundamenta deinonstret, eiusque lumino illustrata rerum divinarum scientiam ex- colat; fides vero rationem ab erroribus liberet ac tueatur, eamque multiplici cogni- tione instruat. Quapropter tantum abest, ut Ecclesia humanarum artium et disci- plinarum culturae obsistat, ut banc multis modis iuvet atque promoveat. Non enim commoda ab iis ad hominum vitam dima- nantia aut ignorat aut despicit ; fatetur imo, eas, quemadniodum a Deo, scientiarum Domino % profectae sunt, ita si rite pertrac- tentur, ad Deum, iuvante eius gratia, per- duceie. Nee sane ipsa vetat, ne huiusmodi disciplinae in suo quaeque ambitu propriis utautur principiis et propria methodo ; sed iustam banc libertatem agnoscens, id sedulo cavet, ne divinae doctrinae repugnando errores in se suscipiant, aut fines proprios transgressae, ea, quae sunt fidei, occupent et perturbent. Neque enim fidei doctrina, quam Deus revelavit, velut philosophicum inventnm proposita est humanis ingeniis perficienda, sed tamquam divinum depositum Christi Sponsae tradita, fideliter custodienda et infallibiliter declaranda. Hinc sacrorum quoque dogmatum is sensus perpetuo est retinendus, quern semel declaravit Sancta Mater Ecclesia, nee unquam ab eo sensu, altioris intelligentiae specie et nomine, re- cedendum. Crescat igitur et multum vehe- menterque proficiat, tarn siugulorum, quam omnium, tarn unius hominis, quam totius Ecclesiae, aetatum ac saeculorum gradibus, iutelligentia, scientia, sapientia : sed in suo dumtaxat genere, in eodem scilicet dogmate, eodem sensu, eademque sententia. 1 CANONES. Be Beo rerum omnium Creatore. 1. Si quis unum verum Deum visiMlium et invisibilium Creatorem et Dominum ne- gaverit ; anathema sit. 2. Si quis praeter materiam nihil esse affirmare non erubuerit ; anathema sit. 3. Si quis dixerit, unam eandemque esse Dei et rerum omnium substantiam vel es- sentiam ; anathema sit. 4. Si quis dixerit, res finitas, turn cor- poreas turn s-pirituales, aut saltern spiri- tuales, e divina substantia emanasse ; 1 Vine. Lir. Common, n. 2^. 336 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XVIII. aut divinam essentiam sui manifestatione vel evolutione fieri omnia ; aut denique Denm esse ens universale seu indefinitum, quod sese determinando constituat rerum universitatem in genera, species et individua distinctam ; anathema sit. 5. Si quis non confiteatur, mundum, resque omnes, quae in eo continentur, et spiiituales et materiales, secundum totam enam substantiam a Deo ex nihilo esse pro- ductas ; aut Deum dixerit non voluntate, ab omni necessitate libera, sed tarn necessario creasse, quam necessario amat seipsum ; aut mundum ad Dei gloriam conditum esse negaverit ; anathema sit. II. Be revelatione. 1. Si quis dixerit, Deum unum et verum, Creatorem et Dominum nostrum, per ea, quae facta sunt, naturali rationis humanae lumine certo cognosci non posse ; anathema sit. 2. Si quis dixerit, fieri non posse, aut non expedire, ut per revelationem divinam homo de Deo, cidtuque ei exhibendo edoceatur; anathema sit. 3. Si quis dixerit, hominem ad cogni- tionem et perfectionem, quae naturalem superet, diviuitus evehi nou posse, sed ex seipso ad omnis tandem veri et boni posses- sionem iugi profectu pertingere posse et debere ; anathema sit. 4. Si quis sacrae "Scripturae libros inte- gros cum omnibus suis partibus, prout illos sancta Tridentina Synodus recensuit, pro sacris et canonicis non susceperit, aut eos divinitus inspiratos esse negaverit ; anathe- ma sit. III. Be fide. 1. Si quis dixerit, rationem humanam ita independentem esse, ut fides ei a Deo im- perari non possit ; anathema sit. 2. Si quis dixerit, fidem divinam a na- turali de Deo et rebus moialibus scientia non distingui, ac propterea ad fidem divinam non requiri, ut revelata Veritas propter auc- toritatem Dei revelantiscredatur ; anathema sit. 3. Si quis dixerit, revelationem divinam externis signis credibilem fieri non posse, ideoque sola interna cuiusque experientia aut inspiratione privata homines ad fidem moveri debere ; anathema sit. 4. Si quis dixerit, miracula nulla fieri posse, proindeque omnes de iis narrationes, etiam in sacra Scriptura contentas, inter fabulas vel mythos ablegandas esse, aut miracula certe cognosci nunquam posse, nee iis divinam religionis christianae originem rite probari ; anathema sit. 5. Si quis dixerit, assensum fidei chris- tianae non esse liberum, sed argumentis humanae rationis necessario produci ; aut ad solam fidem vivam, quae per oharitateni operatur gratiam Dei necessariam esse ; anathema sit. 6. Si quis dixerit, parem esse ennditionem fidelium atque eorum, qui ad fidem unice veram nondum pervenerunt. ita ut cattiolici iustam causam habere possint, fidem, qnam sub Ecclesiae magisterlo iam susceperunt, assensu suspenso in dubium vocandi, d nee demonstrationem scientificam credibilitatis et veritatis fidei suae absolverint ; anathema sit. IV. Be fide et ratione. 1. Si quis dixerit, in revelatione divina nulla vera et proprie dicta mysteria con- tineri, sed universa fidei dogmata posse per rationem rite excultam e naturalibus prin- cipiis intelligi et demonstrari ; anathema sit. 2. Si quis dixerit, disciplinas humanas ea cum libertate tractandas esse, ut earum assertioius, etsi doctrinae nvelatae adver- sentur, tanquam verae retineri, neque ab Ecclesia proscribi possint ; anathema sit. 3. Si quis dixerit, fieri posse, ut doe- matibus ab Ecclesia propositis, aliquando secundum progressum scientiae sensns tri- buendus sit alius ab eo, quern intellexit et iutelligit Ecclesia ; anathema oit. Itaque supremi pastoralis Nostri officii debitum exequentes, omnes Christi fideles, maxime vero eos, qui piaesunt vel docendi munere funguntur, per viscera Iesu Christi obtestamur, necnon eiusdem Dei et Salva- toris nostii auctoritate iubemus, ut ad bos enoies a Sancta Ecclesia arcendos et eli- minandos. atque puiissimae fidei lucem pan* dendam studium et operam conferant. Quoniam vero satis non est, haereticata pravitatem devitare, nisi ii quoque errorei diligenter fugiautur, qui ad illam plus ininusve accedunt ; omnes officii nionemus, servandi etiam Constitutiones et Decreta, quibus pravae eiusmodi opiniones, quae isthic diserte non enumerantur, ab liaf Sancta Sede proscrijtae et prohibita6 sunt. Datum Romae in ]>ublica Sessione in Vaticana Basilica solemniter c. lebratu, anno pvmarra XIX. XX.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 337 Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo oetin- jpmtesimo septuagtsimo, die vigesima (j larti Aprilis. Pontifieatus Nottri anno vigeshno quarto. Ita est. Iosephxs Episcopus S. Hippolyti, Secretarius Concilii Vaticani. (Dal'a Civilta Cattolica, 7 nmggio 1870.) DOCUMENT XIX. Formule. 1 I. is soussignes pretres et clercs du diocese do Florence, repondant a, l'invitation faite an I lerge italien, offrent au Concile CEcu- na-'nique leur modeste obole pour le soulage- ment de l'auguste pauvrete du Vicaire de JJ.-us-Ohrist, et saisissent avee empresse- ment cette occasion nouvelle d'affirmer leur de'vouement a sa Personne saere'e, leur zele pour ses droits sacrosaints et leur foi ine- branlable a son infaillible autorite. (Suivent les signatures du Clerge.) (De L'ltalie, 4 juillet 1870.) DOCUMENT XX. CONSTITUTE DOGMATIC! PRIMA DE ECCLESIA CHRISTI ED1TA IN SESSIOXE QVARTA SACROSANCTI OKCUMENICI CONCILII VATICANI. PIUS EPISCOPUS 6ERVIS SERYORUM UEI SACRO APPROBANTE CONCILIO Ad perpetuam rei memoriam. Pastor aeternus et episcopus animarum uostrarum, ut salutiferum redemptionis opus peienne redderet, sanctam aedificare Ecclesiara decrevit, in qua veluti in domo Dei viventis fideles omnes utiius fidei et charitatis vinculo continerentur. Qua- l Le present modele de souscription devra etre remis, en meine ternps que les offrandes recueillies, a Till, et Rev. thanoine N. au Seminaire florentin, pas plus tard que le 24 juin. propter, priusquam clarificaretur, rogavit Patrera non pro Apostolis tantum, sed et pro eis, qui credituri erant per vorburn eorum in ipsum, ut omnes unum essent, sicut ipse Filius et Pater unum sunt. Quemadmodum igitur Apostolos, quos sibi de nmndo elegerat, misit, sicut ipse missus erat a Patre; ita in Ecclesia sua Pafe tores et Doctores usque ad consummationem saeculi esse voluit. Ut vero Episcopatus ipse unus et indivisus esset, et per cohaerentes sibi invicem sacerdotes credentium mullitudo univeisa in fidei et communionis unitate conservaretur, beatum Petrum caeteris Apostolis praeponens in ipso instituit per- petuum utrius-que unitatis principium ac visi- bile fundamentum, super cuius fortitudinem aeternum exstrueretur templum, et Ecclesiae coelo inferenda sublimitas in huius fidei firmitate consurgeret. ' Et quoniam porta e inferi ad evertendam, si fieri posset, Ecole- siam contra eius fundamentum divinitus positum maiori in die-i odio undique in- surgunt ; Nos ad catholici gregis custodiam, inculumitatem, augmentum, necessarium esse iudicamus, sacro approbante Concilio, doctrinam de institutione, perpetuitate, ac natura sacri Apostolici primatus, in quo totius Ecclesiae vis ac soliditas consistit, cunctis fidelibus credendam et tenendam, secundum antiquam atque constantem uni- versalis Ecclesiae fidem, proponere, atque contrarios, dominico gregi adeo pemiciosos, errores proscribere et condemnare. CAPUT I. De apostolici primatu* in Beato Petro institutione. Docemus itaque et declaramus, iuxta Evangelii testimonia primatum iurisdiclionis in universam Dei Ecclesiam immediate et directe beato Petro Apostolo promissum atque collatum a OLristo Domino fuisse. Unum enim Simonem, cui iam pridem dixerat : Tu vocaberis Cephas, 2 postquam ille suam edldit confessionem inquiens : Tu es Christus, Filius Dei vivi, solemnibus bis verbis allocutus est Dominus : Beatus es Simon Bariona, quia caro, et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed Pater meus, qui in coelis est : et ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, et super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus earn: et tibi dabo claves re»ni coelorum : et quodcumque ligaveris super terram, erit ligatum et in coelis : et quod- cumque solveris super terram, erit solutum 1 St. Leo M. Serm. iv. (al. iii), eap. 2, in diem Natalis sui. * loan, j. 42. 338 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XX. et in coelis. ' Atque uni Simoni Petro eon- tulit Iesus post suam resurrectionem summi pastoris et rectoris iurisdictionem in totum suum ovile dicens : Pasce agnos meos : Pasce oves meas. 2 Huic tam manifestae sacrarum Scripturarum doctrinae, ut ab Ecclesia catholica semper intellecta est, aperte opponuntur pravae eorum sententiae, qui constitutiim a Christo Domino in sua Ecclesia regiminis formam pervertentes, negant solum Petrum prae ceteris Apostolis, sive seorsum singulis sive omnibus simul, vero proprioque iurisdictionis primatu fuisse a Christo instructum ; aut qui affirmant eundem primatum non immediate, directe- que ipsi beato Petro, sed Ecclesiae, et per hanc illi, ut ipsius Ecclesiae ministro, dela- tum fuisse. Si quis igitur dixerit, beatum Petrum Apostolum non esse a Cbristo Domino con- stitutum Apostolorum omnium principem et totius Ecclesiae militantis visibile caput ; vel eundem honoris tantum ; non autem verae propriaeque iurisdictionis primatum ab eodem Domino Nostro Iesu Cliristo directe et immediate accepisse ; anathema sit. CAPUT II. De perpetuttate primatus Reati Petri in Romania Pontificibus. Quod autem in beato Apostolo Petro, princeps pastorum et pistor magnus ovium Dominus Chri^tus Iesus in perpetuam sa- lutem ac perenne bonum Ecclesiae instituit, id eodem auctore in Ecclesia, quae fundata super petram ad finem saeculorum usque firma stabit, iugiter durare necesse est. Nulli sane dubium, imo saeculis omnibus notum est, quod sauctus beatissimusque Petrus, Apostolorum princeps et caput, fideique columna, et Ecclesiae catholicae fundamentum, a Domino Nostro Iesu Christo, Salvatore humani generis ac Ee- demptore, claves regni accepit : qui ad hoc usque tempus et semper in suis succes- soribus, episopis Sanctae Eomanae Sedis, ab ipso fundatae eiusque consecratae san- guine, vivit et praesidet et iudicium exercet. 3 Unde quicumque in hac Cathedra Petro succedit, is secundum Christi ipsius insti- tutionem primatum Petri in universam Ecclesiam obtinet. Manet ergo disprsitio veritatis, et beatus Petrus in accepta forti- tudine petrae perseverans suscepta Eccle- siae gubernacula non reliquit. 4 Hac de causa ad Eomanam Ecclesiam propter poten- tiorem principalitatem necesse semper fuit i Matth. xvi. 16-19. 2 loan. xxi. 15-17. 3 Of. Ephesini Concilii, Act. iii. * St. Leo M.,Serm. iii. (al. ii.), cap. 3. omnem convenire Ecclesiam, hoc est, eos, qui sunt undique fideles, ut in ea Sede, e qua venerandae communionis iura in omnes dima- nant, tamquam membra in capite consociata, in unam corporis compagem coalescerent. * Si quis ergo dixerit, non esse ex ipsius Christi Domini institutione, sou iure divino, ut beatus Petrus in primatu super uni- versam Ecclesiam habeat perpetuos sucees- s^res ; aut Eomanum Pontificem non esse beati Petri in eodem primatu successorem; anathema sit. CAPUT III. De vi et ratione primatus Romani Pontifuis. Quapropter apertis innixi sacrarum litte- rarum testimoniis, et inliaerentes turn Prae- decessorum Nostrorum, Eomanorum Pon- tificum, turn Conciliorum g«neralium disertis, perspicuisque decretis, innovamus (Ecu- menici Concilii Florentini d^finitionem, qua credendum ab omnibus Christi fidelibus est, Sanctam Apostolicam Sedem, et Eomanum Pontificem in universum orbem tenere pri- matum, et ipsum Pontificem Eomanum suc- cessorem esse beati Petri principis Aposto- lorum, et verum Christi Vicarium, totiusque Ecchsiae caput, et omnium Christianorum patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi in beato Petro pascendi, regendi et gubernandi uni- versalem Ecclesiam a Domino Nostro Iesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse; quemadmodum etiam in gestis (Ecumeni- corum Conciliorum et sacris canonibus continetur. Docemus proinde et declaramus, Ecclesiam Eomanam, disponente Domino, super omnes alias ordinariae potestatis obtinere princi- patum, et hanc Eomani Pontificis iuris- dictionis potestatem, quae vere episcopalis est, immediatam esse ; erga quarn cuius- cumque ritus et dignitatis pastores atque fideles, tam seorsum singuli quam simul omnes, officio hierarchicae subordinationis, veraeque obedientiae obstringuntur, non solum in rebus, quae ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in lis, quae ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem diffusae pertinent ; ita ut custodita cum Eomano Pontifice turn communionis, quam eiusdem fidei professions unitate, Ecclesiae Christi sit unus grex sub uno summo pastore. Haec est catholicae veritatis doctrina, a qua deviare salva fide atque salute nemo potest. Tantum autem abest, ut haec Summi Pontificis potestas officiat ordinariae ac 1 S. Iren. Adv. haer. 1. iii. c. 3, et Cone. Aquilei.a 381 inter epp. S. Ambros. ep. xi. Document XX.] THE VATICAN COUNCIL. 339 imraediatae illi episcopali iurisdictionis po- testati, qua Episcopi, qui positi a Spiritu Sancto in Apostolorum locum successerunt, tamquam veri pastores assignatos sibi greges, singuli singulos, pascunt et regunt, ut eadera a supremo et universali Pastore asseratur, roboretur ac viudicetur, secundum illud sancti Gregorii Magni : Meus honor est honor universalis Ecclesiae.. Meus honor est fratrum meorum solidus vigor. _ Turn ego vere honoratus sum, cum singulis qui- busque honor debitus non negatur. l Porro ex suprema ilia Romani Pontificis potentate gubernandi universam Ecclesiam ius eidem esse consequitur, in huius sui muneris exercitio libere communicandi cum pastoribus et gregibus totius Ecclesiae, ut iidem ab ipso in via salutis doceri ac regi possint. Quare damnamus ac reprobamus illorum senteutias, qui banc supremi capitis cum pastoribus et gregibus communi- cationem licite impediri posse dicunt, aut eandem reddunt saeculari potestati obnoxiam, ita ut contendant, quae ab Apostolic.i Sede vel eius auctoritate ad regimen Ecclesiae constituuntur, vim ac valorem non habere, nisi potestatis saecularis placito confir- mentur. Et quoniam divino Apostolici primatus iure Romanus Pontifex uuiversae Ecclesiae praeest, docemus etiam et declaramus, eum esse iudicem supremum fidelium, 2 et in omnibus causis ad examen ecclesiasticum spectantibus ad ipsius posse iudicium re- curri. 3 Sedis vero Apostolicae, cuius auc- toritate maior non est, iudicium a nemine fore retractandum, neque cuiquam de eius licere iudicare iudicio. 4 Quare a recto veri- tatis tramite aberrant, qui affirmant, licere ab iudiciis Romanorum Pontificum ad CEcu- menicum Concilium tamquam ad auctori- tatem Romano Pontifice superiorem appel- lare. Si quis ita que dixerit, Rf.manum Ponti- ficem habere tantummodo officium inspee- tionis vel directionis, non autem plenam et supremam potestatem iurisdictionis in uni- versal Ecclesiam, non solum in rebus, quae ad fidem et mores, sed etiam in iis, quae ad disciplinam et regimen Ecclesiae per totum orbem diffusae pertinent ; nut eum habere tantum potions partes, non vero totam plenitudinem huius supremae potes- tatis ; aut banc eius potestatem non esse ordinariam et immediatam sive in omnes ac singulas Ecclesias, sive in omnes et singulos pastores et fideles ; anathema sit. 1 Ep. ad Eulog. Alexandria, 1. viii. ep. xxx. « Pii P. VI. Breve Super toliditate, d. 28 nov. 1786. 3 Concil. Oecum. Liwdun. II. * Ep. Nlcolai I, ad Michaelem Imperatorem. CAPUT IV. De Romani Pontificis infallibili magisterio. Ipso autem Apostolico primatu, quern Romanus Pontifex, tamquam Petri principia Apostolorum successor, in universam Eccle- siam obtinet, supremam quoque magisterii potestatem comprehendi, haec Sancta Sedea semper tenuit, perpetuus Ecolesiae usus comprobat, ipsaque CEcumenica Concilia, ea imprimis, in quibus Oriens cum Occidente in fidei charitatisque unionem conveniebat, declaraverunt. Patres enim Concilii Con- stantinopolitani quarti maiorum vestigiis inhaercntes, banc solemnem ediderunt pro- fessionem : Prima salus est, rectae fidei regulam custodire. Et quia non potest Domini Nostri Iesu Chri.~ti praetermitti sententia dicentis: Tu es Petrus, et super banc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam raeara, haec, quae dicta sunt, rerum probantur effectibus, quia in Sede Apostolica imma- culata est semper catholica reservata religio, et sancta celebrata doctrina. Ab huius ergo fide et doctiina separari minime cupientes, speramus, ut in una communione, quam Sedes Apostolica praedicat, esse mereamur, in qua est integra et vera Christianas reli- gionis soliditas. 1 Approbante vero Lugdu- nensi Concilio secundo, Graeci professi sunt : Sanctam Roman am Ecclesiam summum et plenum primatum et principatum super universam Ecclesiam catholicam obtinere, quern se ab ipso Domino in beato Petro Apostolorum principe sive vertice, cuius Romanus Pontifex est successor, cum potes- tatis plenitudiae recepisse veraciter et hu- mi liter recognoscit, et sicut prae caeteris tenetur fidei veritatem defendere, sic et, si quae de fide subortae fuerint quaestiones, suo debeut iudicio definiri. Florentinum denique Concilium definivit : Pontificem Romanum, verum Christi Vicarium, totius- que Ecclesiae caput et omnium Chiistianorum patrem ac doctorem existere ; et ipsi in beato Petro pascendi, regendi ac gubernandi universalem Ecclesiam a Domino Nostro Iesu Christo plenam potestatem traditam esse. Huic pastorali muneri ut satisfacerent, Praedecessorea Nostri indefessam semper operam dederunt, ut salutaris Christi doc- trina apud omnes terrae populos propa- garetur, parique cura vigilarunt, ut, ubi recepta esset, sincera et pura conservaretur. Quocirca totius orbis Antistites, nunc sin- i Ex formula S. Hormisdae Papae, prout ab Ha- driano II. Patribus Concilii lEcumenici VHI, Con- stantinopolltani I V, proposita et ab iisdem subscripts, est. 340 THE VATICAN COUNCIL. [Document XX. guli, nunc in Synodis congregati, longam Eoclesiarum consuetudinem, et antiquae re- gulae formam sequentes, ea praesertim pericula, quae in negotiis fidei emergebant, ad banc Sedem Apostolicam retulerunt, ut ibi potissimum resarciientur damna fidei, ubi fides non potest sentire defectum. 1 Eomani autem Pontifices, prout temporum et rerum conditio suadebat, nunc convocatis CEcunienicis Conciliis, aut explorata Eccle- siae per orbem dispersae sententia, nunc per Synodos particulares, nunc aliis, quae divina suppeditabat providentia, adbibitis auxiliis, ea tenenda definiverunt, quae sacria Scripturis et apostolicis Traditionibus con- sen tanea, Deo adiutore, cognoverant. Neque enim Petri succcssoribus Spiritus Sanctus promissns est, ut eo revelante novam doc- trinam patefacerent, sed ut eo assistente traditam per Apostolos revelationem seu fidei depositum sancte custodirent et fideliter exponerent. Quorum quidem apostolicam doctrinam omnes venerabiles Patres amplexi et sancti Doctores orthodoxi venerati atque secuti sunt ; plenissime scientcs, banc sancti Petri Sedem ab omui semper errore illibatam peimanere, secundum Domini Salvatoris Nostri divinam pollicitationem discipulorum suorum principi lactam : Ego rogavi pro te, ut noQ dtficiat fides tua, et tu aliquando conversus confirma fratres tuos. Hoc igitur veiitatis et fidei numquam deficientis cbarisma Petro eiusque in hac Cathedra successoribus divinitus collatum est, ut excelso suo munere in omnium salutem fungerentur, ut universus Christi grex per cos ab erroris vtnenosa esca a versus, coelestis doctiinae pabulo nutriretur, ut sub- lata scbismatis occasione Ecclesia tota una conservaretur, atque suo fundamento innixa firma adversus inferi portas consisteret. At vero cum bac ipsa aetate, qua saluti- feva Apostolici muneris cmcacia vel maxime roquiiitur, non pauci inveniantur, qui illius aurtoritati obtrectant; necessarium omnino esse censmms, praerogativam, quam uni- 1 Cf. S. Bern., Epist. cxc. genitus Dei Filius cum summo pastorali officio coniungere dignatus est, solemn iter asserere. Itaque Nos traditioni a fidei Christianae exordio perceptae fideliter inhaerendo, ad Dei Salvatoris Nostri gloriam, religionis Catholicae exaltationem, et Christianorum populorum salutem, sacro approbante Con- eilio, docemus, et divinitus revelatum dogma esse definimus : Eomanum Ponlificem, cum ex Cathedra loquitur, id est, cum omnium Christianorum Pastoris et Doetoiis munere fungens, pro suprema sua Apostolica aue- toiitate doctrinam de fide vel moribua ab universa Ecclesia tenendam definit, per assistentiam divinam, ipsi in beato Petro promissam, ea infullibilitate pollere, qua divinus Ked emptor Ecclesiam suam in deri- nienda doctrina de fide vel moribus instruc- tam esse voluit; i<1eoque eiuimodi Komani Pontificis definitiones ex sc se, non autem ex consensu Ecclehiae iireformabiles esse. Si quis autem huic Nostrae definitioni contradicere, quod Deus avertat, praesump- serit ; anathema sit. Datum Komae, in publica Sessione in Vaticana Liasilica solemniter celebrata, anno Incarnationis Dominicae milhsimo octin- gentesimo septuagesimo, die decima octava Iulii. P(jntificatus Nostri anno vigcsimo quinto. Ita est. Josephcs Episcopus S. Hippolyti, Secretarius Concilii Vaticaui. De mandato SS.mi in Christo Patris et Domini Nostri Domini divina Providentia Pii PP. IX., anno a Nativitate Domini MDCCCLXX., Indict, xiii., die vero xviii. Julii, Pontificatus eiusdem SS.mi Domini Nostri Anno xxv., praesens Constitutio Apostolici afflxa et publicata fuit ad valvas Basilicarum S. Ioannis in Laterano, Principis Apostolorum, et S. Mariae Maioris, Cancellariae Apostolicae, ac Magnae Curiae Innocentianae, atque in Acie Campi Florae per me Aloitium Seraflni A post. Curs. Philifpus OssANr, Magist. Curs. (Dal Giornale di Soma, 19 luglio 1870.) LONDON: PKINTF.D BY WILI IAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AKD CHARING CROSS. Albemarle Street, November, 1875. MR. 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