LIBRARY 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 SANTA BARBARA 
 
 PRESENTED BY 
 
 DONALD BEEKS 
 
 aft* 
 
 * 
 
 of
 
 r
 
 Contributions to Psychology 
 
 PSYCHOPATHIC BEHAVIOR 
 
 AND OTHERS 
 
 BOSTON 
 RICHARD G. BADGER 
 
 THE GORHAM PRESS 
 
 JUfctri Jaufcott flail
 
 Copyright 1918, 1919, by Richard G. Badger. 
 All Rights Reserved. 
 
 In view of the great importance of the contributions of eminent specialists 
 in psychology which have been published in THE JOURNAL OF ABNORMAL 
 PSYCHOLOGY, and the increasing demand for the same, the publisher has been 
 encouraged to re-issue such numbers as are in print, in order that this valuable 
 material may be more accessible to the general reader, under the title of 
 CONTRIBUTIONS TO PSYCHOLOGY. 
 
 The articles in this volume originally appeared in THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY, Volume XIII., April, 1918, to March, 1919.
 
 PAGE 
 
 Analysis and Re-Education with Case Studies, Psychological (Ham- 
 ilton) 323 
 
 Behaviour, The Psychology of (Severn) 235 
 
 Biological Viewpoint in Psychopathology and Psychiatry, The in- 
 creasing Importance of the (Solomon) 168 
 
 Central Nervous System, The Chemical Dynamics of the (Robert- 
 son) 54 
 
 Character Traits, Anal Erotic (Jones) 261 
 
 Conscious Behaviour and The Abnormal" (Kantor) 158 
 
 Criminology ( Parmelee) 234 
 
 Delusions, A Clinical Study of the Origin, Development and Disap- 
 pearance of a System of (Emerson) 23 
 
 Deutschtum, The Creed of (Prince) 236 
 
 Dream in "Jean Christophe," The (Weinberg) 12 
 
 Dream Personality, Clinical Study of a (Sidis) 137 
 
 Dynamics, The Chemical of the Central Nervous System (Robert- 
 son) 54 
 
 Emotions from Facial Expressions, Judgment of (Langfeld) 117 
 
 Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases (Southard) . . . 199 
 
 Epileptoid Cases in Soldiers, A Study of Two (Read) 33 
 
 Hamlet and Orestes, Concerning (MacCurdy) 250 
 
 Human Nature and Its Remaking (Hocking) 295 
 
 Hypnagogic Hallucinations with Cases Illustrating these Sane Mani- 
 festations (Yawger) 73 
 
 Illusion of Levitation, The (Horton) 42, 119 
 
 Jesus the Christ in the Light of Psychology, (Hall) 190 
 
 Lange-James Theory, A Case of Altered Emotions Bearing on the 
 
 (Myerson) 239 
 
 Levitation, The Illusion of (Horton) 42, 119 
 
 Medical Sciences, A Reference Handbook of (Stedman) 300 
 
 Mental Deterioration, Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 as a Measure of (Pressey & Cole) 285 
 
 Mental Hygiene. Principles of (White) 58 
 
 Mysticism and Its Symbolism, Problems of (Silberer) 349 
 
 Narcolepsy (Burr) '. 185 
 
 Nervous System, Diseases of the (Jelliffe & White) 231 
 
 Origin and Evolution of Life on the Theory of Action and Interac- 
 tion of Energy (Osborn) 194 
 
 Personality and Conduct (Parmelee) 233 
 
 Point Scale Examinations on the High Grade Feeble Minded and the 
 
 Insane, (Curtis) 77 
 
 Primitive Races, Sex Worship and Symbolism of (Brown) 61 
 
 Psychiatric Social Worker, The (Myerson) 225 
 
 Psychical Phenomena and the War (Carrington) 300
 
 INDEX TO SUBJECTS PAGE 
 
 Psycho-Analysts, On the Assumptions of (Stephen) 17 
 
 Psychoanalytic Method, The (Pfister) 192 
 
 Psychology, The Fundamentals of (Pillsbury) 60 
 
 Psychological Scales, Are the Present Reliable for the Examination 
 
 of Adults? (Pressey & Cole) 314. 
 
 Psychopathic Behaviour, The Practical Measurement of (Gosline) 65 
 
 Revolutions, A Remark on the Occurrence of (Sidis) 217 
 
 Sex Ethics, Rational (Robie) 61 
 
 Sex, An Introduction to the Physiology and Psychology of (Herbert) 61 
 
 Sex Worship and Symbolism of Primitive Races (Brown) 61 
 
 Social Worker, The Psychiatric (Myerson) 225 
 
 Stuttering, What is the Problem of (Blanton) 303 
 
 Subconscious, Dr. Prince and the Question of the (Chase) 29 
 
 Synesthesia, A Report on Two Cases of (Alford) 1 
 
 Unmarried Mother, The (Kammerer) 135 
 
 Vocational Psychology, Its Problems and Methods (Rollings worth) 133 
 
 War, The Psychology of (MacCurdy) 128
 
 VOL. XIII .APRIL, 1918 NUMBER 1 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 A REPORT ON TWO CASES OF SYNESTHESIA 
 
 L. B. ALFORD, M. D. 
 
 PATHOLOGIST, THE BOSTON STATK HOSPITAL 
 
 THE curious variation of normal mental processes, snesy- 
 thesia, has scarcely received the attention it deserves, 
 in view of its frequency and its possible importance in 
 throwing light on mental activity in general. One finds 
 many articles dealing with it, but a majority, are merely super- 
 ficial reports of individual cases. I have found only one contri- 
 bution reporting the results of a detailed study of cases made in 
 a psychological laboratory. (1) 
 
 The studies of the cases here reported were not extensive 
 and are considered worthy of publication only because they seem 
 to throw some light on one or two doubtful points. 
 
 It is not necessary to discuss synesthesia in detail in this 
 article because a very good conception of it can be obtained 
 from a recent article in this Journal (2) ; it may be well, however, 
 to enumerate a few facts that are more or less basic for the 
 investigations made on these two cases. 
 
 Synesthesia is evidently of common occurrence, although 
 it is difficult to estimate even approximately its frequency, 
 because the figures of different observers and even those of the 
 same observer on different material vary within such wide limits. 
 Galton (3) gives the percentage of occurrence as 3.3 of the general 
 population, while Mercante (4) estimates that it exists in 80 per 
 cent, of all grade school children. Calkins (5) found it present 
 in 6.6 per cent, of certain classes of Wellesley College in 1891, 
 and in 15.7 in 1892. Some reason for the difference in these 
 
 Copyright 1918, by Richard G. Badger. All Rights Reserved. 
 
 1
 
 A Report on Two Cases of Synesthcxia 
 
 figures is to be found in the fact that the condition has been 
 described under a number of different names, color-audition, 
 psychochromesthesia, photisms, etc., some of which include 
 many more manifestations than others, and again in the fact 
 that* it is not possible definitely to separate synesthesia from 
 visions, and the so-called "forms." and "personifications." 
 Accepting the lowest estimates as correct, however, it remains 
 that synesthesia is a common phenomenon. 
 
 A clear idea of synesthesia is probably best obtained from a 
 hypothetical example. In one form a spoken word or other sound 
 is* followed in the synesthete not only by the usual sound percep- 
 tion but also by a perception of color which may not differ greatly 
 from the color-percept produced by a colored object, and which 
 takes place coincident with or even before the sound-percept. 
 If in a synesthete the color-association of the name John be red, 
 he is able to name the color as quickly and as definitely as he 
 can repeat the word itself. It is to him as natural that "John" 
 should have a certain color as that it should have a certain sound. 
 
 The above example of the association of colors with sounds, 
 the so-called color-audition, is only one type of synesthesia, 
 although apparently the most common one. In a similar manner 
 colors may be associated with vision, taste, smell, touch, pain, 
 temperature, and even with thoughts. Further, the second- 
 ary or associated sensation need not be a color; it may be a sound, 
 taste, tactile or any other type of sensation, and indeed may be 
 a feeling of pleasantness or unpleasantness not ordinarily con- 
 sidered as a sensation. Again, secondary sensations may be 
 multiple and involve more than one sense. In fact the types 
 and extent of the associations are almost limitless. For example, 
 when the individual studied by Ulrich heard the letter "a," he 
 perceived in addition to the sound the color green, a taste insipid 
 and unpleasant, a coldness and a surface smooth like a pane of 
 glass. For him the color association of water varied with the 
 temperature, being at 50 deep red, at 40 clear red, at 35 rose 
 and green and at 25 clear red. Each musical instrument had 
 its particular color upon which were engrafted the colors of the 
 different notes or airs. (6) In some persons only a few words or 
 sounds may have associations, while in others like Dr. D. Fraser 
 Harris, all words and even ideas are colored. (2) 
 
 The so-called "forms" and "personifications" and visions 
 often are found in the subject with synesthesia and in a sense
 
 L. B. Alford 3 
 
 are similar to it. The most common type of "forms" is "num- 
 ber forms " which Dr. Peabody of Harvard has recently estimated 
 to occur in 25% of children. (7) When a subject with a number 
 form attempts any sort of mathematical calculation^ he always 
 thinks of numbers as arranged in a certain constant form and 
 conducts his calculations by reading off, so to speak, the results 
 from this form. Sir Francis Galton found that several mathe- 
 matical prodigies were enabled to perform their remarkable 
 calculations by means of these forms. (3) 
 
 In subjects having "personifications" numbers, letters, the 
 months, etc., may arouse feelings that ordinarily are felt in refer- 
 ence to persons. For example one says: "T's are generally cruel 
 ungenerous creatures; U is a soulless thing. I dislike 11, 13 and 
 17. My feeling for 11 is almost one of pity." (5) Another 
 says: "All the little a's have their eyes turned to the right." (3) 
 
 The types of visions are almost as numerous as the subjects 
 having visions. Number forms may be regarded as one variety 
 of visions. Another is that represented by the woman described 
 by Raines, who in idle moments amused herself by recalling the 
 vision of a castle of ancient architecture situated in beautiful 
 grounds, the details of which were invariable and perfectly 
 distinct (8). Still another type is the epileptic aura. (9) (10). 
 Visions probably reach their fullest development in the psychic 
 medium or at least that type of medium who makes her prophecies 
 by interpreting the constant stream of visions and hallucinations 
 of all the senses that pass through her mind under the proper 
 conditions. (11) 
 
 Some characteristics of synesthesia stated by Sir Francis 
 Galton in his interesting and illuminating book published in 
 1883, and since found to be generally applicable are as follows: 
 
 (1) That synesthesiae are remarkably persistent; 
 
 (2) Synesthetes are minute in their descriptions of the 
 colors, thus showing that the colors are distinct; 
 
 (3) Two people hardly ever agree as to the associated 
 color; 
 
 (4) The tendency to synesthesia is very hereditary. 
 Almost all writers agree that synesthesia generally first 
 
 becomes manifest in early childhood and that often it is well 
 developed before the subject has learned to read and write. 
 Without doubt it gradually disappears as the subject approaches 
 adulthood unless preserved by training; but a little attention
 
 A Report on Two Cases of Synesthesia 
 
 often will result in its reappearance and practice may serve to 
 increase its scope. 
 
 The secondary sensations are remarkably constant. In the 
 case of Dr Harris himself they have remained practically unal- 
 tered since childhood. (12) Professor Holden found very few 
 changes in those of his daughter when he examined her at the 
 ages of 7, 8, 10j^, 13, 14J/2, and 17j^ years respectively. (13 1 ) 
 Apparently in rare instances associations may change spontan- 
 eously, but they cannot be altered by voluntary effort. 
 
 There is seldom any great degrees of agreement as to associ- 
 ated sensations among synesthetes, even when they are related. 
 It is said that the oft-mentioned Nussbaumer brothers agreed 
 more often than they differed and Harris and his brother had 
 similar associations in 50% of the words. (12) Usually the per- 
 centage of agreement is much smaller than in these examples. 
 It is not a practice conducive to accuracy, therefore, to resort 
 to associated sensations in describing primary sensations as Bor- 
 ing did in his paper on the physiology of tactile, pain and tem- 
 perature sensibility. (14) 
 
 When colors are the secondary sensations they are usually 
 definite and distinct as well as delicate. Several adjectives and 
 various comparisons may be used in describing them. Un- 
 doubtedly some associations have been wrongly thought to have 
 changed owing to the fact that in attempting to describe color- 
 mixtures different terms have been used at the later trials for 
 the same tint. Given water colors or paints the subjects are 
 able to match their associations. 
 
 Not infrequently synesthesia is found in several members 
 of a family. The cases studied by Smith consisted of a man 
 and his five children (15). Laignel-Lavastine was able to estab- 
 lish its presence in 10 of 11 individuals representing three genera- 
 tions of a family (16). Saurez de Mendoza makes the point 
 that only the tendency to synesthesia is inherited and whether 
 secondary sensations appear or not depends on suggestion to a 
 considerable extent. (17) 
 
 Beaumis and Binet investigated the reaction time of associ- 
 ated sensations and found it about the same as that of the prim- 
 ary. (18) 
 
 The utility of synesthesia is established by the evidence of 
 many investigators. Harris states that it is never an impedi- 
 ment (19) but Thorp was forced to give up his music on account 
 of the disturbing effects of the secondary sensations. (20) One
 
 L. B. Alford 5 
 
 synesthete asks: "How could anyone tell whether a name is 
 pretty or not except by its color?" Another states that words 
 incorrectly spelled have the wrong color. A writer was aided 
 in composing rhymes by his color associations. Mr. Spencer 
 found his of service in learning a foreign language. (21) Scriabin, 
 the Russian composer of operas, judges his harmonies by the 
 colors associated therewith. He has the ambition to see some 
 of his musical creations given with color and odor accompani- 
 ments so selected that all three sensations .will blend in one great 
 harmony. (22) Blanchard saw an attempt, and to judge from 
 the amount of applause, a successful one, to produce a color- 
 sound harmony in a London music hall. (23) Grafe has sug- 
 gested that synesthesia may be utilized to make the blind see 
 and the deaf hear. (24) 
 
 It is definitely established that synesthesia is not a mental 
 abnormality. That it has been found associated with the 
 psychoneuroses and epilepsy does not controvert this statement. 
 A large majority of the subjects are normal, healthy-minded 
 persons. Indeed it has been frequently stated that their intelli- 
 gence is above the average. Dr. David Starr Jordan (21), 
 Henry Head (2), and many other noted men have synesthesia. 
 Harris believes synesthesia a manifestation of genius. (19) 
 
 It is stated that synesthetes are prone to have certain mental 
 peculiarities. They are apt to be imaginative, introspective, 
 shy and sensitive. As a result of the. sensitiveness they may 
 conceal their faculty from a false notion that it is abnormal. 
 Again they frequently have talents along musical and artistic 
 lines. In a surprisingly large number of the reports of cases- 
 one finds it stated that the subject is very intelligent. 
 
 The present study was undertaken chiefly to establish the 
 dgree of correspondence of associated sensations in the two 
 subjects. As they were twins of the same sex and therefore 
 presumably much alike mentally both by nature and training, 
 it seemed that the extent of such correspondence would throw 
 some light on the factors that determine the form of secondary 
 sensations indicating whether these sensations are accidental, 
 i. e., dependent on conditions that it is impossible to determine, 
 a result of some peculiarity of mental make-up, or are determined 
 by suggestion. The cases at first promised to be unique because 
 before the study was begun the subjects themselves believed 
 that their associations were always the same. 
 
 The circumstances under which it was discovered that
 
 6 . 1 Report on Tivo Cases of Synesthesia 
 
 synesthesia was present in these subjects are interesting and 
 perhaps important. After an intimate acquaintance of several 
 years during which synesthesia w r as not mentioned, the remark 
 was dropped casually by one of them in my presence that when 
 they were children the names of persons were colored. After a 
 few further remarks the topic of conversation was changed and 
 the incident \vas forgotten for several weeks. Then I came across 
 the article by Blanchard (23) and recognized that the phe- 
 nomenon he described was the same as that present in them. 
 Before the strfdy was undertaken all available literature con- 
 sisting of about sixty articles, was gone over. 
 
 The subjects are young men 27 years of age and are very 
 intelligent. In school they were brilliant students. They com- 
 pleted the high school and college courses each in one year less 
 than the usual time, and in both stood near the heads of their 
 classes. On several occasions they accomplished mental feats 
 quite beyond the usual student. Wishing once to enter an 
 advanced class in German, they covered the prescribed work 
 for two years in about 12 lessons taken during a period of six 
 weeks so well that at the end of the following year they w r ^e 
 among the very best of the third year class. Again they were 
 able to commit to memory for the purpose of recitation a German 
 poem of several hundred lines merely by reading it over a few 
 times. They surpassed perhaps in literature and languages 
 but also made excellent .grades in scientific courses. They are 
 very fond of poetry and offhand are able to repeat dozens of 
 verses from the classical authors, which apparently have been 
 retained from their school days without especial effort. They 
 are fond of and well informed in architecture, music and paint- 
 ing. 
 
 Temperamentally they are emotional, sympathetic, sensi- 
 tive, shy and modest, almost to a fault. Their lack of self- 
 assertiveness has been a great handicap but nevertheless they 
 have been quite successful in their work. They are to some 
 extent introspective and seclusive, and conceal their real feelings 
 and thoughts on many matters. Still they are very agreeable 
 companions and have many close friends. They are perhaps 
 somewhat morbid in their liking for the problems fabricated by 
 writers of the Shaw, Ibsen and Browning types. Their likes and 
 dislikes are similar. 
 
 They are described together because they are very similar 
 mentally as well as physically. Their differences are almost too
 
 L. B. Alford 7 
 
 subtle to analyze. One consistently made grades a few points 
 higher than the other and also takes 'toward the other the pro- 
 tective attitude of an elder brother. 
 
 In the study both at first acquiesced and co-operated en- 
 thusiastically. Later, however, as a result of some remark of 
 a meddler a concealed unwillingness to proceed further was 
 detected in one more particularly, and the work as originally 
 planned had to be given up. With one of the subjects an ex- 
 amination on some words of the list and also a second examina- 
 tion after an interval was not possible. This situation accounts., 
 for the different sizes of the groups of words used in the com- 
 parisons. 
 
 A list of 150 names, chiefly Christian names, was made, 
 and then, usually with nobody else present besides the examiner 
 and subject, although on a few occasions both subjects were 
 present, the names were read off and the responses jotted down. 
 Sometimes the subject would glance at the list and give the 
 answer before there was time to read off the name. Usually 
 the answers were given without a moment's hesitation, but with 
 some names there was a period of hesitation, the subject explain- 
 ing that the color was indistinct or difficult to describe, or that 
 several colors were perceived and it was hard to select the domi- 
 nant one. When the examination lasted longer than half an 
 hour, the subject showed signs of fatigue and stated that such 
 an array of colors was constantly present as to obscure that of 
 the name. Although both subjects be'lieved that their synes- 
 thesiae had disappeared some years before, these immediately 
 appeared when the examination was begun. The second trial 
 was made 3 months after the first, during which interval synes- 
 thesia was mentioned only a few times. 
 
 Before the examination the subjects believed that their 
 associations were limited to Christian names, but during the 
 tests it became evident that the names of a few cities, some 
 letters and figures and those of the days and months were also 
 colored. Further it was found that the converse association was 
 present, thoughts of colors serving to recall names. With the 
 months there was an interesting experience: When first asked 
 concerning them one subject denied associations. A few days 
 later, however, he said: "Oh the colors of the months suddenly 
 came to me the other day. " As it was with figures, letters, and 
 the months, so it is the impression it would have been with many 
 other words had the tests been continued. In his experience
 
 8 
 
 A Report on Two Cases of Synesthesia 
 
 Whipple found that associations were present in categories 
 unsuspected by the subject. (1) It is the impression further 
 that an exhaustive examination by a psychologist would reveal 
 in synesthetes peculiarities in mental activity comparable to 
 synesthesia, in many fields. 
 
 It is not desirable for reasons of brevity to give the entire 
 list of words with the responses; It was found that of 80 words 
 with which satisfactory responses were obtained from both sub- 
 jects, there was at least approximate agreement, with 54. 
 
 In the subject who was twice tested, with only two words 
 were distinctly different colors given on the second trial, 3 months 
 later. On the first trial there were, however, 7 words for which 
 no association existed, and oil the second 19 different words, to 
 leave out of all consideration the words for which there was no 
 association on either test, and those in which it was not possible 
 to decide whether there was the same association or not. The 
 following tests give some idea of the difficulty of deciding this 
 question, and also of the nature of the responses: 
 
 Subject I 
 
 Test name 
 George 
 John 
 Henry 
 Alma 
 Nellie 
 Adolph 
 Adam 
 Abraham 
 Arnold 
 Thomas 
 Will 
 
 Smith 
 
 Raphael 
 Max 
 
 Ottilie 
 Alonzo 
 
 Association 
 
 1st trial 
 red 
 
 yellow-brown 
 dark blue 
 sort of white 
 pale yellow 
 muddy, I hate it 
 brown 
 brown 
 
 sort of yellow 
 pale blue 
 no association 
 
 pale blue, 
 
 I think 
 starry 
 dark 
 
 (after an interval) 
 no association 
 yellow 
 
 Association 
 3 mo. later 
 pink, I think 
 yellow 
 dark 
 
 yellow, I think 
 pink, I think 
 red or brown-yellow 
 dull red 
 red 
 
 red-brown 
 dark blue 
 kind of black 
 
 (after an interval) 
 no association 
 
 white 
 
 no association 
 
 red I think 
 brown or yellow- 
 brown
 
 L. B. Alford 
 
 Alexander yellow yellow-red 
 
 Gertrude pale pink several colors 
 
 Sarah dull blue 
 
 D. sort of light no association 
 
 L. white pale yellow 
 
 These names are the two on which there was a decided 
 
 difference of association at the second trial: 
 Amy very yellow red 
 
 Jones red yellow 
 
 This list of names and responses gives the associations of 
 
 both subjects: 
 
 Subject I 
 
 John 
 
 Helen 
 
 Ruth 
 
 Grace 
 
 Mary 
 
 James , 
 
 Annie 
 
 Homer 
 
 Otto 
 
 Alexander 
 
 Kate 
 
 Red 
 
 1st trial 
 yellow brown 
 light blue 
 red 
 
 yellow 
 black 
 
 Subject II 
 
 2nd trial 
 yellow 
 pale blue 
 red 
 
 yellow 
 black 
 brown 
 
 pale or white 
 blue or white 
 real blue 
 yellow 
 
 yellow or yel- 
 low brown 
 
 Reversing the order of the test and giving the color as the 
 stimulus word, gave the following results in subject I: 
 
 1st trial 3 mos. later 
 
 Alice, Adele, Ethel, Alice, Ethel, Edwin, Ruth, 
 
 Esther, Edwin, Edward Edgar, Allen 
 
 Agnes, Verne, Fern 
 Charles, Catherine 
 
 pale 
 blue 
 
 real blue 
 yellow 
 yellow 
 
 red 
 
 white 
 
 rose, I think 
 
 very light buff 
 
 dark red 
 
 tan 
 
 pale blue 
 
 white 
 
 kind of blue 
 
 red 
 
 tan 
 
 Orange 
 Blue 
 
 Violet 
 
 Rose 
 
 Pink 
 
 Julius, Julia 
 Hildegarde, Hugh, Sue, 
 Howard and Lucy 
 
 No association 
 Many names given to test 
 word red 
 
 Agnes, Verne, Fern 
 Catherine, Marguerite, 
 
 Charles, John 
 No association 
 Sue, Hildegarde, Lucy, 
 
 Hugh, Howard and Le- 
 
 land 
 No association 
 
 Same
 
 10 A Report on Two Cases of Synesthesia 
 
 When names of members of the family and very common 
 names were used in the comparison, the percentage of agreement 
 was no higher than was the case with the entire list. 
 
 It is stated by both that the colors are 'as distinct as any 
 could be from a colored object. They are not projected but 
 are "seen in the mind." Besides some replies in the above list 
 other evidence of personifications was obtained. Subject I likes 
 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, M, U, Q, X and Z; dislikes 7, R, S, T, and hates J. 
 Poetry also has color associations in this subject. The colors 
 of poetry seem to be determined more by the sense than by the 
 individual words or letters. It may be that the facility with 
 which both commit verse to memory is somehow a result of these 
 associations. 
 
 No reason for the colors of many names can be worked out. 
 A and E color many words red even when not forming the 
 initial letter. So also U and H color some names blue and C 
 some white. The associated color of Brown is brown. It is 
 possible to venture an explanation for these associations: Sue, 
 blue; Flora, red; Fern and Verne, green; Monday, blue. In- 
 deed both subjects state that they believe Monday is blue be- 
 cause of the expression, "blue Monday." 
 
 No definite tests were made on other members of the family, 
 but superficial inquiry gave no evidence of synesthesia in them. 
 
 Although the percentage of agreement in these subjects 
 (67%) is the highest that has yet been found between two sub- 
 jects, it would be dangerous to affirm that either suggestion or 
 similarity of mental make-up play any great part in determining 
 the colors. In the first place it seems likely that if more exact 
 determinations of the associations w r ere made, the proportion of 
 agreement would be much lower. Again, considering the small 
 number of colors given as associations, it is evident that the 
 opportunity for difference is much smaller than if the number of 
 colors were greater. With the proportion of identical factors of 
 suggestion with which these subjects, being all their lives closely 
 associated, must have come in contact and with the resemblance 
 as to their mental constitutions, it would seem that responses 
 should agree in a greater proportion of instances, if mental make- 
 up and suggestion play any great part in determining associations. 
 
 It would seem that an intensive study of cases of synesthesia,. 
 for which the psychologist or perhaps the Freudian is probably 
 best fitted, should throw light on many forms of mental activity. 
 It is doubtful that such a study would repay the psychiatrist or
 
 L. B. Alford II 
 
 ^ . 
 
 neurologist for synesthesia seems to be a manifestation of the 
 normal mind. It is possible, however, that the spectra and 
 scotomata of migraine may be in part synesthetic phenomena. 
 
 SUMMARY 
 
 In this paper first an attempt is made to give a brief resume 
 of the principal facts of synesthesia. Then are reported the 
 results of a study of color-audition in twin brothers, whose mental 
 characteristics are very similar. It is found that there was ap~ 
 parent agreement in the secondary sensations of the subjects, 
 with 67 per cent, of the test words, but it seems doubtful that 
 the percentage would be so high if more accurate methods were 
 used. It is concluded, therefore, that mental make-up and 
 suggestion are not particularly important in determining the 
 colors in associated sensations. Finally it is suggested that a 
 study of synesthetes by the psychologist or psychoanalyst might 
 reveal interesting peculiarities in other fields of mental activity.. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 (1) Whipple, Two cases of synesthesia, American Journal of Psychology, 1899-1900, XI, 377.. 
 
 (2) Harris, Colored thinking, this journal, 1908, III, 97. 
 
 (3) Galton, Inquiries into Human Faculty and its Developement, London, 1883. 
 
 (4) Mercante, quoted by Pierce, Synesthesia, Psychological Bulletin, 1912, IX, 179. 
 
 (5) Calkins, A statistical study of pseudo-chromesthesia and of mental forms, American 
 
 Journal of Psychology, 1892-93, V, 439. 
 
 (6) Ulrich, quoted by Laures, Les Synesthesies, Paris, 1908. 
 
 (7) Peabodv, Certain further experiments in synaesthesia, American Anthropologist, 1915, 
 
 XVII, 143. 
 
 (8) Raines, Report of a case of psycho-chromesthesia, this journal, 1909-10, IV, 249. 
 
 (9) Alford, A Consideration of the aurae of epilepsy and migraine. Southard Memorial, (un-- 
 
 published). 
 
 (10) Southard, On the mechanism of gliosis in acquired epilepsy, American Journal of Insanity - 
 
 1907-8, LXIV, 607. 
 
 (11) Prince, An experimental study of visions, Brain, 1898, XXI, 528. 
 
 (12) Harris, On psycho-chromesthesia and certain synesthesiae, Edinburgh Medical Journal,. 
 
 1905, n. s. XVIII, 529. 
 
 (13) Holden, Colour associations with numerals, etc., Nature, 1891, XLIV, 223. 
 
 (14) Boring, Cutaneous sensation after nerve-division, Quarterly Journal of Experimenetal ', 
 
 Physiology, 1916, X, I. 
 
 (15) Smith, Synesthesia, John Hopkins Hospital Bulletin, 1905, XVI, 258. 
 
 (16) Laignel-Lavastine, Audition coloree familiale, Revue neurologique, 1901, IX, 1152. 
 
 (17) Saurez de Mendoza, L' Audition Coloree, La Salpetriere, 1899. 
 
 (18) Quoted by Krohn, Pseudo-chromesthesia or the association of colors with words, letters. 
 
 and sounds, American Journal of Psychology, 1892-93, V, 20. 
 
 (19) Harris, Colored thinking and allied conditions, Science Progress in 20th Century, 1914-15,, 
 
 IX, 135. 
 
 (20) Thorp, Colour audition and its relation to the voice, Edinburgh Medical Journal, 1894- 
 
 95, XL, 21. 
 
 (21) Jordan, The colors of letters, Popular Science Monthly, 1891, XXXIX, 367. 
 
 (22) Myers, Two cases of synesthesia, BritUh Journal of Psychology, 1914-15, VII, 112. 
 
 (23) Blanchard, De I'encephalopsie chromatique, Bulletin de 1' Academic de Medecine, 1916, . 
 
 LXXV, 615. 
 
 (24) Grafe, Note sur un nouveau cas d'audition coloree, Revue de Medecine, 1897, XVII, 192_
 
 THE DREAM IN "JEAN-CHRISTOPHE" 
 
 BY ALBERT K. WEINBERG 
 
 WHILE to Freud is the honor of having opened up the 
 world of dreams in that first he elucidated their prob- 
 lems and gave full appreciation to their value, it would 
 seem that there has always existed a semi-conscious 
 realization of the dream's significance. Primitive man, we 
 know, attached great importance to the dream, believing that it 
 proceeded from divine powers and presaged the future ; this atti- 
 tude is in a sense based on intuition of truth since the dream 
 comes from the unconscious and does concern itself with the 
 future in embodying a wish. A more valuable testimony to the 
 correctness of Freud's theories is that which has unconsciously 
 been given by the artist, who whenever he has constructed the 
 dreams of his characters, has shown himself in full agreement 
 with the thesis that the dream is a meanirigfull psychic product. 
 One notable example of this agreement between artist and psycho- 
 logist is provided in William Jensen's * -Gradiva. " 
 
 It has been my chance to discover another instance where 
 in the utilization of dreams by a writer, it appears that he has 
 unconsciously given approbation to the principles laid down by 
 Freud. Let us not be surprised that Romain Rolland has 
 intuitively understood the significance of the dream. I once 
 heard " Jean-Christophe " designated "the unconscious text-book 
 of all psychology. " With what insight, in the early part of his 
 epic novel, Romain Rolland depicts the conflicts of the child 
 soul, illustrating in artistic form the basic psychologic truths that 
 Freud sponsored in the world of science! We think of Jean- 
 Christophe's intense attachment to his mother, of the child's 
 outbursts of hatred towards his father. 
 
 In "Youth," on page 313, Romain Rolland finds occasion 
 to have one of his characters relate a dream. Those w r ho have 
 read the book will recall the love-episode between Christophe 
 and the girl Ada, who was his first mistress. Christophe meets 
 Ada when the latter is on an excursion to the country with a party 
 of friends. The two are attracted to each other at the very start 
 and the bold Ada encourages this chance acquaintance of the 
 
 12
 
 Albert K. Weinberg 13 
 
 country road to join her party. After supper at the inn, the two 
 become separated from the rest, fall into each other's arms and 
 engrossed in their love-making, forget the hour of departure. 
 They miss the last boat and spend the night together at the inn. 
 As soon as Ada awakens in the morning, she insists _on telling 
 Christophe her dream. He does not listen attentively and inter- 
 rupts her, but she forces him to be silent and tells it as if it were a 
 were a thing of the utmost importance: 
 
 "She was at dinner: the Grand Duke was there: Myrrha was 
 a Newfoundland dog ... No, a frizzy sheep who waited at 
 table . . . Ada had discovered a method of rising from the 
 earth, of walking, dancing, and lying down in the air. You see it 
 was quite simple: you had only to do . . . thus . . . thus 
 .- . . and it was done . . ." 
 
 With the aid of only the material the author has given us 
 we can apply to this dream the Freudian technique. It shows 
 not only the element of wish-fulfillment but also the factors of 
 distortion, condensation, symbolism, which Freud has developed 
 in his psychology. 
 
 She was at dinner. This clearly has reference to the meal 
 which the party had taken the evening before at the inn. It was 
 at the supper that the passion of Christophe and Ada for each 
 other was really awakened. "She felt as she looked into Chris- 
 tophe's eyes the passion that she had kindled in him: and that 
 same passion began to awake in her. She was silent: she left 
 her vulgar teasing: they looked at each other in silence: on their 
 lips they had the savor of their kiss. From time to time by fits 
 and starts they joined vociferously in the jokes of the others: 
 then they relapsed into silence, stealing glances at each other. 
 At last they did not even look at each other, as though they were 
 afraid of betraying themselves. Absorbed in themselves they 
 brooded over their desire. ' n 
 
 The Grand Duke was there. It is not difficult to discover 
 who this Grand Duke represents. The idea seems to be that 
 there was present a distinguished guest. At the meal the even- 
 ing before the guest of Ada and her intimate friends was Chris- 
 tophe. They were all, we are told, extremely impressed with 
 Christophe's position as Hof Musicus, in their eyes an exalted 
 office. Christophe, therefore, must be the "Grand Duke," the 
 distinguished guest. In addition let us recall that it was at the 
 
 'Jean-Christophe Youth p. 308. 
 
 jLofctr*
 
 14 The Dream in "Jean-Christophe" 
 
 court of the Grand Duke that Christophe was Hof Musicus. It 
 is not at all unnatural that Ada should associate Christophe with 
 his patron, the Grand Duke. 
 
 Myrrha was a Newfoundland dog. Myrrha is Ada's friend, 
 who had been in the excursion party with her. At the meal in 
 the evening, Myrrha had tried to coquet with Christophe, whom 
 Ada had marked out as her own. Ada noticed the coquetry 
 on the part of her friend and combatted it with her own wiles. 
 At first Ada did this merely to despite her friend, but we are 
 told, she became caught in her own game. Her own love for 
 Christophe came into being and this awakened love would not 
 have regarded the rivalry of Myrrha so lightly. In representing 
 Myrrha as a Newfoundland dog, a dog characterized by its size 
 and strength, Ada is putting in symbolic form her recognition of 
 Myrrha as the formidable rival. 
 
 No, a frizzy sheep who waited at table. In this indistinct part 
 of the dream Myrrha seems to change from a Newfoundland dog 
 to a frizzy sheep who waited at table. The wish-fulfillment here 
 is transparent. We will understand the significance of the sheep 
 if we think of the phrase "harmless as a lamb." Ada would 
 have Myrrha cease to be the formidable rival (Newfoundland 
 dog) and become harmless, that is, unable to win Christophe 
 away from her. This is indeed what actually happened at 
 the evening meal. We are told that Myrrha, while attractive to 
 Christophe, could not exercise over him a fascination equal to 
 Ada's and "seeing the bout lost, abandoned the effort, turned 
 in upon herself, went on smiling, and patiently waited for her 
 day to come." Ada knows, however, that her rival is simply 
 waiting for her day to come. She fears for her hold on Chris- 
 tophe, and her dream fulfills her wish that her rival may lose her 
 dangerous character, may become a harmless sheep. 
 
 The "waiting at table" is another representation of the same 
 wish. Ada would reduce Myrrha to a subordinate position, 
 would have her cease to be a rival. "The frizzy sheep who 
 waits at table" is a tautology, but the reason for this doubling 
 is of course the intensity of the wish. The "waiting at table" 
 may be understood also in a slightly different sense. It is an as- 
 persion on Myrrha, contemptuously assigned to this menial role. 
 Riklin, in "Wish-fulfillment and Symbolism in Fairy Tales," 
 relates how a man in his dream represented his rival in love as 
 having his head where should have been the pedals of the piano,
 
 Albert K. Weinberg 15 
 
 so that he, an adept at the piano, might rest his feet on the poor 
 man's head! Dreams are not kind to rivals! 
 
 Ada had discovered a method of rising from the earth, of walk- 
 ing, dancing, and lying down in the air. You see it was quite 
 simple: you only had to do . . . thus . . . thus 
 and it was done. 
 
 There are fulfilled in this part of the dream two wishes, one 
 manifest, the other latent. In the latent wish here embraced, we 
 find the most important element of the dream. Every child of 
 course has the desire to fly, and this infantile desire probably 
 still persists in the adult. But behind this desire to know the 
 means of rising from the earth is concealed, as Freud points out 
 in "The Interpretation of Dreams," a much more vital wish: 
 the desire of the child for sexual knowledge, experience. We will 
 understand the appropriateness of Ada's dreaming such a dream 
 that night when we recall that that night she had had her first 
 sexual experience! The wonderful new thing she has learned in 
 her dream is the experience of sexuality. The rising from the 
 earth, walking and dancing in the air, is a sexual symbol, em- 
 bracing the idea of the rhythm. The lying down is probably 
 also over-determined with sexual significance. 
 
 We might say therefore that this part of the dream embodies 
 a coitus wish, the desire to be Christophe's mistress. Freud, 
 however, has posited that all the elements of a dream, however 
 much they are a condensation of different experiences, possess a 
 uniting link. The nucleus of this dream is obviously the supper 
 of the evening before. The relation of the last part of the dream, 
 containing the fulfillment of the coitus wish, to the parts preced- 
 ing is easily seen. Ada's unconscious wish at the supper, when 
 Myrrha tried to take Christophe from her, was probably this: 
 May Myrrha not be Christophe's mistress, but may I be his 
 mistress. The reference in the dream to Myrrha's being a sheep 
 who waited at table, is the fulfillment of the first part of this wish; 
 the last part of the dream fulfills the second part of the wish, 
 the desire to be Christophe's mistress. 
 
 We have not yet exhausted the latent content of this last 
 element. : 'To discover a method of rising from the earth, of 
 walking, dancing and lying down in the air" might also translate 
 itself: "To discover a method for obtaining a lover." In nar- 
 rating the dream Ada joyfully adds: "You see it was quite simple. 
 You had only to do . . . thus . . . thus . . . 
 and it was done. " Ada's entire conduct after her meeting with
 
 16 The Dream in "Jean-Christophe" 
 
 Christophe was that of a woman fishing for a lover. It was in 
 reality she who had seduced him. Ada has been successful in 
 her efforts and the dream expresses her joy at this success. But 
 she also wants to hold Christophe in the future ; the dream would 
 say that it will be possible for her to do this. "You had only to 
 do ... thus . . . thus . . . and it was done." 
 Ada had discovered a love-charm! 
 
 After Ada has finished narrating the dream Christophe 
 simply laughs. Though Ada laughs too she is somewhat dis- 
 pleased by his attitude. Shrugging her shoulders, she says: 
 " Ah ! You don't understand ! " 
 
 What is the explanation of this strange conduct on Ada's 
 part? Must we not assume that Ada herself half -consciously 
 recognized the import of her dream and in thus telling it was 
 indulging in a bit of coquetry? That which she wanted to tell 
 Christophe by the narration of the symbolic dream was this: 
 "It is I whom you must love, not Myrrha. " We see now why 
 she regarded the telling of the dream with such seriousness, and 
 why she was angry when Christophe failed to comprehend its 
 significance. >;-
 
 ON THE ASSUMPTIONS OF PSYCHO-ANALYSTS 
 
 ADRIAN STEPHEN 
 
 IT is the object of this paper to consider some of the infer- 
 ences which, as I understand them, Professor Freud and 
 others of his school draw from observations made in the 
 course of psycho-analysis. I do not wish to dispute the 
 therapeutic value of psycho-analysis of that I cannot speak 
 but I should like to suggest the possibility that some of the 
 theoretic grounds upon which the practice is commonly based 
 may not be justified, and that there is another explanation of the 
 actual therapeutic successes obtained. 
 
 As I understand it the theoretic basis of Psycho-analysis is, 
 shortly, somewhat as follows. It is believed that many abnormal 
 psychic states may ultimately be accounted for by the presence 
 in the subject of what I am going to call here a "repression." 
 A repression is an emotion, thought, wish, anxiety or the like, 
 which is kept out of consciousness by the operation, conscious 
 or unconscious, of some shame, pain, or aversion with which it is 
 for some reason associated. It is, as it were, the result of a con- 
 flict between an emotion which might in other circumstances 
 express itself in consciousness and counter-emotions which en- 
 deavour to "censor" it. 
 
 Repressions frequently occur where the subject has suffered 
 some grave misfortune or has done some action or had some 
 strong desire the thought of which he finds extremely distasteful 
 and which he has therefore formed the habit, probably uncon- 
 scious, of banishing from his mind. This is one of the elements 
 out of which the theory of the psycho-analysts is built up. The 
 other main element is the Law of Association. The Law of 
 Association is, roughly speaking, this : Every thought and indeed 
 every psychic state whatever, that is not immediately induced 
 by some external stimulus, as for instance perceptions of sound 
 or colour may be said to be induced, is induced according to some 
 more or less w r ell defined rules by some previous psychic state. 
 Thus, suppose a man has the idea conveyed by the word "black" 
 presented to his mind, it may well be that this idea will be im- 
 
 17
 
 18 On The Assumptions of Psycho- 
 
 mediately succeeded in his mind by the idea conveyed by the 
 word "white" because he has been in the habit of contrasting 
 black with white. When he hears of a bicycle accident it may 
 well be that there comes into his mind some other accident in 
 which he himself played some part. The relations which suc- 
 cessive ideas bear to one another have been classified and upon 
 this classification has been erected a more ov less definite body 
 of rules called the laws of association according to which, it is 
 believed, ideas succeed one another if undisturbed by any external 
 stimulus. 
 
 Now the theory upon which psycho-analysis, as I under- 
 stand it, is based is really made up out of these two theories. 
 The way in which it works out in practice can, perhaps, best be 
 seen by examining an actual instance. The example is taken 
 from Professor Freud's book "The Psychopathology of Every- 
 day Life." The Professor was one day talking with a friend 
 who happened also to be a Jew. The conversation turned upon 
 the bad treatment of Jews in certain countries and the Professor's 
 friend chanced to make a quotation from Virgil to the effect 
 that he hoped their posterity w r ould avenge them. From the 
 quotation as he made it the word "aliquis" was omitted and 
 when Professor Freud called his attention to it he challenged 
 him to explain this lapse of memory. The Professor accepted 
 the challenge and proceeded as follows. He asked his friend 
 first what associations the word "aliquis" had in his mind. The 
 answer w T as that he at first tended to think of it as divided into 
 two parts: a-liquis. After this the train of association was 
 roughly as follows: liquis a reliquary at Trent in which the 
 bones of St. Simon were preserved St. Benedict St. Augustine 
 St. Januarius the annual miracle of St. Januarius at Naples 
 in which the blood of the saint liquefies the occasion during the 
 French occupation on which the miracle very nearly failed 
 and, last, an intrigue which he had lately been carrying on at 
 Naples with a lady, and about which he was anxious lest it 
 should lead to embarrassing results. The Professor claims not 
 only that by means of this train of association he w 7 as enabled to 
 discover a repression which was weighing on his friend's mind 
 but also that this repression was the cause of the lapse of mem- 
 ory through which the word "aliquis" was forgotten. 
 
 Now I would not dispute that what are called repressions 
 may in fact have a very serious effect on the psychic condition 
 of the subject. What I do feel inclined to dispute is that every
 
 Adrian Stephen 19 
 
 abnormal state of mind which leads to the discovery in the sub- 
 ject of a repression is necessarily the result of that repression. 
 It may be the result of that repression and in many cases pro- 
 bably is, but I do wish to suggest that in many cases also it 
 probably is not, and that by accepting the theory of psycho- 
 analysis as it at present stands we are very likely to make grave 
 mistakes. 
 
 To return to the example: Professor Freud claims to have 
 discovered the origin of a lapse of memory simply by taking the 
 word which was forgotten and tracing the mental connections 
 of that word in the mind of his friend until he came upon an 
 important repression. Now I quite agree that by his method 
 the Professor has in fact discovered what may possibly have been 
 the cause of many mental aberrations on the part of his friend, 
 but I see no evidence at all that he has discovered what was the 
 cause of this particular aberration. 
 
 What I believe to be the truth is something like this: That 
 whatever idea w r as presented to the mind of the subject it would 
 probably have led to the same result. Let us say, to take an 
 instance at haphazard, that the Professor had shown his friend 
 a waste paper basket; it is quite possible that the train of associa- 
 tion called up in his mind might have been something like this :- 
 Waste, paper basket the withies of which it is made the water 
 in which they grew other liquids blood St. Januarius and 
 so on pursuing the same train of associations as was in fact 
 pursued. My point is that there is no topic so remote from any 
 other that by following a train of associated ideas you cannot 
 get from one to the other. Further, I believe that if there is any 
 topic in which any man happens to take an extreme interest his 
 thoughts from whatever starting point they set out will constantly 
 tend to return to it. Thus if I am just about to be married any 
 mention of shops is likely to suggest something I have bought for 
 my bride and so back to my wedding. There seems to be a 
 kind of attractive force in topics which are of great interest to us 
 which causes our thoughts always to return to them. We may 
 not return immediately our thoughts may, in accordance with 
 what are called the laws of Association, proceed by devious 
 routes as, in the case which I quoted, the word "aliquis" did 
 not lead at once to the lady at Naples, but led by way of relics 
 and St. Benedict till eventually it reached St. Januarius who 
 happened to be very closely connected with Naples where the 
 affair took place which was weighing on the subject's mind.
 
 20 On The Assumptions of Psycho- Analysts 
 
 AY hon the train of thought got as close to the repression as St. 
 Januarius the "attractive force" as it were of the repression was 
 enough to take it the whole way. Sooner or later wherever he 
 started the subject was certain to hit upon some thought which 
 had a close connection with his repression and then his repression 
 was revealed. 
 
 To argue from this fact that it was the repression which 
 caused the original forgetfulness which started the enquiry seems 
 to me quite unwarrantable. I believe that almost whatever 
 topic Professor Freud had started, say as I have suggested it was 
 a waste paper basket, the result would have been just the same. 
 The result would probably have been just the same even if Pro- 
 fessor Freud had chosen as his starting point the first idea which 
 came into his own mind, so as to preclude absolutely the possi- 
 bility of its being his friend's repression that had originated it. 
 I would also here point out that the longer the train of associa- 
 tions by which we are led from our starting point to the discovery 
 of the repression the greater the number of side tracks, as it 
 were, all leading eventually to the same end, shall we find by the 
 way. Professor Freud is very pleased because in the train of 
 associations which I have cited there occur the names of two 
 saints, St. Augustine and St. Januarius, which are closely con- 
 nected with the calendar, and it may well be supposed that any 
 one suffering from the particular repression from which the Pro- 
 fessor's friend was suffering might be particularly interested in 
 the calendar. Further St. Simon, whose name also occurs, was 
 sacrificed as a child and the Professor suggests that the sup- 
 pressed fear that a child might be born might be the cause of the 
 appearance of this name. How r ever, as I have said, it is always 
 easy to lead by a train of associations from any one point to any 
 other and there are usually many different ways of doing so. 
 Thus in the imaginary case that I have myself given, beginning 
 with the waste paper basket we might proceed, not by the way 
 by which I did proceed via the withies, the water, the blood, and 
 St. Januarius to the lady, but by a much more direct route. We 
 might well proceed via the basket in which the baby Moses was 
 discovered in the rushes and, by the way, as the Professor's 
 friend was a Jew, this route would have been extremely appro- 
 priate. Not only, however, are there as a rule many different 
 easy ways from the starting point to the goal, but there are also 
 as a rule many easy ways from each intermediate step to the 
 goal, so that the mere fact that we can find many different kinds
 
 Adrian Stephen 21 
 
 of connections from the one end of our train of association to the 
 other will not help Professor Freud's contention in the least. 
 The fact is that the more remote his starting point is from his 
 goal the more routes are there likely to be which will bring him 
 safely to port and therefore the more material will there be for 
 the construction of a satisfactory proof. 
 
 Now it is quite possible that it is of no importance whether 
 my ideas be right and Professor Freud's wrong from the point of 
 view of therapeutics. I do not deny that repressions may be of 
 the gravest importance and that they can be discovered by the 
 method of psycho-analysis and subsequently cured. What I do 
 deny is that this fact supplies any evidence at all that all the 
 psychic phenomena which, taken as starting points, lead to the 
 discovery of repressions, are necessarily the result of those re- 
 pressions. It is quite possible indeed that in connection with 
 matters very closely associated with the repression there may, 
 as a result of the repression, be psychic aberrations, and that 
 the examination of the aberrations may lead to the discovery 
 of this repression. But it is also possible that there may be 
 mental aberrations or even quite ordinary normal mental states 
 which have no causal connection whatever with repressions other 
 than that which every later mental state may be said to have 
 with every earlier mental state, which will yet, as a result of 
 psycho-analysis, lead equally to the discovery of the repression. 
 Thus, one of the most common forms of repression is connected 
 with sex. Suppose a man who has a sexual repression dreams 
 of a walking stick which he has just been given as a birthday 
 present. On being asked what a walking stick reminded him 
 of it is very possible that this man would soon mention a sexual 
 object certain superficial external resemblances might well 
 call such an object to his mind. Professor Freud would there- 
 upon claim that the dream of the walking stick was caused by 
 the sexual repression. The point which I desire to make is that 
 there is no reason whatever for supposing this to be the case. 
 There is no reason whatever for supposing that the intrigue 
 with the lady at Naples led to the momentary forgetting of the 
 word "aliquis" even though the forgetting of the word "aliquis" 
 led back ultimately to the discovery of the repression connected 
 with the intrigue. 
 
 One more point I would add especially as I have been con- 
 sidering largely cases of sexual repression. There is a fact which 
 I think psycho-analysts would do well to bear in mind whether
 
 22 On The Assumptions of Psycho-Analysts 
 
 they are interpreting the "symbolism" of dreams or for what- 
 ever purpose they are employing psycho-analysis. I think 
 they would do well to remember that all physical objects are 
 either perfectly spherical or longer in one diameter than in 
 another. They should therefore be careful in saying that a 
 rounded object occurring to the mind is symbolical of the rounded 
 forms of a woman's figure or that an oblong object is necessarily 
 phallic. Judged according to the canons of evidence which seem 
 now to be observed in the courts of the psycho-analyst and 
 living, as we at all events apparently do, surrounded by a three 
 dimentional space, there are few of us who can hope to be ac- 
 quitted of something very like sexual mania, for not only do the 
 psycho-analysts seem to regard any idea which may be treated 
 as sexually symbolical as necessarily the outcome of a sexual 
 repression when a sexual repression has been shown actually to 
 exist but they go one step further and infer the existence of a 
 sexual repression from the mere occurrence of "symbols."
 
 A CLINICAL STUDY OF THE ORIGIN, DEVELOPMENT 
 AND DISAPPEARANCE OF A SYSTEM OF DELUSIONS 
 
 BY L. E. EMERSON, PH. D. 
 
 PSYCHOLOGIST, MASSACHUSETTS GENERAL HOS. ITAL; EXAMIXER IN PSYCHOPA1HOLOGY-, 
 PSYCHOPATHIC HOSPITAL, BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 THE delusions this person suffered from were of the 
 following character. She thought ministers preached 
 about her in their pulpits. She thought sermons about 
 her were being published in the daily papers. She 
 thought people passing in the street took especial notice of her 
 arid made remarks to each other about her. She thought 
 her business associates, for she is a working woman, talked 
 about her among themselves; and the chance phrases, words, or 
 even syllables she sometimes overheard, she interpreted as 
 referring to her in adverse criticism. 
 
 The content of these delusions was to the effect that she 
 was immoral. That was why ministers preached and papers 
 published sermons about her. That was why people on the 
 street noticed her and made slurring remarks about her and why 
 her associates also did the same thing. She was in despair. 
 
 In her own mind, the way people got this idea of her was 
 through the fact that she had the habit of "looking" where she 
 "ought not to," (the abdominal region of men) seemingly fasci- 
 nated. This was noticed and thus her habit became known, 
 she thought. Naturally, therefore, in her opinion, she was re- 
 garded as immoral, although nothing could be further from the 
 fact. 
 
 These delusions took such firm hold of her that she almost 
 gave up her work and moved away. She cut clippings of ser- 
 mons to prove her assertions and demanded that her friends,, 
 associates, and the townspeople should be assured of the fact 
 that she really was "good," though troubled by a bad habit she 
 could not control. As is always the case in delusions, she was 
 almost absolutely impervious to argument or reason.
 
 24 A Clinical Study of a Systam of Delusions 
 
 What, now, was the origin of this obsessive-tike tendency 
 to "look" with the consequent development into delusions? 
 
 Innate, congenital conditions were the soil, so to speak, in 
 which the obsession, and the delusions sprouted and grew. The 
 origin and course of their development, sketched out in the. 
 large, was somew r hat as follows: 
 
 This person found herself possessed of powerful passions. 
 "When I want anything I want it so terribly I am afraid," she 
 said. In this respect she was like her mother, who was a very 
 passionate woman. But her mother gave more or less free rein 
 to her feelings and her daughter hated it and resolved to be as 
 different from her mother as she possibly could, so, although 
 she might be on fire within, she refused expressing it without 
 and thus repressed, successfully, her instinctive feelings. 
 
 Because she disliked her mother so intensely, and because 
 she feared her own passionate desires might lead her into immoral 
 actions, she carried over this feeling even to her own sex -and to 
 defend herself against her woman's instinctive desires, came to 
 dislike, intensely -being a woman. Trying to escape being a 
 woman, she desired intensely to be a man and did everything 
 possible, in thought, word and deed, to become as completely as 
 possible manlike. She had a man's ambitions, socially and pro- 
 fessionally. She w r ished, intensely, to dominate any situation 
 she found herself in; she wished the same sort of professional 
 success that a man wishes for. She desired so intensely and so 
 deeply to be a man, that one night she dreamed she was a man, 
 playing a man's part in life. 
 
 The nervous strain, as might be expected, of a woman 
 trying to be a man, was very great and so she became very much 
 ^disturbed, depressed, and psychotic, as shown by the obsession. 
 
 Knowing she really was a woman, although she wished she 
 were a man, she did not dare to go to a man for help for fear he 
 would take advantage of her, but went instead to a woman. 
 
 This wpman was very religious and tried to help her by 
 teaching her how to love, religiously. But she did not realize 
 her patient was on the very verge of a psychosis, and as a result 
 of her efforts the patient fell in love with her instead of rising to 
 the heights of religious love. This frightened her would-be 
 benefactor and she therefore withdrew her efforts to help. Thus 
 the patient was thrown on her own resources. 
 
 It was shortly after this that she developed her delusions. 
 
 Blocked in every direction, the patient's love-instinct, or
 
 L. E. Emerson 25 
 
 desire to get and to give affection, degenerated, first into an 
 obsession, and then into delusions. 
 
 I say "blocked in every direction" for these reasons: In- 
 tellectually she found it discouragingly difficult to rise to any 
 sufficient height of abstract, or symbolical, form of mental life, 
 and so finding an even approximately adequate outlet in that 
 direction for her unconscious mental energies. She had little or 
 no opportunity and was incapable of working very successfully 
 in Art, Literature, Philosophy or Religion. Thus these avenues 
 of escape, these deliverances for her soul were blocked. She 
 could not "love" women because she was a woman, and other 
 w r omen would not allow her to love them it frightened and 
 repelled them and besides she herself did not want to love 
 women because of her mother, and because of a deep biological 
 instinct, probably against it. She could not "love" men, or a 
 man, because of its danger. She was afraid, she said, if she 
 allowed herself to love a man, that he would take advantage of 
 her, and that she would thus become immoral. Besides, she did 
 not want to "love" a man, she wanted to "be" a man and she 
 could not, so every movement of her spirit seemed blocked. 
 
 The patient was very much in the position of an aphasic 
 who, after trying again, and again, to express himself, bursts 
 into tears. A transitory delusion appeared and disappeared 
 during the course of the treatment. I had said, merely em- 
 phasizing what she already had said herself, that she was obvious- 
 ly a passionate woman, and thinking it over she decided that 
 negroes were the most passionate people she knew anything 
 about. Then she thought people thought she was a negro, in 
 disguise. She imagined they made remarks about her negro 
 origin, and negro blood. She thought, herself, that perhaps her 
 mother had negro blood in her and had concealed it. This soon 
 passed away, however. 
 
 This, in brief, is an outline sketch of the origin and develop- 
 ment of a system of delusions of persecution and ideas of refer- 
 ence, starting in an obsession. 
 
 Let me now show how the delusions disappeared; the ob- 
 session dwindled and in its turn, too, disappeared; and how the 
 recovery of the diseased psyche began through emotional orienta- 
 tion followed by a steady progress towards complete mental 
 health: and how a normal functioning of a social self among 
 other social beings in society became possible.
 
 26 A Clinical Study of a System of Delusions 
 
 The first step towards recovery was taken when the patient 
 became willing to talk, more or less freely, about her trouble. 
 She then began slowly to understand it. Instead of repression, 
 expression took place. This, alone, relieved some of the inner 
 tension, or nervous pressure, so to speak, and was a necessary- 
 preliminary to the next step. The improvement shown here 
 consisted in a lessening of the depression; the emotional states 
 themselves became less intense; and a higher grade of conscious, 
 purposive thinking became not only possible, but actually took 
 place and was apparent. 
 
 The next step in recovery came almost immediately follow- 
 ing the appreciation and understanding, by the patient, of the 
 intensity and repression of her desire to be a man. Soon after 
 this discovery was made by her, her delusions disappeared. 
 "People stopped referring" to her on the street; her associates 
 no longer made veiled remarks about her morality; and no ser- 
 mons were preached or published about her. This disappearance 
 of her delusions took place about a year and a half ago, and there 
 has been no sign of their return since. On the contrary she now 
 sees how they might have started in thoughts about matters of 
 fact, which, falsely enlarged, and transferred, gradually became 
 delusions through the force of emotions of the origin and nature 
 of which she was unconscious. 
 
 With the disappearance of the delusions went also the 
 obsession. Thus the patient became emotionally orientated 
 and normally self -controlled. 
 
 The relation between the obsession in this case and the 
 delusions seems to me interesting. It would seem to be, either, 
 that the obsession was a sort of forerunner of the delusions, or 
 developed into them, or, that both obsession and delusions were 
 but different symptom forms, the one being abnormal "looking, " 
 the other being abnormal "thinking," of a deeper, underlying 
 dynamic condition. 
 
 In this case, therefore, obsession and delusions are similar^ 
 as symptoms, but in themselves, I think, they are different. 
 
 The obsession is only an intensified and persistent reaction, 
 the inherent nature of which remains unchanged. The delusions > 
 however, are of the nature of mirror space," or a "reflection," 
 which comes back to the observer "reversed," and therefore 
 not "true." In other words the patient "projects" her own 
 thoughts into the sounds she hears, and coloring them with her 
 own emotions, gets them back, so to speak, as if from the objec-
 
 L. E. Emerson 
 
 tive world. This is why argument is of no avail in combatting 
 delusions; as indeed, however, it is of little avail in combatting 
 obsessions. A delusion, is a delusion, because the emotional 
 intensity with which an idea is shot forth, so to speak, sends it 
 back with reversed direction and its falsity consists in its reversal, 
 not in the logical nature of the idea itself. Therefore, to remove 
 delusions, as well as obsessions, the emotional tension behind 
 the ideas or actions must be relieved; only then can the mind 
 perceive the falseness of direction which constitutes the delusional 
 or obsessional aspects of such an idea. 
 
 James defines a delusion as a false idea about a matter of 
 fact. Now ideas are dynamic things; they are tendencies 
 toward an object. Their falseness, if they are false, consists 
 in pointing in the wrong direction, so that if the one who possesses 
 them tries to follow them out he w^on't get to his object, the 
 "matter of fact." Therefore, if the idea is that other people 
 are thinking of one, when there is every reason in the world for 
 not believing the idea, its falseness consists in its inward moving 
 appearance, when really its movement is outward, or projecting, 
 from the one who has it, into the one from whom it is supposed 
 to come. 
 
 In showing, therefore, the emotional accompaniment of 
 the ideas which pushed them into obsessions and delusions, I 
 hope I have made a little clearer, perhaps, the origin, develop- 
 ment and disappearance of this particular system of delusions. 
 
 Another thing has to be taken account of in this connection 
 and that is the fact that the emotion, or feeling, properly belong- 
 ing to one idea or situation may be dissociated from its proper 
 companion and reassociated with some other set of ideas or 
 situations. This process takes place unconsciously to the person 
 thus afflicted so it is impossible for him to see the psychological 
 situation as it really is. This is another rea'son why argument 
 is of no avail, and other help is necessary. Only after the inner 
 turbulence of the feelings and emotions has somewhat subsided 
 can the victim perceive himself as others really see him. And 
 he can only get what others see if others will take the trouble to- 
 tell him, after he is willing to, or can, listen. This is why a de- 
 luded person cannot cure himself. He cannot see himself. 
 
 In conclusion, it is important to notice in such cases as these 
 that there is an extreme sensitiveness of the person to other 
 persons' opinions. This patient said, "People hurt me. I 
 can't bear to speak to them in the street, lest I cry. " Probably
 
 28 A Clinical Study of a System of Delusions 
 
 a reason for this lies in the fact that these people feel themselves 
 unable to hold their own in social situations, together with the 
 fact that their social instinct is very highly developed so that 
 any social danger is exaggerated because of an intense desire for 
 "perfect" social relations. Such people simply cannot bear 
 the inevitable, if not necessary, imperfections of all real social 
 activities. 
 
 'The fiend that man harries 
 Is love of the best. " 
 
 The best things on earth, perhaps, are the most nearly 
 perfect social relations that are humanly possible; but if one 
 cannot bear present imperfection, while he is working for its 
 betterment, he is in danger of a nervous or mental disorganiza- 
 tion. To help reorganize a disorganized person it is necessary 
 to know something about the factors involved. To show some 
 of these factors, acting out their results, is the purpose of this 
 paper.
 
 DR. PRINCE AND THE QUESTION OF THE 
 SUBCONSCIOUS 
 
 BY H. W. CHASE 
 
 PROFESSOR OF PSYCHOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA 
 
 A criticism of experimental findings in terms of a theoretical 
 viewpoint is likely to leave matters about where it found 
 them, especially when the critic lacks first-hand knowl- 
 ledge of the experiments which he presumes to discuss. 
 The stimulating paper by Dr. Prince, however, in a recent number 
 of this Journal, 1 raises an issue which is of such interest that 
 perhaps some discussion of its findings may be pardoned. 
 
 In this paper are described phenomena which, in the author's 
 words, "afford direct evidence of specific subconscious processes 
 occurring under certain conditions. " The subjects, three in 
 number, were able, through retrospection in hypnosis, to recall 
 "coconscious" images, usually visual, sometimes auditory, which 
 had never entered the field of consciousness, and were not integral 
 elements of the conscious stream of thought at the time of their 
 original occurrence. The results were obtained many times, 
 and "there was never any doubt about them as memories, nor 
 any doubt about them as previous realities, that is to say, real 
 psychical occurrences. " 
 
 Admitting, as there is every reason to do, the good faith 
 and competency of the observers, and the significance of the 
 results, the question may none the less be raised whether these 
 results do offer direct proof of the existence of subconscious 
 mental processes. 
 
 The argument may best take its start from a typical case 
 cited by Dr. Prince. One subject, in hypnosis, was told that 
 upon awakening, at the moment that the physician performed 
 a specified act, she would walk across the room to a couch, pick 
 up a leather case there lying, and take out a key which had been 
 placed within it. This she did, and was unable to give any 
 explanation of her act becoming embarrassed when its propriety 
 was questioned. But, again hypnotized and asked what made 
 her do as she did, she replied, "Why, pictures of myself doing 
 
 'Prince, Morton. Cocunscious Images. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, Vol. li, 1;)17 
 p. 289. 
 
 29
 
 30 Dr. Prince and the Question of the Subconscious 
 
 it," pictures of which she was not consciously aware while the 
 act was being performed, but to whose existence as "real psychi- 
 cal occurrences" her e planation testified. 
 
 In any discussion of the significance of this and similar ex- 
 periences, it is necessary to distinguish carefully between facts 
 and hypotheses. The facts are that the subject testified 
 translating her report into somewhat more formal terms that 
 when asked (in hypnosis) why she behaved as she did toward 
 the box, images of herself opening the box and taking out the key 
 appeared, and that these images were thought of as having 
 occurred in the actual previous situation, though she was not at 
 that time aware of their occurrence. That is, the images of the 
 second experience (in hypnosis) had the stamp of familiarity, 
 were recognized. 
 
 Dr. Prince's implicit assumption is that this feeling that the 
 images were familiar, that they could be located in the past, 
 can be explained only in terms of a previous mental (in this case 
 coconscious) process which is regarded as its causal. 
 
 There is, however, another possible point of view. Every- 
 one would admit that both the original and the revived experi- 
 ences were accompanied by complex neural activity. Let us 
 suppose for a moment that the images did not occur as psychical 
 realities in the original experience, but that this could be describ- 
 ed purely in physiological terms. There was complex cortical 
 activity, A, but no image, A'. This cortical activity involved 
 those patterns whose activity, had it been accompanied by any 
 mental experience, would have been accompanied by the image 
 A'. At the same time other neural activities w T ere going on, 
 some of them attended by conscious processes, some not. The 
 subject, that is, was being stimulated by the physician's behavior, 
 by the surroundings in the room, etc. We may call these "ac- 
 cessory" cortical activities (which furnished, . so to speak, the 
 "setting" of the original experience), B, C, D, etc.; leaving out 
 of account the question of which of these were conscious. 
 
 Now comes the revival of the experience. The stimulus of 
 the physician's question (in hypnosis) causes the revival of 
 cortical activity A. At the same time (because of the neural 
 associations set up during the original experience) it causes a 
 partial arousal of neural processes, B, C, D, etc., which were 
 accessory to the original experience. Because of the altered 
 conditions, the total neural activity, A, B, D, C, is this time 
 accompanied by a mental experience; images appear (A') and
 
 H. W. Chase 31 
 
 these are characterized by a feeling due to the modification of 
 the total conscious process by neural activities B, C, D, etc. 
 These latter, activities, so to speak, are symbolized to the sub- 
 ject by the "feeling that the images were familiar." 
 
 On such an assumption, the final conscious experience is to 
 be explained in toto by the neural activities which went on during 
 the original and the revived experience. The explanatory se- 
 quence is thought of as describable in terms of neurones, not of 
 ideas. The original experience may have been wholly physio- 
 logical. The evidence that it was not is altogether indirect: 
 "all takes place as if there were this subconscious process." 
 
 To sum up: One may take the position that one mental 
 process, or a characteristic thereof, can be explained only in 
 terms of another mental process. This assumption Dr. Prince 
 implicitly makes, and, once made, his evidence of the existence 
 of subconscious mental processes is direct. Or the position 
 may be taken that the chain of causation is never between idea 
 and idea, always between neural activity and neural activity. 
 In this case we have direct evidence that the sort of neural 
 activity went on in the first experience which, had it been ac- 
 companied by mental states, would have been accompanied by 
 the sort of images in question, but no direct evidence that the 
 assumed subconscious mental states did occur. 
 
 As a matter of fact, if mental states are not regarded as 
 causes, it becomes, from any pragmatic standpoint, quite imma- 
 terial whether the assumed coconscious (mental) states did or 
 did not occur. The fact that behavior was controlled by a 
 certain type of neural activity is the important practical point. 
 
 Dr. Prince has then not shown (unless his fundamental 
 assumption that mental states are causes be admitted) that 
 subconscious psychic states exist. But he has shown something 
 more important than this; he has thrown light on the kind of 
 neural activities which are constantly going on, without conscious 
 accompaniment, and which play a large part in regulating be- 
 havior. To center the debate about the attempt to prove, or to 
 disprove, that such processes have a psychical quality about 
 them, is to make of what is really a minor issue the main point 
 of dispute. The patient of course reports them as though they 
 were mental; can of course report them in no other terms, since 
 he can report in speech only those processes which, either at the 
 time of their original occurrence or later on are accompanied by 
 
 2 They are the setting which give the idea its moaning us "something which has 1<eon oxpcri- 
 n n " f l hffore <n r<h and such an occasion."
 
 .'>*> Dr. Prince and the Question of the Subconscious 
 
 consciousness. The importance of his report is, however, so far 
 as its significance in explaining his behavior is concerned, the 
 testimony which it gives as to the particular habit-patterns in 
 his cortex which were functioning. This is the point about 
 which Dr. Prince gives us direct evidence. His findings lose 
 nothing of their significance if the whole "mental but subcon- 
 scious" question is relegated as it should be to a footnote 
 for the edification of those whose interests are chiefly meta- 
 physical. To rephrase some of Dr. Prince's conclusions in 
 neural terms, he has shown that elaborate neural processes go on 
 which are not accompanied by ideas, that these are sufficiently 
 like cortical processes which are accompanied by conscious 
 states that they stimulate to activity neural patterns which, 
 when they are accompanied by mental states at all, are accom- 
 panied by the sort of mental state called an "image;" that 
 neural activities which go on without consciousness result in 
 modifications and elaborations of the neural patterns concerned, 
 some of which elaborations may later "break through into" 
 consciousness; that conscious behavior, including emotional 
 reactions, somatic phenomena, and the sequence of ideas, may 
 be motivated or determined by such neural activities. 
 
 Such facts are extremely important for all who are interested 
 in explaining human behavior. Why should the value of such 
 a real contribution be clouded by insistence on a theory of mental 
 causation which, as knowledge accumulates, becomes less and 
 less acceptable to the majority of students of human nature?
 
 BY C. STANFORD READ M. D. 
 
 MAJOR R. A. M. C. OFFICER IN CHARGE, "D" BLOCK, XETLEY 
 
 EPILEPSY and epileptoid states have always, as regards" 
 their pathology , been wrapped in obscurity, though some 
 observers have laid down dogmatic theories which are 
 found to be untenable on subsequent investigation. As 
 has been frequently pointed out of late years, the most obvious 
 and really the most inessential part of the disease has been 
 studied almost ad nauseam, i. e. the convulsion itself, whereas 
 the interparoxysmal period with its patent mental abnormalities 
 has received comparatively little attention. It is true that all 
 neurologists note the fact that an epileptic has a more or less 
 specific type of character and they point out his egotism, quarrel- 
 someness, shallow religiosity, etc., but the deeper currents of his 
 mentality, his mental conflicts and the maladapting factors 
 which are so often seen prior to his attacks, have received but 
 scant notice. It is also true that the fits may be replaced by 
 the exhibition of various anomalous psychic phenomena termed 
 "psychic equivalents," but beyond their being mentioned, little 
 or no light has been thrown on their meaning or mechanism. 
 We are much indebted to Pierce Clarke of New York for his 
 clinical studies in epilepsy and for his so ably demonstrating the 
 psychogenetic aspect of this disease. In carefully recorded case 
 histories he has shown the type of abnormal mental factors that 
 slowly but surely get built up into the epileptic character and 
 he states that from a minute study of their reactions in early life 
 he can recognize the prospective epileptic and that by suitable 
 psychotherapeutic measures the disease may be prevented, 
 aborted or even cured. McCurdy too has pointed out that the 
 supervening dementia which seems later to be just as much a 
 part of epilepsy as the convulsion, has no real relationship with 
 organic deterioration but is due to lack of environmental interest 
 and to the giving up of the struggle to make any adaptation at 
 all. He avers that by the arousing and objectivating of interest 
 the patient's seeming dementia may be relieved and even entirely 
 
 33
 
 34 A Study of Tiro Epilepioid Cases in Soldiers 
 
 dissipated. Maeder and Ernest Jones have, in their mental 
 analyses of epileptics laid especial stress on the infantile and 
 perverse type of sexuality they show and regard this as by no 
 means the least psychogenetic factor to be dealt with. Since it 
 is becoming more and more evident that the psychopathology 
 of epilepsy should and doubtless will receive greater study, I 
 thought it would serve a useful purpose in bringing forward 
 the histories of two cases who were admitted to "D" Block, 
 from France as epileptics who showed details of great interest. 
 "D" Block being only a Clearing Hospital, any deep study of 
 the cases was unfortunately not possible but sufficient was 
 elicited to show the great importance of a history taken from a 
 psychological standpoint. Unless the medical officer is to some 
 extent versed in the modern trends of modern psychopathology, 
 much important material in the anamnesis will not be elicited 
 and the very mental factors which more or less tend to be the 
 *fons et origo' of the disease will not see the light of day. The 
 first case exhibited major attacks and the second was an anomal- 
 ous case of petit mal with amnesic fugues. Much interest 
 centres round the fact that both cases exhibited symptoms of 
 great violence, which falls in with the theory that an epileptic 
 attack in some way is an exhibition of intense resentment previ- 
 ou sly repressed. 
 
 Case 1. J. C. A bandsman, aged 34 years, was admitted 
 with the following history from France. "He has had epileptic 
 fits and after a few clonic spasms he becomes maniacal and once 
 had to be held down for three hours. He says he has had out- 
 breaks like this before. They start quite suddenly and in the 
 attacks he is injurious to others. He was quite unconscious and 
 had no recollection of anything afterwards but is told he has 
 been violent. Later he was perfectly normal." 
 
 On admission he was put to bed and kept under special 
 observation in case an attack might suddenly come on and an 
 accurate report obtained of all that occurred. He stated he 
 felt quite well and during the few days he was here no fit or any 
 untoward symptoms were seen. 
 
 The fact of his showing special violence at the end of his 
 convulsion and his remaining unconscious such a length of time 
 induced me to enquire carefully into his psychological history, 
 when the following interesting data were obtained. 
 
 He was the eldest of sixteen children and had had little or 
 no serious illness with the exception of some of the usual childish
 
 C. Stanford Read 35 
 
 ailments. He was specially attached to his mother who was 
 always very kind and good to him and his love and dependence 
 on her was all the greater because of the intense severity of his 
 father. His father's treatment of him was so cruel that he spent 
 a very miserable childhood till his father died when he was 
 twenty-two years old. He states that his father was very puri- 
 tanical and that every harmless pleasure was suppressed; for 
 any trivial fault he was punished unmercifully, and on one 
 occasion he was laid up for three months because of the brutal 
 thrashings he had received. The father was once had up before 
 a Magistrate's Court in consequence of the treatment of his son 
 and heavily fined. He has a highly vivid recollection of the 
 intense resentment he felt against his father; this was intensified 
 at times by the friction caused between the parents because of his 
 father's attitude towards him which brought much misery to his 
 mother. Nevertheless, he repressed this resentment because he 
 could not help feeling that his father thought himself to be just 
 and his upbringing had very early and deeply ingrained into 
 him the idea of the injunction " Honor thy father and thy 
 mother that their days may be long in the land, etc. " The first 
 unconscious attack occurred twelve years ago. Investigation 
 shows that a few months previously he had quarrelled with a 
 friend and they were starting to fight when his father, who was 
 ill, came into the room to separate them. Without realizing 
 what he was doing in the heat of the moment, he struck his 
 father in the face causing blood to flow. He has never since 
 been able to forget his father's expression as he said "My son, 
 I never thought you would do a thing like that." Ever since 
 that event, which was such a psychic trauma to him, he has felt 
 that if ever he meets with the victim of his original quarrel 
 through whom he hit his father, he will kill him if possible and 
 "swing for him." "It's me or him." Two days after this 
 incident his father died of pneumonia. For many months the 
 patient suffered from great depression and insomnia and ever 
 since has had a recurrent dream in which he saw his father with 
 a contused and bleeding face. It was a few months after his 
 father's death that he had another quarrel with a friend and the 
 first fit came on in which he was very violent. He says he first 
 felt a great weakness come over him and he recollected nothing 
 more. A few years later another quarrel ensued when an ex- 
 actly similar attack occurred. His health was now quite good 
 but he always felt irritated against his superiors when found any
 
 36 A Study of Tiro Epileptoid Cases in Soldiers 
 
 fault with but never reacted with any show of emotion. He 
 enlisted in the army and became a bandman attached to one of 
 the regiments. He got on very well until he felt himself not 
 treated justly by his Bandmaster and on matters coming to a 
 head he had three unconscious attacks in each of which he showed 
 great violence and for which he was sent home here. 
 
 The patient was well educated and readily told me the 
 above history on enquiry. He was markedly egotistical in his 
 outlook on life and evinced a narrow superficial religiosity. 
 There was evidence of tremendous maternal fixation and it is 
 important to note that there hardly ever had been any sexual 
 desire and no sexual intercourse ever had taken place though 
 onanistic practices had occurred at times. We see plainly shown 
 here psychosexual and emotional factors of an abnormal type 
 which evidently had intimate relationship with the outbreak of 
 his unconscious epileptoid attacks. The natural phase of pater- 
 nal resentment because of the strong maternal fixation was 
 roused to a maximal height by his father's stern and cruel treat- 
 ment. But this very severity emanating from one who after 
 all was his father and therefore a great man to the childish mind, 
 combined with the fact that his strict orthodox and narrow reli- 
 gious upbringing could only tend to inculcate a submissive 
 attitude on his part, made repression of any emotional reaction 
 a natural procedure. As time went on the pent up and repressed 
 longing to "get his own back" must have been much added to 
 seeing that his mother had to share his burden. Is it any wonder 
 then that at the psychological moment of his quarrel when his 
 father was robbing him of his lawful prey as it were, that his 
 "unconscious" should impel him to give that blow which the 
 next second was seen to be so revolting to his personal conscious- 
 ness? The recurrent dream which filled him with so much 
 horror shows how conative the repressed material was and one 
 does not find it difficult to understand how, when the old associa- 
 tions were lighted up by fresh quarrels, the unconscious should 
 take advantage of some temporary lack of inhibition to release 
 its flood of surcharged emotional resentment. Yet even at these 
 moments the personality was such that the violence could only 
 occur outside the vista of personal consciousness and hence the 
 unconscious attacks described. Each opponent and lastly the 
 Bandmaster who was his superior officer, doubtless were surro- 
 gates of the father image. His threat against the life of his first 
 opponent shows how inadequately he still views the past and
 
 C. Stanford Read 37 
 
 how abnormally he will probably react given certain situations. 
 His attacks will certainly recur when he has to face special 
 necessities for adapatation but it seems a case that modern 
 psychotherapy should be able to do much for. 
 
 Case 2. Private R. H. was admitted to "D" Block from 
 France labelled "Minor Epilepsy" with the following history 
 "One night lately he seemed to be in a state of somnambulism, 
 called up some men and said the Commanding Officer wanted 
 them at once. He came to in a dug-out half a mile away the 
 next morning. He had had excited phases in which he was very 
 violent without being able to restrain himself. " 
 
 On examining him he was found to be a particularly intelli- 
 gent man of 45 years of age who had good insight into his abnor- 
 mal condition and who was extremely anxious to have his case 
 understood with a view to relief from symptoms which caused him 
 much distress and brought him into conflict with the law con- 
 tinually. He gave the following details of his past life. He 
 came from the North country and was a traveller in art goods. 
 He had been married but they had not lived together for many 
 years. He was always a spoilt child and was never chastised 
 in anyway but always got what he wanted. If thwarted he 
 would break out into violent fits of temper. At school he was 
 very smart but could do nothing in the presence of the Inspector. 
 From his earliest boyhood he kept to himself and was a great 
 day-dreamer, the content of his dreaming being always con- 
 vnected with the imperative necessity of making money which 
 nevertheless must be given away when obtained. No history of 
 any physical illness at any time. The first major indication of 
 his abnormal mentality occurred when he was about 16 years of 
 age. He recollects finding himself being shaken by a policeman 
 in the main street of his town about a mile from his home. It 
 was in the early morning and he had only a shirt and trousers on 
 but no boots or socks. At nineteen years of age he started 
 studies to enter the Church of England but his parents were 
 Catholic and his mother being so upset at his desire he gave up 
 the idea; he describes this as the greatest disappointment of his 
 life. He soon felt a terrible temper developing. At the age of 
 twenty he went to work for a time at a mill where one of the men 
 used to find delight in bullying him and he can only recollect, 
 after a special torment and warning his persecutor, six or seven 
 people pulling him off the man, whereupon a fit ensued and he 
 was taken home. Matters went fairly well with him for some
 
 38 A Study of Two Epileptoid Cases in Soldiers 
 
 time with the exception of periodical outbursts of temper from 
 comparatively trivial happenings. These he says were quite 
 uncontrollable and of them subsequently he had only a hazy 
 recollection. About the age of twenty-three he began to take 
 up his occupation of travelling auctioneer in art goods. He felt, 
 that he must travel and get continually into fresh surroundings 
 and ever since he has not stayed in his own town for three con- 
 secutive days. He was very successful in his business, making 
 anything from 6 to 10 per week. His parents died about 
 fifteen years ago and his father's death greatly affected him; acute 
 depression and insomnia supervening and lasting nearly twelve 
 months. Thirteen years ago he married and a child was born 
 but the result was never happy and he soon left her. Shortly 
 afterwards an event occurred which has had a marked effect on 
 his abnormal mentality. He says that he found a man in very- 
 poor circumstances, financed him and took him into partnership 
 but later finding out that he was a "bad lot," the partnership 
 was dissolved but in the settlement the patient was accused of 
 embezzlement and though he strongly protested his innocence, 
 he was arrested and sentenced to three months with hard labour. 
 This event seems to have caused intense resentment against the 
 world and since then he has kept more to himself than ever. It 
 seems that he has endeavoured to "get his own back" later in a 
 curiously distorted way. He would feel impelled to take a train 
 journey and visit some city a hundred or two miles away and 
 calling at some house would book a bogus order. He would be 
 in possession of a fair amount of money at the time but he would 
 insist on the person with whom he was doing business paying 
 him a deposit on account. This deposit was always extremely 
 small and never exceeded three shillings. On his return home 
 his recollection of all that had occurred would be very hazy and 
 he had an idea that he had done wrong but nevertheless would 
 feel some relief and gratification. The result was always the 
 same. He would be arrested and sentenced to a term of im- 
 prisonment varying from one to six months. He came into con- 
 flict with the law once in another way. He was walking down 
 the main street of a large city once when he suddenly seemed to 
 hear something telling him to break a window. On looking 
 around he saw no one who could have spoken to him. He felt 
 very depressed and his memory then left him but he awoke from 
 his stupor a moment later, heard the sound of falling glass and 
 found himself being very violent to a policeman who was en-
 
 C. Stanford Read 39 
 
 deavouring to arrest him. As he came more to himself, he 
 grasped the situation, apologized and went quietly to the police 
 station where he received a sentence of a month's imprisonment. 
 For over twenty years he has had at times vivid hallucinations 
 which usually foretold some event. An hallucinatory episode is 
 related which is of great psychological interest. He had been 
 keeping company with some girl for some years and one day 
 while sitting at home by himself the door appeared to open and 
 a man came in (whom he knew was fond of this particular girl), 
 sat down and suggested a race. The girl then appeared in the 
 distance and he saw a tree with one red rose on it. He presumed 
 that the race was for this flower. He saw himself racing and he 
 beat his opponent by a few yards and clipped the rose off. Both 
 of them then walked back to the girl who smiled but just as he 
 handed the rose to her, every petal dropped off! The meaning 
 of this vision seemed clear to him. He had beaten the other 
 man who was vexed and pointed to the petals lying on the ground, 
 saying, "There! You only had it for a time." The meaning 
 was that he wouldn't keep the girl long and he didn't, for a 
 week or two afterwards they parted for good though there was 
 no quarrel. 
 
 One may conjecture that such a psychopath as our patient 
 would not adapt himself to active service conditions well and 
 so it proved. Since enlistment amnesic wandering attacks and 
 uncontrollable fits of violence have been very frequent and he 
 could not help but resent anyone forcing his company on him. 
 He recollects going to bed one night and finding himself the 
 following morning about a mile from his billet. At another 
 time he went to his Medical Officer who said there was something 
 wrong with his heart and he was sent to a hospital at Boulogne. 
 When convalescent he took a walk and wandered down by the 
 quay. He had some money with him and he remembers buying 
 some fruit and giving it to some wounded who were being placed 
 on board a ship. After that there was a blank and when he 
 came to himself he was in London but how long he had been 
 there he didn't know. How he got on the boat is a mystery to 
 him. He at once gave himself up to the police, was taken back 
 to France and given twenty -eight days F. P. No. 1. These 
 fugues recurred and he was therefore sent to Netley. On arrival 
 he was transferred to the Neurological Section where after a 
 time he appeared before a Medical Board and was discharged 
 from the service.
 
 40 A Study of Two Epileptoid Cases in Soldiers 
 
 While an inmate his main symptom was that of periodic 
 feelings of general resentment and if occasion offered itself he 
 knew he would become violent. Once he entered the hospital 
 grounds from leave a little late, and in a discussion with the police 
 one got hold of him, whereupon great violence at once manifested 
 itself and he quickly floored six of them. There was some sub- " 
 sequent confusion, regret for what he had done but at the same 
 time a great feeling of relief. He has returned to civil life where 
 it is certain that his abnormal proclivities will soon bring him 
 into trouble again. 
 
 The patient told his story well and in great detail. He 
 'complained greatly and with justification, of the frequent pun- 
 ishment he had undergone and of being misunderstood. He 
 describes his time in France as being one of physical and mental 
 agony. He is of an egotistical type and is fond of boasting of 
 his strength, his wage earning capacity and of the many things 
 he can do better than his fellow men. He is not shallowly reli- 
 gious for since his great disappointment of giving up his theo- 
 logical studies, all interest in such matters have disappeared. 
 Had not his history been largely confirmed by others I should 
 have been inclined to doubt him because of his reiteration of his 
 being so honest in his statements, saying he can produce proof 
 and so often using the phrase "on my honour." There was no_ 
 special abnormal sexual traits. His wife, he states, gave him 
 syphilis which has tended subsequently to keep him from women. 
 He is a heavy cigarette smoker, consuming as many as fifty a day. 
 Alcohol he knows has a very bad effect on him and so for many 
 years he has been very moderate in its consumption. In his 
 leisure he mostly reads but can play the piano and violincello. 
 He does not dream much and when he does no anxiety is dis- 
 played in them. The only company he ever has is that of a dog, 
 of which animal he is very fond. Cats he hates and when young 
 he was very cruel to them and used to torture them terribly. 
 At this time his hates and cruelties were much in evidence. 
 One younger sister was a special victim and once in a rage he 
 tried to poke her eyes out. 
 
 While in the hospital he felt fairly well on the whole but 
 always slept badly and on rising in the morning he would feel 
 dizzy for a time. During conversation he would now and again 
 lose the thread of his thought content and his mind would be a 
 blank for a moment. Headaches occur frequently, especially 
 after any excitement. From his relations most of his history
 
 C. Stanford Read 41 
 
 was confirmed. Three cousins suffered from epileptic fits and 
 an aunt also; an uncle died in an asylum; his mother was "nerv- 
 ous" and his father had "fainting attacks." 
 
 This case shows various pathological characteristics and by 
 no means demonstrates uncomplicated epilepsy. The anamnesis 
 is extremely interesting and shows the importance of obtaining 
 a full psychic history without which no possible insight can be 
 gained into the mechanisms involved in the production of the 
 abnormal state. The patient shows much that may fall in with 
 the epileptic "make up." From his earliest life he was pre- 
 ponderatingly self-centred, his interests became more and more 
 egotistical and he found himself able to adapt less and less to his 
 social environment. When a child, thwarted wishes brought 
 about tantrums and violent outbreaks of temper which, in later 
 years, from trivial stress became uncontrollable violence while in 
 a more or less confused state. Day dreaming became habitual, 
 while the unconscious desire to get away from reality showed 
 itself in other ways. The nomadic life was doubtless instigated 
 in order to obtain continual stimulation for novelty and indicates 
 that some interest \vas to some extent objectively sought. His 
 breakdown following his father's death shows that the "family 
 ro.uance" as White terms it, was responsible for some part of his 
 abnormality but there was unfortunately no opportunity of 
 analysing this point. His conviction and imprisonment on the 
 first occasion brought a storm of added resentment against the 
 world which accentuated his psychopathic state. His states of 
 violence were, in all probability, inadequate reactions to intoler- 
 able situations and energized largely by complexes repressed in 
 early life, while his fugues were flights from reality, guided, may 
 be, by wishes we know not of. It should be noticed that he 
 evinced marked sadistic traits in early life, so that his liability 
 to violence is the less to be wondered at. If one accepts the 
 theory that in such cases there is regression to a primitive 
 mentality comparable to that of infancy, one might view his 
 hallucinatory symptoms as a hark back to the period of magical- 
 hallucinatory omnipotence which is regarded as the stage of first 
 compromise towards reality after birth. With his bad heredity 
 and at his age his case does not look hopeful from a therapeutic 
 point of view but some amelioration at any rate should ensue 
 from a thorough analysis and gradually abreacting and subli- 
 mating energies now only seen in a distorted form.
 
 THE ILLUSION OF LEVITATION 
 
 Part One. A General Presentation 
 Lydiard H. Horton 
 
 Introduction 
 
 The following report to Dr. Prince is largely self-explanatory. It 
 was written in every way as the text implies, and without any settled idea 
 of publication. It was penned at one sitting, and was read in manuscript 
 by Dr. Prince to his associates in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology. 
 He then suggested printing the letter as it stood in its present form, barring 
 a few omissions which he, in his editorial capacity, thought advisable. 
 Accordingly a feiv unessential points were omitted, and the paper made 
 up as here seen. 
 
 The desire for a more complete confirmation of the guesses led to a 
 postponement of publication at the writer's request. Since then further 
 evidence has come to hand sufficient to warrant publication. The eviden- 
 tial matter, such as it is, will be presented in later instalments. 
 
 It will be realized by students of abnormal psychology that the illusion 
 of levitation plays a considerable part in the case histories of mystics and 
 of certain classes of the insane. On ike other hand, states of so-called 
 ecstasy have in many instances a definite biological, and even therapeutic 
 value. A proper distinction between these two extremes should be made 
 available to the psychiatrist. 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK CITY, 
 
 April 17, 1912. 
 
 My Dear Doctor Prince: 
 
 Some months ago in a conversation on the subject of dreams 
 I told you that I had worked out what seemed to me a plausible 
 and well-nigh scientific explanation of the well known Flying 
 Dream. I promised at that time to send you an account of the 
 experiments which gave me the clues to this phenomenon. But 
 the difficulty of finding time to present the matter in a thorough- 
 ly scientific way has loomed so large that I have been turned 
 away from the task time and time again, more or less intimidated 
 at the sight of the many chances for controversy that opened up. 
 
 42
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 43 
 
 Now, however, rather than to have my intended contribu- 
 tion nullified by default, I have decided to sit down and write 
 out in frankness and naivete whatever shall come to the point of 
 my pen. 
 
 In this first statement I renounce any intention of fortifying 
 myself against misunderstanding or protecting myself from the 
 thousand missiles of thought or half-thought which might be 
 hurled at my thesis by an audience of skeptics in psychology. 
 For I am writing to you; and I am not afraid of, but should 
 rather welcome the sort of criticisms from you that I have al- 
 ready been privileged to obtain and which have served me in 
 such good stead for several years. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE EXPERIMENTS 
 
 To begin with, I must tell you that the experiments which 
 yielded what I call my clues to the Flying Dream were not con- 
 ducted with any idea of explaining or reproducing the illusion of 
 levitation; this being, of course, the fundamental fact in the dream 
 experience. My experiments w r ere indeed begun and virtually 
 completed before I had any thought of using the data, which 
 they afforded, as a means of explaining the illusions of levitation. 
 
 The experiments were begun in 1907, prosecuted in 1908 and 
 1909-10, and it was not until 1910 (September) that it occurred 
 to me to draw any conclusions from them as to the Flying Dream. 
 In the meantime, however, in 1909 and 1910, I had consulted 
 you as to the experiments themselves, but without any reference 
 to the dream. 
 
 It is now in order to say a few words descriptive of the ex- 
 periments and then to call your attention to the results which 
 bear upon the illusion of levitation. 
 
 OBSERVATIONS OF NATURAL SLEEP 
 
 Mere curiosity as to the phenomena underlying Sleep was 
 my motive for beginning these experiments. Having read a 
 great deal about "le sommeil provoque" and finding little that 
 seemed definite, I resolved to observe sleep as best I could my- 
 self and to cut loose not only from the literature of the subject, 
 but also from all directions and rules regarding the production 
 of artificial sleep or of any sort of hypnotic state. 
 
 To be sure I could not cut loose entirely from what I neces- 
 sarily remembered of the way sleep is induced. I did not, for 
 example, try to get my subject to sleep while standing (!) nor
 
 44 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 did I fail to recognize that even a reclining subject will not 
 readily go to sleep unless his thoughts are in some way directed 
 into the line of rest. 
 
 It seemed not unreasonable to assume that all subjects 
 should be required to relax their muscles and to make up their 
 minds to give over voluntary effort. In these two features of 
 rest or sleep I could not very well have departed from the familiar 
 procedures of sleep -induct ion as illustrated in the nursery and 
 in the sick-room. 
 
 But when it comes to the details, I may say that I broke 
 every rule I could think of for "artificial" sleep. I did not, of 
 course, deliberately prod my subjects or present exciting ideas. 
 But I made no attempt to fatigue their gaze; I did not tell them 
 to go to sleep nor impress them with any desire on my part to have 
 them sleep or even close their eyes. The only thing I did insist 
 upon was that the period of the experiment, the pause in the 
 day's activity, was to be regarded by them as devoted or con- 
 secrated to leisure. This idea of leisure, of freedom from the 
 necessity for action, I emphasized not by repetition or forcible 
 suggestions, but by quiet argument and exposition, carried on 
 in a conversational tone. 
 
 NOT HYPNOSIS BUT "SOMNOSIS" 
 
 It may be objected that my procedure too nearly resembled 
 hypnotic suggestion to have afforded any light on normal sleep. 
 But the precautions I Jook, the verbal caution I observed and 
 the naturalness of the whole setting led me to believe that I was 
 producing NORMAL SLEEP UNDER ESSENTIALLY NORMAL CONDI- 
 TIONS. 
 
 In only two cases did I observe anything that looked to me 
 like hypnosis and in these cases the subjects were promptly 
 made to "come out of it;" fascination would describe this con- 
 dition, and I warned subjects against it. 
 
 Otherwise the rest-states that I obtained were such as one 
 might observe any day, I believe, on the deck of an ocean steam- 
 er, where in fine weather a siesta is being enjoyed by care-free 
 individuals who have been made as comfortable as their particu- 
 lar degree of egoism and the aid of their servitors would allow. 
 
 Under just such mental conditions as are implied by the 
 foregoing analogous instance, did I produce the rest-states, 
 whose phenomena I have from time to time reported to you.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 45 
 
 Without going into all the details, I may say that the striking 
 feature of this sort of induced siesta was the thoroughness of 
 . the rest and the ready yielding of the subject to my persuasions. 
 For in 70 experiments on 35 subjects, only three subjects and 
 five experiments indicated a failure to surpass the rest obtained 
 in ordinary sleep meaning sleep obtained under conditions 
 where there is no prearranged experiment. 
 
 These non-hypnotic results I attribute to the fact that I 
 was successful in eliminating my own personality as a possible 
 interference and that at the same time I left to the subject the 
 most complete control over his own thoughts and over his critical 
 judgment. In other words, I avoided suggestion in the technical 
 sense and, instead used the art of suggestion in Francis Bacon's 
 meaning of the word; as a mere "calling to mind" of restful topics. 
 
 To put this briefly, "Freedom of the patients' will" was 
 my watchword. Thus the complex relations implied by hypnot- 
 ic "rapport" and the " mono-ideism " of Braid and the supposed 
 dependence of subject upon operator were eliminated quite as 
 much from these experiments as they ever can be, say, from 
 drawing-room conversation. 
 
 It is no mere idealization of the past that makes me say 
 this, but a genuine memory of having from the beginning of 
 these experiments sought to guard against what is technically 
 called "suggestion;" thus avoiding artifacts. 
 
 The results were gratifying to me in that I was enabled for 
 the first time to get an answer to my question as to what might 
 
 be THE NORMAL COURSE OF THE REST FUNCTION. 
 
 STRIKING FEATURES OF PRE-SLEEPING PERIOD 
 
 Most surprising to me was the fact that many of the pheno- 
 mena of "le sommeil provoque," which are frequently spoken of 
 as produced by "suggestion" are evidently part and parcel of 
 the relaxation which goes with sleep. 
 
 I mention in particular a sense of weight, often followed by 
 a sense of lightness; and more especially an invasion of warmth 
 which affects the skin as if the body were felt to blush, so positive 
 is the phenomenon. Repeatedly have I observed this even 
 when no hint or even expectation of the phenomenon was present 
 in my own thought or speech. [Subjects' reports during siesta 
 were sufficiently definite to make anything like instrumental 
 blood-volume records quite supererogatory.]
 
 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 Having almost a "phobia" for artifacts, and a rooted 
 objection to the fatuous practices of many " suggestionists " I 
 tested this matter over and over again. I found that there was 
 a regulated orderly procession of bodily events in nearly every 
 case where a normal person lies down and makes up his mind 
 that he will remit voluntary effort. This indeed is the attitude 
 of almost anyone when going to bed, as Boris Sidis has pointed 
 out in his Experimental Study of Sleep. 
 
 A REGULAR ORDER OF PHENOMENA 
 
 Ordinarily, the phenomena of the pre-dormitium are not 
 intensively observed, as they were by me, and I am sensible of 
 the fact that you are one of the few psychologists to whom the 
 value of such observations has stood out clearly. It is, there- 
 fore, unnecessary for me to expatiate on the distinctiveness of 
 'the state of pre-dormitium. 
 
 ILLUSION OF LEVITATION IN DREAM FORM 
 
 CAUSED BY VASOMOTOR DILATATION OF SKIN VESSELS 
 
 Note Scenes: Dreamer with insufficient clothing pursues Smith, warmly clad cMege friend, 
 meanwhile treading cold tiles. Presently, losing sight of Smith, attains unexpected facility in soaring 
 motion, rising from tiling up steps without touching, till he travels through upper hallway and tri- 
 umphantly levitates past coat room, waving hand airily at persons engaged in " checking" furs. 
 
 The order of events to which I must now more completely 
 refer seems to be the following: 
 
 1st, The relaxation of the voluntary muscles, allowing the 
 bodily posture to adjust itself to the supporting couch or chair.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 47 
 
 2nd, A decrease of muscle-tonus to a point below the ordi- 
 nary postural tonus, in which the hand or the arm becomes 
 almost flaccid and in which there is NO TENDENCY TO MAINTAIN 
 POSTURE as there certainly is in stage 1. 
 
 3rd, A still greater relaxation in which the feeling of self- 
 activity diminishes and in which the subject, altho' fully awake, 
 is surprised and pleased that he does not feel desirous of moving 
 or acting. This is the true passive state of the muscles and some 
 subjects describe themselves as "limp as a rag;" "feeling like 
 boiled maccaroni, " or like "a quart of molasses poured on a slab 
 of marble. " l 
 
 4th, Beyond this stage comes the change of the breathing, 
 although sometimes this cuts into the stage of medium relaxation 
 (2nd). 
 
 This breathing is simply respiratory -center breathing, ini- 
 tiated usually by an "asphyxic reflex" (e. g. one subject says 
 "I am so lazy I don't want to breathe") after which the breath- 
 ing often shows the perfect rhythm of true vagus regulation. 
 The pneumographic tracings plainly show the temporary sus- 
 pension and then increase in regularity of breathing. 2 
 
 I may be wrong in saying that I noted the breathing to be 
 not only slower, but in some cases deeper. At any rate, the 
 phase of expiration is sharpened and the subject reports that he 
 felt more free, in his lung action. "My chest just has to go up 
 and down!" This feature is interestingly illustrated by the 
 effect on speech, when it is attempted. There is a tendency for 
 a slight gasping as if the breath disregarded the checks imposed 
 upon it by vocalization. When the person's eyes close and 
 there is no attempt at expression, this does not show itself, of 
 course. But even then there is apt to be a "sigh of relief" quality 
 in the one, tw r o or three breaths which mark the "retiring point" 
 as it were of psychic influence over respiration. 
 
 (In my opinion the systems of the orientals for trance induc- 
 tion, bear the earmarks of this sort of experiment. Further, 
 there is no doubt that deep breathing helps to initiate the inde- 
 pendence of the diaphragm and of costal movements from the 
 mental influences.) 
 
 5th, The last point is the vaso-motor dilatation, affecting 
 the surface of the body. This is sometimes very marked and I 
 
 J A recent version is "emulating the dish rag." 
 
 2 Most of the observations, however, were conducted wiihoul apparatus as only highly 
 trainee! subjects are able to feel natural or "at ease" when harnessed up to recording 
 mechanisms.
 
 48 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 \ 
 
 have in my own case, known it to happen with such rapidity 
 as not only to give me a tingle all over the body (as after a shower 
 bath) but to bring on a sense of lightness in the head and an 
 illusion of falling, quite comparable to that of the falling dream. 3 
 Now having given the principal features in the program of 
 bodily events during relaxation, let me assure you again that I 
 have excluded in almost every case any possibility of artifact. 
 I regard these manifestations as the NORMAL PHENOMENA OF THE 
 REST FUNCTION which in turn I regard as an innate tendency of 
 the nervous system to reduce its tonus under the conditions of 
 voluntary repose. It is as if the fundamental system and the 
 medullary centres entered into a conspiracy to throw off the 
 yoke of the cortical centres. 
 
 MUSCLE-SENSE AND KINESTHETIC REPOSE 
 
 The greatest changes in self-feeling observed by my subjects 
 were directly referable to altered Kinesthetic sensations, or rather 
 to a remission of them; and these changes I can closely relate 
 to the Kinesthetic images which I employed as a means of pre- 
 paring the mind for the state of balance and equipoise which 
 was so desirable and so frequently realized in these experiments. 
 So far as its being "suggestion" is concerned, it was of the type 
 afforded by absorption in works of architecture or sculpture. 
 
 For instance, a quiet observation of the lines in the Statue 
 of the Winged Victory or similar works of art can produce 
 states of attention and bodily easement which closely resemble 
 the mental attitude required in my experiments. 
 
 The interest of the matter (and my reason for dwelling on 
 it) is that the Kinesthetic repose and the muscular relaxation 
 attained by my subjects seemed to be bound up with the physical 
 phenomena of sleep-at-its-best. The novelty lies in the fact 
 that these phenomena, as detailed above, were all PRODUCIBLE 
 BY MEANS NOT HYPNOTIC nor commonly classified under "sug- 
 gestion. " The curiosity of the matter lies in the fact that most 
 of the subjects demonstrated the phenomena which are charac- 
 teristic of sleep on the physical side before they lost conscious- 
 ness barring of course the closing of the eyelids. 
 
 At once you will want to know if this was not merely a case 
 
 s ln conversation with Dr. M. Allen Starr, professor of Neurology at Columbia University, 
 I submitted a vaso-motor theory of these dreams; and he was free to say that it presented nothing 
 inconsistent with our knowledge of vaso-motor phenomena.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 
 
 of "hypnoidization" or if the subjects were not in a state of 
 "abstraction." My answer is that three out of thirty subjects 
 showed abstraction to a slight degree, but that only one showed 
 the regular hypnoidal condition as described by Sidis. 
 
 RELAXATION WITHOUT DISINTEGRATING CONSCIOUSNESS 
 
 The reason for this (I think) is that I tried to keep my sub- 
 jects' thought in an orderly self-conscious state as long as possi- 
 ble, and that I acquired the knack of holding their attention stable 
 and unified. This came by long practice not only on others, but 
 on myself. For I have personally experienced all the "somno- 
 tic" (so to say) phenomena that were ever reported to me by my 
 subjects. And they have usually come to me as surprises. To 
 put the thing in a nut shell: there is a certain state of the atten- 
 tion which is neither fascination nor reverie, but is in-between 
 and which is so perfectly neutral as regards voluntary effort that 
 the automatisms of the body become free to assert themselves 
 and do. 
 
 For lack of a better term [and to avoid the now confusing 
 name Twilight State], I have called this intermediate neutral 
 ground of attention, the "Mid-State." And I have studied 
 with more detail than I can bore you withal now the type of 
 ideas and the modulations of discourse which lead the passive 
 subject into this Mid-State and enable one to take with him 
 all the valued privileges of consciousness and self -perception, 
 while benefiting by complete physical repose. 4 
 
 The nearest approach to a description of this region you will 
 find in Ethel D. Puffer's chapter on the "Esthetic Repose." 
 And yet the exact quality of the state I have met with in my 
 subjects, which I call "Kinesthetic Repose" is not. actually 
 covered by Miss Puffer's excellent presentation. But as you 
 might expect, there is a striking similarity between the pheno- 
 mena of the "Esthetic Repose " and of the " Kinesthetic Repose. " 
 You will at once, on comparison, realize that both are breeding 
 grounds for the illusions of levitation that I started to speak of. 
 
 Now here is where I come to the point. 
 
 EXPERIMENTAL ILLUSIONS OF LEVITATION 
 
 Out of the thirty subjects who relaxed completely and of 
 
 4 A re-reading of current physiological works on Sleep would be required to pick out the scat- 
 tered statements that hint at what I am calling to notice: the possibility of Body-Sleep without 
 Mind-Sleep. But see "Psychology of Beauty" by E. D. Puffer.
 
 50 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 the twenty or so who retained consciousness after they had com- 
 pletely relaxed, eight of them reported illusions of levitation. 
 
 One of them jumped out of the chair and was afraid to con- 
 tinue the experiment; so realistic was his apperception of a 
 soaring motion. 
 
 Another, this time a woman, gripped the chair in the momen- 
 tary belief that she was floating away; two others reported that 
 they felt "caught up" by a wave but that their reason reassured 
 them at the time. 
 
 One other enjoyed the sensation so much that he took it as 
 a matter of course and supposed it was part of the "treatment. " 
 One other said that if his head had been as light as his body he 
 would surely have floated away. He reported himself "just 
 floating away," the sensation being overwhelmingly real. 
 
 Now these "testimonials" were not solicited and were spon- 
 taneous expressions due to interest in the peculiar sensation and 
 the illusion it led to. No suspicion of "suggestion" can attach 
 to these six cases. But in the other two cases, I did perhaps 
 make a half -suggest ion. On one occasion, influenced by my 
 own experiences with "levitation," I started in a general way to 
 describe, what it was like, whereupon my subject interposed: 
 " But it has come already. " At the other time the subject simply 
 answered my leading question with: "I felt light as a feather!" 
 
 In addition to these eight cases of a positive nature, there 
 were other cases in which I could tell from the rather vague 
 reports of the subjects that they experienced similar sensations. 
 They failed to attribute to them any special meaning or imagin- 
 ary setting. What they felt was a sensation of lightness and of 
 ease; and I believe that this is essentially the genesis of the 
 illusion. But its great accentuation in the extreme cases must 
 come from the agreeable warmth and diffusion of sensation 
 which accompanies the vaso-motor relaxation. (Let it be 
 remembered here that many "subjective" sensations are on this 
 point corroborated by plethysmographic studies. Cf. Howell's.) 
 
 GUESSES AT THE PHYSICAL EXPLANATION 
 
 Having experienced all these phenomena repeatedly, and 
 having before the mind's eye a complete series of cases illustra- 
 tive of all the gradations, beginning with mere lightness in the 
 third stage of relaxation, and passing insensibly into the full 
 blown Flying Dream, perhaps I may throw scientific caution 
 momentarily to one side and state my opinion, which is also my 
 experience, and in any case rest on experimental facts.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 51 
 
 The genesis of the illusion of levitation does not come from 
 the diminution of tactile sensations. Whether due entirely to 
 an inhibition in the course of the pressure sense tracts (deep 
 sensibility, I mean), or merely to lessening of actual muscle 
 pressure, is a question. I think the latter is a great factor but 
 that the sensory "inhibition" is real too. (Subjects say they feel 
 "feathery" in their contact with the clothes and couch). This 
 of itself does not become the adequate or sufficient basis of the 
 illusion of levitation till the vaso-motor relaxation supervenes. 
 Out of the combination, there arises the bodily "stimulus" 
 (negative in this case) which becomes the foundation of the 
 illusion of soaring. [The subject reacts to absence of sensation.} 
 
 As to the rhythmical sensation which pierces through or 
 relieves the "numbness," I can only guess (yet with some con- 
 viction) that the different angles of travel (e. g. whether hori- 
 zontally or vertically) are "apperceptions" dependent upon the 
 form of the blood pressure waves which are perceptible at the 
 time. 
 
 At the risk of doing too much guessing, I suggest that the 
 respiratory wave usually influences the flights where the "soar- 
 ing" is moderately high. As to the vertical flight, it may be due 
 to the staccato sensation of the pulse-wave, and the more hori- 
 zontal flight may be connected with longer or secondary Traube- 
 Hering waves such as observed by Mosso (Cf. Encyclopaedia 
 Britannica, article "Sleep.") 
 
 THE ILLUSION AS APPERCEPTIVE ERROR 
 
 As to the mental content of the illusion, it is simply an 
 apperception by analogy of the meaning of bodily lightness. 
 (Principle of reaction by analogy). As to the element of wish 
 fulfilment in the dreams, my observations in cases of actual Fly- 
 ing Dreams in ordinary sleep, show that there is often a sense of 
 pleasure and a desire to control the imagined flight. A certain 
 pride in it may be manifested; also a desire to "show others 
 how." But this desire is not, as has been supposed by some, 
 connected with any erotic tendency. (Freud.) This is, if my 
 studies in this connection mean anything, an expression of 
 the "appetite for repose." The dream satisfies the wish cor- 
 poreally at the same time that it symbolizes it as a flight! It is 
 not necessary to explain the flight as a desire to fly, or to be 
 free. The only law of "symbolism" needed to explain the 
 flying illusion, is inference from analogy, or apperception 
 through similarity.
 
 52 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 We know so little about DEEP REPOSE that we try to explain 
 its sensation in some fanciful way, such as flying, simply because 
 it is the only concept that reconciles the sense of detachment 
 from bodily support (lessened pressure sense) with the feeling of 
 rise and fall caused by the changing blood pressure. 
 
 The psychic state as a whole contains many interesting 
 points that I have not yet brought out in this letter. For this 
 is a mere outline. I may say, however, that each element can 
 be referred to a specific source and that nowhere is there neces- 
 sarily any erotic element, as suggested by Freud and such as, 
 according to my studies, appears in skating and sledding or 
 sleighing dreams. Of course I do not pretend that there is any 
 mystical barrier to preclude a mere coincidence between this 
 restful dream and some erotic fancy. 5 
 
 THE SOURCES OF MYSTICAL QUALITY 
 
 The Flying Dream, in my belief, borrows its interest and 
 fascination from a realm of experience which today lies curtained 
 over by inattention, by a mist of drowsiness, I might say; for 
 we approach this phenomenal world of repose usually only when 
 drowsy and when the consciousness is in a fragmented condition, 
 with powers of judgment and observation in abeyance. 
 
 Now, the conscious observation of the phenomena in question 
 becomes possible through the cultivation of the state of regulated 
 attention that I have called the "Mid-State." This state 
 leads readily to the passive attitude which I have referred to as 
 the Kinesthetic Repose and which is not far removed from the 
 Esthetic Repose. 
 
 The attainment of the corresponding physiological rest- 
 states is an end with which mankind have, I believe, largely 
 concerned themselves at all times. But the tendency has been 
 toward a mis-valuation of the means (artistic "support," erotic 
 "support") whereby these states have been made interesting. 
 
 I mean that the intermediate state between waking and 
 activity has become interesting to people, almost exclusively 
 when met, not Simon pure, but as incidentally determined by 
 some "fascinating" matter, like art, dancing, hypnotism or the 
 rapture of worship. 
 
 For it usually requires something more than scientific 
 interest to hold the average subject to so paradoxical a task as 
 
 5 Repose has pleasures sui generis; but in those who, by definition, hold all pleasure to be 
 "sexual," even rest-sensations might be apperceived as libidinous.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 53 
 
 that of tasting pure repose for its own sake. The unseizable 
 quality of an exercise in relaxation has required of its adepts 
 and devotees that they should go at the matter as if it were some- 
 thing else they were doing and getting the relaxation as a by- 
 product. Accordingly, outside experiments like mine one rarely 
 meets relaxation except under a disguise. Thus I believe that a 
 great many elements of religious or mystical experience hitherto 
 regarded as social or sexual will be found to pertain more im- 
 portantly to physiological rest-states. 
 
 All the arts of Recreation have, as their goal, of course, 
 essentially the attainment of a better balance in the Rest-Func- 
 tion; to that extent being physiological pursuits. 
 
 PRACTICAL CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 I believe that the cultivation of rest-states as such is destined 
 to play a large part in Applied Psychology before long. It is, 
 however, a realm of experience where the gold has been too often 
 mingled with the dross. It is a field of interest where fakirs 
 have abounded and into which many trends of degeneracy have 
 entered at one time or another. I regard this as the reason why 
 scientists have fought shy of the psychophysical problems in 
 question. But these problems are none the less worthy of 
 attention, from the standpoint of Biological Psychology. 
 
 In view of the many difficulties I have found in this problem 
 I want to thank you for the encouragement you have given to 
 these studies and for having been the one to make it seem worth 
 while to go on toward a definite conclusion. As to the ultimate 
 use of this work, I shall report again. 
 
 Meantime, believe me, 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 L. H. 
 
 (To be Continued)
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 THE CHEMICAL DYNAMICS OF THE CENTRAL NERVOUS SYSTEM. 1 
 A RESUME OF THE WORK OF T. BRAILSFORD ROBERTSON 
 
 Dr. Robertson's experimental work is of unusual interest by itself 
 and his application of his results in the explanation of the phenomena 
 of hypnotism, sleep, etc., adds to the attractiveness of his papers. 
 Further a good illustration of ingenious inductive reasoning is found 
 in his method of forming hypotheses. 
 
 In formulating his theory of the chemical processes underlying 
 nervous activity he begins with the fact well known to psychologists 
 that mental work at first facilitates performance and later depresses it. 
 In committing a verse to memory, for instance, it is common experience 
 that with the first few repetitions there is progressive improvement 
 in performance, but if the effort is continued too long, errors occur in 
 lines that a moment before were correctly given. Indeed this principle 
 is not confined to the nervous system, but is found also in the "stair- 
 case" contraction of voluntary muscle and in the rapidity of growth. 
 A natural deduction from this principle is that each performance leaves 
 some sort of "trace" that affects the succeeding performance. Ac- 
 cording to Dr. Robertson this "trace" may be either static i. e., con- 
 sisting of a structural alteration in the tissue, or dynamic i. e., chemical. 
 He brings forward a number of objections to the first alternative, and 
 so the second is left for consideration. In the case of the nervous 
 system, then, there is, according to this conclusion, underlying each 
 impulse a chemical reaction that somehow leaves behind it a "trace." 
 To account for the early facilitation and later depression it must be 
 assumed that the reaction at first progressively increases and later be- 
 comes slowed: Two types of chemical reaction of this sort are known, 
 the catenary and the auto-catalytic. Only the latter corresponds 
 with the symmetry and time relations of the curve of memorizing. 
 
 That nervous activity is really determined by some sort of chemical 
 reaction is indicated by a number of facts. In the first place it is well 
 
 iRobertson T. Brailsford, 
 
 Sur la dynamique chimique du systeme nerveux central. Archives Internationales de 
 physiologic, 1908, VI, 388. 
 
 On the biochemical relationship between the "staircase" phenomenon and fatigue. Bio~ 
 chemische Zeitschrift, 1908, XI, 287. 
 
 Further studies in the chemical dynamics of the central nervous system, (1) The time rela- 
 tions of a simple voluntary movement. Folia neuro-biologica, 1912, VI, 553 Ib. (2) On the 
 physiological conditions underlying phenomena of heightened suggestibility, hypnosis, 
 multiple personality, sleep, etc. Id. 1913, VII, 309. 
 
 54
 
 Review 55 
 
 known that a chemical reaction is accelerated much more than a 
 physical by the application of heat. A rise in temperature of one 
 degree will rarely increase a physical reaction over two per cent while 
 a chemical is usually increased over ten per cent. Biologists frequently 
 use this distinction in determining whether a reaction is chemical or 
 physical. Dr. Robertson carried through a series of experiments 
 trying the effect on the rate of respiration of the temperature of the 
 medulla, and found that the results indicated that the activity in the 
 respiratory centre was chemical in nature rather than physical. So- 
 also the effect on the heart rate of the limulus found by Carlson to- 
 result from changes in the temperature of the cardiac ganglion is in: 
 favor of the chemical view. With some nerve impulses, however, the 
 observed effect of heat is intermediate between that to be expected 
 with a chemical reaction and that of a physical. The result is what 
 should be found, if the reaction were in part (one-fourth) physical and 
 in part (three-fourths) chemical. The author concludes that such is 
 probably the case, the cellular component being chemical and that of 
 the fiber physical (diffusion). 
 
 Further support of the chemical theory is to be found in the 
 relation of nervous activity to acids. By using a very delicate indica- 
 tor the author was able to demonstrate that acids are formed in the 
 nervous systems of frogs, if the skin is subjected to prolonged stimula- 
 tion. In some other experiments he found, further, and his results 
 have been in part confirmed that acids applied to the respiratory 
 center increase the rate of respiration while reducing agents decrease 
 it. It is his belief, although it is not yet firmly established, that only 
 acids of the fatty series have this action. 
 
 These are the facts, then, that point to the chemical basis of a nerv- 
 ous activity. If the chemical reactions are of the autocatalytic type, 
 the time relations of such mental phenomena as memory and volun- 
 tary movement should correspond, i. e., should be symmetrical. The 
 author brings forward evidence to show that such is the case, but it is 
 not easy to follow his involved mathematical calculations. He shows 
 that the constant relation observed by Ebbinghaus to exist between 
 the time necessary to learn a series of nonsense syllables and the number 
 of times they had been repeated 24 hours before can be plotted on a 
 curve having the symmetry and time relations of auto-catalytic reac- 
 tions. Again the law of Weber-Fechner to the effect that perceptible 
 changes in sensation bear a constant relation to the intensity of stimu- 
 lus is also found to be in accord with the auto-catalytic view. The 
 author himself made a study of the process of learning nonsense sylla- 
 bles, and found that the number memorized and the time spent in
 
 56 Review 
 
 learning them corresponded with the result expected from this theory. 
 Finally the same may be said of the results of testing the time relations 
 of a simple neuro-muscular act, viz., drawing a straight line. 
 
 This last series of experiments brought out some very interesting 
 facts. The apparatus consisted of a smooth surface composed of 
 alternate strips of wood and metal and of a pencil with a metal tip and 
 having electrical connections so arranged that its position at each 
 moment was recorded on a drum. It was found that the length of 
 the lines drawn by different subjects was remarkably constant, when 
 they were instructed merely to draw freely. The rapidity with which 
 the lines were drawn varied widely. The time relations were of the 
 auto-catalytic type, the speed progressively increasing during the first 
 half and thereafter decreasing. When the subjects attempted to draw 
 lines of an indicated length or to stop at a given signal, the length of 
 the lines varied greatly. Evidently it was not possible for the subject 
 to stop when he wanted to. The length of the line apparently was 
 determined by something before it was begun, and no effort on the 
 part of the subject could later alter it. The "something" regulating 
 the length of the line is thought to be a definite mass of brain tissue 
 somehow set aside for the purpose. This tissue represents the re- 
 agents of a chemical reaction, and once the reaction begins, it can not 
 be stopped until all the reagents are exhausted. Only the initial part 
 of the nervous activity that corresponding to the setting aside of 
 material, is under the control of the will. Finally it was found that 
 the simultaneous performance of mental work decreased the velocity 
 of the action. The reason for this was not apparent. 
 
 It is now clear how the author supports his auto-catalytic concep- 
 tion. In an auto-catalytic reaction there is formed as a product a 
 substance that quickens the reaction. The acceleration is possible 
 only within certain limits, however,* for when the reagents are reduced 
 to a certain proportion, the rate of reaction is decreased by their smaller 
 concentration. In the case of the nervous system at least, he believes 
 the auto-catalytic substance to belong to the fatty acid group, and 
 since it is the "trace," which persists for some time, it must be spar- 
 ingly diffusible. 
 
 Rather startling applications of these conclusions are made to the 
 facts of hypnosis, multiple personality, sleep, etc. The depth, or 
 permanency and importance, of "traces" is determined partly by the 
 character of the precedent mental activity and partly by the frequency 
 of its occurrence. Habits and instincts represent deep "traces." 
 If "traces" are not used they tend to fade. When shallow "traces" 
 cross deeper ones, there is a tendency for impulses in the former to be
 
 Review 57 
 
 deflected into the latter. Thus a very deep "trace" might separate 
 almost completely one mental field from another. Should a field so 
 separated be large enough, it might assume automatic activity and 
 thus constitute a secondary personality. If it should get too small 
 for this, it would be represented in consciousness as a memory gap, 
 such as is found in hysteria. 
 
 In the production of hypnosis the important thing seems to be 
 to so deepen a few "traces" that practically all conscious impulses 
 will follow them. In most procedures this is brought about by pro- 
 ducing fatigue which serves to block all shallower channels and by the 
 concentration of attention. In Charcot's method, however, where a 
 bright light or a loud noise is used to induce hypnosis, the channels 
 are deepened by the character of the impulses. Light anesthesia is a 
 useful adjuvant because it depresses all nervous activity and hence 
 leaves only the deeper channels open to impulses. 
 
 Sleep is brought about by a mechanism somewhat like that of 
 hypnosis. Fatigue cuts out all but a few sensory pathways which 
 in turn become fatigued through overwork and blocked, thus cutting 
 out all sensory stimuli. Later as the excess of auto-catalyst drains 
 off, the sensory threshold may become lower for a short time but as 
 more of the auto-catalyst diffuses away, it rises again. Finally the 
 threshold falls when the reagents recuperate and when it reaches a 
 level low enough, the individual awakens. 
 
 The author's criticism of the theory of the discontinuity of neurones 
 seems a bit hasty in view of the facts of secondary degeneration and 
 of some of the results of Sherrington. 
 
 The suggestion of Dr. Robertson that the auto-catalyst of the 
 nervous system may be a member of the fatty acid series gains in 
 significance, if some of the properties of fatty acids are kept in mind. 
 Mathews 2 states that the changes in linseed oil in paints have a curi- 
 ous resemblance to protoplasmic respiration, memory and growth. 
 The oil oxidizes spontaneously in the air and especially in the light and 
 decomposes, forming a hard resinous mass of undetermined composi- 
 tion. In oxidizing it actually respires in that it takes up oxygen and 
 gives off carbon dioxide. It also may be said to grow for the decom- 
 position products are more complex than linolenic acid itself. In short 
 the oil undergoes metabolism. The so-called dryers of paints (copper, 
 manganese dioxide, turpentine, etc.) act like the catalytic agents in 
 cell metabolism because they accelerate the oxidation and decomposi- 
 tion of the oil. 
 
 4 Mathews, Physiological chemistry, New York, 1915.
 
 58 Review 
 
 Further it may be said that linseed oil has memory. It can be 
 taught to undergo oxidation and remembers its lesson. In it the 
 oxidation process, like all auto-catalytic reactions, begins slowly and 
 gradually increases in rate. If after oxidation has begun, it is inter- 
 rupted by being placed in the dark, -when again placed in the light it 
 begins sooner and proceeds at a more rapid rate than when first ex- 
 posed. In other words the oil remembers the lesson learned in the 
 first exposure; but if kept in the dark too long, itf orgets. After 24 
 hours in the dark, oxidation is as slow in beginning and proceeds no 
 more quickly than in the beginning. 
 
 It may be that memory is possible because there are substances 
 like linolenic acid in the nerve cells. In cephalin are found very un- 
 saturated fatty acids akin to linolenic acid. In the nervous system* 
 however, the catalytic agents must be much more stable than that in 
 linseed oil because memory persists for a long time. 
 
 L. B. ALFORD. 
 Boston State Hospital. 
 
 PRINCIPLES OF MENTAL HYGIENE. By William A. White, M. D. 
 With an Introduction by Smith Ely Jelliffe, M. D., Ph. D. New 
 York: The Macmillan Company, 1917, pp. XIV plus 317, with index. 
 Price $2.00. 
 
 This new book by White fills a definite need. It easily takes its 
 place as a valuable book for orienting the average physician and lay- 
 man toward the problems confronting us in that department of mental 
 hygiene which we may refer to as social mental hygiene, in contra- 
 distinction to individual mental hygiene. White's book is not to be 
 looked upon as presenting anything like a definite, constructive pro- 
 gram for the social mental hygiene movement, but I venture to say 
 that it will give valuable viewpoints even to many who are already 
 engaged in this fight. For the must part White devotes his efforts 
 toward a survey of the general situation which one meets with in the 
 social mental hygiene movement and toward the building up of rational, 
 broad viewpoints which should dominate the workers in this field. 
 
 Following his introduction he discusses "Underlying Concepts. '* 
 In this chapter he considers adapatation and integration and other 
 psychological considerations. He divides the types of human adapta- 
 tion into physical, physico-chemical, sensorimotor, psychological, and 
 social, which act by virtue of the lever, hormone, reflex, idea and social 
 custom respectively. ^. 
 
 In the next chapter on "Mental Mechanisms" White lays ^stress 
 on and repectedly refers to "the instinct for the familiar and the'safety 
 motive. "
 
 Review 59 
 
 Chapter IV develops and discusses in. an extremely interesting 
 and enlightened manner the concept of the term "insane." White 
 shows the inadequacy of this term and its limitations, and presents 
 our most modern views and with suggestions for improvement in 
 dealing with this class of socially inadequate persons. His chapter on 
 "The Criminal" is perhaps the best in the book. He exposes some 
 of the absurdities of our present legal attitude toward the criminal, 
 and brings home to us forcibly that the criminal and not the crime 
 should be the object of study. The hate motive as it enters into the 
 situation is elaborated upon here and in other sections of the book. 
 The vengeance of society upon the criminal as a scapegoat is very 
 nicely developed. This, it seems to me, is a novel and important 
 concept. He gives the modern psychopathological trend in our estima- 
 tion of the criminal and offers some valuable suggestions for the correc- 
 tion of criminal procedure and the treatment of criminals. Juvenile 
 delinquency does not come in for much consideration in this chapter. 
 
 Again under the heading "The Feeble-minded" there follows 
 general discussion with suggestions. 
 
 In Chapter VII on "Miscellaneous Groups" White discusses in 
 running fashion the pauper, the prostitute, the inebriate, the epileptic, 
 the homosexual, the vagrant, and the homeless unemployed, while 
 in the following chapter which is headed "Miscellaneous Problems" 
 he makes some remarks on such varying topics as patent medicine 
 "cures," fatigue, divorce, the woman movement, free speech, illegiti- 
 macy, social hygiene, dangerous occupations, vocational psychology, 
 fads, wealth, idleness, old age and death. 
 
 In the chapter on "The Neuroses-Psychoanalysis" with its dis- 
 cussion of character anomalies we have the first inclusion in a definite 
 fashion of what may be called individual mental hygiene. 
 
 His final chapter on "Summary" terminates with the following 
 sentence which expresses the object of White's efforts in this book: 
 
 "To see man as a social animal and his failures as forms of social 
 inadequacy; to approach these problems free from prejudice and with 
 a full appreciation that in each instance the failure has back of it 
 causes adequate to explain it; then to attempt to bring to bear upon 
 the problem those forces which are best calculated to bring about 
 results which are constructively of the highest value to both the in- 
 dividual and society ; and then to be able to apply the principles worked 
 out in dealing with the individual cases to the larger, more general 
 issues these are the problems of Mental Hygiene." 
 
 White lives up to his reputation and hence our expectations in 
 this, his late: t production. He writes freely, with great lucidity,
 
 60 Review 
 
 entertainingly, informingly, and in lively fashion. One who begins 
 to read the work will" not lay it aside until he has finished it if White 
 catches the other fellow in the spirit in which the reviewer was at the 
 time he took the work in hand. 
 
 The volume can be recommended for study by all who would gain 
 a good grasp of the fundamental problems of social mental hygiene. 
 It will give such a reader worth while attitudes toward the various 
 classes of socially inadequate persons, if he has not held them before. 
 
 The author does not discuss social inadequacy due to organic 
 diseases, and the problems of individual mental hygiene were not, I 
 believe, originally intended to be included within the purview of his 
 discussion. 
 
 The book, therefore, should, perhaps, have been labelled: "Prin- 
 ciples of Social Mental Hygiene. " 
 
 It should have a wide reading. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 THE FUNDAMENTALS OF PSYCHOLOGY. By W. B. Pillsbury. 
 New York: The Macmillan Company, 1916. Pp. 562. 
 
 This textbook is intended for college students who are to devote 
 a whole year to an introductory course in psychology, and it is planned 
 therefore on a larger scale than the author's shorter work "The Essen- 
 tials of Psychology." Otherwise it has many points of similarity with 
 the earlier work. A notable extension and enrichment by many good 
 illustrations occur in the second and third chapters, which deal with 
 the nervous system and cover more than eighty pages. The reviewer, 
 however, fails to discover any justification for this elaborate treatment 
 of a foreign subject-matter, in as much as the rest of the text is just as 
 intelligible to the average student who has not mastered this part, the 
 author finding little occasion to refer back to the principles discussed 
 in these two chapters. 
 
 The facts of visual sensations are treated in the fourth chapter, 
 while those of visual perception of space and movement are relegated 
 to the eighth and ninth chapters, an orthodox division of subject- 
 matter which has little else in its favor but tradition. The other 
 sensations are dealt with in the fifth chapter, which is followed by a 
 brief discussion in the sixth chapter of the images and their laws of 
 association. Instead of following this topic up with a discussion of 
 memory, imagination, and reasoning, the logical train of thought is 
 again interrupted, a chapter on attention and two chapters on per- 
 ception preceding the resumption of the discussion of memory and 
 reasoning. The last four chapters represent perhaps the most system-
 
 Review 61 
 
 atic part of the whole work, dealing successively with instinct, feeling 
 and affection, emotion and temperament, will and self. Here, if 
 anywhere, the reader will begin to realize that psychology does attempt 
 to study mental life as a system of interrelated mental phenomena 
 functioning and behaving toward each other according to certain in- 
 herent laws of unified activity. In this lack of interrelationship 
 between the different topics treated the present volume is certainly 
 not as successful as the author's earlier work. 
 
 There are several minor details of inaccuracy in statement, one 
 of which at least (p. 241, concerning the distribution of clearness) is a 
 recurrence from the "Essentials." The matter of references seems 
 to be dealt with in a somewhat arbitrary manner; in some places 
 several titles are mentioned in connection with minor details, while 
 in other places more important topics are not supported by any refer- 
 ences to the literature. The author has tried to maintain a neutral 
 attitude where the subject-matter is still in the controversial stage, 
 and has succeeded in it fairly well. While the text is not suited for 
 individual self-instruction, it promises to be a successful aid in the 
 class-room in the hands of a skilful instructor. 
 
 L. R. GEISSLER. 
 
 Clark University, Worcester, Mass. 
 
 AN INTRODUCTION TO THE PHYSIOLOGY AND PSYCHOLOGY OF SEX 
 By S. Herbert, M. D., M. R. C. S. (England), L. R. C. P. (London). 
 London: A. & C. Black, Ltd., 1917. (The Macmillan Company, 
 America). Pp. xii, 126. Illustrations, 49, 20x14 c. m. $1.25, 
 3/6 net. 
 
 RATIONAL SEX ETHICS. A Physiological and Psychological Study 
 of the Sex Lives of Normal Men and Women, with Suggestions for a 
 Rational Sex Hygiene. By W. F. Robie, A.B., M.D., Superintendent 
 Pine Terrace, Baldwinville, Mass. Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1917. 
 Pp. 356, 20x14 c. m. $3.50 net. 
 
 THE SEX WORSHIP AND SYMBOLISM OF PRIMITIVE RACES. An 
 Interpretation by Sanger Brown II, M. D., Assistant Physician, 
 Bloomingdale Hospital. With an Introduction by James H. Leuba. 
 Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1917. Pp. 145. 20x14 c. m. $3.00 net. 
 
 These three books may properly be presented together to the 
 notice of psychopathologists and psychologists and therethrough to 
 men and women who need their information and practical wisdom. 
 There is nothing about any of them that demands much space. 
 
 Doctor Herbert's volume deals clearly with the biology of sex, 
 the physiology of sex, the physiology of reproduction, the psychology
 
 62 Review 
 
 of sex, aberrations of sex, and the sexual norm (each having a chapter), 
 a conclusion, a small bibiliography, and an index. It is a useful book 
 to very many, and is suitable for the instruction of adolescents in re- 
 productive affairs. 
 
 "The book is intended to fill a serious gap in the literature dealing 
 with sex. It aims at giving the important facts about sex, mating, 
 and reproduction, from the physiological and psychological point of 
 view. It gathers together for the general reader a vast array of facts 
 which have hitherto only been accessible to the student specializing 
 in the subject." 
 
 Of the many such treatises, it appears to be at least as good as 
 any other. It is honored by its dedication to Havelock Ellis, the 
 world's leading authority on the psychological aspects of this great 
 difference of sex dividing life. 
 
 "Rational Sex Ethics," even at the price of $3.50, would be of 
 inestimable value towards the happiness of multitudes of women and 
 of men who do not know how to conduct their common marital life. 
 Even at the price it is cheaper than the divorce that might be bought 
 in its place, for the advice in the book leads certainly to the cessation 
 of much unhappiness. "Time was when writers on sex subjects strove 
 to prescribe correct sex living from no other authority than their own 
 imaginations. Most present-day books on sex are a record of facts 
 obtained from those whose sex lives have been abnormal. The fallacy 
 of the former teaching has long been evident, the incompleteness of 
 the other is fast becoming realized. 
 
 "The present work aims to utilize any facts of value heretofore 
 obtained and to supplement these with the knowledge obtained from 
 the complete sex histories of several hundred normal, educated, success- 
 ful, moral, and altruistic men and women. " 
 
 The book is advertised as "for sale only to the members of the 
 medical and legal professions, " which is good advertising. Just now- 
 a-days when folks in this world of ours are none too happy, and when 
 too, birth-rates are low and lowering, the sound advice of this book is 
 of especial use and will be gratefully appreciated by such as care 
 to pay the price. Doctor Robie has done his part well. 
 
 "The Sex Worship and Symbolism of Primitive Races" is a small 
 work of large type and thick paper not over nineteen thousand words. 
 The advertisement not inaptly gives their drift: 
 
 "This simple presentation of a fundamental motive should appeal 
 to everyone who is at all interested in mental evolution. The historical
 
 Review 63 
 
 portion of the book gives a description of sex worship which had its 
 origin in the mind of primitive man, but which continued its influence, 
 unrecognized for the most part, through the past ages down to the 
 present day. 
 
 "A parallel is drawn between the history of this motive in the 
 collective mind of the race and the influence of the sex motive in the 
 life of the normal individual. " 
 
 GEORGE V. N. DEARBORN. 
 
 Cambridge
 
 WAR BULLETIN 
 
 AN IMPERATIVE APPEAL FOR MEDICAL, OFFICERS 
 
 An urgent and imperative appeal has just been issued by the 
 Surgeon General of the United States Army, for doctors for the Medical 
 Reserve Corps. 
 
 There are today, 15,174 officers of the Medical Reserve Corps on 
 active duty and the Medical Department has reached the limit of 
 medical officers at the present time available for assignment. With 
 these facts before the medical profession of this country, we believe 
 that every doctor who is physically qualified for service between the 
 age of 21 and 55 years, will come forward now and apply for a com- 
 mission in the Medical Reserve Corps. 
 
 The Surgeon General says: "So far the United States has been 
 involved only in the preparatory phase of this war. We are now 
 about to enter upon the active or fighting phase, which will make 
 enormous demands upon the resources of the country." The con- 
 servation of these resources, especially that of man-power, depends 
 entirely upon an adequate medical service. 
 
 Drafts of men will continually follow drafts, each of which will 
 require its proportionate number of medical officers and there are at 
 this time on the available list of the Medical Reserve Corps, an insuffi- 
 cient number to meet the demands of these drafts. 
 
 The real necessity for the complete mobilization of the entire 
 profession is imperative. It is not a question of a few hundred men 
 volunteering for service, but of the mobilization of the profession for 
 the conservation of the resources of this country. 
 
 STAND BY OUR BOYS, YOUR BOYS, THEIR BOYS. Re- 
 member the gallant French in '76. The British who stood by Dewey 
 in 1898. The Garibaldis who were always for LIBERTY. 
 
 The rapid expansion of the Army calls for a largely expanded 
 Medical Reserve Corps. The Surgeon General has issued a most 
 earnest appeal for doctors. The Department has reached the limit 
 of medical officers available for assignment.
 
 THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 VOL. XIII JUNE, 1918 NUMBER 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 THE PRACTICAL MEASUREMENT OF 
 PSYCHOPATHIC BEHAVIOR 1 
 
 H. I. GOSLINE, 
 
 CAPTAIN, M. R. C., U. S. ARMY 
 
 THE practical measurement of behavior has never been 
 seriously attempted on a large scale in the human being. 
 Even in the case of child psychology or of animal study, 
 it is doubtful whether attempts made can be given more 
 serious consideration than any other mere record of events, 
 however well such observation may have been controlled by 
 the conditions of the experiment. There has been a vast amount 
 of study and record of behavior, and there is a vast amount of 
 routine work on the behavior of the psychopathic, \vhich can be 
 used practically even in its crude present state. And later we 
 may hope to perfect the crude condition of our material by per- 
 sistent efforts in the right direction. 
 
 The material gained from the routine ward reports of physi- 
 cians and nurses in the hospitals for the mentally incapacitated, 
 forms a treasure of great potential value, if we have a unit of 
 measure by which it can be integrated. I do not mean to imply 
 that such observations can ever compare in scientific fineness 
 with the material gained by the well controlled experiment but 
 I do claim that this crude matter can be compared and rendered 
 of practical value and that even the experimentally controlled 
 material can be rendered more tangible by the application of a 
 unit of measure which is at hand. 
 
 1 Presented at the Meeting of the American Psychopathological Association held at Atlantic 
 City, N. J., May 11, 1918. 
 
 Copyright 1918 by Richard G. Badger. All Rights Resetted. 
 
 65
 
 (>G Practical Measurement of Psychopathic Behavior 
 
 There are two sorts of unit of measure; those which measure 
 material things and those which "measure time." The words 
 "measure time" are purposely put in quotation marks because 
 they contain a riddle which has never been satisfactorily solved. 
 A quotation will serve to show the cloudy confusion which exists 
 with regard to the idea even in the minds of the well informed, 
 in 1909. The quotation is as follows: "So the ingenuity of 
 man goes on measuring this earthly element of time. Laplace 
 said that 'Time is to us the impression left on the memory by a 
 series of events,' and that motion, and motion only, can be used 
 in measuring it. Thus it is motion, whether of the shadow on the 
 grass,, the dropping of water or the continuous oscillations of a 
 swinging body, which is the necessary and unvarying element in 
 all the measurements of time." 1 
 
 It is apparent to everyone that two concepts are confused in 
 the mind of the writer of this quotation; the concept as to the 
 nature of time and the concept as to how time is measured. The 
 concept as to the method by which time is measured is clear but 
 the real significance of the measurement, the implications of the 
 measurement, are lost sight of. 
 
 The gist of the quotation is really centred in Laplace's 
 concept of the nature of time, especially the "series of events" 
 part of it. He took the "impression on the memory" to be of 
 prime significance but later psychological research has made 
 some improvement on this conception. According to intro- 
 spective psychology 3 time is filled with a variety of sensations, 
 the source of which is our bodily reactions. We are able to per- 
 ceive the lapse of time by a special combination of sensations in 
 which increase and decrease of tension play a role. Our per- 
 ception depends on an incoming current and upon the discharge 
 of the centrifugal system. The discharge of the centrifugal 
 system influences the sensory process itself. 
 
 But here introspective psychology stops and we must use 
 other tools if we would proceed. It has succeeded in more satis- 
 factorily locating the seat of our time sense in the interplay 
 between the primary sensory process and the kinaesthetic sensa- 
 tions aroused by the reaction process, but one essential factor 
 remains in the introspective solution as in the solution of La- 
 Science History of the Universe Vol. VIII, Mathematics Section on Mathematical 
 Applications by Dr. Franz Bellinger Current Literature Publishing Co., New York, 1909. 
 
 s Hrgo Munsterberg Psychology, General and Applied, p. 156. D. Appleton & Co.. New- 
 York, 1914.
 
 H. I. Gosline 67 
 
 place: it is the "series of events" of Laplace, the "incoming' 
 current" of the introspective psychology. 
 
 The combined ideas of the central location of the time sense 
 "and of the "series of events" furnishes us the essentials of a 
 broader concept of what time really is and this concept is better 
 founded than ever before. We can now discount our central 
 process and it becomes clear once and for all that it is the "series 
 of events" which is prime. It is the motion in the world outside 
 which is prime. And motion is nothing more nor less than a 
 change in relative position in space. Time then becomes for the 
 thinker only a measure of change in space. 
 
 It now becomes self-evident, also, why "motion and motion 
 only, can be used in 'measuring time." The measurement of 
 time is merely setting up a mechanical change in relative position 
 in space by comparison with which all other changes in relative 
 position in space can be measured. 
 
 The truth of this proposition is demonstrated nowhere better 
 than in practical experience. A crude illustration is the placing 
 of a crime by reference to a certain time. The effort is made to 
 crystallize a certain setting, a certain complex of relative posi- 
 tions in space, which must have occurred for the crime to have 
 been committed. The alibi is gained by proving one element 
 in the complex of relative positions in space to be otherwise than 
 claimed by the prosecution. And this again is done by reference 
 to the time standard. And so, by reference to our time pieces, 
 all the positions in the world of experience might be located at 
 the moment the crime was committed. 
 
 An example of finer measurement is the study of the 
 physiological process with its measurements in l-100ths of 
 seconds, or of the psychological process with its l-1000ths of 
 seconds. But the findings are the same here as they were in the 
 crude work of the detective; there is no fundamental difference 
 but only a quantitative difference. The physiological and the 
 psychological experiment seeks in essence to locate the relative 
 position in space of the elements under investigation, with 
 reference to the conditions imposed by the experiment, and the 
 1 -100th of a second or the l-1000th of a second is merely the 
 mechanical change in the relative position in space which must 
 act as a standard of comparison. 
 
 So, from the crudest to the finest examples, time remains as 
 the unit of comparison for the "series of events" and thus, as 
 one sub-class of the series of events, all function must be measured
 
 08 Practical Measurement of Psychopathic Behavior 
 
 in units of time. Many other methods of comparison have been 
 offered, chiefly in the study of mental phenomena, but none 
 have claimed more than a few straggling followers, and in the 
 meantime there has grown up practically a crude but healthy 
 mass of material based upon the day as the unit. It is this 
 material at hand which only needs polishing and finishing to 
 become a powerful tool in our attack upon the intricacies of the 
 psychopathic mind. 
 
 In all State Hospitals which have become more than asylums 
 in deed as well as in name, there are notes made periodically on 
 the mental condition of each patient. This work is supple- 
 mented in our best Hospitals by the institution of a sort of con- 
 duct chart which is a daily record of the abnormal behavior of 
 each patient. This chart is kept by the nurse on the ward and 
 is turned in with the rest of the patient's records when he is 
 discharged from the Hospital. This is a crude but practical 
 method of recording conduct on a large scale and it is a funda- 
 mentally correct method, however crude, because it has a time 
 element for comparison, namely the day. What needs polishing 
 is our conception of the acts that really constitute abnormal 
 behavior and secondly, the training which we mental internists 
 give our nurses. 
 
 We must submit to a bit of self-discipline in order to be 
 able to know when an act is abnormal and to a great deal more 
 than a bit of self-discipline in order to tell what is really behavior 
 and what in behavior contains elements of interpretation. We 
 must know these differences so well that we can teach them to 
 our nurses in simple language. 
 
 In determining the abnormal nature of a certain incident of 
 behavior, one deals with durations, intensities, and discrepancies 
 between cause and effect. In determining what is really be- 
 havior, one must keep in mind the two degrees of observation, 
 the first degree taking cognizance only of the objective symptom 
 and the second degree introducing an element of interpretation 
 into the act of the patient as seen by the observer. The first 
 degree of observation is the only one to be relied upon in making 
 an evaluation of an act, because it takes the objective symptom 
 without any element of interpretation. 4 Present conduct charts 
 are imperfect without exception because they ignore this differ- 
 ence and hence they do not bring back a true report of the be- 
 
 4 Harold I. Gosline The Conduct of the Insane J. Abn. Psychol Vol. XII, No. 4, p. 240, 
 October, 1917.
 
 H. I. Goeline, 69 
 
 havior of the patient and, what is of greater import, they cloud 
 the vision of the observer, the nurse, by forcing her to interpret 
 the acts of the patient. We can not over-emphasize the value 
 of the nurse in this work. Her work is essential because it is 
 practical and it will become more practical when the necessary 
 instruction is added to the curriculum of the nurse in the mental 
 hospital, to replace what is now taught of the groupings of mental 
 disease. These groupings of mental disease are too complicated 
 and too incomprehensible to the average mental nurse; they are 
 more fitted to the work of the doctor. On the other hand, the 
 study of behavior, if direct observation is taught, can become 
 easy of comprehension and is a fit object for the report of the 
 nurse. 
 
 Who in general medicine would think of attempting to teach 
 the intricacies of the nephroses or the vagaries of the neuro- 
 cardiac asthenia to his nurses? It is just as little good sense to 
 try to teach mental nurses the uncertainties of the differential 
 diagnosis between manic-depressive psychosis and dementia 
 precox. Substitute something practical and more tangible to 
 the humbler understanding. 
 
 And so to summarize the problem of "measuring psycho- 
 pathic behavior practically," let us recapitulate a time unit, 
 a clear idea of what is psychopathic, a description of behavior, 
 and a nurse with a practical training. 
 
 With these elements we may present the results tangibly, 
 accurately, and practically. (See Chart) Two methods of 
 presentation have been chosen for the time being; one may be 
 called the ''graphic presentation," the other the "comparative 
 presentation." In the graphic method of presentation, the 
 ordinates are the numbers of the months of the year, the ab- 
 scissae are the number of days of the month during which a given 
 act of behavior persisted. The resulting graph represents the 
 symptom under observation. Let us take restlessness for ex- 
 ample. On the chart (upper figure) it is apparent that the 
 patient was restless during thirty days of the first month of the 
 year 1898 which was the second year of her disease; and so on. 
 It is apparent, also, that this method permits of graphic com- 
 parison with other symptoms, as noisiness, for example, (see 
 chart), with variations in weight or, in general, with any other 
 function, since functions must be measured in time units. 
 
 A comparative presentation may also be effected by using 
 numbers instead of the graph. (Chart, lower part). Thus
 
 70 
 
 Practical Measurement of Psychopathic Behavior 
 
 larger groups of symptoms may be compared at once or the 
 symptoms may be compared in the various psychoses or the same 
 symptom may be studied in a series of individuals. The method 
 is bound only by the limitation inherent in comparisons which are 
 referable to time as a standard. 
 
 The closer we approach the ideals outlined above, the nearer 
 do we come to an actual measurement of neuromuscular excite- 
 ment involved in the act of behavior under observation. Of 
 course, it is not to be expected that this observation of behavior 
 is giving us any insight into which side of the reflex arc is suffering. 
 Such information must be obtained by the mental examination 
 proper or by a study of the physical condition of the patient. 
 But what we do obtain is an exact idea of the segments of the 
 brain and cord which are discharging and, of still more value, we 
 know something of the comparative activity of the various seg- 
 ments. Thus, in the lower part of the chart, it was the neuro- 
 muscular apparatus subserving the voice which was most active 
 during the fourth month of 1900 and this took the direction of 
 abusiveness and profanity. At another time it was the lachry-
 
 H. /. Gosline 
 
 71 
 
 mal apparatus plus the voice in profanity. And the entire 
 course of this patient's behavior was exteriorized in the head 
 segments of the cord or, perhaps, in the head area of the brain 
 except at the end of the disease when the activity of these seg- 
 ments subsided and the lower segments of the cord, or the upper 
 areas of the brain, or possibly areas in the thalamus, became ac- 
 tive, as evidenced in the patient's untidiness. At the same time 
 the gastro-intestinal system was upset. 
 
 In concluding, it may be emphasized again that the method 
 is practical now and can be made more so. An example of the 
 interpretation of the figures and how to compile the figures has 
 been given. The method is not new; it is only an extension of 
 what is being done now in Hospitals for the insane where scien- 
 tific work is being attempted. The adoption of this method makes 
 for clear thinking by insisting ori a clear comprehension of real 
 differences which exist between behavior in the true sense and
 
 72 Practical Measurement of Psychopathic Behavior 
 
 what is often erroneously termed behavior. Finally, it is a step 
 in a rational plan of psychoanalysis; the sort of psychoanalysis 
 that is trying to arrive at the seat of the patient's trouble in his 
 own body. 
 
 Just now we must be content to leave it to future researches 
 to reveal the total possibilities of discharge of the sensory system 
 into the paths observed to be acting when we study behavior. 
 But with the advent of this knowledge, we shall locate the seat 
 of the pathological condition in the mental case from the symp- 
 toms, in the same ideal way attempted, but never quite reached, 
 by our confreres in general medicine.
 
 HYPNAGOGIC HALLUCINATIONS WITH CASES 
 ILLUSTRATING THESE SANE MANIFESTATIONS 1 
 
 N. S. YAWGER, M. D.. PHILADELPHIA 
 
 IN medical writings it is seldom that more than mention is 
 made of sane hallucinations, though they are not of such 
 uncommon occurrence and occasionally we are consulted as 
 to their significance. From Bible-times down there always 
 have been persons who beheld visions and history records many 
 instances where men of genius have had either a single halluci- 
 natory experience or have been subject to their occasional re- 
 appearance. 
 
 Hypnagogic phenomena were first studied and so named 
 by the French psychologist, Maury (1); subsequently, the matter 
 was given consideration by Kraepelin (2), and in this country it 
 is mentioned by White (3) but for the most part the subject has 
 been left to psychologists. 
 
 These curious experiences are familiarly known as visions, 
 and, though innocent in their nature, might be mistaken as 
 heralding some grave mental disorder. In discussing the sub- 
 ject some writers have included phenomena of the special senses 
 manifested upon wakening; the derivation of the word hypna- 
 gogic prohibits this, and, furthermore, while experiences pre- 
 ceding sleep are mostly visual, those occurring upon wakening 
 are more likely to be associated with hearing. 
 
 By hypnagogic phenomena, hallucinations or visions, we 
 understand those experiences, usually optical, of a few sane 
 persons, observed during the transitional stage from wakening 
 to slumber and in which scenes or objects of various kinds pass 
 rapidly before the sight. While in some individuals such hal- 
 lucinations are observed with the eyes closed, in others they are 
 seen with them open. 
 
 The character of the visions vary; at times they assume 
 architectural forms, they may be of streets or of interior decora- 
 tions and in other experiences persons are represented either 
 singly or in groups. These recurring scenes are likely to be more 
 or less of a similar character in each individual. 
 
 'Read before the American Neurological Association at the Forty-fourth Annual Meet- 
 ing, A Han' ir City. My, 1 18. 
 
 73
 
 74 Hypnagogic Hallucinations 
 
 Case 1. A female, aged 72, long a sufferer from chronic 
 rheumatic arthritis but whose hallucinatory experiences ante- 
 dates her invalidism. The visions were first manifested at 40 
 years, since then not oftener than once in two or three years and 
 still less often of recent years. The sights appear only upon re- 
 tiring and always with the eyes closed. They are of no particu- 
 lar type Scenes from nature, different patterns of lace and some- 
 times human- heads with distorted features. Once, this in- 
 dividual recalls seeing a castle with doors standing open. It 
 appeared to her that she entered the structure and walked along 
 a wide corridor and into a number of large vacant rooms. 
 
 Case 11. This is of a gentlewoman, aged 47, of unusual 
 intelligence and in exceptional health. Her own statement fol- 
 lows: The visions appeared first at about 15 years and have 
 been continuous ever since at longer or shorter intervals. Some- 
 times they appear for several consecutive nights and then remain 
 away for months at a time. 
 
 So far as I can judge they are not more likely to be with me 
 when I am overtired or disturbed in mind. I exercise no con- 
 trol over them as I have repeatedly endeavored to recall the 
 sights but without success; again, when I least expect them they 
 appear, though never until after having retired. In character 
 they are panoramic, one scene appearing for a few seconds to be 
 followed a moment later by a vision entirely different. I regard 
 their development with great interest and enjoyment. At times 
 when others have been in my rooms I have been pleased to en- 
 tertain them with descriptions of these visions as they appeared 
 one by one. Though my eyes are closed, I know I am fully 
 awake, else how could I describe the sights accurately at the 
 time and furthermore ha-ve the power of recalling them long 
 after? 
 
 My experiences are almost invariably of a pleasant nature 
 and through many years there have been but few r instances when 
 I have met with decidedly unpleasant sights. These experiences 
 are not the projected images of things previously seen or read 
 but seem an entirely new r creation. To me a singular feature is 
 that the visions are invariably void of life Never a living 
 creature nor the image of one All is so deserted and still. 
 
 As to the subjects of these visions: They are sceneries from 
 nature of various kinds, streets where I see rows of houses mostly 
 of dark brown sandstone and of stately architecture, hand- 
 some rooms with beautiful furnishings and hangings, all of
 
 A 7 . 8. Yawger 75 
 
 gorgeous hue and wondrous design. When I distinctly see in- 
 teriors, patterns of tapestries and decorations, they are usually 
 in oriental style. Most all I see is so beautiful that I long for the 
 power to reproduce it in reality. 
 
 Once, I vividly recall that suddenly there appeared lying 
 upon a highly polished round-top table of about two feet in 
 diameter and within easy reach of my hand, a jewel, of oval 
 shape and about four inches in its greatest length. This jewel 
 was a most beautiful, rich, shining topaz, set in a golden scroll 
 and in the center was a jet-black pulsating star. Soon the 
 whole scene vanished from my sight. 
 
 More frequent but less elaborate experiences are with me 
 as I waken. These are usually associated with hearing and con- 
 sist for the most part of jabbering, incoherent words or snatches 
 from sentences. A recent instance of this kind was my distinctly 
 catching these words, "I paid my million dollar debt to E. P. 
 Andre. " To me these words are always meaningless since I can 
 associate them with nothing in my past life. 
 
 In the latter case cited the visions began at 15 years and in 
 the former at -40. This, according to Steen (4), is unusual. In 
 speaking of such manifestations he says, "These are more 
 marked in youth and as a rule disappear when adult life is reach- 
 ed." He quotes DeQuincy who wrote, "I know not whether 
 my reader is aware that many children have a power as it were 
 of painting upon the darkness all sorts of phantoms; in some 
 that power is simply a mechanical affection of the eye; others 
 have a voluntary or semi-voluntary power to dismiss or summon 
 such phantoms; or, as a child once said to me when I questioned 
 him about this matter, 'I can tell them to go, and they go, but 
 sometimes they come when I don't tell them to come.' 
 
 These manifestations do not have their origin in peripheral 
 disturbances, they have been perceived in persons blind and 
 deaf. Individuals having such experiences may be physically 
 healthy and entirely sane. The phenomenon is just a state of 
 mind and probably as far removed from disease or disorder as is 
 dreaming. 
 
 One finds among psychologists various theories accounting 
 for hypnagogic hallucinations. In some general discussion of 
 analogous states James says, "Whenever the associative pro- 
 cesses are reduced and impelled by the approach of uncon- 
 sciousness, as in falling sleep, or growing faint or in becoming
 
 76 Hypnagogic Hallucinations 
 
 narcotized, we find a concomitant increase in the intensity of 
 whatsoever partial consciousness may remain." 
 
 As to theories regarding hypnagogic phenomena Some 
 have considered them due to shutting off the drainage through 
 association paths, thereby making more intense the activity of 
 those cells that retain any activity, until finally the accumula- 
 tion is so great that a sensory explosion occurs in the form of a 
 vision. 
 
 Another theory lays stress upon the approach of drowsiness, 
 at which time the sensations cease, consequently, we have an 
 absence of their reductive power; in other words, the channels 
 of comparison being shut off, there is in operation no toning 
 down process and thus the imaginary sights are permitted to 
 spring into existence unopposed. 
 
 1. Maury, L. F. Alfred: Le Sommeil et les Reves; Libraire 
 
 Academeque et Cie, Libraires-Editeurs, Paris, 1861, p. 41. 
 
 2. Kraepelin, Emil: Psychiatric; Johann Ambrosius Barth, 
 
 Leipzig; 1. Band, p. 130, 1903. 
 
 3. White, William A.: Outlines of Psychiatry; Nervous and 
 
 Mental Disease Publishing Company, Washington; 1918, 
 p. 45. 
 
 4. Steen, Robert Hunter: Hallucinations in the Sane; The 
 
 Journal of Mental Disease; July, 1917, p. 328. 
 
 5. James, William: Psychology, Henry Holt and Company, 
 
 New York: Vol. II, 1890/p. 124.
 
 POINT SCALE EXAMINATIONS 1 ON THE HIGH- 
 GRADE FEEBLE-MINDED AND THE 
 INSANE 
 
 BY JOSEPHINE N. CURTIS, PH. D. 
 
 PSYCHOLOGIST IN CHARGE, PSYCHOPATHIC HOSPITAL, BOSTON 
 
 IN February, 1916, when we began the investigation here re- 
 ported, 2 to our knowledge no extensive use of the Yerkes- 
 Bridges Child (pre-adolescent) Point Scale had been made 
 with subjects at the border-line of feeble-mindedness. 3 We 
 were concerned to determine as accurately as possible the intel- 
 lectual level reached by individuals who had proven that they 
 were just unable to get along by themselves in the world, and to 
 ascertain for these cases the range of variation in intellectual 
 ability. We wished, secondly, to obtain data for comparison 
 with ratings already obtained on the same subjects by the use 
 of the Goddard 1911 revision of the Binet tests, 4 and to ascertain 
 the diagnostic significance, at the upper ages of the individual 
 tests on the Point Scale. As work progressed, it became in- 
 creasingly evident that the child scale was unsuitable for our 
 purposes in some cases, since with it our highest grade subjects 
 attained scores equal to those of normal subjects. This out- 
 come indicated that not enough difficult tests were included in 
 the scale to give chances for the subnormals to display their 
 inferiority. Accordingly we gave the preliminary form of the 
 Yerkes-Rossy Adult Point Scale 5 to about thirty subjects who 
 received high scores on the child scale. 
 
 Our subjects were 100 boys and 100 girls at the Massa- 
 chusetts School for the Feeble-Minded at Waverley. There are 
 
 'The directions for grading given by Yerkes, Bridges, and Hardwick, A Point Scale for 
 Measuring Menial Ability, 1915, proved too meagre for our work and we have therefore made a 
 more detailed list of typical answers and their evaluation. This list is now in use in the Psycho- 
 pathic Hospital, Boston and is given in Appendix B of this paper. 
 
 2 The problem of the applicability of the Point Scale to the high grade feeble-minded was 
 suggested by Major II. M. Yerkes. To him, to Dr. \V. E. Fernald and Dr. K. MaU-er of Waverley 
 and to Dr. E. E. Southard of the Psychopathic Hospital grateful acknowledgments are due for 
 valuable suggestions and criticisms. 
 
 3 The report of T. H. Haines, Ohio Hoard of Administration, Pub. 7, Dec. 191.5 had not reached 
 us. Compare also It. M. Yerkes and L. Wood, Journ. Ed. Pxych. 7, Dec., 191(5. 
 
 'II. II. (Jcddard, reprint (1911) from Training School, January, 1910. 
 
 5 A brief account of the nature of this scale and of our results with it are given by \\. M. 
 Yerkes ami C. S. Rossy, Boston Med. and Surg. Journ. 176, No. 10, April 19, 1917, p. 509 ff. 
 Certain other results follow in this paper. 
 
 77
 
 78 
 
 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 no spastics, Cretins, Mongolians, microcephalies or hydro- 
 cephalics in the group. Negroes are designated in the tables by 
 parentheses. With scarcely any exceptions our group contained 
 all of the high grade girls at the school. There are 68 whose 
 mental ages are 9 or over. 6 Most of the high grade boys at the 
 school were also examined, though some few could not well be" 
 taken from their work on the farm. Our cases, however, in- 
 cluded 70 boys of 9 years mental age and over. For the rest, 
 the groups are made up chiefly of boys and girls of slightly lower 
 mental ages whom it was necessary to examine to make sure 
 they were really below 9, together with a few at much lower ages 
 for the sake of certain comparisons. The median chronological 
 age of the boys examined was 16 + a median variation of 2; of 
 the girls, 24 +3. The median chronological age of the 70 high 
 grade boys was 16 2; of the 68 high grade girls, 24 +4. All of- 
 the cases had been tested at the school less than two years before 
 by Goddard's revisipn of the Binet tests. The following facts 
 make it probable that for many purposes we may make compari- 
 sons between the results of the two scales without significant 
 errors due to lapse of time between the giving of the two sets of 
 tests: 1) The median chronological ages of our lower grade and 
 of our higher grade groups are identical. 2) The Binet measure- 
 ments give -65 boys and 70 girls with mental age over 9 as com- 
 pared with 70 and 68 by the Point Scale. 3) Many of our group 
 are adults and therefore probably not developing. 
 
 TABLE I 
 
 POINT SCALE AND BINET DATA UPON 200 FEEBLE-MINDBD 
 
 BOYS 
 
 CHILD POINT SCALE MENTAL AGE 
 
 Child Point Scale 
 mental age 
 
 ' 
 
 I. Q. 
 
 
 
 i 
 2 
 3 
 4 
 5 
 
 'Except when otherwise indicated, the corrected norms of Yerkes and Wood, op. cit., 606, 
 are used in all computation in this paper. 
 
 22 
 
 21 
 
 4.8 
 
 4.9 
 
 6.6 
 
 24 
 
 31 
 
 41 
 
 -1.7 
 
 17 
 
 29 
 
 6.0 
 
 6.2 
 
 7.6 
 
 34 
 
 38 
 
 48 
 
 -1.4 
 
 24 
 
 32 
 
 6.5 
 
 6.6 
 
 6.4 
 
 36 
 
 41 
 
 40 
 
 .2 
 
 15 
 
 36 
 
 7.2 
 
 7.2 
 
 7.0 
 
 45 
 
 48 
 
 47 
 
 .2 
 
 10 
 
 38 
 
 7.5 
 
 7.5 
 
 8.2 
 
 67 
 
 75 
 
 82 
 
 -.7
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 79 
 
 6 
 
 11. 
 
 5 
 
 39 
 
 7. 7 
 
 7.6 
 
 7.2 
 
 58 
 
 65 
 
 63 
 
 
 4 
 
 7 
 
 15 
 
 
 40 
 
 7.8 
 
 7.7 
 
 8.2 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 48 
 
 
 5 
 
 8 
 
 10 
 
 
 40 
 
 7.8 
 
 7.7 
 
 9.0 
 
 70 
 
 77 
 
 90 
 
 -1. 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 20 
 
 
 40 
 
 7.8 
 
 7. 7 
 
 8.6 
 
 45 
 
 48 
 
 54 
 
 _ . 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 17 
 
 
 41 
 
 8.0 
 
 7.8 
 
 7.0 
 
 48 
 
 49 
 
 44 
 
 
 8 
 
 11 
 
 16 
 
 
 42 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.0 
 
 7.8 
 
 50 
 
 51 
 
 49 
 
 
 t7 
 
 12 
 
 22 
 
 
 42 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.1 
 
 7.8 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 49 
 
 
 3 
 
 13 
 
 11. 
 
 !) 
 
 44 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 7.8 
 
 69 
 
 69 
 
 66 
 
 
 4 
 
 14 
 
 18 
 
 
 44 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 9.0 
 
 50 
 
 51 
 
 56 
 
 _ . 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 14 
 
 
 44 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 9.4 
 
 56 
 
 58 
 
 57 
 
 -1. 
 
 2 
 
 16 
 
 11. 
 
 .2 
 
 44 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.0 
 
 68 
 
 73 
 
 71 
 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 29 
 
 
 44 
 
 8.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 9.0 
 
 50 
 
 51 
 
 56 
 
 _ . 
 
 8 
 
 18 
 
 17 
 
 
 45 
 
 8.3 
 
 8.4 
 
 9.0 
 
 52 
 
 52 
 
 56 
 
 _ . 
 
 6 
 
 19 
 
 10. 
 
 7 
 
 45 
 
 8.3 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.0 
 
 73 
 
 78 
 
 75 
 
 _ . 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 12. 
 
 1 
 
 46 
 
 8.3 
 
 8.5 
 
 9.2 
 
 66 
 
 70 
 
 76 
 
 . 
 
 7 
 
 (21) 
 
 16 
 
 
 46 
 
 8.3 
 
 8.5 
 
 7.0 
 
 55 
 
 53 
 
 44 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 22 
 
 15 
 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 8.4 
 
 57 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 
 2 
 
 23 
 
 11. 
 
 ."> 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 8.2 
 
 72 
 
 76 
 
 71 
 
 
 6 
 
 24 
 
 14. 
 
 .2 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 8.2 
 
 61 
 
 62 
 
 58 
 
 
 6 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.0 
 
 55 
 
 55 
 
 56 
 
 , 
 
 2 
 
 26 
 
 33 
 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 8.2 
 
 55 
 
 55 
 
 51 
 
 
 6 
 
 27 
 
 17 
 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 10.0 
 
 56 
 
 55 
 
 63 
 
 -1 
 
 g 
 
 28 
 
 14. 
 
 5 
 
 49 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.2 
 
 61 
 
 61 
 
 63 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 29 
 
 15 
 
 
 49 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.9 
 
 8.0 
 
 61 
 
 59 
 
 53 
 
 
 .9 
 
 30 
 
 12 
 
 
 49 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.8 
 
 70 
 
 74 
 
 82 
 
 
 
 .9 
 
 (31) 
 
 14 
 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 10.0 
 
 64 
 
 64 
 
 71 
 
 -1 
 
 
 
 32 
 
 13. 
 
 ,7 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.0 
 
 65 
 
 66 
 
 66 
 
 
 
 
 (33) 
 
 19 
 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 8.0 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 50 
 
 1 
 
 .0 
 
 34 
 
 21 
 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.4 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 .4 
 
 35 
 
 16 
 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 8.2 
 
 61 
 
 58 
 
 51 
 
 1 
 
 .0 
 
 36 
 
 15 
 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 8.0 
 
 61 
 
 57 
 
 53 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 37 
 
 15 
 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 8.6 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 57 
 
 
 .0 
 
 38 
 
 14 
 
 5 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 8.0 
 
 64 
 
 63 
 
 55 
 
 1 
 
 .2 
 
 39 
 
 15 
 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 9.6 
 
 62 
 
 61 
 
 64 
 
 
 
 .4 
 
 40 
 
 17 
 
 
 51 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 9.4 
 
 61 
 
 57 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 .2 
 
 41 
 
 13 
 
 ,7 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 8.0 
 
 63 
 
 63 
 
 58 
 
 1 
 
 .3 
 
 42 
 
 17 
 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 9.2 
 
 60 
 
 58 
 
 58 
 
 
 .1 
 
 (43) 
 
 16 
 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 9.4 
 
 63 
 
 60 
 
 59 
 
 
 
 .1 
 
 44 
 
 15 
 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 9.2 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 61 
 
 
 .1 
 
 45 
 
 14. 
 
 7 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 8.0 
 
 64 
 
 63 
 
 54 
 
 1 
 
 .8 
 
 46 
 
 12 
 
 5 
 
 53 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.5 
 
 9.6 
 
 74 
 
 76 
 
 77 
 
 
 
 .1 
 
 47 
 
 16 
 
 
 53 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.5 
 
 8.4 
 
 63 
 
 59 
 
 53 
 
 1 
 
 .1 
 
 (48) 
 
 13. 
 
 5 
 
 53 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.5 
 
 9.2 
 
 70 
 
 70 
 
 68 
 
 
 . i> 
 
 49 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 53 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.5 
 
 8.2 
 
 90 
 
 92 
 
 80 
 
 1 
 
 .3 
 
 .>() 
 
 21 
 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 8.6 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 54 
 
 1 
 
 .1 
 
 51 
 
 13 
 
 
 54 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.6 
 
 9.4 
 
 73 
 
 74 
 
 72 
 
 
 .2 
 
 52 
 
 17 
 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 9.8 
 
 64 
 
 61 
 
 61 
 
 
 
 .1 
 
 53 
 
 15 
 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 9.2 
 
 63 
 
 65 
 
 61 
 
 
 . 5 
 
 54 
 
 23 
 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 9.6 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 60 
 
 
 .1 
 
 55 
 
 81 
 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 8.8 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 55 
 
 
 9
 
 80 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 56 
 
 11.4 
 
 56 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.9 
 
 8.6 
 
 85 
 
 87 
 
 75 
 
 1.3 
 
 57 
 
 45 
 
 56 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.9 
 
 9.0 
 
 64 
 
 62 
 
 56 
 
 .9 
 
 58 
 
 23 
 
 57 
 
 9. 2 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.6 
 
 65 
 
 63 
 
 66 
 
 -.6 
 
 59 
 
 16 
 
 57 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.2 
 
 68 
 
 63 
 
 64 
 
 -.2 
 
 60 
 
 17 
 
 57 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 9.4 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 59 
 
 .6 
 
 61 
 
 12 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 9.6 
 
 83 
 
 84 
 
 80 
 
 . 5 
 
 62 
 
 15 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 9.2 
 
 72 
 
 67 
 
 61 
 
 .9 
 
 63 
 
 16 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 8.6 
 
 69 
 
 63 
 
 54 
 
 1.5 
 
 64 
 
 15 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 9.0 
 
 72 
 
 67 
 
 ao 
 
 1.1 
 
 65 
 
 18 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 10.2 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 64 
 
 -.1 
 
 66 
 
 40 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 9.0 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 56 
 
 1.1 
 
 67 
 
 18 
 
 59 
 
 9.5 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.0 
 
 67 
 
 64 
 
 63 
 
 .3 
 
 68 
 
 14.5 
 
 59 
 
 9.5 
 
 10.3 
 
 9.0 
 
 74 
 
 71 
 
 62 
 
 1.3 
 
 69 
 
 18 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 10.2 
 
 68 
 
 65 
 
 64 
 
 .2 
 
 70 
 
 20 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 8.8 
 
 68 
 
 65 
 
 55 
 
 1.6 
 
 71 
 
 17 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 9.0 
 
 70 
 
 65 
 
 56 
 
 1.4 
 
 72 
 
 11.9 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 8.2 
 
 82 
 
 87 
 
 69 
 
 2.2 
 
 73 
 
 15 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 9.2 
 
 74 
 
 69 
 
 61 
 
 1.2 
 
 74 
 
 14 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 10.0 
 
 73 
 
 75 
 
 71 
 
 .5 
 
 (75) 
 
 12 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 10.0 
 
 87 
 
 88 
 
 83 
 
 . 5 
 
 76 
 
 27 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 10.0 
 
 69 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 .5 
 
 77 
 
 15 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 9.8 
 
 75 
 
 70 
 
 65 
 
 .7 
 
 78 
 
 16 
 
 63 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.8 
 
 10.2 
 
 75 
 
 68 
 
 64 
 
 .6 
 
 (79) 
 
 17 
 
 63 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.8 
 
 9.2 
 
 73 
 
 68 
 
 58 
 
 1.6 
 
 80 
 
 19 
 
 64 
 
 10.7 
 
 11.0 
 
 10.6 
 
 73 
 
 69 
 
 66 
 
 .4 
 
 81 
 
 20 
 
 64 
 
 10.7 
 
 11.0 
 
 9.8 
 
 74 
 
 69 
 
 61 
 
 1.2 
 
 82 
 
 15 
 
 64 
 
 10.7 
 
 11.0 
 
 9.4 
 
 79 
 
 73 
 
 63 
 
 1.6 
 
 83 
 
 20 
 
 65 
 
 11.0 
 
 11.2 
 
 10.4 
 
 74 
 
 70 
 
 65 
 
 .8 
 
 84 
 
 23 
 
 65 
 
 11.0 
 
 11.2 
 
 9.4 
 
 74 
 
 70 
 
 59 
 
 1.8 
 
 85 
 
 18 
 
 65 
 
 11.0 
 
 11.2 
 
 10.2 
 
 74 
 
 70 
 
 64 
 
 1.0 
 
 86 
 
 16 
 
 65 
 
 11.0 
 
 11.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 77 
 
 70 
 
 63 
 
 1.2 
 
 87 
 
 15 
 
 67 
 
 11.2 
 
 11.5 
 
 9.4 
 
 83 
 
 77 
 
 63 
 
 2.1 
 
 88 
 
 16 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 11.2 
 
 81 
 
 73 
 
 63 
 
 . 5 
 
 89 
 
 21 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 10.8 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 70 
 
 .9 
 
 90 
 
 14 
 
 70 
 
 11.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 10.6 
 
 90 
 
 86 
 
 68 
 
 1.5 
 
 91 
 
 15 
 
 70 
 
 11.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 10.2 
 
 86 
 
 81 
 
 68 
 
 1.9 
 
 92 
 
 13.5 
 
 70 
 
 11.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 9.2 
 
 92 
 
 90 
 
 68 
 
 2.9 
 
 (93) 
 
 17 
 
 72 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.5 
 
 9.4 
 
 84 
 
 78 
 
 59 
 
 3.1 
 
 (94) 
 
 18 
 
 72 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.5 
 
 10.4 
 
 82 
 
 78 
 
 65 
 
 2.1 
 
 95 
 
 17 
 
 75 
 
 11.8 
 
 13.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 87 
 
 82 
 
 63 
 
 3.2 
 
 96 
 
 14 
 
 75 
 
 11.8 
 
 13.2 
 
 11.0 
 
 96 
 
 94 
 
 79 
 
 2.2 
 
 97 
 
 16 
 
 79 
 
 13.0 
 
 14.2 
 
 10.6 
 
 94 
 
 89 
 
 66 
 
 3.6 
 
 98 
 
 17 
 
 81 
 
 14.0 
 
 14.9 
 
 10.0 
 
 94 
 
 93 
 
 63 
 
 4.9 
 
 99 
 
 16 
 
 82 
 
 15.0 
 
 15.2 
 
 10.4 
 
 98 
 
 95 
 
 65 
 
 4.8 
 
 100 
 
 18 
 
 93 
 
 15. + 
 
 18. + 
 
 12.0 
 
 106 
 
 113 
 
 75 
 
 6.0 +
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 81 
 
 GIRLS 
 
 101 
 
 23 
 
 22 
 
 5.0 
 
 5.0 
 
 6.4 
 
 25 
 
 31 
 
 40 
 
 -1.4 
 
 102 
 
 15 
 
 25 
 
 5.4 
 
 5.5 
 
 5.8 
 
 25 
 
 37 
 
 39 
 
 -.3 
 
 103 
 
 13 
 
 27 
 
 5.7 
 
 5.9 
 
 6.6 
 
 27 
 
 38 
 
 51 
 
 .7 
 
 104 
 
 23 
 
 27 
 
 5.7 
 
 5.9 
 
 7.2 
 
 31 
 
 37 
 
 45 
 
 -1.3 
 
 105 
 
 32 
 
 28 
 
 5.9 
 
 6.0 
 
 6.8 
 
 32 
 
 38 
 
 43 
 
 -.8 
 
 106 
 
 19 
 
 28 
 
 5.9 
 
 6.0 
 
 6.8 
 
 32 
 
 38 
 
 43 
 
 -.8 
 
 107 
 
 33 
 
 28 
 
 5.9 
 
 6.0 
 
 7.4 
 
 32 
 
 38 
 
 46 
 
 -1.4 
 
 108 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 6.2 
 
 6.3 
 
 7.8 
 
 34 
 
 39 
 
 49 
 
 -1.5 
 
 109 
 
 21 
 
 33 
 
 6.8 
 
 6.8 
 
 7.6 
 
 38 
 
 43 
 
 48 
 
 -.8 
 
 110 
 
 26 
 
 33 
 
 6.8 
 
 6.8 
 
 8.8 
 
 38 
 
 43 
 
 55 
 
 -2.0 
 
 111 
 
 26 
 
 34 
 
 6.8 
 
 6.9 
 
 8.4 
 
 39 
 
 43 
 
 53 
 
 -1.5 
 
 112 
 
 24 
 
 35 
 
 7.0 
 
 7.0 
 
 8.2 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 
 51 
 
 -1.2 
 
 113 
 
 24 
 
 35 
 
 7.0 
 
 7.0 
 
 8.6 
 
 40 
 
 44 
 
 54 
 
 -1.6 
 
 114 
 
 20 
 
 36 
 
 7.2 
 
 7.2 
 
 6.8 
 
 41 
 
 45 
 
 43 
 
 .4 
 
 115 
 
 49 
 
 38 
 
 7.5 
 
 7.5 
 
 9.0 
 
 43 
 
 47 
 
 56 
 
 -1.5 
 
 116 
 
 24 
 
 39 
 
 7.7 
 
 7.6 
 
 7.8 
 
 44 
 
 48 
 
 49 
 
 -.2 
 
 117 
 
 25 
 
 39 
 
 7.7 
 
 7.6 
 
 8.4 
 
 44 
 
 48 
 
 53 
 
 -.8 
 
 118 
 
 26 
 
 39 
 
 7.7 
 
 7.6 
 
 8.4 
 
 44 
 
 48 
 
 53 
 
 -.8 
 
 119 
 
 19 
 
 40 
 
 7.8 
 
 7.7 
 
 8.4 
 
 45 
 
 48 
 
 53 
 
 -.7 
 
 120 
 
 25 
 
 40 
 
 7.8 
 
 7.7 
 
 7.0 
 
 45 
 
 48 
 
 44 
 
 .7 
 
 121 
 
 27 
 
 43 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.1 
 
 7.3 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 45 
 
 .9 
 
 122 
 
 34 
 
 43 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.4 
 
 49 
 
 51 . 
 
 53 
 
 -.3 
 
 123 
 
 23 
 
 43 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.1 
 
 8.0 
 
 49 
 
 51 
 
 50 
 
 .1 
 
 124 
 
 36 
 
 45 
 
 8.3 
 
 8.4 
 
 9.6 
 
 51 
 
 53 
 
 60 
 
 -1.2 
 
 125 
 
 14 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 7.8 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 49 
 
 .8 
 
 126 
 
 57 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 8.6 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 
 
 127 
 
 20 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 56 
 
 -.4 
 
 128 
 
 25 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 8.2 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 51 
 
 .4 
 
 129 
 
 20 
 
 47 
 
 8.4 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 54 
 
 54 
 
 56 
 
 -.4 
 
 130 
 
 26 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 7.8 
 
 55 
 
 55 
 
 49 
 
 1.0 
 
 131 
 
 21 
 
 48 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.8 
 
 9.6 
 
 55 
 
 55 
 
 60 
 
 -.8 
 
 132 
 
 26 
 
 49 
 
 8.5 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.6 
 
 56 
 
 56 
 
 60 
 
 -.7 
 
 133 
 
 28 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.C 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 56 
 
 
 
 134 
 
 21 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 8.8 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 55 
 
 .2 
 
 135 
 
 18 
 
 50 
 
 8.6 
 
 9.0 
 
 9.2 
 
 57 
 
 56 
 
 58 
 
 -.2 
 
 (136) 
 
 19 
 
 52 
 
 8.7 
 
 9.3 
 
 8.2 
 
 59 
 
 58 
 
 51 
 
 1.1 
 
 137 
 
 27 
 
 54 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.6 
 
 10.2 
 
 61 
 
 60 
 
 64 
 
 -.6 
 
 138 
 
 16 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 65 
 
 61 
 
 65 
 
 -.7 
 
 139 
 
 33 
 
 55 
 
 8.9 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.2 
 
 63 
 
 61 
 
 64 
 
 . 5 
 
 140 
 
 21 
 
 57 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.6 
 
 65 
 
 63 
 
 66 
 
 -.6 
 
 141 
 
 24 
 
 57 
 
 9.2 
 
 10.0 
 
 8.6 
 
 65 
 
 63 
 
 54 
 
 1.4 
 
 142 
 
 26 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 10.2 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 (54 
 
 -.1 
 
 143 
 
 26 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 10.0 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 63 
 
 .1 
 
 144 
 
 19 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 9.6 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 60 
 
 . 5 
 
 145 
 
 30 
 
 58 
 
 9.3 
 
 10.1 
 
 10.0 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 (53 
 
 .1 
 
 146 
 
 27 
 
 59 
 
 9.5 
 
 10.3 
 
 9.8 
 
 67 
 
 (54 
 
 (51 
 
 .5 
 
 147 
 
 20 
 
 59 
 
 9.5 
 
 10.3 
 
 9.8 
 
 67 
 
 64 
 
 61 
 
 .5 
 
 148 
 
 25 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 9.0 
 
 68 
 
 65 
 
 5(5 
 
 1 .4 
 
 149 
 
 35 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 9.2 
 
 68 
 
 65 
 
 (58 
 
 1 .2
 
 82 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 150 
 
 29 
 
 60 
 
 9.7 
 
 10.4 
 
 9 
 
 .0 
 
 68 
 
 65 
 
 56 
 
 1.4 
 
 
 151 
 
 17 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 10 
 
 .4 
 
 76 
 
 66 
 
 65 
 
 .1 
 
 * 
 
 152 
 
 22 
 
 61 
 
 9.8 
 
 10.5 
 
 10 
 
 .0 
 
 69 
 
 66 
 
 63 
 
 .5 
 
 
 153 
 
 30 
 
 62 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.7 
 
 9 
 
 .8 
 
 70 
 
 67 
 
 61 
 
 .9 
 
 20 
 
 154 
 
 13.2 
 
 62 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.7 
 
 10 
 
 .4 
 
 .83 
 
 81 
 
 79 
 
 .3 
 
 
 155 
 
 32 
 
 62 
 
 10.0 
 
 10.7 
 
 9 
 
 .6 
 
 70 
 
 67 
 
 60 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 166 
 
 26 
 
 63 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.8 
 
 9 
 
 .0 
 
 72 
 
 68 
 
 56 
 
 1 .8 
 
 
 
 157 
 
 25 
 
 63 
 
 10.3 
 
 10.8 
 
 9 
 
 .2 
 
 72 
 
 68 
 
 58 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 158 
 
 24 
 
 65 
 
 11.0 
 
 11.2 
 
 10 
 
 Q 
 
 /-w 
 
 74 
 
 70 
 
 64 
 
 1 .0 
 
 29 
 
 159 
 
 31 
 
 66 
 
 11.1 
 
 11.4 
 
 9 
 
 .8 
 
 75 
 
 71 
 
 61 
 
 1.6 
 
 
 160 
 
 24 
 
 66 
 
 11.1 
 
 11.4 
 
 9 
 
 .4 
 
 75 
 
 71 
 
 59 
 
 2.0 
 
 
 161 
 
 21 
 
 67 
 
 11.2 
 
 11.5 
 
 10 
 
 .2 
 
 76 
 
 72 
 
 64 
 
 1.3 
 
 
 162 
 
 32 
 
 67 
 
 11.2 
 
 11.5 
 
 10 
 
 .4 
 
 76 
 
 72 
 
 65 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 163 
 
 28 
 
 67 
 
 11.2 
 
 11.5 
 
 10 
 
 .2. 
 
 76 
 
 72 
 
 64 
 
 1.3 
 
 29 
 
 164 
 
 31 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 66 
 
 1.1 
 
 
 165 
 
 39 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 8 
 
 .6 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 54 
 
 3.1 
 
 
 166 
 
 37 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 10 
 
 .0 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 63 
 
 1.7 
 
 18 
 
 167 
 
 23 
 
 68 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.7 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 77 
 
 73 
 
 69 
 
 .7 
 
 
 168 
 
 16 
 
 69 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.9 
 
 10 
 
 .2 
 
 82 
 
 74 
 
 64 
 
 1.7 
 
 
 169 
 
 25 
 
 69 
 
 11.3 
 
 11.9 
 
 10 
 
 .0 
 
 78 
 
 74 
 
 63 
 
 1.9 
 
 32 
 
 170 
 
 24 
 
 70 
 
 11.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 80 
 
 76 
 
 70 
 
 1.1 
 
 32 
 
 171 
 
 27 
 
 70 
 
 11.4 
 
 12.1 
 
 10 
 
 .8 
 
 80 
 
 76 
 
 68 
 
 1.3 
 
 
 172 
 
 19 
 
 71 
 
 11.5 
 
 12.3 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 81 
 
 77 
 
 69 
 
 1.3 
 
 26 
 
 173 
 
 22 
 
 72 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.5 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 82 
 
 78 
 
 69 
 
 1.5 
 
 
 174 
 
 31 
 
 72 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.5 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 82 
 
 78 
 
 66 
 
 1.9 
 
 26 
 
 175 
 
 20 
 
 72 
 
 11.6 
 
 12.5 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 82 
 
 78 
 
 66 
 
 1.9 
 
 33 
 
 176 
 
 23 
 
 72 
 
 1.1 .6 
 
 12.5 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 82 
 
 78 
 
 66 
 
 1.9 
 
 40 
 
 177 
 
 21 
 
 73 
 
 11.7 
 
 12.8 
 
 10 
 
 .2 
 
 83 
 
 80 
 
 64 
 
 2.6 
 
 28 
 
 178 
 
 29 
 
 73 
 
 11.7 
 
 12.8 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 83 
 
 80 
 
 69 
 
 1.7 
 
 36 
 
 179 
 
 26 
 
 73 
 
 11.7 
 
 12.8 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 83 
 
 80 
 
 66 
 
 2.2 
 
 41 
 
 180 
 
 24 
 
 73 
 
 11.7 
 
 12.8 
 
 10 
 
 .2 
 
 83 
 
 80 
 
 64 
 
 2.6 
 
 40 
 
 181 
 
 17 
 
 74 
 
 11.8 
 
 13.0 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 85 
 
 81 
 
 66 
 
 2.4 
 
 41 
 
 182 
 
 15.9 
 
 77 
 
 12.0 
 
 13.7 
 
 9 
 
 .2 
 
 93 
 
 86 
 
 58 
 
 4.5 
 
 32 
 
 183 
 
 21 
 
 77 
 
 12.0 
 
 13.7 
 
 9 
 
 .2 
 
 88 
 
 86 
 
 58 
 
 4.5 
 
 42 
 
 184 
 
 22 
 
 79 
 
 13.0 
 
 14.2 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 90 
 
 89 
 
 70 
 
 3.0 
 
 42 
 
 185 
 
 25 
 
 79 
 
 13.0 
 
 14.2 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 90 
 
 89 
 
 70 
 
 3.0 
 
 40 
 
 186 
 
 27 
 
 79 
 
 13.0 
 
 14.2 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 90 
 
 89 
 
 66 
 
 3.6 
 
 27 
 
 187 
 
 25 
 
 80 
 
 13.5 
 
 14.5 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 91 
 
 90 
 
 70 
 
 3.3 
 
 54 
 
 188 
 
 27 
 
 80 
 
 13.5 
 
 14.5 
 
 11 
 
 .6 
 
 91 
 
 90 
 
 73 
 
 2.9 
 
 32 
 
 189 
 
 32 
 
 82 
 
 15.0 
 
 15.2 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 93 
 
 95 
 
 69 
 
 4.2 
 
 56 
 
 190 
 
 20 
 
 83 
 
 15.5 
 
 15 .5 
 
 10 
 
 .6 
 
 94 
 
 97 
 
 66 
 
 4.9 
 
 52 
 
 191 
 
 17 
 
 83 
 
 15.5 
 
 15.5 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 98 
 
 97 
 
 70 
 
 4.3 
 
 47 
 
 192 
 
 17 
 
 83 
 
 15.5 
 
 15.5 
 
 10 
 
 .4 
 
 98 
 
 97 
 
 65 
 
 5.1 
 
 49 
 
 193 
 
 26 
 
 84 
 
 16.0 
 
 16.0 
 
 11 
 
 .4 
 
 97 
 
 100 
 
 71 
 
 4.6 
 
 41 
 
 194 
 
 16.8 
 
 84 
 
 16.0 
 
 16.0 
 
 11 
 
 .0 
 
 98 
 
 100 
 
 69 
 
 5.0 
 
 59 
 
 (195) 
 
 20 
 
 85 
 
 16.5 
 
 16.3 
 
 10 
 
 .4 
 
 97 
 
 102 
 
 65 
 
 6.1 
 
 47 
 
 196 
 
 33 
 
 85 
 
 16.5 
 
 16.3 
 
 10 
 
 .8 
 
 97 
 
 102 
 
 68 
 
 5.5 
 
 
 197 
 
 21 
 
 86 
 
 17.0 
 
 16.8 
 
 11 
 
 .6 
 
 98 
 
 105 
 
 72 
 
 5.2 
 
 47 
 
 198 
 
 27 
 
 89 
 
 18.+ 
 
 18.+ 
 
 11 
 
 .2 
 
 101 
 
 113 
 
 70 
 
 6.8 + 
 
 44 
 
 199 
 
 22 
 
 89 
 
 18.+ 
 
 18.+ 
 
 11 
 
 .4 
 
 101 
 
 113 
 
 71 
 
 6.6 + 
 
 45 
 
 200 
 
 19 
 
 92 
 
 18.+ 
 
 18.+ 
 
 11 
 
 .4 
 
 105 
 
 113 
 
 71 
 
 6.6 + 
 
 54
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 83 
 
 Table I presents our data. In the succeeding columns are 
 given: 1) case number; 2) chronological age; 3) the Child Point 
 Scale score (total credits) ; 4) the mental age corresponding to the 
 score, according to original norms; 7 5) the mental age using cor- 
 rected norms; 6) the Binet mental age; 7) the coefficient of 
 intelligence (attained Point Scale score divided by score expected 
 at chronological age, adults 88 points, 18 years) ; 8) the Point 
 Scale Intelligence quotient (Point Scale mental age divided by 
 chronological age, adults given age 16); 9) the Binet I Q (adult, 
 16 years); 10) the difference between the Point Scale age and 
 the Binet age; 11) the Adult Point Scale score. 
 
 That the distribution of cases by mental age is noticeably 
 different, according to whether old or new norms are used is 
 evident from the summary given by Table II where with change 
 from old to new norms the mode of the total distribution moves 
 two years upward, 8.0-8.9 to 10.0-10.9. 
 
 TABLE II 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF CASES AT VARIOUS MENTAL AGES 
 
 4.0- 5.0- 6.0- 7.0- 8.0- 9.0-10.0-11.0- 
 
 A .9 5 .9 6 .9 7 .9 8 .9 9 .9 10 .9 11 .9 
 Point Scale: 
 
 Old norms jl 7 6 15 65 35 10 38 
 
 New norms jl 4 9 16 32 34 40 22 
 
 Binet 1 7 18 39 61 54 19 
 
 12.0- 13.0- 14.0- 15.0- 16.0- 17.0- 18.0 + 
 
 12.9 13.9 14.9 15.9 16.9 17.9 
 
 (or 15 +) 
 Point Scale : 
 
 Old norms j 2 6 1 14 
 
 New norms 16 5 7 5 5 4 
 
 Binet 1 
 
 There is no selective factor known to the institution authori- 
 ties which would explain the relatively small number of cases 
 at 10.0-10.9 (old norms). The distribution of the cases by 
 Binet ages shows no evidence of a gap at or near this age. The 
 gap appears, therefore, to be due to the incorrectness of the 
 older norms, and our finding that this gap disappears when new 
 
 7 See R. M. Yerkes, J. W. Bridges, and R. S. Hardwick, A Point Scale for Measuring Mental 
 Ability, p.
 
 84 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 norms are used may be considered a further justification for the 
 use of the new norms at this and the adjacent ages. 
 
 Forty -two cases with mental ages above 12 (11 boys and 
 31 girls, 16% and 46%, respectively, of the high grade groups) 
 is a surprisingly large number. In the case of the girls particu- 
 larly, however, it should be noted that probably about half of 
 those over 9 mentally would not have found themselves in the 
 institution had it not been for delinquencies. Seven of the 31 
 girls have definite histories of delinquency. One also is probably 
 psychotic. Another, a negress who has since died, had the 
 appearance of a white girl. In consequence she was forced when 
 outside the institution to compete with white requirements. 
 She would not under more natural requirements have been 
 called feeble-minded. Of the 22 other girls, 2 have been dis- 
 charged, and 5 are out on trial. So far as known they are doing 
 well under supervision. The remaining 15 are still at the school. 
 Of the 11 boys, 3 have been discharged. One of these is now 
 diagnosed as not feeble-minded. Two others, one of w T hom is 
 diagnosed probably psychotic, have run away. Of the rest, one 
 is temporarily released, one has just been allowed to leave on 
 trial, one has been on trial but has been returned unsuccessful, 
 and 3 are still at the institution. Thirteen of these cases, then, 
 either can be diagnosed as not feeble-minded, or are proving 
 that they can get along outside the institution if under super- 
 vision. Of the remaining 29 cases, 7 are delinquent, and very 
 likely emotionally rather than intellectually defective, leaving 
 the cases unquestioned, 22. The probability is that with in- 
 creasing years a few more will be discharged or let out on trial. 
 We may then say that there are about 20 cases in our group 
 who are considered feeble-minded, and \vho give a mental age 
 of over 12. Since our work was done, many more children who 
 do not belong to the delinquent group and who have mental 
 ages over 12 have been admitted to the school. It is therefore 
 dangerous to say that all persons over 12 years mental age are 
 thereby indicated as not truly feeble-minded. It is also danger- 
 ous to say that no person in a School for the Feeble-minded will 
 ever be able to get along by himself in the world 
 
 COMPARISON OF THE C I AND THE I Q 
 
 The diagnostic value of the coefficient of intelligence and 
 of the intelligence quotient, as compared with that of the mental 
 age, have of late been emphasized. The coefficient of intelli-
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 85 
 
 gence (C I) of .70 has been placed tentatively as the "upper 
 limit of inadequacy or inferiority" below which individuals are 
 "socially burdensome, ineffective and usually a menace to social 
 welfare," and .70 to .80 intelligence quotient (I Q) is regarded 
 as characterizing "borderline deficiency, often classifiable as 
 feeble-mindedness " and below .70 I Q as "definite feeble-minded- 
 
 "8 
 
 ness. 
 
 We give in Table III the distribution of the C I's and I Q's 
 for our groups. 
 
 TABLE III 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF CASES BY C I AND BY I Q 
 C I (adult 88 points) I Q (adult 16 years) 
 
 Boys Girls Total Boys Girls Total 
 
 21-30 134 000 
 
 31-40 3 10 13 2 8 10 
 
 41-50 8 10 18 4 12 16 
 
 51-60 15 13 28 21 17 38 
 
 61-70 31 17 48 43 20 68 
 
 71-80 24 16 40 16 22 38 
 
 81-90 12 16 28 99 18 
 
 91-100 5 12 17 46 10 
 
 101- 134 167 
 
 From Table III it is evident that the use of the C I gives a 
 greater number of high grades than does the I Q (89 vs. 73 cases 
 above .70). Indeed, according to the C I rating, 21 cases are 
 classifiable as normal or supernormal, 9 68 as subnormal, and only 
 111 cases have the low intelligence of the -feeble-minded. If we 
 use the I Q, we find 127 with the intelligence of the feeble-minded, 
 and 38 more who are probably feeble-minded, 18 who are dull and 
 probably not feeble-minded, and 17 w r ho have normal intelligence. 
 We have suggested above (p. 00) that some of the children at 
 the school (perhaps 22) may be classed above the feeble-minded 
 grade. This leaves at least 178 of our group who are considered 
 by the authorities at the school as definitely feeble-minded. 
 
 'For use of the C I see R. M. Yerkes and L. M. Wo d, op. c:t., pp. 602, 606. For ii.se of 
 the I Q, see L. M. Terman, Measurement of Intelligence, 1916, pp. 7!>, H7ff. 
 'See Yerkes and Wood, op. cit., p. 601.
 
 86 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 The I Q expresses this fact more truly than does the C I. More- 
 over, if we should accept a .70 C I as the limit of feeble-minded- 
 ness this would imply a score of 62 and a mental age of 10.0 as 
 critical in adults. This limit is evidently, therefore, far too low. 
 
 From a theoretical point of view there seem to be a number 
 of arguments in favor of the I Q. In the first place there are 
 more chances of error in the use of the C I than there are in that 
 of the I Q. Dr. Yerkes has pointed out 10 that "The reliability 
 of the quotient depends upon several variable factors, important 
 among which are the accuracy of the measurement of intelligence, 
 and the trustworthiness of chronological age." This must also 
 hold true for the C I. The question of chronological age makes 
 one error in the I Q, that is, it may change the divisor; but it 
 makes two errors in the C I: first, the given age may be wrong; 
 second, the number of points corresponding to that age may be 
 wrong. 
 
 The fact that the gaining of a point at the higher ages means 
 very little so far as the C I is concerned (n and ft at 18 
 show the slight difference .01 while u and H at 5 show the 
 much larger difference .05) together with greater probability of 
 more points difference at 5 implies that individuals are much 
 more alike in intelligence at 18 than the same individuals were at 
 5. This difference has been noticed by Yerkes and Wood who 
 state 11 that this outcome is justified by application of the scale. 
 "The results make it appear that extraordinary intellectual 
 ability is fairly common up to 8 years, and then becomes very 
 uncommon." It would seem that any results which make any 
 such astonishing statement seem true, must be questionable. 
 The authors, to be sure, state that "Evidently . . . the 
 reliability of our coefficient and its value for purposes of com- 
 parison are conditioned by characteristics of range." Now if 
 the C I is to mean different things at different ages, then it has 
 the fault that is found with the statement of difference between 
 chronological and mental ages, namely that a retardation of 2 
 years at chronological age 5 is more serious than a retardation 
 of 2 years at chronological age 12. Yerkes and Wood also note 
 that they would not have predicted Terman's steadiness of I Q. 
 The reason for this statement is not clear. If intelligence is 
 ability to get along, to compete on equal terms with others of 
 the given chronological age and same general social condition, 
 
 10 Yerkes and Wood, op. tit., p. 594. 
 11 Op. tit., p. 598.
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 87 
 
 then intelligence measured in I Q's and C I's should be a relative 
 matter of distribution within the age groups. We should expect 
 a certain proportion of the population to possess it, and should 
 expect this proportion to be approximately constant at all ages. 
 From a practical point of view the I Q has the advantage 
 of being the apparent limit toward which the C I approaches as 
 the Point Scale norms are revised. For the years 7 to 13 (for 
 which ages Dr. Yerkes says the Point Scale is most reliable) we 
 have the average number of points awarded to each to be 6.9 
 2.2 by the old norms and 6.4 1.2 by the new. This means 
 that correction of the norms for the Point Scale is making more 
 equal distribution of points per year. Now r , if the distribution of 
 points is approaching an arithmetical progression, our table of 
 norms is approaching two arithmetical progressions (one the 
 years mental age, and the other the number of points correspond- 
 ing to each mental age) differing in the size step but dependent 
 upon one another. Let us then consider these two progressions. 
 The I Q is calculated from the one (the mental ages); the C I 
 from the other (the scores). Now if one progression varies 
 with the other, then the I Q and the C I will also vary together 
 and therefore have the same meaning. At present, of course, 
 the column of scores does not vary exactly with the mental ages, 
 but, as we have said, revisions in the norms are turning it strong- 
 ly in this direction. So that it would seem simpler, as well as 
 more correct in theory, to accept the I Q as the limit toward 
 which the C I is approaching and to use the I Q now in place of 
 the C I. 
 
 COMPARISON OF THE RATINGS BY THE POINT SCALE AND BINET 
 
 EXAMINATIONS 
 
 A detailed comparison of the mental ages given by the two 
 scales would be out of place here, because since we began this 
 work more careful comparisons have been made by other in- 
 vestigators. From the data which we have, the average Point 
 Scale mental age for years 5.5 to 6. 4 (Point Scale mental age) 
 is 1.3 years lower; for 6.5 to 7.4 it is .8 lower; for 7.5 to 8.4 it is 
 .3 lower; for 8.5 to 10.4 it is .6 higher; for 10.5 to 12.4 it is 1.0 
 higher and for ages above 12.5 it exceeds the Binet by increas- 
 ingly greater amounts. The differences in the upper part of the 
 scale are, of course, only natural since the Binet ratings were 
 obtained from the Goddard revision, in which it is impossible
 
 88 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 to attain a mental age higher than 12, while on the'Point Scale 
 the children could be graded as high as 18. 
 
 For the same reason as that given in the preceding para- 
 graph we shall give no detailed discussion of the Binet and Point 
 Scale I Q's. In order to eliminate the errors which would be . 
 introduced by taking the limit of the Binet examination (12) as 
 adult mental age, we used 16 as the divisor in our computation 
 of I Q's in each scale. The median of the Point Scale I Q's is 
 .65; that of the Binet I Q's is .61. This slight difference may 
 be explained by the fact that the method used prevents the 
 attainment by an adult of a Binet I Q of more than .75 since 
 the highest mental age possible is 12, and therefore lowers the 
 number of large Binet without affecting Point Scale I Q's. 
 Moreover, the Binet I Q's correlate by rank differences to .84 
 with the Point Scale I Q's. 
 
 This brief comparison of results by the two scales shows: 
 1) between the Point Scale mental ages of 6.5 and 12.4 the aver- 
 age difference between Point Scale and Binet mental ages is not 
 more than a year; 2) if the I Q is used instead of the mental age, 
 the results of the two scales agree very closely. 
 
 COMPARISON OF THE REACTIONS OF THE NORMAL AND THE 
 FEEBLE-MINDED. THE "VARIATION TOTAL" 
 
 Our data furnish a basis for comparing the typical reactions 
 of the feeble-minded with those of the normal. Dr. Yerkes very 
 kindly allowed us to study the records of 503 cases which he 
 used in the original calculation of his norms for English speaking 
 subjects. From these records we determine d the distribution 
 of scores for each test for each age, counting 4.5 to 5.4 as age 5, 
 etc. The mode, of course, in some places included only a small 
 number of the cases, and we therefore selected the most frequent 
 neighboring scores widely enough to include 75% of the cases. 
 That is, we determined what central scores taken together made 
 up 75% of the replies at a given age, by using the modal score, 
 and, if necessary, the neighboring scores. When neighboring 
 scores had to be used the largest ones were taken first. If there 
 was a second mode or if there was a second large number, differ- 
 ing by not more than 1 or 2 from the mode, this was included. 
 The table of scores making up 75% of replies was then smoothed, 
 and the final numbers which were settled upon as "expected 
 scores for normal subjects" are given in Table IV. Modal 
 scores are italicized and the per cent of cases included in any
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 89 
 
 group of scores is indicated by the number given in small type. 
 The only exception to this is test 6. The original examination 
 gave slightly different scoring for this test so that it was im- 
 possible to say exactly what its modes were for the later years. 
 
 TABLE IV 
 
 EXPECTED SCORE FOR EACH TEST AT EACH AGE (NORMAL CHILDREN) 
 
 No. of 
 
 Test Score 18-24 
 
 25-30 
 
 31-37 
 
 38-45 
 
 46-52 
 
 1 
 
 2,3 
 
 (63) 
 
 S 
 
 (47) 
 
 3 
 
 (74) 
 
 3 
 
 (89) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 2 
 
 \,2 
 
 (57) 
 
 -3,4 
 
 (68) 
 
 q l 
 
 o, 4 
 
 (70) 
 
 4 
 
 (58) 
 
 4 
 
 (71) 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 (57) 
 
 I 
 
 (74) 
 
 3 
 
 (60) 
 
 3 
 
 (51) 
 
 3 
 
 (62) 
 
 4 
 
 2,3 
 
 (89) 
 
 2, 3 
 
 (74) 
 
 3 
 
 (51) 
 
 3 
 
 (44) 
 
 3 
 
 (44) 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 (89) 
 
 
 
 (71) 
 
 0, 1, 
 
 2 (77) 
 
 2,3,4 
 
 (80) 
 
 4 
 
 (78) 
 
 6 
 
 2,4 
 
 
 2,4 
 
 
 2,4 
 
 
 2,4 
 
 
 2,4 
 
 
 7 
 
 .3,4, 
 
 c a (91) 
 O, O 
 
 6 
 
 (50) 
 
 6 
 
 (59) 
 
 6 
 
 (79) 
 
 6 
 
 (78) 
 
 8 
 
 
 
 (91) 
 
 
 
 (79) 
 
 
 
 (70) 
 
 0,1,2 
 
 (100) 
 
 0,1, 
 
 (100) 
 
 9 
 
 0,1 
 
 (74) 
 
 1, 2 
 
 (74) 
 
 /.*, 
 
 & (81) 
 o 
 
 2,3,4 
 
 (70) 
 
 4,5 
 
 (53) 
 
 10 
 
 2, .3, 
 
 4 (69) 
 
 2,3, 
 
 4 (76) 
 
 *.*, 
 
 4 (59) 
 
 4 
 
 (69) 
 
 4 
 
 (53) 
 
 11 
 
 
 
 (60) 
 
 0, 1 
 
 (59) 
 
 0, 1 
 
 (62) 
 
 0, 1,2 
 
 (75) 
 
 0,1, 
 
 2 4 (100) 
 
 12 
 
 1 
 
 (49) 
 
 / 
 
 (44) 
 
 1,2 
 
 (70) 
 
 2 
 
 (37) 
 
 2,3 
 
 (84) 
 
 13 
 
 0- 
 
 (63) 
 
 
 
 (53) 
 
 
 
 (45) 
 
 1 
 
 (42) 
 
 2 
 
 (44) 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (96) 
 
 
 
 (94) 
 
 0,2 
 
 (78) 
 
 15 
 
 
 
 (57) 
 
 0, 1 
 
 (71) 
 
 1.* 
 
 (64) 
 
 2,3 
 
 (63) 
 
 2, 3 
 
 (67) 
 
 16 
 
 
 
 (94) 
 
 
 
 (79) 
 
 
 
 (79) 
 
 
 
 (54) 
 
 
 
 (44)
 
 90 
 
 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (99) 
 
 
 
 (91) 
 
 19 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (100) 
 
 0- 
 
 (100) 
 
 
 
 (99) 
 
 
 
 (80) 
 
 20 
 
 
 
 (94) 
 
 
 
 (88) 
 
 
 
 (85) 
 
 
 
 (68) 
 
 1 
 
 (47) 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 53-60 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 61-66 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 67-71 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 72-75 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 76-7 
 
 (100) 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 (77) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 (85) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 3,4 
 4 
 
 (67) 
 (67) 
 
 3,4 
 4 
 
 (72) 
 (100) 
 
 3,4, 
 
 4 
 
 5 (97) 
 
 (97) 
 
 3,4: 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 3,4, 
 
 4 
 
 5 (97) 
 (100) 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 2,4 
 8 
 
 (66) 
 
 2,4 
 6 
 
 (62) 
 
 2,4 
 6,7 
 
 (77) 
 
 2,4 
 6,7, 
 
 g (86) 
 
 2,4 
 
 6,7, 
 
 8 (81) 
 
 8 
 9 
 
 2 
 5 
 
 (62) 
 (39) 
 
 2 
 5,6 
 
 (79) 
 (77) 
 
 5,6 
 
 (71) 
 (94) 
 
 2 
 6 
 
 (76) 
 (81) 
 
 2 
 6 
 
 (77) 
 (87) 
 
 10 
 
 4,5 
 
 (62) 
 
 4,5, 
 
 6 (74) 
 
 5,6 
 
 (48) 
 
 6,7 
 
 (67) 
 
 6,7 
 
 (51) 
 
 11 
 
 2,3 
 
 (61) 
 
 2,3 
 
 (74) 
 
 3 
 
 (55) 
 
 3 
 
 (71) 
 
 3 
 
 (74) 
 
 12 
 
 2,3, 
 
 4 (95) 
 
 3,4 
 
 . (82) 
 
 4 
 
 (55) 
 
 4 
 
 (57) 
 
 4 
 
 (71) 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 (43) 
 
 2,3 
 
 (69) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (65) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (62) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (SI) 
 
 14 
 
 0,2, 
 
 4 (ioo) 
 
 2,4 
 
 (85) 
 
 2,4 
 
 (81) 
 
 4 
 
 (86) 
 
 4 
 
 (81) 
 
 15 
 
 2,3 
 
 (54) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (67) 
 
 4,5, 
 
 6 (87) 
 
 4,5, 
 
 6 (81) 
 
 4, 5, 
 
 6 (81) 
 
 16 
 
 0,1 
 
 (67) 
 
 1,2 
 
 (51) 
 
 1,2, 
 
 3 (65) 
 
 1, 2, 
 
 S< 
 
 2,3, 
 
 4 (77) 
 
 17 
 
 1,2 
 
 (64) 
 
 1.% 
 
 (51) 
 
 2,3 
 
 (68) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (67) 
 
 3,4 
 
 (74> 
 
 18 
 
 0,1, 
 
 2 (85) 
 
 '2 
 
 (59) 
 
 2,4 
 
 (77) 
 
 2,4 
 
 (86) 
 
 4 
 
 (51)
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 91 
 
 19 
 
 0, 
 
 g (95) 
 
 0, 
 
 2 (82) 
 
 2 4 (90) 
 
 *, 
 
 4 (90) 
 
 2,4 
 
 (90) 
 
 20 
 
 1 
 
 (61) 
 
 ' 
 
 a (74) 
 
 iff 
 
 g (51) 
 
 * 
 
 (29) 
 
 2,, 
 
 (68) 
 
 
 
 80-82 
 
 
 83-85 
 
 86* 
 
 
 87-88 
 
 
 89-100 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 g (100) 
 
 3 
 
 * (100) 
 
 5 
 
 (100) 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 / (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 3 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 4, 
 
 5 (95) 
 
 4, 
 
 5 (85) 
 
 4, 5 (67) 
 
 4, 
 
 5 (93) 
 
 5 
 
 (86) 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 / (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 6 
 
 2, 
 
 4 
 
 2, 
 
 4 
 
 2,4 
 
 *, 
 
 4,6 
 
 2,4, 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 6, 
 
 7, 8, 9 (100) 
 
 8, 
 
 9 (55) 
 
 8 9 (83) 
 
 8, 
 
 9 (57) 
 
 5,9 
 
 (76) 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 (89) 
 
 2 
 
 (95) 
 
 (100) 
 
 2 
 
 (93) 
 
 2 
 
 (97) 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 (89) 
 
 6 
 
 (80) 
 
 (100) 
 
 6 
 
 (100) 
 
 6 
 
 (97) 
 
 10 
 
 6, 
 
 j (.58) 
 
 6, 
 
 7 o (90) 
 /, 
 
 fi 7 % (67) 
 O, /, o 
 
 7, 
 
 o (71) 
 
 1,8 
 
 (72) 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 (68) 
 
 3 
 
 (75) 
 
 Q (67) 
 
 3 
 
 (86) 
 
 3 
 
 (66) 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 (63) 
 
 4 
 
 (75) 
 
 , (83) 
 
 4 
 
 (100) 
 
 4 
 
 (90) 
 
 13 
 
 3, 
 
 4 (95) 
 
 4 
 
 (80) 
 
 4 (83) 
 
 4 
 
 (93) 
 
 4 
 
 (83) 
 
 14 
 
 4 
 
 (89) 
 
 4 
 
 (85) 
 
 4 (83) 
 
 4 
 
 (93) 
 
 4 
 
 (93) 
 
 15 
 
 6, 
 
 7, 8 (100) 
 
 6, 
 
 7, 8 (90) 
 
 6, 7, 5 (100) 
 
 6, 
 
 7, 8 (93) 
 
 8 
 
 (72) 
 
 16 
 
 3, 
 
 4 (42) 
 
 3, 
 
 4 (75) 
 
 , (50) 
 
 4 
 
 (57) 
 
 4 
 
 (62) 
 
 17 
 
 3, 
 
 4, 5 (100) 
 
 3, 
 
 4, 5 (85) 
 
 3, 4, ,5 <100) 
 
 4, 
 
 o (79) 
 
 4,o 
 
 (86) 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 (42) 
 
 4, 
 
 (80) 
 
 4, 6 (100) 
 
 6 
 
 (50) 
 
 6 
 
 (72) 
 
 19 
 
 4 
 
 (68) 
 
 4 
 
 (60) 
 
 ^ (-33) 
 
 4 
 
 (64) 
 
 6 
 
 (66) 
 
 20 
 
 2, 
 
 o / (89) 
 
 6, 4 
 
 2> 
 
 3, 4 (6rj) 
 
 3, 4t '5 
 
 3, 
 
 4,5 (71 > 
 
 5,6 
 
 (66) 
 
 *Cnly 6 rasos.
 
 92 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 From the table of expected scores we have obtained a " Varia- 
 tion Total" (V. T.), i- e. the sum of variations from the expected 
 scores of that mental age for each normal case, for each of our 
 200 feeble-minded cases at the Waverley School, and for a group 
 of patients at the Psychopathic Hospital. Patients diagnosed 
 as feeble-minded are grouped in Table V with the Waverley 
 cases. This table gives the distribution of Variation Totals 
 for all the cases. Irl the last column will be found the distribu- 
 tion for a number of psychoses grouped together; the cases of 
 dementia praecox, alcoholic psychosis, epileptic psychosis, syphi- 
 litic psychosis, unclassified paranoid psychosis, cases pronounced 
 by all the staff to be psychotic but where there was disagreement 
 as to the particular psychosis in question, and a few scattering 
 cases of arterio-sclerotie psychosis, drug psychosis, etc. From 
 this group we have excluded our cases of Psychopathic Personal- 
 ity, Manic Depressive Insanity, Hysteria, and Psychoneurosis, 
 because these groups are in general so near the normal. 
 
 The medians, upper and lower quartiles for the different 
 psychoses are given in the following abbreviated table: 
 
 Lower Upper 
 
 Diagnosis Median Quartile Quartile 
 
 Normal 759 
 
 Not psychotic 7 6 . 10 
 
 Retarded or subnormal 9 7 12 
 
 Feeble-minded 9 7 11 
 
 Psychopathic Personality 537 
 
 Manic-Depressive 8 5 12 
 
 Psychoneurosis 9 7 11 
 
 Dementia Praecox 9 7 13 
 
 Alcoholic Psychosis 12 10 14 
 
 Syphilitic Psychosis 10 8 14 
 
 Unclassified Paranoid 879 
 
 Unclassified Psychosis 9 8 12 
 
 Grouped Psychoses 10 7 14 
 
 The extremes lie with the psychopathic personalities (median 
 5) and the alcoholic psychoses (median 12). The fact that the 
 psychopathic personalities seem to vary less from the expected 
 scores for normals than do the normals themselves may be ex- 
 plained easily. The psychopathic personalities give total scores 
 on the Point Scale ranging from 66 to 96 w r ith the median at 87,
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 
 
 93 
 
 while the normals range from 18 to 97 with the median at 55. 
 It is evident that the higher the total score is the less, roughly 
 speaking, is the chance for variation. Thus if a subject gives a 
 total score of 95 he can lose only 5 points throughout the 20 
 tests. He cannot get more than is expected in any test because 
 (see Table IV) for total scores between 89 and 100 the highest 
 score possible for each test is included under the expected scores. 
 He, therefore, cannot possibly have a Variation Total of more 
 than 5. 12 We have, then, in our psychopathic personalities a 
 group of adults grading at adult mental age, who would probably 
 not be less variable than a group of normal adults, but are less 
 variable than our group of normal school children. ' 
 
 TABLE V 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF VARIATION TOTALS FOR DIFFERENT DIAGNOSES 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 '?, 
 
 V. T. 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 
 1 2 This may seem to suggest that V T's should have different significance for different total 
 scores. We feel, however, that this is not true except for the extremely high scores. For our 
 normals we have comparable distributions for different sizes of total score except that for scores 
 above 91 we have no V T's larger than (>. 
 
 2 
 12 
 17 
 
 1 
 2 
 5 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 11 
 
 
 1) 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 50 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 77 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 61 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 33 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 71 
 
 17 
 
 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 2 
 
 8 
 
 22 
 
 50 
 
 1!) 
 
 6 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 2 
 
 11 
 
 25 
 
 46 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 1 
 
 6 
 
 20 
 
 37 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 49 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 23 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 1 1 
 
 4 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4
 
 94 
 
 I'oint Scale Examinations 
 
 18 
 
 1 222 
 
 6 
 
 19 
 
 2 111 
 
 4 
 
 20 
 
 1 2 22 1 
 
 6 
 
 21 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 
 
 22 
 
 111 
 
 2 
 
 23 
 
 
 
 24 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 
 
 25 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 26 
 
 
 
 27 
 
 1 1 
 
 1 
 
 No. of 
 
 cases 503 146 60 380 41 12 19 54 43 21 15 8 65 218 
 
 The alcoholic psychoses give by far the highest median V T. 
 This high value is probably not a symptom of alcoholic psychosis 
 itself, but rather of advancement of deterioration or depth of 
 psychosis. Many persons, doubtless, would expect the dementia 
 praecox patients to show greater variability than the alcoholics, 
 and in the majority of hospitals for the insane this would prob- 
 ably be true, but in the Psychopathic Hospital in Boston we have 
 a rather selected group. The selection may be illustrated by 
 statements concerning two classes : the alcoholics and the demen- 
 tia praecox. The latter group find their way into institutions 
 comparatively early in life. They show hallucinations and 
 delusions, etc., before they have deteriorated markedly and so, 
 by the time they are greatly deteriorated they are already in a 
 state asylum and not likely to enter a "clearing house" like the 
 Psychopathic. Our dementia praecox cases, then, will be little 
 deteriorated and, unless decidedly schizophrenic, will not show 
 large variations. The cases of alcoholic psychoses, on the con- 
 trary, do not come into the hospital until they are older and 
 until their psychosis has begun to interfere definitely with their 
 work. Besides the initial selection there is a further selection 
 in the cases which are referred for psychological examination. 
 The great majority of patients under age 25 are sent for this 
 examination. This includes a great many cases of beginning 
 dementia praecox, and practically none of beginning alcoholic 
 psychosis. Of the more advanced cases, the alcoholics are more 
 accesssible and so if the problem is one of degree of deterioration, 
 a deteriorated alcoholic will, in general, co-operate better than a 
 deteriorated dementia praecox. This means that more deteri-
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 95 
 
 orated alcoholics will be referred to the psychological depart- 
 ment and that of those referred we shall be able to use the record 
 of a greater per cent of alcoholics than of dementia praecox. 13 
 
 The above discussion may be interpreted to mean that we 
 may expect larger variations from cases of psychosis of long 
 standing and that in general our data err on the side of conserva- 
 tism, i. e., that probably we may expect an unselected group of 
 psychotics to show greater V T's than the ones we have given. 
 
 We find from the table that the unclassified paranoid give 
 small V T's. The diagnosis means, practically, that the patient 
 has no symptoms other than paranoid ideas. Admittedly, then, 
 said patient is not taken by the psychiatrists to be either deteri- 
 orated or markedly psychotic. And we find a small V T. The 
 manic-depresssives also give a comparatively small V T, but 
 here we have a wide range with quartiles at 5 and 12. 
 
 On the whole the outstanding feature of our table is that 
 normals and "not psychotic" subjects give smaller V T's than 
 do the feeble-minded, and that the feeble-minded give smaller 
 V T's than do the deteriorated or the markedly psychotic pa- 
 tients. 
 
 We have computed the probable correctness of the differ- 
 ence 14 for our larger groups. The average V T's for these 
 groups are : 
 
 Normals Average 6 . 8 
 
 Not psychotic 7 . 6 
 
 Feeble-minded 9 . 2 
 
 Grouped psychotics 10.6 
 
 Probable correctness of differences between: 
 
 Normal and not psychotic .57 
 
 Normal and feeble-minded . 70 
 
 Normal and psychotic . 75 
 
 Feeble-minded and psychotic .62 
 
 Feeble-minded and not psychotic . 62 
 
 Psychotic and not psychotic . 69 
 
 Plate I (a) gives the data in Table V in graphical form. 
 We have grouped the Variation Totals into the divisions 0-4, 
 5-9, 10-14, 15-19, 20-24, 25-29. We have moreover supposed 
 that a larger number of cases in any one of our four large groups 
 
 15 In (Mir computations we have thrown out all cases recorded as showing poor co-o[>eration, 
 and all those having any language difficulty. 
 
 1 4 Boring, E. (i.. The N'uml>er of Observations upon which a Li men may IK- Based. A. J. T., 
 19 Hi, xxvii, p. 317.
 
 90 
 
 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 flfO.1 
 
 &J.I 
 
 F 
 
 3V 
 
 m 
 
 
 
 tt 
 
 u 
 
 \ 
 
 \ 
 
 ill 
 
 5 
 
 would give the same general distribution shown by the cases 
 already examined; and we have consequently multiplied the 
 figures for the "not psychotic" by 3.5, those for the feeble- 
 minded by 1.3, and those for the psychotics by 2.3 to make 
 these groups of the same size as our normal group. 
 
 JB 
 
 ^1 
 
 it 
 
 Plate I (b) shows the probability that a case having any 
 given V T will belong to each 'of our large groups. Supposing 
 100 cases at each size V T and supposing equal numbers of the 
 different diagnoses, then from the curves we may read the chance
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 97 
 
 that any given case is feeble-minded, or psychotic, or not psycho- 
 tic. Normals are not included for the obvious reason that 
 patients are diagnosed not "normal" but "not psychotic. " The 
 table from which this plate was made is given below: 
 
 PER CENT OF CASES FOR DIFFERENT SIZES V T FOUND UNDER 
 THE DIFFERENT DIAGNOSES 
 
 V T Not Psychotic Feeble-Minded Psychotic 
 
 0- 4 54 22 24 
 
 5- 9 39 34 27 
 
 10-14 24 40 26 
 
 15-19 17 27 56 
 
 20-24 19 81 
 
 25-29 (too few cases) 
 
 If we disregard the diagnosis "not psychotic," we may say 
 roughly that cases giving V T's above 15 (and particularly above 
 20) are more likely to be psychotic than feeble-minded. 
 
 There are many other problems in variability which we 
 hope to attack at some future time. First, there is the ques- 
 tion of what variations we would get if our table of expected 
 scores gave the score expected for each part of each test. It 
 seems probable that epileptics would show greater variability 
 by parts of tests than by wholes. Then there is the question 
 of types within the psychoses. For example, are the hebephrenic 
 dementia praecox more or less variable than the dementia 
 simplex? Doubtless the paranoid dementia praecox would show 
 small variation totals. There is the question of the variability 
 of super-normal children. From our casual observation of a 
 few such children, it would seem that they have high V T's. 
 Many other problems arise and offer a large field for work 
 
 TESTS WHICH ARE EASY FOR THE NORMAL OR FOR THE 
 FEEBLE-MINDED 
 
 If we compare Table IV of expected scores for the normals 
 and a similar table for the feeble-minded, we find that given 
 the same mental age, we expect higher scores from normals in 
 tests 4 (repetition of digits), 6 (repetition of sentences), 9 (com- 
 parison of objects), 10 (concrete definitions), 13 (free associa- 
 tion), and 14 (three words in one sentence), and higher scores 
 from the feeble-minded in tests 7 (interpretation of pictures), 11 
 (resistance of suggestion), 12 (copying square and diamond),
 
 98 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 and 15 (comprehension of questions). These lists are drawn 
 merely from observation of the two tables, and are not con- 
 clusive. They may be checked by approaching the problem 
 by another path. If we take into account the algebraic sign of 
 the variations of the feeble-minded scores from the normal ex- 
 pected score, we obtain the average deviations of the feeble- 
 minded from the normal as follows: 
 
 Test + Test + Test + Test + 
 
 1 .06 6 .08 .06 11 .14 .32 16 .50 .10 
 
 2 .01 .26 7 1 .18 .07 12 .21 .11 17 .25 .16 
 
 3 .04 .07 8 .04 .22 13 .17 .55 18 .30 .19 
 
 4 .15 .24 9 .09 .53 14 .05 .28 19 .39 .13 
 
 5 .03 .26 10 .24 .18 15 .70 .04 20 .35 .16 
 
 We find then that the feeble-minded give scores higher 
 than the normal in Tests 6, 7, 10, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, and 
 scores lower than the normal in Tests 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14. 
 If we consider only the cases in which the difference is 10 or more, 
 we have the feeble-minded superior in Tests 7, 12, 15, 16, 18, 19, 
 20, and inferior in Tests 2, 5, 8, 9, 11, 13, 14. When these lists 
 are compared with the lists obtained by the first method used, 
 we find that the two agree in calling Tests 7, 12, and 15 easy for 
 the feeble-minded, and Tests 9, 13, and 14 hard for the feeble- 
 minded. The only disagreement is in Test 11, which is called 
 easy in one list and hard in the other. 15 
 
 We should suppose that superiority of the feeble-minded in 
 certain tests would be due either to special training or to the 
 experience brought with increasing chronological age. Terman 16 
 has summarized some of the conclusions made on the influence 
 of the age factor. If we consider tendency for percentage of 
 successes to increase with age as the equivalent of a tendency for 
 the feeble-minded to pass the tests more easily than the normal, 
 then we may say that of the Point Scale tests we should expect 
 the feeble-minded to excel in : comprehension of questions, 
 definitions by use, and probably copying square and diamond; 
 
 13 Doll reports (X. Y. Meeting of the Am. Psych. Ass., Dec., 1916) that definitions (concrete 
 and abstract), reactions to pictures, comparison of objects, memory span, absurdities, sentences 
 containing 3 given words, and free association are easy for the feeble-minded; and that comparison 
 of 2 weights, aesthetic comparison, copying square and diamond, missing parts, counting back- 
 ward, arrangement of weights, and drawing designs from memory are hard for them. We agree 
 with Doll on one point only, that the interpretation of pictures is easy for the feeble-minded. 
 
 1 'Terman, L. M. The Stanford Revision and Extension of the Binet-Simon Scale for 
 Measuring Intelligence, Warwick & York, 1917, p. 143.
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 99 
 
 and to be inferior in: repetition of 6 digits and of syllables, 
 dissected sentences, 60 words in 3 minutes. This would mean 
 that our feeble-minded should receive higher scores in tests 10 
 and 15, and probably in 12; and that they should receive lower 
 scores in tests 4, 6, 13 and 18. On referring to our table, we 
 find this upheld except in the case of 18 (dissected sentences). 
 
 In Appendix I we give a qualitative table of typical re- 
 sponses of feeble-minded at different mental ages. 
 
 DIFFICULTY OF THE DIFFERENT TESTS 
 
 The question of which tests it is safe to omit in the examina- 
 tion of a patient who is evidently very low grade depends upon 
 the determination of which tests are most difficult. Some idea 
 of this may be obtained from the table of expected scores. If 
 we arrange for each year the tests in order of per cent of total 
 possible score which was attained, we find that roughly speaking 
 the first ten tests are easier than the last ten, that test 1 is easiest 
 of all, that tests 2 and 3 come next, and that 16, 17, 18, 19 and 
 20 are the hardest. Such a method, however, does not give 
 results exact enough to use in determining the tests which may 
 be omitted. If we take the original data on our feeble-minded 
 for each test and find the average per cent of total possible score 
 for each test attained by the 200 cases, we find that tests 1, 2 
 and 3 are the easiest; then come 5, 7 and 12; then 4, 8, 9, 10 and 
 11; then 6, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17; and hardest of all are 18, 19, 
 and 20. Since the whole of tests 4 and 6 is not given unless all 
 preceding parts have been passed, we should not consider them 
 in a comparison of the different tests. The other eighteen tests 
 are found to be arranged in the Point Scale in the order of in- 
 creasing difficulty with the exception of test 12 which is easier 
 than test 8 and harder than test 7. 
 
 The subdivisions are generally arranged in the Point Scale 
 in order of increasing difficulty. Some exceptions to this rule 
 are that in test 10 part (c) is the easiest of all; in test 17 part (b) 
 is the easiest; in test 19 part (b) is easiest; and in test 20 (c) is 
 easier than (b), and (f) is easier than (d) or (e). 17 
 
 In this connection it may be interesting to note that the 
 lowest age at which any test received full credit was 5.4 when 
 test 2 was passed. At the other end of the scale comes test 20, 
 
 Recent experience has shown that the present European war has had a great influence 
 on part (f) of this test; for, up to the time of the war, this part was decidedly the hardest one in 
 the test, but since the beginning of the war. the percentage of correct responses ha< increased 
 enorraomly.
 
 100 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 which never received full credit under the mental age of 15. On 
 the other hand, no one over mental age 5.9 ever failed to receive 
 full credit in test 1. 
 
 RESULTS FROM THE ADULT POINT SCALE EXAMINATION 
 
 A table comparing the Adult Point Scale scores of our group 
 with the Child Point Scale Scores has already been published 18 
 and shows that on the average the adult score is .51 of the child 
 score. On the child scale we find a range of from 92 to 62 points ; 
 on the adult a range of from 54 to 20. If the scores on the two 
 scales are compared by the method of Rank Differences the 
 coefficient of co-ordination is .81 P. E. .04. There is, therefore, 
 high correlation between the scores obtained on the two scales. 
 
 Six of our 33 cases show a somewhat wide divergence from 
 general rules. Case 194 has an adult score which is 70% of her 
 child score; case 189 one of 68%; case 187 one of 74%; case 188, 
 one of 40%; case 186, one of 34%, and case 166, one of 26%. 
 The reasons for these extreme results are not clear. 
 
 The question as to which of the adult tests are the most 
 difficult for our subjects may be answered roughly by comparing 
 the average per cent of total score which was obtained for each 
 test. The tests arranged in order from easiest to hardest are 
 as follows: 2 (comparison of weights) 85%; 19 (copying dia- 
 monds), 71%; 20 (designs from memory) 68%; 9 (absurdities), 
 68%; 17 (ball and field), 50%; 1 (description of pictures), 50%; 
 5 (memory for sentences), 47%; 4 (suggestibility), 45%; 12 
 (relation test) 44%; 10 (analogies), 42%; 7, (comprehension of 
 questions), 41%; 6 (comparison of objects), 41%; 3 (memory 
 span), 41%; 8 (definitions) 30%,; 13 (box test), 29%; 11 (associa- 
 tion of opposites), 27%; 16 (code), 15%; 15 (comparison of 
 capital letters), 14%; 18 (geometrical construction), 8%: 14 
 (ingenuity)%. 
 
 In Dr. Yerkes' revision of the adult scale, he has dropped 
 test 2 and 19, as being unsatisfactory, and has dropped 14 011 
 account of a very large sex difference found. These changes are 
 in accordance with the impressions gained in giving the examina- 
 tion to the feeble-minded. We also found great variations in 
 test 1, due apparently to too great a range of interpretation of 
 directions; some subjects try to give a description from an artistic 
 point of view, and so fail in the end to give the number of details 
 necessary for full credit, although their discussion of the picture 
 
 18 Yerkes and Rossy, op. cif., p. 572.
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 101 
 
 may be, by ordinary standards, far superior to an enumeration 
 of things seen in the picture. 
 
 It may be remembered that we expected to work out the 
 significance of the separate tests as tests of intelligence. We 
 approached the subject from several points of view, such as 
 finding the coefficient of variability for each of the tests, finding 
 the coefficient of correlation between scores on separate tests 
 and total scores, etc., but our results convinced us of nothing 
 more than the fact that the question could not be settled without 
 the use of much more statistical work than we had time to give or 
 than the paucity of our data would authorize us to give. 
 
 CONCLUSIONS 
 
 1) The revised Point Scale norms give a more probable 
 distribution of cases than do the old norms. 
 
 2) The Intelligence Quotient is preferable to the Coefficient 
 of Intelligence both from a theoretical point of view and from 
 the application to individual cases. 
 
 3) Point Scale and Binet mental ages agree well for the 
 middle portion of the range of ages. Point Scale and Binet 
 I Q's, both computed with 16 as adult age, give a coefficient of 
 correlation of .84. 
 
 4) Tests which are easy for the feeble-minded are : compre- 
 hension of questions, definitions by use, and copying square and 
 diamond. Tests which are hard for them are: repetition of 6 
 digits and of syllables, and giving words in three minutes. 
 
 5) The tests on the Point Scale are arranged approximately 
 in order of difficulty. 
 
 6) The Adult Point Scale (preliminary form) gives scores 
 about one-half of those obtained by the same subject on the 
 Child Point Scale. 
 
 7) Either 12 is decidedly too low for the Point Scale mental 
 age above which persons are not feeble-minded, or the Waverley 
 School has a number of children who are not intellectually inferior. 
 
 8) The Variation Total is useful as an aid in differentiating 
 between feeble-mindedness and deterioration.
 
 102 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 APPENDIX A 
 
 VARIETIES OF ANSWERS GIVEN AT DIFFERENT MENTAL AGES 
 
 (Figures in parentheses indicate mental ages at which the different 
 
 answers were given.) 
 
 Test 1 
 
 There were in all only three failures (5, 8, 9) in this "test and all 
 of these came in the comparison of the third pair of faces. 
 
 Test 2 
 
 No failures were made in picture a; nine (6 to 12) occurred in 
 picture b alone; thirteen (6 to 10) in picture c alone; nine (8 to 
 15) in picture d alone; three (7 to 9) in both b and c; seven (8 to 9) 
 in both c and d; and four (5 to 8) in all three pictures b, c, and d. 
 We should therefore expect picture a to be passed if any of the 
 test is passed, and should expect part c to be failed more often 
 than either b or d. 
 
 Test3 
 
 No failures were made in part a. Four subjects (5 to 9) failed 
 in part b; three (6 to 8) in part c; and nine (5 to 8) in both c and d. 
 
 Test 4 
 
 (This test needs no discussion since it is evident that each part is 
 more difficult than the part preceding.) 
 
 Test 5 
 
 (Mental age 10) No failures to count backward from 20. 
 
 (9) 77% succeed from 20; 7% from 15; 8% from 10; 1% from 5: 
 
 7% fail 
 (8) 55% succeed from 20; 15% from 15; 9% from 10; 9% from 5: 
 
 12% fail 
 (7) 25% succeed from 20; 0% from!5; 13% from 10; 0% from 5; 
 
 63% fail 
 (6) 0% succeed from 20; 0% from 15; 0% from 10; 14% from 5; 
 
 86% fail 
 
 There is then, some probability of a child between the mental 
 ages of 6 and 9 receiving partial credit in this test, but ordinarily 
 he will receive either full credit or none. 
 
 Test 6 
 
 This test, like test 4, needs no discussion here. 
 
 Test 7 
 
 In part a the description "man and boy pulling wagon" was given 
 24 times; "moving" was given as interpretation 21 times; and 
 expressions like "no horse," "man for horse" 58 times. In part 
 b "man and lady sitting on settee" was given 28 times and the
 
 Josephine N.. Curtis 103 
 
 interpretations "man asleep" 38 times, "man dead" 13 times, 
 "poor" 16 times, "no home" 13 times, "sick" 14 times. In part 
 c "standing up" and "looking out the window" were practically 
 the only descriptions given, and "in prison" the only interpreta- 
 tion. 
 
 Typical answers for the different mental ages are: 
 Part (a) 
 
 (6) "Man and boy pulling the wagon," "Wheels are on crook- 
 ed." 
 
 (7) "Pulling team along," "Man trying to tip it over." 
 
 (8) "Team tipping over. One old man and one boy. Two 
 wheels off," "Man for a horse. Man pushing him." 
 
 (9) "Man and boy pulling cart with load of furniture," "Ped- 
 dlar's cart. Man sells things, boy helps him," "Moving. 
 Making horses out of man and boy. Germans after them. " 
 
 (10) "Pretty poor. No home. " " Horse has run away. Man 
 and boy took his place. Storm. Wagon going to tip over. " 
 
 (11) "Having hard time. It would be better if they had a 
 horse. Load apt to tip over." "In time of war. Burnt 
 out by a shell. Took what they could with them. " 
 
 (12) "Olden times. Poor people couldn't buy horses. Had to 
 pull own loads.' "Man poor. Was out in a dump, saw old 
 cart. Boy belongs to him. Found as much furniture as he 
 could. Hard working man." 
 
 (15) "Furniture? Moving day." "Shows old man and son 
 or grandson walking up slippery hill with cart. Furniture 
 on cart. Seem to be moving." 
 Part (b) 
 
 (6) "Lady and man sitting on settee." 
 
 (7) "Sleeping on the common." "Lady and man. Lady 
 holding on to man's arms. " 
 
 (8) " Father and mother and settee they're sitting on. " " Looks 
 as if they were cold." "Man asleep, woman awake on set- 
 tee." 
 
 (9) " He fell asleep. She looks scared. " " People look poor. " 
 
 (10) "Man looks dead. Must be his daughter. " "Man looks 
 as if he was trying to help that woman." "Snowing. He's- 
 praying. " 
 
 (11) "Old and tired. Have no home to go to." "Man is sick. 
 Lady worrying over him. " 
 
 (12) "Haven't any home to go to, so are sleeping there." 
 "Man blind. Woman must be deaf. Lost his hat. "
 
 104 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 Part (c) 
 
 (6) "Standing up, looking out window." 
 
 (7) "Man standing near post. " " Standing up on couch. " 
 
 (8) " Fixing the window. " " Looking out the window. " 
 
 (9) " Looking out the window for someone. " " Man in prison,, 
 looking out toward the sky. " j 
 
 (10) "Locked in prison for someth'ng he's done. Trying to 
 plead to get out ' "Watching to see if his wife is coming 
 home. " 
 
 (11) " In prison trying to look out and get air. Done something 
 wrong in his life. " 
 
 Tests 
 
 In cases in which partial credit was given, the following inversions 
 in order occurred: of weights 3 and 6, twenty-nine cases (7 to 14); 
 of weights 6 and 9, fourteen cases (7 to 13); of weights 9 and 12, 
 twenty-two cases (8 to 15); and of weights 12 and 15, twenty-four 
 cases (7 to 15). From this it is evident that weights 3 and 6 are 
 differentiated with the most difficulty. According to Weber's 
 Law we should expect that 3 and 6 would be most easily arranged, 
 and 12 and 15 with the most difficulty. If we disregard the con- 
 fusion of 3 and 6, we find the other pairs arranged as would be 
 expected. 
 
 It is interesting in connection with this test to note that almost 
 without exception subjects called weights 3 and 6 "light" and 
 the other blocks "heavy." 
 Test 9 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 The differences between apple and banana most frequently 
 given are: shape, 153 times (5 to 15); color, 68 times (5 to 
 15) ; kind or size of seeds, 27 times (8 to 15) ; method of peeling, 
 18 times (8 to 15); possibility of eating the skin, 18 times 
 (8 to 14). Besides these main differences, we find differences 
 in sw r eetness (8 to 15) ; in thickness of skin (8 to 15) ; in kind 
 of stem (8 to 11); in number growing together (9 to 15); in 
 hardness (7 to 13) ; in core (10 to 12) ; in climate where grown 
 (11 to 15); in juiciness (10 to 15) in size (7 to 14); in weight 
 (7); in time of year obtainable (9) in nutritive value (9); 
 and in possibility of being made into cider (11). 
 Part (b) 
 
 The differences between wood and glass most frequently 
 given are: transparency, 90 times (8 to 15); use, 59 times 
 (5 to 15); ease with which it is broken, 55 times; and possi-
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 105 
 
 bility of burning, 26 times (6 to 15). Other differences given 
 less frequently are: whether it is made or grows (9 to 15); 
 smoothness (9 to 11); method of cutting (8 to 11); shape in 
 which it comes (9); cost (10 to 11); bark (11); color (12); 
 whether nails can be driven into it (9) ; whether it is usually 
 painted or varnished (13) ; and whether it becomes soft when 
 left in water (12). 
 
 Part (c) 
 
 The differences between paper and cloth most frequently 
 given are: use, 114 times (5 to 15); ease with which it is torn, 
 44 times (8 to 15); possibility of writing on it, 20 times (7 to 
 15); and possibility of sewing it, 10 times (8 to 12). Other 
 differences given less frequently are: thinness (8 to 13); 
 smoothness (8 to 11); whether it is woven or pressed (14 to 15); 
 whether it burns easily (8 to 9); what it is made from (11); 
 softness (12); cost (12) and whether it washes (8). 
 
 From this we see that the differences most often given are those 
 
 of appearance and use. Differences in use are not given in part 
 
 (a) because the use of the two is the same: similarly differences 
 
 in appearance are not given in part (c) . 
 Test 10 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 In cases where partial credit was given there were 156 defini- 
 tions in terms of use (5 to 15) and 23 definitions (8 to 12) 
 where a spoon was said to be lead, tin, silver, steel, brass or 
 metal. 
 
 Part (fc) 
 
 In cases where partial credit was given, there was 142 in 
 terms of use (5 to 15); and 12 (8 to 11) where a chair was 
 sa : d to be wood. 
 
 Part (c) 
 
 In this part we have 99 cases (5 to 15) in terms of use. and 
 none in terms of material. 
 
 Part (d) 
 
 In this part there were a great many statements which were 
 classed as use, although they were often merely statements 
 about a baby, such as "what you rock," "take care of," 
 "plays all the time" (5 to 11). The definition "infant" was 
 given 36 times*(7 to 15). There were no, definitions in terms 
 of material. 
 Test 11 
 
 In this test there seems to be no tendency for errors to occur in
 
 100 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 the comparison of any particular pair of lines. 
 Test 12 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 There was only one case of no credit for the square (6). 
 
 There were 44 cases of half credit (5 to 12) and 155 of full 
 
 credit (5 to 15). 
 Part (6) 
 
 There were 22 cases of no credit for the diamond (5 to 9); 
 
 66 of half credit (6 to 15); and 112 of full credit (7 to 15). 
 It is evident, of course, that the diamond is much more difficult 
 than the square. 
 Test 13 
 
 In this test there were 43 cases (5 to 15) in which less than 30 
 words were given; 49 cases (5 to 15) of 30 to 44 words; 48 cases 
 (8 to 13) of 45 to 59 words; 34 cases (8 to 15) of 60 to 74 words; 
 22 cases (9 to 15) of 75 to 99 words; and 4 cases (8 to 15) of over 
 100 words. 
 Test 14 
 
 There are several kinds of error in this test. Total failure to give 
 anything there were 34 cases (5 to 11); of giving three separate 
 sentences, 37 cases (7 to 15); of using only two of the words 12 
 cases (6 to 10); of using only one word, 7 cases (7 to 8); and of 
 making senseless sentences 6 cases (8 to 10). 
 
 If these failures are arranged in order of the average mental 
 age of the subjects, we have: no sentence and only one word 
 used (7.7); senseless sentences and only two words used (8.7); 
 and three sentences given (9.0). 
 Test 15 
 
 Typical answers for the different mental ages are: 
 Part (a) 
 
 (6) "Hurry." "Go to Boston." "Get on another." 
 
 (7) "Telephone." "Have to stay there." "Wait for an- 
 other. " 
 
 (8) "Stay and wait for another." "Walk." 
 
 (9) " Wait and get another. " " Take electric car. " 
 
 (10) "Ask when next one comes," and other correct answers. 
 Part (b) 
 
 (6) "Very sorry." "Cry." "Serve them back." "Say 
 Thank you.' : 
 
 (7) "Apologize. " "Be nice to them. " "Say I'm sorry too. " 
 
 (8) "Be kind to them." "Please excuse me." "Forgive 
 them."
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 107 
 
 (9) "Beg their pardon. " "Say all right. " "Forgive them. " 
 Part (c) 
 
 (6) " Cause he's disagreeable. " " He steals. " 
 
 (7) " He don't mean all he says. " " Don't know any better. " 
 
 (8) " Give him another trial. " " Might be telling a story. " 
 
 (9) "It's meaner than saying." "Shouldn't judge him." 
 "Actions are more than what he says." 
 
 (10) "Sometimes you can't always believe what he says." 
 "What he does you can see him doing it." "Judge him by 
 looking at him, can tell if he's telling a lie. " 
 
 (11) "Actions speak louder than words." "Cause you can 
 tell better by what he does. " 
 
 (12) "Sometimes people say what they don't mean. Their 
 actions show more than what they say." "Can see what 
 they do. " 
 
 Part (d) 
 
 (6) "Because they're always disagreeable and cranky." 
 "Tell the truth." 
 
 (7) "Because we don't do right." "Cause they don't know 
 what they're doing." 
 
 (8) "Because they're rude." "I wouldn't." "Give them 
 kind words." 
 
 (9) "Because we're sorry." "When angry don't think of 
 the things you do as quickly as when you're not angry. " 
 
 (10) "Feel more sorry for them." "With anger, he's not 
 
 really responsible. " 
 Test 16 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 The most common error was to draw the figure as a cube. 
 The reason for this was apparently that the subjects named 
 the figure a "box," and then afterward drew the ordinary 
 figure of a box. 
 Part (6) 
 
 There was no error which appeared more often than other 
 errors. 
 Test 17 
 
 Typical answers for different mental ages are: 
 Part (a) 
 
 (6) "Hands in pockets." Repetitions of the sentence. 
 
 (7) "Because he was drinking." "Silly." "Hands in pock- 
 ets."
 
 108 Josephine N. Curtis 
 
 (8) "Trying to show off." "Charlie Chaplin." "Anybody 
 that goes by don't swing their cane." 
 
 (9) "No gentleman swings his cane." "Looks funny on the 
 street." Correct answers. 
 
 (10) "Should have been walking sensible." Correct answers. 
 Part (6) 
 
 (6) "Fell on the ground." "Broke his legs." 
 
 (7) "He cured him." "Went too fast." 
 
 (8) " He hadn't ought to have been riding. " "If he had been 
 more careful, he wouldn't have cut himself." "Died before 
 he got there, maybe. " 
 
 (9) "Fell on his head. Don't often see people falling on their 
 heads. " Correct answers. 
 
 (10) Correct answers. 
 Part (c) 
 
 (6) Repetition of sentence. No response. 
 
 (7) "Paul." "Should say self last." 
 
 (8) "Three different brothers; wasn't the same brothers." 
 "Should have said I." 
 
 (9) "If it was a girl, he had only two brothers and a girl." 
 "Trying to make you think he had an extra brother." 
 
 Part (d) ^ 
 
 (6) Total failure. 
 
 (7) Total failure. 
 
 (8) "Funny place to inquire." " Passed the road. " 
 
 (9) "Shouldn't go to the blacksmith, should go to the station. " 
 "Wasn't any blacksmith there." 
 
 (10) "They don't teach you to read at the blacksmith-shop." 
 Correct answers. 
 
 (11) "Should inquire at the post-office." "Ask one of the 
 people that's walking on the street." Correct answers. 
 
 Part (e) 
 
 (6) Total failure 
 
 (7) Total failure 
 
 (8) Total failure 
 
 (9) "Why should they?" "Safer in the last car than in the 
 first." "If one falls, they all go." "Last car can't leave 
 off; it's a baggage car." 
 
 (10) "If last car is more damaged, it's better to leave it off." 
 "Have to leave it off before it gets damaged." Correct an- 
 swers.
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 109 
 
 (11) "Anyone amongst them is damaged enough." "They 
 think the last car will slip off." Correct answers. 
 
 (12) "Front car would be most in danger, it has to follow where 
 the train goes." Correct answers. 
 
 Test 18 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 The sentence most frequently given was " I asked my teacher 
 to correct the paper." This was given 50 times (8 to 15); 
 "I asked the teacher to correct my paper" was given 18 
 times (8 to 15); "I asked my teacher to correct my paper" 
 17 times (8 to 15); "I asked the teacher to correct the paper" 
 twice (9 to 12). 
 
 Part (6) 
 
 In this part the sentences "A good dog defends his master 
 bravely" and "A good dog bravely defends his master" were 
 given 30 times (10 to 15); "A good master bravely defends 
 his dog" 5 times (12 to 15). Correct sentences in which 
 "good" modifies the second noun used, such as "A master 
 defends his good dog bravely" and sentences in which "his" 
 modifies the first noun, such as "His dog defends a good 
 master bravely" were given 6 times (8 to 15). 
 
 Part (c) 
 
 In this part "We started at an early hour for the park" and 
 "We started for the park at an early hour" were given 33 
 times; "We started early at the park for an hour" 3 times 
 (10 to 12); and "We started at the park for an early hour" 
 twice (11). 
 Test 19 
 
 Typical answers for this test are: 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 (6) "Sitting on." "Sister." "Give anything away what 
 you have. " 
 
 (7) "Haven't got no home." "When you go any place." 
 "To help the people." 
 
 (8) "Bird." "Little wagon." "Carriage." "Person ain't 
 got no home, on charity. " 
 
 (9) "Poor people." "They have meetings." "Be good to 
 a person." "Love to God." "State Board of Charity be 
 'guardeens.' 
 
 (10) "Kindness." "To be good." Correct answers. 
 
 (11) "Doing some kind act." Correct answers.
 
 110 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 (12) " Doing good for somebody, help them. " Correct answers. 
 Part (6) 
 
 (6) "Priest." "Don't obey, ask." 
 
 (7) "Do something that's right." "Don't know how to be- 
 have yourself." "To obey your teachers." 
 
 (8) "Bad." "When you don't mind." "Some kind of a 
 bird." "To be good." 
 
 (9) "Rough." "Be polite." "True." Correct answers. 
 (10) "Law and liberty. Be good and kind. " Correct answers. 
 
 Part (c) 
 
 (6) "Minister." "Hope." "Don't ask for anything." 
 
 (7) " Be good. " " When you can do things. " 
 
 (8) "Be bad." "Don't digest your food." "Be honest and 
 careful what you do." 
 
 (9) "Do what's right." "Do just what you're supposed to 
 do." "Peace, be kind to horses and animals." 
 
 (10) "When a man is arrested, put him in justice." "The 
 law." "To have peace." Correct answers. 
 
 (11) "Be kind." " Doing right. " Correct answers. 
 
 (12) " Have peace. " " In court. " Correct answers. 
 
 In this test, on the whole we get at the younger mental ages a 
 confusion of the abstract term with some similar concrete term 
 such as "Carriage" (Chariot?) with "Charity;" "Priest" with 
 "Obedience;" and "Digestion" with "Justice." At higher men- 
 tal ages, we find definitions which show some inkling of the real 
 meaning, such as, "Haven't any home" for "Charity;" "To be 
 good" for "Obedience;" and "The law" for "Justice." 
 Test 20 
 
 Part (a) 
 
 Of the possible correct answers, "peel" was given 100 times 
 (7 to 15), and "peeling" 6 times (11). Probably the reason 
 that "peel" is more common and given at lower ages than 
 "peeling" is that it may be used as a verb and the younger 
 children tend to take the "to" in the analogy as the beginning 
 of an infinitive. Among the incorrect answers we have 50 
 verbs (8 to 15) ; 6 nouns (5 to 12) ; 1 adjective referring to the 
 second half of the analogy (8) "yellow;" and 1 answer which 
 relates to the first part of the analogy (6) "Oyster goes in 
 with cracker. " 
 Part (b) 
 
 In this part "knee" was given 40 times (7 to 15); verbs 100 
 times (5 to 15); nouns referring to the second part 52 times
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 111 
 
 (8 to 15); and nouns referring to the first part 5 times (6 to 
 9). 
 Part (c) 
 
 In this part "glove(s)" was given 43 times (9 to 15); "mit- 
 tens" 2 times (9); verbs 94 times (5 to 15); nouns relating to 
 the second part 40 times (8 to 15) ; words relating to the first 
 part 9 times (5 to 10). 
 Part (d) 
 
 In this part "crooked line" was given 15 times (8 to 15); 
 "crooked" 5 times (9 to 15); "crooked one" 4 times (11 to 
 15); "uneven line" once (12); "round one" once (12); 
 "curve" once (14); verbs 31 times (6 to 11); nouns relating 
 to the second part 7 times (9 to 12); words relating to the 
 first part 58 times (6 to 13). 
 Part (e) 
 
 In this part "absent" was given 8 times (9 to 15); "future" 
 7 times (9 to 12); "be absent" once (8); "past" 14 times 
 (9 to 15). There was some confusion between "present" 
 meaning time, and "present" meaning gift. Of words re- 
 lating to time, there were 21 verbs (8 to 11) and 15 nouns 
 (9 to 15). Of words relating to a gift, there were 16 verbs 
 (7 to 14); 11 nouns (9 to 12). There were 32 words relating 
 to the first part of the analogy (6 to 12). 
 Part (/) 
 
 In this part "peace" was given 39 times (8 to 15); "have 
 
 peace" 2 times (9 to 10); "be in peace" once (9); and "make 
 
 peace" once (11). Of words relating to the second part, 
 
 there were 108 verbs, of which "fight" was given 44 times 
 
 (6 to 13); "cease" 22 times (8 to 13); "stop" 15 times (8 to 
 
 15) nouns 5 times (8 to 12); and adjectives 8 times (9 to 15). 
 
 There were 23 words given relating to the first part (5 to 11). 
 
 Throughout this test we find that in the incorrect answers verbs 
 
 are given more often and at younger mental ages than other parts 
 
 of speech, nouns come next and then adjectives. Part (e) gives 
 
 the greatest variety of replies, probably because there is no verb 
 
 which is readily associated with "present."
 
 112 Point Scale Examination* 
 
 APPENDIX B 
 
 TYPICAL ANSWERS TO POINT SCALE QUESTIONS AND THEIR 
 EVALUATION 
 
 Test No. 7 (a): 
 
 Full Credit (3): "Man and boy. He's pulling that cart, got it 
 
 loaded with something, pulling hard." "Man trying to pull it 
 
 up." "Ain't got no horse." "Looks as if it was going to tip 
 
 over." "Raining. Boy's father pulling load of furniture up 
 
 hill." "Peddlar's cart. Man sells things. Boy helps him." 
 
 "Have no horse. Must be kind of poor, in war, bringing their 
 
 furniture with them. Neither look very intelligent." "Heavy 
 
 load. Men tired." "Seem to be moving." 
 
 Credit of 2: "Man and boy dragging cart." "Hay or something 
 
 in team. Two men pulling it." "Pulling team up. It's kind 
 
 of tipping over. Man and boy." "Pulling load of furniture on 
 
 wagon." 
 
 Credit of 1: "Man and boy, furniture, baskets, rain, post, tables.'* 
 
 etc. 
 
 Test No. (b): 
 
 Full credit (3): "Man sleeping, lady thinking." "He's sick or 
 dying, she is taking hold of his arm." "People look poor." 
 " That lady shouldn't be there. " " Man must be dead. " " Man 
 looks as if he was trying to help that woman. " " Man and woman 
 side of the road. Man older than woman." "She looks cold." 
 "Man making love on a settee." "Man lost his hat." "Man 
 looks dead. Must be his daughter. " " Must be without a home, 
 poor, man sick. Woman trying to tell what is the matter with 
 him, both sad." "Out of work, hungry, poor." "Man sleep- 
 ing." 
 
 Credit of 2: "Sitting down on a settee." "Lady sitting on a 
 settee. Man side of her." "Lady and man. Lady holding on 
 to man's arms." "In a park. Old man and woman sitting on a 
 bench. Hat on ground." 
 
 Credit of 1: "Man and woman, trees, and snow." "Man and 
 lady." 
 
 Test No. 7 (c): 
 
 Full credit (3}: "Standing up to trees in a house where they are 
 camping out." "Looking out window for someone." "Watch- 
 ing to see if his wife is coming home." "Prisoned in." "He 
 fell asleep standing up. " "Peeking out the window." "Stand-
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 113 
 
 ing up. Lonesome. Looking out the window." "Standing as 
 
 if saying prayers. " 
 
 Credit of 2: "Standing up looking out window." "Man looking 
 
 in a glass." "Climbing up a tree." "Fixing the window." 
 
 "Man reading." 
 
 Credit of 1: "Telephone, chair, book." "Man, chair, box, two 
 
 tables. " 
 
 General Rules for Grading Test No. 7 
 
 For simple enumeration, whether all articles are named correctly 
 or not, give 1 point. As for example in (b), subjects will sometimes 
 say "two men" or "two women" instead of a man and a woman. 
 
 For simple description, statements about the position of persons 
 or objects, statements of color, or any statement concerning anything 
 that can be seen, give 2 points. 
 
 For a "story" about the picture, any statement that implies any 
 sense than sight (as, for example, statements of temperature, or sound), 
 statements about something that has happened before or is to happen 
 after the moment at which the picture is taken, statements concerning 
 the feelings of persons, or of the relationship between persons, give 3 
 points. 
 
 Doubtful causes. Some statements which would surely be inter- 
 pretation when given by an older person, are probably mere enumera- 
 tion when given by children. As, for example, "old man" and "grand- 
 father." In such cases, do not grade until you have read answers 
 given for other parts of this test. If the other parts give enumeration, 
 count the doubtful case as enumeration; if they give interpretation, 
 count the doubtful as interpretation. 
 Test No. 9 (a) : 
 
 Give credit for such differences as: "Apple round, banana long." 
 "Apple red, banana yellow." "Apple sometimes red, sometimes 
 green, banana sometimes yellow, sometimes red." "Apple 
 harder than banana." "You peel a banana with your fingers, 
 have to peel an apple with knife. " " Banana sweeter than apple. " 
 "You can eat the skin of an apple, can't of a banana. "Skin of a 
 banana is thicker." "Can get banana all the year, apple only 
 part of the year." "Apple has stem, banana doesn't." "Apple 
 has core, banana doesn't." "Banana grows in bunches, apple 
 doesn't." "Apple is juicier than a banana." "Apple weighs 
 more than a banana." "Apple grows in cold climate, banana in 
 warm." "Make cider of apples, not of bananas." "Apple 
 
 easier to digest." 
 
 library f 
 
 jtotarl Jauima
 
 114 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 Test No. 9 (b): 
 
 Give credit for such differences as: "Glass is transparent, wood is 
 not." "Wood burns, glass does not." "Glass breaks easier 
 than wood." "Wood grows, glass is made." "Use wood for 
 houses, etc., glass for windows, etc." "Wood gets soft in water, 
 glass does not. " " Glass is more expensive than wood. " " Wood 
 is brown, glass is no color (or white)." "Glass generally comes 
 in flat sheet, wood in blocks." "Wood has bark, glass hasn't." 
 "W 7 ood is generally painted or varnished, glass isn't." "Can 
 drive nails into wood, can't into glass. " 
 
 Test No. 9 (c) : 
 
 Give credit for such differences as "Paper tears more easily than 
 cloth." "Cloth is woven, paper is pressed." "You can write 
 on paper, can't on cloth." "Can sew on cloth, can't on paper." 
 "Cloth is for clothes, paper for wrapping." "Paper is generally 
 smoother than cloth." "Cloth is more expensive than paper." 
 "Cloth washes, paper doesn't. " "Cloth is generally thicker 
 than paper." "Paper is made from wood or rags, cloth from 
 threads." "W 7 hen you crumple up cloth, can smooth it out 
 again, can't paper." "Paper burns more easily than cloth." 
 Give no credit for "Paper is white and cloth is white." "You 
 can write on paper, well, you can write on cloth too. " 
 Doubtful: "Apple is red. Banana is long." If the subject implies 
 the opposite, give credit (this happens often with average adults). 
 It the opposite is not implied, do not give credit. This answer of 
 course does not show as logical a train of thought as when the 
 differences are paired off. Count such as "You can write on 
 paper, and you can sew on cloth" as one difference, that of use; 
 but count "You can write on paper, and you can't on cloth. 
 You can sew on cloth, but not on paper, " as two differences. 
 
 Test No. 10 (a) : 
 
 Full credit(%): "Silverware." "Piece of silver." "Article used 
 to eat with." "Instrument used to eat with." "Long and 
 round at top, cylindrical, use to eat with, and measure by. " 
 Half credit (1): "What you eat out of." "Stir things with." 
 "Silver." "Tin." "You can eat from it. It is silver." "Little 
 lead thing." "Round." 
 
 Test No. 10 (b) : 
 
 Full credit (2): "Piece of furniture." "W r ood ware." "Article 
 you sit on." "Four legs and four rounds, back and seat to sit 
 on. " " Wooden object. " 
 Half credit (1): "What you sit on." "Have four legs, sit on."
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 115 
 
 "Wood." "Made of wood, four legs." "Wooden chair with 
 soft cushions." "One kind of chair is different, rocking-chair." 
 
 Test No. 10 (c): 
 
 Full credit (2) : " Animal. " " Domestic animal. " " Quadruped.-" 
 "Beast of burden." "Four legs, tail, two eyes, mouth and nose 
 that eats. " 
 
 Half credit (1): "What you drive." "To ride on a team." 
 " Four legs, ears. " "What ploughs and does farm work. " "To 
 work with. " 
 
 Test No. 10 (d): 
 
 Full credit (2): "Creature, two legs, and head just like we are." 
 "Human being." "Small child." "Child under three or four 
 years." "Little boy or girl." 
 
 Half credit (1): "What you rock." "Crying." "Small and 
 horse is bigger." "Infant." "To creep on floor." "To care 
 for." "Litffe boy to your mother." "Grows up, gets big all 
 the time." "Nurse looks after the baby." "Belongs to a 
 mother. " 
 
 General Directions for Grading Test No. 10 
 
 Give full credit for classification, or for detailed description. 
 Give half credit for definitions in terms of use or in terms of some 
 attribute of the object as "baby cries," or for words which are prac- 
 tically synonymous as "infant" or for meagre description. 
 Test No. 14: 
 
 Full credit (4) : "I went to Boston to see the pretty river and spent 
 most of my money." "I am going to Boston to spend some 
 money on the river." "I lost some money in the river going 
 through Boston." "I went to Boston shopping and had enough 
 money left to go on the Charles river canoeing." "The Boston 
 money works is near a river. " 
 
 Half credit (2): "I went to Boston to my Father to get some 
 money and I saw someone fall in the river. " " Boston is a money- 
 making place and which a river passes near." "To go to Boston 
 you have to have money and you cross the Charles river." "Bos- 
 ton has got a lot of money in the state and the river is out in the 
 ocean." "I am going to Boston to get some money next week; 
 I am going to the river today. " 
 
 Wo credit: "I went to Boston one day to spend money." "I go 
 to Boston and bring money and saw a lady fall in the river. "
 
 116 Paint Scale Examinations 
 
 General Rules for Grading Test No. 14 
 
 Give full credit for a single sentence containing all three words 
 when sentence does not have verbs connected by "and." If the verbs 
 are connected by "and" give full credit if the connection of the sense 
 is very close. "Boston" may be used as an adjective. The sentence 
 does not have to be true. Give half credit for two separate sentences 
 or two which are loosely connected. If three sentences are given and 
 the three words are used in two of these three, give half credit. A 
 loosely connected sentence in which two of the verbs have different 
 subjects should receive two. Give no credit when only two words are 
 used, even if these two are used in one sentence. 
 Test No. 15 (a) : 
 
 Full credit (2) : " Look for another train. Wait at depot. " " Take 
 electric car." "As what time the next train went." "Take a 
 taxi." "Telephone." 
 
 Half credit (1): "Go any place at all." "Have to stay there." 
 "Wait till it comes back." "Take a watch to see how many 
 minutes." "Go home." 
 
 No credit: " Run for it. " " Hurry. " "Go to Boston. " 
 Test No. 15 (b): 
 
 Full credit (2): "Forgive them." "Pardon them." "Be nice 
 to them." "Tell them all right and not do it again." "Do to 
 them as. you'd like them to do to you." "Make up with them 
 again. " 
 
 Half credit (1): "Serve them back." "Go up and tell them 
 you feel tie same." "Like them." "Say welcome." "Do 
 nothing." "Let them go." "Pay no attention to them." 
 No credit: "Thank you." "Apologize." "Be sorry to them." 
 "Take it back." 
 Test No. 15 (c) : 
 
 Full credit (2): "He don't mean all he says." "Things he did 
 more accountable than wl at he says. Perhaps what he'd tell 
 you wouldn't be true. " " Can tell by their actions and by the 
 way they say it whetl er they mean it or not. " " Might do some- 
 thing he said he wasn't going to." "Can see wl at they do." 
 Half credit (1) : "you can judge people by their actions, can tell by 
 what they do." "Actions speak louder than words." "When 
 he acts it, it shows more gratitude." "He does more than he 
 says." 
 
 No credit: "Cause he's disagreeable." "Should judge him in 
 his ways." "See for yourself what he does, can mostly tell when
 
 Josephine N. Curtis 117 
 
 a person is all right and when they're in wrong." "Supposed to 
 do the right thing." "Shouldn't judge them at all." 
 Test No. 15 (d): 
 
 Full credit (2): "Think they don't mean it. they're in such a 
 temper." "When they did it, they didn't stop to think; when 
 they're not in anger, they plan to do it. " 
 
 Half credit (1) : "When they mean a thing, don't forgive them." 
 No credit: "Because they apologize and think more of it. " "One 
 might be done by accident; one with anger means to do it." 
 "Better to do things without anger." 
 
 General Rules for Grading Test No. 15 
 
 Give full credit for full, logical answers; and for incomplete an- 
 swers in some cases where the remainder is implied, as " Can see what 
 they do. " Give half credit for answers which show some slight grasp 
 on the whole situation. 
 Test No. 17 (a): 
 
 Full credit: " Couldn't swing cane with hands in pockets. " " Can't 
 have hands in pocket and swing cane unless he had cane on his 
 arm. " 
 Test No. 17 (b): 
 
 Full credit: "If he was dead, taking him to the hospital wouldn't 
 do any good. " "If he's killed, can't get well. " 
 Test No. 17 (c): 
 
 Full credit: "Trying to make you think he had an extra brother." 
 " Couldn't be a 'brother to himself. " "Only had two. " 
 Test No. 17 (d) : 
 
 Full credit: "If they can't read the first sentence, they can't read 
 about the blacksmith." "Who was there to tell him to inquire 
 at the blacksmith shop? The post couldn't tell him." "If you 
 couldn't read, how could you read it at all?" 
 Test No. 17 (e): 
 
 Full credit: "If they left the last one off, the one next to the last 
 would be in as much danger." "There would always be a last 
 car. " 
 Test No. 18 (a) : 
 
 Full credit: "I asked the teacher to correct my paper." "I asked 
 my teacher to correct the paper." "The teacher I asked to cor- 
 rect my paper. " 
 Test No. 18 (b) : 
 
 Full credit: "A master defends his good dog bravely." "A dog 
 defends his good master bravely, etc."
 
 118 Point Scale Examinations 
 
 Test No. 18 (c) : 
 
 Full credit: "We started for the park at an early hour." "We 
 started early for an hour at the park." "We started for the 
 park at an hour early." "We started early at an hour for the 
 park. " 
 
 General Directions for Grading Test No. 18 
 
 Give full credit for any English sentence containing all the given 
 
 words and no other words. 
 
 Test No. 19 (a): 
 
 Full credit: "Take pity on people that ain't got no homes." 
 "Anybody is poor and ain't got no home, the charity helps them 
 along." "To give to the needy." "When you look out for a 
 poor person." "Love for the poor." "Society to take little 
 wanderers and put them in homes." 
 
 No credit: 'Give anything away that you have." "People have 
 kind of society and help." "To do anything for anybody for 
 nothing." " Love toward your neighbor. " "Helping." "Kind- 
 ness. " 
 
 Test No. 19 (b) : 
 
 Full credit: "Mind the attendant, what they say." "To mind." 
 "Do what you are told." 
 
 Test No. 19 (c): 
 
 Full credit: " Do right by others. " " Treat everybody the same. " 
 
 "To be fair and square with everybody." "To give one person 
 
 his rights." "Not to let one do what vou wouldn't let another 
 
 do." 
 
 No credit: "To do as you'd be done by." "Doing right." "To 
 
 do right." "The law."
 
 THE ILLUSION OF LEVITATION 
 
 Part Two: Clinical Aspects 
 
 LYDIARD H. HORTON 
 
 Foreword 
 
 In this second section it is intended to furnish a more definite picture 
 of the Illusion of Levitation than was presented in the first outline. This 
 is done by a second letter to Dr. Prince, which amplifies the first. 
 
 The instances quoted are taken from the case histories of subjects 
 studied by the writer at various institutions in New York City, including 
 the Post Graduate Hospital, the Vanderbilt Clinic, the Physiological 
 Laboratory at P. & S., and the Laboratory of the Department of Psy- 
 chology at Columbia. 
 
 In observations of this kind upon the phases of sleep, it has been a 
 most helpful and steadying circumstance that a student like Morton Prince 
 should have stood ready to give aid and counsel. 
 
 Dr. Prince has realized that Abnormal Psychology demands of its 
 devotees that they shall be willing to examine the "improbabilities" of 
 mystical belief as well as to follow the "safe and sane" paths of staid 
 laboratory demonstrations. To emphasize this open-mindedness, to which 
 I pay tribute now, Dr. Prince's own words may be quoted from the cor- 
 respondence: 
 
 In this connection do not let yourself be hoodooed by any set of 
 "authorities" with whose views your observations are not in accord. 
 Make your own observations and so long as they are accurate and 
 incontestable you have nothing to fear. Be careful only not to force 
 interpretations beyond what the facts warrant. 
 
 With due respect both to those who insist upon adventuring into 
 mystical realms, and to those who sedulously abstain therefrom, the natural 
 history of the Illusion of Levitation will be carried through to a physio- 
 logical analysis in the next instalment. 
 
 The statement below Is intended to bring out the salient features of 
 the Illusion of Levitation when it is dependent upon phenomena of general 
 relaxation and of sleep. 
 
 119
 
 120 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 COLUMBIA. UNIVERSITY, 
 
 JUNE 6, 1912 
 
 My dear Dr. Prince: 
 
 As a post-script to my letter of April 17, let me submit a 
 few examples in connection with the process of relaxation that 
 I described. 
 
 Lately, having again taken up these experiments I have 
 had my attention called at various times to analogies between 
 the state of relaxation as produced or induced experimentally 
 on the one hand, and on the other to certain peculiar states 
 that occur spontaneously. The analogies are not so much per- 
 ceived by me as they are suggested to me by those on whom I 
 have experimented or with whom I have talked over the method 
 and its results. 1 
 
 "PROJECTION" OF SENSATIONS 
 
 Case 80. A Jewish boy of 19 treated for anxiety neurosis. 
 As a means of helping him to sleep I taught him how to relax, 
 using the usual dialectic method and adding a few exercises for 
 relaxing the eye-muscles. He proved a very good subject and 
 presently experienced the sensations and changes of muscular 
 tonus that I wrote of in the foregoing letter. At the onset of 
 the sensations he said: "I have felt like this before; it used to 
 come over me, this feeling; but I was scared of it and used to 
 try to make it go away." When I explained the matter to 
 him as merely a by-product of rest, he was perfectly willing to 
 continue in the existing state of ease and even seemed to think 
 it wonderfully agreeable. Wishing to impress the sensations 
 upon him I said, more forcibly than accurately: "I want you to 
 remember what you have done now, so that you can rest like 
 this again. Don't forget how you did this. " To which the boy 
 responded: "How should I forget how to do this, when it is not 
 me that is doing it?" "Who is doing it?" "I don't know, it 
 just comes of itself." 
 
 ALARMING WAVE CHARACTER 
 
 I mention this incident to illustrate the projec'ed character 
 of the sensations in question. To be sure the projection in this 
 case is not very marked, but still there is a suggestion as if a 
 foreign influence were exerting itself upon the person. In my 
 earlier experiments this was more marked. One subject who 
 
 1 This method has ftr years, among my co-workers and subjects, borne the name ''Acopic 
 Method" from the Greek (alpha privative and kopos fatigue) meaning anti-fatigue. See Cen- 
 ury Dictionary.
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 
 
 learned to relax very completely was very much impressed with 
 the sensations in relaxation. He actually argued with me at 
 one time that they must really represent the influx of some force. 
 In another case a man describes his experience in the following 
 terms: "There were waves in the room; it was as if the air were 
 in vibration, and I thought that it seemed to be a force that 
 placed me in communication with a certain patient whom I had 
 asked to relax at the same time. It was the most extraordinary 
 experience I ever had and caused me to be alarmed about con- 
 tinuing this work. " 
 
 The former was a lawyer of the highest intelligence and the 
 latter was a clergyman, who had done a little psychotherapy 
 and who had tried "absent treatment" in its non-mystical form; 
 I mean encouraging a patient to relax and think thoughts of 
 health, while the healer by appointment was relaxing and medi- 
 tating in another place. 
 
 But let me go on with cases 
 more in point. 
 
 Case 96. A psychologist, 
 instructor in one of the big Uni- 
 versities. He had been my sub- 
 ject in experiments conducted 
 by me in 1910. Lately, in dis- 
 cussing the method of relaxation 
 he said: "I meant to tell you 
 about a sort of waking dream 
 that I used to have. I would be 
 lying on the bed and I would 
 see a large heavy piano that we 
 had, floating in the air. This 
 was when I was a kid, ten or 
 eleven. I would imagine I saw 
 this piano getting larger and 
 larger and soaring in the air 
 above me. And I would be 
 afraid that it was going to fall 
 and I would cry out and the 
 family would not know what was 
 
 the matter with me, for I could not seem to tell them. 
 Presently the piano would stop getting larger and would seem 
 to fall and I wou!d expect that there would be a great crash 
 but it never came. Then the thing would pass away. " 
 
 EXTERNALIZED ILLUSION OF 
 LEVITATION
 
 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 SENSATIONS OF SWELLING AND RISING 
 
 Case 88. A woman, graduate student in biology. She 
 took a great deal of interest in my experiments and wanted to 
 hear all about the different stages of relaxation, (which is in- 
 formation I do not give to those who are to be my subjects}. 
 Although not a subject, she gave me the following description of 
 similar sensations she had had: "I used to feel myself beginning 
 to swell and it would bother me, because I did not know what 
 to make of it. I seemed to get larger and larger as if I would 
 never stop expanding. But presently it would stop and things 
 would become natural again. I have asked my doctor about it, 
 but I have never found anyone w r ho understood it, except one 
 woman who had the same sort of experience. We exchanged 
 notes on the subject. It was very curious and used to come 
 quite often." "Was it pleasant?" u Yes, it was pleasant, 
 except that it was so queer." "Do you have it now?" "No, 
 I have not had it for several years. " 
 
 Case 101. In my own case on one occasion I dreamed of 
 seeing a golf-ball soaring in the air, and rising in a beautiful loft- 
 ing curve above a bunker surrounded by water. I seemed to 
 be accompanying the golf-ball in its flight, as if I w r ere in some 
 way identified with the ball. I could see the ball and the chang- 
 ing vista beneath us, but I was not there in propria persona. In 
 the next part of the dream I w r as crudely impersonating a golf- 
 ball propelling itself through a muddy golf course. I omit the 
 symbolism of the second part wishing merely to point out the 
 two degrees of impersonation in the dream. In the first part of 
 the dream the flying sensation or levitation illusion was very 
 marked and seems to account for the partial projection of the 
 illusion, so that it is not exactly I, but rather the golf-ball, to 
 which the flight is ascribed. 
 
 THE SENSATIONS BEREFT OF ILLUSION 
 
 In earlier cases I have experienced the floating sensation 
 while relaxation was in progress and while perfectly oriented 
 otherwise. Its onset was brought about by a deliberate process 
 of relaxation but without any expectation of the illusion of soar- 
 ing. The insight thus acquired changed for some time the 
 character of my flying dreams, by robbing them of the illusional 
 element. I would simply feel myself soaring in my sleep, but 
 would not apperceive it as a flight; for I would recognize the true 
 character of the experience and relate it to my waking experi-
 
 Lydiard H. Horton , 123 
 
 merits. The identity between the illusional and the non-illusion- 
 al levitation phenomena, however, must be unmistakable to 
 anyone who has experienced the several varieties, as I have. 
 
 Now let me mention the fact that often the floating sensa- 
 tion is connected with a tingle. I have had it several times in 
 such a way that the tingle resembles the strongest reaction 
 after a shower bath. It has come to me at other times locally 
 as if there were a thready tingle in different parts of the body. 
 I never had paid very much attention to these things nor had 
 taken any careful record. But later two subjects, independently 
 and in almost identical terms described a tingle, as follows. 
 
 Case 71. "While you were talking and I was relaxing I 
 felt a sort of twitching or tingling. It seemed to run from under 
 my eye down the side of my face near the nose. I never had 
 this before. " 
 
 Case 78. "I had a queer sensation. I did not know what 
 to make of it. It was a kind of a prickly sensation just in one 
 place, I thought I would have to scratch it. It was along the 
 thigh as far as the knee. I don't remember ever feeling any- 
 thing like it before." 
 
 VASO-MOTOR FEATURES 
 
 My theory for all these phenomena is that they are con- 
 nected with vaso-motor activity. The theory seems worth 
 stating even before I have given you all the cases and all the 
 threads of thought that make it appear plausible. The swelling 
 of the body is evidently, to my notion, a projected sensation due 
 to vaso-motor relaxation of skin vessels. The floating sensation 
 is due to the numbness or diffusion of sensation caused by the 
 vaso-motor relaxation plus (and this is more problematical) a 
 more or less real inhibition of the pressure sense. All these 
 elements of explanation are referred to in the letter of April 17. 
 
 Now as to the tingle, my own feelings during relaxation 
 indicate that it depends on the rapidity with which the vaso- 
 motor dilatation takes place. In one case, already reported to 
 you, the dilation was so rapid that I felt light in the head and 
 had an illusion of falling. No anxiety attended this phenomenon. 
 From the beginning of the tingling I knew, or thought I knew 
 what was going on; for I had had quite as marked a tingling once 
 before, it having come to me in the earlier instance as my first 
 intimation of the vaso-motor character of the floating sensation. 
 Altho' not prepared for the dizziness which followed the sudden 
 relaxation of the body or skin vaso-motors, its "explanation"
 
 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 flashed upon me before the illusion of falling got a very strong 
 grip on me. There was no room, it would seem, for me to put 
 any elaborate fancies in between two facts so clearly perceived 
 and coming so closely in connection. 
 
 BREEDING GROUNDS OF THE ILLUSION 
 
 But suppose similar physiological phenomena occurring in 
 a different psychological setting. It needs no great stretch of 
 the imagination to conceive of cases where experiences of peace 
 and relaxation would be obtained through more or less mystical 
 practices, such as the meditations of the saints, the contempla- 
 tion of the buddhists, the reading of Science and Health at the 
 bedside and so on. This implies in each case a rather wide 
 ranging of the mind through realms of conjecture and pseudo- 
 
 A SECOND EXAMPLE OF' LEVITATION IN DKKAMS 
 
 Dependent as in Former Case upon Vasomotor Changes 
 
 This is a faithful, if somewhat labored, picturization of an actual dream known to have been 
 elicited by vasomotor warming of the body surface, in response to cold while the dreamer was in 
 bed; thus it depended upon a reaction of the mechanism that regulates temperature. 
 
 The dreamer fails to apperceive correctly (mal-apperceives) the corresponding sensations; 
 these being in the main: 1. Changes of pressure from the suffusion of the blood through skin and 
 muscles, in addition to actual pulsations. 2. Joint and muscle sensations of the dreamer's actual 
 movements, automatically initiated in pursuit of comfort (warmth). 
 
 The apperceptive errors belong in the class of "trial apperceptions," as explained by the 
 writer in the Journal of Abnormal Psychology, vols. for 1915-16 and 1916-17. (See also critical 
 review of the theory in Psychcl. Bulletin for January, 1918.' 
 
 The above statements apply exactly to the previous example, in which the dreamer ends by 
 drawing up his legs under him and obtains an illusion of levitating in that position. In the 
 present instance the final heat-seeking movement leads to the passing of the foot over the varied 
 surfaces of a hot-water bottle, made of rubber and sheathed in a furry cloth bag. The resulting 
 spatial and tactual impressions are thereupon "transposed" from the sensory field of the foot to 
 the psycho-sensory field of the hand a mis-reading of "loca ! sign." 
 
 The initial sense of vasomotion gives rise to the illusion of floating like a balloon or inflated 
 dummy, which swings in the way of the traffic, obliging the rapid vehicles to swerve sharply in 
 their course along the already undulating parkway. 
 
 Continued on Page 127
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 125 
 
 science in which anyone can find much material to enrich and 
 overlay the sensation I have described, covering it almost out 
 of semblance to the original. Does not Ethel Puffer in her 
 chapter on the Esthetic Repose call attention to just such illusory 
 accretions? It remains for us to divine the underlying physio- 
 logical facts. "My soul swims in the Being of God as a fish in 
 water, " says the humble Beguine, Mechthild. Again the theoso- 
 phist feels his astral body floating away and visiting over the 
 world. A book could be written full of instances of this kind 
 that would show a perfect series of such illusions, all of them 
 conceivably built around the actual sensations that I have en- 
 countered in their bare state among my subjects. 
 
 Here is a case in point, which has never been explained 
 and which is quoted in Professor Muensterberg's Psychotherapy. 
 I think that you will concede the close connection of this case 
 with the cases I have cited in this post-script and in my original 
 letter. 
 
 "My condition was horrible in the extreme. I had consumption 
 of the lungs and other supposedly fatal troubles, complicated by 
 wrecked nerves. (Here follows the laoly's account of the visits of a 
 Christian Science healer) ... At noon she left me to go to her 
 home for lunch. 
 
 RECONSTITUTION (Experience as related} 
 
 I was pondering seriously on her reiterated 
 
 Cf. "Mid-State" of 'God is love and fills the universe and there 
 
 attention. is nothing beside Him,' when I suddenly had 
 
 a sensation of being lifted up or rising slowly 
 and becoming lighter in body. 
 
 Sudden dilation of A rush of power that I have no way of des- 
 
 scribing to you filled me. I seemed to be a 
 tremendous dynamo 
 
 The inhibition of in the air several inches 
 
 pressure scn*e. above the ground and still ascending. 
 
 When 
 
 A -particular di/usion I noticed everything around me becoming 
 
 prismatic and more or less translucent, 
 
 more anon.
 
 126 
 
 The Illusion of Levitation 
 
 RECONSTITUTION 
 
 Ligh'nrss again. 
 
 Alarm. 
 
 The swelling sensations. 
 
 The altruistic "desire 
 h show how" of the typical 
 Flying Dream turned lo 
 therapeutic account. 
 
 Vasomotor relaxation and 
 consequently greater beat 
 of the pulses. 
 
 The "return o earth." 
 
 Was this experience 
 healthful simply 
 because it served to 
 remove snhibitions 
 existing in 
 the Function 
 of Repose? 
 
 I could have walked on water without sink- 
 ing, and I had a distinct understanding that 
 matter seemed to be disintegrating and dis- 
 solving around me. I was 
 
 frightened but self-conscious and quiet. 
 I remained in this state for about three hours, 
 my consciousness seeming to have reached 
 
 ALMOST COSMIC GREATNESS. 
 
 I could have cured, I felt, 
 any human ill, was filled with an absorbing 
 altruistic desire to help suffering. It was 
 tremendous and totally foreign to my every- 
 day attitude. At the end of the day, towards 
 twilight, I became wearied of the TREMENDOUS 
 THROBBING and exalted state in which 
 I still remained and gave utterance to 
 the thought aloud. Almost before I had 
 formulated it the condition left me, and like 
 the sudden dropping of a weight, I struck the 
 ground, the same dull, ordinary person of 
 e very-day experience, but with the vast differ- 
 ence of perfect health, radiant and lasting to 
 the present writing. My father like myself 
 is baffled and wondering. We are both pretty 
 hard skeptics. I want the truth, w r hether it 
 be terrible or otherwise. I am profoundly 
 grateful to the Christian Scientist, if I re- 
 gained my health through her ministrations, 
 but I have not so far been able to label myself 
 and rise in their church services to tell what 
 has been done on me. The performance 
 repels me as crude and rather bad taste. I 
 swear to you on my honor as an American 
 woman and mother that what I have written 
 you is true, absolutely. If you can give me 
 any light or if my experience may perchance 
 give you a helping ray, my renewed lease on 
 life may have had some purpose after all, 
 which I have questioned in my cynical 
 moods. "
 
 Lydiard H. Norton 127 
 
 "The unprejudiced psychotherapist, adds Professor Muenster- 
 berg, will be perfectly able to find room for such cures and, if it is the 
 duty of the scientific physician to make use of every natural energy 
 in the interest of the patient's health, he has no right to neglect the 
 overwhelming powers of the apparently mysterious states." (p. 317) 
 
 IMPEDIMENTS TO A SCIENCE OF REST 
 
 My object in writing of my experiments is to bring within 
 the pale of science a number of "natural energies" that are 
 at present the possession of more or less confused mystics. 
 The association of the rest-states with mystical practices is the 
 greatest source of difficulty that I find in presenting the facts. 
 I am hoping that if these facts are published under your auspices 
 this difficulty may disappear. 
 
 Yours very sincerely, 
 
 L. H. 
 
 (To be Concluded) 
 
 Continued from Page 124 
 
 The various items are fanciful reproductions of memories of the park at Morningside Heights. 
 The emotional tone of the Irish policeman is anger, which gives way to complacency when the 
 dreamer, now deflated, sets foot to the ground (contact with hot-water bottle) and pets the dog's 
 head. The policeman is obviously an externalization of the dreamer himself an alter ego. 
 
 Such is the stuff that dreams are made of. 
 
 The analysis, or rather inventory, cannot be completed here; but this fragment may serve as 
 an earnest of the type of explanation that is to follow. The physiological treatment ("re-con- 
 slitution") here sketched should serve, in respect of Flying Dreams at least, to give a quietus 
 to the rather wild guesses of the Freudian school. Havelock Ellis has gone farthest in the right 
 direction by recognizing "Aviation in Dreams" to be due to physiological mechanisms operating 
 in sleep, rather than to wish-fulfilments. The detailed consideration of these mechanisms will 
 form the subject of the next instalment. 
 
 Consult Havelock Ellis, "The World of Dreams," 1911, Houghton Mifflin & Company; 
 note esperiallj the sixth chapter, which appeared in the Atlantic Monthly, 1910.
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WAR. By J. T. MacCurdy, M. D., London. 
 William Heinemann, 1917. Pp. 68. 
 
 Every one admits that war is a terrible though not an absolutely" 
 unmitigated evil, and the writer of this excellent and eminently 
 pertinent little book asserts, with good reason, that the first step 
 toward its elimination is a thorough and comprehensive understanding 
 of the causes that produce it. So far as these causes are political and 
 economic in their nature, the discussion of them belongs elsewhere, 
 and a vast amount has been written with regard to them. What is 
 not appreciated in its true bearings, is the fact that some of the most 
 effective of the war-producing influences lie deep in certain tendencies 
 of human nature. 
 
 War, as he points out, "is not an isolated phenomenon, but the 
 product of the best and worst in human kind. It would be a sad day 
 for the race if man lost his hardihood and ideas of loyalty merely for 
 the sake of peace. His psyche must be transformed, not syncopated. 
 This change can only come from within, and only when he has learned 
 his essential nature. The ambition of the psychologist a funda- 
 mentallv practical man is, therefore, to set men thinking before thev 
 act." 
 
 It may be stated as a proposition to which many modern students 
 of clinical psychology will give credence, that the phenomena of war, 
 or to be more accurate the phenomena of peace and war (since these 
 are states which can only be adequately studied as in close relation to 
 each other) are analogous to the phenomena of the psychoses; and, 
 as a psychosis, war is to be investigated in the light of the modern 
 doctrines with regard to the nature of the disorders classified broadly 
 under that term. 
 
 To go a step further in the presentation of this view, it may be 
 said, first, that war, regarded as a breaking away from ordinary social 
 obligations, implies the coming into life and action of primitive, ele- 
 mental motives, by which every one is swayed to a greater or less 
 degree, but of which their possessors are for the most part unconscious. 
 These unconscious motives have been very fruitfully studied during 
 the past few decades, from two standpoints; namely, first, that stand- 
 point which the "psychoanalytic movement" has done so much to 
 render clear; and, next, from the standpoint of those who regard men, 
 not as isolated human beings coming together incidentally to form 
 
 128
 
 Reviews 129 
 
 societies, but as persons who from their very nature, and, as it were, 
 aboriginally and innately, are gregarious in their instincts. 
 
 The leading spirit in the first of these movements has been, un- 
 questionably, Sigmund Freud, whose work is supplemented, with 
 reference to war as in other respects, by Ernest tTones, from whose 
 essay, published in 1916, MacCurdy liberally quotes. 
 
 The investigator whom MacCurdy mainly cites with reference to 
 the second movement is the surgeon and psychologist, Wilfred Trotter, 
 whose papers and books treating of the "herd instinct" have been so 
 largely quoted. It seems to the reviewer fair to say that the names 
 of other distinguished men should be referred to in this latter connec- 
 tion, and especially those of two writers Josiah Royce, the philosopher 
 and psychologist of Harvard University, and Levy-Bruhl, who has 
 developed this thesis of the primary gregariousness of human beings 
 quite elaborately in his admirable study of the mental operations of the 
 primitive races.* 
 
 War, looked at from the psychotic standpoint here presented, 
 is, the writer thinks, a crisis for which days and years of peace gradually 
 prepare, by tightening powerful springs which represent repressed 
 primitive instincts and which are destined eventually to break loose 
 from forces that have controlled them. And this oscillation is likely 
 to go on, unless, indeed, it is possible, in the meantime, to enlist the 
 consciousness and reason of men in the task of grasping and supervising 
 the hidden forces of their natures; or unless some adequate substitutes 
 for war are found which will provide an outlet for the powers and spirit 
 of adventure of large groups of men. Neither of the two sets of in- 
 fluences now brought to bear on the side of peace, namely, militarism 
 on the one hand, and pacificism, on the other, is likely, the writer 
 thinks, to accomplish very much. The representatives of each of 
 these tendencies unite in trying "to solve a delicate situation by a 
 tour deforce. The militarist sneers at diplomacy of any kind and seeks 
 to adjust every difference by the sword, while the pacifist would change 
 human nature by fiat. " 
 
 The fact that in war men fall back upon their primitive instincts 
 is obvious and well known. But less familiar is the further fact that 
 every child brings into the world a greater or less amount of instinct 
 for violence which in war is bound to show itself as a veritable blood- 
 lust. This quality is very unequally developed and unequally con- 
 verted into forces that work in behalf of civilization; but unless it is 
 present or can be developed in some measure, the actual business of 
 war, at least for the common soldier, is certain to become soon too 
 loathsome for endurance.
 
 130 Rericirs 
 
 Strangely enough, it is due to the peculiar mode of working out 
 of man's gregariousness that the powerful inhibitions which society 
 has come, gradually, to impose on this instinct for violence, on the 
 part of the individual, are removed in case of war. For gregariousness 
 makes men form nations, but nations are invariably rivals, and this 
 rivalry is liable to become so intense that a trivial cause brings a new 
 set of forces into play. Then the blood-lust comes to the front. The 
 foreigner is not primarily hated, or even disliked, as such; often quite 
 the contrary is true. But the moment war breaks out the foreigner 
 "becomes a scapegoat for his race: he must be killed or injured in any 
 possible way. If there is to be real war it is obvious that this second 
 phase has to develop, for unless animosity of the race becomes in- 
 dividual, it would be impossible for a civilized man to deal a lethal 
 blow, restrained as he is by the inhibitions of generations. Moreoever, 
 these inhibitions must be lifted to the point where killing gives satis- 
 faction, else there will be a woeful lack of the enthusiasm necessary to 
 outweigh personal sacrifice and sustain the war." 
 
 The marvelous scene which the author quotes from Shakespeare's 
 *' Julius Caesar," where Cinna becomes the object of mob fury because 
 of his name, and although he is obviously the wrong person, is cited as 
 a case in point. 
 
 MacCurdy quotes at considerable length from Freud's paper 
 on "The Disillusionment of War," which has for its main thesis the 
 doctrine that the primitive egoistic tendencies of every individual are 
 the most "real" part of him, and that society is to be best understood 
 by studying the metamorphoses which these instincts undergo. 
 
 These views of Freud are developed so concisely that it would be 
 difficult to do them justice without citations of unreasonable length 
 and I pass on to the point at which MacCurdy's views differ from, 
 Freud's. This is especially with reference to the relation of men to the 
 social groups in which they live, and of these of different groups among 
 themselves. Here, he thinks, Freud's individualistic studies are in- 
 adequate, and he quotes him as saying that he cannot readily explain 
 "the hate existing between nations," and that "it seems as if the 
 aggregation of men simply multiplied their primitive impulses. " 
 
 "It is evident from the above that Freud views the atrocities of 
 war as more natural than the civilized behaviour of man . . ' 
 This is equivalent to saying that the mystery to be solved is the be- 
 haviour of peace rather than the incidents of war." 
 
 Jones's attitude is similar to Freud's, and carries his argument 
 in various respects a little further. Amongst other interesting propo-
 
 Reviews 131 
 
 sitions "he (Jones) deprecates any attempts to abolish war by forcible 
 repression of primitive instincts . . . He suggests that it may be 
 possible that the sublimating capacity of man is now at its greatest 
 height . . . What he recommends is a more intelligent treatment 
 of primitive instincts, the substitution of open-eyed study and control 
 of social problems rather than blind legal negations which tend to in- 
 crease social unrest." 
 
 "On the whole, therefore, we can sum up Jones' contribution 
 as an effort to establish the violent, primitive instincts of man, usually 
 unconscious, as an important, if not the primary, cause of war. " 
 
 But Jones also, as MacCurdy justly says, fails to study adequately, 
 or even mention, "the phenomenon of international hostility, the 
 jealousy which is exhibited in times of peace." And it is with this 
 important matter that the second portion of the essay deals. 
 
 "International rivalry is, apparently, never friendly; in fact, it 
 seems to be invariably characterized by jealousy, often by bitterness." 
 And no solutions of the difficulty are offered, except that it is "silly," 
 or inevitable and of practical utility. In fact, a better solution is to 
 be found through the study of the instinctive gregariousness of men 
 and the constant interplay, as source of motive, between the dictates 
 of this gregariousness and men's relatively individualistic opinions 
 and desires. 
 
 "There is but one psychologist who has seen the potentiality of 
 man's gregariousness. This is Wilfred Trotter." 
 
 This writer, who is by profession an English surgeon, attempts to 
 explain many of the anomalies of man's conduct by pointing out that 
 he has an instinct "to react with the herd" and is relatively "deaf to 
 the voice of one without the herd." 
 
 "There are three great types of development in herd life: that 
 of the animals who unite for aggression, as do wolves; that of the 
 species like sheep, whose cohesion gives protection; and finally, the 
 highest degree of gregariousness, which he terms the socialized type, 
 exemplified in the society of ants, or better still by bees. " 
 
 Trotter's first papers on this subject appeared in 1908, and his 
 later book,* valuable as it is, is marred, MacCurdy thinks, by the 
 writer's strong prejudice against everything which is German. Never- 
 theless, the main propositions appear to him valuable and sound; and 
 so far from contradicting the conclusions of psychoanalysis, they 
 supplement them in an important way. 
 
 *Scienoe History of the Universe Vol. VIII, Mathematics Section on Mathematical 
 Applications by Dr. Franz Bellinger Cum-nt Literature Publishing G>., New York, 1909.
 
 Reviews 
 
 "One may say that psychoanalysis deals with individualistic 
 motivation, while herd instinct is a study of social instinct. " 
 
 Repression, he believes, is only one of the tasks of the instincttive 
 repressing force by which it is brought about. 
 
 "The other task of this instinctive force is to augment the 
 individualistic unconscious instinct when it is symbolized in a form 
 that is socially acceptable. This is the essence of the dynamic 
 structure of 'sublimation." 1 
 
 It would be unnecessary to analyze further the opinions which 
 MacCurdy gives of the psychological trends represented by the work 
 of these able men. His own contribution consists in the amplification 
 of Trotter's views with reference to the social consciousness and its 
 significance. As for the real dynamic value of the "sublimation" 
 which in the eyes of Freud has been hitherto regarded as a somewhat 
 passive or negative outcome, or by-product, of individual instincts 
 acted on by repression, MacCurdy's views are such as have long been 
 favored by the reviewer, and have been called attention to by him in 
 different articles. 
 
 The reviewer would only urge that the argument presented might 
 well be carried further. What are, in reality, these social, "gregar- 
 ious," tendencies which Trotter regards as aboriginal and instinctive? 
 What is their origin, their "sanction" and their scope? As one studies 
 evolution, one finds, or seems to find, first, the individual, then, "so- 
 ciety." But when "society" has beome developed it takes a place 
 even superior to that taken by its separate members. 
 
 Going further on this path (although in fact it is not the only path 
 that one can follow) one finds individuals who transcend, in their 
 development, even society, in the same sense that a sentiment, say 
 of "loyalty," transcends any group of men in whom the sentiment is 
 exemplified. Is there not, then, a social "essence," or "generic 
 energy," to which we owe a greater allegiance than even to society 
 itself, and is not this what is, or should be, meant by "religion?" This 
 brings in a problem of metaphysics, but the reviewer would urge that 
 without a reference to metaphysics the full bearing, even of "physics" 
 cannot be appreciated. 
 
 This argument cannot be properly developed here, and the 
 practical point for the present moment, is, after all, as MacCurdy says, 
 not so much the question, Do we want to abolish war, as the question, 
 Do we want nations? For hitherto no ground of sufficient cohesiveness 
 except war has been found that is adequate to weld together the units 
 of which any large modern nation is composed.
 
 Reviews 133 
 
 "In the meantime, psychology can offer one ray of hope. 
 Instincts triumph over reason, but largely because instincts act 
 unconsciously. When man is so educated as to know himself and 
 recognize the forces that are within him, he will be in a position to see 
 the way his footsteps lead, and change his path if he wills. " 
 
 This interesting and hopeful doctrine rests, however, upon the 
 supposition that reason must be regarded as supreme, and one may 
 justly ask is reason supreme? Must it not itself relate to what can be 
 only classified as a moral intuition? And behind "society" as a 
 physical group, is there not an ideal society which is rather to be 
 classified as an "energy," which underlies, at once, the universe and 
 man, and provides a bond of union between them, while it offers a 
 goal for man's imagination and his constructive effort? Are we solely 
 products of our evolutionary history taken in the usual sense? The 
 reviewer thinks not and believes that just as society has inevitably a 
 hold on us, i. e., just as gregariousness may be regarded as an instinct, 
 so, too, in view of the fact that our capacity for forming ideals is 
 just as definite a part of us as any other, it may be said that an ideal 
 society i. e., our ideals of moral right and wrong can also make its 
 claims upon us and inevitably does so. 
 
 JAMES J. PUTNAM, M. D 
 
 VOCATIONAL PSYCHOLOGY, ITS PROBLEMS AND METHODS. By 
 H. L. Hollihgworth. With a Chapter on the Vocational Aptitudes 
 of Women by Leta Stetter Hollingworth. New York: D. Appleton 
 & Company, 1917. 
 
 The author outlines the history of the various vocational efforts, 
 beginning with those of primitive magic, and shows that the practices 
 of medieval clairvoyance are far from extinct at the present time. 
 The first scientific attempts at vocational guidance and selection are 
 dated from the search for phrenological and physiognomic principles 
 of diagnosing individuals, and considerable effort is devoted to their 
 refutation on the basis of empirical and statistically treated data. 
 The rapid progress in experimental psychology has led to the applica- 
 tion of mental tests, the elaboration of graded intelligence scales, the 
 establishment of norms of subnormality and normality, and the de- 
 velopment of refined methods of mathematical treatment of experi- 
 mental data, to the description of which tl.e main part of the book is 
 devoted. 
 
 One of the first methodical attempts to differentiate the various 
 vocations from one another on the basis of special aptitudes and
 
 134 Reviews 
 
 characteristics is the method of the psychograph, which may be ap- 
 plied to the individual as well as to a vocation. ""he former is illus- 
 trated by a lengthy reference to E. Toulouse, examination of Zola, 
 Dalou, and Henri Poincare, the latter by an instance from C. E. Sea- 
 shore's study of professional musicians. The more specialized voca- 
 tional tests and methods are divided into four groups, according as 
 they employ the vocational miniature, the vocational sampling, the 
 vocational analogy, and the haphazard substitution or selection of 
 tests on the basis of empirically determined correlations of success or 
 failure in certain tests with success or failure in certain occupations. 
 A more recently developed method involves " self-analysis " and judg- 
 ments or "consensus of opinion" of one's associates. Here the author 
 offers some valuable original contributions of an experimental nature. 
 The method consists, briefly, in having a number of closely associated 
 individuals rank all members of the group, including themselves, in the 
 order in which they are estimated to manifest higher or lower degrees 
 of certain mental and moral characteristics. The scholastic career of 
 an individual, if properly diagnosed and interpreted, may also offer 
 some valuable facts as to his aptitudes, interests, and limits of further 
 development. In the discussion of the problem: to what extent inter- 
 correlations between mental tests revealed by preliminary trials are 
 modified by continued practice in the tests, the author again has to 
 offer some extensive experimental results of his own which lead him 
 to distinguish sharply between temporary proficiency and ultimate 
 capacity, and to propose a new program for future work in vocational 
 psychology. 
 
 In the chapter on "The Vocational Aptitudes of Women," by 
 Leta Stetter Hollingworth, this author establishes the fact that "scien- 
 tific experiment has revealed no sex-difference in the original nature 
 of intellect that would imply a necessary differentiation of vocations 
 on the ground of sex." She also points out that "there exist no 
 scientific data to show (1) differences in average intellect; (2) differ- 
 ences ir mental variability; (3) special causes of intellectual inefficiency 
 affecting one sex but not the other; (4) differences in affective or in- 
 stinctive equipment, implying a natural division of labor." 
 
 The book closes with an Appendix containing a classified bibliog- 
 raphy and a large variety of test-materials, sample blanks, standards 
 and norms for various ages and activities, and forms for recording data. 
 While the Treatment of the subject-matter is concise, authentic, and 
 conservative, the style is fluent and non-technical, and the book may
 
 Reviews 135 
 
 be highly recommended to all who seek a trustworthy and stimulating 
 account of the recent progress in vocational psychology. 
 
 L. R. GEISSLER. 
 Clark University., Worcester, Mass. 
 
 THE UNMARRIED MOTHER: A STUDY OF FIVE HUNDRED CASES. 
 By Percy Gamble Kammerer, St. Stephen's House, Boston. With an 
 Introduction by William Healy, M. D., Judge Baker Foundation, 
 Boston. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1918, 22x15 c. m.; pp. XV, 
 342. $3.00 net. 
 
 "The Unmarried Mother" is the third volume in the series of 
 Criminal Science Monographs, authorized by the American Institute 
 of Criminal Law and Criminology, (the other two being Healy: "Patho- 
 logical Lying, Accusation, and Swindling, ". and Gluck: "Studies in 
 Forensic Psychiatry.") These monographs represent a phase of "ab- 
 normal psychology" never as yet too much, or even adequately, con- 
 sidered by medically trained psychologists. The question of the un- 
 married mother and her child, for example, is one of the most important 
 social problems of the present day, and assuredly needs attention from 
 those whose opinion might have weight if expressed in the fitting 
 places. 
 
 "Branded," as the advertisement says, "since civilization began, 
 the illegitimate child is handicapped in life, even before birth; its 
 chances of normal development are minimized, even its physical well- 
 being is menaced, and it is obliged to bear an unfair burden. It is in 
 the belief that enlightened public opinion may see fit to modify the 
 community attitude towards the unmarried mother and her child 
 that Mr. Kammerer has prepared his study of the situation. The 
 statistics presented show only too plainly the futility of the present 
 method of treating such cases, and the necessity of a different view- 
 point from the average if this social evil is to be remedied." And 
 Doctor Healy hits the key-note not of this book only, but of a pressing 
 need of occidental society still suffering and in so many ways from the 
 narrowness and the ignorance of the " Middle" Age: "To prevent the 
 disastrous stigmatization of the so-called illegitimate child or to prevent 
 in the fullest possible measure this anomalous social phenomenon of 
 illegitimacy, when nature and civilization are clearly at outs, we must 
 inevitably turn to the deeper consideration of causes." The next 
 particular decade or so, especially, when at last this war-weary world 
 has crushed back the drive "on the road to yesterday," will value 
 babies as even babies seldom so far have been valued; and we shall 
 see in regard to legitimacy, perhaps even here in America, who knovs?
 
 1 36 Reviews 
 
 
 
 we shall see what we shall see. One thing modern equity and bal- 
 anced kindness of common-sense certainly must attain: the removal 
 of reproach even in thought from the burden of the busy "stork;" for 
 this child no more than the proudest infant of us all, asked to be 
 crowded out into the doubtfully happy world. Whosesoever the 
 fault, it is not his, and this book will forcibly and scientifically re- 
 mind the intelligent public of that needful fact. 
 
 Sixteen of the eighteen chapters discuss respectively these topics 
 following: working methods; bad environment; bad companions; 
 recreational disadvantages; educational disadvantages; bad home 
 conditions; early sex experience; heredity; abnormal physical condi- 
 tion; sexual suggestibility; sexually suggestible by one individual; 
 abnormal sexualism; mental conflict; assault, incest, and rape; mental 
 abnormality; and the unmarried mother in various communities. 
 There are conclusions, statistics, and legislational suggestions in 
 abundance, and sixty-one literature-references of much value. 
 
 Probably between 30 and 40 per cent of the 500 cases summarized 
 or studied (69) in this book has some kind or another of mental defect, 
 thinks the author, and on this account, if on no other many "will see 
 in illegitimacy but another instance of social maladaptation, " and 
 "will realize that the solution of the problem lies through the individ- 
 ual." Give the great and basal sex-question its necessary spiritual 
 setting and make it common knowledge. And see that the children 
 born evolve into good citizens. 
 
 Mr. Kammerer's book lays due stress on the subconscious deter- 
 minants of behavior and for this reason too is of much interest to the 
 numerous readers of this JOURNAL. Doctor William Healy's intro- 
 duction is noteworthy. 
 
 GEORGE V. N. DEARBORN. 
 
 Sargent Normal School.
 
 THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 VOL. XIII AUGUST, 1918 NUMBER 3 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 A CLINICAL STUDY OF A DREAM PERSONALITY 
 
 BORIS SIDIS, A.M., PH.D., M.D. 
 
 SIDIS INSTITUTE, PORTSMOUTH, N. H. 
 
 MRS. B. a woman of 45, married, childless, came to me 
 for treatment for nervousness, depression, head- 
 aches, sleeplessness, dreams, and general indis- 
 position, both physical and mental. She is going- 
 through her menopause period. Her physician who sent her to 
 me ascribed her condition entirely to her physiological state of 
 menopause. The condition was however far more complicated, 
 and on examination was found to be more psychological in 
 character. A psychognostic study of the case revealed some 
 interesting undercurrent going on all along in her subconscious 
 dream life. A rich dreamy under life akin to a secondary per- 
 sonality was discovered in her subconsciousness. This subcon- 
 scious dream activity protruded its tentacles into the patient's 
 waking life, and gave rise to many of the symptoms from which 
 she suffered so acutely, without her, however, ever being aware 
 that she had formed a parasitic personality which was gradually 
 growing, consuming and paralyzing her life activity. 
 
 This ill formed, unshapely, subconscious secondary person- 
 ality was of a chaotic character, mainly consisting of lapsed 
 sensations, perceptions, feelings, emotions, actions long gone by, 
 and generally of outlived events, impressions, and experiences 
 long dead and buried. The secondary parasitic personality was 
 formed out of the debris of her old self. The struggles, fears, 
 and disappointments of her early life mainly crowded the gloom 
 of her dream life. The dreams were a recurrence of her former, 
 
 Copyright 1918 by Richard G. Badger. All Righlx Rescind. 
 
 137
 
 138 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 outlived experiences reproduced in a highly fragmentary, discon- 
 nected, and chaotic way. 
 
 The patient reached a critical period in her life. Without 
 any occupation, without the development of the maternal 
 instinct and all the intensity of affection and activities that go 
 along with it, without any specially formed interests the patient 
 fell back on herself. The instinct of self-preservation, the most 
 fundamental of all animal instincts, became predominant. Along 
 with it became awakened that terrible monster, the instinct 
 which forms the basis of all psychopathic maladies, the fear 
 instinct. The patient was obsessed with the fear of becoming 
 old, ungainly, stout, and ugly. She suffered from apprehensive- 
 ness as to her age, looks, and appearance. As a matter of fact 
 she did not look well, her features were rather large and homely. 
 She was divorced from her first husband, and was afraid of 
 losing her second husband. This weighed on her mind since her 
 girlhood. She met with many rebuffs in society, and w r as very 
 sensitive about her homeliness. She always suspected and 
 feared that people disregarded her on account of her looks. She 
 had fears about her health, she looked sickly, cachectic, and ugly. 
 She had fears that she had lost all her abilities, was worthless. 
 Her apprehensive moods colored her all being, became subcon- 
 scious and was diffused throughout her dream activities. 
 
 In my work "The Causation" I have pointed out the Prin- 
 ciple of Diffusion by which the fear instinct spreads throughout 
 the organization of mental systems. This is what has taken place 
 in the patient. Along with it the patient's experiences have be- 
 come of an apprehensive mood. The affective tone of mental 
 life has become one of fear, distrust, and suspicion. The ideas,' 
 images, representations, and dreams were of a gloomy, scaring, 
 and apprehensive character, such as of evil agencies, snakes, 
 tigers, and monsters of which she had read or had seen in 
 pictures. She formed the fear that her friends did not care for 
 her, that she was going to lose her friends and relatives, that she 
 was going to lose her husband who, she thought, did not care for 
 her on account of her defects and her stupidity, lack of abilities, 
 and especially on account of her ugliness. Life became a burden 
 to her. She began to brood about her troubles, her deficiencies, 
 her fears. She became extremely self-centred, did not care for 
 anyone but self, talked only of herself, of her anxiety, of fear and 
 self. The fear became often so intense that she felt like com- 
 mitting suicide, and then she was afraid of any sharp objects,
 
 Boris Sidis 139 
 
 such as axes and knives; she was afraid of committing some 
 crime. 
 
 After long questioning I could not obtain more than the 
 bare account of dreams dating from her early childhood, she 
 dreams of endless walking and of great fatigue. She also dreams 
 of being in a rowboat which turns round and round. Then she 
 dreams of being in a cave the overhanging ceiling of which crushes 
 her. This is all she could remember. When she wakes up she 
 often does not know where she is. Sometimes on such occasion 
 she has visual hallucinations, she feels and sees someone bending 
 over her. Her life is like a maze, like a labyrinth. She realizes 
 those impassable, thorny and stony life roads, full of danger and 
 suffering, in her day experiences, recurring with great intensity, 
 complexity of detail, and addition of local and emotional coloring 
 in the subconscious activities of her dream-consciousness. 
 
 The dream activities kept on repeating themselves, giving 
 rise to dreams having similar and even the same content, but 
 slightly differing in the manne'r of association, or in form and 
 structure of combination of elements, like various compositions 
 on the same fundamental motive. The patient was of a highly 
 artistic temperament, imaginative, and of a brooding disposition. 
 The variations in the combinations of the associative systems 
 and their elements could be almost infinite, and still the funda- 
 mental ideas or themes were quite limited in number. With all 
 the rich endowment of waking and subwaking subconscious 
 activities characteristic of the patient's mental life the poverty 
 of the fundamental or base-dreams was quite marked, and could 
 be reduced to less than a dozen for a period of many years, in 
 fact for almost a whole life time. There were many variants 
 of substantially the same dream, so much so that one could 
 easily foretell in the beginning the whole trend of the dream. 
 The organized dream systems recurred in an automatic way as 
 reflex reactions in response to the same or similar conditions 
 of external and internal stimulations in the same way as the 
 conditional reflexes in Pavlov's dogs. 
 
 In "The Causation and Treatment of Psychopathic Dis- 
 eases" I lay stress, as in my previous works, on the recurrence 
 of the psychophysiological functioning of mental systems, or 
 of the total moment of consciousness,described as the recurrent 
 moment-consciousness, based on recurrence of psychophysiologi- 
 cal reflexes, present in animals and man. I think it best to 
 quote from my last works on the subject:
 
 140 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality. 
 
 "In psychopathic affections the disturbance consists in the 
 formation of non-adaptive associations of central neuron-systems 
 with receptors which normally do not have as their terminal 
 response the particular (appropriate) motor and glandular 
 reactions. 
 
 "In Pavlov's experiments the flow of saliva or of gastric 
 juice in the dog with the fistula could be brought about by 
 associations w T ith blue light, with the sound of a whistle, by a 
 tickle, or scratch, or by various diagrams, squares, circles, as in 
 the experiments of Dr. Orbeli. What holds true in the case of 
 conditional reflexes in regard to saliva and gastric juice also 
 holds true of other conditional reflexes formed by psychopathies. 
 The mechanism in psychopathies is the same which Pavlov and 
 his disciples employ in the formation of various conditional 
 reflexes in the case of dogs. All kinds of abnormal reactions of 
 a morbid character may thus be formed in response to ordinary 
 stimuli of life. 
 
 "Emotions are specially sub'ject to associations of a morbid 
 or psychopathological character. The physiological effects of 
 emotions may be linked by associative processes w r ith ideas, 
 percepts, and sensations which are ordinarily either indifferent, 
 or give rise to reactions and physiological effects of a type 
 opposite to that of the normal. 
 
 'The reactions of muscle and gland are like so many electric 
 bells which by various connections and combinations may be 
 made to ring from any sensory button or receptor, as Sherrington 
 would put it. An object, however harmless, may become 
 associated with reactions of fear, anguish, and distress. This 
 holds true not only of man, but also of the life of all lower animals. 
 
 "Associations and reactions, motor, circulatory, glandular, 
 however abnormal, formed by young animals, persist through 
 life. This holds specially true of the higher and more sensitive 
 animal organisms, such as the mammals. All training and 
 formation of peculiar reactions, such as various tricks, habits, 
 scare-habits (fear-psychoses), scare-pain reflexes depend entirely 
 on this plasticity of the nervous system to form new associations, 
 or as Pavlov and his school put it, to form conditional reflexes 
 and inhibitions in regard to glandular secretions, and in fact 
 to all other psychophysiological reactions. 
 
 "Psychopathies are essentially pathological affections of 
 associative life. Psychopathic maladies are the formation of
 
 Boris Sidis 141 
 
 abnormal, morbid, 'conditional reflexes' and of 'inhibitions' of 
 reactions of associative normal life activity. 
 
 "What we find on examination of the psychogenesis of 
 psychopathic cases is the presence of the fear instinct based on 
 self-preservation, which becomes associated with some funda- 
 mental interest of life. The interest may be physical in regard 
 to bodily functions, sexual, social; it may be one of life ambitions; 
 or it may be of a general character, referring to the loss of 
 personality, or even to the loss of mind. The fear instinct, 
 based on self-preservation, may become by cultivation highly 
 specialized, and associated with normally indifferent objects, 
 giving rise to various phobias, such as astrophobia, agoraphobia, 
 claustrophobia, erythrophobia, aicmophobia, and other phobias, 
 according to the objects with which the fear instinct becomes 
 associated. Objects, however indifferent and even pleasant, 
 may by association arouse the fear instinct, and give rise to 
 morbid states, like the "conditional reflexes" in Pavlov's 
 animals 
 
 "Events and situations with fixed sensory stimuli, when 
 repeated, fix the neurosis, very much in the same way as are 
 'the conditional reflexes' in Pavlov's experiments. Other sets 
 of stimuli of an ideational character are transient in duration, 
 while the general apprehensive, subconscious condition persists 
 unchanged, seizing again and again on ever new objects and 
 thoughts, forming psychic compounds of various degrees of 
 stability. " 
 
 Such was the condition found in the patient. Well or- 
 ganized, stable mental systems were formed, and kept on re- 
 curring and reacting in a reflex character in response to external 
 and internal stimulations. Mental systems became organized 
 as highly complicated "conditional reflexes." 
 
 Perhaps a word may be here appropriate as to dream- 
 symbolization, so much enlarged upon by writers on the subject 
 of dream consciousness. Nothing of dream symbolism was ob- 
 served by me in this case as well as in other cases in which dream 
 activities were prominent. Dreams are found by me to be auto- 
 matic, non-adaptive, mental systems, recurring under various 
 forms as highly complex conditional reflexes, lacking adjustment 
 to the present world of external and internal reality. In all the 
 experiments and cases, investigated by me, the nucleus of (lie 
 dream content is some recurring experience of actual life which, 
 on account of its emotional intensity, has become a well es-
 
 142 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 tablished fixed system. The symbolization is uniformly supplied 
 to the patient by the physician himself. Dream-symbolism is a 
 psychopatholngical artefact. No less of an artefact is the searching 
 and finding some hidden meaning and wish in dreams which, 
 by their nature, belong essentially to non-adaptive reactions 
 referring to a past, now dead and gone. 1 
 
 On May 21, 1910, patient was put into hypnoidal state. In* 
 this state she was asked to give an account of her dreams. "I 
 know I dream something, but I cannot remember what it is. 
 I sometimes wake up in a fright, but I cannot remember.'* 
 Patient was then put into hypnosis. She went into a deep state 
 verging on somnambulism. When asked again as to her dreams 
 "Ugly faces are coming up." Patient could not see anything 
 else, the ugly faces rising from the obscure subconscious regions 
 seemed to have inhibited all other content from rising to the 
 periphery of consciousness. The patient was then awakened. 
 
 On May 23, patient was put again into a hypnotic state. 
 The ugly faces did not seem to trouble her, she was freer in her 
 account of the dreams. "As soon as it is dark I fear that some 
 one wants to kill me. When I wake up I feel great strain [patient 
 shudders, and complains of pains in the back]. The dreams 
 come up in spurts, so to say, at irregular intervals." "Those 
 ugly faces, those evil eyes come to me. I see them now. I see 
 them in my sleep. I am afraid to go to sleep. I have a feeling 
 that something evil will happen. " 
 
 "When a young girl I was regarded as a medium. I fainted 
 when a man who wanted to mesmerize me, put my hand on a 
 table. Once in going into another room I was suddenly stopped. 
 I stood in the middle of the room and could not move. I was 
 paralyzed by that man, a spiritualist. It took time to get out 
 of that condition, I was so frightened. This spiritualist said 
 that the right side of my body did not respond as well as the 
 left. I have trouble in my right side, have enlargement of right 
 hip, have pain in my right arm. I have often presentiments 
 which come to pass true. My headaches come from my 
 dreams. " 
 
 The patient became restless, she w r as quieted, and she was 
 asked to tell the dream she had last night. \Vhile trying to re- 
 member the patient has motor disturbances, she shudders sudden- 
 ly and starts almost jumping at the least noise, and often seem- 
 ingly without any occasion. There are marked disturbances 
 
 J I shnll devote a special study to the psychology of dreams in a separate monograph.
 
 Boris Sidis 143 
 
 in her respiration. She seems to live the dreams over again. 
 "Long ago I dreamt that I had a fall in an elevator run 
 by a woman I was killed I am afraid of elevators since 
 then It just came to me never remembered it before." 
 Patient became restless, she was quieted. 
 
 An attempt was made to get some more dreams out of the 
 dreamy regions of her subconsciousness. Patient became very 
 restless, "very nervous" as she put it. Her face was flushed, her 
 features were drawn, and the corners of the mouth began to 
 twitch. When I asked what the trouble was with her, she said: 
 "Nothing, it is nothing I am nervous I am scared, afraid" 
 She was again quieted, and was put into a deeper state of 
 hypnosis. "I am afraid to go to bed, I do not like the coming of 
 night I see darkness I see lots of people They are around 
 me very close they want to kill me they are groping in the 
 dark for me I feel them watch me I have dreamt it many 
 times I think I have had this dream during the last six years 
 I see their eyes shining in the dark I am in a dark cave, the place 
 is low and overhanging, presses me, crushes me. Some one 
 wants to hurt me My sister is with me My sister is not in 
 danger she is not afraid- I told her to come and help me at a 
 signal, but she did not give the signal and the fear woke me up." 
 
 Patient is afraid of lightning. She was struck by lightning 
 a few years ago. Since then patient is very much afraid when a 
 storm is approaching. 
 
 May 26, patient came to the laboratory and said she felt 
 well and was not in the least afraid when a storm came. 
 On the whole she feels well, feels young again. The night of 
 May 24, the day she was here, she felt well and slept well 
 for the first time. The next night she slept well, but there was 
 active dreaming. The day before there were two electric storms, 
 but she had no fear whatever. Mr. B., the patient's husband, 
 confirms Mrs B's account. 
 
 Patient dreamt, but did not remember anything. Patient 
 was then put by me in a hypnotic state. In hypnosis she 
 dreamt that Mr. B. hurt her in one spot on her spine. The 
 pain was very intense. On awakening patient still had a sensi- 
 tive spot. It was insisted that patient will feel well and feel 
 stronger, more energetic than before, and that the feeling of 
 illness would disappear. 
 
 Patient also dreams that she is in a boat which is going 
 round and round, a dream which she often has, and which dis-
 
 144 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 tresses her much, she is dizzied on awakening. The day 
 before patient also had hallucination of a figure. She could not 
 see through the figure. It gave her a shock. The vision lasted 
 but a few seconds. She felt its presence first, then she 
 turned round and saw it. It w r as a human figure, but she did 
 not know whether it was man or woman. The figure was dark 
 and surrounded by darkness so that she could not notice details. 
 She always sees the vision in the same way. Patient also had 
 an auditory hallucination the day before. She heard a voice 
 calling her by name. She saw no figure then. The figure die 
 sees is like the veiled figures she sees in her dreams. The visual 
 hallucination dates some eight years back. The hallucination 
 began with visions of figures of animals crowding round her, 
 then instead of the animals the human figure began to appear. 
 The figure does not come up to her, makes no attempt to talk to 
 her, and patient is not afraid, because the figure appears in 
 broad daylight. The appearance of the vision has no relation to 
 her states of depression or to the attacks of headaches, it appears 
 even when she feels well and happy. 
 
 After some time other dreams began to appear. Patient 
 dreamt of seeing a multitude of snakes 2 Was greatly frightened 
 Saw them killing a man. Tried to get him away but did not 
 succeed. Was horrified. Patient was given suggestions of 
 euphoria and then awakened. Patient says she feels much 
 better after she leaves this place. She is quiet and feels very 
 happy. Before she used to avoid company, but now she even 
 ventures to visit people. 
 
 On May 28, she came complaining that she slept very badly 
 the two nights and dreamt a great deal, but did not remember 
 what it was. "My head felt as if pressed together, woke up 
 with severe pain in the head. The headache still persisted. " 
 
 ^In the experience of humanity the snake is a special object of fear as evidenced in vari- 
 ous religions and superstitions. 
 
 "^The great anthropologist, Frazer, refers to the worship of poisonous snakes and serpents by 
 primitive tribes due to fear. As W. Robertson Smith puts it: "Certain kinds of them (Jinns 
 demons) frequent trees and even human habitations, and these were identified with ike serpents 
 which appear and disappear so mysteriously about walls and the roots of trees." In another place 
 Robertson Smith lays special stress on the fear aspect of snakes long persisting in the consciousness 
 of mankind: "Ultimately the only animals directly and const; ntly identified with the Jinn were 
 snakes and other noxious creeping things. It is natural enough that these creatures of which men 
 have a peculiar horror and which continue to haunt and molest human habitations after wild 
 beasts have been driven out into the desert, should be the last to be stripped of their natural 
 character. The snake is an object of superstition in all countries. " . . Wild beasts in caves, 
 snakes, serpents, the fear of which goes back into the sub-human stages of man-like apes and 
 ape-like man, keep on terrorizing man as jinns and demons, long persisting in the subconscious- 
 nes> and the dream-consciousness.
 
 Boris Sidis 145 
 
 Patient was put into hypnotic state. The headache was 
 gone. "I feel very happy, sometimes like when I was 18 
 Early this morning I saw the figure just after the dream." 
 Patient could not recollect the dream. She complains of 
 sensation of emptiness in the head, must make some efforts to 
 recollect the dreams. Patient's mood changes, she is not dis- 
 couraged: does not answer questions. Keeps putting hands 
 up to the face, rubbing her eyes, attempting to open them. 
 After a long pause patient exclaims: "I don't like myself, don't 
 like anything about myself." When asked the reason she 
 answered: "I don't know 7 ." Patient cries, is very restless, rubs 
 her eyes ceaselessly, and is greatly disturbed; appears to be 
 deeply depressed. After a few minutes patient said: "I could 
 never be what I was meant to be. I meant to be a musician, and 
 I had to give it up. I had to, on account of my first husband. 
 It is impossible for me to play now. I have not played for 14 
 years." There is little doubt that the unfortunate marriage 
 with her first husband so deeply affected the patient's life that 
 her present condition is largely due to that source. While in 
 the hypnotic state I insisted that the patient should get a piano 
 and begin to practice so as to overcome her long standing re- 
 pugnance to music. The principal thing being that she has 
 lack of confidence in herself, and fears she has lost all her abilities 
 and energy, and is fit for nothing. Along with it is associated 
 the fear that her troubles caused her to lose so much time that 
 now she is getting old, her face ugly and roughened. She has 
 no confidence, obsessed by fear, and when she does play she is 
 afraid someone may hear her. The piano playing and its prac- 
 tice was thus insisted on, and with a suggestion of well-being 
 the patient was awakened from the hypnotic state. There was 
 complete amnesia of what had taken place in hypnosis. Patient 
 complained of headache. 
 
 Patient came July 6. She was greatly depressed, had 
 many attacks of*bad dreams, but had no recollection of them. 
 She could not bring herself to play the piano. She feels as if 
 there is another self in her as "if two selves are struggling in 
 her." She thinks that her old self is dead; this distresses her 
 very much. In the hypnotic state she is upset and cries much. 
 I made her promise that she would get a piano and begin to 
 practice. On awakening she felt much better. 
 
 On June 12, patient came again in a depressed state. 
 She did get a piano and attempted to practice. She dreamed
 
 146 A Clinical Study of a D.ream Personality 
 
 much and as usual did not remember the content of the dreams. 
 On the whole, she claimed she felt worse than she had ever felt 
 before. Her life, her former self which she regarded as dead 
 began to move in her, she felt distressed. 
 
 Patient was put into hypnosis. She was then asked to tell 
 the dreams she had. "I was running away from something 
 I know there were people saw ugly faces same that I see here. 
 
 I always see these faces in my dreams and I am afraid of them. 
 
 It is 24 years since I have begun to see these faces. It is 
 since the time I have begun to be unhappy. The faces are like 
 those of my first husband. I see the faces asleep and awake. 
 I do not see them when I start to play. " "I am afraid of people 
 because I have no confidence in myself. " It was then suggested 
 that she should play, that it would do her good and that the 
 faces will become pleasant. 
 
 Next day when patient came the faces still persisted in 
 coming to her. In the course of the questions while patient was 
 in hypnotic state, she told me that when young she had a very 
 ugly teacher, the faces look like him and also like that of the 
 former husband, the faces seem to have blended. She kept 
 on practicing on the piano and was getting on well. It seemed 
 as if the old life was returning to her. She still saw the veiled 
 figure coming to her, though she was not afraid of it. She sees 
 the figure and sometimes feels its presence, but when she turns 
 round the figure disappears. It was then suggested to her that 
 she w r ould sleep well and have no dreams whatever. 
 
 There is one thing that is now gradually developing and that 
 is the influence of S.'s personality. She needs his support and 
 influence, and is afraid that she might lose it, that she would 
 not be of any interest after the study of her case. She seems 
 to need a director, she lost her former personality, and lost along 
 with it all will power to direct and control her life. S. had to 
 promise her that he will put her in a condition n which she will 
 be able to control her own fate. Last night sh^ had a headache, 
 slept badly and felt depressed when she woke up. She feels 
 better now in the hypnotic state. Patient says that she begins 
 to get some comfort from her practice and play on the 
 piano. It was then again suggested to her that she should keep 
 up her play, and was then aw r akened. 
 
 When patient came next day she told me that she felt 
 sleepy and heavy on going home. She had no memory as to 
 what had taken place in hypnosis. In fact she could not even
 
 Boris Si din 147 
 
 tell how she got home. It seemed that the hypnotic state 
 persisted after the apparent awakening. Nothing more could 
 be obtained of her when put into hypnoidal state. After 
 a few minutes she said "I feel now sleepy and tired." When 
 put into hypnotic state and asked about the dreams she had the 
 night before, patient at first said she could not remember, but 
 after a few moments the dream came back in a rather vague 
 form. " It was dark. " The hypnotic state was then deepened. 
 The dream came back in a clear form. "I was on a boat going 
 around. " She then became greatly excited. The memory be- 
 came very vivid. The experience ceased in fact to be a mem- 
 ory and became semi-hallucinatory. She began to live over the 
 dream experience in her hypnotic state. She was like one 
 frightened and cried "There were many people I was afraid- 
 there was a big wheel I was on that wheel I was very much 
 afraid I was shipwrecked once. It was on the middle of the 
 ocean 13 years ago Since then I dream of boats." Patient's 
 husband confirmed this fact of shipwreck which left a deep after- 
 effect on the patient's life and dream activities. 
 
 In the next hypnosis on the 17th, patient was in far better 
 spirits. The subconsciously organized systems troubling the 
 patient in the form of dreams and hallucinations, causing her 
 dullness, headache, and making her unfit to fix the attention 
 on anything, as well as depriving her of her memory, all these 
 parasitic systems were gradually giving way. Patient told me 
 when in hypnosis that she dreamt she saw me, and that I was go- 
 ing to clear her brain. She felt well during the day and played 
 piano for two hours which was not usual with her. On the 
 whole she feels much better in her mind, "is able to read, under- 
 stands what she reads, and is even able to remember what she 
 had read." Suggestion of euphoria was given to her, and then 
 she was awakened. There is difficulty in arousing her from the 
 trance state, she passes gradually from the trance state into the 
 waking state, and sometimes the tendency is to persist in it, 
 special insistence is requisite to keep her awake. 
 
 The day after patient came in a state of great mental de- 
 pression. She had some dreams about carriages, boats, hills, 
 and accidents. Could not remember any details. 
 
 Patient was then put into hypnosis, and was asked to des- 
 cribe the dreams in detail: "Yesterday I felt better up to S 
 o'clock in the evening; then I felt restless and depressed did 
 not know why." The hypnotic state was then intensified and
 
 148 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 deepened. Patient sighs and is getting more and more restless. 
 She was asked the cause of the depression and she again an- 
 swered she did not know. "Melancholy came over me." 
 Soon she became very restless giving rise to starts and jumps 
 in her hypnotic state. When asked why she started so violently, 
 patient said: "Something entered my mind, it comes of itself." 
 Insistence upon deeper sleep and also on her telling the cause of 
 the excitement and why the unaccountable onset of depression. 
 Patient refuses to tell, says it comes from her nature. "Feeling 
 by itself," thinks she has been born with it. Even in the happy 
 day of her "young life" she had these onsets of sadness and 
 depression. Further insistence makes patient irritable and rest- 
 less. She repeats the same thing that the depression sets on 
 suddenly. Patient was awakened with suggestion of euphoria. 
 
 Next day patient came, complaining of having passed a bad 
 night, had a bad headache and felt great depression. Patient 
 was put into the state of hypnosis and asked the cause of the 
 headache. The depression, a feeling of heaviness came in the 
 evening about 8 o'clock. "What were the ideas that entered 
 your mind at that time?" "I felt like injuring myself. " While 
 remaining quiet in the hypnotic state for several moments pa- 
 tient suddenly exclaimed "Strange, horrible eyes I see them 
 again." Patient became excited, tossed about and moaned. I 
 insisted that the faces were only pictures but no realities, and 
 that she should not be afraid. After a few minutes patient be- 
 came quiet. I suggested to her that she could see the faces clear 
 and distinct, that they were images, that they would cease to 
 trouble her. Nothing further could be obtained of the pa- 
 tient, she was brought out of hypnosis as usual with a sugges- 
 tion of euphoria. 
 
 When the patient came next day she told me that she slept 
 better, and that she had no dreams, that she played on the 
 piano, but in a listless way. 
 
 Patient was put into hypnosis. Asked whether she dreamt 
 she replied without hesitation that she dreamt, but that she 
 could not remember what it was about. I insisted she should 
 tell me the content, but nothing could be obtained. After much 
 insistence patient suddenly said that it was not a dream. "It 
 is something that comes over me since childhood something 
 big, colossal frightens me. I cannot recall how it came the 
 first time. It is not at all like a dream. It appears so real 
 I see it and feel it. It comes when I am nervous I am greatly
 
 Boris Sidis 149 
 
 frightened when it comes. " At the end of the hypnotic state 
 patient suddenly said in that dreamy abstracted way character- 
 istic of hypnosis "I am going to be happier." Awakened with 
 suggestion of euphoria, and also with the suggestion that she 
 would have no distressing dreams. 
 
 On June 21, patient told of the content of a dream about 
 boats, of being on the point of drowning, and then rescued. This 
 was the same dream which recurred so often in the patient's 
 dream consciousness, and which was traced to the actual experi- 
 ence and shock of the shipwreck in the middle of the ocean. 
 
 For the first time patient confessed frankly of the insistent 
 ideas of suicide and homicide. These insistent ideas torment 
 her. Patient is possessed by the idea of killing her husband, and 
 of attempting suicide by jumping out of the window. Some- 
 times she has an irresistible impulse of assailing people, especially 
 such that are near to her. Patient suffers greatly from these 
 almost irresistible ideas which are so insistent occasionally that 
 she seems almost to lose control over herself. She is sure she 
 will not follow the impulse. The very idea of it is repugnant to 
 her, but she cannot rid herself of the idea. 
 
 For a couple of days the suggestion of euphoria seemed to 
 have taken some effect, but afterwards the dreams of darkness, 
 of the ugly faces, of the climbing and clambering all kinds of 
 impassable roads recurred. Once the dream was so terrifying 
 that she awoke with a scream and implored her husband to stay 
 near her. She did not remember the content of the dream. 
 When put into hypnosis, she began to sigh, to shudder, finally 
 said she felt as if she fell out through the window. Dreamt she 
 was near the window and fell out. She does not remember to 
 have cried out, but on awakening she remembered she asked 
 her husband not to leave her. Suddenly patient sat up and 
 'exclaimed "I feel a choking as I felt last night." Patient was 
 living over the experiences of the night before. "It was dark, 
 I did not know where I was and I fell out of the window." 
 It is quite probable that the suicidal ideas have strengthened 
 the dream consciousness. The psychognosis was given to the 
 patient while she was in the hypnotic state. Moral fortitude 
 was insisted upon. The patient was then awakened and felt 
 well. There was partial memory of the hypnotic state. 
 
 The day after she complained of depression. In hypnosis 
 she described a dream of the shipwreck which she experienced
 
 150 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 again in her dream state. It was this that upset her. She felt 
 better on wakening. 
 
 Patient came 30th of June, said she felt better, but that 
 the dreams were as active as before. She could not remem- 
 ber the contents. The patient was put into hypnosis. It 
 appeared that the night before she dreamt of seeing a man 
 attacking another, attempting to kill him. This dream referred 
 to an actual experience in the patient's life, an experience which 
 greatly affected her, gave her such a shock as to impress deeply 
 her subconsciousness and furnish afterwards material for dreams 
 for a long time to come. This dream terrified her. A little 
 later in the night she had another dream related to the first, 
 but this time even more distressing, it related to her own 
 brother about whom she worried so much lately. The brother 
 had some family troubles. He wanted to kill his wife. "I 
 see it now. He got hold of her and choked her. I tried to 
 push her behind me so that he could not reach her." The 
 dreams emerged with great difficulty, and came up in fragments. 
 "I saw him he was angry he said nothing. Then the whole 
 thing came. There is a young girl. I never saw her, but I 
 know her he came up to her, to his wife, and attempted to 
 choke her. " Patient was brought out o e hypnosis and as usual 
 euphoria suggested. 
 
 For a few days the patient felt somewhat better, though 
 the dreams did not stop, but they were of a rather trivial charac- 
 ter, and did not trouble her much. The dream-consciousness 
 was so highly developed in the patient that its activity could 
 not be suppressed. This highly developed dream-consciousness 
 formed a parasitic secondary personality. 
 
 Patient told me that she was greatly frightened by a black 
 cat which came near her and then seemingly wanted to jump on 
 her breast. In hypnosis patient said that since her childhood 
 she was afraid of cats, especially of black cats. She does not 
 remember that a cat ever attacked her when a child. As patient 
 goes into deeper hypnosis she complains that she still sees the 
 cat, a big cat. She does not remember when she first began to 
 dream of cats. She has hallucinations of cats, but the hallu- 
 cinations are of a rather peculiar character. While they seem 
 to be of a visual nature she does not see them, but she feels them 
 as if she sees them (a pseudo-hallucination). After a long 
 effort patient reminded herself that when very young she was 
 frightened by a cat that jumped on her shoulder. "I remember
 
 Boris Sidis 151 
 
 a cat got under my bed I chased it and the cat turned on me. " 
 While in the hypnotic state patient is restless. "It seems to 
 me I see now the cats I went for something into the kitchen 
 It was dark the eyes shine I see myself a child twelve years 
 old I was so frightened I ran. I have dreamt of them since 
 in my dreams I have seen many animals then I used to see 
 those animals at daytime they were a41 around me have seen 
 many of them." Patient awakened, suggestion of euphoria 
 given her. 
 
 For a couple of days patient was comparatively quiet; her 
 dreams were not distressing, but the incessant activity went 
 on as before, it could not be suppressed. The dreams were of 
 the ordinary type of current life, but they were now and then 
 tinged by an unpleasant affective mood, characteristic of the 
 subconscious parasitic systems. 
 
 On July 3, patient was put into hypnosis, and again a 
 dream came up. She dreamt that she slept in a very high 
 building. The bed was near the window, and she was afraid 
 that she might fall out of the window. This is a^xlream which 
 comes to the patient in different forms. It seems also to form 
 the basis of her suicidal insistent ideas. "I saw a man an old 
 man I can see him now very clearly. His eyes follow me 
 has grey beard very dirty. " When asked whether she knew 
 him, whether she ever met him before, she at first answered in 
 the negative, but soon after said: "Yes some years ago a man 
 like him followed me early evening I did not like it he was 
 looking at me I ran into the neighbouring store then he was 
 gone". 
 
 "It seemed to me I was in a cave there were many 
 women dressed alike and I was dressed the same I thought we 
 were all lunatics". She is afraid to stay in rooms with low 
 ceilings, a sort of clausterphobia. The patient continued :" It is 
 all dark I see some rocks trees and some shrubs it is a small 
 cave I cannot stand up in it The ceiling is too low. I have 
 the feeling as if some things come down on the head. I have 
 been in such caves near Niagara Falls." The patient then 
 stopped for a few moments. Suddenly she gave a start and 
 jumped as if in great fright. When asked what she saw, she 
 replied in some excitement: "Felt just like waves going over my 
 head in the ship we are going to get drowned it is a storm 
 This trance hallucination disappeared. Patient returned again 
 to the dreams of the cave. "It was about eight years ago
 
 152 .A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 that I first began to dream about caves. I was very ill at that 
 time suffered from malaria. I dreamt, it seemed to me in my 
 imagination (possibly in delirium) that the ceiling came down 
 over my head. I was so frightened. " After this the patient 
 w r as awakened. It was insisted she should have pleasant 
 dreams. On coming out of hypnosis she felt well and cheerful. 
 
 I tried my best to insist that she should remember the 
 dreams in her waking state, and at the same time attempted by 
 conversations to strengthen her both in the hypnotic and waking 
 conditions. - The patient was awakened and felt much better. 
 The depression disappeared. 
 
 A few days later patient told me in hypnotic state that she 
 thought she w T as dead, that her real self, what she was and what 
 she was to be, w T as dead, that she felt sometimes like making 
 away with herself, life was not w r orth while living. Now and 
 then the idea gets possession of her to jump out of the window, 
 she thought many times of it, but she really would not carry 
 it out. The suggestion given to her was to the effect of re- 
 vival of her former ambition and of her former self, that not all 
 was dead, that her good old self, apparently dead, will come to 
 life again, that she must not despair and give up things without 
 any hope. 
 
 Patient also told me that she was afraid to come to the 
 laboratory, that she could not account for the fear, but that 
 something seems to compel her to go against her will. She is 
 sometimes frightened at the changes that suddenly come over 
 her, appear to sweep over her. She sometimes feels suddenly 
 that she is a new r person, that others notice it. 
 
 The patient then for a couple of weeks felt well, as if she 
 were a different person, the same as she has been when young. 
 The dream activity did not abate, however, but the dreams 
 seem to have been of a disconnected character. On July 8, 
 however, the dream consciousness began to w T eave again the 
 dream experiences which so affected the patient's life. The pa- 
 tient in her waking state could not remember the dream. She 
 knew that she dreamt, but the details and even the general 
 character of the dream could not be recalled. Patient appears 
 to be quiet, but by no means cheerful. She was then put into 
 hypnosis. During hypnotization there were slight twitchings 
 and deep, rapid respiration. When asked whether she still was 
 afraid to come to the laboratory patient answered in the negative. 
 Patient was then asked of the dreams of last night. As she
 
 Boris Sidis 153 
 
 appeared to live the dreams over again, and that in a vivid 
 visual form, she was asked the question: "What do you see?" 
 "A garden it is very dark I cannot get in I want to . " 
 "Where?" "I do not know Very dark the tree grows 
 over I hear voices I cannot get in there is a big fence all 
 around it. " After a few moments patient became rather quiet, 
 only slight, occasional motor reactions. "I am inside now-^I 
 am walking down one of those dark alleys There is somebody 
 there I do not know who it is dark I hear voices I hear 
 whispering I am afraid to go there. They are waiting for me 
 I want to go away . " Suggestion: "listen well. " Patient 
 shudders in fright, jumps "I do not want to can't hear a 
 word they talk together they whisper." Patient became 
 quiet. "Where are you now?" "I do not see anything 
 now After a few moments "I am in a house my sister 
 house very simple, nothing in the house don't talk to me 
 The patient came out of this state. A little later she went on 
 saying: "It is going something happened to me, but I do not 
 know what did I do anything wrong? I feel as if there were 
 something in me, struggling trying to get out (puts hand on 
 chest) as if there were two inside of me. I have done some- 
 thing in a dream last night it was my sister I tried in the 
 same house I choked her it seems to me I am choking her. 
 I am wicked." Patient became excited and cried, her 
 face became flushed. She was quieted and became composed. 
 
 On the 9th, patient came again, and again the dream con- 
 sciousness was at work, developing its fantastic combinations. 
 
 In hypnosis patient said: "I see the figures they are just 
 moving around me I want to see their faces cannot , 
 (respiration rapid) they are very tall; it is evening two 
 figures they are crowding on me skeletons! in a church 
 yard white faces like the faces I saw before I can't run away 
 everything goes round (Patient, as if dizzy, and frightened). 
 I am still in the church red brick tower I can see the bell- 
 several side buildings high hedges" "Have you been there 
 before?" "Yes, not long ago, last year in the village W., I 
 remember walking there with Miss F. " Patient then became 
 quiet; no further dreams could be obtained. Patient complained 
 of fatigue. She felt in company that she could not well attend 
 to conversations, that she could not hear well what was spoken 
 to her. Suggestion feeling well, no dreams, no fatigue. Awak- 
 ened, patient feeling well.
 
 154 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 The patient came two days later, and as usual the suggestion 
 had no effect; the dream activity went on as before. The patient 
 was nervous and upset in consequence. When put into hypnosis, 
 patient is restless, jerks her arms, shivers, and at times jumps 
 violently. Patient holds hand up expectantly, as if something is 
 coming. "Big flat country no trees (sighs) it hurts my 
 head stones, fields I have to walk along it hurts my feet I 
 fall (sighs, moans)flies all overnie (keeps on brushing her face) 
 they are ugly Some one calls me to go on but I can't go the 
 stones are so hard and sharp (keeps on brushing flies from face) 
 it is my sister I can see her a long way off I can hear her 
 flies (brushes her face) yes, twilight.- Sister does not want to 
 come to me. I walk straight ahead. Nothing but stones and 
 water fields, ditches between the fields . " Here patient 
 relapsed into silence. She does not brush her face with her 
 hand, as if to drive away flies. Starts violently, jumps, throws 
 up hands: "It is some dark place (respiration very rapid) I 
 think I am dead I can see myself though I am on the ground- 
 arm, leg drawn up head hurts (breathes hard ) " Nothing 
 more could be obtained, patient was awakened. Patient was 
 then put again into hypnosis. She is quiet. "I feel something 
 in my head." What do you see now? "Darkness all dark 
 (starts) I feel myself way down I hear people all about me 
 (Jumps up from couch in great terror) A snake! (face 
 flushed. Respiration rapid) I just saw its head Patient 
 was quietened, and brought out of hypnosis. Suggestions of 
 euphoria. 
 
 Two days later, July 14, patient came saying she kept on 
 dreaming, could not recollect the content. In hypnosis she told 
 me that she dreamt of the cat jumping at her. She also had 
 another dream which seemed to have affected her more. She 
 dreamt she saw her mother who was trying to cheer her up. 
 She was somewhat depressed the day after, but felt better in 
 the afternoon. 
 
 When patient came next she referred again to her hallu- 
 cinatory experiences, and I found out that she had at different 
 times a number of them of similar character. In hypnosis 
 patient told me she had dreams. From the hypnotic state she 
 gradually passed into the hallucinatory, hypnoidic state in which 
 she lived the dream experience over again. Patient becomes 
 restless, respiration rapid. "A cat, a nasty cat brown back 
 it has an ugly face but it looks more like a human face I see
 
 Boris Sidis 155 
 
 a big square house lights in the garden I stay outside in the 
 garden near the water somebody pulling me got away 
 (frightened) I am down on the ground and rolling away." 
 Gradually another dream came to the surface. A dream re- 
 ferring to the day before. 
 
 "Mother sitting near a table, her head bent down on her 
 arms. I am kneeling down trying to cheer her my dead sister 
 sitting behind me. When suddenly I see myself in her." Pa- 
 tient was then awakened. 
 
 The day after she told in hypnosis about dreams, of boats, 
 of people and of shadows following her. This last feature of 
 dreams could be traced back to her first husband who tracked 
 her in her coming and going. She had great difficulty in ridding 
 herself of him. When patient came out of her hypnotic state, 
 she could not remember the experiences she had gone through. 
 Gradually, by effort, and by insistence did the experiences 
 emerge in fragments from the depths of the subconscious in 
 which they were seemingly buried. It was easier for her to 
 have the subconscious experiences recovered with her eyes shut 
 than with her eyes open. 
 
 On July 21 patient was put into hypnosis and while passing 
 through the dream experiences pneumographic tracings were 
 taken of her. Patient dreamt of something shapeless following 
 her, then taking the shape of a human face, and then of some 
 animal, attempting to attack her. She was terrified. "Some- 
 thing choked me, and I then woke up." The night before she 
 dreamt she was travelling, "I am always travelling in my 
 dreams." The day before she felt depressed, put out by some 
 trifles. 
 
 On July 24 there were dreams as usual, dreams which the 
 patient could not recall. In hypnosis she told me that my 
 assistant appeared to her in the dream, and insisted that she 
 should write a letter in which she should state that she was very 
 sick. She refused to comply, but finally she was forced to do it. 
 She also saw me in her dream and I charged her with frivolity 
 and that I did not want to have any thing to do with her. 
 At the same time the dreams began to take a somewhat different 
 character, they were not so unpleasant and they were more of a 
 commonplace character, referring to her everyday experience. 
 She complained that occasionally a feeling came over her, as if 
 she had done something evil, and she felt depressed, but this 
 feeling soon passed off.
 
 150 A Clinical Study of a Dream Personality 
 
 On 25th of July patient came to the laboratory. She felt 
 well, played on the piano and enjoyed it, she could read, could 
 remember the reading, and took an interest in it. The dream 
 life was still active, but it was not unpleasant. She told me 
 she felt better than she had ever felt before. I then tested 
 her visual hallucinations by making her gaze into an illuminated 
 surface. A glass of water was put on a white surface, and a 
 light was made to shine through the water. The patient fixed 
 her attention on the water. Gradually objects and even whole 
 scenes began to develop, and she began to describe them as 
 they emerged one after another: "I see the door step it 
 is gone now I was sitting on last night see two women 
 in light dresses it is gone see the corner of the street (rubs 
 her eyes) I see a bed it is gone it makes me sleepy 
 (shades eyes from light). I see some shadow of a man walking 
 over a field there is a lake it is very pretty though I see 
 myself sitting high above the water on the other side there 
 is a big house. In front there is a fountain and bush (stops 
 looking) I cannot see any more, my eyes ache; the lake is so 
 shiny. " After a few minutes she was asked to look again. In 
 a few moments the following vision developed which was des- 
 cribed by the patient. "I see a funny looking wagon coming 
 nearer can look into it from the front . " Here the experi- 
 ment had to be interrupted, because the patient's eyes began to 
 hurt. She was put into hypnosis, and asked whether the visions 
 Were familiar to her. She could not identify them. The 
 visions were reproduced in this state, but no recognition followed. 
 The house was the only object that was identified. 
 
 Next day patient objected to look into the water, because 
 she was in a peculiar state she did not like. After some per- 
 suasion she consented. "Is the water becoming turbid?" "No, I do 
 not see the water. I do not know what it is. It looks like sand 
 it seems to be near the sea brown grass somebody walking 
 two small figures (laughs) it is myself." Here patient be- 
 gan to complain of fatigue and specks before the eyes. 
 
 For a few days the dreams were of a disconnected character, 
 and were recollected with some difficulty, but they were either 
 trivial experiences of her everyday life which did not in the least 
 upset her, or they were fragmentary experiences of her earlier 
 dreams, but in such a confused state that they could hardly be 
 recognized. The persistent dreams were rapidly disintegrating.
 
 Boris Sidis 157 
 
 The only dream that disconcerted her was a dream of her mother. 
 She thought she saw her mother and was glad to see her alive, 
 but was greatly disappointed on waking. Patient felt well. 
 
 She came the next day. When put into hypnosis she told 
 me that she dreamt that in her head was something which ex- 
 ploded. She woke up. I told her that she will see her mother 
 in sleep and that the old habit of dreaming will be gone. The 
 mother will tell her that she will dream no more. The patient 
 remarked: "If you stop my dreams, I should still dream about 
 my mother." Patient awakened in good condition. 
 
 Patient came August 5. In hypnotic state she told me that 
 she had seen her mother, but that the mother did not speak to 
 her. She was greatly concerned about her mother as when alive. 
 
 The subconscious and dissociated memories brought out in 
 hypnosis seemed to have gradually become organized and formed 
 a personality of a secondary character which the patient felt all 
 the while and which criticized her and found fault with the 
 patient. The patient called her "she." "I see her, I feel her 
 more than I see her. " It was herself which she regarded as dead 
 now come to life again. The patient did not like "her." She is 
 with me all the time. She "looks like me when I was 18. She 
 is becoming stronger. She talks to me and tells me of the bad 
 things I do. She is my monitor. " 
 
 The dreams she has now are of a different nature and do not 
 refer to her previous frightful dreams. Occasionally when she 
 goes to sleep her life stands revealed before her. She feels she 
 should be as she had been before. Now and then Dr. S. is 
 brought into the dream life, and the old distressing dreams are 
 inhibited. The dreams, unlike the previous state, are now fully 
 remembered on awakening from the sleep. Patient improved 
 considerably by December 27, when she ceased coming.
 
 CONSCIOUS BEHAVIOR AND THE ABNORMAL 
 
 BY J. R. KANTOR 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 
 
 PSYCHOLOGY as a definite, concrete science has gained 
 much valuable information from related fields, and in 
 particular it has derived great value from its relation 
 to psychiatry, which discipline may in some sense be 
 considered as a domain of psychological application. The 
 psychologist has obtained from psychiatry not only the oppor- 
 tunity to study variations of mental phenomena, but because of 
 the insistent problems involved in those phenomena, he has been 
 brought to appreciate the necessity of testing out the concepts 
 employed in dealing with mental phenomena in general. It is 
 perhaps unnecessary to remind psychologists of the masses of 
 information which they have derived from related, applied fields, 
 concerning sensory processes, memory, association, sensory 
 cortical localization, and other equally important facts. A 
 sufficient reminder of the advantages accruing to psychology 
 from observation of abnormal behavior is afforded by reference 
 to some of the excellencies of James' "Principles," at the time 
 of its publication, and the present value of the concept of per- 
 sonality in the study of conscious phenomena. 1 In this con- 
 nection we may also refer to the development of the psycho- 
 analytic movement in the field of psychiatry, and its value in 
 emphasizing the faults of the doctrines of "mental states," and 
 of abstract "behaviorism" in psychology. The unprejudiced 
 psychologist cannot fail to give due credit to the Freudian 
 movement in psychiatry for enlightening psychology concerning 
 the importance of social factors in human behavior. 
 
 We may sum up the advantages which 'psychology derives 
 from the consideration of varying types of human activity by 
 pointing out that in consequence, psychology is tending toward 
 a more adequate conception of its subject matter, the conception 
 namely, that it has as its proper data conscious behavior, and 
 not consciousness or behavior. This conception of conscious 
 behavior, which is an immediate derivative from exact data, 
 
 1 Cf. Prince, The Unconscious, 1914, 
 
 158
 
 J. R. Kantor 159 
 
 brings psychology into direct contact with actually existing and 
 transpiring phenomena. Further, the development of this idea 
 will lay some of the haunting spirits of psychology, the most 
 prominent of which are the problems of consciousness and its 
 variant the sub-conscious, and the mind-body problem. And 
 finally, because psychology is thus providing for itself a more 
 concrete, scientific foundation, it will be extremely useful in 
 dealing with those abnormal behaviors which mark the difficul- 
 ties of the psychiatrist. 
 
 A conscious behavior is a complex act of a conscious being, 
 and serves always as a specific adjustment to some object or 
 condition. These objects may be physical things, other con- 
 scious beings, or persons, social objects, such as customs and 
 opinions, or some sensorially, intangible object such as a social 
 or individual ideal. The conditions mentioned are also physical, 
 social or ideal, and indicate the complexity of human adjust- 
 ment. When psychology studies the complex adjustments of 
 human beings it need not deny or neglect any facts of conscious 
 behavior, and can take account of its development toward higher 
 types of activity. Human actions need not be reduced to the 
 simple movements of the lower animals, since provision is made 
 by this attitude for the existence of moral, social, aesthetic and 
 other kinds of behavior. These actions are not reduced to 
 responses which can be correlated with extremely simple stimuli 
 as causes. The failure to regard human behavior as complex 
 actions with specific ends has not resulted in an increased 
 knowledge concerning them. And when behaviors varied so 
 far from the standard as to come under the notice of the psy- 
 chiatrist, he could not deal with them, since they were neither 
 exclusively simple, brain lesions, nor disturbances of the mind. 
 
 The dynamic description of conscious behavior may be 
 further amplified by the ennumeration of several, peculiar 
 characteristics, which serve to distinguish it definitely from other 
 types of action. In the first place, there is the variability of 
 response, which signifies persistence in bringing about a specific 
 change in relation between the individual and the surrounding 
 conditions. There seems to be a purpose in the conduct. 
 Another characteristic of the behavior is that it is modifiable; 
 the organism adapts itself to conditions with reference to past 
 actions, which past actions and their relation to present situations 
 may be unknown to the organism. The modification of behavior 
 in its developed form in the human species enables the individual
 
 160 Conscious Behavior and the Abnormal 
 
 to act upon the basis of information. In the latter case there is 
 implied a discriminative use of memory, which is the basis for 
 all intelligent behavior. And finally there are the characteristics 
 of inhibition and delay which make for a still higher development 
 of action. We have here the beginnings of voluntary and other 
 behaviors requiring highly elaborate, problem-solving functions. 
 These characteristics refer primarily to the more specific mental 
 features of conscious behavior, and are not in any sense exclusive 
 functions of brain processes. 
 
 The analytic description of conscious behavior reveals a 
 complex series of component functions, each member of which 
 contributes to the total effect of the adaptive action. The 
 series of functions includes mental, behavioristic, and environ- 
 mental factors, all of which are organically related, and form a 
 unitary function of response. These factors are invariably all 
 present, but not in the same degree. In one case there may be a 
 predominance of one or more factors, which may be recessive in 
 other behavior. Every conscious behavior has as factors in its 
 mental component three groups of sub-factors. These may be 
 named the cognitive, affective, and conative functions. The 
 cognitive function in its simplest form may be described as a 
 vague appreciation of the presence of an exciting object. In 
 more developed forms the cognitive function is represented by 
 meanings which are the prominent cores of all discriminative 
 responses. These meanings are important factors in volitions, 
 perceptions, instincts, emotions, memories, and thoughts. The 
 cognitive functions determine to a larger measure than any other 
 factor the kind of response that the stimulus-object will elicit. 
 
 The conative functions may be characterized as the ex- 
 citatory phases of conscious behavior; they are the elements 
 which make for the original spontaneity of the individual, the 
 sensitivity of the individual to external influences. The differ- 
 ence in an organism between the spontaneity attributable to 
 mere living function, and the added spontaneity which the cona- 
 tive function occasions, must be insisted upon. The conative 
 process always implies a discriminative reaction. The point is, 
 that conative response is much farther removed from explanation 
 on the physico-chemical basis, than are mere physiological pro- 
 cesses. The conative functions in their integrated forms con- 
 stitute the impulse type of behavior, which contrasts with the 
 reflective type. In a general way we might say that the conative 
 factor initiates a response, while the cognitive function deter-
 
 J. R. Kantor 161 
 
 mines what the response shall be with reference to the particular 
 stimulus-object and its setting. In a way the conative function 
 is more primitive than the cognitive function, since the former 
 is most prominent when the cognitive function is least so. The 
 affective functions determine the degree of readiness and capacity 
 to respond to stimuli, and condition the continuance or discon- 
 tinuance of the responsive act, when once it is initiated. The 
 affective functions as present in a given situation, are also 
 symptoms of the success or lack of success of a particular behavior 
 to produce a desirable adjustment. 
 
 The specific, behavioristic factors are the three predomi- 
 nately physiological functions, the muscular, the glandular 
 and the organic. Without these there can be no conscious be- 
 havior. These functions may be considered as roughly corre- 
 lated with the conscious functions. For example, the glandular 
 functions are prominent in behaviors which are predominantly 
 affective processes, w r hile the muscular actions are most pro- 
 minent in behaviors stressing the conative processes. The third 
 member in the series of component functions comprises the 
 environmental conditions, which limit and control behavior by 
 way of furnishing occasion for adjustment. The importance 
 of this member of the series cannot be overestimated, since no 
 act can go on in vacua, and what an act is to be, must be in large 
 part conditioned by surrounding circumstances. We must 
 look upon all complex behaviors as instinctive tendencies to 
 action, which are modified by interaction with the surroundings. 
 The integration of simple response-behaviors in the human indi- 
 vidual is very strictly regulated by natural, social, and cultural, 
 environing conditions. 
 
 Any specific, conscious behavior is represented by varying 
 components of the three factors just discussed. The viewpoint 
 is implied here that no human adjustment is unconscious. 2 
 This attitude supports itself upon the fact that every conscious 
 behavior is the act of an organized, complex individual. Con- 
 scious behavior of the instinctive, habitual sort will have a pre- 
 dominance of behavioristic factors, and will be more conditioned 
 by external circumstances. The voluntary actions and thought 
 functions are built upon a plan which features the conscious 
 factors, and are more independent of immediately surrounding 
 conditions. This relative independence makes for a greater 
 mobility and efficiency in adjustments, and is adapted to fit the 
 
 -Thut is. in the .sense of bring purely physiological.
 
 162 Conscious Behavior and the Abnormal 
 
 individual not only to meet the needs of some specific situation, 
 but also to increase the possibilities of the situation. The voli- 
 tional-thought behaviors function only under conditions rich in 
 possibilities for varied responses. We must note in this con- 
 nection that a conscious behavior is always an adjustmental ax?t : 
 its independence is extremely relative to a situation which is 
 constantly progressing in complexity. The most elaborate 
 thought functions are integrations of the results of trial and error 
 adjustments to complicated, environmental problems. 
 
 The full significance of the formulae which represent con- 
 scious behavior cannot be appreciated unless we consider that 
 every behavior is an action of a specific, conscious being, and the 
 act is therefore conditioned by all that the individual is, and can 
 do. This fact instructs us concerning the character of the be- 
 havior components. We learn that muscular and glandular, 
 adjustment-processes are of a certain order and strength, effec- 
 tive in certain situations, and not in others. The factors of use 
 and disuse are important here. On the side of the more definite 
 mental components, the formulae of behavior will account for a 
 great number of influences which determine specific actions. 
 Included here are various products of experience, functional 
 under the names of ideals, sentiments, interests, beliefs and 
 convictions. These elements are permanent modifications pro- 
 duced upon individuals by interaction with their surroundings, 
 both physical and social, and are complementary variations to 
 the specific bodily changes composing integral parts of conscious 
 behavior. It must be insisted that these individual and social 
 complexes, which in everyday thought have come to mean 
 collectively personality or character, are parts of acts; they are 
 specific components of responses to human, environmental con- 
 ditions. Consideration of all the component factors in any con- 
 scious behavior results in studying it in all cases as a concrete, 
 empirical happening, which may well form the material for scien- 
 tific interpretation. The consideration of the being who per- 
 forms the behavior brings to light immediately the more per- 
 manent elements of such behavior. In studying the acting 
 individual we account for the total series of capacities and 
 tendencies of action, actually centered in the individual, modi- 
 fied by past action, and which at any moment is responsible for 
 the specific nature of a present action. It is only by considering 
 the individual that any information is available concerning the 
 motives and intentions, which are in part the driving forces of
 
 J. R. Kantor 103 
 
 all complex, human behavior. In most complex actions we must 
 depend upon information gleaned from these permanently ex- 
 isting, action possibilities for the meaning of behavior, and any 
 capacity for the prediction of behavior is entirely dependent 
 upon such information. The meanness, generosity, sufficiency 
 and other qualities of any act are very specific functions of the 
 complex systems of inherited and acquired action-tendencies, 
 which may be said to constitute the individual. 
 
 The value of the theory of conscious behavior as discussed, 
 is indicated by the application of the formulae in interpreting 
 the serious modifications of human behavior. Abnormal be- 
 havior may be accounted for by the degree of disorganization 
 of the component factors in the action. The point is, that what 
 we ordinarily call an abnormal behavior may be looked upon as 
 an act, the formula of which differs markedly from the formula 
 representing that individual's normal or usual behavior. This 
 fact is w r ell illustrated by the paretics, who owing to some change 
 in psycho-physical organization, will perform acts which are 
 uninfluenced by their usual sentiments and convictions. This 
 is especially noticeable in some cases in an indulgence of the 
 sexual appetite in what under ordinary circumstances, is an 
 entirely repugnant manner. In dementia praecox cases we find 
 individuals, who because of some disturbing experience, now too- 
 frequently possible in our civil conditions, are so disorganized as 
 to lose all acts which require the guidance of certain interests and 
 acquired action-habits. The so-called moral delinquents per- 
 form actions which seem controlled almost entirely by instinctive 
 action-tendencies. There seems to be a lack of sentiment in the 
 individual, such as ordinarily arises from contact with other 
 persons, and a lack of realization of the consequences of past acts. 
 The disorganizations found in abnormal behavior involve unit 
 functions or series of component functions, and indicate corres- 
 ponding failures of adaptation to surrounding conditions. As 
 the histories of war shock victims are made available for study, 
 we find every possible form of disorganization of action com- 
 ponents. In a practical way we can locate the sources of dis- 
 organization in either the mental or the behavioristic components 
 of conscious behavior, although it must be remembered that 
 these distinctions are purely logical or verbal. Following this 
 same, practical consideration we may look upon some dis- 
 turbances of behavior as involving a disorganization of the 
 mental and behavioristic components together from the environ-
 
 164 Conscious Behavior and the Abnormal 
 
 mental factor. This is the condition in most genuine cases of 
 paranoia. These types of cases show psycho-physical reactions, 
 which considered by themselves, would be normal, but being 
 entirely out of harmony with their actual setting, are thus 
 abnormal. 
 
 A thoroughgoing, organic viewpoint concerning the mental 
 functions such as is here outlined, will throw considerable light 
 upon some vexing problems of psychology. The concepts of 
 consciousness and the sub-conscious will take on more accurate 
 and scientific meaning, and the traditional mind-body problem 
 will no longer stand as a stumbling block in the way of psychology 
 toward scientific stability. 
 
 The organic viewpoint of conscious behavior looks upon 
 consciousness, not as an independent entity or stuff paralleling 
 physical matter, but as a definite, verifiable factor of human 
 behavior, which occasions definite qualities of action not found 
 in other types of behavior. The place of consciousness in 
 human activity is a positive fact of observation, to which psy- 
 chology must give adequate determination, just as facts of energy 
 are evaluated in physics, and living functions in biology. The 
 organic viewpoint insists upon the description of human action 
 just as it occurs, in terms of its component functions, and its 
 relation to other observable, related facts. 
 
 The concept of the subconscious becomes entirely renovated 
 and clarified. Since there is no such entity as consciousness, natur- 
 ally enough there can be no such entity as the subconscious. 
 Scientific experience indicates that there are only subconscious 
 activities, behaviors in whicht he complex, awareness components 
 are only slightly in evidence. Subconscious behavior is pri- 
 marily behavioristic and environmental, and is entirely lacking 
 in awareness of self. According to this view subconscious 
 behaviors are merely those actions which vary from other be- 
 haviors, because of a marked inclination toward habitual or 
 other preestablished, action systems, which are controlled by 
 surrounding conditions. This fact removes most of the mystery 
 attached to this type of behavior, since it is evident that these 
 more or less automatized acts constitute by far the greatest part 
 of conscious phenomena, and represent important phases of 
 memory, thought and voluntary action. 
 
 The advancement of psychology as a definite science allows 
 no room for a mind-body problem, since minds and bodies are 
 not observable phenomena for the scientist. The psychologist
 
 J. R. Kantor 165 
 
 who describes any observation of actual, conscious phenomena 
 cannot describe anything but a conscious behavior, which is the 
 action of a conscious being. The current discussions concerning 
 parallelism and interaction are entirely extraneous to scientific 
 observation and description. The mind-body problem is an 
 unwelcome heritage from the time when psychology was still a 
 branch of metaphysics, and has not only been a detriment to 
 psychology proper, but has added greatly to the inadequacy of 
 psychology as an aid in the solution of the practical problems of 
 psychiatry. The complete rejection from psychology of the 
 mind-body disjunction would eliminate from the science the 
 extreme, mentalistic and behavioristic viewpoints, with their 
 consequent confusion of psychological facts. 
 
 The separation theory in psychology may be held responsi- 
 ble for the present unsatisfactory condition of psychiatry, in so 
 far as that discipline is dependent upon psychology as a founda- 
 tion. A separation doctrine lies at the basis of the psychogenic- 
 physiologic controversy, which parallels the retarded develop- 
 ment of the successful handling of failures of human adjustment. 
 The controversy concerning the psychogenic and physiological 
 basis for mental diseases, which has beclouded the work of the 
 psychiatrist, may be traced to a faulty conception of the nature 
 of human organization and behavior. The very name mental 
 disease is a symptom of the inaccuracy of the thinking which 
 pervades psychological and psychiatrical circles. It is extremely 
 gratifying to see how far the psychiatrist has been driven through 
 his forensic interest to a realization that after all he is dealing 
 with behavior and not with mental defects. The obstinate 
 facts of moral adjustment with lack of intellectual defect have 
 also aided in correcting the attitude of the psychiatrist. The 
 carefully observed facts of hysteria and neurasthenia have al- 
 ways pointed to an interpretation of those conditions as faulty, 
 conscious behavior. The full appreciation of the conscious - 
 behavior attitude will give the psychic and physiological func- 
 tions their proper, respective places in the total adjustment. 
 
 The sharp antithesis which has recently been developed by 
 the psychopathologists, who stress the purely mental factors on 
 the one hand, and the strict behaviorists, who stress automatic 
 and reflex means of response on the other, marks a development 
 of thought which aims to investigate the deeply, lying facts of 
 human behavior. Since the elaboration of the ideas of Kraeplin, 
 the so-called, mental diseases must be looked upon as defects of
 
 160 Conscious Behavior and the Abnormal 
 
 personalities. Now it seems fairly clear that if we are to have 
 an adequate notion of the actions of such personalities, we must 
 not lose sight of any of the essential factors in those actions. We 
 must inevitably fail to make the most of our investigations when 
 we make the action consist of only one aspect of the whole. To 
 stress the mental side means to arrive at a bizarre doctrine 
 of unattached, mental states, and their unconscious consciousness 
 and other anomalous and inexperiential conditions, which 
 characterize the Freudian literature. In spite of the merit of the 
 Freudian viewpoint, which has thrown much light upon the 
 facts of experience, the movement as a psychological develop- 
 ment is vitiated by the failure to include in its program the 
 complete individual. This failure has resulted in the crudities 
 of the unreal, sexual material, and in the metaphysical libido, 
 both of which have neither added to the understanding of psy- 
 chiatrical problems, nor their solution. The Adlerian secession 
 from Freud's position indicates at least a symptom within the 
 Freudian movement, of the need for an inclusion of the bodily 
 aspects of the individuals undergoing study. 
 
 The insistence upon an exclusive, physiological basis for the 
 mental diseases is just as far from understanding the conditions 
 of persons and their action, as the mentalistic attitude. Be- 
 sides, it misses the suggestive facts concerning the place of past 
 experience of an individualistic and social sort, as influence of 
 human behavior. The only reason that these partial attitudes 
 can exist at all, and not become glaring in their inadequacy, is 
 because in certain, practical situations it does not matter whether 
 there is an adequate basis for the treatment or not. This is not 
 at all surprising, since even in calculation one may possibly 
 arrive at a correct total, providing at least two errors are made. 
 For its advancement as a science, however, psychiatry must, 
 because of its most pressing problems, base itself upon an accurate, 
 psychology. This is well illustrated by the fact that the history 
 of psychiatry is very closely bound up with changing psychologi- 
 cal conceptions. Thus, in Germany, Ziehen sought to make his 
 Herbartian attitude stand out prominently against the Wund- 
 tian apperception psychology. This polemical procedure did 
 not have an entirely salubrious effect upon Ziehen's conception 
 of mental disease. Kraeplin found especially objectionable 
 Ziehen's paranoia group, because it contained entirely different, 
 chronic conditions, and acute psychoses, through the influences 
 of being disorders of the "intellect." 3 The influence of the 
 
 s Adolf Meyer, in Church and Peterson, Nerv. and Ment. Diseases, 1909, p. 674.
 
 J. R. Kantor 167 
 
 Wundtian psychology upon Kraeplin's psychiatry is marked, 
 although Kraeplin has seriously raised the issue between clinical 
 and psychological psychiatry. Kraeplin was led to raise this 
 issue by his recognition of the inadequacy of certain types of 
 psychological view-point. The difficulties of his own classifica- 
 tion and description arose in large part from his failure to realize 
 that instead of abandoning psychology it was necessary to adopt 
 a satisfactory, psychological attitude. 
 
 We must insist that it is not only psychiatrical classification 
 which calls for an adequate, psychological conception as a 
 foundation, but indeed all phases of psychiatry. The lack of 
 such a foundation may be considered the source of the difficul- 
 ties which calls for an adequate, psychological conception as a 
 foundation, but indeed all phases of psychiatry. The lack of 
 such a foundation may be considered the source of the difficulties 
 experienced in physiological circles with Wernicke's localization 
 theories. Such controversies as existed between the rival schools 
 of Nancy and Salpetriere in the psychical group, may be traced 
 to the same source, w^hile the recent success of the psycho- 
 analytic movement may be taken to be a symptom of the ex- 
 treme inadequacy of a psychology of "mental states" or of 
 abstract " behavior. " 4 A study of the present status of psychia- 
 trical principles and procedure creates the presumption that a 
 helpful psychiatry would be one which considers human behavior 
 as a complex action involving a series of component functions. 
 
 We might point out in conclusion the fact that precisely 
 because the study of conscious behavior is a matter of concrete, 
 existing phenomena, it can break across the boundaries of the 
 theoretical and the practical. We find that psychology, which 
 may be looked upon as the more theoretical or "pure" science, 
 makes progress on the basis of data derived from the abnormal 
 field. On the other hand, because psychology as a more theo- 
 retical science is not driven by the urge of immediate accom- 
 plishment, it can bring into its domain such order and interpre- 
 tation of fact as to be able materially to aid psychiatry to deal 
 adequately with its problems of human adjustment. 
 
 4 Cf . Watson, Journal of Philosophy, Psychology etc, xiii, p. 589, Jelliffe, ibid, xiv, p. 267.
 
 THE INCREASING IMPORTANCE OF THE 
 BIOLOGICAL VIEWPOINT IN PSYCHOPATHOLOGY 
 AND PSYCHIATRY 
 
 BY MEYER SOLOMON, M. D., CHICAGO 
 
 THE work of Darwin and the tremendous influx of bio- 
 logical knowledge that came thereafter, had a most 
 wholesome and invigorating influence upon scientific 
 thought not only in biology proper but in all allied 
 fields of scientific endeavor. Its welcoming breeze blew sooth- 
 ingly and with stimulating effect upon the troubled and sweating 
 brows of innumerable toilers in the fields of science, relieving 
 their flagging energies and failing hopes and goading them on to 
 better and to greater things. Every sailor in the ship of science 
 rode the waves with more joyous heart and more surging spirit. 
 The land of hope and dreams and work and light lay beyond 
 them, in their new visions. They both basked and worked in the 
 reflected sunlight derived from the newer trends in biological 
 thinking. 
 
 Psychology, too, rose with the tide. Psychology, too, rode 
 the crest of the scientific wave. And now, more than ever before, 
 is psychology under the influence of biology. The whole be- 
 havioristic movement and the genetic viewpoint are definite 
 evidences of this. The study of behavior is now the slogan or 
 battle-cry of so many fighters in this camp. Watson, Yerkes, 
 Kirkpatrick, Parmelee, Thorndike, McDougall, Shand, and 
 many others are reaching for the same prize. From Spencer to 
 James, Baldwin and G. Stanley Hall and his followers we see 
 the same efforts, from somewhat different angles. 
 
 Psychology has, indeed, taken on a new lease of life, and its 
 future seems today to be brighter than ever before in its past 
 life-history. 
 
 This means that it is now generally recognized that psychol- 
 ogy is a branch not of philosophy but of biology. This means, 
 furthermore, that mere description has given way to efforts at 
 more profound analysis and unearthing of the ultimate genesis. 
 
 The study of abnormal mental life in human beings, a study 
 
 168
 
 Meyer Solomon 169 
 
 which conies under the rubrics of psychopathology and psychia- 
 try, had, until comparatively recently, been concerned to a great 
 extent with the much needed work of description and classifica- 
 tion. Although this work is by no means completed even at this 
 time, still, it is cause for congratulation that here, too, the analy- 
 tic and genetic viewpoint, the biological and evolutionary ap- 
 proach, has been making itself felt more and more. 
 
 The French school, with Charcot and those who came after 
 him, particularly Janet, have done noble and painstaking plow- 
 ing of the untilled soil in psychopathology. The German stu- 
 dents, for the most part, with Kraepelin and his school and many 
 others independently, have used the rake with good effect in 
 psychiatry. 
 
 Added to their work, we have the present era, so to speak, 
 with its very intensive analytic and genetic tendencies. Janet 
 and others labored assiduously in this direction. Freud, Jung, 
 Adler, Bleuler have endeavored to dig more and more deeply into 
 the foundations of things. 
 
 In the United States and Canada, Adolf Meyer, Boris Sidis, 
 Morton Prince, and others (White, Jelliffe, etc.), have 
 contributed in varying degrees, from somewhat different angles, 
 to the solution of the problems at hand. 
 
 Different schools have arisen, with apparently widely differ- 
 ing attitudes. 
 
 In the meantime considerable progress has been going on in 
 the study of the mentally defective and the delinquent, with the 
 names of Binet and Simon, Goddard, Healy and many others to 
 the fore. 
 
 The studies of the bodily effects, or, as William James would 
 say, the bodily accompaniments or manifestations or evidences 
 of the emotions, of the ductless glands, and of the involuntary 
 nervous system have given us new avenues of attack, new vistas. 
 
 The whole field has widened, so that all sorts of phenomena, 
 such as the so-called psychopathological acts of everyday life, 
 dreams, myths, legends, fairy tales, child study, animal be- 
 havior, the conditioned reflex, and allied questions have added 
 untold interest to psychopathology and psychiatry. 
 
 The study of behavior in the broad sense of the word has 
 definitely become the work of the day. 
 
 The researches of Pawlow and his followers in physiology, 
 of Cannon, of Crile, of Sherrington, of Bechterew, of Loeb, and
 
 170 The Increasing Importance of the Biological Viewpoint 
 
 of Jennings, have been made use of by psychopathologists, 
 psychiatrists, and psychologists. 
 
 The study of behavior, then, in its human aspects, has been 
 made the centre of the stage. And since human behavior is but 
 a part of behavior or life in general, what more natural than to 
 expect that biology should come to our rescue and be our de- 
 liverer? 
 
 Adolf Meyer has assumed a broad biological viewpoint in 
 psychiatry. Freud, Jung, and also Adler, and their followers, 
 have, for the most part, confined themselves to the present life 
 history of their patients in their interpretative efforts, although 
 they have perforce been compelled slowly to resort to broader 
 biological, evolutionary views. 
 
 In this respect we can expect great aid from the out-and-out 
 biologists and psychologists. 
 
 Prince and more particularly Sidis have been helped consider- 
 ably in their work by the adoption of a truly biological attitude. 
 
 Claparede 1 has made a plea for the biological orientation 
 and interpretation in psychopathology and has indicated its 
 value. 
 
 Lydiard H. Horton 2 has attempted to explain dreams from 
 this viewpoint. 
 
 And, in general, one may say that one finds evidences of a 
 more definite and clearer biological and evolutionary viewpoint 
 on every hand. 
 
 There is a quickening interest in all the social sciences, and 
 I doubt not but that one of the. results of the terrible war now 
 raging all over Europe will be an even greater impetus in this 
 same direction. 
 
 Man is being driven to have a greater interest in the con- 
 servation of human physical and mental health and human life, 
 and the importance of the social sciences will be projected into 
 the limelight more and more. It is but to be expected that 
 progress in this field will go forward with great bounds. 
 
 It is my hope that before long there will be a harmonization 
 or synthesis or unification or integration of the apparently split- 
 off and ramifying trends of the so-called schools in psycho- 
 pathology and psychiatry, and that then better agreement and 
 
 1. The Value of Biological Interpretation for Abnormal Psychology, Journal of Abnormal 
 Psychology, June, 1906. 
 
 2. On the Irrelevancy of Dreams, in the Light of the Trial-and-error Theory of Dreaming, 
 Journal of Abnormal Psychology, August-September, 1916. Also the Apparent Inversion of 
 Time in Dreams, Journal of Abnormal Psychology, April-May, 1916.
 
 Meyer Solomon 171 
 
 working together and understanding will be the end-result. 
 This can but lead to more rapid strides forward in the upward 
 drive to grasp and solve the numerous problems which beset us 
 in the complex field of abnormal human behavior. 
 
 Evidences of this unification are, to my vision, at any rate, 
 already present. Let us hope that in the very near future the 
 bonds of union between the divergent trends now existing will 
 be drawn tighter and tighter, and harmony and progress will 
 reign supreme. 
 
 The biological viewpoint, with its pregnant possibilities, 
 has not yet scratched the surface of psychopathology and psychi- 
 atry. The fruits of sowing our seed in its field will come to us 
 in ever-increasing measure as the years roll on.
 
 THE JUDGMENT OF EMOTIONS FROM FACIAL 
 
 EXPRESSIONS 
 
 BY HERBERT SIDNEY LANGFELD 
 
 HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
 
 MY interest in the question of the judgment of emotions 
 from facial expressions, and of the validity of first 
 impressions led me to arrange an experiment in 
 the Harvard Psychological laboratory whereby the 
 ability to read emotional expressions could be tested. Among 
 other data, certain facts concerning the nature of emotions, 
 their relation to each other, and the various forms and degrees 
 of difficulty of interpretation were obtained, and have seemed of 
 sufficient general interest to be described here. 
 
 The ideal method would have been to judge actual facial 
 expressions under emotional strain, but that was obviously im- 
 possible in the laboratory. A cinematograph, would have been 
 almost as good and more practical, but not having such an in- 
 strument, I had to resort to pictures. From Rudolph's "Der 
 Ausdruck des Menschen," which contains 680 pictures, I 
 selected 105 of the best. These pictures were sketched from 
 photographs of a skillful actor who posed for that purpose. 
 
 The pictures were shown to two subjects at a time, there 
 being in all four men and two women. They were asked to write 
 down their interpretations of the emotions portrayed. About 
 thirty judgments were made at one time. After the entire num- 
 ber had been gone through, the pictures were shown a second 
 time, but not in the same order. The subjects were again asked 
 to write down their judgments. This was to discover the degree 
 of constancy. They were then told the judgments of all of the 
 subjects, and also the book titles of the pictures. This was to 
 discover if they would recognize their own judgments, and also 
 if they would select the book title. They were then told the 
 book title, and asked if they preferred that title to the judgment 
 they had made. In this way the accuracy of portrayal by the 
 artist could be ascertained. It may be stated here that the 
 subjects were fairly consistent, that they did not very frequently 
 
 172
 
 Herbert Sidney Langfield 
 
 173 
 
 recognize their own judgments, and that there were typical 
 differences in their ability to judge such expressions. I have 
 only taken those pictures for further discussion whose book title 
 1 2 
 
 3 4 
 
 was accepted by at least three of the subjects. It is fair to 
 assume that this 50 per cent acceptance indicates a successful 
 portrayal by the artist. Of the other pictures, upon whose title
 
 174 The Judgment of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 only two or less agreed it would be difficult to say how much the 
 judgments were influenced by the deficiencies of the artist. 
 
 Although I have spoken of the expressions as emotions, the 
 ones to be analyzed will include what generally are termed 
 "moods" and "sentiments." It is often very difficult to make 
 a distinction between these latter and emotions, as the one passes 
 readily over into the other. Also we are concerned only with 
 their outward expression and not with their significance and 
 source. 
 
 In most instances complex emotions, usually with one 
 dominant emotion, have been portrayed, and it will be es- 
 pecially interesting to note how well this complex expression has 
 been analysed. Let us begin with the "amazement" group. 
 In a picture entitled "amazement, doubtful," all the subjects 
 noted surprise, and several interpreted the "doubtful" by 
 "skeptical." If the amazement is very strong, we have the 
 expression of fear. Five of the subjects called strong amaze- 
 ment either fearful surprise, sudden terror, terrified surprise, 
 horror, or frightened surprise. McDougall writes " Surprise 
 is merely a condition of general excitement which supervenes 
 upon any totally unexpected and violent mental impression." 
 etc. 1 ''Startled and unpleasant amazement" brought out horror 
 and terror very strongly, while amazement which was mildly 
 unpleasant was seen as doubting, anxious, puzzled and perplexing 
 surprise. This puzzled expression is frequently seen in the mild 
 amazement as contrasted with the fear and terror of the strong 
 emotions. In "amazement with hate and scorn," the amazement 
 was for most lost in the stronger emotion. Of the twelve 
 judgments only four times was amazement or surprise seen. The 
 hate and scorn were seen as strong contempt, angry revenge, 
 strong scorn and anger, mean, vengeful surprise, and resentful, 
 antagonistic surprise. The scorn also aroused the idea of 
 boastfulness and defiance. 
 
 In order to give the reader an idea of the accuracy of the 
 judgments, four of the pictures used in the experiment have been 
 reproduced on page 173. The first of the pictures is supposed 
 to represent ''speechless amazement. "- 
 
 iSocial Psychology. Pg. 157. 
 
 2The 12 judgments for this picture, that is, the first and second judgments of each of the six- 
 subjects, are as follows: (1) Frank surprise, (2) Unsophisticated wonder with fear, mild; 
 (1) Stupefied alarm, (2) Surprise; (1) Mingling of surprise and slight displeasure, (2) Dumfounded, 
 hah* frightened; (1) Skeptical surprise, (2) Surprise, strong apprehension; (1) Stiffened amaze- 
 ment, (2) Strong amazement with slight fear; (1) Stupefied alarm, (2) Startled surprise.
 
 Herbert Sidney Lang field 175 
 
 The anger group was represented by very strong, peevish 
 anger, and anger, laughing against the will. The feeling of pain, 
 distress, tormented fear, and grief were seen in both pictures 
 more frequently than the more aggressive attitude of anger. 
 This apprehension of what might be called "centripetal" feeling 
 such as fear, pain, distress, instead of the more violent aggressive 
 emotions such as anger and hate occurred frequently throughout 
 the experiment. Intimation of peevishness is seen jn the judg- 
 ments of fretful pain, complaining and distress, about to cry. 
 The attitude of "laughing against the will" was noticed by two 
 of the subjects, and interpreted as transition from mirth into 
 pain and distress, and laughing and crying. 
 
 A "mild, impotent hate" was judged several times as a feeling 
 of fear, pain, sorrow, anxiety, and discontent. Hate was only 
 mentioned once, but the book-designation was accepted by three 
 subjects. Unqualified hate was frequently judged as anger, and 
 several times as scorn and contempt, but never as hate. On 
 the other hand, "vindictive hate" was seen by five subjects. 
 Anger was here also shown to be closely related to hate, and the 
 vindictiveness is seen in judgments such as snarling revenge and 
 extreme malice. 
 
 The malicious mood accompanied by vindictive laughter, 
 was frequently interpreted as hate. The malice appeared in such 
 adjectives as nasty, gloating, hateful, vindictive joy, triumphant 
 hate, and spiteful rage. This mood seemed very well represented 
 in the facial expressions. 
 
 In the disdain, contempt, and scorn group, disdain was 
 represented together with very mild pride and superiority, and 
 greater pride and superiority. In the first case, the superiority 
 and pride were noticed as smug complacency, arrogance, haughty 
 assurance, egotistical calm. The disdain was not seen until it 
 was pointed out. In the other case, however, when the pride 
 was more strongly represented, the disdain was seen at once, and 
 interpreted by some as disdain, but more frequently as contempt, 
 sneering, and scornful arrogance. This seems to indicate the 
 importance of pride in the attitude of disdain. When contempt 
 is portrayed accompanied by a mildly ironical and superior 
 smile, the superior smile gives rise to the judgments of self- 
 satisfaction and scornful arrogance, and pleasure in triumph, 
 but the contempt was not seen until the title was shown, except, 
 perhaps, in the case of scornful arrogance. When the contempt 
 was portrayed with diabolical laughter, the diabolical laughter
 
 176 The Judgment of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 was frequently correctly interpreted, but again the contempt 
 was not seen until the attention was directed to it. It seems 
 evident that in both cases the laughter drew the attention from 
 the more subtle attitude of contempt. An interesting picture 
 represented the attitude which can best be described by the 
 phrase "I am sorry, but I cannot help you." This was judged 
 as contempt, disdain and arrogance. This attitude is seen in 
 the uncharitable, where it is so frequently a mixture of scorn and 
 a suspicion of self-satisfaction, which latter was also noticed in 
 this picture. In the picture of "scorn with wicked laughter," 
 anger is prominent in the judgments as well as hate. This seems 
 in accordance with what McDougall says "When an object 
 excites our disgust and at the same time our anger, the emotion 
 aroused is scorn." 3 In scorn with cynical, mild contempt, the 
 scorn was seen by several, but the cynical attitude was observed 
 only when pointed out, and then four of the subjects agreed with 
 the title. 
 
 A number of pictures were shown representing misgiving 
 with various combinations. When the attitude was mild, it 
 was interpreted frequently as surprise, when stronger, together 
 with surprise, it seemed liked distrust, perplexity, and also fear 
 #nd anxiety. One picture portrayed misgiving together with 
 meditation upon evil. It was the latter attitude which was 
 noticed, and described as plotting, disgruntled discontent, brood- 
 ing, sullen, and vindictive. Perplexity was the only description 
 here which referred at all to misgiving. The same can be said 
 of misgiving with a meditative, fixed stare. Here, also, per- 
 plexity is seen, as well as contemplative thoughtfulness, fierce 
 contemplation, perplexed consideration, etc. In the picture 
 entitled, "misgiving wavering between jest and earnest," the con- 
 flict, as in the previous instance of conflict, was seen by several 
 of the subjects. 
 
 In the picture of fear, which was entitled "fear with a wicked, 
 evil conscience," the fear was seen and also the surprise which 
 accompanies fear, and, just as fear was seen in anger, so anger 
 was seen in fear. The second picture on page 173 depicts "fear and 
 horror." 4 The picture of "vary strong terror" also gave rise to 
 several judgments of anger. The terror and fear, at times 
 
 SOpus cit. pg. 135. 
 
 4The judgments were (1) Excessive pain and suffering of self or others, (2) despondent 
 pain over another's danger or disaster; (1) Pain, (2) Horror, surprise; (1) Acute pain with fear, 
 (2) Horrified anguish, contempt; (1) Anger, (2) Apprehension, terror; (1) Terrified fear, (2) In- 
 sane fear; (1) Rage, (2) Terror from pain. Here also anger and rage are seen with fear.
 
 Herbert Sidney Lang field 177 
 
 accompanied by amazement, were readily seen. In the picture 
 portraying "strong anxiety and horror," the stronger reaction of 
 horror diverted the attention from the attitude of anxiety so that 
 no one saw the latter until the title was given him. Agair^, as 
 with fear and terror, the accompanying surprise was also noticed. 
 Aversion was represented by "aversion with strongly suspicious 
 fear" and "by very ordinary aversion accompanied by nausea." 
 In the former picture, hate, contempt, anger, and disgust predom- 
 inated. The fear was also noticed by several, but there was no im- 
 pression of suspicion conveyed. In the latter, aversion was seen 
 as dislike, scorn, contempt and disgust. Nausea was only noticed 
 by two subjects, but all six subjects accepted the title when told. 
 The ideas of fear and of anger were also to some extent aroused. 
 That these two emotions should be seen in a very strong ex- 
 pression of aversion is to be expected. They are entirely lacking 
 in the milder form of aversion which is shown in the third picture 
 on page 173. Here, contempt and disgust predominate. 5 
 
 The distrust group, like the preceding aversion group, 
 conveyed the attitude intended. "Simple distrust and doubt" 
 were seen as suspicion, bewilderment, questioning contempla- 
 tion, and puzzled reflection. The ''distrust with suspicion and 
 fear" aroused in most cases suspicion, apprehension and anxiety. 
 Only one judgment mentioned distrust in this setting. The 
 third picture represented distrust with strong biting of the under 
 lip. In this case, distrust was only mentioned twice. The lines 
 of the lip combined with the expression of distrust, gave rise to 
 judgments of determination with evil intent, such as plotting, 
 angry determination, malice, and plotting determination, etc. 
 The fourth picture on page 173 represents "very keen distrust. " ( 
 One picture represented sinister determination, animosity. The 
 determination was seen by several subjects. The animosity gave 
 rise to judgments of resistance, indignation, dislike, fierce and 
 bitter determination. Five of the six subjects accepted the 
 
 5The 12 judgments are as follows: (1) Disgusted contempt, (2) Scornful contempt accom- 
 panied by an inner feeling of slight puzzlement; (1) Contempt, (2) Dislike and disdain;(l) Med- 
 ium strong contempt,(2) Contemptuous scorn; (1) Disgust, (2) Disgust; (1) Sneering contempt, 
 (2) Mild dislike and disgust; (1) Sneering contempt; (2) Contemptuous aversion. 
 
 6The 12 judgments are as follows: (1) Analytical, reflective with anger, (2) Inquiring 
 speculation with critical construct! veness: (1) Concentration, determination, (2) Contemplation, 
 planning, dislike; (1) Firm and mildly angry opposition, (2) Pugnacious contemplation; (1) 
 Thoughtful doubt, uncertainty, (2) Doubt, distrust; (1) Unintelligent doubt, (2) Meditation, 
 doubt and suspicion; (1) Scornful distrust; (2) Deep thought with suspicion. The book title 
 itself in this instance was accepted only twice, due undoubtedly to the fact that the subjects' 
 titles were more fully explanatory of the intended mood. The anger seen by two of the sub- 
 jects was seen by these same subjects in the first picture mentioned in this group.
 
 178 The Judgment of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 book title. There seems to be evidence that determination and 
 forms of animosity are readily seen. 
 
 Laughter is probably depicted and judged more easily than 
 any other emotion. As it is a very strong emotion, the more 
 subtle states are often hidden. That is the case in the picture of 
 "suspicious laughter," for the suspicion is not seen as such, although 
 there is intimation of it in one of the judgments. Three of the 
 subjects, however, selected the title with suspicion when pre- 
 sented with the other judgments. 
 
 In the picture of "bodily pain and screaming," the pain was 
 seen by almost all the subjects, and the screaming was judged as 
 crying by two. It was also seen as anger and revenge by several. 
 
 When "entreaty with strong, cordial smile" was given, the 
 laughter emotion predominated, and the entreaty was seen only 
 by one subject, and that as smiling and begging. The entreaty 
 was, however, noticed by three of the subjects as soon as atten- 
 tion was called to it. 
 
 The picture of "sulky, defiant ill humor" produced uniform 
 reactions. Although the mood, ill humor, was not mentioned 
 in the judgments, all six subjects chose the book title from among 
 the other titles. On the other hand, the more subtle mood of 
 pessimism was accepted in- one instance by only one subject, and 
 in another by two, and referred to by no subject in his original 
 judgment. 
 
 The attitude of devotion and reverence was judged as peace- 
 ful meditation, religious contemplation, uplifting thought, etc, 
 but when the artist attempted to portray religious inspiration, 
 he signally failed. Three pictures, supposedly representing this 
 state, were interpreted almost without exception as amazement, 
 frequently accompanied by fear. It may be that this failure is 
 caused by racial difference, the Teuton being prone to express 
 such moods in exaggerated form. McDougall says "Emotions 
 that play a principal part in religious life are admiration, awe 
 and reverence, "f The awe expressed as amazement and fear 
 seems to be the only element of this religious attitude which 
 the artist caught. 
 
 At the end of the series of experiments, the subjects were 
 asked to describe the method by which they interpreted the 
 experiment. Their interpretations offered sufficiently interest- 
 ing points to be partially reproduced here. That which strikes 
 one most forcibly is the close agreement of the various reports. 
 The empathic response or sympathetic imitation of the facial
 
 Herbert Sidney Lang f eld 179 
 
 expression in the picture is the one almost invariably adopted. 
 There is frequent reference to kinaesthetic sensations of imitation 
 in the observer's own face. Rarely, however, is this facial 
 imitation sufficient in itself to establish a satisfactory judgment. 
 Five of the six subjects referred to the fact that they had to 
 imagine an entire situation which would involve responses 
 of the entire organism. The individual of the picture was 
 imagined in a certain definite situation such as being faced by 
 some one against whom he could show his anger. At times the 
 observer consciously imaged himself in the scene. It is probable 
 that at other times he unconsciously identified himself with 
 one of the group. The emotion, at least in its incipient stage 
 was aroused in him by this participation. 
 
 In some instances an association was formed between the 
 picture and some well known painting expressing definite emo- 
 tions or else situations which had actually occurred in the ex- 
 perience of the subject were recalled. 
 
 Only one subject denied any active participation. That the 
 introspection of this subject did not discover such an attitude 
 is not positive proof of its non-existence, partly for the reason 
 that she was not very well trained in such reports. An ex- 
 planation of her exceptional attitude, however, is suggested by 
 her own description. She had all through her life made a study 
 of faces, and had thereby made close associations between certain 
 emotions, personal characteristics, etc., and the various lines of 
 the face. It is possible, therefore, that through this habit the 
 emotions were more directly observed than in the case of the 
 other subjects. It is needless to state that the other subjects 
 also must have made some direct response, either through 
 direct empathic imitation of the features, or through association 
 with some known situation; otherwise, they could have had 
 no clue by which to start their imagery. That is, there must liave 
 been some impression before imaging a situation in order to give 
 it the proper setting. The situation would then offer them 
 opportunity to experience more subtle shades and combinations, 
 and to correct their first impressions. 
 
 Mention was also made by several subjects of the fact that 
 they got their clue from certain features to the exclusion of others. 
 It is fair to assume that this frequently occurred, especially when 
 certain features were more strongly affected than others, and 
 that this caused a wrong, or at least only partial, judgment. Is 
 it not just this habit of being attracted by the more pronounced
 
 180 The Judgment of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 lines of the face that so often causes one, in actual life, to misread 
 character? Frequently we are deceived into judging by the 
 stronger and more transient expressions, and neglecting the 
 subtler and, perhaps, more important lines 
 
 The following are extracts from the introspections. One 
 subject writes: "Frequently the expression was visualized as 
 appearing upon the face of some person of my acquaintance, and 
 the effort was made to estimate the circumstance that would call 
 forth that expression. Where the picture shown represented an 
 expression of common occurrence or of not too detailed a char- 
 acter, this general idea was enough to indicate the estimate of 
 the picture, the judgment being rendered very promptly. A 
 few times I was conscious of a definite attempt to reproduce the 
 expression in my own countenance in order that the resultant 
 lines and sensations might aid in getting the meaning. Fre- 
 quently the expression was analysed, the effort being made to 
 determine the meaning of the eyes by themselves, then the 
 mouth, etc. The result would sometimes be a unit, often a 
 positive, complex description. The judgment was frequently 
 made by trying to imagine what was before the eyes of the man 
 in the picture, that is, trying to imagine the circumstances which 
 would be apt to produce such a facial reaction. " 
 
 A second subject writes: "For the most part the particular 
 face was inserted in a visually imagined episode; and the judg- 
 ment of the individual's emotion made according to what would 
 necessarily be involved in the given situation. Sometimes 
 there was an addition of auditory images of what the individual 
 under the circumstances might say. A second method employed 
 now and then involved imagining the individual and myself 
 alone in a situation. In this case, also, the auditory images 
 perhaps more often played a role. In some further cases, the 
 two methods were combined; the method being to imagine a 
 situation involving the individual with several others and myself 
 either with or without the auditory imagery. Rather often all 
 of these methods included specific memory images of actual 
 experiences in which individuals gave vent to certain expressions 
 and emotions. In almost every case, also, there was a distinct 
 kinaesthetic imagery in myself, especially, the muscles of the 
 face: a slight tendency to mimic the expression in the 
 picture. Almost always this was involuntary. Actual ex- 
 pressions almost resulted, often before I was conscious of the 
 strength of this imitative impulse. This was most common
 
 Herbert Sidney Lang f eld 181 
 
 in the cases when I imaged myself as a member of a group in a 
 situation, from which I reasoned by analogy the emotion of the 
 individual in the pictures . 
 
 A third subject records:" In judging the facial expression of 
 the pictures I find that in most cases I look first at the mouth, 
 and jaw. When I have secured an impression of any kind, I 
 have a tendency to set my own jaws and lips in the same attitude 
 and with something of the same degree of muscular tension. 
 This done, I imagine a situation in which I might be disposed 
 to use such a muscular set. Almost always I employed words to 
 suit the case, and imagined other people to whom I was reacting 
 and a situation in which we were placed. I think it is fair to say 
 that there was practically always a social aspect to my percep- 
 tion of the picture. In many cases the kinaesthesis extended 
 into my arms and thorax, if not throughout the whole body. It 
 is safe to assume so, at least, for I am strongly kinaesthetic at 
 all times. 
 
 After the first inspection of the lower part of the face, I 
 took in the nose, cheeks, and then the eyes. I can see now that 
 out of this procedure came the basis on which I sometimes chang- 
 ed later. I was set at first by the lower half of the face; 
 the set was strengthened by use of words and an ensuing kinaes- 
 thesis; then when I took in the eyes and forehead, I was not so 
 ready to give them their due weight as I should have been. I 
 was influenced toward this action by the to me very remark- 
 able lips and jaw of the man whose face was pictured. They 
 struck me from the first and took the center of consciousness, 
 almost always, immediately the picture was disclosed. 
 When it came to the second presentation of the picture, I 
 was frequently made to see, by the judgments of other subjects, 
 that I had not given all parts of the face due consideration. In 
 deciding whether to change or keep my own judgment I was 
 therefore called on to determine whether I had given due value 
 to all the factors in the presented expression. Sometimes I 
 found elements that had been overlooked, and then I changed. 
 If I did not find any, I tended to stand by my original statement. " 
 
 A fourth subject writes "Sometimes I tried to think of my- 
 self with that particular facial expression, but usually I thought 
 of that expression on another face, and tried to think when and 
 where I had seen a similar expression before. There were certain 
 expressions of the eyes and mouth which I also remembered as 
 having been taught meant certain definite things."
 
 The Judy men I of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 A fifth subject says "In judging the facial expression, I 
 almost invariably imagined, and always in visual terms, some 
 situation in which the character might have assumed such an 
 expression. Then, very frequently, I thought of my face screwed 
 up or composed in that way, and how I would have to feel to 
 assume such an expression. This imagery was so strong that I 
 frequently noticed my facial muscles twitching. At times, but 
 rarely, I consciously and deliberately assumed the expression 
 of the face in the picture. This was usually in the case of ex- 
 pressions that w T ere difficult to judge. At other times it was like 
 seeing a tableau with one of the actors looking like the picture, 
 and then trying to imagine what the others were doing to make 
 him look like that. I noticed many associations with the story- 
 books I had read and incidents of my own life. Especially was 
 this true at the beginning of the experiments. Judgments at 
 the latter part were less intensely personal. Visualization was 
 not so vivid and at times almost absent." 
 
 The sixth subject, who was the one mentioned above as 
 not having kinaesthetic imitation, remarks "It is easier for me 
 to tell the methods I did not use in judging the facial expressions 
 than the one I did. I could not get any clue as to the emotions 
 expressed by imitating the facial expressions or trying to imag- 
 ine how I should feel if I looked like that. Neither could I get 
 any idea by thinking of other people. All my life I have stud- 
 ied peoples' faces in cars, theatres, restaurants, to see what 
 characteristics they showed. I never used comparisons, but al- 
 ways looked first for the general idea, then analysed each feature 
 and line to see what each contributed to the general impression. 
 I had never seen, iri actual life, such strong and violent emotions 
 as the man expressed, so I merely considered him as an indivi- 
 dual, and used the same methods as I employed on living 
 people. Some pictures reminded me of paintings and por- 
 traits I have seen, carefully labelled by the artist as to the em- 
 otion, and this was a little help in knowing how others regard- 
 ed the emotions they were expressing." 
 
 |^ ^ The similarity in description of these subjects is so marked 
 that it might be suspected that their introspection had been 
 suggested by the experimenter. The question put to them in 
 written form was simply "Describe as fully as possible the 
 manner in which you judged the facial expressions." Without 
 consulting anyone, they wrote out their description, and handed 
 it to me, and it has never been shown to anyone.
 
 Herbert Sidney Lang f eld 183 
 
 In conclusion, the following brief summary may be added. 
 It did not need this experiment to prove the well known fact 
 that emotions and attitudes can be judged from pictures. That 
 the judgments would be so uniformly good and consistent, 
 however, even when made by individuals who, with a few ex- 
 ceptions, had never assumed any particular aptitude in this 
 direction, is of some interest in the study of emotions. Even 
 many subtle combinations of emotions were observed, and con- 
 flicts such as half crying and laughing, or between jest and 
 earnest, were noticed. 
 
 Laughter was, almost without exception, observed. Anger, 
 fear, and hatred were also most expressive in all their forms. 
 The intimate relation of anger and fear was brought out. 
 Fear was seen when anger predominated and anger when fear 
 was uppermost. Fear was also seen in amazement. 
 
 Hatred was frequently interpreted by the more active, 
 attitude of anger and contempt resulting from it. Suspicion 
 was often judged as surprise. The contempt and scorn group 
 was unmistakable, the lines of the mouth and also part of the 
 nostril rarely escaping attention, or missing their effect. 
 
 When a combination was presented, the stronger emotion 
 frequently inhibited the perception of the more subtle and, 
 sometimes, more important one. 
 
 Certain moods such as sullenness and peevishness were 
 correctly interpreted. It could hardly be expected, however, 
 that temperamental attitudes such as covetousness and pessi- 
 mism would be seen. It is the effect of these impressions that is 
 observed; the temperaments themselves are judged by inference, 
 and the subjects were either incapable or, at least, not instructed 
 by the general nature of this experiment to make such deductions. 
 
 The reports of the subjects showed that they obtained their 
 results frequently by kinaesthetic imitation, and by association 
 with known experiences, and by the imagining of situations 
 which would give rise to such emotions. Modern psychology 
 teaches us that cognition is an active attitude toward an object, 
 and although we are not conscious of it in judging our fellow 
 beings, our organism is undoubtedly adjusted according to the 
 clue afforded by the expression. In the field of art, empathic 
 imitation is practically universal. Here, not only do we have 
 the facial expression, but also most frequently the situation. 
 The results of the introspection give some indication of th
 
 184 The Judgment of Emotions from Facial Expressions 
 
 importance of the surroundings in a picture for the conveyance 
 of the true message in the face. 
 
 In a subsequent paper, 7 results of further experimentation 
 will be recorded. It will be shown how wide is the range of 
 ability in interpreting emotion thus expressed. It will also.be 
 shown how very suggestible some individuals are in this regard. 8 
 
 7To appear in the Psychological Review. 
 
 SMiss Feleky, in an experiment similar to the one described, obtained some results in accord 
 with ours. She found that the aversion, contempt, sneer group was easily observed, hate brought 
 out disgust, and rage gave terror. She found that fear was part of suspicion. Laughter was 
 also easily observed by her subjects. In our experiment, determination was frequently correctly 
 interpreted. Miss Feleky's results are not in accord on this point, probably due to the pictures 
 she used. (The Expression of Emotions, A. M. Feleky, Psychol. Review, 1914, pp. 33-41.)
 
 NARCOLEPSY 1 
 
 C. B. BURR, M. D., 
 
 MEDICAL DIRECTOR, OAK GROVF, FLINT, MICH. 
 
 LH. P. was forty years of age when he first came under 
 observation, referred to me by Dr. Felshaw of Holly, 
 Michigan. As a boy he lived on a small farm and 
 worked by the day. At eighteen he was employed as 
 laborer by a lumber company and later for fourteen years on a 
 band saw and shaper; recently in a piano factory. Education is 
 slight. He found reading particularly difficult, being easily em- 
 barrassed. He drank occasionally but has no habit of intemper- 
 ance and was never intoxicated but once. Since eighteen he has 
 smoked excessively; sexual habits good. His father deserted the 
 family before the patient's birth. The father was industrious 
 and resourceful, was temperate in habits, but from one account 
 received, somewhat erratic. The mother died of apoplexy at the 
 age of sixty -eight. In later years she suffered from rheumatism 
 and occasionally from asthma. A sister of the mother died 
 from what was called "bronchial consumption;" she "choked 
 to death. " 
 
 From the age of ten to twenty years the patient suffered 
 from asthma. He speaks of impairment of hearing in the left 
 ear but examination does not confirm this. At the age of eight 
 he received an injury to the head from an axe helve. There is a 
 two-inches-in-length, narrow groove-like line created apparently 
 at the expense of the outer table following the coronal suture 
 right side; no depression of bone. He has no recollection of how 
 serious the trauma was regarded at the time it occurred, nor 
 as to the extent of debility. There is a difference of opinion 
 between his wife and himself as to emotional and inhibitory 
 qualities. He himself claims a good disposition but the marital 
 partner avers that he is high tempered and sometimes unfair to 
 the children. 
 
 I was consulted because of a condition of somnolence which 
 came upon him now and then overwhelmingly and had been 
 
 ^ead at the 44th Annual Meeling of the American Neurological Association at Atlantic 
 City May 9th, 1918. 
 
 185
 
 186 Narcolepsy 
 
 present for sixteen years. It often affects him while at work, 
 and almost invariably if he is not busy. It has increased in 
 severity with time but varies in accordance with the activities 
 of the moment. The recollection of the first attack is that he 
 became drowsy and had to fight off the sensation. A fellow 
 workman at a machine eight or nine years ago mentioned to the 
 patient (so he says) that he had seen him several times with the 
 eyes shut and feeding a planer. This person subsequently in- 
 terviewed, had no recollection of the observation but said that he 
 had "seen him when he looked sleepy, and considered him of the 
 lazy sort." When drowsiness threatened, he was accustomed 
 to shake himself or to go for a drink of water. Frequently in 
 this manner the attack was aborted. A change of employment 
 was always helpful. Such had been made just before I saw him 
 two years after the first consultation. He had been assigned to 
 a new and slightly unfamiliar work and for the preceding week 
 there had been no attack while in the shop. He can drop asleep 
 at any time he wishes and is certain to when he sits down on 
 return from work. A description of the last attack is like many 
 which he has experienced. "Before I knew it I was dumb- 
 founded like." He had dropped asleep soon after reaching 
 home. "My wife called to me," he said: "I woke right up but 
 could not for a time move from the chair. I couldn't have 
 moved if the house had been on fire. It was half a minute 
 before I could get myself together." "Once when I was sleep- 
 ing in my chair a rap came at the door. My wife called the 
 second time. I heard her but couldn't raise myself out of the 
 chair. I seemed dumbfounded like but knew there was some- 
 body at the door. I go to work in the morning. Sometimes 
 during the forenoon there will be a feeling of sleepiness. It is 
 almost impossible to keep from dropping my work. Sometimes 
 the sleep is heavier than others according to what I am doing; 
 am bothered in the same way in the afternoon. If I feel it 
 coming on I go out into the fresh air. It will come back when 
 I go home. If I sit down I go to sleep." The awakening, if 
 spontaneous, is always the same. "It leaves me as quick as scat. 
 Lots of times it comes over me like dumbfounding. I don't 
 realize what I am doing. I can't really explain it, I slack right 
 up with my work. If I go too sound asleep I can't refer myself 
 to what I was doing at the time. I have to stop and look at feel 
 work to see if I am doing it right. Just after it leaves me I my 
 pain over my right temple both sides and back of the eyes."
 
 C. H. Burr 187 
 
 Sometimes he has a hazy recollection of what is going on and 
 when lying down apparently in deep sleep answers as if partially 
 conscious. 
 
 At the first examination he mentioned pain over the temples 
 and uncomfortable sensations in the neck following attacks. 
 Latterly, there have been no phenomena of this kind. An inter- 
 esting feature is related to emotional expression. He is unable 
 to laugh as others do. If anything amuses him, the physiog- 
 nomy is distorted and uncomely. When playing with the 
 children he is apt to lose muscular control. "If anything should 
 come up that would cause me to laugh real hard, that strikes me 
 as real funny, I seem to wrinkle right down, losing my strength 
 until I catch myself. " 
 
 During the latter part of the night he says he is as a rule 
 wakeful. His wife sleeps with him but has not observed any 
 evidence of convulsive attacks. There has never been biting or 
 laceration of the tongue, never blood on the pillow. His wife is 
 perfectly confident that in the emotional attacks mentioned 
 when he crumples up, there is not the slightest loss of conscious- 
 ness. The sleepy state lasts as a rule not more than fifteen 
 minutes when, if he is not aroused before, it terminates spon- 
 taneously and control is complete. If awakened, he finds it 
 momentarily impossible to rise from the chair. He speaks of 
 slight memory defect but from his own account this is immaterial. 
 He has no difficulty whatever in giving an accurate account of a 
 recent day's doings. "Once I was stamping numbers on a piano 
 and it came on me so quick that I stamped the whole dozen 
 numbers all the same. After the attack was over, it occurred 
 to me that I might have made a mistake so I looked at them, 
 marked the numbers out and stamped them all over again. 
 When anyone goes by me during an attack, or particularly when 
 anyone comes up behind me, I am just as wide awake as ever. " 
 His description of "dumbfounding" indicates merely a strong 
 impulse to go to sleep. Whether this is resisted or not depends 
 upon circumstances. There are no tremors, ataxia, or Romberg. 
 The reflexes are normal, the pupils are equal, there are no focal 
 or Jacksonian symptoms. 
 
 He is subject to dreams which are for the most part pleasant. 
 Once in a dream or confusional state he jumped from bed, seized 
 and loaded a gun, and made his way to the kitchen. This room 
 was colder than others in the house and the chill awakened him. 
 He explained to his wife that he thought he had heard a noise.
 
 188 Narcolepsy 
 
 She attributed the circumstance to nightmare. His wife says, 
 "When he is pleased over anything, I could lead him around or 
 throw him down. He seems to lose his strength altogether. 
 When he returns from work at the close of the day, he almost 
 invariably goes to sleep in his chair. Sometimes he will answer 
 if spoken to. At other times it is necessary to shake him. " She 
 is under the conviction that he was marked by his deserted and 
 lonely mother. He was born August 1st and in the later weeks 
 of pregnancy the heat affected her greatly. She was accustomed 
 to sleep in her chair for long hours. 
 
 Kraepelin makes the following observation respecting the 
 condition under consideration: "Furthermore Friedman, follow- 
 ing the work of Gelineau, has set off a special form of small 
 attacks, which he designates as Narkolepsie. Such conditions 
 consist of brief transitory mental lapses in youthful individuals, 
 which resemble epileptic attacks, but are regarded by him as 
 being peculiar attacks that occur after fright and emotional 
 excitement, or looking into the light. They are not influenced 
 by bromides and do not lead to deterioration. After a number 
 of years, one may recover. The patients have attacks more or 
 less frequently, having as many as 100 during the day. They 
 last for }<-3 minutes, and during this time there exists a sort of 
 inhibition of thought, without loss of consciousness. This robs 
 the individual of his freedom of action and is sometimes accom- 
 panied by peculiar actions, such as exhibitionism. The pupils 
 are often dilated and the eyes turned upward. It seems to me 
 most likely that these conditions should be regarded as hysteri- 
 cal. Much valuable information can be found on this subject 
 by further observations and perhaps it would be well to include 
 among these, those which have been described by Schanz, Codi- 
 villa, and Gaugele, who have observed attacks like epilpesy 
 occurring after severe orthopedic operations. These attacks 
 seem to be released by the emotional excitement of the situation." 
 
 Dejerine writes more clearly. 
 
 "Narcolepsie. This term was employed for the first time by 
 Gelineau (1881) to designate a rare neurosis, characterized by a 
 sudden, irresistible need of sleep, ordinarily of short duration, 
 occurring at intervals more or less frequent and obliging the 
 subject to fall or to stretch himself out to obey it. 
 
 "The onset of sleep is more or less violent, preceded by ex- 
 treme lassitude, by a sensation of cephalic constriction. The 
 eyelids are heavy, the eyes are the seat of light tingling. The
 
 C. B. Burr 189 
 
 gait is painful and uncertain. Almost always before the patient 
 yields to sleep there is a prodromal period, but this is more or 
 less short and sometimes so slight that the patient is attacked 
 in the midst of his occupation without time to protect himself 
 against accident to which the deep sleep exposes him. When the 
 patient succumbs to sleep, muscular relaxation is generally 
 complete. The lifted limbs fall inert, lines of expression are 
 effaced, and even, according to Fere, the muscles of the face 
 appear paralyzed and the cheeks move with each respiration. 
 Sometimes in place of being in relaxation, the muscles are in a 
 more or less marked convulsive state. 
 
 "The general and special sensibilities are blunted and 
 intense and repeated effort is required to momentarily rouse a 
 patient from torpor. The general functions of the organism are 
 slowed. The temperature remains normal. 
 
 "During sleep the intellectual functions are variable. Now 
 unconsciousness is absolute. Again, certain elementary psychic 
 processes persist, disclosing themselves by gestures, confused 
 words, and sometimes by somnambulism. There are patients 
 whose consciousness is vigilant and who are afterward capable 
 of relating that which has happened during sleep. 
 
 "The duration of the attack varies from some seconds to 
 several hours and is almost constant for the individual case. 
 Awakening is sudden or gradual, corresponding to the length of 
 the sleeping state. The circumstances which determine crises 
 are extremely variable but are sometimes quite definitely fixed 
 for the individual subject. " 
 
 I last saw the patient by appointment on the 30th of March. 
 While waiting in the office he fell asleep in a chair and two em- 
 ployees who happened to see him remarked that the sleep was of 
 natural appearance. Physical examination was practically nega- 
 tive. He is well developed. There was no evidence of present 
 or past venereal or constitutional disease. The blood pressure 
 was systolic 120; diastolic 75; Urinalysis gave no findings of con- 
 sequence. 
 
 Naturally, in view of the head trauma in particular, petit 
 mal pressed itself obtrusively for consideration but was excluded 
 to my own complete satisfaction.
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 JESUS, THE CHRIST, IN THE LIGHT OF PSYCHOLOGY. By G. 
 Stanley Hall, Ph.D., LL.D., Professor of Psychology, President -of 
 Clark University. In two volumes. Boxed. Garden City and New 
 York: Doubleday, Page & Company, 1917. Net, $7.50. 
 
 Those who have read some of the works of G. Stanley Hall, know 
 that there is only one Stanley Hall. He is an all-round thinker. He 
 has a way of writing, of piling fact on fact and theory on theory, which 
 is quite characteristic of him, and one needs but pick up the volumes 
 before us and read a few selected portions here and there to know at 
 once that the author is that inimitable writer and thinker, Stanley Hall. 
 
 I knew before-hand, then, that I was to sit down to a luxurious 
 intellectual feast when I opened the volumes of "Jesus, The Christ, 
 In The Light of Psychology. " Especially interested in Hall's method 
 of presentation of this subject and what he would have to say was I 
 because I had not long ago read a li ttle work which all who propose to 
 read Hall's new work should read in preparation for it. I refer to the 
 volume entitled "G. Stanley Hall, A Sketch" by Louis N. Wilson, the 
 librarian at Clark University, published in 1914. One should know the 
 author of a work of the kind I am here reviewing. You will ap- 
 preciate the reading of it so much the more. 
 
 Volume 1, with its 325 pages, besides the introduction, deals with 
 "Jesus' Physical Personality, " " Jesus in Literature, " " Jesus' Charac- 
 ter, Negative Views, " "The Nativity," and "Beginnings of the Su- 
 preme Pedagogy." 
 
 Volume 11, with its 408 pages, has six chapters, dealings with 
 "Messianity, Sonship, and the Kingdom," "Jesus' Eschatology, His 
 Inner Character, Purpose, and Work," "Jesus' Ethics and Prayer," 
 "The Parables of Jesus," "The Miracles," and "Death and Resur- 
 rection of Jesus. " 
 
 Since these volumes are the result of nearly twenty years and 
 more of study of this topic, by a man with a wonderfully keen and 
 analytical mind, a tremendous reader, a prodigious worker, and one 
 who approaches his problem with a background of a thorough knowl- 
 edge of psychology in all its ramifications, and with a firm grounding in 
 allied scientific fields of endeavor, one may well say that there is no 
 other living man who could have written on this subject in anything 
 like the manner in which Hall has done so. 
 
 190
 
 Reviews 191 
 
 Hall thoroughly discusses all that is written about Christ, and the 
 probable mental mechanisms of Christ and of those who believed in 
 him and wrote about him. He analyzes all the myths, the magic, 
 etc., built up about the name and life of Christ. He dissects the 
 parables, and discusses the miracles, the death and the resurrection of 
 Jesus. He endeavors to reduce all possible expressions or trends 
 which he finds in Jesus and his followers to their genetic origins, and 
 with the aid of comparative psychology, especially a knowledge of 
 anthropology and childhood tendencies, he points out here and there 
 certain universal trends which are at the bottom of it all. A study 
 of Christ and his followers, therefore, lays bare for us the fundamental 
 nature of what Hall calls the Mansoul. Consequently, he contends, 
 even if Christ never lived and the story built up about him is nothing 
 more than a myth, the meaning of it all is just as true for every one of 
 us, for it discloses some of the basic needs and tendencies of mankind. 
 
 Even though it all be allegory or symbolism or myth or figurative 
 rather than literal, Hall says in the introduction: "As a result of all 
 this, I believe I can now repeat almost every clause of the Apostles' 
 Creed with a fervent sentiment of conviction. My intellectual inter- 
 pretation of the meaning of each item of it probably differs toto caelo 
 from that of the average orthodox believer. To me not a clause of it 
 is true in a crass, literal, material sense, but all of it is true in a sense 
 far higher, which is only symbolized on the literal plane. " Although 
 personally I cannot subscribe to this statement, since I believe that 
 human freedom and conscious, reasoned control of human life and 
 relations lie in another direction, still, it shows how sympathetically 
 and kindly Hall has dealt with every aspect of his subject throughout 
 this classic. 
 
 There is no need to quote from this work, for all of it is written 
 in a flowing style, the thoughts being wonderfully expressed, and so 
 much of it so superb that one can quote and quote without end. 
 
 There are a few criticisms which can be offered, such as the ab- 
 sence of a summary in such work as this, presented in such a thorough 
 though at times complicated manner; the employment of so many 
 terms that one will find much trouble in learning the meaning of, such 
 as autism, and the like, unless one happens to have read certain special 
 books or articles; the absence of a glossary of terms; etc. But one 
 cannot have too much fed to one at a single feast. 
 
 It is enough to say that even without having read the many works 
 that Hall refers to in his two volumes, one feels free to declare that 
 this is the greatest book on Jesus Christ that has ever been written. 
 One cannot conceive how a greater one can be written.
 
 192 Reviews 
 
 If you want to know more about what Hall has to say, read it in 
 his two-volume work. 
 
 One of Hall's pupils owes it to the average layman to abstract 
 "Jesus, the Christ, in the Light of Psychology," and present the gist 
 of it in plain, easily understood phraseology, so that he who runs may 
 read and understand and be convinced. 
 
 May Hall's volume be followed by many other books which will 
 discuss not only Christianity, but religion in general, from the same 
 broad standpoint. Many books on this subject have appeared in 
 recent years. But most of the propaganda work lies all ahead. We 
 must make way for a new religion, better call it philosophy, for the 
 mass of humanity. It is the building up of such a philosophy, instilled 
 into the heart of man from his earliest years, which, if based on sound 
 views and principles, will lay the ground-work for a new world, a new 
 order, a new orientation. Especially is this needed in these terrible 
 and troublous times. 
 
 Who will be the savior? Our present religions and systems of 
 education and human relationships have proven a failure in so many 
 different ways, that the mass of humanity are in need of a new world 
 philosophy, a new religion. Where are the scientists? Cannot they 
 come to the rescue? 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 THE PSYCHOANALYTIC METHOD. By Dr. Oskar Pfister, Pastor 
 and Seminary Teacher in Zurich. Authorized translation by Dr. 
 Charles Rockwell Payne. New York: Moffat, Yard & Company, 
 1917. Pp. XVIII and 580 with index. Price, $4.00. 
 
 This is one of the flood of books on psychoanalysis which have 
 recently made their appearance as English translations from the 
 German. 
 
 Both Freud and G. Stanley Hall contribute short introductions 
 which precede the preface by Pfister. 
 
 One can say of this book that, from the standpoint of systematic 
 presentation, it is the best of the many books on psychoanalysis that 
 have appeared in English. 
 
 Following a chapter on the definition and history of psycho- 
 analysis, the work is divided into two parts, which deal with the theory 
 of psychoanalysis and the technique of psychoanalysis respectively. 
 The unconscious, repression, fixation, etc. are discussed from various 
 angles. 
 
 Chapters II and III show the confusion in the use of the terms and 
 the different concepts of "conscious," "unconscious," "emotion," 
 " will, "etc.
 
 Reviews 193 
 
 Many illustrative cases are scattered through the book. Some 
 of these are impressive, others less so. In most cases the full history, 
 as we should want it, is not given. The facts unearthed and presented 
 by the author, may or may not, in most of these cases, have had any- 
 thing to do with the causation and relief of the symptoms. In many 
 of his patients, especially those complaining of somatic symptoms, 
 such as pelvic pain, and the like, it seems that the author, who is a 
 pastor, did not take proper precautions to have competent and thorough 
 medical examinations made of the patients in order to exclude local 
 disease with certainty. From a survey of the cases offered as evidence 
 in support of his claims, I find that the author, like many other psychoan- 
 alysts, believes that all kinds of peripheral changes, sensory and motor, 
 of a voluntary and involuntary nature, affecting locomotor or vegeta- 
 tive systems, may be present as symbols of unconscious ideogenetic 
 and emotogenetic origin. His conception of the unconscious, which 
 is the conception of the psychoanalytic school, is not that of a complex 
 of conditioned reflexes of all kinds, but of a creative, elaborative power, 
 ideational-like, acting at the moment to produce all sorts of manifesta- 
 tions, even those of the most physiological and peripheral sort, both 
 transient and permanent. Here, too, we find that Pfister, in deciding 
 in favor of psychological as against physiological formulation of "the 
 unconscious, " fails to clearly define in what sense he employs the term 
 "psychological." His terms are those ordinarily used for self-con- 
 scious, ideational activities. 
 
 Although the author differs from Freud in some minor details 
 here and there, it seems to me that such differences, taken en masse, 
 do not prevent Pfister from really being practically a strictly orthodox 
 Freudian. 
 
 He shows a full grasp of Freudian literature, which he quotes 
 considerably. 
 
 But Pfister does not solve the problems and does not clear up the 
 complications and mysteries that have been pointed out time and 
 again in the Freudian theories. 
 
 The translation by Payne has been sympathetically rendered in 
 good English. 
 
 Speaking frankly, it seems to me that we would have an unspeak- 
 able state of affairs in this already long-suffering and unhappy world 
 if all pastors adopted the extreme and dangerous views of Pfister, 
 especially those of our supposed sexual make-up. 
 
 And whether Pfister realizes it or not, psychoanalysis has become 
 for him his real religion. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON.
 
 194 Reviews 
 
 THE ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION OF LIFE, ON THE THEORY OF ACTION 
 AND INTERACTION OF ENERGY. By Henry Fairfield Osborn, Sc. D., 
 Princeton, etc., of Columbia University, the U. S. Geological Survey, 
 and the American Museum of Natural History. New York: Charles 
 Scribner's Sons. 1917. Pp. xxi, 322; illustrations, 136. 27x16 c. m. 
 $3.00 net. 
 
 In certain essential respects this latest volume from Professor 
 Osborn's "pen" (or typing-machine or dictagraph) is an epoch-making 
 publication in the democratic advancement of general learning 
 words easily and often said to be sure, but here, at least, not lightly. 
 For the psychologist who reads it comprehendingly it must have 
 several startling and suggestive, useful convictions; to the average 
 anthropologist it must be almost like an indispensable preliminary 
 text book; to the untechnical but intelligent lawyer and business man 
 and school-ma'm and physician whether in war- work or "safe" at 
 home, it must be one of the absorbingly interesting biologic volumes 
 of a lifetime, an earnest of the vital clutch which all science worth the 
 cost of its publication even, may have on the unscientific human brain 
 and heart. And clutch on the heart this volume has, as well as on the 
 less plastic neopallium! It lends its reader a suggestion of rest and 
 fixation in an evanescent and worrisome life, orienting him; it lends him 
 a joyous peep, and more, or pretends to do so, into his real brute nature, 
 into the certain depths of the everlasting Whence?, the human query 
 only less incessant and insistent than the more certainly soluble Whith- 
 er? 
 
 Taking it "at its face," without search into the cosmology or into 
 the technical vertebrate paleontology which it throws so interestingly 
 on the shadow-screen, this book is as important for the elementary 
 technical student of biology as it is to the always eager Public, keen 
 for knowledge when they can have it fed to them in varied and always 
 pleasant tastes. It may prove a well-integrated philosophy of biologic 
 life, even, as satisfying to the psychologist searching ever for con- 
 tinuity, as to the physicist whose concept "energy" continually broad- 
 ens and deepens and aspires into the "monism" which must remain 
 the goal of both of these opposed yet complementary modes of thought. 
 Chemistry here too gets new sanction, as in the works of Mathews and 
 of Henderson (from which Doctor Osborn quotes), a sanction which 
 tends to make the old-time words materialism and idealism but as 
 aspects of a Fechner's arc. (Any internecine mediaeval contradiction 
 between them seems now as impossible as the survival of that Kaiser- 
 like king of Earth's destructive mechanisms, the carnivorous Tyranno- 
 saurus rex Osborn.) The book appeals, that's all, to all sorts and
 
 Reviews 195 
 
 conditions of intelligent women and men, while to the children the 
 very faery stories of the bed-time fire-glow must seem outdone. And 
 how the "smart" Sunday-newspaper artists might double their 
 salaries ! 
 
 The publishers' advertisement tells the truth as advertisements 
 do more and more often: " From latest discoveries Prof essor Osboni 
 pictures the lifeless earth and presents a new conception of the 
 origin and early evolution of living forms in terms of energy. In the 
 spirit of modern physics, chemistry, and biology, this is a reply to 
 Arrhenius' derivation oi life from space, to Darwin's doctrine of chance, 
 to Bergson's elan vital or internal guiding force. It gives evolutionary 
 thought another direction. The wonderful and beautiful succession 
 of life from its dawn to the time of the appearance of man is richly 
 illustrated and philosophically interpreted." 
 
 Morphology, as tectology at least, here gets a woful, hard knock; 
 perhaps it will help to awaken with its modernism gross anatomy and 
 morphology out of their age-long doze. Here it is shown that the 
 vital guiding thread is kinesis, dynamism, change, and not formed 
 "matter", form, vaguely conceived as more or less fixed. Old Bishop 
 Wilberforce himself, (whom Huxley argumentatively slew) would 
 almost be convinced that the interesting monkey was (as no one be- 
 lieves) a most proper and even a most orthodox forebear. 
 
 The book has an essential introduction, eight chapters, and an 
 important appendix. The titles of the former run thus, divided up 
 under two parts, "the adaptation of energy" and "the evolution of 
 animal form:" I, Preparation of the Earth for life; II, The sun and 
 its physicochemical origins of life; III, Energy-evolution of bacteria, 
 algae, and plants; IV, The origins of animal life and evolution of the 
 invertebrates; V, Visible and invisible evolution of the vertebrates; 
 VI, Evolution of body -form in the fishes and amphibians; VII, Form- 
 evolution of the reptiles and birds; and, VIII, Evolution of the mam- 
 mals. " The appendix suggests in seven notes some technical but very 
 important new matters from A. P. Mathews, Loeb, Gies, Ostwald, 
 etc. ; and gives a taxonomic table of animals. An up-to-date bibliog- 
 raphy and a fairly full index both of authors and of topics complete 
 the book. 
 
 It is hinted that a complementary volume will appear (if the 
 fashionable danse macaber does not prevent) which will carry the 
 argument into human life more explicitly than is done in the present 
 work; and in treatment quite unlike (we may well suppose) that of 
 "Men of the Old Stone Age," of "before the War." 
 
 In the trite philosophy of the circus side-show hawker, this popu-
 
 196 Reviews 
 
 larly attractive treatise has to be seen to be appreciated. But there 
 is scarcely a reader of the JOURNAL who would not find his time's 
 worth, as well as the worth of his money, in the reading and the owning 
 of this book. It is even more than it seems; it is like a presaging lecture 
 made delightful with fun and good humor though the dull and super- 
 ficial mind forever yet confuses good humor with superficiality and 
 snobbery with profundity and real dignity. The inherent interest of 
 the subject makes the book delightful, but no one with even a tinge of 
 insight will fail to see it as a potentially important contribution to the 
 philosophy of Life, of Earth's stupendous ventures, of man's whence? 
 and whither? It is Huxley outdone in "human" interest at least. 
 I have no hesitation in thus frankly praising the book (and in trying 
 to suggest its real meaning rather than its contents in detail) because 
 I think it a book of the years long to come in the history of the popu- 
 larization of science, the most certain and shortest road to scientific 
 evolution. If opinions differ as to its radicalism, its cold scientific 
 "certainty," the opinions will be for a time at least only opinions; 
 and an "inspiring" book is not necessarily able to inspire a mere 
 reviewer. But every reader must finish it enthused. 
 
 GEORGE V. N. DEARBORN. 
 Cambridge
 
 BY EMMA WHEAT GILLMORE, M. D. 
 
 CHAIRMAN COMMITTEE OF WOMEN PHYSICIANS GENERAL MEDICAL BOARD, 
 COUNCIL OF NATIONAL DEFEN 8 
 
 The same year that gold was discovered in California, a lone 
 pioneer received the first medical diploma which the United 
 States had issued to a woman. Other colleges shortly followed 
 the example of the one which had opened its doors to Elizabeth 
 Blackwell, and today over fifty co-educational medical schools 
 admit women upon the same terms as men. 
 
 There are more than 25,000 American physicians in military 
 service at this writing, and the Council of National Defense is 
 undertaking, through the Volunteer Medical Service Corps 
 an organization which has President Wilson's approval , the 
 task of classifying the qualifications of ninety thousand more. 
 Of these, about six thousand are women, less than one-third of 
 whom have registered with the General Medical Board. 
 
 Women of the profession, unless our qualifications are stan- 
 dardized and on file, can you not see that we are an unknown 
 quality and quantity as far as the Government is concerned? 
 In spite of the overwhelming difference in number 6,000 women 
 and over 100,000 men and regardless of the fact that over 
 twenty -two centuries have passed since Hippocrates wrote the 
 immortal Oath and only sixty-nine years have elapsed since 
 women entered the medical profession, the Volunteer Medical 
 Service Corps has invited them to membership with the same 
 impartial cordiality as it has the men. 
 
 During the last week in August application blanks for the 
 Volunteer Medical Service Corps were mailed in franked envel- 
 opes to all legally qualified men and women in the United States 
 who were not already in Government Service. Presumably a 
 number of women have been overlooked because many of them 
 are not members of medical societies, but this will speedily be 
 corrected if a notification of the omission is sent to the Volunteer 
 Medical Service Corps, Council of National Defense, Washington 
 D. C. 
 
 Meanwhile, medical women who possess a vision will see in 
 
 197
 
 198 Reviews 
 
 the Volunteer Medical Service Corps an incomparable method 
 of organization which will register their qualifications and place 
 them in an identical coded class system with men physicians. 
 This Corps is in reality an ideal procedure for mobilizing the 
 military forces of our country for selective medical war service. 
 Incidentally it will place loyal and patriotic medical women by 
 the side of those men who are willing to give themselves. Even 
 though all of them are not elected to membership, their names 
 will be on file with the Government as willing to serve as far as 
 their strength and capability will permit, and no one can point 
 a finger at them and say "slacker." 
 
 Will a page be turned over in the history of American Medi- 
 cal Women upon which will be written the qualifications of 6,000 
 of them, matching that group of English physicians known as 
 the Scottish Women's Hospitals, which was so perfectly organ- 
 ized that they were able to hand over to their Government a 
 constructively organized body of professional women for military 
 service? Or shall we continue, as we have done in sporadic 
 groups for the past 69 years, to demand recognition of men and 
 at the same time neglect to unanimously affiliate with them in 
 recognized medical societies, and to withhold our influence both 
 with pen and vote when medico-social and medico-political and 
 medico-scientific issues are at stake which shake the very founda- 
 tion upon which medicine rests? 
 
 The body politic of the civilized world holds a prominent 
 place for the profession of medicine in the near future. Are we 
 to have a hand in shaping it? The Volunteer Medical Service 
 Corps is big with promise for women of the medical profession 
 if we take advantage of it to put ourselves on record. The 
 response which the Council of National Defense receives from 
 women who apply for membership will tell the tale as to whether 
 they have or have not grasped and taken advantage of the un- 
 precedented opportunity which this world's war for Democracy 
 has opened up for them through the medium of the Volunteer 
 Medical Service Corps. 
 
 NOTE 
 
 The conclusion of THE ILLUSION OF LEVITATTON, by Lydiard 
 H. Horton, will appear in the October issue of THE- JOURNAL.
 
 TABLE V 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF VARIATION TOTALS FOR DIFFERENT DIAGNOSES 
 
 v. T. 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 11 
 12 
 13 
 14 
 15 
 16 
 17 
 18 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 22 
 23 
 24 
 25 
 26 
 27 1 1 1 
 
 No. of 
 cases. 503 146 60 380 41 12 19 54 43 21 15 8 65 218 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 8 -a 
 
 *d 6 
 
 u 
 <u 
 
 a 
 
 w 
 
 _> 
 
 .2 
 
 .sg 
 
 _ 
 
 .H S 
 
 _o 8 i 
 
 S"2 "2 
 
 O'o <g M 
 
 rt QJ 
 d> to 
 
 
 1 
 
 4* 
 
 <D t-i 
 
 8 2 
 
 h C 
 
 5.A 
 
 ID'S 
 
 i 
 
 g 
 
 3 
 
 11 
 
 i! 
 
 fi 
 
 II 
 
 ~ & 
 
 g.0 
 
 ^5 
 
 
 I! 
 
 
 O 
 55 
 
 K 
 
 <u 
 
 1 
 
 * 
 
 s 
 
 * 
 
 Q 
 
 
 a 
 
 w ft t 
 
 3 & 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 i 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 3 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 -- 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 17 
 
 5 
 
 
 3 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 28 
 
 11 
 
 
 9 
 
 3 
 
 i 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 50 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 9 
 
 77 
 
 13 
 
 1 
 
 31 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 i 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 61 
 
 20 
 
 5 
 
 33 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 71 
 
 17 
 
 9 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 8 
 
 22 
 
 50 
 
 19 
 
 6 
 
 50 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 2 11 
 
 25 
 
 46 
 
 14 
 
 10 
 
 35 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 6 
 
 20 
 
 37 
 
 15 
 
 7 
 
 49 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 17 
 
 23 
 
 6 
 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 1 4 
 
 18 
 
 13 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 21 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 5 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 17 
 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 16 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 14 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 3 
 
 3 
 
 10 
 
 2 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1
 
 ERRATA 
 
 The author has called attention to several errors in the 
 printing of the article "Point Scale Examinations on the High 
 Grade Feeble Minded and the Insane" published on page 77. of 
 the June number of the Journal. We give below a list of correc- 
 tions, with the request that subscribers alter their original copies 
 to correspond thereto. 
 
 We have also reprinted, at the request of the author, Table 
 V in order that this table may appear in its entirety upon one 
 page. 
 
 Page 78. Lines 13, 14, 15: read after 16, 24, 16 and 24. 
 Page 85. Fourth line from bottom of page: for " (p. 00) " 
 
 read "(p. 84)." 
 
 Page 87. Lines 9 and 10: read after 6.9 and 6.4 
 Page 89. In Test 5, score (38-45), Test 9, score (38-45), 
 
 Test 10, score (25-30), Test 10, score (31-37) the 
 
 figure 2 should not be in italics; Test 11, score 
 
 (46-52) for "4" read "3". 
 
 At the bottom of the page, add a row to the 
 
 table reading: 
 
 17 (100) t) (100) (83) (70) 0, 1 (73) 
 Page 90. For "76-7" read "76-79." 
 Page 96. Number Plates: Upper "Plate 1 (a)," Lower 
 
 " Plate 1 (b)." 
 
 Page 112. For "Test No. (b) " read "Test No. 7 (b) " 
 Appendix B. It was not the intention of the writer, of 
 course, to make it appear that the discussion 
 of one test belonged under the "General 
 Rules" for grading the preceding test.
 
 THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 VOL. XIII OCTOBER, 1918 NUMBER 4 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 E. E. SOUTHARD 
 
 
 
 IT is safe to say that Ego and Alter are about as far away 
 from each other as ever. The Socii 1 ' 2 are not thoroughly 
 explained on Consciousness of Kind. 3 There is much that 
 points to the downfall of the Economic Man or of any 
 other Humpty-Dumpty type built more on identities than 
 differences. The whole brood of the humdrummers who take 
 men and women as sufficiently alike for all practical purposes is 
 a brood bound to degenerate and die out. I have even read in a 
 book on Guild-socialism 4 that provision would be made for 
 geniuses in the regenerate world, though I must say there was 
 less to the point concerning the insane and the feeble-minded. 
 A little more attention to Ego and Alter, perhaps more especially 
 to Ego and its types (e. g. by thinking one's own selves over in the 
 memory procession), would do both the capitalist and the 
 socialist humdrummers a vast lot of good. 
 
 The immediate object of this paper is hardly to contribute 
 much to the large question of human interest, the interest the 
 Socii are found to take in each other and then translate into 
 action. I wish to borrow from aesthetics and psychology a term 
 for this human interest, a term coined, I believe, by Titchener^, 
 viz., empathy. 5 I wish to study our relations of empathy with 
 the pronounced psychopaths, hoping to gather therefrom some 
 points of service in the larger matter of human interest in the 
 Fellow in general. The term empathy, happy though it seems, 
 is not at all the real issue. The term itself was built up designed- 
 
 Copyright 1919 by Richard Q. Badger. All Rights Reserved. 
 
 199
 
 
 200 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 ly on the analogy of the term sympathy. I seek to set forth 
 what I conceive to be implicitly recognized by all, viz., that 
 there is an attitude of empathy quite distinct from the attitude 
 of sympathy. The world takes, in criminals, or in races or 
 nations, a human interest often termed sympathy but actually 
 of another sort. 
 
 The existence of this human interest or empathy depends on 
 how, far we read or feel ourselves into the person, group, nation, 
 or race. I say "read or feel into" instead of "in", so that by 
 doing a little violence to the idiom the interior aspect of the 
 process may be stressed. This process is one of empathy, not 
 always of sympathy. Sympathy itself is of course an ancient 
 and beautiful term. Sympathy meant feeling with another, 
 like feeling, but the feeling with did not always mean a transla- 
 tion into, nor did likeness go so far as identification. In fact the 
 sympathetic person was often chargeable with being a bit super- 
 ior to the person sympathized with. Sympathetic, the adjective, 
 seems to have built up so philologists say on the analogy of 
 pathetic: that is, sympathetic ought to be sympathic, as indeed in 
 some languages it becomes. And a little of the pathos of pathetic 
 has usually clung to sympathetic. As for empathy, however, the 
 adjective empathic seems to be more suitable than empathetic, 
 if only because the latter would even more damagingly suggest 
 pathos. 
 
 Sympathies and empathies may occur together or apart. 
 Perhaps more often they occur apart. We sympathize, we say, 
 with the sorrows of Belgium. But it is a question how thorough- 
 ly we empathize with the Belgians, how thoroughly we can, here 
 and now in America, read or feel ourselves into their plight. 
 We have not memories enough for that level of imagination. 
 Emotional attitude is perhaps the most important part of 
 sympathy. > Quite another thing is that effort of imagination 
 and that assumption of a conscious attitude which are required 
 in empathy. 
 
 We do not sympathize with the considerable sorrows of 
 Germany, say of the Kaiser. Can we not empathize in their 
 situation? Can we not readily hark back to perhaps our selfish 
 childhood (or to the selfish childhood or youth of some other) 
 and read ourselves (or at one remove) into the Teutonic situation? 
 
 Germany says she is defending herself. Do we sympathize 
 with her? Yes, perhaps, whether we think she is defending her- 
 self or whether we think she merely thinks she is defending her-
 
 E. E. Southard 201 
 
 self. The sympathy is an emotional attitude which we do or do 
 not assume. How many Americans can really empathize the 
 Teutonic defense-reaction? How many can read or feel them- 
 selves into that felt passivity? Yet, if diplomats do not, the 
 peace negotiations will be for long at cross purposes. 
 
 But what sort of process is empathy? It is obviously not 
 a mere sensation or a mere pleasure-pain feeling. Historically, 
 the idea took definite shape in connection with certain illusions 
 of space perception and certain aesthetic reactions. It can 
 hardly be a mere process of association, except in some very 
 broad sense of that term. Empathy must clearly bear some 
 relation to one's power of imagination. Is it emotional? If 
 we can realize ourselves in other persons, races, or even animals 
 or inanimate objects, clearly a good dieal of kinesthetic "set" 
 will be brought about, and there may well be emotion set free 
 or modified. 
 
 It is plainly desirable at this point to look more narrowly 
 into the usage and value of the idea, in which I shall follow 
 Titchener. Thereafter, I shall try to state what different 
 empathies the psychopathic types of person make in us, largely 
 as a practical matter of diagnostic aid, but with an eye on more 
 general implications. 
 
 Titchener's first reference to empathy is to its possibly 
 explaining certain spatial perceptive illusions, e. g. illusions of 
 the Miiller-Lyer type. By an empathic process we are conceived 
 to read ideas into the figures. "We read ourselves, or feel 
 ourselves, into the lines of the figure." "We tend, just because 
 we are human beings, to humanise the forms about us; a column 
 seems, according to its proportions, to stretch up easily to its 
 load, or to plant itself doggedly under a too heavy pressure, 
 precisely as a man might do." With respect to the special 
 problem of the spatial illusion-figures, to be sure, Titchener 
 prefers to explain them chiefly on another ground, viz., that of 
 physiological mechanism expressed in eye-movements, "tempt- 
 ed" as he somewhat ideologically says, to continue beyond their 
 proper point or on the other hand "checked." However, the 
 general theory of spatial illusions may stand, empathy in the 
 sense of the reading-in of associated ideas (Einfiihlung of Lipps. 6 ) 
 is at least a subordinate factor in most instances, and the general 
 disposition or "cortical set" is another such operative though 
 subordinate factor. 
 
 Empathy is however far more than a subordinate factor in
 
 202 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 attitudes taken merely to space perceptions of visual nature. 
 Empathy, as Titchener more generally defines it, is the name 
 given to "the process of humanizing objects, of reading or feeling 
 ourselves into them." Empathic processes are prominent in 
 visual imagination, not necessarily as primary features, but 
 as attendant, supplementary, interfusing processes. 7 One of- 
 Titchener's observers reported, as to his image of a fish, "coo/, 
 pleasant sensations all up my arms; slippery feeling in my throat; 
 coolness in my eyes; the object spreads all over me and I over it; 
 it is not referred to me, but I belong to it. " This fish-image was an 
 "image of imagination," not a " memory -image, " to use Titchen- 
 er's distinction. The fish-image was here not aroused with per- 
 sonal reference to definite fishing-excursions of the past. Set 
 before a blank wall, the observer did not rove with his eyes, move 
 restlessly, and strive to bring up filmy and vaporous past memo- 
 ries, sometimes losing his visual imagery altogether and filling out 
 the gaps by assuming fisherman's movements or even imitating 
 the motor dodges of the fish itself. On the other hand, the ob- 
 server was in a state of motor quiescence, fixated the fish steadily 
 on the blank wall, and got a substantial, three-dimensional, 
 perhaps appropriately colored object in imagination, a new, 
 strange, unremembered. personally detached, imaginary fish 
 to which were added the empathic associations "spreads over me 
 and I over it, " etc. 
 
 The imagined fish, thus solid, stable, and empathically 
 supported, now stands at the focus of consciousness. Shortly 
 all sorts of meaning may enter (the fish of ^x^ or Christian 
 theology, the sacred codfish of Massachusetts, or even some 
 reference to the observer's old fisherman's luck of some past 
 day); but all these meanings and references are aside from the 
 image and represent merely a bit more of the flow of conscious- 
 ness. The fish-image may even start a train of feelings of bodily 
 discomfort and leave a kinesthetic sequel quite as marked as 
 any got by telling a true fish-story. But, as is well known, true 
 fish-stories rarely do get told, so mobile, foamy, and unsubstan- 
 tial are the memories of any fisherman. How much easier it is, 
 even if you are a poor fisherman or no fisherman at all, to sit 
 down and build an immobile, firm-fleshed, and solid fish-image, 
 the perfect basis for a glorious yarn. 
 
 One may thus, with Titchener, prefer an active to a passive 
 account of the imaginative consciousness. 4 The imaginer plans 
 moulds, constructs, works up, applies skilled labor the emotive
 
 E. E. Southard 203 
 
 side of the process being all the while rather vague and pretty 
 much a matter of general disposition. Indeed there may be, 
 according to Titchener, more emotion attached to the varying 
 success or failure of the process itself (whether one is achieving 
 a trout or a hornpout, though this is not Titchener's example) 
 than any emotion intrinsically related to the fish-image itself. 
 And "meanwhile, also, all sorts of empathic complexes have 
 formed about the focal processes, vivifying and personalizing the 
 partial products of the constructive effort" an effect of the 
 constantly integrative tendency of consciousness along the 
 specific lines of the imaginer's disposition, capacity, and ex- 
 perience. 
 
 But empathy is not merely a process of humanizing visual 
 perceptions or visual imagery. One may "empathize," if this 
 term be allowed, in respect to many non-visual matters. 
 Titchener himself speaks of motor empathy. 5 This was in the 
 matter of so-called "imageless thought" and the analysis of 
 James' feelings of relation. The polemic is here of no conse- 
 quence. James had urged that "we ought to say a feeling of 
 and, a feeling of if, a feeling of but, and a feeling of by, quite as 
 readily as we say a feeling of blue or a feeling of cold. " Titchen- 
 er thinks not, and finds that, though the feelings of relation 
 occur and can be got out in isolation and at full strength, they 
 are really not elementary processes, but are kinesthetic com- 
 plexes. 6 They are perhaps reduced, degenerate, vestigial re- 
 mains of ancestral motor attitudes. 7 According to Titchener, 
 "in the author's experience, the feelings of relation are never 
 simple. They are matters of motor empathy; the relation is 
 acted out, though in imaginal rather than in sensory terms." 
 He goes on to say, "sometimes the kinesthetic images are ac- 
 companied by a visual image, itself usually symbolic; sometimes 
 they are strongly colored by pleasantness-unpleasantness." It 
 is worth while pointing out that neither the symbolic nor the 
 emotional components here are necessary parts of the empathic 
 process taken in and for itself. 
 
 Empathy, it is plain, is more intellectual than emotional. 
 Though empathy readily leads the sympathies, it may well stop 
 at a coldly rational view of its object, pleasing only because it 
 fits the thinker's general views and habits. The human interest 
 of sundry newspaper stories is often a matter of empathy rather 
 than sympathy. There is an emotion, the sort of emotion, 
 namely, that human interest and will imply, but this need not be
 
 204 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 connected in the slightest with any genuine altruistic feeling or 
 sympathy for the heroine or villain of the headlines. But is not 
 this a greatly extended interpretation of the term empathy? 
 Should it not be limited to aesthetics and art education, in 
 accordance with the initial usage of Einfuhlung in Lipps' Raumes- . 
 thetik in 1897; or as popularized by Miinsterberg in his Principles 
 of Art Education in 1905? Vernon Lee gives in a small book the 
 stock examples of empathy, devoting no less than two chapters 
 to the topic; and numerous illustrations are given by Vernon 
 Lee and Anstruther-Thomson. But the idea of Einfuhlung and 
 the ideas involved in the somewhat greater term empathy de- 
 vised by Titchener are clearly not to be impounded for art alone. 
 
 In fact, a moment's reflection will show how many motives 
 in human thought are implied in this idea of reading or feeling 
 oneself into an object. Clearly animism is often a kind of 
 empathy, in which one perceives in other men, animals, plants, 
 natural phenomena, and a variety of objects a personalizing or 
 personifying factor, namely, the soul. In fact, much of the wide 
 sweep of many philosophical doctrines is in one sense based on 
 reading oneself into portions or the whole of the world. Hylo- 
 zoism has its empathic suggestion. The Leibnitzian monads 
 are not innocent of the charge. The whole question of im- 
 manence and transcendence has some bearing on the point. 
 Ancient doctrines of magic, of fetishism, of nature worship, of 
 shamanism are not unrelated. Anthropomorphism and sundry 
 theological problems in personality lead in the same direction. 
 Whether in more modern days the polemic of Avenarius against 
 all introjection theories of Berkeley an type has something to do 
 with the empathy problem, I may leave to specialists in Aven- 
 arius. The interesting term eject, contrived by Clifford for some 
 one else's thought in the terms of a thinker's unconsciousness, 
 was employed by Romanes, and we may safely regard this eject 
 idea as closely related to our topic. 
 
 Still more modernly speaking, we might inquire how far 
 empathy is related with the concept now identified with the 
 Freudians, namely, that of narcissism, sometimes abbreviated 
 to narcism. This term, apparently chosen by Nacke upon a 
 suggestion of Havelock Ellis, and considered for the first time 
 elaborately by a Freudian, Rank, in 1911 (also by Freud, 1914), 
 is a conceived state or phase of development in which a child 
 regards everything in relation to himself and not as related with 
 other things. According to the Freudian doctrine of successive
 
 E. E. Southard 205 
 
 phases of development in human life, the narcistic phase follows 
 the auto-erotic phase and precedes (perhaps somewhat fuses 
 with) the homo-sexual phase that antedates the so-called achieve- 
 ment of heterosexuality. But what is narcism if not a species- 
 of reading or feeling oneself into an object or objects, in such an 
 intimate fashion that the surrounding environment is virtually 
 taken as a part of the self? But if it be a poor sort of empathy 
 which leads oneself only to approve, appreciate, and fraternize 
 with oneself, then the higher homosexual phase even more 
 certainly looks like a form of empathy, a form in which, so to 
 say, the Narcissus Ego discovers in some Alter something into 
 which he reads, feels, or empathizes himself. 
 
 So much may serve to indicate the wealth of philosophical 
 and psychological ideas that flow in and about this notion of 
 empathy. Though the concept at first sight seems a very 
 special concept of aesthetics and largely dependent upon kines- 
 thesia, empathy eventually spins a web of relations with all 
 sorts of philosophical concepts from solipsism, on the one hand, 
 to pantheism on the other. It is not too much to say that ideas; 
 of this sort stick very deeply into life, and that the whole front 
 that we present in our practical human interests (such as the 
 time-honored question of egoism and altruism) depends upon 
 what stand we take on this matter of reading oneself into another 
 object. 
 
 Man has the defects of his virtues and, by virtue of becoming 
 complex, has run the danger of a variety of losses and twists 
 that lower forms of life escape. By becoming complex in 
 physicochemical structure, the brain (to say nothing of all the 
 auxiliary organs and tissues that supply it with energy in one 
 form or other) has run the danger of diseases and defects, that 
 we psych opathologists think cause a large minority, if not a 
 majority, of human ills. Suppose it could be shown that the 
 Hohenzollern, on the one hand, or the Bolsheviki, on the other, 
 were actually victims of psychopathic defect: Would it not profit 
 the world to gain a deeper understanding of psychopathy and a 
 quicker capacity for catching its signs? f In fact, some psycho* 
 pathologists believe that a keener sense of the psychopathic on 
 the part of the world will do away with many of the evils of false 
 leadership that now drag us down. 1 
 
 How shall the world gain this keener sense of the psycho- 
 pathic in its members, especially in its leaders? One touch of 
 nature makes the whole world kin, and the empathic index foe
 
 206 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 these kindred fellows is clearly high. We read ourselves or feel 
 ourselves into these kindred persons on the basis of their resem- 
 blance to us their touches of nature. I think, therefore, we 
 should initiate researches upon this matter of empathy in the 
 psychopathic. That is, we ought to study, for eventual transfer 
 to our normal fellows, the extent to which we can read or feel 
 ourselves into the frankly insane or psychopathic. Analyse 
 as we may by the finest technical methods the different parts of 
 the mental life, and enumerate and measure as we may these 
 dements and compounds in the psyche, we shall not readily get 
 =out of these disjecta membra of the mind any standard of normal- 
 ity for our patients. In fact, the psychologists can amply 
 show, in the regions thus far subjected to the experimental 
 method, that the psychopathic patient falls in his reactions well 
 within normal curves of distribution. Un fact, the metric 
 psychologist too often believes that there is no special psycho- 
 pathic problem from the standpoint of psychology. /This view 
 is much like that of a physiologist who might conceive that all 
 the problems of pathology could be solved by physiological 
 methods. Meantime, the sciences of pathology and of psycho- 
 pathology exist and unfold. 
 
 Should we not, then, make some use of the off-hand and globar 
 view of a man which a reasonably normal fellow finds himself 
 to possess? When the psychiatrist operates medico-legally 
 as an alienist in court, he is quickly made aware by the questions 
 of the attorneys on both sides, by the attitude of the jurymen, 
 and even by the questions and rulings of the court, that much 
 depends upon the reading of the self (by the attorneys, jurymen, 
 or judges) into the plaintiffs and defendants. 1 What we here do 
 practically, ought to be studied theoretically, j 
 
 Upon what should we rely? The so-called unconscious of 
 the diagnostician, or his conscious reasoning power? Decidedly, 
 so far as possible, the latter. Provided that a man has a right 
 to be a psychiatrist at all, he is probably able to empathize 
 successfully, make a Cliffordian eject of his fellowman, homolo- 
 gize himself with this man, animate him, as it were, with his own 
 type of soul, and see his own reflection in his fellow in difficulties. 
 Of course, there are plenty of perfectly shrewd and keen persons 
 who belong, let us say, more in surgery than in psychiatry, the 
 men who analyse and perform well, but who are not supreme in 
 synthesis. Rather than be a shrewd but non-synthetic unit, I 
 personally should somewhat prefer, if I were going to be a
 
 E. E. Southard 207 
 
 psychiatrist, to be a simple type of person, f I should want to 
 be a rather naive person, who could rely upon his judgments as 
 uncolored by prejudice (save by native and communal pre- 
 judices: ideals of the tribe or of the market-place), and who 
 could make a judgment of his fellow man pretty well in accord- 
 ance with what the Freudians conceal in their term Unconscious. 
 In short, though it is finer to be synthetic than to be naive, it 
 may prove practically better to be na'ive than to be analytic. 
 (Perhaps this digression may explain the odd and generally 
 recognized fact that psychiatry is divided amongst rather naive 
 and inexplicably simple representatives and other men of ex- 
 traordinarily complex and ratiocinative persons. Accordingly, 
 a research in the empathic index of psychopathic persons as 
 considered by psychiatrists would have to take into account the 
 psychiatrist himself and possibly load the results of the research 
 one way or the other according to the capacity of the examiner.) 
 I How far, then, can we and do we read ourselves into the 
 insane and psychopathic? (For the moment, I have no plan of 
 presenting set statistics on the matter, although we have been 
 collecting some data at the Psychopathic Hospital along the 
 line. The point of this paper will, on the other hand, be to bring 
 out the general nature of the problem by considering some rather 
 obvious features in the clinical diagnosis of certain genera in the 
 great groups of mental disease. 
 
 In approaching the psychopathic, the psychiatrist may put 
 the question about empathy in a variety of ways. Following is 
 a small number among the probably infinite variety of ways in 
 which the question may be put: 
 
 How far can you read or feel yourself into the patient? 
 
 Can you identify yourself with the patient? 
 
 Disregarding your sympathies and abhorrences, can you 
 empathize with the patient? 
 
 Reversing the "giftie" proverbially craved, can you see 
 the "ither" as you see "yersel," i. e. can you see yourself acting 
 under some circumstances precisely as he is acting? 
 
 Can you put yourself in his place? 
 
 Conceding nil absolutely alienum, can you see the patient, 
 not as similar to you merely, but as identical with you in your 
 probable reactions? 
 
 Is the likeness to your own probable reactions specific 
 rather than generic? 
 
 Does this patient's reaction seem intrinsically human or is 
 there something extrinsic and non -human about the reaction?
 
 208 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 Is this "just what a child would do?" (if so, empathic test 
 positive, because each of us readily empathizes with a child). 
 
 Is this "the touch of nature?" (Empathic test positive, 
 because empathy is precisely making the world kin). 
 
 Is this "just what anyone would do?" (Empathic test 
 positive) . 
 
 Is this "just what I would do if I were sick?" (Empathic 
 test positive). 
 
 Is this "just what I would do if I were crazy?" (Empathic 
 test probably positive, because most of us early contrive an idea 
 how it would be to be crazy, an idea usually built on lines of our 
 own, i. e., normal experience). 
 
 There are some eleven major groups of mental diseases, 
 according to an analysis of Psychopathic Hospital material 
 recently made. I shall speak with injurious brevity concerning 
 the empathic test or index in these groups. I have throughout 
 spoken of the empathic index because I feel that in the long run 
 degrees of empathy would be established for many diseases and 
 that the question "How far can one empathize" will eventually 
 be susceptible to a metric or at all events an ordinal division. 
 For practical purposes in our work so far, the answers concerning 
 empathy reduce for the most part to positive and negative. I 
 do or do not empathize with this particular patient. Now my 
 view is that the empathic test is an indicator or index of diagno- 
 sis between certain groups of mental diseases and indeed amongst 
 the sub-divisions of certain groups. 
 
 Adopting for convenience the diagnostic order above re- 
 ferred to, I would proceed to Group I, the Syphilopsychoses, 
 or mental diseases of the syphilitic group. By and large, the 
 psychiatrist and the layman will empathize positively with respect 
 to most of the Syphilopsychoses. So far as the meningitic, vascul- 
 ar and gummatous cases are concerned, the mental symptoms are 
 usually so little in evidence in many instances, that the examiner 
 treats the case as "sick" in the sense of ordinary somatic 
 disease and he sees nothing in a patient's reactions with which 
 he cannot fully empathize. 
 
 With respect to general paresis, it might be inquired whether 
 at least the excited and grandiose phase of general paresis would 
 not show a low empathic index. The demented and depressive 
 types of paresis do not excite one's feelings of a lack of empathy. 
 Dementia may not excite empathic feelings in us one way or 
 another, just by reason of the lack of reaction. The abysmal
 
 E. E. Southard 209 
 
 depth of depression that we sometimes find in the paretic remains 
 nevertheless often quite empathic with us normal beings. The 
 depression is merely exceedingly deep, but is after all, just such 
 a depression as one might feel. 
 
 But is it not probable that the grandiosity of the excited 
 paretic shall afford instances of negative empathy? On the 
 whole, I do not find that my own empathy is as a rule low for 
 this paretic megalomania. Possibly my negative judgment is 
 disarmed by the facial expression and whole motor attitude of 
 the paretic, which is likely to be perfectly consonant with the 
 grandeur felt, also I perceive that the paretic is physically sick 
 and tremulous, and with it all any tendency to a negative 
 empathy is pooled in the idea that after all this, though quite 
 out of the ordinary range, may nevertheless run quite in the 
 normal direction of feelings possible to the normal man under 
 certain circumstances. 
 
 With respect to Group II, the Feeblemindednesses (or what 
 I have tried to term, the hypophrenoses) , I find the empathic 
 community of feeling is distinctly present in the majority of us. 
 To be sure, some of the idiots and low imbeciles with set ex- 
 pressions of a gargoyle nature, may give a negative empathy. 
 It may be that throughout the hypophrenic group, our sym- 
 pathies are so much in play that it is difficult to make a cold- 
 blooded rational reaction, such as the true empathic decision 
 must be. On the whole, the reactions of the feebleminded, both 
 singly and in groups, strike the observer as of the happiest. 
 Nothing surprises the uninitiated more than to find how happy 
 the inside of a school for feebleminded is. I find little of diag- 
 nostic value in these empathies. 
 
 With respect to the epileptics, Group III. I conceive that 
 quite another situation holds. Epilepsy is the morbus sacer, the 
 disease of mystery. W'hether the reaction be occasionally one 
 of pathological politeness so called, or whether the phase of 
 unreasonable irritability rubs us the wrong way, whether the 
 unaccountable occasional amnesia and the queer optimism of the 
 epileptic contribute to the result, it is impossible to estimate. 
 On the whole, however, the epileptic seems to me to rouse not 
 only less sympathy than the feebleminded person, both single 
 and en masse, but it also proves far less possible for the normal 
 man to read himself into the epileptic in the empathic manner. 
 Possibly this is a somewhat personal reaction on my own part. 
 Research should be undertaken in the matter. . Comparative
 
 210 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 studies might well be made in the globar reaction of empathy 
 which the epileptic makes as against what the hypophrenic 
 makes. 
 
 With respect to Group IV, the group of mental diseases due 
 to alcohol, drugs and poisons, we find our empathic index, as a 
 rule, high. Whereas our sympathies may carry us in either 
 direction, our empathy is pretty nearly positive. On the whole, 
 what the alcoholic does is something like what any of us might 
 do. The variation of experiences of the alcoholic is such that 
 apparently we can all read ourselves into the alcoholic situation 
 somewhat. Even were the psychic phenomena of alcoholism 
 in themselves so queer and outside the range of the normal 
 altogether, yet the frequency of these phenomena would give the 
 normal man a high empathy for the alcoholic. 
 
 The morphinist, on the other hand, is, so far as I have been 
 able to observe him in a small experience, far less the object both 
 of sympathy and far less positive when it comes to the empathic 
 test. There are, however, within the group of the pharmaco- 
 psychoses some empathic tests. I should say that on the whole, 
 the victim of delirium tremens yielded a positive empathic 
 test in many instances, when victims of the companion disease 
 alcoholic hallucinosis yield a lower index. The fact that in 
 alcoholic hallucinosis, a perfectly clear consciousness gets split 
 with hallucinatory data means of course a situation that seems 
 far less consistent than the situation in delirium tremens. The 
 victim of delirium tremens is, as a rule, a sick looking man, with 
 tremors, flushing and sweating, and he somehow seems to us 
 the more or less appropriate vehicle of his hallucinations. But 
 as to this minor distinction of sub-groups, it would not be well 
 to speak without a statistical and long-standing analysis. 
 
 With respect to the poison cases, nothing special need be 
 said. 
 
 With respect to Group V, the mental diseases due to mani- 
 fest focal brain disorder, I would say that the victims of this sort 
 of mental disease, like those of the somatic or symptomatic 
 group Group VI, strike us as on the whole sick persons. They 
 strike us as not unlike what we ourselves would be under certain 
 circumstances. The phenomena strike one as quasi-normal, 
 judged by the standard of diseases in general. Even phenomena 
 of the vascular (arteriosclerotic) group, with their physical 
 accompaniments of paralysis, for example, do not strike us as 
 anything but quasi-normal.
 
 E. E. Southard 211 
 
 With respect to the seventh or presenile-senile group 
 Geriopsychoses I find that the empathic index is in many in- 
 stances much lower than I should naturally think that it might 
 have been. The fact that the world, as it were, confronts the 
 oncoming of a certain dementia as a necessary feature of old age 
 ought to give most of us a high empathy for the condition. 
 Possibly the true simple dementias due to plain wasting of 
 brains do so give us this high estimate of the quasi-normality 
 of the clinical phenomena shown. However, amongst the pre- 
 senile psychoses with their curious hypokinetics, and amongst 
 some of the presbyophrenias with their strange falsifications, I 
 find numerous instances in which the empathic test comes out 
 negative. We do not read or feel ourselves into the situation 
 presented by these patients, whatever may be our sympathy for 
 the obvious fact of the old age. 
 
 It is with the next two groups the eighth and ninth groups 
 of schizophrenia and cyclothymia respectively that the differ- 
 ential value of the empathic test, according to my prediction, 
 will be found greatest. The schizophrenic (dementia praecox) 
 group is by the very nature of the dissociations, which are very 
 prominent in it and which have given rise to Bleuler's designa- 
 tion (schizophrenia) a group of cases in which the phenomena 
 are by hypothesis strange. Somewhat less strange in the hebe- 
 phrenic subgroup are the phenomena of catatonia and many of 
 the paranoids approach the apex of strangeness amongst the 
 whole range of psychopathic symptoms. The dissociation, 
 splitting, the schiztic character of the deliverances of the victim 
 of dementia praecox give one an impression of queerness that 
 probably no other phenomena can give. This impression is 
 certainly confirmed by the details of analysis, say of a given 
 set of actions or grimaces, or a manuscript letter, but what we 
 are studying here is not so much the results of analysis as the 
 globar and total effects produced by the patient. 
 
 Without here bringing statistical data to bear upon the 
 point, I venture the prediction that an offhand diagnosis of 
 dementia praecox can often be made (as against the cyclothymic) 
 from the general impressions conveyed by the patient. In fact, 
 the phrase "general impression" is nothing but a phrase for the 
 basis of the empathic test.u Many a tyro in psychiatry has won- 
 dered how his hospital superintendent, with his brow furrowed 
 with the care of ways and means, can possibly arrive at a rapid 
 diagnosis of good or evil prognosis in a man whom he is allowed
 
 214 The Empathic Index in the Diagnosis of Mental Diseases 
 
 6. Lipps. Raumaesthetik und geometrisch-optische Tauschun- 
 gen, 1897. 
 
 7. Perky. American Journal Psychology, 21, 1910, p. 422ff. 
 
 8. Titchener. Loc. cit., 119, p. 422. 
 
 9. Loc. cit., 140, p. 514. 
 
 10. Rowland. The Psychological Experiences connected with 
 the Different Parts of Speech., 1907, 24 ff. (Psychol. Review, Mon. 
 Suppl. 32). 
 
 11. Washburn. The Term "Feeling." Jour. Philos., Psychol., 
 and Sci. Method, 3, 1906, p. 63.
 
 FOREWORD TO "THE OCCURRENCE OF 
 REVOLUTIONS" 
 
 BY BORIS SIDIS 
 
 THE following paper is timely and interesting from a 
 scientific point of view in general and from a psy- 
 chological standpoint in particular. The present 
 European war is well termed a world war, the greatest 
 war of nations on the records of history, a war shaking social 
 organizations with their conflicting instincts and passions to the 
 very foundations. This world maelstrom in which nations, 
 large and small, are caught unawares is fraught with events no 
 one can foresee, with consequences no contemporary can con- 
 ceive. We have the good fortune of living in one of the greatest 
 epochs in the history of mankind. Revolutionary changes are 
 taking place on a gigantic scale under our very eyes without our 
 realization of their trend and significance. We are in the midst 
 of the mad whirl of this raging world hurricane so that our mental 
 vision is obscured, our mind is paralyzed by the very magnitude 
 of the furious struggle of frenzied social and psychic forces. No 
 scientist, no statesman can forecast any of the consequences, or 
 estimate the meaning of the profound and extensive transforma- 
 tions rapidly taking place in the nature of society and man.. 
 This much we seem to feel and know, that humanity is in labor 
 with big events which are far beyond our ken, that society is in 
 the throes of a new social order the character or even the outlines 
 of which cannot be discerned in this infernal confusion of supreme 
 struggle of social elements and human passions. Man and 
 society are now being forged into new forms, hammered by 
 Vulcan blows of war and revolt. 
 
 If, however, things appear dark as to the outcome of this 
 great upheaval, some of its causes may be within our grasp. Any 
 ray of light, coming from whatever quarter, should be welcome. 
 In this respect the present contribution may add its mite in 
 regard to some of the proximate contributing causes of one of the 
 greatest catastrophes in the history of humanity. The merit of 
 this contribution is that it advances in a general, though tentative 
 way, one of the contributory causes of revolts and revolutions,, 
 referring them to fundamental economical conditions and psychic 
 
 215
 
 216 Forward to " The Occurrence of Revolutions" 
 
 states, famine and cold, fear instinct and self-preservation, 
 which in turn are traced to variations of one central, cosmic 
 source, to variations of solar energy. 
 
 The purely psychological aspect may be stated briefly as 
 follows: When social forces become charged with revolutionary 
 ferment the governments may under ordinary favorable condi- 
 tions keep those forces in check by means of force exerted on the 
 fear instinct, but the pangs of famine and the distress of cold 
 with their results of disease and epidemic counteract the fear of 
 force, arousing the fefer instinct of death and the fundamental 
 instinct of self-preservation, throwing the social organism into 
 convulsions of riots, revolts, and revolutions. All this the author 
 traces to variations of the central source of all terrestrial energy, 
 to variations of solar activities. 
 
 The writer, however, warns the reader not to take this 
 cosmic source as the sole cause of revolutions, but only as one 
 of the contributing factors, helping to turn the scale when social 
 discontent has accumulated, and revolutionary forces are being 
 ripened in the subconscious depths of social life. The cosmic 
 factor is the trigger for the explosion and for the release of social, 
 revolutionary forces.
 
 A REMARK ON THE OCCURRENCE OF 
 REVOLUTIONS 
 
 BY WILLIAM JAMES SIDIS 
 
 THE general subject of revolutions is an interesting one 
 for us at the present time. We have all been reading 
 in the newspapers enough contradictory reports about 
 the state of affairs in Russia to arouse a widespread 
 interest in the recent revolution in Russia. We read every now 
 and then of a new outbreak of revolt in the Austro-Hungarian 
 Empire; an extensive revolt took place in the enemy countries 
 only last winter; and the prospect, brought up by those events, 
 of an actual revolution in Germany and Austria-Hungary, in- 
 volves the possibility of a complete change in the face of the 
 present war. 
 
 Such being the present interest in the subject, I venture to 
 make a few remarks concerning the time when revolts and re- 
 volutions usually take place. I was led to my view on this 
 subject by Taine's explanation of the French Revolution of 
 1789 in "Les Origines de la France Contemporaine. " I take 
 the liberty of quoting from this book: "L'hiver vint et fut le plus 
 dur qu'on eut vu depuis 1709. Des le printemps de 1789, la 
 famine etait partout, et, de mois en mois, elle croissait comme 
 une eau qui monte .... Plus on approchait du 14 
 juillet, dit un temoin oculaire, plus la disette augmentait. . . . 
 Pour avoir du pain de chien, le people doit faire queue pendant 
 des heures . . . De toutes parts, en mars, avril et mai, 
 Pemeute eclate. " ("The winter came and was the severest that 
 had been since 1709. From the spring of 1789 on, famine was 
 everywhere, and, from month to month, it increased like a rising 
 flood . . . The closer one came to July 14, the more the 
 famine grew, said an eye-witness . . . To get a dog's 
 bread, the people must stand in line for hours . . . From 
 all sides, in March, April, and May, riot broke loose.") This 
 suggests that the real cause of the French Revolution coming 
 in the summer of 1789 was not the dissolution of the States- 
 General, but rather a general famine accompanied by a prevailing 
 "inflammation of the throat and intestinal pain," caused in its 
 turn by the bad bread resulting from a poor crop due to 
 
 217
 
 218 A Remark on the Occurrence of Revolutions 
 
 summer hail and a cold winter. In other words, the French 
 Revolution took place in 1789 rather than four or five years 
 earlier or later, because the winter of 1788 was extremely cold. 
 
 Taine's explanation of the French Revolution bears a re- 
 markable resemblance to that of the Russian Revolution con- 
 tained in the first official bulletin of the Petrograd Soviet, issued " 
 March 13, 1917. This bulletin begins: "The old regime has re- 
 duced the country to complete ruin, and the people to starvation. 
 It was impossible to endure it further. The population of Petro- 
 grad went out into the streets to demonstrate their discontent. 
 They were met with bullets. Instead of bread the imperial 
 government gave the people a stone. " The Russian Revolution 
 was, according to this, based on a hunger strike. 
 
 This suggests the idea that revolutions and revolts in general 
 (a revolt being a revolution that has not quite succeeded) are 
 connected in some way or other with direct, obvious, physical 
 discomfort, especially hunger, and possibly lack of clothing and 
 fuel. Not that I wish to be interpreted as saying that this is the 
 cause of revolutions; the causes are quite different. A match 
 will cause an explosion in a powder magazine, but not in a tank 
 of water; and similarly a famine will bring about a revolution 
 in a society where the underlying conditions are such as to favor 
 the spread of such ideas and where other proper circumstances 
 are present. 
 
 Now, all such matters as lack of nutrition and lack of heat 
 are dependent in great degree on the climate. In a cold country, 
 a severe winter is directly a cause of physical discomfort; people 
 freeze in such weather. Further, the early frosts preceding a 
 cold winter lessen the crop, transportation becomes difficult, 
 and generally a famine is more likely to result in such a year. 
 In a warm country, a similar result occurs when the summer is 
 excessively hot, the heat parching and drying the crops so 
 that food is scarce. 
 
 It may be interesting to note that Professor Jevons has 
 advanced a meterological theory to explain the periodicity of 
 industrial crises. Industrial crises usually appear about once in 
 ten years. Jevons ascribes this to a periodicity in the climate, 
 causing, in cases of cold years, poor crops, and therefore a failure 
 of everything dependent on the crops, including the banking 
 system, and through that, the whole industrial system. This 
 supposed periodicity in the crops, which would directly concern 
 the subject of this article, Jevons ascribes to a well-known 
 periodicity in the number of spots on the sun.
 
 William James Sidis 219 
 
 To explain this, I may say that sun spots are rifts in the 
 surface of the sun, exposing a lower layer. This lower layer gives 
 less light and heat than the surface, and therefore, the more spots 
 there are on the sun, the less heat the sun will give, and the cooler 
 will be the climate. Now, astronomers have kept records of the 
 number of spots on the sun since the early part of the last cen- 
 tury, and it has been found that this number increases and de- 
 creases in a period of eleven years approximately. For example, 
 there was a maximum in 1905, a minimum in 1911, and a maxi- 
 mum again in 1916. Jevons' theory was that the maxima of 
 sun-spots cause cold weather, and, therefore, poor crops, result- 
 ing in industrial crises. 1 
 
 The essential feature in this theory is that there is a perio- 
 dicity in the crops corresponding to the sun-spots, this period 
 being eleven years. This suggests the following question : If the 
 weather and the crops follow the number of sun-spots, might we 
 not expect the occurrence of revolutions also to be connected 
 with the sun-spots? The best way to answer this is by com- 
 paring the dates of revolutions with the dates of maxima and 
 minima of sun-spots. 
 
 Since the record of sun-spots was kept only for about a 
 century, I have tried to select only revolutions in the nineteenth 
 and twentieth centuries, since previous revolutions cannot 
 easily be compared with the sun-spots. I have included in my 
 list the great revolts that have taken place, and even the first 
 Balkan war, which somewhat partook of the nature of a revolt. 
 The list contains 33 revolts, of which seventeen occurred nearer 
 the minimum of sun-spots than the maximum, and sixteen 
 occurred nearer the maximum. This looks unsatisfactory at 
 first sight, and as though there was no connection at all between 
 revolts and sun-spots. But if we take separately the revolts 
 that occurred near the maximum of sun-spots and those that 
 occurred near the minimum, different results are obtained. 2 For 
 
 ^or various reasons which I need not here specify, I do not agree with the theory of in- 
 dustrial crises advanced by Jevons. 
 
 2 Table of sun-spot variations: 
 
 Maxima Minima 
 
 1816 1811 
 
 1828 1822 
 
 1839 1834 
 
 1850 1845 
 
 1861 1856 
 
 1872 1867 
 
 1894 1889 
 
 1905 1900 
 
 1916 1911
 
 220 
 
 A Remark on the Occurrence of Revolutions 
 
 example, the list of revolts occurring near the minima of sun- 
 spots : 
 
 Minimum of 
 
 1811: 1809, 
 1810, 
 Minimum of 1822: 1820, 
 
 Minimum of 
 Minimum of 
 
 1821, 
 
 1834: 1833, 
 1856: 1857, 
 
 Minimum of 
 Minimum of 
 Minimum of 
 
 1867: 1868, 
 1889: 1889, 
 1900: 1897, 
 1898, 
 
 Minimum of 1911: 1910, 
 1911, 
 1911, 
 1912, 
 
 Tyrolese revolt. 
 
 Revolt in Mexico. 
 
 Revolt in Spain. 
 
 Revolt in Italy. 
 
 Revolt in South America. 
 
 Revolution in Mexico. 
 
 Carlist revolt in Spain. 
 
 Revolution in Mexico. 
 
 Indian Mutiny. 
 
 Revolution in Japan. 
 
 Brazilian revolution. 
 
 Cuban revolution. 
 
 Revolt in Spain. 
 
 Portuguese revolution. 
 
 Mexican revolution (Madero's). 
 
 Chinese revolution. 
 
 Balkan Wars. 
 
 Compare these with the revolts taking place near the sun- 
 spot maxima, as follows: 
 
 Maximum of 1828: 1830, 
 1831, 
 
 Maximum of 1850: 1848, 
 
 1851, 
 
 Maximum of 1872: 1871, 
 
 Maximum of 1905 : 1905, 
 
 Maximum of 1916: 1917, 
 
 1917, 
 
 1916, 
 
 1918, 
 
 Revolution in France. 
 Revolt in Poland. 
 Belgian Revolution. 
 Insurrections in Austria. 
 Revolt in Prussia. 
 Chartist uprising in England. 
 Revolution in France. 
 Tai-Ping rebellion in China. 
 Paris Commune. 
 Rebellion in Russia. 
 Russian Revolution. 
 Rebellion in Germany. 
 Dublin "Sinn Fein "Insurrection 
 Rebellion in Germany. 
 Rebellion in Austria-Hungary. 
 Uprising in Quebec. 
 
 To the last list I could add others; as, for instance, the 
 French Restoration in 1815 (maximum of 1816); the Italian and
 
 William James Sidis 221 
 
 Russian uprisings of 1914 (maximum of 1916); and the American 
 Civil War (maximum of 1861). 
 
 If we examine the two lists, we will find that most of the 
 revolts in the first list occurred in warm countries, while most of 
 the revolts in the second list occurred in cold countries. 
 There are, of course, a few exceptions, but the exceptions are 
 surprisingly few. 
 
 This would seem to indicate that there is actually an eleven- 
 year period for revolutions corresponding to the sun-spots. In 
 fact, if we take the above list of revolts in northern countries, 
 and try to calculate from that what sort of period they could be 
 fitted into easiest, the method of least squares gives us as that 
 period: 11.07 years. The period of sun-spots has been estimated 
 at 11.1 years. The average time of occurrence would be given, 
 for example, as October 3, 1905; May 27, 1850, etc. I may add 
 that, in 1905, the most and the largest sun-spots were visible in 
 September and October. The average deviation from the regular 
 periodicity is 1.78 years, or about 1 year and 10 months. If 
 there were no tendency toward periodicity, the average deviation 
 in the case of a period of 11 years would be slightly over 3 years. 
 
 Similarly with the other revolts on the list. The average 
 period is found in the same way to be about 11.2 years, with the 
 average time of occurrence at various dates down to April 8, 
 1911. The last sun-spot minimum was in 1911. Thus it 
 appears that revolts and revolutions take place in warm 
 countries near the minimum of sun-spots, and in cold countries 
 near the maximum of sun-spots; in each case, when the weather 
 is such as to tend to poor crops. 
 
 However, I do not wish to be understood as saying that the 
 sun-spots cause revolutions. An appearance of sun-spots could 
 not, by itself, produce revolution unless other circumstances are 
 already such as to cause the revolution. All such revolutions 
 would occur anyway, even without the sun-spot variations; 
 but these sun-spot variations superadd natural extremes of 
 climate, causing not only physical discomfort but danger to life 
 and health, thus hastening a revolt that might otherwise have 
 waited for a very long time. 
 
 A government not based on the will of the people must, in 
 the nature of things, rule by fear, by keeping the people in con- 
 stant subjection; and the people will be kept in subjection as 
 long as they can be made to fear. The tendency of such oppres- 
 sion is to exasperate the people and excite them to desperate
 
 222 A Remark on the Occurrence of Revolutions 
 
 measures, especially if the oppression affects their means of 
 livelihood. But if circumstances suddenly become such that 
 many lives, or the health of many people, are seriously threatened 
 as by extreme cold, famine, &c., this superadds the instinct of 
 self-preservation, and the fear is entirely counteracted. The 
 power of the government to keep the people in subjection is weakened, 
 and the rebellious tendencies come to the foreground, resulting in 
 open revolt. This will happen especially, if there is a poor crop; 
 and this probably takes place every eleven years, in accordance with 
 the sun-spot variations. 
 
 In order to have a revolution at the proper time in the sun- 
 'spot cycle, the revolutionary tendency must be there already. 
 This alone would produce rebellion, if left to itself for maybe a 
 generation or more ; but the sun-spot cycle always comes in and 
 hastens it, so that a rebellion would usually occur at a sun-spot 
 maximum in colder countries, and at a sun-spot minimum in 
 warmer countries. 
 
 This rule would, therefore, apply only to the date of the 
 beginning of a revolt; therefore all revolts included in my list 
 were dated from the time of the outbreak, and not of the cul- 
 jnination. 
 
 To illustrate the sun-spot periods from recent history. The 
 recent sun-spot variations have been: 1900, minimum; 1905, 
 maximum; 1911, minimum; 1916, maximum. Allowing a 
 variation of three years in some cases from the exact date of the 
 maximum or minimum, as the case may be, we will start with 
 three years before the minimum of 1900, that is, 1897. At this 
 time we may expect revolts to take place in warm countries, and 
 this sort of period lasts till 1903. After a hot summer, revolt 
 broke out in Cuba in the fall of 1897. The proximity of Cuba 
 to the United States brought about American intervention in 
 the shape of the Spanish- American War of 1898. The Philippine 
 Islands, which were annexed by United States, revolted in 1902. 
 Even in 1903, revolt broke out in Panama. But now we are 
 getting to the period of revolt for the northern countries, ap- 
 proaching 1905. In 1903 the two branches of the Social Demo- 
 cratic party of Russia, the Bolsheviki and the Mensheviki, were 
 organised, revolts were threatening in 1904, and the Czar's 
 government, threatened by this, proceeded to throw its people in- 
 to a fight against Japan. This attempt was unsuccessful; and in 
 1905, at the time of the sun-spot maximum, a revolutionary 
 organisation was established in Russia, only to be crushed. The
 
 William James Sidis 223 
 
 last traces of this revolt were, apparently, stamped out in West- 
 ern Russia by the aid of the German Government in 1906. 
 
 Now the scene shifts once more to the south. We now see 
 uprisings in Turkey in 1908, in Portugal in 1910, in China 
 (starting in the south) in 1911; Mexico also started a revolution 
 in 1911, the year of the sun-spot minimum and of an unusually 
 hot summer. In 1912 the attempt at liberation of the Balkans 
 resulted in the Balkan wars. 
 
 A year later, the end of 1913, was the time midway between 
 the minimum and maximum of sun-spots, and it was to be ex- 
 pected that the scene would suddenly shift back to the northern 
 countries. In the spring of 1914 a general strike of a political 
 nature (demanding abolition of the three-class system of voting) 
 took place in Belgium, forcing the Belgian government to appoint 
 a commission to revise the electoral laws. The Socialists in 
 Prussia made similar demands, and, when met with the usual 
 Prussian disdain, replied "Wir werden belgisch reden" (we will 
 talk Belgian). The German Socialists began to show openly 
 their contempt for the Kaiser, 3 and the prospect of a German 
 revolution loomed near. The Irish were arming. There was 
 also strong tendency toward revolution in many other European 
 nations. 
 
 In the mean time, the supposedly suppressed Russian revolt 
 suddenly reappeared. The President of France was visiting 
 Russia when the revolt broke out, and everything pointed to a 
 general European uprising unless something unusually desperate 
 was done. The only measure in sight was to start a general 
 European war, and the ruler most threatened, the German 
 Kaiser (for the revolt in Russia was getting under control), 
 took the step. 
 
 Even that was a doubtful step. Socialists of all countries 
 were opposed to war, and they were very strong in Germany and 
 in the neighboring countries. Would they fight? It was known 
 that they intended to convene on August 23, to decide definitely 
 what to do in case of war; and it was the middle of July before 
 the actual magnitude of the danger of revolution became obvious. 
 War had to be started, if at all, within a month. The result was, 
 that war broke out with hardly any preliminary negotiations, 
 many 24-hour and 48-hour ultimatums were sent, and the war 
 spread over almost all of Europe within the space of one week. 
 
 The sun-spot maximum, however, was not due till 1916, 
 
 J See Prince, "The Psychology of the Kaiser."
 
 224 A Remark on the Occurrence of Revolutions 
 
 and 1916 was still to come. In 1916, there was a revolt in Ire- 
 land a small beginning, but one which showed that the revolu- 
 tionary period had not yet ended. In 1917, at the end of a long, 
 cold winter, revolutionary activity in Russia revived and was 
 finally successful; after that, Germany and Austria were shaken 
 with a great number of revolts. There being about a year more 
 before the sun-spots are due to settle down to their average activ- 
 ity, the revolutionary period in northern countries is not yet over, 
 and there is still a possibility, if not a probability, of an Austro- 
 German revolution within the coming year or so. 
 
 JThis illustrates the relation of the sun-spot period to current 
 events. A discontented people can be kept cowed by fear, by 
 the use of force, as a general rule, in normal times ; but when the 
 instinct of self-preservation is aroused by hunger, cold, &c., the 
 people are much more ready for revolt, and a previously existing 
 discontent will break out openly. This is brought about in 
 general by extremes of weather and failure of crops which take 
 place in cold countries at the sun-spot maximum, and in warm 
 countries at the sun-spot minimum.
 
 THE PSYCHIATRIC SOCIAL WORKER* 
 
 BY ABRAHAM MYERSON, M. D. 
 
 CHIEF MEDICAL OFFICER, OUT PATIENT DEPARTMENT OF PSYCHOPATHIC HOSPITAL, AND ASSISTANT 
 . PROFESSOR OF NEUROLOGY, TUFTS MEDICAL SCHOOL, BOSTON, MASS. 
 
 IN no department of medicine is social work of such direct 
 and logical importance as in psychiatry. Diagnosis, the 
 first step of the psychiatrist, is dependent on knowledge 
 of the conduct of the individual in the community, and 
 very frequently such knowledge can only be obtained by a 
 trained, unbiased person, i. e., the psychiatric social worker. 
 Treatment of such individuals is a dual process and consists 
 of an adjustment of the patient to society while at the same 
 time, society must make (or be forced to make) an effort to ad- 
 just itself to the patient. The social worker acts, then, as the 
 sensory and motor apparatus of the physician, while at the same 
 time she builds up an independent social science which, in the 
 long run, helps govern the knowledge and conduct of the physi- 
 cian. 
 
 It has been stated that treatment in many of the psychiatric 
 diseases is a process of adjustment, a series of manoeuvres which 
 result in the location of the patient in his proper place in society. 
 Before going on to consider the mechanism of adjustment, it is 
 necessary to outline briefly the field of psychiatry. For the 
 most striking thing in the development of the field of mental 
 disease has been the extension of the subject socially. Inde- 
 pendent of its closer union with neurology, has been its affiliation 
 with criminology, social hygiene, the employment phase of 
 economics, the distribution of charity and social relief, and 
 lastly, its recognition as a great branch of medicine by the mili- 
 tary authorities, so that the neuro-psychiatrist has a great role 
 both in the selection of army and navy personnelle, and in the 
 care of the disabled. It is these social affiliations that have 
 made the psychiatric social worker a necessity. Dependence 
 upon social workers, untrained in psychiatry, however well 
 trained otherwise, necessitates personal training by the psy- 
 chiatrist, and this is both wasteful of time and necessarily in- 
 complete. 
 
 *Being Contributions of the Massachusetts Commission on Mental Diseases, Series of 1918. 
 
 225
 
 226 The Psychiatric Social Worker 
 
 We may divide the field of psychiatry, in so far as social 
 work goes with the following branches: 
 
 1. The psychoses proper the frank insanities. Here 
 the role of the social worker is first in securing good data which 
 serve in the making of the diagnosis, and in the addition of 
 authentic data concerning inheritance, and general life develop- 
 ment of the insane. I emphatically state that no case of mental 
 disease can be thoroughly "worked up" and that many cases are 
 hopelessly handled,, without data so obtained. A thorough 
 follow-up system throws light on cases of mental disease such as 
 could not be brought to bear otherwise, and the statement may 
 safely be ventured that many of the opinions now current in 
 psychiatry will need radical alteration when such follow-up 
 systems have been used for a few years. 
 
 The young social worker, and even the older, as well as 
 many physicians become discouraged with their results in the 
 handling of the insane. "What," they ask, " can you do for 
 the patient? Nothing but commitment to an insane hospital, 
 and what is that but a form of imprisonment?" They have 
 missed the fundamental point in commitment the safeguarding 
 of society. For it is not the actual physical damage an insane 
 person may do that is of greatest importance it is the general- 
 ized social damage. This damage occurs because he disor- 
 ganizes homes, lowers the mood and the efficiency of the normal 
 people in daily contact with him, is a focus of social difficulty of 
 all kinds which becomes diminished to its lowest possible figure 
 on commitment. Here the social adjustment, in which the 
 worker plays a preliminary part, is in sequestering the individual 
 but the social adjustment thus carried out is of high importance. 
 
 Feeblemindedness has great social significance as has been 
 pointed in almost innumerable writings of late. Though it is 
 my belief that there has been marked exaggeration as to its role 
 in criminality, prostitution, and the like yet it remains true that 
 the social difficulties of the feeble-minded bring them into con- 
 tact with the courts, the relief agencies, and make them the 
 despair of the employer. Since many of them are non-com- 
 mittable, and others need not be committed, the difficulty of 
 finding a place in the social structure for these is a problem for 
 the social worker. To keep the lawlessly inclined out of trouble 
 by constant supervision, to find a place of employment for the 
 low grade employee, are not easy tasks. Yet that the first task 
 has been to some extent accomplished is based on the authority
 
 Abraham Myerson 227 
 
 of Dr. William Healey, who states that juvenile crime in Boston 
 is neither so frequent nor so serious in nature as in Chicago, and 
 this he attributes to the excellent social service organizations of 
 Boston. The second task is part of the great general program 
 of efficiency, and it may be summed up "Low grade work for 
 low grade people. " To have high grade people doing such work 
 is economic waste. 
 
 The extension of Psychiatry to criminology is merely the 
 recognition of the fact that the point of departure in crime is 
 the criminal himself his mentality, his personality matters 
 which call for psychiatric investigation. With the entrance of 
 medicine and psychology into this field the scope of the activities 
 of the psychiatric social worker has broadened, potentially at 
 least, to an almost unlimited degree. For the collection of the 
 life data relating to any one who has become a breaker of the 
 laws is one of the two fundamental inquiries necessary before 
 establishing responsibility, and before initiating treatment. 
 For the conception of treatment must supplant that of punish- 
 ment, and treatment is social adjustment, which at present is 
 partly undertaken by probation departments, and in larger part 
 not undertaken at all. Here is a social work of difficulty but of 
 great promise for the trained person. 
 
 Now it is not only the insane, the feeble-minded, the criminal 
 who are the "material" of the psychiatrist, and the psychiatric 
 social worker. The difficulties of adaptation to the "Great 
 Society," the balking of desires and instincts, the crushing power 
 of failure and disillusionment, the injury done by poverty and 
 all that goes with it, psychically and physically make up the 
 background of neurasthenia, psychasthenia, hysteria diseases 
 of emotional and intellectual mal-adaptation. Here especially 
 the social situations are of great importance and often the 
 remedy is entirely social. Removal to a better neighborhood, 
 a start on another social road, the smoothing out of domestic 
 difficulty, adjustment to the mate, better care for the sick child, 
 relief in part from monotonous drudgery I believe, that here is 
 where social service helps essentially normal people out of ab- 
 normal social situations into relative health. 
 
 One cannot omit the War from any discussion, and here the 
 psychiatric social worker may confidently look forward to a field 
 of work. For the war will break down many a man, not only 
 in the way indicated by the term "Shell Shock" but by produc- 
 ing a protracted mental attitude which may be classed with
 
 The Psychiatric Social Worker 
 
 neurasthenia. Men will come out weary, restless, full of physi- 
 cal and mental pains and aches, ridden by obsessions, and 
 harassed by inaptitude. And these men will have to be helped, 
 and solicitously helped, with the attitude that they are claimants 
 to the best efforts of society. Their claim will be supported by- 
 those who love them, by those who will find their chief interest 
 in the problem: "How can He get well?" Anything short of the 
 best will produce mutterings and a sullen discontent that may 
 well shake the foundations of the state. This aspect of the 
 work of the psychiatric social worker cannot be over emphasized. 
 Aside from the ordinary value of such social-adjustment work, it 
 gains additional importance because, in direct ratio to its suc- 
 cess it will make for social stability. 
 
 Consequently there is a double need for such a school 
 as Smith College is fostering this summer the peace-need and 
 War-need. Civilian and soldier, in so far as they become 
 neuro-psychiatric problems are problems of society, and must 
 be helped by trained workers. Good intentions alone will be 
 worse than useless, and the cooperation of psychologist, so- 
 ciologists, social workers, and psychiatrists to educate young 
 women for the work, is a step toward social efficiency. 
 
 What type of woman is needed? It is perhaps easier to 
 state the objectionable qualities. For this kind of work brings 
 one into contact with such disturbing qualities of human person- 
 ality as to make frankness necessary in the consideration of 
 the character of the worker. 
 
 First, the Prude must keep away. For in psychiatry one 
 meets sex not only naked but often perverted as well. One 
 must be able to face the objectionable without qualm and preju- 
 dice in order to adjust to it. The essence of Prudery is a 
 squeamishness to Fact, and this is the crime of crimes in a social 
 record. 
 
 Second, one must not be "over strong." By this I mean 
 that person who believes the race is to the swift, and the battle 
 to the strong, and that they who fall are unfit and ought to be 
 eliminated without further ado. It takes only a glimmering 
 of sanity to know that this is not true, that it is pure, unadul- 
 terated egoism, the gospel of the young and successful. The 
 social worker needs above all things the idea that insanity, crime, 
 failure, all have their seed in her, that normal and abnormal 
 are distinctions applied to extremes of quantitative difference. 
 Such an idea links together social worker and patient with the
 
 Abraham Myerson 229 
 
 bond of fellowship, and insures sympathy and tact on the part 
 of the former, and a willingness-to-be-helped attitude on the 
 part of the latter. 
 
 Hyperaestheticism, that is, attention to form, rather than 
 matter, the cult of beauty, is out of place in a psychiatric social 
 worker, but there is little danger that a person tainted with this 
 quality will seek the work. The over-emotional rarely stay in 
 long, for gushes of feeling, ecstasies of sympathy bring too 
 violent reaction in the face of unbudging reality. For society 
 has so few real adjustments, and so much creaking and groaning 
 of paraphernalia is needed to utilize these, that sturdy, clear- 
 sighted energy is necessary and the over-emotional rarely is 
 capable of sustained effort. 
 
 It is understood, then, that the qualities of good, solid, 
 young womanhood are present in the candidate for training for 
 psychiatric social work. Such a person will be fitted for activi- 
 ties that are as well paid as the better grade of teaching, and 
 for her services the demand will raise the reward to steadily 
 higher levels. Unquestionably, the war will raise all social 
 work in dignity and remuneration, for the war is bringing a 
 unifying feeling of social responsibility to the heart of every 
 American. And social responsibility is the energizing feeling 
 behind social activities. Like other problems of society the day 
 when we considered the field of psychiatry the province of 
 medicine alone is passing, has almost passed. As ally and 
 servant, social science has stepped in to help the older profession.
 
 EXPLANATORY NOTE 
 
 On account of illness, Mr. L. H. Horton has been unable to cor- 
 rect the proofs of the conclusion of his article "The Illusion of Levi- 
 tation" up to the time of going to press, 
 
 It is considered advisable to publish an abridged number at this 
 time rather than wait longer for Mr. Horton's contribution, which 
 will appear in a subsequent issue of the Journal. 
 
 THE EDITOR. 
 
 230
 
 DISEASES or THE NERVOUS SYSTEM. A Text-book of Neurology 
 and Psychiatry. By Smith Ely Jelliffe, M. D., Ph. D., Adjunct Pro- 
 fessor of Diseases of the Mind and Nervous System, New York Post- 
 Graduate Medical School and Hospital; and William A. White, M. D., 
 Superintendent of St. Elizabeth's Hospital, Washington, D. C.; Pro- 
 fessor of Mental and Nervous Diseases, Georgetown University; Pro- 
 fessor of Nervous and Mental Diseases, George Washington Universi- 
 ty; and Lecturer on Psychiatry, U. S. Army and U. S. Navy Medical 
 Schools. Second Edition, Revised, Rewritten and Enlarged. Illus- 
 trated with 424 engravings and 11 plates. Published by Lea & Febi- 
 ger, Philadelphia and New York, 1917. Pp. XIX and 938. Price, 
 $7.00. 
 
 Improvements have been made in this, the second edition of this, 
 excellent text-book, in the chapters on the vegetative nervous system 
 and the endocrinopathies, and the sections devoted to the psychoses 
 proper, while war injuries have been included in the discussion. A 
 general introduction has also been added, elaborating the authors* 
 views on classification of disorders of the nervous system. The book 
 has further been generally revised and rewritten. 
 
 Since the first edition of this work was not reviewed in the pages 
 of the Journal of Abnormal Psychology, a general survey of the con- 
 tents of the volume is not out of place at this date. 
 
 Following a chapter on methods of examination of the nervous 
 system, the authors classify the material of neurology and psychiatry 
 under three main headings or systems, named the physico-chemical 
 systems or the neurology of metabolism, the sensorimotor systems or 
 sensorimotor neurology, and the psychical or symbolic systems includ- 
 ing the neuroses, psychoneuroses and psychoses. 
 
 The first part, the physico-chemical systems, is divided into two 
 sections, dealing with the vegetative or visceral system and the endo- 
 crinopathies respectively. The chapter on the vegetative or visceral 
 nervous system is a splendid presentation of the known facts and 
 dominant views in that field. In no work of the sort before us, namely, 
 a text-book of neurology and psychiatry, can there be found, to the 
 reviewer's knowledge, any exposition that can be compared with the 
 presentation given in White and Jelliffe in thoroughness, directness, and 
 up-to-dateness. This is, in truth, one of the most distinctive features 
 of the book. 
 
 231
 
 Reviews 
 
 In the second part, sensorimotor neurology, we have a compact 
 and up-to-the-minute summary of the various affections of this part 
 of the body machinery, from the lowest to the highest rungs or levels 
 of the central nervous system. The pages given up to "Syphilis of 
 the Nervous System" offer one a good grasp of the havoc which may 
 be wrought by the spirocheta pallida. This is one of the best portions 
 of this text-book. 
 
 Finally, in the part labelled "Psychic or Symbolic Systems," 
 comes the discussion of the psychoneuroses, neuroses and psychoses, 
 including mental defectiveness. Since both authors are Freudians, 
 it is to be expected that they should weave into much of their discussion 
 in this section the Freudian views. This, to be sure, we find true. 
 Especially so can this be said to apply to the chapter on "The Psycho- 
 neuroses and Actual Neuroses." In fact, it must be said that they 
 have practically neglected the views of others on this problem and 
 have presented things from the more or less strictly Freudian view- 
 point. Such one-sidedness in a work of this sort, intended, it must be 
 remembered, for students, novices in a new field of thought and labor, 
 is, I cannot refrain from saying, not exactly scientifically fair to the 
 inquiring and innocent student. 
 
 The illustrations are abundant and excellent, many of them being 
 from Dejerine. 
 
 As in everything they write, singly or jointly, White and Jelliffe 
 have run true to form and given the profession a volume which is not 
 cold, dry-as-dust, and uninviting, but one which tells in a snappy, 
 lively and concise manner the long and many-sided story of the wound- 
 ed nervous system in all its complexity and at all its levels. 
 
 Needless to say, the book is modern very modern, not old fash- 
 ioned, quite up-to-the-minute. More, however, could have been added 
 on war injuries, especially on so-called shell-shock or war neurosis. 
 Had the latter subject been presented, it would have^been in sharp 
 contradiction to the views expressed in the chapter on the psycho- 
 neuroses, for, most will agree, the war neuroses, a form of traumatic 
 neurosis, have proven to us conclusively, if we doubted it before, that 
 the Freudians were in error, at least in assigning an exclusively sexual 
 etiology as the origin of the psychoneuroses and allied conditions. 
 
 It may be said, too, that the book is probably more suited for an 
 advanced student of neurology than for a beginner. 
 
 One other criticism may be added. In their efforts to bring home 
 the role of the psychogenic factor, the authors at times lay too much 
 stress on the power of psychogenic factors in inducing all sorts of 
 peripheral reactions of the lowest type. For instance, on page 166,
 
 Reviews 233 
 
 they refer to certain cases of eczema and psoriasis as being symbols of 
 a psychical compromise, the results of chronic emotional conflicts in 
 the unconscious ; and again, on page 244, they refer to possible psycho- 
 genie arthropathies and arthritides. 
 
 All in all, however, White and Jelliffe have contributed a valuable, 
 worth-while work, in which they have endeavored to offer something 
 new, something appealing to progressive tendencies in neurology and 
 psychiatry. 
 
 The fact that a second edition has already been called for shows 
 that the reaction on the part of their audience has been sympathetic 
 and generous. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 PERSONALITY AND CONDUCT. By Maurice Parmelee, Ph.D. r 
 Author of "The Science of Human Behavior," "Poverty and Social 
 Progress," "Criminology," "The Principles of Anthropology and 
 Sociology in Their Relations to Criminal Procedure," etc. New York: 
 Moffat, Yard & Company, 1918. Price, $2.00 net. Pp. 283. 
 
 One who has read Parmelee's splendid work entitled "The Science 
 of Human Behavior" should expect nothing but good work from the 
 mind and pen of this particular author. The author seems to have 
 laid his groundwork in the book just mentioned, and then to liave 
 followed this up by a discussion of the poverty problem, then the 
 problem of the socalled criminal, and now in the volume under review 
 by a discussion of certain other questions. 
 
 Parmelee pleads for the development and cultivation of the 
 spontaneous expression of human nature in desirable directions. 
 
 He differentiates between what he calls invasive (including acts 
 which are obviously and unmistakably harmful to others) and non- 
 invasive (including acts which do not injure others or are not un- 
 questionably harmful to others) conduct. Upon this should the 
 criterion for social control be based. 
 
 The book is devoted for the most part to the discussion of the 
 nature and regulation of three aspects of human life the craving for 
 noxious substances, especially alcohol, "the spirit of adventure and 
 tendency to take chances in the form of gambling and useless and 
 wasteful speculation," and the sex life. 
 
 The causes of alcoholism and drug habits, their relation to poverty 
 and crime, and the regulation of intemperance are sanely discussed. 
 
 The types of gambling, the gambling impulse and the regulation 
 ^ f its evils come in for broadminded consideration. 
 
 About 180 pages are given up to an all-round analysis and dis-
 
 "234 Reviews 
 
 cussion of the sex problem in human beings. The play function of sex 
 is emphasized. Parmelee discusses in regular order the play function 
 -of sex, methods of sex regulation, the evils of sex repression, the double 
 standard of sex freedom, the causes of prostitution, the utility and 
 disutility of prostitution, the failure to suppress prostitution, the 
 regulation of prostitution, sex education and training, and the or- 
 ganization of sex relations. Throughout this portion Parmelee shows 
 that he is well versed in all aspects of this problem, for he approaches 
 the subject with the solid foundation of a good training in the biological 
 viewpoint, without neglect of the psychological, economic and other 
 factors involved. His exposition is free and frank, his suggestions 
 are definite and well-founded, and he endeavors to deal sanely and 
 without prejudice with various problems which have been thorns in 
 the sides of so many. 
 
 In his final chapter on "The Development of Personality" the 
 author again shows the evils of the suppression of personality through 
 excessive uniformity, the importance of free self-expression along 
 worthwhile lines, and the great need for more knowledge of human 
 nature. 
 
 Parmelee has a right to express opinions. He has read widely, 
 rand thought much. And he is not afraid to say what he thinks and 
 'what he means. 
 
 His knowledge of biology, psychology, anthropology, and many 
 allied fields qualifies him as a sane and reliable author, who handles his 
 problems in a thorough manner, and who is especially deserving of an 
 attentive and large audience. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 CRIMINOLOGY. By Maurice Parmelee, Ph.D., Author of "The 
 Science of Human Behavior," "Poverty and Social Progress," "The 
 Principles of Anthropology and Sociology in Their Relations to Crim- 
 inal Procedure," etc. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1918. 
 Price, $2.00. Pp. 522. 
 
 Again Parmelee has hit the bull's eye. This volume does indeed 
 present us with a comprehensive, yet concise survey of the whole field 
 of criminology from the point of view of social control. 
 
 The work is divided into six parts The Nature and Evolution of 
 Crime, Criminogenic Factors in the Environment, Criminal Traits 
 and Types, Criminal Jurisprudence, Penology, and Crime and Social 
 Progress. 
 
 In the first part, criminology as a- science is demonstrated to be a 
 special, although hybrid science. The origin and early evolution of 
 Berime are delineated, and crime and social control sensibly discussed.
 
 Reviews 235 
 
 In part II, Parmelee analyzes such environmental criminogenetic 
 factors as the physical environment (climate, season, and weather), 
 demographic factors (urban and rural crime and vice), the economic 
 and political bases of crime, and the influence of civilization upon 
 crime. 
 
 In part III, entitled Criminal Traits and Types, the organic and 
 mental bases of crime, criminal aments, psychopathic criminals, 
 juvenile and female criminality, and the types of criminals are dis- 
 cussed in the light of our present knowledge of these questions. 
 
 In part IV, on Criminal Jurisprudence, the chapter headings will 
 tell the reader the scope of the presentation: The Evolution of Crimin- 
 al Law and the Classification of Crimes, The Functions of Criminal 
 Procedure, the Scientific Principles of Evidence, Public Defense in 
 Criminal Trials, the Judicial Function, and The Police Function. 
 
 Under Penology, in part V, Parmelee takes up in separate chapters 
 such aspects of his chosen problem as the origin and evolution of 
 punishment, the moral basis of penal responsibility, the sentence and 
 the individualization of punishment, the death penalty, the prison 
 system, and "A Scheme of Penal Treatment." 
 
 In the fifth or final part on Crime and Social Progress, there are 
 offered chapters on political and evolutive crimes and criminals, 
 evolutive crimes and social readjustment, and the prevention of crime. 
 
 There is a valuable "partial bibliography." 
 
 By virtue of his unusually wide reading and broad grasp of the 
 many ramifications of criminology and allied sciences, Parmelee has 
 een enabled to contribute, in a short, single volume, a thorough sur- 
 vey of this flourishing new field of human endeavor. 
 
 Parmelee is fully abreast of the times, and no views that are worth 
 while escape him. He is in thorough sympathy with the work which 
 is going on all about him by different sincere and level-headed workers. 
 
 One who wishes to know what is going on, what the problems 
 are, what the progress is, in the field of criminology, can do no better 
 than get this work by Parmelee. 
 
 Needless to say, all workers in the field of criminology will appre- 
 ciate this new work by a good thinker and clear writer. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF BEHAVIOUR. A Practical Study of Human 
 Personality and Conduct with Special Reference to Methods of De- 
 velopment. By Elizabeth Severn, Author of "Psycho-therapy." 
 New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1917. Pp. 349. $1.50 net.
 
 236 Reviews 
 
 This is supposed to be "a systemtized practical psychology for 
 actual use in daily life." 
 
 The seven chapters have the following headings: "Some New 
 Aspects of Mind The Psychology of the Unconscious;" "Intellect 
 The Psychology of Perception;" "Imagination and Memory The 
 Psychology of Extension and Retention;" "Will The Psychology of 
 Action;" "Emotion The Psychology of Feeling; "Sex The Psy- 
 chology of the Creative Life; " and " Self The Psychology of the Ego. " 
 These chapter headings will at once give one a fair idea of the contents 
 of this book. 
 
 On page four the author acknowledges that her "viewpoint is 
 frankly metaphysical rather than biological, and idealistic and sugges- 
 tive rather than materialistic and 'positive." Its appeal was meant 
 to be popular, and many of the suggestions which are crowded within 
 the scope of each chapter cannot help being, for the most part, of 
 considerable usefulness if taken to heart and practically applied. It 
 will also give the average reader some practical psychological sugges- 
 tions which should set him thinking on his own account. 
 
 Most of the topics dealt with are rather summarily and super- 
 ficially handled, with the object of directness, simplicity and popular 
 appeal. 
 
 The writer contends that "the burden of my thesis is for greater 
 freedom and spontaneity in Behavior, rather than for restraint." 
 Self-direction with self-understanding may be said to be her ideal. 
 But it is doubtful whether one can gain this knowledge from the book. 
 
 Throughout she shows that she has read psychoanalytical litera- 
 ture, for she has .absorbed some of the views of psychoanalysis and 
 incorporated them in this work. So much so is this the case that in 
 her chapter on the psychology of sex she reduces all life-manifesta- 
 tions and all forms of energy to sex. She hopes for the day when, 
 among other desirable things devoutly to be wished for, "homosex- 
 uality, however unfortunate, is known to be neither a crime nor a 
 disease," and, she adds: "Let us do our part in preparation for it by 
 realizing that the Sex-instinct is the centre around which everything 
 revolves, that nothing exists but through it." 
 
 One becomes convinced of the writer's sincerity as one reads the 
 book She has apparently read rather widely in psychology. 
 
 All in all she has given the average layman a useful volume, which 
 can be read with considerable profit by most persons, with many 
 truths scattered through its pages, but with some errors here and there, 
 especially in the chapter on "Sex The Psychologv of the Creative 
 Life." 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON.
 
 Reviews 237 
 
 THE CREED OF DEUTSCHTUM AND OTHER WAR ESSAYS, Including 
 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF THE KAISER, With a Foreword by Marquis 
 Okuma (Late Prime Minister of Japan). By Morton Prince. Boston: 
 Richard G. Badger, 1918. Price, $2.00, Net. Pp. 311.* 
 
 An understanding of the driving forces responsible for the onset of 
 the Great War is of the greatest interest to the psychopathologist. 
 For this reason, besides other weighty reasons, this "book by Morton 
 Prince will find an appreciative audience. Although the reviewer has 
 read many other expositions of a somewhat similar nature, and long 
 since was convinced of the truth of the views expressed by Prince in 
 his first chapter on "The Creed of Deutschtun," there is no other 
 article which he has read which so briefly and so ably presents the 
 subject from the standpoint of a psychologist, yet simply so that he 
 who runs may read and understand, and, let us hope, believe. In 
 this essay Prince shows that the mystic paranoid ideal of Das Deut- 
 schtum (inadequately translatable as "Germanism" or "German- 
 dom") had become for the rank and file of the mass of the German 
 people nothing less than a religion. The history of the origin ; r.d 
 evolution of his ideal takes us back to the German philosophers 
 Hegel, Kant and Fichte, until at the beginning of the war it had im- 
 pregnated German thought so thoroughly that not only the universities, 
 the teachers, the socalled intellectuals, but all classes, such as captains 
 of industry, statesmen, military writers and even the masses were 
 infected with the contagious diseased state of mind which resulted 
 therefrom. Prince develops the principles of Das Deutschtum. He 
 shows how this has become the national consciousness of Germany. 
 Prussian militarism is but one of the patent expressions of the under- 
 lying state of mind which dominated the classes of Germany. 
 
 In the second chapter on "Prussian Militarism and a Lasting 
 Peace," Prince shows how the world war now raging is a conflict 
 between two principles of government, with the need of the destruc- 
 tion of Prussian militarism and of the deluded, obsessional state of 
 mind brought on by the dangerous ideal of Das Deutschtum. 
 
 The kaiser himself is but a mouthpiece whence emanate many of 
 the thoughts and attitudes which have been built up on his mental 
 soil as a result of the philosophy with which he, in common with 
 others, has been impregnated. He therefore represents Prussian 
 militarism and the state of mind of the German national consciousness 
 which Prince has here called Das Deutschtum. 
 
 And it is at this point that Prince interjects his very excellent study 
 of the kaiser which a short time ago appeared as a separate little 
 volume with the same title as Chapter III "The Psychology of the
 
 238 Reviews 
 
 Kaiser." A Foreword by Marquis Okuma and an Introduction by 
 Professor Shiowasa) both of which appeared with the Japanese transla- 
 tion of this essay) are included. This part of the work was reviewed 
 by me for the Journal of Abnormal Psychology when it appeared in 
 book form, and he who has not read the original book will do well to 
 read it here. It is the best exposition of the mental mechanisms of 
 the kaiser that the reviewer has read anywhere. 
 
 Four essays entitled "The American Versus The German View- 
 point," "The American Conscience, 1914-1915," "The Disintegra- 
 tion of an Ideal," (in which the author, before the United States 
 entered the war, pleaded that it was the duty of the United States to 
 protest against the atrocities of the German government), and "The 
 War A Test of the Germany Theory of Militarism" respectively, 
 are followed by that comprehensive and sound chapter on "A World 
 Consciousness and Future Peace," which appeared recently in the 
 Journal of Abnormal Psychology, and in which Prince demonstrates 
 that the future peace of the world depends in the last analysis upon a 
 world consciousness in international relations. The problem is thus 
 reduced to that of education, of proper mental attitudes, of psychology. 
 
 The other fellow who disagrees with the author may not feel so 
 pleased with the work as the reviewer is, but it would do him good to 
 read it. 
 
 It is gratifying to see psychologists of the standing of Morton 
 Prince enter the field of such decidedly practical affairs as international 
 relationships. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 *This review was received for publication before the armstice was signed.
 
 THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 VOL. XIII DECEMBER, 1918 NUMBER 5 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 A CASE OF ALTERED EMOTIONS BEARING ON 
 THE LANGE-JAMES THEORY 
 
 BY ABRAHAM MYERSON, M. D. 
 
 CHIEF MEDICAL OFFICER, OUT-PATIENT DEPARTMENT, 
 
 PSYCHOPATHIC DEPARTMENT, BOSTON STATE HOSPITAL. 
 
 ASST. PROF. OF NEUROLOGY, TUFTS COLLEGE MEDICAL SCHOOL 
 
 THE famous Lange- James theory of the emotions states 
 indirect opposition to both the Introspectionists' and 
 Intellectualists' Schools that the essential features of 
 any emotion are its bodily manifestations "so that 
 were the bodily commotions suppressed we should not so much 
 feel fear as call the situation fearful; we should not be surprised 
 but coldly recognize that the object was indeed extraordinary. 
 One of the enthusiastic has gone even so far as to state that when 
 we feel sorry it is because we weep; when we feel afraid it is 
 
 because we run away, and not conversely ". 
 
 The case which I am citing seems to show that feeling may 
 itself be absent from consciousness, even though the vaso-vis- 
 ceral manifestations are fully developed, and what is more, fully 
 appropriate. That is to say, in response to a sad situation this 
 patient cries, in response to other situations she laughs, with- 
 out so she says being either sad or glad. So with the other 
 emotions. That is to say in direct contradiction to what is 
 quoted from Jamesin the paragraph above though she weeps 
 she does not feel sorry; though she runs away she does not 
 feel fear. 
 
 Impulsive laughing and crying under inappropriate situations 
 without feeling have been described as occurring in diseases 
 of the basal-nuclei. I have seen several such cases, and have 
 corroborated the hazard as to the lesion by an autopsy in one 
 
 Copyright 1919 by Richard 0. Badger. All Rights Reserved. 
 
 239
 
 240 A Case of Altered Emotions 
 
 case. In the case here cited there was no organic disease, and 
 in addition to mere laughing and crying, sadness and gladness 
 or other emotions the fundamental organic sensations are absent, 
 that is to say neither sorrow nor joy, fear nor anger, hunger nor 
 thirst, sex desire nor fatigue are present. Generally phrased 
 psychic pleasure and pain are absent though their manifestations 
 are fully present. There is, however, the recognition that the 
 absence of feeling is somehow wrong, is a void, and something 
 vital lacking. It is because of the conviction that she is not 
 much better than dead, and to obtain explanation and treatment 
 that the patient presents herself at the Out-patient Dept. of the 
 Psychopathic Hospital. 
 
 The case history follows : 
 
 Miss - , case No. 7868, age 32, single, of 
 
 Anglo-Saxon ancestry which has been American for many 
 generations, a native of Georgia, has nothing of special im- 
 portance in her family history. Her mother was nervous but 
 not to an extraordinary degree, and there has been no mental 
 disease in the family (all this and the following is according to 
 the patient, for there is no outside history obtainable). Her 
 own childhood was uneventful. She went through High School 
 successfully, entered the business world and held fairly good 
 positions. 
 
 In temperament she has always been "nervous," that is to 
 say emotions of pleasure or pain had a low threshold, were easily 
 aroused and quite pronouncedly demonstrated. When "sad- 
 dened" or "hurt" she cried easily and copiously, when pleased 
 or flattered she laughed, perhaps above measure. She was 
 rather shy but loved people. She liked music and the "finer 
 things." The sense of disgust was exceedingly easily aroused, 
 which is, of course, related to her luxurious and keenly asthetic 
 tastes. Like many people who react vigorously to the disagree- 
 able, she was easily fatigued, and looked ahead enough to be 
 easily worried and depressed. One might call her cyclothymic, 
 except that generally speaking her moods related to definite 
 happenings, and had not so much the element of the unknown, 
 the organic, as the cyclothymic do. Her energy was low, 
 affectivity high, and she reacted to the outside world with 
 emotion rather than with objectively directed conduct. In a 
 word, she corresponded to the "sensitive" type of Ribot. 
 
 A few words about her sexual life. This seems to have 
 been conspicuously undeveloped. The menstrual flow has been 
 always rather scant, but the periods though established at
 
 Abraham Myerson 241 
 
 fifteen are regular and without excessive pain. She has never 
 known what she has recognized as definite sex desire, though 
 when with the man she loved she felt a tingling, electric-like 
 feeling throughout her body. Since she never embraced nor 
 kissed him, (nor any other man), she has had no experience of the 
 more vigorous sexual feeling that goes with bodily contact. 
 Despite her thirty-two years of life she seems conspicuously 
 ignorant of sex matters. Virginal, childlike in appearance and 
 views, she also seems to have been virginal and childlike in sex 
 feeling. 
 
 Seven years ago the patient came to Boston to live with a 
 friend and work in the city. This friend, a sort of philanthropist 
 and encourager of struggling talent, had as a frequent visitor a 
 young musician two years the junior of the patient, and with 
 whom she speedily fell in love. This love was apparently not 
 openly reciprocated. It is doubtful if he ever was anything 
 but annoyed by her affection. At any rate, he never responded 
 to her advances, which were probably shy and without definite 
 form. But the lady of the house, divining her secret and not 
 wishing the affair to continue since she felt it could only turn 
 out unhappily for the girl, prevailed upon her to go home to 
 Georgia. 
 
 This she did, and had what she calls "nervous prostration," 
 that is she was sadly lacking in energy, easily and painfully 
 fatigued, given to paroxysms of tears and sometimes of "hys- 
 teric" laughter, easily startled by noises, somewhat seclusive 
 and depressed, and decidedly introspective, with much day- 
 dreaming, and a good deal of pain. The pain was especially 
 located in the head and consisted mostly of a tension and feeling 
 of internal pressure. (This occurs in my experience in what I 
 have begun to term "circular" thinking, that is where the same 
 set of emotions, desires and ideas occur and recur against the will 
 of "the patient, so that he lives in what one patient termed "a 
 monotonous merry-go-round " of thought and feeling). This 
 pain became very intense and on the day when the crisis, later 
 described, occurred it seemed to her as if the very top of the head 
 was about to be lifted off. 
 
 The crisis took a severe delirious form. She became con- 
 fused, "feverish," only partly aware of what was going on about 
 her, and was confined to her bed. There were no hallucinations 
 nor delusions, no disorderly conduct but the pain in her head 
 became more than she could bear. This lasted a day and was 
 considered to be Grippe. Then she "recovered," that is the
 
 242 A Case of Altered Emotions 
 
 pain left, she gained rapidly in strength and endurance, and put 
 on weight. In a few days she noticed the symptom of which 
 she still complains, and which has not changed in any extent 
 from that time five years ago, to this. In brief, there is an entire 
 dearth of feeling, despite the fact that she expresses emotion 
 perfectly naturally. 
 
 Now, as will be later detailed, though there is lacking -in 
 consciousness of feeling there is not a corresponding lack of 
 desires. For example, she wants to love the man, is attracted 
 to him, but cannot find anything like the feeling she used to have. 
 She went to see him off to war and though all her thought con- 
 cerned him, and she would have wished, ("if I can use the word 
 wish"), to marry him, yet there was a deadness of feeling. 
 Likewise she desires to get well, thinks only of this in addition to 
 the man, yet has neither hope nor anxiety regarding recovery. 
 Likewise she wants America to win the war, but there is no 
 patriotic feeling. Desires related to purpose are not absent, 
 and intellectual activity is not definitely impaired so far as can 
 be seen. 
 
 Physical examination shows a slender woman, looking less 
 than her age, with under-developed breasts and hips, slender 
 and long legs and arms. She has a rather large goitre, which, 
 however, is hard, not pulsating, is not accompanied by exoph- 
 thalmos, rapid pulse, tremor, nor by any of the secondary 
 signs of hyperthyroidism. The voice is almost falsetto, but is 
 not disagreeable is very childlike and without the resonance of 
 maturity. The visceral and neurological examination is negative. 
 
 In telling her story her expression is animated, though 
 generally somewhat depressed, and it is "nervous," that is, there 
 are the grimaces, the fluent gestures, the over-ready somewhat 
 excessive laugh not related to pleasure but to tension of the 
 nerves. She gives the impression of being over-emotional, and 
 in fact cried twice during the examination. The first time she 
 w T as speaking of her love affair, and the second time occurred 
 after I asked her point blank if she had ever had sexual inter- 
 course. The tears flowed readily but there was no sobbing. 
 Throughout her talking there were also the little pauses and 
 accelerations of respiration that one associates with emotion, and 
 her voice was inflected with the different phases of her story. 
 Once or twice her face became slowly suffused with a blush. 
 That is to say, were one to judge by face, voice, laughter, tears, 
 respiration and capillaries of the face, by the objective manifestations 
 of emotion, this patient was continually emotional.
 
 Abraham Myerson 243 
 
 It will be advisable to consider this patient's organic and 
 emotional "feelings" in detail, though possibly it will become 
 monotonous to repeat after each item that there was no feeling. 
 Organic sensations. These, as is stated, are prior in evolution 
 and need to the emotions. "They that is, (hunger, thirst, need 
 of sleep, fatigue, etc.), express a lacking and deficiency; the 
 anatomical element, the tissue, the organism has need of some- 
 thing . . . All these needs have a point of convergence the 
 preservation of the individual; to use the current expression we 
 see in them the exercise of the instinct of preservation. " 
 
 Hunger. '' Though I had a good appetite previously I no 
 longer have a desire for food, no hunger. I get faint, weak if 
 I go long without food. I have fasted for a day and have had 
 no appetite, though I became unable to work. It is my reason 
 and habit that brings me to the table. When I eat I have no 
 pleasure, though my digestion is good. " 
 
 Thirst. Her throat goes dry and she is uncomfortable, but 
 the sensation is not the composite indescribable state we call 
 thirst. "Hot weather makes me uncomfortable if that is the 
 word, for it isn't discomfort as I knew it. A drink of cool water 
 gives me strength, but pleasure is lacking. " 
 
 Fatigue. The alteration here is remarkable. Before the 
 change fatigue was easily reached, was painful, prolonged and 
 accompanied by mental and physical prostration. " This I never 
 feel any more. In fact, I am much stronger than ever I was. 
 I can work harder, walk farther, do more than ever I hoped 
 to, yet what would I not give to be really tired. " 
 
 "And when I rest these days there is no feeling of recupera- 
 tion. When the day has been hot and I am weak, and I am 
 sitting where a cool breeze strikes me there is not the delicious 
 feeling of coolness." Relaxation and rest have no pleasure, 
 just as exertion has no pain. 
 
 Sleep. "I can sit up all night and not feel sleepy. I do 
 not sleep half so well as before. When I sit up too late, even 
 for me as I am now, my face feels drawn, and I am hollow-eyed. 
 I go to sleep because I have reason, but not because there is 
 sleepiness." What is lacking is the pain of great sleepiness, or 
 the delicious languor of moderate somnolence. 
 
 The change in these fundamental organic sensations has 
 not as yet brought physical disorder because intelligence, habit, 
 and the pressure of social custom force her to eat, drink, rest and 
 sleep in about the same way as before. Except for the lost 
 pleasure, which is a serious matter, this side of her condition has
 
 244 A Case of Altered Emotions 
 
 some compensation, which is added to when we consider her 
 reaction to noises and annoyances. There is, of course, a funda- 
 mental difference between these two forms of displeasing occur- 
 rences, but it is convenient to consider them together. "My 
 nervousness was extreme." A sudden noise made her tremble, 
 grow pale, sent her heart racing, and her breath became gasping. 
 The fear was intense and persistent, and interfered with diges- 
 tion and rest. Now such a noise may make her jump, though 
 this occurs but seldom, but nothing else happens. The "ner- 
 vousness" is gone, as is also exemplified by the reaction to petty 
 annoyances. Whereas little discords, little troubles, little inter- 
 ferences with her comfort were formerly reacted to with undue 
 and prolonged emotion now they pass her over. Psychic pain 
 is diminished just as is psychic pleasure. (I use the term 
 psychic pain and pleasure though understanding fully that all 
 pain and pleasure are psychic). 
 
 This brings us to a consideration of the emotions properly 
 so called. A theoretical difficulty lies in the classification of the 
 emotions, but for practical purposes I am following Shand's 
 scheme. One may cavil at his inclusion of joy and sorrow as 
 primary emotions on the ground of Ribot's objections voiced 
 years ago, that common pleasure and pain, respectively, could 
 not be excluded as the basis of these emotions. 
 
 Joy. "None whatever," she says. A state of general 
 "anhedonia," to use Ribot's phrase, prevails, except for this 
 vital difference that there is not a general depression such as he 
 described in his cases. The big sources of pleasure, such as 
 food, warmth, friendship, love; the asthetic sources music, the 
 theatre, art, have no effect. "I go to a musicale out of habit, 
 out of a restless seeking, with no result. " The pleasures of antici- 
 pation and of realization, of activity and of relaxation, the little 
 things which really give variety, color and joy to life have disappeared. 
 
 As has been above indicated there are many cases where 
 joy and pleasure disappear. In the depression of Manic De- 
 pressive Insanity, in the fear states, in the anxiety and agitation 
 of Involutional Melancholia, and in deep sorrow or great worry 
 the capacity for enjoyment vanishes. But another emotion, or 
 group of emotions, replaces it, in fact, the individual personality 
 is nothing but an emotion. 
 
 Most extraordinary was the reaction to fearful objects. 
 Once when she was on a lonely road an automobile came sudden- 
 ly hurling on her. She screamed and ran to one side, trembling; 
 yet there was no fear consciously, it was as if someone else had
 
 Abraham Myerson 245 
 
 screamed. The cry, the flight instinct were evoked with un- 
 erring promptness, but the "feeling" was gone. Or rather, 
 phrasing it more generally, the vaso-visceral, the motor response 
 was good, the affective reaction was absent. 
 
 It would be superfluous to repeat what has been said in 
 relation to anger, sorrow, disgust, curiosity, wonder, reverence 
 the sentiments love, hate, etc. The motor side of all these 
 emotions and sentiments is present, the affective is gone. "I 
 am as in a dream, an automaton, walking without joy or sorrow, 
 though I laugh and cry . . . Yet I am awake." 
 
 A very curious reaction occurred when I asked her, as has 
 been previously stated, if she had ever had sexual intercourse. 
 First she cried, then looked at me with set mouth and cold 
 eyes, her slender body held erect then she reproached me for 
 asking the question. "How could you suspect me; why did you 
 ask it," she repeated over and over again. Her attitude, her 
 tears, her voice and words all indicated injured pride, anger, 
 reproach, yet she disclaimed any real feeling. 
 
 "Is there any difference between when you cry and when 
 you laugh?" 
 
 ; 'The face feels different, the chest feels different, but I am 
 the same." 
 
 When she went to bid the man she loved good-bye just be- 
 fore he left as a soldier to France, the organic electrical sensations 
 previously experienced were gone. She cried, but yet was not 
 sorry "the tears came of themselves." "I do not wish for 
 his return nor for his death. I have neither love nor hate. I 
 think of him very much, much more than of anything else, ex- 
 cept the change in me." Once she saw a company of soldiers 
 with heavy packs slung on their backs, rifles over their shoulders, 
 marching behind the Flag. The grim faces, the sturdy khaki- 
 clad figures, the solemn booming drum, the banner streaming 
 in the breeze, the applause of the people brought a "lump" 
 to her throat, and the tears stood in her eyes so she could hardly 
 see. 
 
 What should be touched on here, is the absence of al- 
 truistic interest and emotion. It is common enough in sorrow 
 or in axniety for the altruistic interests to disappear. Such 
 people as in the case of the tortured housewife, whom I have 
 described in "The Neurosis of the Housewife," often lose the 
 capacity for affection, for attachment to others. Anxiety and 
 sorrow have more often rendered the character more egoistic 
 than added to its altruism. For my patient affection for others
 
 246 A Case of Altered Emotions 
 
 is not felt. Even the tender feeling which connects us with the 
 weak or helpless, especially children, is not present; and formerly 
 she "adored" children. She carries out her social obligations, 
 her duties from habit, and a perception of its necessity; she acts 
 automatically, but feels no dependence upon others, nor desire 
 to help them. 
 
 "Did you feel patriotic as you watched the men march?" 
 "No, I understood what was going on, yet felt nothing." 
 The absence of the affective life is not complete because 
 of the curious fact that the absence is essentially something dis- 
 agreeable, an intense boredom. "I wish I were depressed, or 
 had a great grief, anything at all. I would like a little pleasure, 
 and I would take a great deal of grief for it. I don't want to die 
 because being dead must be like I am now." The absence of 
 the familiar, the dissociation between manifestation of emotion 
 and the entire feeling has brought a persistent, unending inquiry 
 into the course of it all. This is what brought her to the clinic, 
 she came primarily to find out what the matter was. "Had she 
 a disease of the sensory nerves; if so, how came it that she felt 
 pain and cold and touch? Was there a place in the brain where 
 emotion was felt, and could I tell if she had had a hemorrhage 
 that night five years ago? Is there a lesion of the heart, or 
 of her body organs, that may be discovered and remedied?" 
 It must be emphasized that there are none of the ordinary 
 signs of a psychosis. There is no dementia, and no hallucinations 
 nor delusions are to be elicited, (unless this absence of feeling, 
 this apathia is delusional). Once I thought that she had some 
 idea of power, because she said that if one really loved a man 
 sincerely he must love in return; but this proved to be a naivette, 
 in keeping with her childish voice and manner. It might be 
 claimed that she is pretending that she has no feeling, or that she 
 deceives herself. As to the former, there would be no reason 
 for her to consult a clinic, and to come time after time with the 
 same story and never to change nor to modify her statement. 
 As to the latter, that is that she deceives herself, I doubt if one 
 can deceive oneself that one has no feeling. The most primary 
 fact in consciousness is feeling, and self deception would imply 
 that she had no memory for her feelings. This would be a 
 localized memory defect, just as remarkable and just as difficult 
 to explain as the absence of feeling. I am convinced from 
 observing her, and from all the setting of the case, that she is 
 sincere, and her account is precisely such as would occur if there
 
 Abraham Myerson 247 
 
 were a possible dissociation of feeling from motor manifestations 
 and situations. 
 
 At her last visit she happened to get hold of her record and 
 read it. Since then she has not appeared, and it is possible that 
 the fact that her case was being minutely recorded made her 
 determined not to come again. At any rate, so her case stands 
 at present. Her main purpose is to recover her feelings, her 
 emotions, so that she may again love the man she has been 
 denied, so that she may again feel hunger, thirst and fatigue, as 
 well as pleasure at a concert, or the joys of satisfaction. It will 
 be objected that no psychoanalysis has been carried out, no 
 hidden sub-conscious emotional life uncovered, no complexes, 
 perhaps dating back to infancy, have been disclosed as dissociat- 
 ing the personality. My answer is that I have not had the time 
 to attempt this, had I had the inclination. I am one of those 
 who am not convinced that the technique of psychoanalysis 
 the so-called free association method, which assumes that free 
 associations are possible), or that the interpretation of dreams 
 have the value that have been given to them in recent years. 
 I frankly confess that I do not believe in complexes which 
 operate from childhood on, though I am a strong believer in 
 personality trends, disproportionate emotions and visceral reac- 
 tions, altered or absent inhibitions, wrongly directed or mis- 
 taken purposes, and imperfect or disharmonious intelligence. 
 These are the factors which determine conduct to me, and the 
 minutiae of life are fruits of these things rather than their 
 causes. 
 
 THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS 
 
 The following psychiatric conditions constitute the main 
 groups in which change in emotions is conspicuous. Paragraph 
 First, those in which there is quick change from the exagger- 
 ated expression of one type of emotion to another. For 
 example, in Hysteria, from tears and sorrow to laughter and 
 apparent joy. Here it is doubtful whether the feeling tone 
 corresponds to the expression. Most observers believe there is a 
 shallowness of emotion as compared with the exaggerated ex- 
 pression. In children, of course, there is extremely rapid 
 oscillation from one emotion to another, because there are no 
 controlling reservoirs of feeling. Paragraph Second, those 
 conditions from which the change from normal is of periodic 
 predominance of one or another mood. The depression in the
 
 248 A Case of Altered Emotions 
 
 corresponding phase of Manic Depressive Insanity to its excite- 
 ment or exhilaration, or a cycle, with first one and then the 
 other. This so-called, "Cyclothymia" seems on the whole to 
 be accompanied by adequate feeling tone, and, as is well known, 
 is often associated with ideational trends, that is delusions 
 corresponding to the mood, and often perceptional disturbances, 
 such as illusions and hallucinations. 
 
 Third, a group of cases where joyful or pleasurable feeling is 
 absent. The "anhedonia" of Ribot, often found in the Psycho- 
 neuroses (Cyclothymic type), without delusions and without 
 hallucinations, with insight, without very deep depression, 
 though with a great deal of rather sad, restless, worrisome think- 
 ing. This type of disease is often accompanied by a loss in the 
 feeling of reality. There is, what I have called above "circular 
 thinking," a wearying around of thoughts that goes almost 
 automatically, and tends to become independent of the person- 
 ality. The expression of emotion is adequate, but mostly 
 corresponds to what may, by a stretching of the word, be called 
 emotion of weariness or discouragement. 
 
 Fourth, there is the apathy, or lack of interest in things 
 psychic, of Dementia Praecox. But here there is this funda- 
 mental difference from the case here cited, and that is there is no 
 expression of emotion and no recognition of the external world. 
 Fear is not expressed because fear is not felt, and there is no 
 laughter nor tears because apparently there is neither joy nor 
 sorrow. The individual has withdrawn himself from the world, 
 to the shell-bound mood we call apathy. 
 
 Fifth, a group of cases where with organic brain disease, with 
 injury to the basal nuclei, there is uncontrollable and spasmodic 
 laughing and crying without other internal feeling or any event 
 or thought to evoke the emotions. It is this group of diseases 
 that has given rise to the theory that the seat of the expression 
 of the emotions is in or around the optic thalamus or the len- 
 ticuler nocleus. 
 
 Sixth, the case I have described is of a type which I do not 
 find in the literature, though I confess I have not extensively 
 searched through it. What seems to me important is that the 
 emotional expression seems reflexly excited by the environment, 
 and conduct in more or less adequate conformity to the outward 
 event occurs, and yet no feeling results. It seems, as one 
 searches into every day life, that it frequently occurs in incom- 
 plete measure, that emotional expression and conduct are out of 
 harmony with inner feeling. One frequently has a lump in the
 
 Abraham Myerson 249 
 
 throat, and tears in the eyes without real sorrow, one often has 
 the chilly feeling and weakness of fear without the so called fear. 
 Men sometimes instinctively fly at a sound or rush to combat at 
 sight of a foe, before they feel either fear or anger. In other 
 words, though the vaso-visceral manifestations, the instinctive 
 conduct, and the affective accompaniments are usually firmly 
 linked together, they need not be, and this case is one of per- 
 menent dissociation of affectivity from the other links of emotion* 
 We may regard emotion in something the following man- 
 ner an outward phenomenon stimulating sense organs distri- 
 butes its effects as follows: (1) Certain motor mechanisms are 
 released or tend to be released, unless inhibited. These are 
 either reflexive or instinctive motor mechanisms. (2) Simul- 
 taneously, or nearly so, there is a vaso-visceral excitation, causing 
 changes in heart, pulse pressure, respiration, vaso-motion, 
 adrenalin distribution, visceral tone, which I have called here 
 the vaso-visceral part of the emotion. (3) There is a cerebral 
 excitation, arousing memory centres, inhibition centres, and the 
 cerebral organs of higher function, which tend either to further 
 the "natural" instinctive or reflexive conduct, or else to modify 
 or inhibit it. (4) As a result possibly of all these processes, but 
 more likely mostly related to the vaso-visceral changes, the 
 affective reaction arises, the feeling proper. It is very possible 
 that for the particular occasion the feeling has no relation to the 
 immediate conduct but it is the supreme measure of value for the 
 personality and thus becomes the guide, through its effect on en- 
 suing cerebration, to future conduct. Though possibly an epi- 
 phenomenon in so far as its immediate value is concerned it be- 
 comes the thing lived for. 
 
 *It has been suggested to me that the psuedo-affective reflexes of Sherrington have some 
 bearing on altered emotional states. It is hardly safe to draw conclusions from the emotions of 
 animals, largely because we have no definite means of understanding what they feel. In fact, 
 we are able to study nothing but the expression of their emotions. In the experimental animal 
 especially, changes are set up which are at least in part totally unknown to us. Indeed the very 
 word "psuedoaffective" emphasizes the fact that possibly we are dealing with something only 
 resembling emotions.
 
 BY JOHN T. MACCURDY, M. D. 
 
 ALTHOUGH it is only in recent years that the problem 
 has been scientifically studied, psychiatrists for genera- 
 tions have recognized that there is a tendency for 
 similar ideas to present themselves in the delusions of 
 the insane. In fact, this relative uniformity is one of the 
 phenomena which aid in classifying psychoses and bring some 
 order into our conceptions of what would otherwise be a lawless 
 confusion. A more startling discovery is now a commonplace 
 with students of mythology and folk lore: primitive rituals, 
 savage traditions, modern superstitions, all concern them- 
 selves with themes so much alike as to be almost identical 
 even in detail; a uniformity independent of geographic or 
 temporal contact. Finally, to correlate these facts, appears the 
 modern doctrine of the unconscious, which asserts that these 
 imaginings are part of all of us, savage or civilized, sane or 
 insane, and that "autistic" thought can run in certain channels 
 only. How far this dogma may be scientifically grounded in 
 fact is a problem whose solution demands extensive research. 
 This much, at least, is certain: it is a question in which psychiatry 
 is vitally interested, for refinement in diagnosis is bound to rest 
 more and more on the content of the productions of the insane. 
 In drawing a parallel between the sagas of Hamlet and 
 Orestes, Murray has done nothing new. Rank 2 pointed this 
 out two years before. For psychiatrists the interest of his work 
 lies in his treatment of the subject and in its being done inde- 
 pendently 3 . Particularly noteworthy is the prominence he 
 gives to the madness of these traditional heroes. 
 
 He says that his problem ' . . . concerns the inter- 
 action of two elements in Literature, and especially in Drama, 
 which is a very primitive and instinctive kind of literature: I 
 mean the two elements of tradition and invention, or the un- 
 conscious and the conscious." Obviously Murray is regarding 
 the question from a frankly psychological standpoint, and so, 
 naturally, he proceeds to prove that the essentials of Shakes- 
 peare's Hamlet were present in English literature before the 
 
 'Hamlet and Orestes: A Study of Traditional Types, by Gilbert Murray. The Annual 
 Shakespeare Lecture (1914) of the British Academy, published by the Oxford University Press, 
 American Branch, New York. 
 
 8 Das Inzest-Motiv in Dichtung u. Saga, Vienna, 1912. 
 
 8 Personal communication. 
 
 250
 
 John T. MacCurdy 251 
 
 dramatist's time, and had been Scandinavian tradition for 
 centuries. Orestes was, of course, a fabulous hero, even in 
 Homer's time, whose tale was wrought into various tragedies 
 by the Greek dramatists, just as Shakespeare used the Hamlet 
 saga as the ground work for his play. There are, therefore, two 
 phenomena to be correlated: the similarity of the basic myths 
 (there being no contact between the early Greeks and the 
 primitive Northmen) and the similarity of the details in the 
 Greek and English tragedies. 
 
 The essential identity of the two heroes is next outlined. 
 As to the general situation: "In all the versions, both Northern 
 and Greek, the hero is the son of a King who has been murdered 
 and succeeded on the throne by a younger kinsman .... 
 The dead King's wife has married his murderer. The hero, 
 driven by supernatural commands, undertakes and carries 
 through the duty of vengeance." There is always a shyness 
 about killing the mother as part of this vengeance. "In all the 
 versions the hero is in some way under the shadow of madness. 
 This is immensely important, indeed essential, in his whole 
 dramatic character." 
 
 We are particularly interested in this phase, so it may be 
 well to quote the salient features of this psychosis. "His 
 language is strange and broken ... he is a haunted 
 man, ... he sees visions which others cannot . . . 
 he indulges freely in soliloquies, ... he is subject to 
 paralyzing doubts and hesitations, alternating with hot fits." 
 In the Hamlet of the sagas there is a pretence of being a "fool." 
 In this "fool" the symptoms are grossly represented, but can 
 all be traced in the Orestes or Hamlet of the dramatists. "He 
 is simply a Fool, a gross Jester, covered with dirt and ashes, 
 grinning and mowing and eating like a hog . . . He 
 
 . . . "laughs in pretended idiocy to see his brother hanged," 
 . . . . "remained always in his mother's home, utterly 
 listless and unclean, flinging himself on the ground and bespatter- 
 ing his person with foul dirt." "Besides being dirty and talk- 
 ing in riddles, the Fool was abusive and gross in his language 
 . . . [His] language is habitually outrageous, especially to 
 women. This outrageousness of speech has clearly descended 
 to Hamlet, in whom it seems to be definitely intended as a mor- 
 bid trait. He is obsessed by revolting images. He does 
 
 Like a whore unpack his heart in words 
 And fall a-cursing like a very drab,
 
 Concerning Hamlet and Orestes 
 
 and he rages at himself because of it. " 
 
 Seclusiveness and sex antagonism mark both the make-up 
 and psychoses of these psychopathic heroes. Both Hamlet and 
 Orestes are prone to be cynical about women. Orestes denies 
 blood relationship with his mother. "Both heroes also tend if 
 I may use such an expression to bully any woman they are left 
 alone with. Amlodi in Saxo [an early Hamlet] mishandles his 
 foster-sister .... and utters violent reproaches to the 
 Queen . . . Hamlet bullies Ophelia cruelly and "speaks 
 daggers" to the Queen. He never meets any other woman. 
 Orestes is very surly to Iphigenia: draws his sword on Electra 
 in one play, and takes her for a devil in another; holds his dagger 
 at the throat of Hermione till she faints; denounces, threatens 
 and kills Clytemnestra and tries to kill Helen. There are not 
 many tragic heroes with such an extreme anti-feminist record. " 
 
 Later in his paper Murray mentions that the Hamlets of the 
 sagas slept in their mothers' chambers. 
 
 If these heroes were "seclusive" as far as women were con- 
 cerned, this attitude did not extend to those of the same sex. 
 Murray does not fail to note that both Hamlet and Orestes had 
 warm men friends to whom they were devoted. 
 
 These descriptions are those of laymen. How would a 
 modern psychiatrist describe this accumulation of symptoms? 
 In the first place, there is the make-up. The hero is definitely 
 seclusive, keeps at home, sleeping in his mother's chamber and 
 makes no friends with the opposite sex. More than that, he is 
 actively antagonistic to women, but has one strong male friend. 
 The factor which seems to precipitate the more active psychotic 
 features of the disease is a family tragedy the death of the 
 patient's father. In the psychosis the symptoms are as follows: 
 he hallucinates, often with a grossly sexual content, and has ideas 
 of reference, is "scattered" in his speech, has inappropriate 
 affect, sits by himself and talks to himself, shows queer behavior 
 with sudden, unexplainable assaultiveness ; finally, he is filthy in 
 his habits. 
 
 No one could miss the diagnosis of dementia praecox when 
 the symptoms are outlined in these terms, and, even as given by 
 Murray, the clinical picture is more plainly presented than in 
 many anamneses. We find every symptom necessary to a 
 diagnosis, and, what is more remarkable, none that do not fit 
 the diagnosis. 
 
 Further similarities between the two heroes appear in both
 
 John T. MacCurdy 253 
 
 being away from home when the initial murder occurs, in both 
 having escapes from death at sea and in both being "a good deal 
 connected with the dead and graves and ghosts and funerals." 
 [These are characteristics to which we shall return later.] 
 
 The other characters in the plays are also parallelled by 
 Shakespeare and the Greek dramatists. The father in each 
 case is "idealized and made magnificent." With many charac- 
 teristics in common one can say that he is (to the hero, at least,) 
 a superman. Common to the two situations is the father's 
 burial without religious rites, and that his spirit returns or is 
 summoned by the survivors. [This might be compared to the 
 importance of a parent in the psychosis, who is equally imminent 
 whether actually living or dead.] 
 
 The mother in the Hamlet stories is a curious woman who 
 loves her husband, is vaguely implicat d in his murder, marries 
 the murderer and yet is sympathetic to her first husband's 
 avenger. The identity of the characters in the two myths ends at 
 this point, but Murray elaborates a parallel by introducing a 
 cycle of usurpation plots, of which Orestes is an offshoot, where 
 the mother has more of these characteristics. In one of these 
 the riddle is told Oedipus marries his mother when the father 
 is slain. 
 
 "I feel as I look at these two tragedies that there must be 
 a connection somewhere . . . There is none between the 
 dramas, nor even directly between the sagas; but can there be 
 some original connection between the myths, or the primitive 
 religious rituals, on which the dramas are ultimately based? 
 And can it be that the ultimate similarities between Euripides 
 and Shakespeare are simply due to the natural working out, by 
 playwrights of special genius, of the dramatic possibilities latent 
 in that original seed?" 
 
 This "original seed" he finds in the early Greek or pre- 
 Greek legends of Ouranos, who was cast out by his son Kronos, 
 the latter being helped by his father's wife Gaia, and of Kronos 
 being in turn ejected by Zeus with the aid of his Queen mother 
 Rhea. The same fate was predicted for Zeus if he married 
 Thetis, which he discreetly refrained from doing. "In the 
 above cases the new usurper is represented as the son of the old 
 King and Queen. Consequently the Queen-mother, though she 
 helps him, does not marry him, as she does when he is merely 
 a younger kinsman. But there is one great saga in which the 
 marriage of mother and son has remained, quite unsoftened and 
 unexpurgated. In Thebes, King Laius and his wife Jocosta
 
 254 Concerning Hamlet and Orestes 
 
 knew that their son would slay and dethrone his father. Laius 
 orders the son's death, but he is saved by the Queen-mother, 
 and, after slaying and dethroning his father, marries her. She 
 is afterwards slain or dethroned with him, as Clytemnestra is 
 with Aegisthus, and Gertrude with Claudius." 
 
 Murray has no hesitancy in allying these usurpation myths 
 with "the ritual story of what we may call the Golden Bough 
 Kings," a story that lies at the root of many religions. These 
 divinities, as Frazer has shown, are personifications of the 
 seasons. A Greek scholar, Hermann Usener, identified Orestes 
 as a Winter God some years ago. Murray then adduces evidence 
 to show that Hamlet and his precursors were heroes in a mytholo- 
 gy with similar ritual ideas. The wife-mother is no other than 
 Mother Earth, who marries Spring, is fruitful in Summer, 
 only to be carried off by the Interloper Winter the God of 
 Death. Having reached this conclusion, he discovers that a 
 number of Norse mythologists had already identified Hamlet 
 with Winter and his story with "the world-wide ritual battle 
 of Summer and Winter." Murray smooths over the horror of 
 the incest motif running through these myths by saying it is 
 only natural for Mother Earth to remarry. 
 
 In his conclusions, he says there seems to be " ... a 
 great unconscious solidarity and continuity, lasting from age 
 to age, among all the Children of the Poets, both the Makers and 
 the Callers-forth, both the artists and the audiences. In artistic 
 creation, as in all the rest of life, the traditional element is far 
 larger, the purely inventive element far smaller, than the un- 
 sophisticated man supposes. " Second, he claims that in spite 
 of an almost infinite variety of settings, a basic theme shows an 
 extraordinary durability when kept alive by tradition. These 
 themes stir "certain very deep-rooted human instincts." It is 
 for this reason, he thinks, that any creative work with such a 
 motif awakens a kind of recognition even in us . . . 
 there is something which tells us we have known them always. " 
 Finally, he touches on one aspect of the problem which is of 
 intense interest to psychiatrists, viz., the relation which the 
 settings of the original theme have to reality. In each age the 
 story told is acceptable to the hearer as "The Sort of Thing that 
 Might Happen." [This recalls the fact that where the sense 
 of reality is lost, we have, in some psychoses, delusions that are 
 almost identical with beliefs accepted in bygone generations.] 
 The essence of literary art he finds to lie in " . . . the power 
 of preserving due proportion between these opposite elements
 
 John T. MacCurdy 255 
 
 the expression of boundless primitive emotion and the subtle and 
 delicate representation of life." 
 
 If we accept this last formulation, we can see why artistic 
 creation is so often allied to abnormality; let the primitive 
 emotion gain the upper hand, let the feeling for reality once re- 
 lax, and we have, not genius, but insanity. 
 
 It would be wrong, however, to glean only this wide general- 
 ization from Murray's essay, and one cannot resist the tempta- 
 tion to comment further. As has been mentioned, the occur- 
 rence of the "Oedipus complex" in both Hamlet and Orestes has 
 been studied before. Murray introduces two new ideas: that 
 Death is a prominent feature in both tragedies: and that both 
 hark back to the ritual battle of Summer and Winter. Whether 
 the latter is the original basis of the Oedipus myth, or whether 
 incestuous longings are themselves primary, will probably re- 
 main a subject for polemical discussion during many years. 
 The ideas of death are certainly of more direct interest to the 
 psychiatrist. 
 
 Murray seems to be interested only in the death motif as 
 associated with the hero. His conclusion is that he is Death 
 himself, that he appears, a powerful avenger, after a symbolic 
 death (supposed to be absent or dead by the other characters). 
 The association of horrible power with the dead is common in 
 crude ghost stories, and frequently appears in tales of mystery 
 where the malignant agent turns out in the denouement to be 
 one who has been considered dead. This approaches the idea of 
 rebirth with new power which is met with not infrequently in 
 the psychoses. ( 4 ) It is surprising that Murray fails to comment 
 on the fact that the most dynamic character in both the Hamlet 
 and Orestes dramas is the dead father. 
 
 Death is a thought of no less influence in our unconscious 
 than in our conscious lives, though it is more often welcomed 
 in the latter than in the former. One form of the unconscious: 
 idea is of great importance both to criminology and psychiatry: 
 it precipitates many double tragedies murder and suicide and 
 is often present in connection with stupors. 5 This is the un- 
 conscious fantasy of "dying together," of leaving the difficulties 
 of this world for an eternal union in the carefree beyond. In 
 
 4 In Vol. VIII, No. 6, of the Journal of Abnormal Psychology, the reviewer published an example 
 of this. The patient announced to his friends that he was Rip Van Winkle come back to life, 
 whereupon he developed a manic-like state in which he gave utterance to delusions of great and 
 picturesque power. 
 
 'For material as to the stupor reactions, the reader is referred to a study to be published 
 shortly by Dr. August Hoch and Dr. George E. Kirby.
 
 256 Concerning Hamlet and Orestes 
 
 real life the murdered victim is usually a mistress, sometimes a 
 wife; in the psychosis it is the mother (or, with a woman, the 
 father). A psychiatrist seeing Hamlet well given cannot fail 
 to be impressed with the air of solemn ecstasy pervading the 
 last scene when Gertrude and then Hamlet die. He recalls, too, 
 that Hamlet insists on getting into Ophelia's grave. This mood 
 of ecstasy is a frequent accompaniment of the idea of heavenly 
 union when this occurs in the psychosis. 
 
 But if we wish to find elaboration of this theme we must 
 turn to Orestes. We read in Aeschylus that Electra and the 
 chorus speak frequently of the life Orestes is to lead after killing 
 his mother. The hero never does this; on the contrary he says: 
 "And for that dishonouring she shall pay her punishment: by 
 the will of the Gods, by the will of my hands: oh, let me but 
 slay, and then perish!" He kills her and goes abruptly into a 
 psychosis, the nature of which is well described. But the theme 
 is not exhausted. After his recovery 6 he and his sister talk of 
 dying together and being buried in one tomb ; he compares their 
 embrace to the farewell of husband and wife. He tries to kill 
 Helen, who is snatched away by the Gods. Then he holds 
 Hermione as a hostage with a dagger at her throat. Apollo 
 appears and announces 
 
 "Hermione, at whose throat is thy sword, 
 Orestes, is thy destined bride." 
 to which he answers 
 
 "Lo, from the sword Hermione I release, 
 
 And pledge, when her father bestows, to wed," 7 
 
 With such a love of death it is not unnatural he should 
 cheerfully wed the woman he was about to kill. It is not 
 uninteresting to note that "Hermione" was the surname of 
 Persephone in Syracuse, Persephone, the Greek prototype of 
 the divinity of Summer, who is carried off to live during the 
 Winter in the underworld. Orestes then is Hermione's Pluto. 
 
 Now what of his psychosis? There is considerable des- 
 cription given and this is unequivocally that of a stupor! 
 
 Electra. 
 
 Sleepless I sit beside a wretched corpse: 
 For, but for faintest breath, a corpse he is. 
 
 "Euripides' Orestes, lines 1037-1055. 
 
 'Translation of A. S. Way, as are the following quotations.
 
 John T. MacCurdy 257 
 
 Helen. 
 
 How long hath he so lain upon his couch? 
 Electra. 
 
 Ever since he spilt the blood of her that bare him [Six days.] 
 
 Electra. 
 
 So long is it since he hath stilled him in sleep to lie. 
 Chorus. 
 
 How is it with him? . . . 
 Electra. 
 
 Yet doth he breathe, but his moans wax weak. 
 (In the lines following this, ELECTRA expresses a fear that the 
 "wild outcry" of the CHORUS will wake her brother. He stirs 
 slightly, but the CHORUS repeatedly points out to her that he con- 
 tinues to sleep.} 
 Electra. 
 
 vouchsafe the grace 
 
 Of the peace of sleep to his resting place. 
 Chorus. 
 
 Tell, what end waiteth his misery? 
 Electra. 
 
 Even to die, what else should be? 
 
 For he knoweth not even craving for food. 
 Chorus. 
 
 Look, maid Electra, who art at his side, 
 
 Lest this thy brother unawares have died. 
 
 So utter-nerveless, stirless, likes me not. 
 
 At this point when he is thought to have, perhaps, died, 
 Orestes awakes, grateful for his sleep, but disoriented and 
 amnesic. 
 
 . . Whence came I hitherward? how found this place? 
 For I forget: past thoughts are blotted out. 
 
 The stupor was apparently "interrupted" for in one passage 
 Electra says: 
 
 And to this day, the sixth since cleansing fire 
 Enwrapped the murdered form, his mother's corse, 
 Morsel of food his lips have not received,
 
 258 Concerning Hamlet and Orestes 
 
 Nor hath he bathed his flesh; but in his cloak 
 Now palled, when he from torment respite hath, 
 With brain unclouded weeps, now from his couch 
 Frenzied with wild feet bounds like steed unyoked. 
 
 Even when he is free from the stupor, death clings to him. 
 He leaves his bed and meets Menalaus 
 Menalaus Gods! What see I? What ghost do I behold? 
 Orestes. 
 
 A ghost indeed through woes a death-in-life! 
 Menalaus. 
 
 How wild thy matted locks are, hapless one! 
 Orestes. 
 
 Stern fact, not outward seeming, tortures me! 
 Menalaus. 
 
 Fearfully glarest thou with stony eyes! 
 Orestes. 
 
 My life is gone: my name alone is left. 
 
 Except for its literary trappings one might expect to meet 
 this description and these data in a contemporary history of a 
 well observed case. Similarly, as we have observed, Murray 
 paints a composite picture of the make-up and insanity of the 
 individual who has incest ideas, and this picture we can recognize 
 as that of dementia praecox with any other psychosis pretty 
 definitely excluded. Here, then, is a curious phenomenon: a 
 thousand years and more before the appearance of psychiatric 
 classifications, minstrels and dramatists ally clinical pictures 
 and mental content with an accuracy which it is only now our 
 ambition to achieve scientifically. Two explanations are con- 
 ceivable. First, that the poet has seen such psychoses and noted 
 the content which he faithfully represents. This hypothesis 
 can probably be eliminated at once, for, as Murray remarks: 
 ". . . . to observe exactly, and to remember and report 
 exactly, is one of the very latest and rarest of human accom- 
 plishments. . . . Early man was at the time too excited to 
 observe, and afterwards too indifferent to record, and always 
 too much beset by fixed forms of thought ever to take in concrete 
 facts exactly." 
 
 The second explanation is startling but, apparently, the only 
 possible one. It is that there is some basic, unconscious con- 
 nection between ideas of a given type and the insanity that 
 accompanies such ideas. The evidence of this correlation goes
 
 John T. MacCurdy 259 
 
 farther than the coincidence of given ideas with the more or less 
 stereotyped psychotic reactions. The author whose inspiration 
 comes from a source beyond his ken, groups the symptoms of 
 dementia praecox about the hero whose career is dominated by 
 incestuous tendencies, or paints a stupor when he longs to die 
 with the one whom he loves most deeply. Can we escape the 
 conclusion that the dementia praecox or stupor reaction lies 
 latent in the normal man and is bound to the incest or death 
 idea? Can these ideas come to consciousness as dramatic in- 
 ventions without the setting of the appropriate psychoses any 
 more than these thoughts can appear as delusions divorced from 
 dementia praecox or stupor? It may be objected that we fre- 
 quently make a diagnosis of dementia praecox without recording 
 an obviously "Oedipus" content. True, but we are here dis- 
 cussing broad tendencies and we now know pretty definitely 
 that the severity of this disease is roughly parallelled by the 
 baldness with which the forbidden theme appears in the patient's 
 productions. 
 
 Psychology has not advanced to a point where it can ex- 
 plain such correlations with any finality, but an attempt may 
 be made to rationalize them. To begin with the simpler the 
 stupor problem. The patient who fancies himself dead may 
 dramatize that thought and so produce the symptoms of stupor 
 a rather hysterical mechanism. It is not hard to imagine the 
 author representing such behavior in the hero. On the other 
 hand, the death idea and the death behavior, so to speak, may 
 both be the product of the same desire, namely, to escape from 
 the torments or task of continued existence. In this case the 
 desire to be done with it all appears as the delusion of death, and 
 at the same time all interest is withdrawn from the environment, 
 normal stimuli cease to cause a response and a condition results 
 which looks like death. Cheap people faint and cheap authors 
 tell of fainting, to avoid some simple, immediate situation. 
 The genius realizes that conscious contacts with a world full of 
 irritation cannot be maintained and breaks those contacts. 
 He represents his hero as failing to respond to any common 
 stimulus, and depicts a stupor. 
 
 The situation with the dementia praecox patient or hero 
 may be similarly explained. Incest ideas have become through 
 the ages and for obvious biological reasons most abhorrent to 
 consciousness and therefore highly abnormal. The normal 
 individual is in rapport with real surroundings and his emo- 
 tional reactions are more or less stereotyped in response to the
 
 260 Concerning Hamlet and Orestes 
 
 environment. This constitutes his normality. If, however, 
 thoughts are intruded on his conscious mind that are foreign to 
 his experience they must be unreal hallucinations or delusions. 
 In proportion to the extent with which his attention is engrossed 
 by these new ideas is his interest estranged from reality and 
 false values are created. In this way two symptoms arise: the 
 inappropriate affect and scattering of thought. Words lose 
 their common, and take on symbolic meanings, thus producing 
 incomprehensible speech. Similarly, the emotional reaction 
 is appropriate to the symbolic and not to the normal significance 
 of words or ideas. 
 
 It is not hard to believe that the dramatist may feel that 
 the hero who is dominated by wishes absolutely foreign to nor- 
 mal ambitions, must be queer, that he must react to unreal 
 voices or sights, find strange meanings in ordinary words and 
 behave in an anomalous way to common stimuli. This is 
 dementia praecox. As an example of how others than the 
 author feel this correlation to be present, it may be noted that 
 every good actress portrays Ophelia with dissociated affect when 
 she becomes mad and talks in a strain previously unknown to 
 her personality. It is this that makes Ophelia's insanity so 
 terribly obvious. 
 
 If this hypothesis I have sketched be justified, it will entail 
 an extension in meaning of what we term "psychogenesis." 
 We can no longer merely assume that the symptoms of a given 
 patient have a psychological history and that many patients 
 tend to react in the same way to the same ideas. We must 
 rather think of these ideas lying latent in all of us and there 
 being associated with these ideas a tendency to behave in a 
 manner as appropriate to these thoughts as normal behavior is 
 appropriate to normal thoughts. 
 
 But is there anything new in this? Or have I, perhaps, 
 only formulated something which has long been tacitly recog- 
 nized? The latter, I fancy, is the case. We know that when 
 the psychiatrist cannot give his reason, but still makes a diag- 
 nosis of dementia praecox, it is because of the "queerness" of 
 the ideas or behavior presented. Even the layman feels the 
 dementia praecox patient to have a different outlook from that 
 of the manic-depressive case. Pathological exaggerations of 
 mood are so akin to normal emotions and show such gentle 
 transitions that they give even to the untrained observer an 
 impression of being temporary. Queer ideas or queer behavior, 
 however, at once suggest a permanent loss of mental balance.
 
 ANAL-EROTIC CHARACTER TRAITS 
 
 BY ERNEST JONES, M. D. 
 
 (LONDON) 
 
 PERHAPS the most astonishing of Freud's findings 
 and certainly the one that has evoked the liveliest in- 
 credulity, repugnance, -and opposition was his dis- 
 covery that certain traits of character may become 
 profoundly modified as the result of sexual excitations experi- 
 enced by the infant in the region of the anal canal. I imagine 
 that every one on first hearing this statement finds it almost 
 inconceivably grotesque, a fact which well illustrates the remote- 
 ness of the unconscious from the conscious mind, for of the 
 truth of the statement itself no one who has undertaken any 
 serious psycho-analytical study can have any doubt. 
 
 There are, however, two biological considerations, relating 
 respectively to the ontogenetic and phylogenetic antiquity of the 
 physiological process concerned, that should render the state- 
 ment made above a little less unthinkable, if not actually 
 plausible. One is that the act of defaecation constitutes one 
 of the two greatest personal interests of the infant during the 
 first year of life, a fact which should carry due weight to any 
 student of genetic psychology, for the basis of that science is 
 the principle that all later tendencies and interests are derived 
 from earlier ones, either directly or indirectly; with this may be 
 correlated the circumstance that the alimentary function in 
 general is the most constant preoccupation of all animals other 
 than man. The other is that many of the sexual processes and 
 organs have been derived from the excretory ones, in both the 
 individual and the race, and are very largely modelled on them; 
 in the lower animals, for instance, and, indeed, partly so even 
 in man common ducts are used for both. That the primordial 
 function of excretion, and the fundamental association between 
 it and sexuality, should result in far-reaching effects on mental 
 development should not, therefore, be altogether surprising. 
 The subject should logically be prefaced by a discus- 
 sion of the facts of anal erotism itself, and even the question 
 of infantile sexuality in general, but so many discussions and 
 illustrations of this are now to be found in the literature that I 
 can deal with the matter here very briefly. The salient features, 
 as elucidated by psycho-analysis, are: The mucous membrane 
 
 261
 
 262 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 lining the anus and anal canal possesses the capacity of giving 
 rise, on excitation, to sexual sensations, just as does that lining 
 the entrance to the alimentary tract. The sensations vary in 
 intensity with the strength of the stimulus, a fact frequently 
 exploited by infants, who will at times obstinately postpone the 
 act of defaecation so as to heighten the pleasurable sensation 
 when it occurs, thus forming a habit which may lead to chronic 
 constipation in later life. The pleasure experienced in this way 
 is one which as a rule becomes repressed in very early life, so 
 completely that perhaps most adults are no longer capable of 
 obtaining any pleasure from stimulation in this region, though 
 there are a great many with whom this capacity is still retained. 
 The psychical energy accompanying the wishes and sensations 
 relating to the region is almost altogether deflected into other 
 directions, leading to the sublimations and reaction-formations 
 which are the subject-matter of this paper. I do not propose 
 here to touch further on the varieties of anal^erotic activities or 
 on their importance in regard to education, to psychoneurotic 
 symptomatology, and to the study of perversions, each of which 
 topics would occupy a considerable chapter in itself. 
 
 In the article in which Freud 1 originally communicated his 
 ^conclusions, he confined himself to pointing out the three char- 
 acter traits that are most typically related to highly developed 
 anal erotism namely, orderliness, parsimony, and self-willedness 
 or obstinacy. These constitute the cardinal triad of anal-erotic 
 character traits, though a number of other attributes have also 
 been described by Sadger and the present writer. As no syste- 
 matic account of them has hitherto been given, an attempt will 
 here be made to classify them and to point out their inter-rela- 
 tionship. As might have been anticipated, some of them are 
 of a positive nature that is, they are sublimations which 
 represent simply a deflection from the original aim; while others 
 are of a negative nature that is, they constitute reaction- 
 formations erected as barriers against the repressed tendencies. 
 
 Bliiher 2 would distinguish between "defaecation erotism," 
 or erotism in connection with the act of defaecation, and "anal 
 erotism," or erotism in connection with any other activities 
 . g. masturbation, paederastia relating to the anal region; he 
 holds that the former is invariably auto-erotic, a statement not 
 in accord with the facts of perversion. I would suggest, on the 
 
 'Freud, "Charakter und Analerotik," Psychiatrisch-Neurologische Wocfienschrift, 1903 ; 
 Reprinted in his "Sammlung kleiner Schriften zur Neurosenlehre, " Zweite Folge, 1909, Cap. IV. 
 
 *Hans Bliiher, "Studien iiber den perversen Charakter," Zentralblatt fiir Psychoanalyse, 
 Jahrg. IV, S. 13.
 
 Ernest Jones 263 
 
 other hand, that, as all allo-erotic manifestations in connection 
 with this region must ultimately be derived from erotism relating 
 to the act of defaecation, there is no reason for introducing a 
 separate term, though a useful distinction may be drawn be- 
 tween the different aspects of the originally auto-erotic anal 
 erotism. One can separate, namely, the interest (and the 
 character traits resulting therefrom) taken in the act itself of 
 defaecation from that taken in the product of this act. This 
 separation of character traits cannot be made quite sharply, it 
 is true, for with some of them both of the interests in question 
 play a part. Of Freud's triad, for example, the self-willedness is 
 doubtless related to the first of the two interests mentioned, 
 and the orderliness to the second, but the parsimony seems to be 
 almost equally determined by both. And when one studies 
 more closely still the relationships of the traits, the same com- 
 plexity is to be found; the orderliness, for instance, passes over 
 into pedantic persistence in the performance of duties, which is 
 related rather to the first class of interest. Nevertheless, a 
 certain gain in clearness is perhaps achieved by keeping distinct, 
 so far as is possible, these two aspects of anal erotism. 
 
 Taking first the attitude of the infant towards the act itself, 
 and the later influences of this on character formation, we find 
 that there are two typical features constantly noted, though, of 
 course, to a very varying extent in different cases. The one is 
 the endeavour of the infant to get as much pleasure as possible 
 out of the performance, the other is his effort to retain his in- 
 dividual control of it in opposition to the educative aims forced 
 on him by the environment. 
 
 The first of these endeavours he carries through by post- 
 poning the act as long as he can children have been known even 
 to go to the length of squatting down and supporting the anal 
 orifice with the heel so as to keep back the stool to the last 
 possible moment and then performing it with intense concen- 
 tration, during which he greatly resents any disturbing influence 
 from without. Sadger 1 has pointed out how this attitude may 
 be mirrored in later character tendencies. Such people are very 
 given to procrastination; they delay and postpone what they 
 may have to do until the eleventh or even the twelfth hour. 
 Then they plunge into the work with a desperate and often 
 almost a ferocious energy which nothing is allowed to thwart, 
 any interference being keenly resented. Undue sensitiveness 
 to interference is very characteristic of this type, especially when 
 
 'Sadger. "Analerotik und Analcharakter, " Die Heilkunde, 1910.
 
 264 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 combined with marked concentration out of proportion to the 
 importance of the occupation. A kindred trait is intense per- 
 sistence on an undertaking once engaged on, from which they 
 allow nothing to divert them even though considerations 
 arising later may put the desirability or the value of the under- 
 taking in a totally different perspective. Such people are often 
 notorious bores. They are equally hard to move to a given 
 course of action as to bring them from it once they have started 
 on it. They are typically slow-minded and heavy in thought; 
 once they have got on to a topic there is no breaking it off until 
 they have gone up hill and down dale in saying all they want to 
 about it, and in the meantime no one else is allowed to interrupt 
 or get a word in on the matter; if they try to do so they are simply 
 ignored or else their interruption greatly resented. On the other 
 hand, these attributes are often very valuable, for the thorough- 
 ness and dogged persistence with which tasks are carried 
 through has its rewards in the quality of the results. Such 
 people often show an extra-ordinary capacity for forcing their 
 way through difficulties, and, through their persistence, get 
 things done in despite of apparently insuperable obstacles. The 
 trait of persistence is often related to pedantry and obstinacy, 
 being half-way between the two. A typical kind of behaviour 
 when such a person is faced with the question of a possible under- 
 taking for instance, the preparations for a dinner-party, the 
 writing of an article, is as follows: First there is a period of 
 silent brooding, during which the plan is being slowly, and often 
 only half -consciously, elaborated. At this time not only are 
 they not to be hurried, which would only result in a flustered 
 annoyance, but they keep postponing the preliminary steps as 
 long as is at all possible, until the other participants despair of 
 the performance being ever acconplished, at least in time. Then 
 follows a spell of feverish and concentrated activity, when all 
 interference is resented and nothing is allowed to prevent the 
 programme laid down being carried through to the bitter end in 
 all its details. The self-willed independence that is implicit 
 throughout this description comes to expression in another 
 interesting character trait namely, the conviction that no one 
 else can do the thing in question as well as the subject himself 
 and that no one else can be relied upon to do it properly. As 
 a result such a person cannot depute work, for he has no faith 
 in its being done adequately unless he attends personally to every 
 detail. Such people are therefore very hard to get on with as 
 colleagues, for, although on occasion they will get through
 
 Ernest Jones 265 
 
 absolutely enormous masses of work (Napoleon), they are sub- 
 ject to inhibitions during which nothing goes forward, since they 
 refuse to allocate any of the work, however urgent it may be, to a 
 deputy or assistant. There are many historical examples- 
 Napoleon is again one of persons of this type organising an 
 elaborate system which functions marvellously well while its 
 author, with tireless energy, attends in pe son to every detail, 
 but which runs the risk of collapse as soon as the master hand is 
 inactive, for, having assumed it all himself he has given no one 
 else the chance of being trained in responsibility. One notes the 
 relation of the trait last discussed to narcissism and exalted 
 belief in personal perfection, an association we shall have to 
 comment on again in considering other aspects of the anal-erotic 
 character. 
 
 It is astounding how many tasks and performances can 
 symbolise in the unconscious the act of defaecation and thus 
 have the mental attitude towards them influenced by the anal- 
 erotic character traits when these are present. Three classes of 
 actions are particularly prone to become affected in this way. 
 First, tasks where there is a special sense of duty or of "ought- 
 ness" attached, therefore especially moral tasks. Much of the 
 pathologically intolerant insistence on the absolute necessity 
 of doing certain things in exactly the right way is derived from 
 this source. The person has an overwhelming sense of "must- 
 ness " which brooks of no argument and renders him quite incap- 
 able of taking any sort of detached or objective view of the 
 matter; there is only one side to the question and it is not open 
 to any discussion at all. Secondly, tasks that are intrinsically 
 disagreeable or tedious, towards which, therefore, there is al- 
 ready some counter-will. This class often coalesces with the 
 former one, when the moral duty is of an unpleasant or distaste- 
 ful nature. A typical sub-group is the kind of task that Ameri- 
 cans aptly term "chores," boring routine duties like tidying 
 drawers, cleaning out a cupboard, filling in a diary, or writing 
 up a daily report. This passes over into the third class, in which 
 the task concerns objects that are unconscious symbols for 
 excretory products. Some of these will be enumerated later, 
 but a few may be mentioned here: any form of dust or dirt, any- 
 thing to do with paper, any kind of waste product, money. 
 With all these groups we may note the alternation of inhibitory 
 procrastination and feverish concentration described above. 
 For example, a housewife afflicted with a marked anal complex 
 will keep postponing the doing of a necessary duty as the
 
 266 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 cleaning out and tidying a lumber room until finally she is 
 seized with a passionate energy for the task, to which everything 
 else is subordinated with no discrimination as to relative im- 
 portance or expediency; similarly with the getting up to date 
 with one's accounts or one's notes, with the arranging of dis- 
 orderly material, and so on. The most perfect example of all, 
 and one quite pathognomonic of a marked anal complex, con- 
 cerns the act of writing letters. There are few people who do 
 not at times find it a nuisance to bring their correspondence up 
 to date, but the type under discussion may show the completest 
 possible inhibition at the thought of so doing, and most of all 
 when they have the strongest desire to write a given letter. 
 When they finally succeed in bringing themselves to the task, 
 they perform it with a wonderful thoroughness, giving up to it 
 their whole energy and interest, so that they astonish the long- 
 neglected relatives by producing an excellently written and 
 detailed budget; they despatch epistles rather than write letters 
 in the ordinary sense. 
 
 With all these activities the desire for perfection is visible. 
 Nothing can be done "by halves.*' When an anxious relative 
 begs for news, if only a line on a postcard, the person finds it 
 quite as impossible to grant the request as to write an ordinary 
 letter: he can write only after he has accumulated enough 
 energy to produce a really satisfactory work of art; nothing less 
 will suffice. The same tendency to perfection may further be 
 displayed in the calligraphy of the letter, which is also related to 
 the trait of neatness that will be considered later ; such people of- 
 ten evince remarkable care in the fineness and beauty of their 
 handwriting. The lady afflicted with what the Germans call a 
 Hausfraupsy chose will often find it difficult to attend regularly to 
 the routine tasks of house work, and may neglect and postpone 
 them until the unconsciously accumulated energy bursts forth 
 in an orgy of cleaning activity. 1 These outbursts of activity are . 
 commonly followed by a marked sense of relief and self-satisfac- 
 tion, to which succeeds another fallow period of apparent 
 inactivity. 
 
 It is further to be noted that with different members of the 
 type there is a considerable variation in the relative prominence 
 of the two phases of the process. With some, namely, the 
 expressive phase of thoroughness, insistence, persistence, and 
 general energy is the dominant one, whereas with others, it is 
 
 1 Sadger, loc. cit., points out that women are especially apt to display these outbursts perio* 
 dically at times of suppressed sexual excitement, e. g. in relation to menstruation.
 
 Ernest Jones 267 
 
 the inhibitory phase of inactivity, brooding, delay, and post- 
 ponement, which may even extend into temporary or permanent 
 paralysis of various activities such as complete inability ever 
 to write any letters. 
 
 We have discussed so far the consequences of one feature of 
 the infant's attitude towards the act of defaecation namely, its 
 endeavour to get as much pleasure as possible out of the per- 
 formance of it; we have now to consider the second, correlated 
 feature the endeavour to retain his individual control of the 
 process. Like the previously mentioned feature, this also has 
 two aspects the opposition displayed against any attempt 
 from without to dictate conduct, and the resentment shown 
 against any attempt to thwart conduct has been decided on. 
 These reactions constitute the character trait of Freud's triad 
 which he calls Eigensinn (self-willedness, obstinacy), and which 
 may attain a chronic attitude of defiance. The person objects 
 equally to being made to do what he doesn't want to and to 
 being prevented from doing what he does want to. In other 
 words, there is an inordinate, and often extreme, sensitiveness 
 as to interference. Such people take advice badly, resent any 
 pressure being put on them, stand on their rights and on their 
 dignity, rebel against any authority, and insist on going their 
 own way; they are never to be driven and can only be 
 led. As children they are extremely disobedient, there 
 being, indeed, a constant association between defiant disobedi- 
 ence and unmastered anal erotism. Later a reaction-form- 
 ation against this may develop, leading to unusual docility, 
 but it can generally be observed that the docility is only partial 
 and conditional that is to say, they are docile only in certain 
 circumstances, when they like and not otherwise, control of the 
 situation thus being ultimately retained by the individual. 
 
 A curious sub-group of these character traits depends partly 
 on the attitude described above and partly on the appreciation 
 of value, about which more will be said presently, that the infant 
 sets on his excretory product, in sharp contrast with that of the 
 adult. Many infants feel it as an injustice that what they Have 
 so interestedly produced should at once be taken away from 
 them, and this goes to strengthen the resentment against the 
 general interference on the subject, resulting in an intense 
 feeling against any form of injustice. Such people in later life 
 are very sensitive on the matter of exact justice being done, 
 even to a pedantic extent, and on all kinds of fair dealing. 1 
 
 1 See Ernest Jones, "Einige Fdlle von Zwangsneurose, " Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Ed. IV., 
 S. 586.
 
 268 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 They get particularly agitated at the idea of something being 
 taken from them against their will, and especially if this is some- 
 thing that symbolises faeces in the unconscious, as, for instance, 
 money does; they cannot tolerate being cheated of the smallest 
 amount. This complex often also serves to start a fear of cas- 
 tration, i. e. of some valued part of the body being taken away, 
 though, of course, this has other sources as well. The concept 
 of time is, because of the sense of value attaching to it, an un- 
 conscious equivalent of excretory product, and the reaction just 
 mentioned is also shown in regard to it; that is to say, people 
 of this type are particularly sensitive to their time being taken 
 up against their will, and they insist in every way on being 
 master of their own time. 
 
 When, now, these hated intrusions and interferences never- 
 theless take place, the subject's reaction to them is one of re- 
 sentment, increasing on occasion to anger or even outbursts of 
 extreme rage. Brill 1 and Federn 2 have commented on the rela- 
 tion between anal-erotic sensations and the earliest impulses of 
 sadism, and I have elsewhere 3 pointed out the importance played 
 in the genesis of hatred by the early educative interference with 
 anal-erotic activities. My communication referred especially 
 to the pathology of the obsessional neurosis; in a subsequent 
 paper Freud 4 confirmed the conclusions there reached, and also 
 pointed out that the combination of sadism and anal-erotism, 
 a high development of which is characteristic of the obsessional 
 neurosis, constitutes a stage in the development of the normal 
 child, one of the stages to which he gives the name "pregenital. " 
 Andreas-Salome 5 also has dealt at length with the importance 
 for later sadism of the conflict between the infant and his en- 
 vironment over the matter of defaecatory functioning. Where 
 this has been very pronounced it may lead to a permanent 
 character trait of irritability, which will manifest itself either as 
 a tendency to angry outbursts or to sullen fractiousness according 
 to the degree of repression and other factors (cowardice, etc). 
 It is interesting that Berkeley -Hill 6 should in this connection refer 
 
 1 BriU, Psychanalysis, Second Edition, 1914, Ch. XIII, "Anal Eroticism and Character." 
 
 8 Federn, "Beitrage zur Analyse des Sadismus mid Masochismus, " Internal. Zeilschr.f. arz?l' 
 Psychoanalyse, Jahrg I, S. 42. 
 
 'Chapter XXXI of my "Papers on Psycho-Analysis, " Second Edition, 1918. 
 
 4 Freud, "Die Disposition zur Zeangsneurose, " Internal. Zeitschr. f. arztl. Psychoanalyse, 
 Jahrg. I, S. 525. 
 
 5 Lou Andreas-Salome, ""Anal" und "Sexual,"" Imago, Jahrg. IV, S. 249. 
 
 "Owen Berkeley-Hill, "The Psychology of the Anus," Indian Medical Gazette, August 1913, 
 P. 301.
 
 Ernest Jones 269 
 
 to a Tamil saying which runs "A man who has a short temper 
 suffers from piles. " Infantile anal erotism that has been inade- 
 quately dealt with may be suspected in any one who is the victim 
 of chronic irritability and bad temper, and perhaps the reason 
 why this trait is so often seen in elderly persons of either sex is 
 that in later life, when sexual vigour is waning, there is a ten- 
 dency to regress towards a more infantile and less developed 
 plane of sexuality; it is known that old people often show other 
 anal- character traits to a greater extent than in earlier life, e. g. 
 personal carelessness, parsimony, and so on. 1 The reaction of 
 annoyance and bad temper is especially apt to be brought out by 
 intrusions on the part of the environment of just the sort des- 
 cribed above namely, either when the person is prevented 
 from doing what he has set out to, or when he is made to do what 
 he does not want to. Typical situations are: hindering the 
 person from concentrating on a task which he has gradually 
 forced himself to undertake, and from which he is now not to 
 be deterred; compelling him to part with money or time against 
 his will; pressing and urging him to undertake something at once 
 when he wishes to brood over it, and so on. Finally, in con- 
 nection with the tendency to anger and bad temper should be 
 mentioned the vindictive desire for revenge when injured or 
 thwarted, which in many people of this type is developed to an 
 extraordinary extent. 
 
 It is not hard to see that many of the temperamental traits 
 mentioned above are closely related to narcissistic self-love and 
 over-estimation of self-importance, a fact which indicates the 
 importance of the contribution made by anal erotism to infantile 
 narcissism. I am referring here especially to self-willedness 
 and all that goes with this, the insistence on pursuing one's own 
 path regardless of the influence brought to bear by other people, 
 the resentment at external interference, the conviction that no 
 one else can carry out a given undertaking as well as oneself, 
 etc. Persons of the type under consideration are apt to have a 
 strongly marked individuality, and study of them throws many 
 difficulties in the way of accepting Trotter's views as to the signi- 
 ficance of a social or herd instinct. 
 
 A character trait that I have not yet been able fully to 
 analyse, but which is certainly related to the foregoing ones, has 
 considerable importance for general happiness and efficiency. 
 It consists of an inability to enjoy any pleasurable situation 
 
 1 On the other hand, Von Hattingberg points out that some of the character traits, e. g. obs- 
 tinacj, may show themselves in childhood only and disappear later; "Analerotik, Angstlust und 
 Eigensinn," Internal. Zeitacher.f. dntl. Psychoanalyse, Jahrg II, S. 244.
 
 270 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 unless all the attendant circumstances are quite perfect. People 
 who display this trait are extremely sensitive to any disturbing 
 or disharmonious element in a situation, a satisfactory mood 
 is readily impaired by slight influences, they are to put it 
 colloquially easily "put out." The attitude is often shown in 
 sexual situations, though by no means only here; the striking of 
 a slightly discordant note, the thought of an unimportant duty 
 not attended to, the slightest physical discomfort, these and 
 similar circumstances are sufficient to abolish potency for the 
 time being. They cannot enjoy an operatic performance, a 
 motor ride, a social function, unless they are exactly "in the 
 mood," and the right mood is only too fickle and erratic. The 
 trait commonly goes with chronic irritability, and its anal- 
 erotic origin is further to be suspected from its relation to the 
 allied characteristic of being unable to settle down to any task 
 until everything is arranged beforehand to the last detail; such a 
 person cannot write a letter, for instance, until every article on 
 the desk is arranged in exactly the right place, until the pen or 
 pencil is precisely in order, and so on an attitude which is 
 certainly of anal-erotic origin. As may be imagined, such 
 people are, as a rule, not only difficult to live with, but are rarely 
 happy; they worry, they fidget, they take everything too serious- 
 ly, and their life is a never-ending struggle to get things right, 
 to arrange matters so that they may at last get some enjoyment 
 in spite of all the difficulties in the way. In this connection it is 
 noteworthy that paediatrists 1 have called attention to the fact 
 that children who suffer much from intestinal disturbances in 
 infancy usually grow up to be unhappy, irritable, and unduly 
 serious, i. e. into the type just indicated. 
 
 Yet another character trait that is often strengthened by 
 anal-erotic complexes is the desire for self-control, especially 
 when this becomes a veritable passion. There are people who 
 are never satisfied with their capacity for self-control and who 
 ceaselessly experiment with themselves with the aim of in- 
 creasing it. This may take either a physical or moral direction. 
 To the former category belong the people who are always doing 
 things like going without sugar in their tea, giving up smoking 
 temporarily, putting their legs out of bed on a cold night, and 
 indulging in all sorts of ascetic performances in order to reassure 
 themselves of their power of self-control and to "show them- 
 selves that they can do it. " In the moral sphere the effects 
 
 1 E. g. Czerny, "Der Arzt als Erzieher des Kindes," 1908.
 
 Ernest Jones 271 
 
 are, of course, more disturbing still, and need not be enumerated 
 here. Although there are naturally many other sources of these 
 ascetic and self-martyring impulses, one not unimportant one, 
 as I have analytically illustrated elsewhere 1 , is the lasting in- 
 fluence of the infant's ambition to achieve control of his sphinc- 
 ters, his first great lesson of the kind. 
 
 Interest in the act of defaecation often leads to interest in 
 the site of defaecation, ?'. e. to the anal canal itself. Without 
 going into the possible effects of this on the sexual development, 
 which are, of course, of considerable importance, I may just 
 mention a few characterological consequences that I have noted 
 in the course of psycho-analysis 2 . The most interesting one is 
 the' tendency to be occupied with the reverse side of various 
 things and situations. This may manifest itself in many differ- 
 ent ways, in marked curiosity about the opposite or back side of 
 objects and places, e. g. in the desire to live on the other side 
 of a hill because it has its back turned to a given place , in the 
 proneness to make numerous mistakes as to right and left, east 
 and west, to reverse words and letters in writing, and so on. 
 Another curious trait of the same origin is a great fascination 
 for all underground passages, canals, tunnels, etc., and I have 
 also known the same complex lead to an extreme interest in the 
 idea of centrality ; one of my patients was always restlessly 
 searching to discover what was really the exact centre of any 
 town he might be in, and developed many philosophical ideas as 
 to what constituted the very "centre of life," the "centre of the 
 universe," etc. 
 
 We pass now to the second of the two categories put forward 
 above namely, the character traits derived from interest in 
 the excretory product itself. Some of these traits relate purely 
 to this aspect of the subject, but most of those to be next con- 
 sidered relate partly to it and partly to the former theme of 
 interest in the excretory act. They all represent either positive 
 or negative reactions, i. e. either sublimations or reaction-forma- 
 tions respectively. To understand them it is essential to realise 
 the primary attitude of the infant towards faecal material. 
 There is every reason to think that, to begin with, this attitude 
 is throughout positive, in contradistinction to the adult one. 
 The infant regards his product as part of himself, and attaches 
 
 I 0p. tit., Jahrbuch, S. 587. 
 *0p. cit., Jahrbuch, S. 581-583.
 
 272 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 to it a strong sense of value and of possession. He soon learns 
 to invest the idea with a negative feeling-attitude of disgust as 
 for something unclean. This comes about more slowly and less 
 completely with some children than with others, depending on 
 the degree of repression. It seems likely that some of this re- 
 pression may be entirely endogenous, an inherited tendency. 
 It is much more marked in the case of other people's excreta than 
 with their own, with liquid than with solid excreta, and with 
 the sense of smell than with that of touch or sight. Before this 
 reaction-formation develops, the infant's natural tendency 
 not always indulged in is to keep and play with the material 
 in question, the two typical forms of w T hich are moulding and 
 smearing 1 . In this stage the infant will produce and smear with 
 excreta as a token of affection and pleasure, a demonstration 
 usually misinterpreted by the recipient and not appreciated at 
 its proper value. 
 
 Before we go on to discuss the character traits derived from 
 these attitudes, a little must be said about the unconscious 
 symbols for faeces, on to which the corresponding feelings get 
 transferred. The most natural one is food, this being the same 
 substance in an earlier stage; many idiosyncrasies, both positive 
 and negative, in regard to various articles of diet, e. g. sausages, 
 spinach, rissoles, etc, are due to this unconscious association. 
 Another obvious symbol is any dirty material, street-filth (in- 
 cluding, of course, dung) soiled linen and other things, dust, coal, 
 house or garden refuse, waste-paper, and, indeed, waste material 
 of all description, for in the unconscious the ideas denoted by 
 the words "waste" and "dirty" seem to be synonymous the 
 tertium comparationis doubtless being that of "refuse." Either 
 disgusting or waste matter related to the body is especially apt 
 to become thus associated. The former one may be illustrated 
 by the material of loathsome diseases, e. g. purulent and other 
 secretions, and this is also the reason why a corpse is often a 
 symbol of faeces. Examples of the latter one are hair and nails, 
 parts of the body that are apt to get dirty and which are periodi- 
 cally cast off. Books and other printed matter are a curious 
 symbol of faeces, presumably through the association with paper 
 and the idea of pressing (smearing, imprinting) . 
 
 The two most remarkable, and perhaps most important, 
 faecal symbols are money and children, and, as they occasion 
 profound surprise to every one who first hears of them, a little 
 may be added by way of explanation. Concerning the money 
 
 1 On the pleasure in smearing see Federn, op. tit., S. 41, and many passages in Stekel's writings.
 
 Ernest Jones 273 
 
 symbol Freud writes : l " Ueberall, wo die archaische Denkweise 
 herrschend war oder geblieben ist, in den alten Kulturen, in 
 Mythus, Marchen, Aberglauben, im unbewussten Denken, im 
 Traume und in der Neurose ist das Geld in innigste Beziehungen 
 zum Drecke gebracht. Es ist bekannt, dass das Geld, welches 
 der Teufel seinen Buhlen schenkt, sich nach seinem Weggehen 
 in Dreck verwandelt, und der Teufel ist doch gewiss nichts 
 anderes als die Personifikation des verdrangten unbewussten 
 Trieblebens. Bekannt ist ferner der Aberglaube, der die Auffin- 
 dung von Schatzen mit der Defakation zusammenbringt, und 
 jedermann vertraut ist die Figur des * Dukatenscheissers. ' 
 Ja, schon in der altbabylonischen Lehre ist Geld der Kot der 
 Holle. " ("Wherever the archaic mode of thought has prevailed 
 or still prevails, in the older civilisations, in myths, fairy-tales, 
 superstition, in unconscious thinking, in dreams, and in neuroses, 
 money has been brought into the closest connection with filth. 
 It is well known how the gold that the devil presented his ad- 
 mirers changed into filth on his departure, and surely the devil 
 is nothing other than the personification of the repressed un- 
 conscious impulses. The superstition is also well known that 
 brings the discovery of treasure into association with defaeca- 
 tion, and every one is familiar with the figure of the 'gold-bug' 
 (literally 'excreter of ducats') 2 Indeed, even in the ancient 
 Babylonian doctrine gold was regarded as the dung of hell"). 
 Many linguistic expressions point to the same association. A 
 popular German name for piles is "goldene Ader," golden 
 veins. We speak of a "dirty or filthy miser," of a man "rolling" 
 or "wallowing" in money, or of a man " stinking of money." 
 On the Stock Exchange a man who is hard up is said to be con- 
 
 1 Freud, "Schriften," op. tit., S. 136. 
 
 *A fairy-tale equivalent is the goose with the golden eggs. For other mythological ex- 
 amples of the association see Dattner, "Gold und Kot," Internal. Zeitschrf. arztl. Psychoanalyse, 
 Jahrg. I, S. 495. 
 
 8 From an endless number of literary examples of the association I will quote the following 
 two: "I hate equality on a money basis. It is the equality of dirt." (D. H. Lawrence, "The 
 Rainbow," 1915, P. 431). 
 
 "More solemn than the tedious pomp that waits 
 
 On princes, when their rich retinue long 
 
 Of horses led and grooms besmear 'd with gold." 
 
 (Milton, "Paradise Lost," Book V.). 
 
 The association is common enough in erotic art, especially in caricature (because of the 
 connection between contempt and anal erotism). Two examples may be cited from Broadley's 
 "Napoleon in Caricature," 1911: One, by Foies, depicts Napoleon and George III as "Thj Rival 
 Gardeners;" at the side is a wheelbarrow filled with corns and labelled "Manure from Italy and 
 Switzerland." The other, entitled "The Blessings of Paper Money," is by George Cruikshank; 
 there is a figure of Napoleon withdrawing a large pan filled with gold coins from underneath John 
 Bull, who is being dosed with paper money.
 
 274 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 stipated, and similar expressions such as "currency," "liquid 
 money," etc., doubtless come from the same source. In in- 
 sanity, and, as Wulff 1 has pointed out, also in drunkenness, the 
 association often comes openly to expression, the patient re- 
 ferring to his excreta as wealth, money, or gold. In Browning's 
 poem "Gold Hair: A Story of Pornic, " the ideas of hair, decom- 
 position, gold colour, money, and miserliness are brought into 
 the closest association. 2 In Freud's original article on the 
 subject he proffered the opinion that the association is in part 
 a contrast one between the most valuable substance man pos- 
 sesses and the least valuable, but it is now known that the 
 connection is a more direct one namely, that the sense of 
 value attaching to money is a direct continuation of the sense 
 of value that the infant attaches to its excretory product, one 
 which in the adult consciousness is replaced by its opposite, 
 though it still persists unaltered in the unconscious. In a very 
 suggestive paper, Ferenczi 3 has worked out in detail the stages 
 by which the child passes from the original idea of excrement 
 to the apparently remote one of money. Shortly put, they 
 are as follows: transference of interest from the original 
 substance to a similar one which, however, is odourless, 
 i. e. mud-pies; from this to one that is dehydrated, i. e. sand; 
 from this to one of a harder consistence, i. e. pebbles (some 
 savages still barter in pebbles, and there is still in German an 
 expression " steinreich, " i. e. stone-rich, to denote wealth); then 
 come the artificial objects like marbles, buttons, 4 jewels, etc., 
 and finally the attractive coins themselves (helped, of course, by 
 the value attached to .them by adults). In conclusion, I may 
 mention a curious copro-symbol in this connection namely, 
 one's last will and testament; the association is doubtless the 
 sense of value and the prominence of the idea of something being 
 left finally behind. 
 
 The association between children and faeces comes about 
 in the following way : In the young child's spontaneous phantasy 
 the abdomen is merely a bag of undifferentiated contents into 
 which food goes and out of which faeces come. The knowledge 
 that the foetus grows in the mother's abdomen a fact easily 
 
 1 Wulff, "Zur Neurosensymbolik: Kot-Geld," Zentralbl. f. Psychoanalyse, Jahrg. I, S. 337. 
 
 2 In the Norse tale of Bushy Bride the heroine's hair drops gold as she brushes it. For associa- 
 tions in mythology between hair and gold see also Laistner, "Das Ratsel der Sphinx, 1889, Bd. 
 II, S. 147, etc. 
 
 8 Ferenczi, "Contributions to Psycho- Analysis, " English Translation, 1916, Chapter XIII, 
 "The Ontogenesis of the Interest in Money." 
 
 4 Some neurotics have an intense feeling that all buttons are filthy objects, one doubtless 
 furthered by the association between them and soiled clothes.
 
 Ernest Jones 275 
 
 observed by children without its being realised by grown-ups, 
 and later forgotten leads to the natural inference that it grows 
 out of food, which is perfectly correct except for the initial pair 
 of cells, and then, since the child has no knowledge of the vagina, 
 he can only conclude that the baby leaves the body through the 
 only opening through which he has ever known solid material 
 leave it namely, the anus 1 . This "cloaca!" theory of birth 
 again has its germ of truth, for the vagina and the anus were 
 originally one passage, in pre-mammalian animals. The baby 
 is thus something that in some special way has been created and 
 formed out of faeces 2 ; faeces and children are, after all, the only 
 two things that the body can create and produce, and the im- 
 pulse to do so is remarkably similar in the two cases, especially 
 to a young child whose feelings about its excreta are not yet what 
 our's are. The child finds in nature plenty of confirmatory 
 evidence for its view that charming things grow out of matter 
 with a bad odour, e. g. flowers 3 out of manured soil, etc, this being 
 one of the sources of passionate delight in flowers (characteris- 
 tically enough, most on the part of girls), which are unconscious 
 symbols for babies. I have elsewhere 4 collected a number of 
 words the etymology of which illustrates the association between 
 babies, faeces, and odour. An otherwise unintelligible symbolism 
 I have noted 5 becomes explicable in the light of the preceding 
 considerations namely, that the idea of stealing money from 
 a woman can symbolize the idea of begetting a child by her. The 
 association between the ideas of corpse and faeces both being 
 something that was alive and is dead may also contribute to 
 the belief that babies come from some one who has died. 6 
 
 The possible reactions to these various symbols are so 
 numerous and complex that they are not easy to classify. The 
 anal-erotic complex is genetically related to two of the most 
 fundamental and far-reaching instincts, the instincts to possess 
 and to create or produce respectively. On the whole they are 
 
 1 This view is usually forgotten and then replaced by the more acceptable one that the baby 
 emerges through the navel. 
 
 2 Clinical examples of this are given by Freud, Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. I, S. 55, and 
 Jung, Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. II, S. 49. Many examples of the same belief in mythology 
 and folk-lore are quoted by Rank, " Volkerpsychologisehe Parallelen zu den infantilen Sexual- 
 theorien," Zentralbl. f. Psychoanalyse, Jahrg II, S. 379, 380, 381. The idea has often been de- 
 picted in art, of which an example is to be found in Fuchs, "Das erotische Element in der Kari- 
 katur," 1904, S. 85. 
 
 3 On the association between flowers, hair, and odour see Scheuer, "Das menschliche Haar 
 and seine Beziehungen zur Sexualsphare," Sevual-Probleme, Jahrg, VIII. especially S. 173, and 
 also in this connection a note of my own, " Haarschneiden und Geiz," Internal. Zeitschr. f. arztt. 
 Psychoanalyse Jahrg. II, S. 383, and Chapter XXX of my "Papers." 
 
 4 Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. VI, S. 19*. 
 
 5 . Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. IV, S. 585. 
 
 See Chapter XXXIX of my "Papers."
 
 276 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 opposed to each other, the one being an impulse to keep, the 
 other an impulse to give out 1 , and they may be roughly correlated 
 with the two phases described earlier in this paper the tendency 
 to keep back and postpone production and to produce feverishly. 
 The character of the person will greatly depend on whether the 
 stress is laid on the one or the other of these two impulses. The 
 question is complicated by the fact that the "keeping back 3 ' 
 attitude of the first phase may extend over on to the product 
 itself after it has been brought forth, so that a hoarding tendency 
 ensues. Further, enormous complexities result from the fact 
 that the different attitudes possible vary with different symbols, 
 so that the same person may in one respect show a positive atti- 
 tude, in another a negative one, in one respect a sublimation, 
 in another a reaction-formation, in one respect a giving out, in 
 another a holding back, and so on. It is therefore only possible 
 to delineate certain general types in a rather schematic way, and 
 to call attention to the more characteristic reactions. At the 
 risk of making some errors of over-simplification, I shall try to 
 group the possible reactions into four, on the basis of two prin- 
 ciples: that of the two impulses just mentioned, and that of 
 sublimation versus reaction-formation, this one depending on 
 wiiether the original sense of value is retained or not. Thus we 
 have two groups derived from the "keeping back" or possessing 
 instinct, according as the sense of value is or is not retained, and 
 similarly two with the creative or productive instinct. These 
 four groups will next be illustrated in the order given. 
 
 A. I. The most typical sublimation product of the "keep- 
 ing back" tendency is the character trait of parsimony, one of 
 Freud's triad; in the most pronounced cases it goes on to actual 
 miserliness. There are tw r o aspects to the trait, the refusal to 
 give and the desire to gather, and with a given person one of 
 these may be much more prominent than the other; he may be 
 either niggardly or avaricious, or both. Such people are mean, 
 and grudge giving or lending. 2 The attitude naturally applies 
 most to the various copro-symbols, e. g. money (most of all), 
 books, time, food (food-hoarders!), and so on. The irrational, 
 i. e. unconscious, origin of the attitude is often shown by the way 
 in which the person will grudge giving a copper/ or a penny 
 stamp (which are more directly associated symbols) much more 
 than a considerable sum given by cheque. Sometimes the trait 
 
 1 . It is interesting that Bertrand Russell, in his" Principles of Social Reconstruction, "1916 
 should make this opposition the basis of an extensive sociological philosophy. 
 2 We appiopriately speak of such people as being "close," "tight," etc.
 
 Ernest Jones 277 
 
 is marked only in a limited sphere; a common one is where a 
 quite well-to-do person grudges the cost of the laundry, and 
 resorts to various petty devices to diminish it ; the tendency not to 
 change underclothing more than is absolutely necessary is often 
 doubly motivated, consciously by the dislike of parting with 
 money (i. e. sublimated dirt) , and unconsciously by the dislike of 
 parting with bodily dirt. When such people are compelled to part 
 w r ith more than they are willing to, they display the reaction of 
 annoyance and resentment discussed earlier in this paper; thus 
 when money is stolen from them, and particularly when it is 
 stolen by their being given "bad" (i. e. "rotten") money 1 
 that is, when they are made to excrete against their will. 
 
 The second aspect mentioned is the impulse to gather, 
 collect, and hoard. All collectors are anal-erotics, and the 
 objects collected are nearly always typical copro-symbols : thus, 
 money, coins (apart from current ones), stamps, eggs, butter- 
 flies these two being associated with the idea of babies , 
 books, and even worthless things like pins, old newspapers, etc. 
 In the same connection may be mentioned the joy in finding or 
 picking up objects of the same sort, pins, coins, etc, and the 
 interest in the discovery of treasure trove. The treasure trove 
 is usually buried underground, which connects with the interest 
 mentioned above in concealed passages, caves, and the like; the 
 interest is also evidently strengthened by other sexual com- 
 ponents, Schaulust (visual sexual curiosity) incestuous exploration 
 in the body of Mother Earth 1 etc. 
 
 A more edifying manifestation of the same complex is the 
 great affection that may be displayed for various symbolic 
 objects. Not to speak of the fond care that may be lavished on a 
 given collection a trait of obvious value in the custodians of 
 museums and libraries, etc. , one of the most impressive traits 
 in the whole gamut of the anal character is the extraordinary 
 and quite exquisite tenderness that some members of the type 
 are capable of, especially with children 3 ; this is no doubt 
 strengthened both by the association with innocence and purity 
 
 1 Jahrbuch, loc. cit. 
 
 z ln Paradise Lost" (Book 8) we read how men, taught by Mammon, 
 
 "with impious hands 
 Rifl'd the bowels of their mother Earth 
 For Treasures better hid. Soon had his crew 
 Op'nd into the Hill a spacious wound 
 And dig'd out ribs of Gold. " 
 
 8 It is quite characteristic even of misers to be passionate!} fond of their children,e.g. Shylock, 
 Balzac's Eugenie Grandet, etc., with the former of these, Shakespeare clearly illustrates the 
 equivalency and unconscious identity of the daughter and the ducats.
 
 278 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 presently to be discussed, and by the reaction-formation against 
 the repressed sadism that so commonly goes with marked 
 anal erotism. A curious accompaniment of this tender- 
 ness is a very pronounced tendency to domineer the loved (and 
 possessed) object; such people are often very dictatorial or even 
 tyrannical, and are extremely intolerant of any display of in- 
 dependence on the part of the loved object. 
 
 A. 2. The chief reaction-formation shown in conjunction 
 with the "retaining" tendency is the character trait of order- 
 liness, the third of Freud's triad. It is evidently an extension of 
 cleanliness, on the obverse principle to the saying that "dirt is 
 matter in the wrong place;" presumably it is no longer dirt if it 
 is put in the right place. When marked, this trait may amount 
 to a definite neurotic symptom, there being a restless and un- 
 controllable passion for constantly arranging the various details 
 of a room until everything is tidy, symmetrical, and in exactly 
 "its right place." One illustration of this familiar trait will 
 suffice: I have seen books, never used, kept on a table, and, 
 although they were all of the same size and looked perfectly neat, 
 the owner could not rest without putting them in the precise 
 order he had ordained as fit and proper; a picture ever so slightly 
 askew would have made it out of the question for him to continue 
 a conversation. Such people are extremely intolerant of any 
 disorder; they are bound to clear away any waste paper or other 
 objects "left lying about." Everything must be put in its 
 proper place, and if possible put away out of sight. A more 
 useful development that occurs in some members of the type 
 is a high capacity for organising and systematising. 
 
 In the field of thought this tendency commonly leads to 
 undue pedantry, with a fondness for definitions and exactitude, 
 often merely verbal. An interesting and valuable variety occa- 
 sionally met with is a great dislike for muddled thinking, and a 
 passion for lucidity of thought; such a person delights in a 
 getting a matter quite clear, has fondness for classifying, and 
 so on. 
 
 The intolerance for disorder is closely related to another 
 trait, the intolerance for waste. This has more than one source. 
 It represents a dislike of anything being thrown away (really 
 from the person) a manifestation of the retaining tendency 
 under consideration and also a dislike of the waste product 
 because it represents refuse, i. e. dirt, so that every effort is 
 made to make use of it. Such people are always pleased at dis- 
 covering or hearing of some new process for converting waste
 
 Ernest Jones 279 
 
 products into useful material, in sewage-farms, coal tar manu- 
 facturies, and the like. 
 
 A correlated trait, to which Freud called attention, is re- 
 liability, the capacity for being depended on. It is related to 
 the passion for thoroughness and efficiency, with the dislike of 
 deputing, that was discussed earlier in the paper. People having 
 it can be trusted not to neglect any duty or to leave things un- 
 done or half done. 
 
 B. I. In this category comes the opposite of parsimony 
 namely, extreme generosity and extravagance. Some psycho- 
 analysts would call this type anal-erotics as distinct from the 
 anal character of the former, but it seems to me that they are 
 equally character types derived from anal -erotic complexes, 
 differing only in that one is positive and the other negative. 
 One can distinguish two varieties of even the positive aspect of 
 the "giving out" type according to what is done with the pro- 
 duct; with the one variety the person's aim is to eject the product 
 on to some other object, living or not, while with the other the 
 aim is to manipulate the product further and to create some- 
 thing else out of it. The two will next be considered in this order. 
 
 a. The simplest type of the former aim may be called a 
 sublimation of the primitive smearing impulse. An unrefined, 
 and usually repressed form of this is the impulse to stain or con- 
 taminate, found, for instance, in the perversion known as pygma- 
 lionism, the impulse to stain statues with ink, etc, and in the 
 perverse impulse to defile women or their clothing by throwing 
 ink, acid, or chemicals over them 1 ; it sometimes lurks behind the 
 erotic passion for young children (desire to contaminate their 
 innocence). Two sublimations of this impulse are of great social 
 significance namely, interest in painting and in printing 2 , i. e. 
 in implanting one's mark on some substance. Lowlier forms of 
 the same tendency are the common fondness of the uneducated 
 for carving or writing their names, i. e. leaving a memento of 
 of themselves which may injure and spoil something beautiful 
 (and therefore spoilable) ; on the same plane there are innumer- 
 able manifestations of this spoiling, defiling impulse, usually 
 associated with destructiveness (Freud's pregenital sadistic- 
 anal-erotic stage of development) witness the War. 
 
 When, with retention of the sense of value, the original 
 product is replaced by money, jewels, etc., and when, further, 
 
 1 Theinet, "Attentats aux Moeurs," 1898, pp. 484 el seq. Moll, "Gutachten liber einem 
 Sexual-Perversen (Besudelungstrieb)," ZeUschr, f. MedizinaJbeamte, 1900, Heft XIII. 
 
 '. There are obviously other sources, even in the unconscious, for these interests, but the 
 importance of the one here given is not to be underestimated.
 
 280 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 the original sexual impulse has developed on to the allo-erotic 
 plane, there is brought about a form of love-life characterised 
 by the overwhelming predominance of the act of giving. It is 
 true that, from both the psychological and physiological basis 
 of love, the greater part of all love-life is modelled on the proto- 
 type of giving and receiving, but in the type in question all other 
 aspects of love are entirely subordinated to this one act. Such 
 people are always making presents ; they woo their mate by only 
 one method of making themselves agreeable and attractive, by 
 giving her jewels, chocolates, etc, etc. The immature and pre- 
 genital level of this form of love-life is shown by the fact that it 
 is commonest with persons who are relatively impotent or anaes- 
 thetic; the usual pair who love in this way is an old man and a 
 young girl, the former having reverted to this infantile level and 
 the latter never having left it. 
 
 It is probable that the very desire to impregnate is contri- 
 buted to by the complex in question (see above for child sym- 
 bolism), but we are here on a more adult, genital plane of de- 
 velopment so that it is only possible to detect traces of the com- 
 plex in some people. 
 
 6. The desire to manipulate the product further and to 
 create out of it leads to various sublimations, beginning with 
 the usual fondness of children for moulding and manipulating 
 plastic material, putty, plastecene, etc. The commonest sub- 
 limation is in the direction of cooking 1 , which may later be 
 replaced by an aversion from cooking or continued as a passion 
 for it. It finds extensive application in two other spheres of life, 
 the industrial 2 and the artistic; good examples of the former are 
 metal-moulding, building, carpentry, engraving, etc; examples 
 of the latter are sculpture, architecture, wood-carving, photog- 
 raphy, etc. 3 
 
 B. 2. We have next to consider results of the reaction- 
 formations built up against material that has been emitted, or 
 symbols of this. The most obvious one is a strong dislike of 
 dirt and a passion for cleanliness. 4 Sadger points out that 
 intense dislike of dirt on the body itself is usually indicative of a 
 masturbation complex, the anal-erotic one manifesting itself 
 
 'See Jahrbuch, op. cit. S. 568. 
 
 a It does not seem altogether fanciful to correlate the enormous extension of interest in in- 
 dustrialism that took place a century or so ago with the wave of increased repression of anal 
 erotism that can be shown historically to have accompanied it, especially in England. 
 
 3 ]>st it may be thought that any of these conclusions aie speculative I may say that every 
 one is based on the data of actual analyses, as are all the conclusions presented in this paper. 
 
 4 Sadger, op. rit.
 
 'Ernest Jones 281 
 
 rather in an aversion from dirt in regard to external objects, 
 particularly clothing and furniture where with neurotics it 
 may become exceedingly exaggerated ; he gives as a special mark 
 of an anal-erotic complex the dislike of street dirt and the 
 tendency to lift the skirts specially high from the ground (ex- 
 cepting, of course, the cases of girls where this is due rather to an 
 exhibitionistic impulse). My experience agrees with his in this 
 conclusion, with, however, one modification. I find that the 
 anal-erotic reaction often extends to the inside of the body, there 
 being a conviction that everything inside is inherently filthy; 1 
 I have known such people be unwilling even to insert a finger 
 into their own mouths, and to have the custom of drinking large 
 quantities of water daily with the idea of cleansing the dirty 
 inside of the body. 
 
 In striking contrast with the character trait of loving care 
 in regard to objects, which was mentioned above (under A. I.), 
 is the attitude of the present type. Such people, so far from 
 being proud of their possessions and productions, take very 
 little interest in them. They are often quite indifferent to their 
 immediate surroundings, to their furniture, clothes, and so on. 
 As to their own productions, whether material or mental, their 
 chief concern after the process is finished is to get rid of them as 
 completely as possible, and they discard them with no wish to 
 know what becomes of them. This attitude may, through the 
 association explained above, even extend to the children pro- 
 duced, though such cases are rare ; when this happens, the woman 
 may delight in the process of pregnancy itself, but take no in- 
 terest in the results of it. 
 
 An extension of this reaction is the exaggerated disgust 
 and aversion sometimes displayed in regard to any idea 
 of contaminating or spoiling. Such people are abjectly miserable 
 at the thought of anything, especially beautiful objects, being 
 injured, spoiled, ruined, and their life in an industrial age is one 
 long protest against the intrusion of man, with all his squalor 
 and ugliness, into the previously untouched spots of nature. 
 The staining of table-linen, the defacement of a book, the in- 
 juring of a picture, the growth of a town over what were fields 
 and woods, the post-prandial performances of trippers in the 
 country, the building of a new factory or the extension of a rail- 
 way all evoke the same reaction of agonized distress and re- 
 sentment. 
 
 1 Accompanying this is often to he found a marked hypochondria, especially in regard to 
 alimentary functioning of all kind.-,.
 
 282 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 A variety of the reaction that is very important sociologically 
 is what may be called the morbid purity complex. I refer to 
 the purity fanatics who can only conceive of sexuality as a kind 
 of anal erotism, and to whom, therefore, all its manifestations 
 are necessarily filthy 1 . They have so perverted the very mean- 
 ing of the word "pure" that it is hardly possible to use it now- 
 adays without exposing oneself to the so often well-founded 
 comment "To the pure all things are impure." My experience 
 also tallies with Sadger's 2 in tracing to the same origin what he 
 calls "the theory of the pure man" that so many neurotic girls 
 hold namely, the belief that a man is defiled unless he enters 
 marriage with no previous experience of allo-erotic functioning. 
 To such people sexuality is so inherently filthy in itself that it 
 can only be removed from this reproach if at all by surround- 
 ing it with the most elaborate precautions and special conditions. 
 
 A little should be said, in conclusion, of a theme that has 
 so far not been touched on here namely, the psychological 
 derivatives of the flatus complex, of the infant's interest in the 
 production of intestinal gas. I have devoted a monograph 3 to 
 some aspects of the part played in art and religion by this com- 
 plex, the manifestations of which are a good deal more extensive 
 than might be supposed. I have shown 4 that in the unconscious 
 the idea of flatus forms important associations with a series of 
 other ideas having similar attributes, notably those of sound, 
 light, odour, fire, breath, speech, thunder, thought, mind, soul, 
 music 5 , poetry 5 , and that a number of mental attitudes towards 
 these ideas is influenced by the association in question. I do not 
 propose to repeat these here, but will simply illustrate them by a 
 few examples. A passion for propagandism of ideas, and a belief 
 in telepathy 6 , may be largely determined by this complex. So 
 may an intense aversion for already breathed air, with a fanati- 
 cism for fresh air, a passionate interest in the subject of breath 
 control, and the conviction that breathing exercises afford a 
 panacea for mental and bodily ills. With speech, quite apart 
 from gross inhibitions like stuttering, the influence of the asso- 
 ciated flatus complex may extend into the finest details of syntax 
 and grammar; a man, for instance, who was habitually reticent 
 
 1 See Jahrbuch, op. cit., S. 580. 
 2 Sadger, op. cit. 
 
 3 "Die Empfangnis der Jungfrau Maria durch das Ohr: Ein Beitrag zu der Beziehung Zwischen 
 Kunst und Religion, " Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. VI. 
 
 4 Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse, Bd. IV and V. 
 
 5 It is noteworthy that the anal-erotic complex plays a part in relation to each of the five 
 arts, architectur?, sculpture, painting, music, and poetry, as might have been expected from the 
 important contribution to aesthetics in general that is provided by the reaction-formation against 
 anal erotism. 
 
 See Jahrbuch, Bd. IV, S. 590, u. ff., and also Hitschmann, Internal, Zeitschr. f. arztl. Psycho- 
 analyse, Jahrg. I, S. 253.
 
 Ernest Jones 283 
 
 in speech, cherished the ambition, which he very largely carried 
 out, of being able so to construct his clauses, on a very German 
 model, as to expel all he might have to say in one massive, but 
 superbly finished sentence that could be flung out and the whole 
 matter done with. 
 
 GENERAL SURVEY 
 
 The number of character traits and interests ranged over in 
 the preceding remarks has been so great, and the account given 
 of them so bald, that it may conduce to perspicuity if I once more 
 review shortly the subject as a whole. One should keep well in 
 mind the two fundamental phases of the process the first one of 
 "keeping back" and the second one of "giving out" respectively, 
 each of which gives rise to its own series of character traits. 
 With both of them the person strongly objects to being thwarted, 
 to being prevented from either "keeping back" or "giving out," 
 as the case may be ; this attitude may lead to marked individual- 
 ism, self-willedness, obstinacy, irritability and bad temper. 
 Heavy -mindedness, dogged persistence, and concentration, with 
 a passion for thoroughness and completeness are characteristics 
 equally related to both phases. 
 
 Much of the person's later character will depend on the 
 detailed interplay of the attitudes distinctive of each phase, and 
 on the extent to which he may react to each by developing either 
 a positive sublimation or a negative reaction-formation. The 
 sublimations result in two contrasting character types: on the 
 one hand a parsimonious and perhaps avaricious one, with a 
 fondness for possessing and caring for objects, and a great 
 capacity for tenderness so long as the loved person is docile; on 
 the other hand, a more creative and productive type, with active 
 tendencies to imprint the personality on something or somebody, 
 with a fondness for moulding and manipulating, and a great 
 capacity for giving, especially in love. The reaction -formations 
 lead to the character traits of orderliness, cleanliness, pedantry, 
 with a dislike of waste; they also afford important contributions 
 to aesthetic tendencies. 
 
 It will be seen that the total result is an extremely varied 
 one, owing to the complexity of the inter-relations of the different 
 anal-erotic components with one another and with other con- 
 stituents of the whole character. Some of the most valuable 
 qualities are derived from this complex, as well as some of the 
 most disadvantageous. To the former may be reckoned es-
 
 284 Anal-Erotic Character Traits 
 
 pecially the individualism, the determination and persistence, 
 the love of order and power of organisation, the competency, 
 reliability and thoroughness, the generosity, the bent towards 
 art and good taste, the capacity for unusual tenderness, and the 
 general ability to deal with concrete objects of the material world. 
 To the latter belong the incapacity for happiness, the irritability 
 and bad temper, the hypochondria, the miserliness, meanness 
 and pettiness, the slow-mindedness and proneness to bore, the 
 bent for dictating and tyrannising, and the obstinacy which, 
 with the other qualities, may make the person exceedingly 
 unfitted or social relations.
 
 IRREGULARITY IN A PSYCHOLOGICAL EXAMINA- 
 TION AS A MEASURE OF MENTAL DETERIORATION 
 
 BY SIDNEY L. PRESSEY, PH. D., AND LUELLA W. COLE, A. B. 
 
 THE PSYCHOPATHIC HOSPITAL, BOSTON 
 
 THE statement is frequently made that evidence of 
 deterioration in a mentally diseased patient may be 
 obtained from the "irregularity" of the results on a 
 psychological examination. By " irregularity " is usual- 
 ly meant the degree of scatter in the scores on a Binet scale. 
 For example, if a feeble-minded case shows a mental age of 
 nine years on the scale, he usually has no failures below the seven 
 year group of tests, and succeeds on no tests above the twelve year 
 group, while the psychotic patient, in obtaining the same men- 
 tal age, fails a test which a normal five year child passes, and 
 succeeds on tests of the sixteen year group. 
 
 General observation shows something of this sort to be true, 
 but surprisingly little careful and systematic work has been 
 done on the subject. The present paper is a brief report of 
 results in an effort to determine with some exactness the signifi- 
 cance and reliability of irregularity as it appears in the examina- 
 tion of mentally diseased individuals. An attempt has been 
 made to develop norms of irregularity, and put the subject on a 
 more sound basis than has hitherto been the case. Then on the 
 basis of an analysis of these results a special differential group of 
 tests within the scale has been formed; for this also norms are 
 presented, which would indicate a very considerable degree of 
 reliability for this special differential unit. 
 
 As will be pointed out later, irregularity may not always 
 have quite the meaning which is usually given it. But at least 
 it may be said that it suggests deterioration. And as a measure 
 of the reliability of the mental level indicated by the examination, 
 it would seem to have a wider value than has usually been sup- 
 posed. 
 
 The results here reported are based on a comparison of the 
 irregularity of a group of feeble-minded cases showing mental 
 ages from eight through twelve years with two groups of psy- 
 chotic persons (dementia praecox and chronic alcoholics) giving 
 the same mental ages. The Point Scale was used. One of the 
 
 285
 
 286 Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 great advantages of the "point" method, which seems to have 
 been overlooked so far, is the simplicity with which a single and 
 comprehensive statement of irregularity can be obtained 1 . 
 
 The irregularity was figured on the basis of table 30, p. 123 
 of "A Point Scale for Measuring Mental Ability." This table 
 gives the average score in points of the normal child at each age, 
 for each test; the data are the same as those on which the 
 original Point scale norms for mental age were figured. So the 
 average score of eleven year children on test one is 3.0, on 
 test two is 3.8, on test three 2.8, on test four 3.7, etc. And if a 
 given child testing at a mental age of eleven scores 3, 4, 3, 5, on 
 these first four tests, he shows variations from the average or 
 irregularities of 0.0, 0. 2, 0.0, 1.3. The sum of these variations 
 on all the twenty tests will be the total irregularity; in the case 
 just instanced this irregularity was 14.6 points. Such a state- 
 ment of irregularity is easy to obtain, and should be worked out, 
 the writers believe, in all cases, and recorded along with the 
 mental age and coefficient as part of the findings. 
 
 Table I gives the irregularities for the different groups as 
 thus figured. The irregularity of 158 feeble-minded cases 3 is 
 shown in the first column, with the average, mean variation, and 
 number of cases at each mental age. In the second column are 
 given in the same way the averages for 67 dementia praecox 
 patients, and in the third column the results for 55 chronic 
 alcoholics. These last two groups were examined at the Boston 
 Psychopathic Hospital. 
 
 TABLE I 
 
 TOTAL IRREGULARITY (IN POINTS) 
 
 Mental Feeble-minded Dementia Chronic 
 
 Age Praecox Alcoholics 
 
 Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. 
 
 8 17.6 +2.7 (30) 20.1 1-9 (4) 20.7 .4 (5) 
 
 9 18.2 2.5 (60) 20.9+2.4 (19) 24.4+3.1 (9) 
 
 10 17.7 +1.9 (25) 20.3 +2.2 (10) 24.4 +3.1 (8) 
 
 11 17.0 3.1 (27) 20.4 +3.7 (15) 21.8 2.9 (14) 
 
 12 17.1 +2.0 (16) 18.9 2.3 (19) 19.7 +2.3 (19) 
 
 Av. 17.5 2.4 (158)' 20.1 2.5 (67) 22.3 +2.4 (55) 
 
 Figures in parenthesis give the number of cases, with total number of 
 cases in each group at the foot of each column. The average mean variation 
 is the average of the mean variations, not the mean variation of the averages. 
 
 ^ressey S. L. " Distinctive Features in the Psychological Examination of Dementia 
 Praecox and Chronic Alcoholic Patients;" The Journal of Abnormal Psychology, July, 1917. 
 
 2 Yerkes R. M., Bridges J. W., and Hardwick R. S., "A Point Scale for Measuring 
 Mental Ability;" Warwick and York, 1915. 
 
 "Examined at the Waverley School for the Feeble-minded.
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 287 
 
 It will be seen that for the feeble-minded the average is 
 quite consistently at 17 points throughout the range of mental 
 ages. For the dementia praecox the averages are also fairly 
 constant, except for the smaller irregularity in the twelve year 
 group. A decrease in irregularity in the upper ages was, in fact, 
 to have been expected ; these cases have deteriorated less, and so 
 slow less of a break-up in mentality. The results from the 
 chronic alcoholics are less consistent. There is here also in the 
 upper ages less irregularity of the same significance as the simi- 
 lar results with the dementia praecox patients. But the uneven- 
 ness of the averages is probably due to the smaller number of 
 cases, and poor distribution among the different mental ages. 
 For the mental ages from eight to twelve, then, a norm of 17 
 points irregularity for the feeble-minded, 20 points for the de- 
 mentia praecox, and somewhere around 22 points for the chronic 
 alcoholics would seem indicated. 1 The dementia praecox 
 average three points or 15%, the chronic alcoholics five points 
 or 29% more irregularity. 
 
 The large mean variations for all the averages must be 
 noticed, however. The different groups overlap each other very 
 considerably; so 25% of the feeble-minded cases show as much 
 irregularity as the average dementia praecox but only 10% of 
 the primary aments show as much as the average chronic al- 
 coholic. This overlapping of the groups must obviously be kept 
 in mind. It can hardly be said that the irregularity of the 
 average beginning dementia praecox is very distinctive if 25% 
 of feeble-minded cases show irregularity as great as this. For 
 practical work it is convenient to settle upon some standard of 
 irregularity. Only 10% of the feeble-minded show irregularities 
 over 21 points (the average of the two groups of psychotics). 
 This is suggested as for the present a convenient boundary line 
 of irregularity; all examinations showing more than 21 points 
 may be considered irregular. If under 21 points, the irregularity 
 cannot be looked upon as more than might be expected of a fairly 
 
 ^he mean variations are also averaged in the table, with the idea that the psychotic 
 cases might show a greater scatter about their mean, due to difference in stage of the disease 
 in which different cases might be, to differing effects of the disease in different individuals, 
 and similar causes. So far as the figures go there is no evidence of any such greater variabil- 
 ity, but this may be the result merely of the smaller number of psychotic cases.
 
 288 Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 average subnormal individual where no further factor of mental 
 disease was present. 1 
 
 Mentally diseased individuals thus show a greater irregu- 
 larity on a psychological scale than do feeble-minded cases 
 of the same mental age; but the differences are not so clear cut 
 and definite as the distinctly different characters of the groups 
 might lead one to expect. A natural supposition was that some 
 tests of the scale were more differential than others, and that 
 perhaps the results on some tests actually cancelled off those on 
 others, thus obscuring the findings. An indication of the differ- 
 ential value of each test could easily be obtained, by working 
 out the irregularity on each test, for each group. This was 
 done ; the results showed the greater irregularity of the psychotic 
 cases to be due largely to an especially greater irregularity on 
 tests ten, sixteen, seventeen, eighteen and nineteen. 2 These 
 tests were, therefore, taken as a special differential group, and 
 irregularities on these tests alone used, instead of the total 
 irregularity. The results are given in table II. 
 
 TABLE II 
 
 IRREGULARITY: (Differential tests only) 
 
 Mental Feeble-minded Dementia Praecox Chronic Alcoholics 
 
 Age (158 cases) (67 cases) (55 cases) 
 
 Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. 
 
 8 3.1 .9 (30) 6.7 .4 (4) 6.5 .7 (4) 
 
 9 4.4 1.1 (60) 5.5 1.0 (19) 7.5 1.6 (7) 
 
 10 5.3 .9 (25) 6.7 .6 (10) 10.5 1.0 (7) 
 
 11 5.0 1.5 (27) 8.5 1.8 (14) 9.0 1.9 (14) 
 
 12 5.4 1.0 (16) 7.3 1.9 (20) 8.3 1.4 (17) 
 
 Av. 4.7 1.1 (158) 6.9 1.1 (67) 8.2 1.3 (49) 
 
 The figures in parenthesis give the number of cases at each mental age. 
 The average mean variation is the average of the mean variations, not the 
 mean variation of the averages. 
 
 1 These figures obviously need much more statistical backing, but may serve some 
 practical use as tentative norms of irregularity. The curves of distribution for the three 
 groups are fairly symmetrical, and it is not likely that further figures will alter the results 
 materially. The chief difficulty in all such work comes from the fact that we know so little 
 about the examination given by the normal and the feeble-minded adult. The feeble-minded 
 from whom the above data were obtained were mostly children. The psychotics were, of 
 course, all adults; it is possible that what seems distinctive of the psychotic condition may be 
 merely the result of greater age. However, data which the writer is now accumulating on 
 adult feeble-minded cases do not, so far, bear out such a conclusion; the examinations are 
 surprisingly similar to those given by feeble-minded children of the same mental age. 
 
 ^ These tests are in order as follows: definition of familiar objects (the subject is asked 
 to define spoon, chair, horse, baby, extra credit being given for definitions "superior to use" 
 that is, describing or classifying the object) ; memory for Binet figures (the subject is asked 
 to draw from memory the familiar Binet designs, after fifteen seconds exposure) ; absurdities 
 (the subject is asked what is foolish about such statements as " A little boy said, 'I have three 
 brothers, Paul, John and myself.'"); dissected sentences (the patient is told to reconstruct 
 the sentence from such series of words as "to asked paper my I teacher correct the."); 
 definition of abstract words (the patient is asked to define charity, obedience, justice.)
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 289 
 
 It will be noticed in the first place that while the irregularity 
 on these five tests is only about a third of the total irregularity 
 (see table I), the difference between the average for the feeble- 
 minded and that for the dementia praecox patients is about as 
 large as before, and this difference three-fourths as large for the 
 chronic alcoholics. In other words, these five tests give almost 
 all the differential indication of the total twenty tests. The 
 surprising feature is, however, the smaller amount of overlapping 
 of the groups, shown by the fact, that the mean variations of the 
 averages are only half as great as before in proportion to the 
 differences between them. Where 25% of the feeble-minded 
 showed as great a total irregularity as the average dementia 
 praecox, only 10% show as great an irregularity on the differen- 
 tial group; there are only 2% of the feeble-minded with as great 
 an irregularity as the average chronic alcoholic on this special 
 group of tests. For such purposes, one fourth of the scale is 
 more accurate than is the whole scale. 
 
 Further work will, of course, be needed before these five 
 tests can be accepted as the best of the twenty for such a differen- 
 tial group. But that some such differential group is more 
 satisfactory, both in principle and in practice, would seem clear. 
 For a trial of the method, the differential group and norms given 
 above are suggested. And as an arbitrary boundary of irregu- 
 larity six points may be used; only ten per cent of the feeble- 
 minded show an irregularity over this, while 52% of the psychot- 
 ics show such an irregularity 37% of the dementia praecox 
 and 70% of the chronic alcoholics. 
 
 The question as to the probable significance of irregularity, 
 as thus found, remains briefly to be discussed. It is usually 
 assumed that irregularity is an indication of deterioration. The 
 greater irregularity of the chronic alcoholics as compared with 
 the dementia praecox is of interest in this connection. The de- 
 mentia praecox cases seen at the Psychopathic Hospital are for 
 the most part in the beginnings of the disease, and have not 
 deteriorated very appreciably. The disease is often very hard 
 to differentiate in its early stages, and during the customary 
 brief stay at the Hospital; some thus diagnosed turn out to be 
 after all not deteriorating psychoses. The chronic alcoholics, 
 on the other hand, appear at the Hospital only after their con- 
 dition has gone from bad to worse as the result of years of dissipa- 
 tion. The diagnosis "chronic alcoholism" as used there means 
 primarily alcoholic deterioration (active psychoses more in-
 
 290 Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 cidental to the use of alcohol, such as delirium tremens, or 
 alcoholic hallucinosis, were not included in the above tables). 
 If irregularity were a measure of deterioration, then, a greater 
 irregularity would be expected from the chronic alcoholics. 
 That the data show them to have an irregularity some 14% 
 greater than the dementia praecox would suggest that irregularity 
 was, in fact, an indication of a deteriorated condition. 
 
 Experience with a large variety of patients does not alto- 
 gether bear out this conclusion. A psychoneurotic may not 
 infrequently give an irregular examination, so may a manic 
 depressive patient; in neither instance is there deterioration in 
 the accepted meaning of that word. The examination may 
 sometimes be uneven because of physical illness, because merely 
 of headache resulting from "lumbar puncture." Irregularity 
 suggests deterioration; but the indication is not so definite as is 
 often supposed. 
 
 However, marked irregularity seems always to mean inter- 
 ference of some sort with an examination satisfactory for a 
 mental rating. This interference is usually, with psychotic 
 patients, due to deterioration; it may be the result of a more 
 temporary negativism, or retardation, or absorption in a de- 
 lusional system. It may be the result of physical disease or 
 disability, or of such an ill-proportioned showing as comes from 
 malingering. Whatever the cause irregularity always means 
 that there has been some influence at work which prevents the 
 examination giving a mental age or coefficient which is a satis- 
 factory indication of the patient's normal mental level. 
 
 Interpreted in this way, as a measure of the reliability of the 
 examination for the determination of a "mental age," "irregu- 
 larity" has a wider meaning than has usually been assigned it. 
 A question often arises as to whether an alcoholic is primarily a 
 moron addicted to alcohol or a normal individual who has de- 
 teriorated. If the psychological examination is "irregular" a 
 low rating may be considered not adequate to the patient's 
 original capacity, and an argument from the poor showing to the 
 conclusion that the patient was originally feeble-minded not 
 justifiable. The irregularity may be due to poor co-operation due 
 perhaps in turn to an active psychosis, to physical illness, to malin- 
 gering (an attempt., say, to feign mental defect to escape sentence for 
 some criminal offence}, to deterioration; as a test for the presence 
 of any such factors making the mental age rating invalid ir- 
 regularity is surely of more value than if it were sensitive only to 
 the last. Suppose, then, such a chronic alcoholic or dementia
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 291 
 
 praecox patient gives a low and an even examination that is, 
 an examination typical in its make-up of the average feeble- 
 minded case, but unusual to obtain from a psychotic. The in- 
 ference is that there is little deterioration, or other interference to 
 prevent a showing normal to the individual, and that the patient 
 is a feeble-minded alcoholic, or a primary ament who is beginning 
 to develop a psychosis. Such a conclusion may make a sub- 
 stantial difference in the prognosis, treatment and disposition of 
 the case. 
 
 This interpretation of irregularity may seem somewhat aside 
 from the results which have just been presented. But the writers 
 felt, on the basis of an unusually varied experience with the tests, 
 that some qualification of the natural conclusion from these 
 results as to the relation of irregularity to deterioration was 
 necessary. In fact, these results are of interest and possible value 
 in two quite different connections. In the first place, the norms 
 for the feeble-minded show what irregularity is to be expected in 
 cases of primary amentia. Twenty-one points total irregularity, 
 and six points with the special group of tests on which 
 irregularity most appears, have been suggested as boundaries; 
 an irregularity beyond these limits should lead to a suspicion 
 that the examination was measuring something beside general 
 intelligence. 1 There need be no suspicion of mental disease. 
 Illiteracy may have interfered unduly with an adequate showing, 
 or the child may be frightened at being brought to the examiner's 
 office and unable to do himself justice, or the patient may have 
 been coached on some of the tests. Any such factors influencing 
 the examination are likely to give evidence of their presence in 
 an increased irregularity. The irregularity thus serves as a 
 measure of the reliability of the examination in serving its pri- 
 mary purpdse in giving a measure of general intelligence in 
 normal (and feeble-minded) individuals. 
 
 For the purpose which has just been described the data on 
 the feeble-minded are, the writer believes, sufficient for some 
 immediate practical use. For dealing with the further prob- 
 lem, as to how far a given irregularity (supposing the other 
 causes which have just been mentioned have been eliminated) 
 approaches that to be expected from a deteriorated patient, the 
 figures can hardly be thought of as more than indicating the 
 
 an irregularity should lead first of all to the use of a large number of special 
 supplementary tests, such as the Healy puzzles, for example. Some of these special tests 
 should be tried with every case; whatever the problem, they are sure to throw some addi- 
 tional light on it. In work with psychotic patients they give more distinctive results than 
 do the tests of the scale.
 
 292 Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 probable results of further research giving a total amount of 
 data more adequate to the problem. But as a suggestion of a 
 way in which such results might be made most useful for clinical 
 work, the data have been rehandled in the following simple 
 fashion, so that a given number of points irregularity can be 
 read directly as a percentage probability that the case belongs 
 in the feeble-minded group or in the group of the deteriorating 
 psychoses. The results with dementia praecox and with chronic 
 alcoholics have been combined into one "deterioration" group, 
 and the per cent of the total group appearing at each number of 
 points irregularity found; so 6% show an irregularity of seven- 
 teen points. Similar percentages were worked out for the 
 feeble-minded cases; 14% of these gave an irregularity of seven- 
 teen points. The total percent of the two groups showing this 
 irregularity is 14 plus 6 or 20; 14 is 76% of 20. There is thus a 
 70% probability that a case showing an irregularity of seventeen 
 points is feeble-minded rather than of the deteriorating group. 
 The figures for total irregularity (with the averages slightly 
 smoothed) run as follows: 
 No. of points 
 
 irregularity 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 
 %prob. that 
 
 feeble-minded 100 95 90 84 70 62 50 42 38 27 24 20 18 12 00 00 
 No psychotic cases show an irregularity below fourteen points, 
 therefore the probability is that 100% of cases with irregularities 
 of thirteen are feeble-minded. And no cases of primary amentia 
 show an irregularity over twenty -six points; so the probability 
 is 00, that cases over this are primary aments, or 100% that they 
 are psychotic. 
 
 The probabilities for the special group of five differential 
 tests are still more interesting. 
 No. of points 
 
 irregularity 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 
 
 %prob. that 
 
 feeble-minded 100 100 95 80 50 27 12 4 00 00 00 00 00 
 The overlapping is much less, and the curve much smoother. 1 
 
 Some such method as this would appear to be the ideal in 
 making most useful data of this sort for differential work. In a 
 single figure is given the indication of the results on a given 
 patient with their reliability, and this not merely at a single 
 
 1 Where the indication is not definite, as with five, six, or seven points, and in fact, 
 with all cases, such supplementary tests as have already been referred to should be used. 
 These appear to give much more distinctive results than the tests of the scale on such cases, 
 (see reference, note 1.)
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 293 
 
 limiting irregularity, but at every irregularity. Simple tables 
 such as these, for different differential purposes (writers are now 
 working on a similar group of tests, with similar norms, for the 
 feeble-minded as compared with normal individuals) should add 
 immensely to the value of the tests, as used in clinical work. 
 
 SUMMARY 
 
 The paper may be very briefly summarized. It is a study 
 of the value of irregularity in a psychological examination as an 
 indication of deterioration. The Point Scale was used, and a 
 new method of figuring irregularity, more adaptable to practical 
 use than any hitherto employed. The conclusions are based 
 on data from 158 feeble-minded, 67 dementia praecox, and 55 
 chronic alcoholic cases, grading from eight through twelve years 
 mental age. The conclusions are as follows : 
 
 1. The feeble-minded show an average irregularity of 17 
 points, dementia praecox 20 points, and chronic alcoholics 22 
 points irregularity. Within these limits (8-12) the irregularity 
 is practically constant from one mental age to another. But the 
 mean variation at each mental age is large, making irregularity 
 on the total scale of only rough value for differential purposes. 
 
 2. Analysis of the results shows certain tests (10, 16, 17, 18, 
 19) most differential. A diagnostic "unit" composed of these 
 five tests gives results much more distinctive of the 
 psychotic as against the feeble-minded group. Such a special 
 grouping of tests within the scale is suggested as a new and 
 highly valuable means of obtaining differential results in dealing 
 with any differential problem. 
 
 3. Further consideration showed that irregularity was not, 
 invariably, evidence of deterioration. It might be caused by 
 poor cooperation, by illiteracy, by malingering, by psychotic 
 disturbance of a temporary nature, or, finally by deterioration. 
 However, it is always evidence of some interference with the 
 examination as a measure of the individual's normal mental level. 
 
 4. On the basis of these considerations, it is urged that for 
 practical work irregularity be considered as a measure of the 
 freedom of the examination from such factors as those men- 
 tioned above that is, a measure of reliability of the examination 
 for the determination of mental level. If a patient shows an 
 irregularity greater than that given by feeble-minded individuals, 
 the examination cannot be used as evidence of primary amentia. 
 For the differentiation of subnormality from deterioration, the 
 special differential group is suggested.
 
 294 Irregularity in a Psychological Examination 
 
 The foregoing paper, and an article to follow dealing with the reliability 
 of the Point Scale for use with adults, were written during the summer of 1917 
 and summarized at the Pittsburgh meetings of the American Psychological 
 Association in December of that year, but as the result of circumstances 
 connected with the war were delayed in publication. The paper dealing with 
 deterioration is a further report of work carried out under the direction of 
 Prof. R. M. Yerkes at the Boston Psychopathic Hospital during the year 
 1916-17 and outlined in the June 1917 number of this Journal. The second 
 paper was written at the suggestion of Dr. E. E. Southard, as of interest in 
 connection with the proposed use of the tests in the army. The writers wish 
 to express their obligations to both Professor Yerkes and Dr. Southard for the 
 problems and for many valuable suggestions in the course of the work. 
 
 Some of the statements made in the two papers the writers would be 
 inclined, now, to modify, but the essential conclusions they see no reason 
 for changing. In particular they feel the concept of "irregularity" to be of 
 great practical and theoretical importance. In fact, it is not easy to under- 
 stand why some such measure was not demanded much earlier in the history 
 of testing. Statistically, it would appear of the first importance that some 
 statement of the grouping or dispersion of the scores resulting from a series 
 of measures, as well as the average or sum of those measures, should be ob- 
 tained. The writers are now working over results from a group scale of in- 
 telligence in analogous fashion. 
 Indiana University, 
 February, 1919.
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 HUMAN NATURE AND ITS REMAKING. By William Ernest 
 Hocking, Ph. D., Cambridge. Yale University Press, 1918. Pp. 428. 
 
 This interesting book, which obviously embodies the results of a 
 very liberal amount of thought and work, has succeeded in challenging 
 the careful attention of the reviewer and in amply justifying a studious 
 reading and re-reading. To any careful reader the author's meaning 
 becomes clear, and indeed one lays down the book with a .sense of 
 admiration of the author's power of definition and of aphoristic state- 
 ment, as well as of his discriminative analysis. 
 
 The purpose of the work is well presented in the preface. It repre- 
 sents a fresh attempt to scrutinize fairly the eager, often painfully 
 intense, efforts that men everywhere are making, to adjust themselves 
 to their environment and their environment to themselves. What is it 
 that sets the standard for these efforts? How great is the possibility 
 of change? Of what does the driving force consist that in social 
 matters forever impels some men toward the life of convention and 
 others toward the rebellious rejection of all authority? Is the whole 
 outlook for change to be considered as dependent on eugenics only, i. e 
 on improvement in stock? Or can men induce alteration in them- 
 selves, through will and training and all the forces that civilization 
 stands for? 
 
 These question have been variously answered. By one group of 
 students it is thought that men are moved by what the author defines 
 as a real longing to break loose from the tyranny of custom and tradi- 
 tion, a longing classifiable as "moral realism," a term with which the 
 author designates a craving for pragmatic goals, in philosophy and life. 
 One strong root of this movement is the desire to return to "nature" 
 and to see how "nature's plan" works out. But how shall "nature 
 and "natural" be conceived of? That is a fundamental question. 
 
 Among the various movements of this class, of which the author 
 speaks, the psychoanalytic movement of Freud comes in for a con- 
 sideration which is sympathetic up to a certain point. Its contribu- 
 tion and aim, if limited are real. 
 
 "We find our initial common ground with this realism 
 by accepting, for the purposes of the argument, the picture 
 of original human nature as a group of 'instincts."' 
 
 But the mere fact that every human being finds himself impelled 
 by "certain primary (instinctive) hungers, " or possessed of this or that 
 
 295
 
 296 Reviews 
 
 
 
 ability definable as an "instinct," does not explain why he finds 
 satisfaction in the spiritual goals of effort and desire, which, in one form 
 or another, are so congenial to the human mind. It is only our inter- 
 pretation of instincts that justifies the assigning of such ultimate mean- 
 ings to them, for, of themselves, they give no warrant of a capacity to 
 provide for men's higher powers. 
 
 "Instinct by itself has no claims, because it has no 
 head; it cannot so much as say what it wants except through 
 an interpreter, " 
 
 i 
 
 whereas, in fact, to discover what one wants is quite as much of a 
 problem for intelligence as how to get it. The great problems of human 
 life are, in short, not solved by this partial explanation. The attempt 
 to reduce all life's phenomena to the terms of conflicts between blindly 
 working forces, whether they be called reflexes, tropisms, or instincts, 
 is unsatisfactory, unless, indeed, we stretch the definition of "instinct" 
 so as to make it cover all that the best men in their best moments, may 
 desire. In fact, however, when these highly sublimated desires arrive, 
 they find themselves at once as much at home and as indispensable as 
 do the primary instincts themselves. It would seem, then, that the 
 next essential step is to "interpret" instincts and to find out what it is 
 that human beings "want," and why. "Society" stands ready to 
 assume the responsibility of giving this interpretation, and the varied 
 pressures exerted by society are worthy of very careful study. 
 
 But to accept the decision of society as infallible would deprive 
 individualism of its responsibilities and rights, and this would be 
 intolerable. The individual must come finally to his own, but this 
 can happen satisfactorily only through a genuine appeal to the re- 
 ligious consciousness, which, in fact, as an ultimate source of relatively 
 unimpeachable motive, furnishes the essence of whatever is now solid 
 in our democracies. 
 
 "An age of competition, like our own, unless it is some- 
 thing else than competitive, cannot be a free age, however 
 democratic in structure, because its chief concerns are lateral. 
 To the competitive elements in our own social order we owe 
 much : an impersonal estimate of worth in terms of efficiency 
 which we shall not surrender, a taste and technique for se- 
 vere self-measurement, incredible finesse in the discrimina- 
 tion and mounting of individual talents. But we owe to it 
 also an over-development of the invidious comparative eye, 
 a trend of attention fascinated by the powers, perquisites,
 
 Reviews 297 
 
 and opinions of the immediate neighbors. The eternal stand- 
 ard is obscured: hence we do nothing well; we lack sincerity 
 and simplicity; we are suspicious, disunited, flabby; we do 
 not find ourselves; we are not free. Unless we can recover 
 a working hold on some kind of religious innervation, our 
 democracy will shortly contain little that is worthy to sur- 
 vive. " 
 
 But although the final appeal is to that element in consciousness 
 which is definable as "religious," this does not mean that men should 
 cut loose from their scientific or logical intelligence. We ought to 
 "recognize no antagonism between the work of thought and the voice 
 
 of religious intuition and it is one of the permanent 
 
 achievements of our time" to have learned to appreciate this fact. 
 We must still and forever reflect and interpret, and utilize the fruits of 
 every sort of study. 
 
 In accordance with this scheme, it will be seen that this book 
 attempts, as every earnest piece of work devoted to the issues here 
 in question should, to study human life in accordance with the 
 historical, or genetic, method, on the one hand, and on the other hand 
 in obedience to an absolutely unquenchable impulse to get beyond the 
 limits and conclusions established by this method. The author faces 
 boldly the difficulties of the situation, and after defining and discussing 
 the tenets of Christianity as best representative of the religious prin- 
 ciple, he admits that the problems which we would like solved can be 
 absolutely solved, not by saying that our religious dreams and ideals 
 are "probably" true, but only by striving to solve the question whether, 
 as a matter of fact the world does correspond to these dreams and these 
 ideals. 
 
 In the final chapter he expresses a doubt as to "whether philosophy 
 can affirm the existence of this 'fact.' " If it is affirmed it must be on 
 the basis of something "personally experienced or 'revealed.'" 
 
 In order to decide the question, "What sort of world is it that we 
 live in?" one must then inquire, "What sort of world have we been liv- 
 ing in? What have been the metaphysical foundations, real or sup- 
 posed real, for those qualities, those instinct shapes which characterize 
 our present human type?" 
 
 Illusion and disillusionment present themselves at every turn, as 
 one analyzes more deeply these difficult problems of the striving will 
 and striving imagination. What one longs for is a demonstration that 
 that which is sought has been found. Men "need reality to climb on; 
 they need a reality they can climb on. " The mystical quality which 
 seems to be in men as an integral part of their equipment claims the
 
 $98 Reviews 
 
 ability to recognize this reality, but the critic in man, who is likewise 
 there by the same inherent right, is compelled to go on demanding 
 proof. 
 
 "Absence of belief that the world as a whole has an active 
 individual concern for the creatures it has produced need 
 neither destroy happiness nor the morality of compassion 
 . . . Instinct has its satisfactions in an uninterpreted or 
 partly interpreted condition: it will reach some accommo- 
 dation to the world that is. Nothing would necessarily be 
 destroyed or lost from the good life which some at least of the 
 human race now know and many hope for, nothing except 
 the higher reaches of curiosity and sympathy, and the wis- 
 dom of developing them. " 
 
 In the last sentences of this chapter, of which that just quoted is 
 one, the writer seems to reach a conclusion which to many persons 
 would be felt as unsatisfying. But, in fact, it is evident that the writer 
 himself believes in pushing forward, in obedience to one's instructed 
 intuition, to the farthest point, and recognizes that the world has 
 hitherto shown itself more hospitable to lives conducted in accordance 
 with this principle than those conducted in any other way. It is thus, 
 in other words, that the "total will" finds its best satisfaction. 
 
 These broad final conclusions, here very inadequately sketched, 
 are not arrived at, it should be understood, until after the other at- 
 tempts to find satisfying goals have been thoroughly and analytically 
 discussed. The author begins by inquiring what "human nature" is 
 made up of, that men alone, among the animals, strive constantly to 
 re-make, and then describes the various means by which this process 
 of re-making can take place. Thus, in Part II, the natural, or instinc- 
 tive, man is studied. Then in Part III, the intervention of conscience 
 is described; in Part IV, that of experience; in Part V, the modelling 
 due to society is discussed; in Part VI, that of art and religion; in Part 
 VII, the influence and essential meaning of Christianity. Finally 
 comes the chapter called "The Last Fact" to which I already have 
 referred. 
 
 So many are the details in all this discussion that it would be im- 
 possible here to do them justice. One of the most important chapters, 
 perhaps, is that on the instincts, in the treatment of which the author 
 differs from most writers in recognizing justly, as I think that what 
 he calls the "central" or "necessary" instincts, those which are re- 
 lated to the order usually spoken of as the "higher functions" of life, 
 are just as primary as those automatic tendencies which we call in-
 
 Reviews 299 
 
 stincts in a narrower sense. The " will, " which is closely related to the 
 instincts, is described as a "stable policy" which is gradually adopted 
 by the intelligence, and the term "will to power," in spite of its un- 
 fortunate connotations is given a meaning which, instead of implying 
 a desire for personal and selfish acquisition, makes it equally well 
 adapted to serve as a social function in the best sense. One wills 
 power in order to protect, as well as in order to overcome in competi- 
 tion. 
 
 In a similar way, "pugnacity" emerges from its "dialectic" as 
 an indispensable quality of great value. 
 
 In the course of the book various attempts are made to do justice 
 to the views of other observers, amongst whom is Freud. To set forth 
 to what extent justice has been done to the important movement for 
 which Freud stands would require more space than this review has 
 the right to claim. It is hardly to be supposed that those who have 
 devoted their lives to the almost exclusive study of the "unconscious" 
 influences that sway men's thoughts and acts, could be fully satisfied 
 with any statement that was not based upon a study equally compre- 
 hensive with their own, since it is only by feeling one's way into the 
 heart of this mystery through the difficult medium of practical expe- 
 rience, that complete sympathy with the point of view there given can 
 be reached. The handicaps to moral re-making as given, for example, 
 by Dr. J. T. MacCurdy in his essay on the Psychology of War 1 , deserve 
 careful discussion, though I do not regard them as conclusive. On the 
 other hand, it is unquestionably true that the Freudian point of view, 
 which, after all, studies only the "under world" of human nature, 
 cannot claim to be comprehensive in its furnishing of data for an ade- 
 quate view of men as they exist, especially from the stand-point of the 
 "total will. " For a long time to come it will probably remain true that 
 the two classes of students who investigate, respectively, the man of 
 conscious striving, on the one hand, and the man who is subjected to 
 unconscious cravings, on the other hand, will be somewhat at cross- 
 purposes with one another. More and more, however, the discrepan- 
 cies between the conclusions which they reach will be eliminated, and 
 it will undoubtedly be found that the final assignment of place and 
 importance will rest with persons who, like the author of this book, 
 see human life most clearly as actively tending toward spiritual goals 
 and "total meanings," which are inadequately defined as "sublima- 
 tion." 
 
 JAMES J. PUTNAM, M. D. 
 
 The Psychology of War. B J. T. MacCurdy, M. D. William Hcinemann, 1917. 
 Pp.68
 
 300 Reviews 
 
 PSYCHICAL PHENOMENA AND THE WAR. By Hereward Carring- 
 ton, Ph. D., Author of "Death: Its Causes and Phenomena," "The 
 Problems of Psychical Research," "The Coming Science," "The 
 Physical Phenomena of Spiritualism," "Death Deferred," etc. New 
 York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1918. Pp. 363. $2.00 net. 
 
 This volume is divided into two parts : Part I, dealing with normal 
 phenomena, and Part II, dealing with so-called supernormal phe- 
 nomena. 
 
 Part I discusses "German Methods of Warfare," with the psy- 
 chology of the doctrine of f rightf ulness, and then offers two chapters on 
 the "Psychology of the Soldier," during mobilization, in the canton- 
 ments, in the trenches, during the attack, pain, shell-shock, dreams, 
 sleep and fatigue. This is a very good summary of the soldier's be- 
 havior at different periods and under varying conditions. 
 
 Part II, dealing with socalled supernormal phenomena, comprises 
 eight chapters, which take up, in order, the following topics: "Psy- 
 chical Phenomena, Science and the War;" "Psychic Phenomena 
 Amidst the Warring Nations;" "Prophecies and Premonitions;" 
 "Apparitions and Dreams of Soldiers;" "Clairvoyant Descriptions of 
 Death; Death Described by 'Spirits'": "Our Soldiers Yet Live;" 
 "Communications From Soldiers who have 'Died'"; and "The 
 Spiritual Revival Awakened by the War." 
 
 Those who believe in spiritism or even mental telepathy may 
 agree with the writer wholly or partly. Those who do not or cannot 
 believe in these possibilities or perhaps regard belief in them as itself 
 a psychological state requiring study and analysis, will not be con- 
 vinced by the evidence accumulated and here offered. 
 
 The layman who has not made up his mind whether to believe or 
 disbelieve, may be convinced of the truth of the author's contentions 
 by the reading of the second part of this book, especially if he comes to 
 the reading of it with the "will-to-believe." The chapter heading 
 "Our Dead Soldiers Yet Live," and the speaking of soldiers who have 
 died, but with quotations about the word died, thus: "Died," tell the 
 tale. 
 
 Many of us wish it were true. But we must face reality. And 
 so we find ourselves compelled to disbelieve. 
 
 And so we shall, in all friendliness and kindliness, agree to disagee. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON. 
 
 A REFERENCE HANDBOOK OF THE MEDICAL SCIENCES. By Vari- 
 ous Writers. Third edition, completely revised and rewritten, edited by 
 Thomas Lathrop Stedman, A. M., M. D. New York: William Wood 
 and Company, 1913 to 1917. Eight imperial octavo vols., 29x23
 
 Reviews 301 
 
 c. m. Illustrated by over 6,000 text-engravings and over 60 full-page 
 lithographic plates in color and tint. Pp. 7273 of type as small as is 
 expedient. Price, $56.00. 
 
 The third edition of this adequate medical encyclopedia, ably 
 edited by the editor-in-chief of the Medical Record, New York, is espe- 
 cially note-worthy as a war-means toward financial economy and con- 
 servation. For the actual working use of the really busy practitioner 
 this one elaborate treatise on Medicine represents monographs costing 
 at least four times as much, and often, be it noted, providing far 
 more exactly what the hurried reader seeks: competent opinion ex- 
 pressed in the desirable conciseness. The editor claims that "no such 
 number of prominent writers and teachers has ever before been associ- 
 ated together in the preparation of a work especially designed for the 
 Medical Profession;" this statement careful acquaintance tends to 
 support. In number these authors are several hundred, and none of 
 them a foreigner. 
 
 The articles on psychoanalysis, psychasthenia, and the psycho- 
 neuroses are by Smith Ely Jelliffe, as also is that on the classification of 
 mental diseases. Wm. A. White prepared a useful paper on the exam- 
 ination and diagnosis of mental diseases; Henry J. Berkley on their 
 etiology; Adolf Meyer on their pathology; Henry R. Stedman on their 
 prognosis; Charles P. Bancroft a finely illustrated treatise on their 
 symptomatology; and T. H. Kellogg the discussion of the treatment 
 of mental cases. Dementia precox is described by H. R. Stedman 
 both wisely and with sufficient completeness in fact, it is one of the 
 best accounts of this concept known to me. Jelliffe treats of the 
 phobias also, and of hysteria. Judson Herrick has done the elaborate 
 and up-to-date articles on the brain and on the cord, (Edw. W. Taylor, 
 M. Allen Starr, and J. J. Walsh discuss some of the diseases of the 
 cord), but Leon Solis-Cohen writes the account of "the sympathetic" 
 and its disorders. 
 
 There is much medical biography in this "Reference Handbook," 
 hundreds of names, one might judge, being discussed, enlivened with 
 many valuable portraits. There are many psychological articles. 
 
 The war-phases of Medicine are amply treated of in the later 
 volumes especially, prepared after the beginning of the Hunnish mega- 
 lomainac's attempt to crush the world, the apotheosis of madness 
 that is also crime. 
 
 In every way this work is worthy of its editor, its publishers, and 
 of its American authors, and should be on the book-shelves of every 
 physician who would keep up with these in-some-respects rapid times. 
 
 GEORGE V. N. DEARBORN. 
 
 Sargent Normal School
 
 SOCIETY NOTES 
 
 Golden Jubilee 
 Victory Celebration Meeting 
 
 The Fiftieth annual meeting of the American Medical 
 Editors' Association will be held at the Marlborough-Blenheim 
 Hotel, Atlantic City, on Monday and Tuesday, June 9 and 10, 
 and will take the form of a semi-centennial celebration and a 
 Victory Meeting, emphasizing the part which this Association 
 and its members have taken in the World's war. 
 
 The enthusiasm manifested upon the part of the President, 
 Ex-Presidents and Officers of this Association is an assurance 
 of its successful outcome. 
 
 A most attractive program is now being prepared and every 
 physician, even remotely interested in medical journalism, will 
 find it to his advantage to attend. 
 
 302
 
 THE JOURNAL OF 
 ABNORMAL PSYCHOLOGY 
 
 VOL. XIII FEBRUARY, 1919 NUMBER 6 
 
 ORIGINAL ARTICLES 
 
 WHAT IS THE PROBLEM OF STUTTERING? 
 
 BY MARGARET GRAY BLANTON AND CAPTAIN SMILEY 
 BLANTON, B. S., M. D. 
 
 OF what material is speech built? What processes 
 unite to turn many thousands of unrelated move- 
 ments into the co-ordinated thing which is called 
 speech? With what is man endowed that enables 
 him to accomplish this seemingly impossible adaptation of both 
 the voluntary and the semivoluntary mechanisms? 
 
 Although man inherits, apparently, a steadily improving 
 impulse for speech, no definite speech faculty is discoverable at 
 birth. "Nor only" says Baldwin 2 , "do we fail to find (in in- 
 fancy) the series of centers into which the organic basis of speech 
 has been divided, but even those which have not taken up their 
 function, either alone or together, which they perform when 
 speech is actually realized. In other words the primary object 
 of each of the various centers involved is not speech, but some 
 other and simpler function; and speech arises from a union of 
 these separate functions." 
 
 What is true of the brain centers of speech is true of the 
 rest of the physical mechanism of speech. Each of the muscles, 
 bones and integuments involved in speech finds its primary 
 function in some act more fundamental from a biological view- 
 point. Only the vocal cords remain primarily for speech and 
 only then if inarticulate cries are so considered. The diaphragm 
 is used for life breathing, the tongue for taste, the teeth for 
 
 'Neuro-Psychiatric Unit, Medical Corps, U. S. Army. 
 2 Baldwin, James M., "Mental Development." 
 
 Copyright 1919 by Richard 0. Badger. All Rights Reserved. 
 
 303
 
 304 What is the Problem of Stuttering ? 
 
 grinding, and the nasal cavity, sinuses, etc, have their primary 
 function far removed. The various brain centers which are 
 utilized later for the production of speech find their primary 
 function as mucular-motor, auditori-motor, visual-motor, etc. 
 
 Speech, therefore, may not be considered as a unit of ac- 
 tivity but a sum total of motor activity divided into arbitrary 
 sound units and presented with a definite relation which we have 
 come to accept and understand as having a certain symbolic 
 meaning. 
 
 But there has been incorporated into these different words 
 and sentences something more than sound. There is rhythm, 
 for instance, without which it would be a mere jumble of unin- 
 telligibleness, and there is inflection, which includes pitch, 
 essential to the full understanding of the sentence. 
 
 Speech may be said to be an adaptive process. But what 
 fails in the speech of the stutterer? What dis-harmony, what 
 asynthesis exists? Let us consider it as a symptom of an illness 
 of the adaptive processes rather than a disease entity. 
 
 There may be a rough grouping of stuttering under two 
 heads: normal and pathological. But as would be expected 
 these types overlap and are not constant. 
 
 Normal stuttering is present in most people at some time. 
 It may be seen when the emotions heighten the glandular ac- 
 tivities and the motor output outruns the mental need. We 
 say then 'speech comes faster than thought.' Sometimes the 
 reverse of this may be true where fright, fear of betrayal, fear of 
 criticism, slows up the processes of thinking but the rate of motor 
 output remains normal. In either case this lack of balance is 
 called stuttering. 
 
 The Pathological stutter presents a different picture although 
 the physical characteristics of the symptom itself are not dis- 
 similar. There is first, a break in the rhythm of speech, the 
 immediate cause of which is a repetition or a prolongation or a 
 witholding of sound. Second, a change in the amount of in- 
 flection, either above or below the normal amount. These 
 symptoms lack constancy. No one stutters on every sound at 
 all times. Many do not stutter on any selected group of sounds 
 either vowel or consonant, and many who do stutter on certain 
 selected sounds do not do so at every repetition of the sound. 
 
 The clinical picture which presents itself to the mind is a 
 repetition or withholding or prolonging of the sound of the first 
 word stressed; followed by jerky, monotonous, broken phrases
 
 Margaret Gray Blanton and Captain Smiley Blanton 305 
 
 or sentences; in turn followed by words, phrases, or sentences 
 spoken smoothly but either too rapidly or too slowly and either 
 under or over inflected. This may vary greatly. Sometimes 
 periods of months, weeks, days, may pass in which no stuttering 
 appears, and then some period of mental or physical stress or 
 lack of tone renews it. Contrary to the generally accepted 
 statement it does sometimes come even when the patient is 
 alone, as even a brief study under the proper conditions will 
 demonstrate. 
 
 The Frequency of its occurrence is computed from question- 
 naires and surveys to be about .9 of one percent of the school 
 population. If to this were added the relatively much higher 
 percentage among the mentally deficient the average would in 
 all probability be one percent. 
 
 Sex. It predominates in the male in proportion of three 
 to one. Contrary to a recent statement made in the literature, 
 it does exist in the female. 
 
 Hygienic surroundings are of greatest importance. Poor 
 nutritional conditions, poor sleeping arrangements, late hours, 
 over stimulation, lack of opportunity for muscular development, 
 and above all poor sex-hygiene, all predispose to it. 
 
 The Age of onset can be given with less accuracy as stuttering is 
 a condition which, like the other disturbances of adaptation, often 
 goes unnoticed until it becomes inconvenient to the social group. 
 It is most often noticed first upon some conspicuous occasion 
 such as the first day of school, when some platform recitation 
 is undertaken or after some fall or accident. Occasionally it is 
 first noticed by strangers or others than the immediate members 
 of the family with whom the child has been associated. The 
 three main periods of onset are, (1) the beginning of speech, (2) 
 when the adaptations are strained by the beginnings of school 
 life and the conditions imposed by the present school routine 
 and, (3) at the first pronounced period of sexual stress from nine 
 to fourteen. 
 
 Up to the time of the present war the records show a 
 maximum of a half dozen who have become stutterers after the 
 age of eighteen. A high percentage of war neurosis cases show 
 this particular motor-disturbance of speech. 
 
 Another element obtrudes itself in the observation of the 
 age of onset, and that is the general indifference of the family to 
 the condition of stuttering. This attitude is unfortunately 
 implanted in the mind of the too willing parent by the ignorant
 
 306 What is the Problem of Stuttering ? 
 
 physician, who fosters the belief that the child will "outgrow it. " 
 How this superstition can have persisted in the face of the over- 
 whelming evidence against it in the presence of a large number of 
 mature stutterers will ever remain one of the mysteries of the 
 working of the medical mind. 
 
 There is an unfortunate belief that all children stutter. All 
 children do pass through a stage when speech, from being a 
 mere motor output becomes a vehicle for the presentation of 
 ideas, and the process of translation slows up and makes halting 
 the speech processes. This is a period of great danger to the 
 development of good speech, as here an illness which delays the 
 normal progress may block and slow up the motor output or in 
 other ways interrupt the synthesis which must exist between the 
 idea and its motor expression. 
 
 There is also the lisping of early childhood and the "in- 
 dividual speech" encouraged by lack of adaptation to the con- 
 ditions imposed on children by the uncomfortable facts of life, 
 and by the ignorance and thoughtlessness of parents. These 
 things may confuse the diagnosis until the gradually growing 
 conspicuousness, as the age passes in which these other condi- 
 tions are permissible, brings the stuttering child in contrast to 
 his social background. 
 
 How often stuttering is related to lisping has not been 
 demonstrated, but our experience leads us to believe that it is 
 much nearer than the literature suggests. Not only the type now 
 called "neurotic lisping" but also those heretofore classed as 
 mechanical and negligent. For it is undoubtedly true that in 
 the vast majority of mechanical conditions, with the exception 
 perhaps of protracted lower jaw, full intelligence unhandicapped 
 by mal-adaptation will find an overcompensation for the con- 
 dition that will answer the purpose of clear speech. 
 
 Injudicious and even well adapted treatment for lisping 
 may bring on the condition of stuttering in cases where the pre- 
 disposition is especially strong, by calling attention to the 
 mechanical processes of speech, which processes should rightly 
 be automatic. 
 
 Stuttering is even encouraged in young children by ig- 
 norant adults who repeat what the child has said with an air of 
 approval and amusement and thus foster the possibility of its 
 repetition ; or by over anxiety and correction which added to the 
 condition already existing gives rise to speech-fear. 
 
 Padromal Symptoms. Stuttering has, to the trained ob.
 
 Margaret Gray Blanton and Captain Smiley Blanton 307 
 
 server a rather definite incipient stage. Certain conditions which 
 precede stuttering bear not so much a relationship of cause and 
 effect as of that of a padrome. The lisp, the oral inactivity which 
 includes the large group erroneously called tongue-tie, huskiness 
 of the voice, slurring, over inflected, monotonous, over rapid 
 or too slow speech all point to a general impairment or lack of 
 developmentof the adaptive faculties which are utilized by 
 speech. 
 
 Speech and motor pressure is nearly always present with 
 stuttering. This is probably due to two factors, (1) to some 
 glandular disorder which would seem to be indicated by the 
 fact that the pressure remains even in the presence of the tre- 
 mendously advanced motor output, (2) in some cases to the 
 repression of speech imposed in order to appear normal. Tics 
 of the face, legs, and arms, as well as the diaphragm are often 
 present. Tics of the diaphragm occasionally seen where there 
 are so marked disturbances of speech are also a premonitory 
 symptom of stuttering. 
 
 The Temperamental Picture presented by the frank stutterer 
 is rather constant. Mental states which may be considered 
 indicative are overboldness, a compensation for timidity; ex- 
 treme competitiveness and a tendency to become inaccessible. 
 There is often an emotional irritability and instability, alter- 
 nating with mild depression in which these patients sometimes 
 suicide. There are also ideas of reference and a certain morbid 
 belligerence. 
 
 Sex-Marriage. Dr. William Healy (The Individual Delin- 
 quent) found the stutterer prone to homo-sexuality. This may 
 be partly due to the exclusion of the opposite sex, forced on the 
 stutterer by his disorder, but also, surely, by the natural lack of 
 adaptation and egocentric trend. 
 
 These patients are usually over attached to the parent of 
 the opposite sex, a fact noted by writers on the subject who 
 antedate a study of the Freudian theory in this country (Potter 
 "Speech and its Defects" 1882). It is not unusual to see these 
 patients sleeping with the parent of the opposite sex until the 
 advanced age of fourteen or fifteen and sometimes later. These 
 conditions are often hard to remedy, due not so much to the in- 
 sistence of the patient as of the parent who rationalizes her 
 desire in every imaginable way to have close physical contact 
 with her child. Often the child is withdrawn from treatment 
 even when success is apparently crowning effort, as though the
 
 308 What is the Problem of Stuttering 
 
 symptom of stuttering had an emotional value to the parent 
 herself who thus wishes to preserve the tie by an exclusion of 
 the outside world. 
 
 In the parent there is likely to be a great deal of lack of 
 adaptability in the sex relationship. 
 
 As might be expected the families of these patients present 
 a picture very nearly as constant. They show, when not the 
 stutter, the markedly neurotic symptomatology which the 
 patients themselves exhibit, a fact often overlooked by those who 
 contend that the neurotic condition is the end result rather than 
 a contributing cause of stuttering. 
 
 The families of these patients often abound in strange re- 
 ligious and esoteric beliefs, "Christian Science", Pacivism and 
 many other types of withdrawal from reality not being excep- 
 tional, and extreme religiosity as well as sex-perversions can 
 sometimes be postulated. Often where these individualistic 
 outlets are absent especial talents in the arts may be found. 
 Many seem to come of families of more than the ordinary 
 musicianship. 
 
 A constant factor in the family history of the stutterer is 
 the presence of speech and vocal troubles. This includes not 
 only stuttering but also such defects as extremely rapid, weak, 
 slurring, highpitched speech and voice. One case-record ex- 
 emplifies this very nicely. The patient, a stutterer is a boy of 
 ten. The mother has very rapid and almost unintelligible 
 speech, as has also one sister. Two other sisters have the same 
 defect in a less degree, one has a chronically hoarse voice and one 
 speaks so slowly as to appear quite ludicrous. All lisped unusual- 
 ly late and more than normally and one brother, whose speech is 
 now otherwise very good, still has trouble w r ith the formation 
 of the letter "s" although there is no mal-formation or occlusion. 
 A paternal grandfather stuttered. This family are all excep- 
 tionally intelligent, vivacious and interesting. Temperamental- 
 ly they are unstable and show lack of the ability to adapt them- 
 selves to the marriage relation. Two members show some of 
 the marked symptoms of epilepsy. Nearly all have well de- 
 veloped musical talent. 
 
 There seems in all this family, as in the patient himself, to 
 to be some weakness in some of the fields onto which speech may 
 be said to be grafted, or a weakness in the co-ordinational centers 
 themselves. An additional fact of interest is that three of the 
 children did not talk until the third year and all were somewhat
 
 Margaret Gray Blanton and Captain Smiley Blanton 309 
 
 slow in developing speech and had a limited vocabulary during 
 development. 
 
 The Prognosis for spontaneous recovery can not be made 
 with any degree of accuracy. A large number of cases do get well 
 without and sometimes in spite of assistance and treatment. In 
 what percentage this occurs it is even of doubtful value to guess 
 because the statistics of the existence of stuttering have been so 
 incomplete, and the case records are so very limited in number 
 and scope. 
 
 " Cures are obtained by various methods, varying as in the 
 case of the other illnesses of adaptation from suggestion to 
 'nerve medicine," The various schemes of punishment and 
 distraction sometimes relieve this symptom but too much em- 
 phasis can not be put on the fact that the relief of any symptom 
 until the underlying cause has been removed is not only mislead- 
 ing but also sometimes definitely harmful. In dealing with it 
 it is best to follow the method of nature in the spontaneous re- 
 coveries, that is, the various compensatory and re-educational 
 measures. , 
 
 Summary. To summarize, then, there is or may be postu- 
 lated some hereditary or acquired weakness in the field of emo- 
 tional adaptation plus some hereditary or acquired weakness of 
 the adaptive functions of speech, presumably in the kinesthetic, 
 auditory or visual centers. More probably in the first two than 
 in the third. 
 
 A discussion of the way in which a weakness of the adaptive 
 functions of speech may be acquired throws some light on the 
 disease-symptom and its avoidance. 
 
 It is obvious that any process of the human organism which 
 is acquired out of its accustomed time or sequence is a process 
 acquired at a less suitable time and is therefore rarely so well 
 attained. This is true of speech and any condition or accident 
 which interferes with its acquisition or perfection at the proper 
 time may be said to predispose to a weak speech mechanism. 
 Thus the interruption or delay of the acquisition of walking and 
 the other fundamental muscle development may retard the 
 laying down of the "impulse paths" along which the accessory 
 muscle impulses are presumed to travel. An interference with 
 the use of the left hand in normally left handed children may 
 have the same effect. Illness or shock at the period of transition 
 from speech as a meaningless motor output into speech as an 
 expression of ideas may cause a similar retardation.
 
 310 What is the Problem of Stuttering ? 
 
 Treatment. What, then is the rational treatment for the 
 relief of this condition? 
 
 The methods suitable for the care of the child and the adult 
 differ. For the former it consists mainly in adapting the home- 
 school conditions to his needs and training for a fuller develop- 
 ment of the mechanism which is as yet in a period of active 
 growth and therefore more capable of modification. Also a 
 modified analysis of the psychic mechanism suited to the in- 
 telligence and adaptability of the child and education along the 
 lines which will modify the secondary conditions likely to arise 
 from prolonged stuttering. This should follow, where possible, 
 study and, where necessary, reorganization of the physical and 
 glandular conditions of the child. 
 
 It is with the adult that we wish to concern ourselves here. 
 
 The first and most vital thing is the care of a trained neuro- 
 psychiatrist, who should, in addition to the most exacting 
 physical examination, make a thorough study of the behavior 
 and mental life of the individual, his adaptations in the field of 
 sex and his general social relations and output. The psycholo- 
 gist can be of value only if a neuro-psychiatrist is not available 
 and then only in so far as he may have made himself conversant 
 not only with the general principles of mental and emotional 
 analysis but also of the activities of the glands and the modern 
 methods of determining the illnesses of the internal secretions 
 and the many organic as well as the more serious mental dis- 
 orders of which these patients are capable. 
 
 The neuro-psychiatrist must have at his command an assist- 
 ant who parallels in the scope of his or her ability the Aides now 
 established in the first-grade institutions for the mentally ill. 
 The field, however, in which these workers must be trained 
 differs as the main symptom of the stutterer differs from the 
 main symptom of the other mental and nervous patients. They 
 are most easily recruited from the ranks of oral teachers for the 
 deaf as these teachers are equipped to give aid in such allied 
 conditions as lisping, mal-position of the active articulatory 
 organs, etc. They have learned also, in their dealing with the 
 deaf, the value of patience and a winning personality. Psycho- 
 logists, and teachers of physical education are also already 
 partially equipped. 
 
 The assistant must be trained to study and analyze the 
 co-ordinational activities of the patient and in the re-education 
 of them especially utilize the crafts which stimulate the coarse
 
 Margaret Gray Blanton and Captain Smiley Blanton 311 
 
 co-ordinations. These consist chiefly of wood-work, simple 
 weaving, clay work, copper work, gardening, dyeing, and such 
 others as may be available and which may carry on their use- 
 fulness after the period of re-education is past. Crafts requiring 
 the use of the finer movements, such as hand sewing, raffia work, 
 embroidery, etc, are contra-indicated in most cases. 
 
 While it is desirable and essential that the patient have some 
 interest other than his own emotional evolution especially during 
 the period of analysis and study the primary reason for the use 
 of the crafts is the direct education of the fundamental muscles 
 .and gradually through them, of the accessory. 
 
 Dr. Smythe-Johnson has pointed out in his Yale Laboratory 
 tests, that proficiency in one field of co-ordinated activities leads 
 to greater skill in all. A fact which is continually demonstrated 
 in the ease with which a skilled craftsman in one field "transfers " 
 his ability almost intact to another field. 
 
 The second field of value is rhythmic dancing and patting. 
 This may be done both to music and to count. Drill, forcing an 
 instant muscular obedience to spoken orders, is also of great 
 value. These, for the training of the voluntary as well as for 
 the involuntary co-ordinations. 
 
 (3) Swimming, is especially adapted to the re-education of 
 the diaphragm and other breathing muscles, and for poise and 
 rhythm. 
 
 (4) The re-education of the kinesthetic and the auditor- 
 motor imagery by reading aloud, saying certain phrases after the 
 Aide, quick response to questions, etc. It can not be too strongly 
 emphasized that there should not be any direct letter and 
 syllable training. This will at once appeal to the reason when it 
 is realized that there is no fault with the articulating organs in 
 the condition of stuttering, rather, owing to the condition, there 
 is already an over emphasis and consciousness of these organs. 
 Plays and games which include speech which can be devised in 
 such a way that they will hold the interest of the adult and at 
 the same time give him confidence in his ability to speak freely 
 may be used, but this end can best be accomplished by conversa- 
 tion, undirected. 
 
 The Aides must also by their attitude assist in the emotional 
 re-education of the patient. They should have as much informa- 
 tion with regard to the patient's special troubles as can be 
 given consistently and should be of the type to respect the tenets 
 of medical ethics. They should also be well informed of the
 
 312 What is the Problem of Stuttering ? 
 
 inadvisability of their undertaking to attempt any phase of the 
 emotional re-education except when directed to do so by the 
 physician in charge, otherwise confusion results. 
 
 History taking. A most important phase of the study and 
 treatment of any disorder, the taking of a complete history, has 
 an added value here, as the reliable literature on this subject is 
 practically negligible and the student must therefore depend on 
 his case histories for special study. It is well to have a very 
 full history blank, built on the order of those in use in the better 
 institutions for the treatment of mental illnesses. They should 
 cover every field of endeavor which may seem to have the 
 slightest relation. The study of this trouble may be said to have 
 just begun and leads which may at present seem rather far afield 
 may presently prove of value.^ 
 
 "Systems of cure," and "methods of treatment" must be 
 laid aside, and each case studied and prescribed for separately. 
 It would be better if we could abolish the attitude that this or 
 that person is "a stutterer" but rather that "this man stutters 
 or that man stutters." It is as individual as is the person on 
 whom it has fixed itself. 
 
 There is needed badly some change in the present public 
 attitude toward this problem, which has remained one of the 
 fields of endeavor in which anyone with the inclination might 
 undertake to work; more knowledge as to just what this symptom 
 indicates and, indeed, that it is a symptom rather than a disease 
 entity and may in time be found to have its basis in a number of 
 different organic or functional disturbances. 
 
 A more serious consideration of it at the hands of the medical 
 profession would be a great stepi n remedying this condition which 
 is not without its reproach to them, in that, owing to the in- 
 difference of the men correctly trained to deal with this disorder, 
 the victims of this most distressing form of mental suffering 
 have been given over almost bodily to quacks and charlatans, 
 or, what is almost as bad, to kindly disposed but ignorant people 
 who see in it mainly a means of livelihood. 
 
 It becomes more and more evident to the careful student 
 that the amount of disorder in the motor speech field and the 
 severity of the neurosis do not always bear a direct ratio to one 
 another. Obviously a neurosis would not produce as severe a 
 disorder in a person of relatively strong speech mechanisms as 
 in one where the hereditary or acquired conditions of the mech- 
 anism were not so well adapted to withstand strain.
 
 Margaret Gray Blanton and Captain Smiley Blanton 313 
 
 To illustrate, the incipient stutterer may have a condition 
 bordering on a neurosis and a stutterer "cured" so far as this 
 symptom is concerned may still suffer from a depression which 
 will lead him to commit suicide, or ideas of reference or of per- 
 secution which may lead him to make false accusation and some- 
 times even commit graver crimes, whereas a person with a de- 
 cided fault in the speech may adapt himself very nicely to the 
 condition, sublimate his activities and live very nearly a normal 
 life. 
 
 Of course stuttering, which brings so many difficult problems 
 of adjustment must be relieved if possible and the weak mech- 
 anism strengthened in order that the vicious circle which has 
 been established may be broken. But no treatment which has 
 this, only, as its end can be of value. The theory of an "ac- 
 cidental" symptom has been discarded long ago and in its place 
 has come the knowledge that the only time in which it is justi- 
 fiable to remove a symptom is after the underlying cause of the 
 trouble has been reached and remedied or proven hopeless.
 
 ARE THE PRESENT PSYCHOLOGICAL SCALES 
 RELIABLE FOR THE EXAMINATION OF ADULTS? 
 
 AN ANALYTICAL COMPARISON OF EXAMINATIONS FOR 
 CHILDREN AND FOR ADULTS 
 
 SIDNEY L. PRESSEY, PH. D. AND LUELLA W. COLE, A. B. 
 
 THE PSYCHOPATHIC HOSPITAL, BOSTON 
 
 IN a previous article, 1 the subject of irregularity on a psycho- 
 logical scale as a means of distinguishing deteriorated from 
 feebleminded individuals was discussed. In that paper a 
 
 new method of figuring "irregularity" on the "Point 
 Scale" was explained and norms for irregularity for groups of 
 feebleminded, dementia praecox and chronic alcoholic cases pre- 
 sented. The value of each test in the scale for differentiating 
 deterioration from primary amentia was then worked out, the 
 five tests most differential combined into a special differential 
 group of tests and norms for this group also presented. The 
 results appeared of considerable value for practical purposes. 2 
 
 The present paper briefly reports work of largely similar 
 nature, only done on normal children, feebleminded children and 
 feebleminded adults. The study of these three groups of cases 
 gives rise to two distinct, but related, questions. Do the 
 feebleminded show a greater irregularity therefore a different 
 make-up of examination than the normal person? If so, what 
 tests and mental processes are most affected? 3 Second; are the 
 present standard intelligence tests applicable for work on adults? 
 Does mere maturity change the make-up of an examination 
 given by a mentally defective person? If so, what tests and men- 
 tal processes are most affected? This last comparison of adults 
 
 *A New Method for Determining the Reliability of a Psychological Examination. 
 S. L. Pressey, Boston Psychopathic Hospital and Luella Cole, Boston Psychopathic Hos- 
 pital. 
 
 2 In that paper reference was made to the difficulty of evaluating such findings, due to 
 the fact that so little is known as to the results of psychological examination of adults. 
 All well known psychological scales are based on work with school children and are planned 
 primarily for use with children. But in practice these scales are given quite as frequently 
 to adolescents and adults. It is assumed that a given mental age has essentially the same 
 significance whether obtained from an adult or a child. As will appear from the following 
 data, such an assumption is not wholly justifiable. 
 
 3 This first question goes back in the last analysis to the old problem as to whether 
 primary amentia is merely arrested development or involves mental abnormalities as well. 
 
 314
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 315 
 
 with children should measure what the comparative effects of 
 maturity are and should determine whether or not tests, obtained 
 from school children are valid for the mental measurement of 
 adults. The results which have been obtained on these questions 
 seem of decided interest, both theoretically and practically. 
 
 In this work the Point Scale was used throughout. The 
 method of figuring irregularity may be described as follows. 
 The basis was a table 4 giving the average score in points of the 
 normal child at each mental age and for each test. Thus, the 
 average score of eleven year old children on test one is 3.0; on 
 test two, 3.8; on test three, 2.8; on test four 3.7, etc. If a given 
 child, testing at eleven years, scores 3, 4, 5, and 5 on these first 
 four tests, he shows variations from the average, or irregularities, 
 of 0.0, 0.2, 2.2 and 1.3; and the sum of all these variations on all 
 the twenty tests will be the total irregularity. In the case just 
 mentioned the irregularity was 14.2. Such a statement of 
 irregularity is simple and comprehensive and is often, as shown 
 in the paper already referred to, of no small significance. It 
 should be worked out, the writers believe, in all cases and re- 
 corded along with the mental age and coefficient as part of the 
 findings. 
 
 This paper is a study of 275 cases. In obtaining data, 
 results from normal children were most difficult to accumulate 
 from the material available but were essential as a basis for all 
 the further work. The examinations used were made at the 
 Boston Psychopathic Hospital. Normal children are not usually 
 brought here, but children whose fathers have developed neuro- 
 syphylis are frequently brought into the Out-Patient Depart- 
 ment for a Wasserman test, accompanied by the routine physical 
 and psychological examinations. If the Wasserman reaction is 
 negative, the child tests at normal on the scale, and has a good 
 school history, he may be considered as normal. Cases are also 
 frequently brought in to the Out-Patient Department for minor 
 delinquencies, who turn out to be average enough children who 
 chanced to be caught in escapades more or less common to all 
 children, but are haled into the Out-Patient Department by 
 over-zealous social workers. Some children thus brought in are 
 younger brothers or sisters of some child who has been in a reform 
 school but who have themselves shown no abnormalities. In 
 other instances there is no suspicion of mental defect, and the 
 
 4 Table 30, p. 123 of "A Point Scale for Measuring Mental Ability" Yerkes R. M., 
 Bridges J. W. and Hardwick R. S. Warwick and York 1915.
 
 316 Present Psychological Scales 
 
 psychological examination is given in connection with the 
 adoption of a child or some other such matter. In selecting 
 these cases of normal children, only those grading within a year 
 of age, above or below, giving a good school history and having 
 the diagnosis of "no piental or nervous disease, " were used. No 
 individuals brought in for emotional or nervous instability, none 
 with any physical disease, none from homes where no English was 
 spoken, were taken even though their examinations were up to 
 age. Fifty cases fulfilling these requirements and grading at the 
 mental ages of eight to twelve inclusive, were found in the Out- 
 Patient Department. The number of examinations is, of course, 
 too small, but the group as thus selected was distinctly homo- 
 geneous and the averages obtained would appear to be of fair 
 reliability. 
 
 Two groups of feebleminded cases were considered. The 
 distribution by mental age was fairly even for both groups. 
 110 of the cases were individuals under twenty years of age; 
 115 were over twenty, chronologically: 5 all were feebleminded. 
 Two thirds of the primary aments were cases tested at the 
 Waverley School for the Feebleminded the rest were persons 
 so diagnosed at the Boston Psychopathic Hospital. These last 
 cases were also carefully selected, none showing nervous or mental 
 disorder in addition to their primary amentia being included, or 
 any whose scoring would be influenced by an inadequate knowl- 
 edge of English. 
 
 The total irregularities of all these 275 cases were figured 
 first by the method described above. The results are shown on 
 Table I. 
 
 6 It may seem odd that feeble-minded adults were studied. But the crux of the problem 
 is right here. Positive action is taken upon the results of the psychological examination 
 only when the case is judged feebleminded; otherwise the findings of the psychological tests 
 are, for purposes of disposition, negative. And it is the adult who has what is usually 
 called a child's mind to whom these children's tests should be most applicable. That the 
 scales are only roughly satisfactory with such case would imply that they were even less 
 satisfactory in work with normal or deteriorated individuals of adult years. A direct study 
 of the examinations of normal adults was impossible as no data was available and the 
 findings, supposing such data to be at hand, would have been less crucial. First and fore- 
 most, the tests are used for diagnosing feeblemindedness and it is in proportion to their re- 
 liability for that work that they should be pr'marily judged.
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 317 
 
 TABLE I 
 
 TOTAL IRREGULARITY (IN POINTS) 
 
 Mental Normal Children Feeble-Minded Feeble-minded 
 
 Age (50 cases) under twenty over twenty 
 
 (110 cases) (115 cases) 
 
 Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. Av. m. v. No. 
 
 8 14.6 1.8 (11) 15.6 1.4 (24) 17.7 1.5 (24) 
 
 9 16.8 1.4 (10) 16.5 1.6 (30) 18.2 1.9 (29) 
 
 10 15.6 2.5 (6) 16.8 1.5 (20) 17.8 1.9 (16) 
 
 11 15.7 2.2 (10) 15.7 1.5 (20) 17.8 1.9 (25) 
 
 12 14.4 1.5 (13) 15.0 2.0 (16) 17.6 1.5 (21) 
 
 15.6 1.9 (50) 15.9 1.6 (110) 17.8 1.7 (115) 
 
 The figures in parenthesis give the number of cases at each mental age. 
 The average mean variation is the average of the mean variations at the differ- 
 ent mental ages, not the mean variation of the averages. 
 
 It will be seen, in the first place, that the average irregulari- 
 ties for each of the three groups are surprisingly constant at the 
 different mental ages. This is especially true of the two feeble- 
 minded groups, so that it seems warranted to take sixteen as a 
 general average for the feebleminded under twenty and eighteen 
 for those over twenty. The figures for the normal children are 
 less constant from one mental age to another, but this is probably 
 due to the small number of cases. A norm of sixteen for the 
 mental ages of eight to twelve would seem to be indicated. 
 
 In the second place, it would appear that irregularity on 
 the Point Scale is not indicative of mental defect. Feeble 
 minded cases under twenty, average only .3 more irregularity 
 than the normal children. This is of no small interest. It is 
 frequently stated that a greater irregularity is indicative of men- 
 tal defect. On the Point Scale, at least, this is not true, if the 
 feebleminded cases are young. The greater irregularity found 
 by previous writers may be largely due to the fact that they used 
 the Binet Scale with its heterogeneous assemblage of tests. The 
 smaller differential irregularity on the Point Scale might then 
 be considered evidence that the Point Scale was more nearly a 
 measure of intelligence, being freer of tests of information or 
 other elements not closely associated with general intelligence by 
 itself. 
 
 The definitely greater irregularity of the adult cases should 
 be noted, however. It suggests that the results of other workers 
 may be due in part to an inclusion in their averages for the pri- 
 mary aments, of cases too far removed in chronological age
 
 318. Present Psychological Scales 
 
 from normal children to make the groups strictly comparable. 
 The definite difference in irregularity between child and adult 
 feebleminded persons calls at once for an analysis of the ex- 
 aminations in these two groups to discover what is causing the 
 difference 6 
 
 Such an analysis was made by finding the average score of 
 each group of the feebleminded on each test and comparing 
 the results with the average performance, on each test, of the 
 school children on whom the mental age norms for the scale are 
 based. The figures are given as per cents of the score of the 
 normal children of the same mental age achieved by each of the 
 mentally defective groups. Table II gives the data which for 
 greater clearness has also been graphed (Plate I). In this 
 
 TABLE II 
 
 Test 123456789 10 
 
 Cases over 20 101 105 114 93 100 66 117 85 85 103 
 
 Cases under 20 102 103 115 89 100 65 115 100 100 94 
 
 Test 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 
 
 Cases over 20 102 101 79 74 134 56 95 119 143 101 
 
 Cases under 20 122 117 97 66 111 105 89 65 85 93 
 
 First line: tests of the Point Scale, in order. Second and third lines; 
 percent, of score made on each test by normal children, shown by feeble- 
 minded individuals (a) under 20, and (b) over 20. 
 
 graph the heavy mid-line, at 100 per cent, represents the per- 
 formance of the normal child and the dotted and plain lines the 
 variations from that norm, in per cent, of the tw T o groups of 
 feeble-minded cases. These last lines give what might be called 
 a "profile" of mental defect and of maturity as compared with 
 normality. Or to put it another way, they give a graphic repre- 
 sentation of irregularity. On the graph, double lines have been 
 drawn at the points marking fifteen per cent above and below 
 
 6 The norms for the adult feebleminded should supersede those given in the previous 
 paper; as mentioned in that paper the norms were at fault in including cases of all chrono- 
 logical ages in one group. This was then necessary as sufficient data for treating the two 
 groups, children and adults, separately had not been accumulated. Comparison will show 
 that these new norms, for adults only, are more satisfactory for purposes of differentiating 
 primary amentia from deterioration. The norms for the differential group now run 3.6, 
 5.0, 5.5, 5.5, and 5.4; the averages are more constant from one mental age to another and 
 the scatter of individual cases around the average is less. This differential group, with the 
 norms here given seems likely to prove of decided practical interest.
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 
 
 319 
 
 normal. Variations beyond these limits may surely be con- 
 sidered significant. 
 
 "Profile" of the Irregularity shown by (a) Adolescent and (6) Adult Feeble- 
 minded Cases on the Point Scale. 
 
 efo ' 7~ e * *" at 
 
 .Zn/ A 3 f ? t f i 9 10 it u iy li iy it if fl 19 un* 
 
 IW 
 
 UO 
 110 
 
 100 
 90 
 
 to 
 
 TO 
 
 Adult 
 
 a 
 
 ^ 
 
 4 
 
 * 
 
 7\ 
 
 \HO 
 30 
 
 I/O 
 100 
 
 50 
 
 20 
 70 
 60 
 
 Heavy line (100%) indicates score of normal children on each test. 
 Graph shows variations from this, in percents. Double lines mark 15% 
 variations, above and below the normal line. 
 
 (a) This variation due to a change on test six, made after the norms were 
 established. The variation is thus of no significance. 
 
 If test six is excluded (see note, Graph I) the only significant 
 variations occur on tests 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19. The 
 younger group of the feebleminded show only four such irregu- 
 larities. The showing is definitely better on test 11, (resisting 
 suggestion) and test 12 (drawing square and diamond) It is 
 poorer on test 14 (writing a sentence containing Boston, money 
 and river) and test 18 (reconstructing dissected sentences). 
 These results may be taken as further evidence that the feeble- 
 minded do relatively well with tests requiring merely sensori- 
 motor adjustments, but very poorly with work involving idea- 
 tion. The poor showing on these last mentioned tests may, 
 however, be correlated more directly with the retardation in, 
 and early elimination from, school, symptomatic of primary 
 amentia. 7 
 
 T An attempt was made to develop a special group of tests for distinguishing primary 
 amentia (using tests 11, 12, 14 and 18) similar to the differential group for distinguishing 
 deterioration, described in a previous article. See note 1. But the result was not sufficient- 
 ly satisfactory to merit report here.
 
 320 Present Psychological Scales 
 
 The adults show an irregularity of a definitely different 
 make-up. They do poorly on test 13 (free association) test 14, 
 (writing the sentence containing Boston, money and river) and 
 on test 16 (drawing two geometrical figures from memory). 
 They do surprisingly well on tests 15 (comprehension of practical 
 questions) and 19 (definition of abstract terms). A natural 
 interpretation is that 'these adult defectives are especially charac- 
 tized by a paucity of ideation, test 13 being free association, lack 
 of ingenuity (test 14) and a poor capacity for learning (test 16). 
 And the experience, which comes with greater age, has brought 
 the capacity for understanding practical questions of a simple 
 sort (test 15) and knowledge of abstract ideas of a social signi- 
 ficance, (test 19), somewhat greater than has the average child 
 of the same "mental age." 
 
 Whether such interpretations be accepted or not, the fact 
 remains that adolescent, and particularly adult feebleminded 
 persons give examinations on the psychological scale which are 
 essentially different from the examinations given by normal 
 children by which the results are judged. 
 
 The bearing of these results upon the general problem of 
 mental measurements of adults is obvious. It had been cus- 
 tomary, in work with adults, to use one of the standard psycho- 
 logical scales. The total score, or with the Binet scales the total 
 number of passes, was then found and the result read as a " mental 
 age." If the mental age was ten, the individual was supposed 
 to have the intelligence of a ten-year old child. The graph above 
 makes it clear that such an assumption is true only in a very rough 
 way. The examination which has given the adult this mental 
 age of ten is strikingly different, in important features from the 
 typical child's examination, which gave 65 points, or 48 passes 
 on the Stanford scales, its significance as an indication of a ten 
 year mentality. Such an interpretation, in dealing with feeble- 
 minded children or adolescents is not altogether sound theoreti- 
 cally. In dealing with adults, the connotation which this form 
 of statement gives, is a distinctly false one, the impression is 
 altogether wrong. 
 
 8 A comparison of these "profiles" with a similar graph for dementia praecox and chronic 
 alcoholic patients is of decided interest. Feebleminded, chronic alcoholic and dementia 
 praecox patients have, each their own profiles which mark off the groups with some definite- 
 ness from every other group. See Pressey S. L. Distinctive Features in the Psychological 
 Examination of Dementia Praecox and Chronic Alcoholic Patients. Journal of Abnormal 
 Psychology, June 1917.
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W . Cole 321 
 
 A much better statement for the findings of a psychological 
 examination is the coefficient of intelligence or the index quotient. 
 The adult giving a mental age of ten, has a coefficient of .74 on 
 the Point Scale or of .57 on the Stanford. That is, he obtains 
 74% or 57% of the score that he should earn if he were of average 
 intelligence. His score happens to be the same as that of the ten 
 year old child, but the two examinations are not the same, and 
 with the findings stated as a coefficient, there is no pretension 
 that they are. 
 
 The irregularities exhibited on the psychological scale mean 
 more than that the commonly used statement for the findings 
 on the scale is unsatisfactory, however. They mean that these 
 scales are inadequate for work with adult individuals. A change 
 in mental make-up with maturity is doubtless one cause, but 
 there are other factors. The failure of the subnormal adult to 
 reproduce from memory the Binet figures is not due, primarily, to 
 his mental defect. The problem presented is so utterly foreign 
 to his experience that he does not know what to make of it, how 
 to "take hold" of it. It is wholly different from the varieties 
 of problem by which, in his environment, his intelligence is tested 
 and his failure here has very little significance. A school child 
 finds such a task of memory not unnatural. For an adult the 
 test is next to valueless. 9 
 
 The writers feel that other tests of the scale have, for dealing 
 with adults, the same inapplicability. Any one experienced in 
 clinical work must have felt acutely, at times, the inadequacy 
 and the irrelevancy for such purposes of much of this material. 
 A day laborer, fairly intelligent in his reaction to his own limited 
 environment, is bewildered and irritated by many of the problems 
 set him. When he is asked what he would do if he had broken 
 something belonging to another, (part of the Binet "compre- 
 hension of questions" test) or requested to define justice, the 
 problem seems to him not unnatural as a test of his judgment 
 and moral sense. And, as the graph shows, he does fairly well 
 on these questions. But when asked to give disconnected words for 
 three minutes, to draw designs from memory or to make up a 
 sentence containing Boston, money and river, he does poorly. 
 The reason is not so much lack of intelligence as unfamiliarity 
 and awkwardness with the type of problem. 
 
 But, to whatever causes we assign these irregularities; the 
 
 'That is, as a test of intelligence. In working with cases of mental disease it gives 
 results of great interest. See notes 1 and 8.
 
 322 Present Psychological Scales 
 
 conclusion is obvious. The standard intelligence scales have 
 been developed primarily for use with school children and are 
 based upon work with them. When used upon adults, even when 
 the adults are low mentally, the results must be considered much 
 less exact and the significance of the total score with regard to the 
 relative development of the various abilities largely different. 
 The measurement of the intelligence of adults is a problem al- 
 together different from the measurement of the mentality of 
 children. We need special methods and, to a large extent, 
 special tests for this problem. 
 
 The standard scales have been used in work with adults 
 because they made a contribution to the study of a case not ob- 
 tainable elsewhere. If used with discrimination and judgment 
 they are of decided value in dealing with such cases. They will 
 continue to be of service in this work. But in using them for 
 these purposes, it must be constantly remembered that they are 
 being used in a way for which they were not primarily intended 
 and in a type of work for which they are only roughly applicable. 
 A group of tests originally developed for use with adults should 
 give results of much greater definiteness and value. In general, 
 adults may be thought of as grading somewhat too low on the 
 present psychological scales because of the unsatisfactoriness of 
 many of the tests for such work. 
 
 SUMMARY 
 
 The paper may be briefly summarized. It reports the study 
 of the psychological examinations given by 50 normal children, 
 110 feebleminded children, and 115 adults of feebleminded grade, 
 all grading on the scale between the ages of eight and twelve. 
 The major purpose of the paper was to determine the applica- 
 bility of the present psychological scales to work with adult 
 individuals. In connection with this a minor study was made; 
 a comparison of normal and feebleminded children to obtain 
 some evidence as to the distinctive features of the defective 
 mentality. The conclusions reached were as follows: 
 
 1. Individuals over twenty show a definitely greater 
 irregularity on a psychological scale than do normal or feeble- 
 minded children. Feebleminded children are not distinguished 
 from normal children by greater irregularity. 
 
 2. The feebleminded show an examination of a make-up 
 different from that given by normal children. In general, the
 
 Sidney L. Pressey and Luella W. Cole 323 
 
 mentally defective show a better sensori-motor ability than 
 normal children of the same mental age, but a smaller number 
 of ideas and a poorer ability for their re-combination and use in a 
 new situation. 
 
 3. Adult individuals again give a result distinctively 
 different. The strikingly different make-up of the examination 
 given by the adult individual is used as an argument, (a) for the 
 use of the "intelligence quotient" or "coefficient of intelligence" 
 as a form of expression for the results of a psychological examina- 
 tion and (6) for the development of methods and tests especially 
 adapted for use with adults.
 
 PSYCHOLOGICAL ANALYSIS AND RE-EDUCATION 
 WITH CASE STUDIES 
 
 MARGARET J. HAMILTON 
 
 IN a former article 1 discussing the principles underlying my 
 work, as these principles were demonstrated in the psy- 
 chological clinic of the Southern California Association of 
 
 Applied Psychology, the position was taken that the con- 
 trol of the emotional life is fundamental to securing adequate and 
 healthy functioning of both the physiological and the intellectual 
 processes. Emotional repression, conflict, waste, and starvation 
 are asserted to be the primary causal conditions of a very much 
 wider range of specific pathological disabilities, both physical and 
 mental, than has heretofore been recognized. By the methods of 
 psychological analysis and re-education used, these emotional 
 conditions can be discovered and effectively dealt with, so that 
 the pathological symptoms cease and the individual returns to 
 normal conditions of physical and mental health. 
 
 It was further held that the presence of specific emotional 
 biases and inhibitions is a very large factor in the production of 
 intellectual mediocrity and failure, in mis-direction of well-trained 
 logical processes into destructive and self -contradictory programs 
 of conduct, and in the failure of moral ideals to function in control- 
 ling the adjustment process. Emotional conditions, whether con- 
 scious or unconscious, may serve to inhibit the proper growth 
 and effective use of intelligence, or may deflect its activities into 
 undesirable channels. The discovery and removal of these emo- 
 tional inhibitions and biases is thus essential to the best success 
 of educational procedure on both its intellectual and moral sides. 
 
 Indeed, on the side of the re-educative procedure, the moral 
 reconstruction of the individual is often the chief task of the an- 
 alyst. It should be noted that I use the term " moral " in its wid- 
 est and deepest sense, meaning thereby that healthful unity of the 
 competing instincts and impulses, that adjustment of the individ- 
 ual to his social environment, that harmony of his interests with 
 one another, that robust and straightforward honest dealing with 
 
 *F. E. Owen, The Psychological Clinic of the Southern California Association of Applied 
 Psychology, Jour. Abn. Psych., October, 1917. 
 
 324
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 325 
 
 the facts of both the internal and external life, which make pos- 
 sible the resolution of the harmful conflicts and repressions, and 
 free the mind for its most healthful and efficient functioning in- 
 tellectually. 
 
 Furthermore, it should be noted that the term "psychologi- 
 cal analysis" is used instead of "psychoanalysis." The latter 
 term has come through use to designate the methods, technique, 
 and theories peculiar to the Freudian school and its various ram- 
 ifications. Since no use is made of the Freudian technique, nor 
 of the specifically Freudian concepts, but since the mental factors 
 or elements which operate to determine the individual 's reactions 
 and contribute to his maladjustments are brought to light by 
 careful and detailed analysis of both the conscious and the uncon- 
 scious mental life, I have called this kind of work "psychological 
 analysis" to avoid any possible confusion with the technique and 
 doctrines of the Freudian school. Furthermore, while psycholog- 
 ical analysis lends itself to the discovery of the mental factors in- 
 volved in the production of pathological symptoms of both mind 
 and body, the term covers a much wider range of operations. By 
 psychological analysis we uncover the motivation, ideational and 
 emotional, which is present to produce reactions that have no 
 pathological symptoms accompanying them or resulting from 
 them, but which may be interfering with the most successful ad- 
 justment of the individual in his reactions to his particular en- 
 vironment, and which are therefore causing him to fail to meet his 
 individual problems upon the plane of efficiency which should be 
 normal to his native capacity. Hence, "psychological analysis" is 
 an analysis of conduct with a view to discovering the mental ele- 
 ments involved in producing that conduct. In such an analysis, 
 not only must the ideational and emotional life most directly 
 concerned be brought to light, but there must be uncovered the 
 deeper-lying often unconsciously functioning, attitudes and 
 trends, the more distant currents of feeling and systems of ideas 
 which are the back-lying causes of those forms of thought and 
 feeling that are more overtly in consciousness, or are nearest in 
 time to the conduct that is being analyzed. 
 
 Furthermore, analysis is made of those factors in the mental 
 life that are productive of the most successful and satisfactory 
 adjustments, that are responsible for the freest and most con- 
 structive functioning of the intellectual and moral life of the in- 
 dividual, and that tend to promote the best health, physical 
 and mental.
 
 326 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 The person who is being dealt with is shown, as rapidly as he 
 is willing and able to face his own mental life, the ideas, feelings, 
 and general attitudes of mind that are interfering with his on- 
 going, and a program of thought and action to correct these is 
 mapped out for him to follow in his daily problems of adjustment. 
 This program of thought, feeling, and action, is based upon the 
 results of the analysis of the individual case, and upon the results 
 of the knowledge, gained through analysis, of the mental factors 
 that have been found to be most successful in bringing to pass 
 that unity of mind, and that healthful reaction to environment, 
 that are necessary to the best on-going of the individual. This 
 process of re-education goes hand in hand, step by step, with the 
 process of analysis, the progress being no greater than the in- 
 dividual is able to make, for, as I have said, only as much analysis 
 is done as he is able and willing at that time to face, and such a 
 program for meeting and dealing with what is in his own mental 
 life and for facing his daily problems is provided him as he is at 
 that time able to undertake. In all this work the individual may 
 be said to build a new character through the conscious knowledge 
 of the factors which were his former undoing and the conscious 
 endeavor from day to day to change his ways of thinking and feel- 
 ing through sincere and earnest efforts to follow the program that 
 is outlined for him. In this he is successful in so far as the in- 
 hibitions that stood in the way of acquiring these new mental 
 habits are removed, and in so far as he puts up no resistance to the 
 acceptance and practicing of the new way of living. And as he 
 makes effort from day to day, he acquires confidence and courage 
 together with command of himself in proportion to his growth in 
 knowledge and experience. 
 
 The process by which the causes of the maladjustments are 
 corrected is thus, in a very deep and significant sense, an educa- 
 tive process. People come to the analyst to be taught: to learn 
 why they are as they are, why they have reacted to life as they 
 have, what it is in them that has brought them to their failure or 
 to their pathological condition, and how they may so reconstruct 
 their mental lives at the very sources of motivation that they may 
 come to react differently so as to correct the causes and escape 
 from their maladjustments. This sort of learning must be dis- 
 criminated from the superficial, outward, objective acquirement 
 of mere intellectual information. It is the sort of learning that 
 involves such a depth and reality of understanding as brings to 
 pass the building-in of different motives, the constant practical
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 327 
 
 acceptance into the warp and woof of mental structure of the 
 new program of thought, the new attitudes of mind, both idea- 
 tional and emotional. The knowledge and understanding that 
 the individual gains must be dynamic, not static. It is therefore, 
 proper, to speak of the individual who comes to seek help through 
 psychological analysis and re-education as a student, since this is 
 the attitude that he must and does take, if there is to be accom- 
 plished for him any lasting and genuine benefit. 
 
 In making the analysis, there must always be concrete con- 
 tact with the student's daily adjustments where he is meeting his 
 strains and tensions and suffering his defeats. This makes pos- 
 sible tHe furnishing of a program of procedure that will tend to 
 relieve the repressions and supply satisfactory outlets so that 
 the emotional adjustments may be made. It is in the reactions 
 to his daily experiences that the individual reveals what the ideas 
 and attitudes and emotional trends and repressions are that are 
 the sources of his difficulties, and as these come to light, analysis 
 is also made of the past experiences, the repressed, buried, or for- 
 gotten memories and processes, that may be functioning to pro- 
 duce his present maladjustments. By studying his reactions 
 both to memory material and to his daily affairs, both as these 
 reactions are now taking place and as they have taken place in 
 the past, it is possible to make clear to him the emotional atti- 
 tudes and the ideas out of which his reactions come. The stud- 
 ent, thus enabled to understand himself, is better able to co-oper- 
 ate with the analyst in the re-educative process ; for in re-educa- 
 tion it is necessary to build into the mind of the student new ways 
 of thinking and feeling in the place of those that have brought 
 about the difficulties from which he may be suffering. In order 
 that he may be willing and ready to accept and to put into prac- 
 tice new ways of thinking and feeling, he must be able to see the 
 necessity for the change, and his understanding comes about 
 through his being able to see clearly the relationship between his 
 present mental and physical symptoms, his failures in adjustment 
 and the life of ideas and feeling that causes them. He is thus put 
 into conscious control of his own mental life, and is given an op- 
 portunity to follow entirely different programs of thought and 
 action. He literally "changes his mind ", but he does so with the 
 full knowledge of its necessity, and is willing to do it because he 
 sees what the "old mind" has brought him, and what the "new 
 mind" will bring him if he will but work sincerely to make the 
 necessary modifications.
 
 328 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 The following sketches of the analysis and re-education of 
 two persons who exhibited epileptic symptoms, and of one who 
 had developed serious amnesia, will contribute to the further 
 understanding of the way in which the emotional life not only 
 brings to pass pathological conditions, but also interferes with the 
 most efficient functioning of the intellectual processes. From a 
 careful study of Case 1 it will be seen that correction came about 
 primarily through the re-education of the moral life, as here was 
 located the under-lying cause of her difficulties. 
 
 Of necessity, only the barest outlines of the work done on 
 these cases can be given, for the mass of detailed analysis, and the 
 hours of conversation needed in order to carry on the work of re- 
 education, would fill volumes. Moreover, this material would 
 have full meaning only to the one actually engaged at the time in 
 meeting the reactions of the students in both thought and feeling, 
 as the work was done and the intricate details dealt with. The 
 attempt has been made, therefore, to condense the many hours of 
 detailed and painstaking work so as to give a perspective of the 
 general trend, and an insight into the principles involved . 
 
 Case 1. This student is a young woman of twenty -three, a 
 college graduate. When she came to our Psychological Clinic for 
 consultation she was engaged in trying to do graduate work. 
 
 Up to the age of fourteen she seems to have lived a normal 
 life in every way, being well, happy, vigorous, full of initiative, 
 exuberant, expressive. No record can be found that she showed 
 any tendency to nervous twitching or lack of muscular control. 
 At about the age of fourteen she began to have muscular spasms 
 in which she would completely lose consciousness for a few min- 
 utes, at most, and there was accompanying frothing at the mouth 
 with stertorious breathing during the coma. These attacks in- 
 creased in violence and in frequency as she grew older. There 
 was also an increase in the languor and the depletion that would 
 follow them. When she came to the clinic she had been having 
 the attacks two or three times a week for some time, although 
 there had been periods when she had not had them so frequently, 
 the attacks coming only once or twice per month. 
 
 Her difficulty had always been diagnosed as epilepsy. On 
 her first visit to the clinic she was asked what was the cause of her 
 coming to us for help, and her response was: "I am filled with 
 fear all the time fear that I shall fall down and become uncon- 
 scious in my classes or on the street. " When asked if this had
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 329 
 
 ever happened, she replied that it had not, that the attacks so far 
 had always occurred indoors and mostly at home, but that they 
 were coming more often and that she was afraid that she would get 
 so that she would have no control at all. This fear of losing all con- 
 trol will be seen to be one of the important factors in aggravating 
 her symptoms and controlling her conduct, as it led to great re- 
 pression. The girl showed great reluctance and diffidence about 
 talking of her malady, needing much encouragement to speak of 
 of it at all. On her second visit to the clinic she was encouraged 
 to go into a little detail concerning the attacks and what she had 
 been doing to correct them. She said that the trouble had al- 
 ways been diagnosed as epilepsy, and that among other remedial 
 measures prescribed, she had been put upon a strict diet a number 
 of times. All these things, however, had produced no apparent 
 effect. It was noted, at this point, that she showed great repres- 
 sion and rebellion over the diet program. 
 
 Her mother, on being called in and questioned, reported that 
 the girl had been growing steadily more and more indifferent and 
 lethargic. It had been natural in her childhood years for her to 
 express herself freely, but she had seemed to become so sensitive 
 to criticism that she had gradually ceased to talk freely. No 
 matter w r hat was said or done in matters that would concern her 
 she would acquiesce without objection or comment or any 
 normal expression of her own wishes and opinions. This seeming 
 contentment or indifference was, it appeared in the analysis, en- 
 tirely assumed, for inwardly she would be in a tumult of rebellion, 
 resentment -and disappointment, while holding herself outwardly 
 calm. 
 
 The analysis revealed a two-fold source of this great repres- 
 sion. As the work progressed, it was noted that the girl was re- 
 straining herself from any normal sort of expression, and that at 
 the same time she seemed eager to make a place for herself and 
 have a position of leadership. When this great desire for initia- 
 tive and self-expression was touched upon in the conversation, 
 she immediately began to twitch and jerk and to lose all muscular 
 control. At once the conversation was turned to other matters 
 and some encouragement was offered to quiet her fear, which was 
 always great when she found these attacks coming on. After she 
 had gotten quieted again and all was running smoothly, the con- 
 versation was once more turned to the subject of her strong desire 
 to take the initiative. At once she was thrown into a struggle to 
 avert another spasm of uncontrol. Again by turning the subject
 
 330 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 of conversation and quieting her fear the spasm was prevented 
 from running its course into complete muscular uncontrol and un- 
 consciousness. In the course of weeks of careful work in removing 
 her fear and discharging other repressions, it was finally possible 
 to deal bit by bit with this fundamental complex that surrounded 
 her desire for self-expression and leadership. The barrier of in- 
 hibitions was slowly removed and at the same time a constructive 
 program of both thought and action was mapped out for her to 
 follow that gave her opportunity, little by little, to live again the 
 life of initiative and self-expression that was natural to her, and 
 that had been hers up until the age of about fourteen. Week by 
 week, as the various repressions and emotional conflicts were re- 
 solved and an outlet for her intense desire to live a normal life of 
 self-expression was provided, the attacks lessened in frequency 
 and in violence, while their after-effects grew less and less deplet- 
 ing, so that often it was not possible to detect, within an hour 
 or two after a spasm, that she had had any attack. 
 
 The beginning of her repression of initiative was in her four- 
 teenth year and was brought on as follows: It seems that she 
 was so full of initiative, so eager to take the lead in everything, 
 and at the same time so capable and so overflowing with life and 
 energy, that she was completely dominating her older sister, and 
 without being consciously or rudely self-assertive, she was never- 
 theless having her ow r n way about things where the sister was con- 
 cerned. The girl was simply bubbling over with life and vitality, 
 and developing so rapidly and vigorously that she was crowding 
 the older sister to the wall. The mother reports that she feared 
 that the older sister would not have a proper chance to develop, 
 and she therefore felt that she should do something to check the 
 eagerness of the younger girl to take the leadership in everything. 
 She therefore took a vigorous hand in the proceedings, rebuked 
 the younger girl severely for her forwardness and domination, and 
 forbade that this sort of thing should continue, ordering her to 
 stop trying to "run everything, " but to give way to her sister and 
 let her have a chance. From that moment the girl ceased all at- 
 tempts to have her own way openly, dropping all her former vigor 
 and spontaneous assumption of leadership, her eager and quick 
 expression of her own wishes and opinions in matters where her 
 sister was concerned, as though she had been stunned, as indeed, 
 with her delicate and sensitive nature, she was. She had not 
 been consciously forward, dominating, and aggressive, but simply 
 thoughtless and exuberant in her spontaneous self-expression,
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 331 
 
 in which she was obtaining huge satisfaction. Because she was 
 at the same time very sensitive, the rebuke turned her com- 
 pletely in upon herself, crushing this carefree spontaneity and 
 shocking her into inaction. She was hurt and she could not 
 right herself. So deep was the hurt that the girl seems to have 
 no memory of the incident of the rebuke at all. She remembers 
 well that as a young girl she was exuberant, vigorous, quick of 
 tongue and pushing out to take leadership everywhere, but she 
 has no memory at all of when the change from this began to take 
 place. 
 
 In the work with her in analysis and re-education, she has 
 shown this great sensitiveness, this quickness of response, not 
 needing to be dealt with vigorously or sternly, but willing to be 
 guided by the gentlest of methods, w r here others would have to be 
 dealt with very firmly, or even with considerable forcefulness,to 
 get them to follow directions. She did not lose her desire to lead, 
 or her hunger for self-expression, with the mother's rebuke, but 
 she seemed to be inhibited from showing any of her former in- 
 itiative again in matters within the family. She let her sister 
 have her way, to all outward appearances being contented and 
 happy, and the mother congratulated herself that she had been 
 so easily successful in putting a stop to what she had considered 
 undesirable behavior, not realizing the actual harm she had done. 
 
 Inwardly, however, the girl was full of rebellion and disap- 
 pointment, but she could not pass the barrier that had been set up. 
 Instead of merely reducing her impetuous initiative, she ceased 
 it altogether. It developed in the analysis that she was uncon- 
 sciously taking the position that if she could not be allowed the 
 expression and leadership that she craved, she would not try to 
 be anything at all or make any sort of wish or desire known in any 
 open way in opposition to what had been proposed. She inward- 
 ly "threw up her hands and quit," not consciously spiteful, but 
 hopeless and confused, bruised and thwarted. Then the spasms, 
 with their accompanying loss of consciousness, began to make 
 their appearance, and a second source of abnormal repression was 
 developed. She began to be greatly terrified lest she lose control 
 in everything, since she found that she had no control over either 
 her body or her mind when these attacks would come on. This 
 sense of the loss of control so filled her with fear, humiliation, and 
 loss of self-respect that she rapidly changed in all her relations 
 from the exuberant, expressive girl she had been, always eager to 
 offer an opinion, hasty of temper and quick of tongue, to one who
 
 332 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 was reticent, indifferent (outwardly only), very quiet, apparently 
 only a disinterested observer or on-looker, This was all done to 
 protect herself. She felt that since she had lost control in one 
 thing, she was in danger of losing control in everything. There- 
 fore, in the effort to furnish proof to herself that she could exer- 
 cise control, that she still had hold of herself in some respects 
 at least, she refused to allow herself any sort of normal self 
 expression. She was not, of course, conscious that this repres- 
 sion and restraint in every regard was increasing her malady. In 
 fact, she thought that it was helping it, or at least was preventing 
 it from spreading to everything else, and from becoming more fre- 
 quent in occurrence than it otherwise would be were she not hold- 
 ing this constant check upon herself. She was confident that, so 
 long as she could exercise control in something, she was at least 
 that much to the good. The inhibitions against any sort of self- 
 expression grew rapidly, and a psychosis was formed so that she 
 became actually unable to assert herself in any normal fashion at 
 all. Instead of really being in control of herself as she thought, 
 she was in fact being controlled by the psychosis of fear, and by 
 the psychosis which had been formed by the severe rebuke 
 received when but a young girl, with their accompanying inhibit- 
 ing complexes. Of her fear of loss of control she was quite 
 conscious, but she did not know that it had come to dominate 
 her in an abnormal manner. But of the psychosis formed by her 
 mother's rebuke she was entirely unconscious, merely finding 
 herself inhibited from self-expression in matters where her family 
 adjustments were concerned. Thus both within and without her 
 family she found herself constantly pushed into the background, 
 unable to make headway or retain her own place against those 
 who might be pushing ahead foe recognition in her stead. The 
 feeling of helplessness and the constant thwarting brought inner 
 anger and great impatience, with an intense sense of utter defeat 
 that were crushing her. She was constantly eager for self- 
 expression, yet found herself inhibited and compelled to see 
 others forging ahead of her and taking the lead in matters that 
 she had been given charge ol 
 
 Any attempt heretofore to control her in the way of following 
 some rigid regime for her health had been met by her with stub- 
 born inner rebellion. She would make no objection openly, but 
 there would come a look into her eyes of stubborn and dogged an- 
 ger as of a caged thing. And though she said nothing, yet she 
 would go ahead and eat and sleep and exercise in just the way she
 
 Margaret J . Hamilton 333 
 
 pleased, irrespective of prescription. She felt this same anger 
 and repressed rebellion over any attempt to control her, or to 
 classify her in with any one else in any way, either in speech, or 
 dress, or action, so strong was her desire to have her own way, to 
 take the leadership, to have some self-expression. There was, 
 thus, a pride, conceit, and selfishness present in her that had to 
 be dealt with and changed before she could be brought to view 
 her varied problems in any healthful fashion or make her adjust- 
 ments in such a way as to gain expression without conflict. It 
 should be noted that her pride, conceit, and selfishness were not 
 in any sense abnormal in respect of being more abundant or more 
 pefsistent than one finds in many a healthy normal girl. But 
 because of her peculiar sensitiveness and her very natural and 
 worthy desire for self-expression, these brought her great conflict 
 and prevented her from making the necessary adjustments. 
 
 After several visits to the clinic, arrangements were made for 
 her to come for private work. For over a month the progress was 
 was slow, The girl seemed to be in a state of semi-stupor, at 
 times, so little interest did she show in what was being said. At 
 other times she would seem to be quietly on guard, observing 
 what took place as though curious what it was all about and what 
 would be said next, but never offering to enter actively into mat- 
 ters herself. This apparent stupor and inability or refusal to ex- 
 press herself, or show any interest, grew out of her fear, as I have 
 said, lest she should lose control should she allow herself any gen- 
 uine and free expression of opinion, feeling, or desire. The result 
 was that she did not seem, at first, to be even normally intelligent. 
 However, as the weeks went on, and as the nature and causes of 
 her malady were revealed to her, and some of the inhibitions and 
 repressions had been somewhat lifted, she became more interested 
 and finally gave all attention and support to carrying out the pro- 
 gram laid down for her, even in all those matters where she had 
 heretofore been most stubborn and rebellious. 
 
 The work of re-education had to be directed first to the 
 task of lifting this burden of fear from her mind, and then she had 
 to be taught how to take some steps toward the self-expression 
 she had always repressed. While there were many inhibitions 
 to be removed, and many related complexes to be "discharged", 
 all of which helped to put the girl more and more into command 
 of herself, the fear of these attacks lifted rapidly in proportion as 
 she began to understand their source, and as she gained hope of 
 coming into such control of herself that they need not continue.
 
 334 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 This lifting of her fear freed her from the repressions which it had 
 caused, and she found herself able to give expression where before 
 she had been so greatly inhibited. At once, with the allaying of 
 her fear, her attacks grew less frequent and less violent, and as 
 the work of re-education progressed in the direction of teaching 
 her how to come out of herself and find that expression which had 
 been repressed from her fourteenth year, these attacks ceased. 
 She was able to obtain constant proof from day to day that con- 
 trol lay, not in repression at every point, but in learning how to 
 express herself without fear and without conflict with others, and 
 how to take second place when that was the thoughtful and gen- 
 erous thing to do, without at the same time feeling crushed and 
 thwarted. This daily experience in cause and effect, and this 
 control, which was not a grim repression but a free and healthful 
 expression, not only removed the burden of fear, but also so freed 
 her intellectual processes that she has from the first lifting of the 
 fear showed an intelligence of a rare quality, an intelligence of 
 which there was no indication when work was first begun with 
 her, so greatly had she been inhibited. 
 
 Hand in hand with the lifting of this fear, the work of re- 
 education had to deal with the psychosis formed by her reaction 
 to the rebuke administered by her mother as above recited. Be- 
 cause of this psychosis she was inhibited from making her adjust- 
 ments at home. She was, as I said, docile, agreeable, assenting 
 to whatever went on in her family life. To the eye of the layman, 
 she had been contented, and if not happy, at least not openly un- 
 happy, so that her acquiescence passed for listlessness and lack 
 of interest rather than for what it really was. With the lifting of 
 her fear lest she lose all control if she allowed herself .any expres- 
 sion, she became willing to follow a simple program involving the 
 exercise of some initiative and the expression of her wishes and 
 opinions in matters that came up where her interests were in- 
 volved. By degrees she came to be able to live a normal life, 
 able to express herself freely and frankly, but without suffering 
 from the opposition that normally one meets from others able, 
 in other words, to give and take and make her adjustments in 
 a healthy, normal fashion. 
 
 Mention was made above of the fact that a large part of the 
 work of the analyst is in the moral field, in the reconstruction of 
 the moral life. In this case, a great deal of the work of re-edu- 
 cation was entirely within the moral realm. It was her uncon- 
 scious selfishness, thoughtless and exuberant as she was, that
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 335 
 
 brought on her first difficulty, for she was dominating her sister 
 in a way that was good for neither her sister or herself. When 
 she was rebuked, her pride and egoism were sorely wounded. In 
 connection with her spasm, moreover, she suffered very great hu- 
 miliation. In none of these characteristics of conceit or selfish- 
 ness was she obtrusive or abnormal, but they prevented her from 
 making her adjustments, and were a constant source of emotion- 
 al repression and suffering. The work of re-education had thus 
 constantly to deal with the moral life of this student, and only as 
 she became less self-centered, and has developed a robust and 
 healthy unselfishness in all her social relations, and at the same 
 time has taken an entirely different attitude toward herself, has 
 she found it possible to make her adjustments without stress and 
 conflict. With these fundamental changes of attitude there 
 have come back to her, from her every relationship, reactions that 
 have been a constant encouragement for her to make effort 
 to build the new character, and she has had constant proof 
 of the relationship between the fundamental currents of her moral 
 life and her suffering, both physical and mental. Without this 
 fundamental change in her character, there would be no guar- 
 antee against a renewal of the repression and a return of the at- 
 tacks. But with this bringing to pass of a healthful moral unity, 
 there has been erected a bulwark against the return of her diffi- 
 culties, just because she reacts to all her life situations with a 
 healthy normality of thought and feeling that prevents the form- 
 ation of the repressions. 
 
 She has had to be taught how to come forth, as it were, and 
 meet life. But in order to do this, the inhibitions that had been 
 formed had to be removed. The removal of the great fear of the 
 spasms, and of the idea that she could only be sure of herself as 
 she refrained from any sort of expression, made it possible for her 
 begin to allow herself to move out from her old habits of thought 
 and feeling and meet her environment in more normal fashion. 
 There then had to be added the fundamental work upon her char- 
 acter, for her sensitive pride and her self-conceit were constant 
 sources of inhibition as well as of repression. This work was all 
 done by making analysis from lesson to lesson of the mental fac- 
 tors out of which her reaction to her daily affairs grew, so that she 
 could see what was responsible for her inhibitions, her wrong 
 moves, and hence for her repressions and hurts. Step by step 
 with the analysis the more healthful ways of thinking and feeling 
 were outlined to her, and a program for putting these better atti-
 
 336 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 tudes of mind into action was devised, so that she would have 
 constant and fruitful practice in making her adjustments. The 
 spasms have ceased to recur, and she is showing fine intelligence 
 and taking her place in her work with vigor and competency. 
 She has come to understand herself, and hence to control herself, 
 so that she is making her adjustments in thought, feeling, and'ac- 
 tion in a healthy normal fashion. 
 
 Case 2. This student was a young woman of twenty -five, a 
 teacher in the public schools. She was sent to my office by her 
 physician. When I went into the reception room where she had 
 been directed to wait for me, I found her full of irritation because 
 she felt ill-used over not having been given instant attention on 
 coming in. At once upon introducing myself, she broke out 
 in complaint about a table that was in the room, bluntly asking 
 me why I kept such a plain ugly piece of furniture around. She 
 was loud in speech, opinionated, critical, running on from one 
 topic of conversation to another, beside herself with irritation. 
 She showed this lack of control about everything, exploding, 
 chattering, and fussing through the first two or three interviews, 
 truculent, full of hostility and resistance, quick to express biting 
 criticism in regard to any matter that might come up. 
 
 At the first interview I asked her why she had come to me 
 and what her difficulty was. She replied blusteringly : "Well! 
 Can't you see? My doctor told me you handled all his most 
 difficult cases, and I should expect you to be able to know what 
 ails me without my telling you anything." 
 
 However, I secured from her the information (later corrob- 
 orated) that she had suffered for many years with what had al- 
 ways been diagnosed as epileptic seizures, sometimes as "scin- 
 tillating epilepsy"; that these seizures had always occurred at 
 home until recently, when she had been taken with one of them 
 in her school room, and the children had called in the principal. 
 Now, since the attacks were no longer confined to her home, she 
 feared lest the school authorities would discover the nature of 
 her malady and she would lose her position. As her attacks were 
 increasing in severity and frequency, and she found herself feel- 
 ing ever more helpless and irritable, she feared she would finally be 
 sent away to a sanatorium, as, indeed, had been strongly advised. 
 
 She insisted also that she was losing her memory. In fact, 
 she declared that she was becoming incapable and inefficient in 
 every way. This attitude toward herself, it will be seen, grew
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 337 
 
 partly out of her intense desire to forget the causes of her diffi- 
 culties. I at once asked her a few questions that brought out the 
 details of some outings she had enjoyed three or four years since, 
 and when I pointed out that her memory seemed to be all right 
 in this regard she thought it very strange, as she insisted that she 
 did not feel as though she were able to remember anything at all. 
 She had been positive for some time that she had been losing all 
 her ability in this direction. Finding herself thus mistaken, she 
 gave me her attention and seemed to feel that perhaps something 
 might be done to help her. She ceased to cavil or complain at me 
 and instead gave me all the attention she could and tried sincerely 
 to co-operate with me so far as she was able. For several visits 
 she was too nervous and excited for me to enter into any analyt- 
 ical work with her; but as I gained her confidence, she came to 
 talk freely, and then it was that I was able to uncover the funda- 
 mental cause of her trouble. 
 
 The underlying basis of her attacks proved to be what I may 
 call a psychosis of rebellion. There had been developed in her an 
 exceeding unwillingness to be controlled or directed by anyone 
 a resentful rebelliousness against following any program arranged 
 for her by any one else. This psychosis of rebelliousness against 
 any control or direction was showing itself particularly in her 
 relations to her parents, with whom she was still living. She in- 
 sisted that she hated to live at home, that this made her very un- 
 happy, and that her parents were always trying to get her to do 
 something that she did not want to do. She went into a tirade 
 about how nothing made her so furious as to be compelled or even 
 urged to do something that she did not want to do. There were 
 times, she said, when she thoroughly hated her mother, and then 
 times when it was the father whom she hated. When asked what 
 particular thing they did that made her hate them, she replied: 
 "I don't know. Sometimes when I just look at them it reminds 
 me of times when they made me do things I did not want to do, 
 and I just get angry at the thought." When I remarked that 
 this was a pity, that there were times when children had to be gov- 
 erned and be made obedient if they were ever going to amount to 
 anything, and that while, as a child, not understanding this, she 
 might be angry over -being controlled, yet now that she was teach- 
 ing school and could see the importance and reasonableness of 
 governing children, she surely should not feel that way she burst 
 forth with: "Well! It was the way they did it. Away back 
 when I was only fourteen years old there was some sort of enter-
 
 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 tainment going on at school, and I made up my mind that I would 
 have nothing to do with it, and that I would not take any part in 
 it. And they just made me. From that time I have felt so re- 
 bellious and ugly and hateful and resentful ! The very thought of 
 it makes me feel as though I could do something terrible right 
 now!" Whereupon she turned very white and seemed to be ill with 
 nausea. I asked her what was the matter and she said, "I am 
 turning very sick. Whenever I think of that it always makes 
 me so very ill. " 
 
 I then tried to go carefully with her into some of the details 
 of the school program incident, and when I came to asking what 
 part she had in it, she stumbled and stammered and finally said 
 that she could not talk about it at all. "I never was so angry in 
 my life," said she. (It later developed that she became ill with 
 intense nausea and fainted, at the time, in her struggle over being 
 urged against her will to take part in the program, and so was 
 excused from participation. This seems to have been the be- 
 ginning of her so-called epileptic symptoms). 
 
 I suggested that if she would tell me all about it, I might be 
 able to help her not to feel so bitterly, as the memory seemed to 
 cause her so much suffering and to be spoiling her life. "But, 
 she replied, "I don't think of this very often. I do not know 
 when I have remembered it before. I never do remember it, and 
 I would not have thought of it now, only that something you said 
 seemed to bring it all back to me. " I pointed out to her that she 
 had nevertheless, taken this same attitude of rebellion which she 
 was exhibiting now, more or less ever since that time, whenever 
 anything came up which she did not w r ish to do. This she ad- 
 mitted, and seemed so exhausted and weary that I closed the in- 
 terview for that day. 
 
 At a succeeding interview I called her mother into consul- 
 tation. When I would have spoken with the mother privately, 
 the girl at once made vigorous protest, so I said it would be per- 
 fectly all right for us to talk matters over together. I then told 
 the mother that perhaps she could help us by shedding some light 
 upon the causes of her daughter's seizures, by telling us what she 
 thought led up to these frequent attacks. The mother turned to 
 her daughter with the remark, "Well, I should think you could 
 have told her that. It 's always about something that I want you 
 to do. " This and further remarks helped to corroborate my 
 findings concerning the cause of the girl's repressions. I at 
 once went to work upon this serious psychosis which had formed
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 339 
 
 because of her rebellion against any sort of control or direction. 
 During the course of only a dozen interviews, extending over four 
 weeks' time, it was possible to help her so to change her attitude 
 about such matters that the attacks ceased, and over a year later, 
 she came in and reported that she had had no recurrence of the 
 difficulty, but was well and happy and getting on successfully at 
 home and in school. She looked very well indeed, and showed 
 none of the former opinionated, critical, irritable and uncon- 
 trolled manner of speech and action. 
 
 The work which I was able to do for her in the few inter- 
 views was concerned with helping her to understand why her par- 
 ents and teachers had insisted, both at other times, and particu- 
 larly in the incident that has been described, upon her doing things 
 that she did not always choose to do herself. She also had to be 
 brought to an understanding of what it was in herself that made 
 her so rebellious against direction and control, or having any sort 
 of program arranged for her by others. When she was enabled 
 to take a different viewpoint, a viewpoint dictated not by her 
 feelings of resentment and repression, but by the facts in the case, 
 she was able also to take a different attitude toward herself and 
 toward her parents, so that she no longer had roused within her 
 the terrible conflict and rebellion when there were things asked 
 of her by others, or required of her by reason of the circumstances 
 of her life, which she would not have wished to do. She became, 
 thus, able to make her adjustments at these points without 
 emotional repression. 
 
 This case in some respects makes an interesting contrast with 
 the first case discussed, while in others it very closely parallels the 
 first. There is great rebellion in each case against any sort of 
 control or direction. The first was restrained by rebuke from do- 
 ing what she wanted to do, and in her hurt and rebellion, she 
 withdrew within herself and ceased from all normal expression of 
 her own wishes, The second was urged to do what she did not 
 choose to do, and she struck back with all her force, exploding on 
 every possible occasion. In each case repression is the primary 
 cause of the attacks, but aside from the epileptic symptoms, the 
 way in which the repressions manifested themselves, is entirely 
 opposite in the two cases. Fear of oncoming attacks and of what 
 this sort of thing would mean to future happiness and success was 
 present ineach case, but in this one thisf ear led to further repressions 
 further curbing of all expression of desire, complaint, or objection, 
 while in the other it led to reckless extravagance in speech and
 
 340 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 conduct and a show of irritability that was excessive. In the 
 first case, the young woman has no memory of the incident that 
 culminated in her sudden withdrawal from outward expression, 
 so deep was the hurt of the rebuke. In the second case there is 
 detailed memory of the incident, but a desperate desire and effort 
 to forget it and all that was connected with it. So strong was this 
 desire that she claimed to have no memory, to beforgetting every- 
 thing, which, as I have shown above, was not in accord with the 
 facts. She was honestly surprised at finding that she had as good 
 a memory as the average, so fierce had been her eagerness to for- 
 get this serious and painful occurrence and to forget 
 all about her home and the strife that was constantly present 
 there between herself and her people. Both these girls were un- 
 der strong emotional pressure, were filled with great emotional 
 conflict, but the one kept it hidden, while the other exploded on 
 every possible occasion. Each began to improve at once as soon 
 as she was relieved of the fear and apprehension of the attacks 
 and began to understand the causes of the spasms and to enter- 
 tain hope that she could get in control and be rid of her trouble. 
 With each there had to be the discharge of the emotional burden 
 of the complexes that had been formed. This discharge did not 
 come about through the mere verbal recital of their difficulties. 
 Neither was the emotional repression and conflict removed by 
 giving vent to the feelings involved in the repressed and rebel- 
 lious condition. The emotional conflict ceased, or the discharge 
 took place, in proportion as the students were able to accept and 
 follow a new program of thought and action in making their ad- 
 justments. This new program became possible for them in pro- 
 portion as they came to understand the causes at work within 
 them that produced their conflicts and hence their symptoms and 
 mal-adjustments, and also as they came to understand the causes 
 at work in those with whom they were associated and in whose 
 presence, or in reaction to whom, these conflicts were aroused. 
 
 This understanding brought great relief at once and paved 
 the way for an entirely different attitude both toward themselves 
 and toward those against whom they felt so much rebellion, both 
 in memory and in daily intercourse. As the girl in the second 
 case, for example, came to understand without resistance why her 
 parents were so eager to have her take part in the program, why 
 they urged her, both as a young child and now, to do things which 
 she might not choose to do, and why she reacted as she did, she 
 underwent a change of attitude in regard to these matters, and
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 341 
 
 soon the memories of the unhappy incidents and the recurrence of 
 similar circumstances in her daily life ceased to arouse her re- 
 sentment and rebellion. She was able to acquiesce in their wishes 
 when it seemed wise and just to do so, without being in a temper 
 about it, or to excuse herself from conforming to their wishes 
 when this seemed to be the just and sensible thing to do, without 
 being torn with conflict and repression. She had, with the 
 knowledge of herself and of them, come to change her attitude. 
 
 This production of an understanding of the situation is the 
 fundamental part of the work of re-education, and is possible only 
 in so far as the student is willing and able to learn and to under- 
 stand. This involves, of course, the removal of such inhibitory 
 ideas and attitudes as keep the individual in a state of resistance 
 against facing the facts, or against a frank and fair consideration 
 of the facts. It is of course not possible, nor essential, for the 
 students to gain a complete understanding of all the elements in- 
 volved in the causes of conduct in themselves and in others, but 
 enough must be obtained to help them to take a different atti- 
 tude, and to be willing to follow a different program of thought, 
 feeling, and action. 
 
 Case 3. This student, whom we shall call Mrs. Z., is a woman 
 in the middle fifties. Her family induced her to take up psycho- 
 logical work because she was suffering from loss of memory. 
 This amnesic condition had come on gradually, being first no- 
 ticed as " absent-mindedness " about household and family affairs. 
 The "absent-mindedness" had grown gradually worse until it in- 
 cluded everything that went on about her, everything that was 
 said or done, whether by herself or others, with the exception that 
 in all matters relating to the financial affairs of the family, pro- 
 posed expenditures and the like, she had no memory difficulties. 
 And, moreover, in spite of lack of dependability in other direc- 
 tions, hers was still, as was always the case before her trouble 
 came upon her, the deciding voice in such matters. In following 
 the outline of the case it is essential to keep this point in mind, for 
 it will appear that her amnesia grew out of emotional repression 
 and conflict about matters in which she was receiving no ade- 
 quate satisfaction in her emotional life, and with regard to which 
 she was hence driven in upon herself. In the matter of handling 
 the family expenditures, she had always been able to maintain 
 her place and position, and it was at this point only that her con- 
 scious life retained some satisfying contact with the objective
 
 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 world, and hence it was that here she had not yet begun to suffer 
 from loss of memory. In regard to all other matters she was grow- 
 ing more and more irresponsible so that she was rendered unable 
 even to do her work as housekeeper satisfactorily. In the mat- 
 ter of cooking, for example, though in former times a most ex- 
 cellent cook, she had come to the point where she could not re- 
 member what ingredients to use in preparing the simplest dishes, 
 nor could she remember sufficiently well to be able to follow direc- 
 tions given, nor once having put things together, was she able to 
 recall what she had just put into the mixture. As fast as she was 
 told anything she forgot it, not even remembering that she had 
 been spoken to. She had lost all interest in her housework and 
 in her social activities, caring little about seeing or knowing any 
 one, or about keeping up her old friendships. She was very sensi- 
 tive about her infirmity, and had come to hold herself in great dis- 
 trust. In the work of re-education, this loss of confidence in her- 
 self, this fear lest she show herself unable to do things in which 
 she had formerly been so efficient, was one of the main difficulties 
 to be overcome. After the emotional tensions that were the 
 fundamental cause of her amnesia had been discharged, it was 
 only by the most careful work that she was induced, step by step, 
 to take up activities where she would have to trust to her mem- 
 ory. Her deep gratitude and delight, upon finding that her mem- 
 ory did not fail her at these times, as she falteringly and timidly 
 took up from day to day some simple little responsibilities, were 
 deeply touching. 
 
 As has been noted, the one interest which she still retained 
 when work was begun with her was in the financial affairs of the 
 family. The family consisted of husband and grown daughters. 
 Unfortunately, the daughters thought that by making light of her 
 they could induce her to give better heed to what was going on 
 about her. At times they would even reproach their mother for 
 what seemed to them unwarranted heedlessness, for it was un- 
 reasonable to them that the mother could remember so well when 
 it came to money matters, but should be so thoroughly and child- 
 ishly unreliable in regard to everything else. This attitude of 
 chiding and contemptuous reproach so filled the mother with 
 shame and condemnation before her friends and her family that 
 she withdrew all the more rapidly and completely from her former 
 activities, becoming daily more listless and inattentive to her sur- 
 roundings, with the one exception noted. 
 
 While her general health seemed fair, she showed at times
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 343 
 
 evidence of great weariness and exhaustion. Her face had a grayish 
 cast and was full of deep lines, and she appeared much older than 
 her years would warrant. Her eyes were sunken, with no light 
 of interest flickering in them. In the first interviews she was ex- 
 ceedingly diffident, and embarrassed. She sat with her hand 
 over her face, as though to hide herself from observation, when 
 making response to questions. 
 
 The following outline of the materials brought out in the 
 analysis will serve to disclose the main sources of the emotional 
 repressions and conflicts that were at the root of her trouble. It 
 is not to be supposed that this material was brought out in just 
 the order given here. In studying the woman's reactions both 
 to her memory material and to the various details of her daily life, 
 the back-lying causes that motivated the unconscious emotional 
 attitudes were gradually discovered and brought into conscious- 
 ness. We cannot here go into the numerous details of the analy- 
 sis and the many steps by which, from interview to interview, her 
 mind was brought through re-education to its normal functioning. 
 We must rather seek a perspective of the whole, that the general 
 principles and mode of procedure involved may become clear. 
 
 The salient facts are as follows: Her own mother had been 
 the real head of the family, as the father was lacking in executive 
 ability. Between this capable mother and the sensitive, fine- 
 spirited daughter there was formed a very close bond of love and 
 sympathy from the girl's earliest childhood, each finding great 
 satisfaction in the other. When not yet twenty years of age, the 
 girl married. The young husband was not of the same finely 
 wrought, sensitive material as was the wife, and could neither 
 appreciate the wealth of love that she gave, nor give her adequate 
 and satisfying expression of affection in return, so that her emo- 
 tional life did not find in her married bonds the response that it 
 craved. From the very first the young wife found it necessary to 
 exercise super vision of financial affairs of the family. She became 
 in fact, the executive head of the family in much the same way as 
 her mother had been, being always deferred to in this respect by 
 both husband and children. It was due to Mrs. Z's competent 
 management and sound judgment that they were enabled not 
 only to make both ends meet, but, with the passing years, to ac- 
 quire, from very small beginnings, a very considerable property. 
 This recognition and place which she won for herself through the 
 supervision of their finances, played an important part in giving 
 the woman some anchorage for herself, and the results shed an
 
 344 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 illuminating light upon the principles involved in the pathological 
 symptoms which she developed; for the fact that in regard to 
 those things from which she gained some recognition, she suffered 
 no amnesia, nor loss of interest, while losing so profoundly in 
 other directions from which she was getting little or no return, 
 furnished additional evidence of the underlying nature of the 
 causes of her malady. 
 
 While the husband showed her consideration, not only in 
 this regard but in many others, he was nevertheless afflicted with 
 so violent and uncontrollable a temper that he would burst out 
 into a tempest of anger over some trifle that had gone wrong and 
 would abuse her with harsh words. These angry fits, with their 
 accompanying abuse, hurt the sensitive girl cruelly, but because 
 she feared that he might do much worse things, she never dared 
 to reproach him, never allowed him to know how much she was 
 hurt nor how she longed to have him ask her forgiveness for his 
 outbursts and admit his gross injustice and cruelty to her. 
 Being a woman of great pride, with ambition to make her mar- 
 riage a success, she never revealed to any one, not even to her 
 mother, this source of great disappointment and fear. So greatly 
 did she dread his outbursts, and so much shame did they cause 
 her, that, as she expressed it, she lived for years "sitting on the 
 lid," doing her utmost, so far as she was able to understand him 
 to prevent the outbursts, and filled with constant disappointment 
 over the failure of her married life to approach what she consider- 
 ed the normal ideal. She still kept up correspondence with her 
 mother, and in this relationship was receiving much satisfaction 
 in her craving for tender affection. 
 
 After his unseemly outbursts of temper, the husband, while 
 offering no apology nor showing evident remorse, would never- 
 theless always want to do something to help her about the house, 
 going'out of his way to perform some little act of helpfulness. This 
 was of course, his awkward and insufficient way of trying to show 
 his regret and of endeavoring to atone for the wrong he had done 
 to her and to himself. But she was unable to accept these in- 
 adequate attempts at reparation for his misdemeanor, though 
 they were the best that his nature could do in the way of apology. 
 
 In time a daughter was born, and on this child the mother 
 lavished her affection during its infancy. But at an early age, 
 the daughter, through the accident of circumstances so common 
 with children, formed a habit that she instinctively felt she must 
 conceal from her mother, and there began, because of this secre-
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 345 
 
 tiveness, a rapid estrangement of the daughter 's affections and 
 confidence. Here again the mother began to lose the return for 
 affection that she was giving. A second daughter was born, and 
 there grew up between this child and the mother the same sort of 
 bond of mutual affection as the one that had formerly existed be- 
 tween Mrs. Z. and her own mother. In this child the love-life of 
 the mother seemed to find more adequate return. But when a 
 third child, also a daughter, was less than two years old, the 
 second child, then at the age of seven, was taken ill with a slow 
 paralysis. Such was the painful nature of the malady as to 
 necessitate the constant personal attendance of the mother, who, 
 stayed with the child day and night, week after week, chafing 
 her limbs and diverting her mind, never caring whether she her- 
 self had rest and sleep or not. So great was the love that she 
 bore the child, and so adequate and nourishing were the affec- 
 tion that she received in return and the satisfaction that she 
 took in the sacrificial service, that she went through nearly a 
 year of this exhausting toil cheerfully, with no physical break- 
 down. We have here a clear example of the added strength for 
 exacting and exhausting tasks, otherwise impossible of accom- 
 plishment, given by reason of the nourishment afforded by the 
 satisfaction of the emotions. Where the individual focuses all his 
 affection upon one thing only and seeks and receives his satisfac- 
 tion from this source alone, we must recognize the presence of an 
 abnormal condition in the emotional life. It is a foregone conclu- 
 sion that repression, inhibition, and starvation of so strong an 
 emotional life as that of this woman centered as it was upon 
 practically a single interest, is likely to result in pathological 
 conditions. 
 
 After a year's illness the child died. The mother's sorrow 
 over this loss was poignant. She could talk and think of noth- 
 ing but her irreparable loss. For a time after the child's death 
 she mourned openly and deeply, but as time went on, she decided 
 that the brave and Christian thing to do was to cease her griev- 
 ing and so she set about trying to forget the pain and become re- 
 conciled. She became able to go about her work without tears, 
 and without speaking of her loss to others. In the course of 
 intervening years she believed that she had become completely 
 reconciled and that she had quite ceased to remember her loss with 
 pain. As a matter of fact she had actually succeeded in putting 
 it well out of her conscious life, but nothing had taken its place 
 in the conscious life to give satisfaction to the emotional
 
 346 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 ings that had found outlet and satisfaction in the child while liv- 
 ing, and that later had for some time fed upon memories. 
 
 As time went on, the youngest daughter, following the ex- 
 ample of the eldest girl, also took to cavilling, and assumed a re- 
 proachful and unloving attitude toward the mother, and thus the 
 latter was robbed of another channel through which her emotion- 
 al life might find some expression and satisfaction. Unconscious- 
 ly she withdrew further and further within herself. As related 
 above, absence of mind and finally serious amnesia set in, accom- 
 panied by an agonizing feeling of shame and condemnation in the 
 presence of her family except in relation to the one thing in which 
 she had always been respected and in which she had always held 
 her place, namely, the financial affairs of the household. 
 
 The theory upon which the analysis and re-education are 
 carried on is that the cause of such conditions as were found here 
 is to be discovered in the emotional life. The channels through 
 which her emotional life had sought outlet and return had failed 
 her in that her husband and her living children gave her little sat- 
 isfaction. Further, the one child upon which her love-life had 
 been so richly fed had been taken from her, and she had refused 
 to allow herself longer to get any satisfaction in turning to any 
 conscious memory of it. The analysis showed, however, that 
 instead of making a complete emotional adjustment at this point 
 by the means she used, she had merely thrust the emotional value 
 which the memories of this child held for her, below the level or 
 outside the bounds of her personal consciousness; for when these 
 memories were brought to the surface there was abundant 
 evidence that they still held all their old feeling-values for her, 
 in spite of her- earlier protestations that she almost never thought 
 about the child any more, as it had died so many years before, 
 and that she had ceased long since to feel its loss. The evidence 
 showed that she had turned inward to a life of unconscious 
 phantasy to feed upon the memories of her child in which she 
 found satisfaction, and away from the living members of the 
 family from whom she was not receiving similar return. She did 
 not remember what went on about her because she was simply 
 not giving it her dynamic, vital attention. Attention is essential 
 to memory. We do not normally pay vital or effective attention 
 to that from which we do not get some satisfaction, direct or in- 
 direct, and the things to which we do not pay attention, have 
 little memory value for us. This woman's amnesia grew out of 
 lack of attention to and interest in outward objective activities
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 347 
 
 because they held nothing adequate for her life to feed upon. 
 For some time after the child 's death she gave full conscious at- 
 tention to the only source from which her nature drew adequate 
 satisfaction, namely, the memories of her child. Then, being 
 deeply religious, under the stress of the conviction that it was a 
 real " sin " to grieve so constantly over one whom " God had freed 
 from a life of suffering and had taken to live in bliss with Him ", 
 she refused herself any further conscious satisfaction from this 
 source. But in so doing, no outlet to her emotional life was put 
 in its place. Had she been able to turn herself to her family, or 
 her social circle, and there find a satisfying return, the adjust- 
 ment would have been possible; the sublimation of her emotional 
 life from the memories of her child to other interests could have 
 taken place. When this emotional adjustment, or sublimation, 
 fails to take place, a condition of tension, repression, and dissatis- 
 faction is set up that very often leads to pathological conditions 
 either in the functioning of the body or of the mind. 
 In this case, there began a steadily increasing dissociation in which 
 the woman withdrew her attention from the life about her and 
 unconsciously gave her mind to the repressed memories. By 
 dealing from interview to interview with the details of these re- 
 pressed memories with their emotional values, the woman came 
 to be clearly conscious that her mind had thus been living within 
 itself, that she had been turning her attention inward as in a dim 
 dream, living in phantasies upon the satisfactions brought her by 
 this subconscious brooding. This stream of mental life had been 
 going on its way co-existing with the parallel, but much less rich, 
 stream of the consciousness that she had of her daily objective 
 life. As she came to recall it, as one might an almost forgotten 
 dream, she was able to see that it had been going on as the con- 
 stant and satisfying accompaniment of the superficial life that 
 constituted what we are wont to call the personal consciousness, 
 and that to the experiences composing the personal conscious- 
 ness she had been giving no interested heed. Her attention was 
 here, her life was here, since here her emotional nature was re- 
 ceiving its chief satisfaction. 
 
 The correction of the amnesia and dissociation was brought 
 about through resolving the emotional tensions as they were dis- 
 covered, and furnishing satisfying channels of outlet and return 
 for the emotional life. This was accomplished primarily through 
 the process of re-education, by dealing with the ideas and atti- 
 tudes which the analysis showed to have bearing upon the wo-
 
 348 Psychological A nalysis and Re-Education 
 
 man's malady. This re-education, by which she was enabled 
 gradually to change her thought life and to adopt new programs 
 of reaction to her daily affairs, covered months of the most pa- 
 tient and careful work. Too much emphasis cannot be laid upon 
 the fact that success in psychological analysis and re-education 
 demands the most sincere, intelligent, and sympathetic under- 
 standing of human nature; otherwise the mind that has been 
 driven in upon itself reacts to any attempt to deal with it in ex- 
 actly the same fashion as it reacts to any other situation arising 
 in the daily problems of adjustment, namely, by withdrawal, by 
 defense, by further secretiveness. The establishment in the 
 mind of the student of the attitude of genuine confidence in his 
 analyst is absolutely essential if the conscious and unconscious 
 life is to come forth from its hiding, as it were, and offer itself, at 
 first timidly, for examination. This confidence grows and be- 
 comes strong enough to make it possible for the student to face 
 with his analyst the inmost recesses of his mental life, to deal con- 
 sciously and fearlessly with the painful or sensitive memories, 
 only as the analyst, by answering to the needs of the student mind 
 proves to be worthy of his confidence. For a complex to be dis- 
 charged, it is not sufficient that it be uncovered and all its ele- 
 ments revealed to the consciousness of the student. Discharge 
 of a complex requires that every element that goes to make it up, 
 and all the causes that were at work to produce and to continue 
 it, shall be met at once upon their appearance with intelligent 
 understanding by the analyst. It is not enough to listen with 
 sympathetic ear. To meet the student mind with intelligent un- 
 derstanding as it unfolds itself, requires such understanding both 
 of the causes of the complex and of the specific nature of that stu- 
 dent that every element of the complex can be met by the 
 analyst with a constructive program of thought and action. 
 This program must be one that the student is able and willing to 
 accept, and that will enable him to understand the causes of his 
 difficulties more clearly and to meet them. The com- 
 plex is discharged only to the extent that the student is 
 able and willing to accept and follow the program, for only in 
 the acceptance of, and by action in accordance with, the new pro- 
 gram come those changes of mind that both relieve the complex 
 of its burden of emotional pressure and tension, and at the same 
 time enable the student to make his adjustments in thought, feel- 
 ing, and action in such a way that the emotional tensions and re- 
 pressions are not renewed. Thus the time that it takes actually
 
 Margaret J. Hamilton 349 
 
 and completely to discharge a complex is determined by the will- 
 ingness and the ability of the student to accept and put into ac- 
 tion the new program. The discharge begins, and great relief 
 often comes at once, with the first understanding that the student 
 gets of himself, and with the first steps that he takes toward ac- 
 cepting the new program. But the discharge is not completed, 
 nor is the psychosis dissolved, until the student has built up a new 
 mind for himself at that point through the intelligent acceptance 
 and sincere and diligent practice of the new program. The pro- 
 cess is a genuinely educational processs, for the student learns 
 to think and to feel differently, and oftentimes this involves very 
 radical and far-reaching changes. If no program is furnished 
 to meet the student's needs, or if one is furnished that he is un- 
 able or unwilling to accept and follow, even though some relief may 
 momentarily be experienced from uncovering the complex, and 
 though he may have received some light upon the causes of his 
 difficulties, the student does not change his modes of thought and 
 feeling, but goes back and lives, as it were, with his com- 
 plex. His mind centers there, for there is where he finds the 
 only satisfaction that he knows. 
 
 With the first insight into the real causes of her difficulties, to- 
 gether with the relief that came from a beginning made in chang- 
 ing her attitudes of mind, Mrs. Z. 's amnesia began to disappear. 
 It continued to improve, as step by step, each detail of the mass 
 of repressions and tensions was brought to light and she was 
 taught how to deal with it. Each step gave her added strength 
 and confidence, so that she more and more allowed that which 
 had been kept hidden to come into the light of clear understand- 
 ing in her personal consciousness. As she followed her program 
 from day to day, she learned how to meet without fear and ten- 
 sion the various situations that had formerly filled her with fear 
 and driven her in upon herself. She learned how to come forth, as 
 it were, from herself, as the inhibitions were removed, and to 
 find a renewed and satisfying interest in her family and commu- 
 nity life. As an aid to this, the daughters were interviewed and 
 made acquainted with their contributions to their mother 's mala- 
 dy and they were thus brought to change their attitude toward 
 her. They ceased their foolish chiding and ridicule, and began 
 because of their new understanding, to take her into their con- 
 fidence and show her the tender affection and consideration that 
 were her due. Her husband also was persuaded to have some 
 analytical work done with him, and as a result of his better under-
 
 350 Psychological Analysis and Re-Education 
 
 standing both of himself and of the causes of his wife 's difficulties, 
 he too was able to make some very decided and helpful changes 
 in his attitude toward his wife. Thus a new atmosphere was 
 created in the home, so that the woman found it easier to make 
 her adjustments. She found herself with such response from 
 without that she was able to turn there instead of being thrust 
 in upon herself as before. By degrees, almost as a child learning 
 to walk, she changed her reactions and learned how to meet 
 whatever came up in her family life with an understanding 
 that avoided generating repressions and frictions within herself. 
 In brief, great repression and conflict, combined with the 
 cutting off of outward channels of emotional expression and 
 satisfaction, were the primary causes of this woman's amnesic 
 condition. Removal of the repressions, stoppage of the con- 
 flicts, with positive provision for satisfying outlet and return for 
 her emotional life through the most sympathetic and painstak- 
 ing re-education, entirely removed the amnesia. The shrinking 
 and diffident manner has entirely disappeared, she is in most ex- 
 cellent health, and has taken her place capably again in her fam- 
 ily and community life.
 
 REVIEWS 
 
 PROBLEMS OF MYSTICISM AND ITS SYMBOLISM. By Dr. Herbert 
 Silberer of Vienna. Translated by Smith Ely Jelliffe, M. D., Ph. D. 
 New York: Moffat, Yard & Company, 1917. Pp. 451. $3.00 net. 
 
 In his brief "Translator's Preface" Jelliffe tells us that mysticism 
 is one of the products of the sublimation tendency which "represents 
 the spiritual striving of mankind towards the perfecting of a relation 
 with the world of reality the environment which shall mean human 
 happiness in its truest sense." He would regard this work by Silberer 
 as a contribution to what may be called the science of paleo-psychology 
 "in that it shows the essential relationships of what is found in the 
 unconscious of present day mankind to many forms of thinking of the 
 middle ages." 
 
 I may say here that although in fundamental traits man is no 
 different today than he was many years ago, still, as I understand 
 Jelliffe, and Jung, and even Stanley Hall, the contention that the 
 conscious thought of human beings of earlier times still exists in the 
 unconscious of the man of today, means nothing less than the heredi- 
 tary transmission, by the germ plasm, and into the socalled uncon- 
 scious, of not only symbols but even actual individual thoughts or 
 ideas of a definitely acquired nature. The burden of the proof of such 
 a possibility rests with those who make this claim. And up to date, 
 there is no substantial evidence, so far as I am aware, in its favor. In 
 fact, one can prove, by analytical and critical thinking and sifting of 
 the evidence, that this cannot be true. In fact, some have already 
 proven this to their and others' complete satisfaction. 
 
 In part I of the book proper Silberer gives in full a parab'e 
 which he found in an old book dealing with the hermetic art. The 
 original principles of the socalled hermetic art, sometimes also called 
 alchemy and the royal art, "is related to several 'secret' sciences and 
 organizations: magic, kabbala, rosicrucianism, etc." The latter will 
 therefore come in for discussion, the author concludes. 
 
 Silberer regards the parable as a dream or fairy tale, which he 
 proceeds to analyze psychoanalytically, a short exposition of psycho- 
 analysis as a method of dream and myth interpretation of necessity 
 preceding the analytic discussion of the parable. 
 
 Part II is called the analytic art of the work. His psychoanalytic 
 interpretation of the parable leads him to conclude: "the wanderer in 
 
 351
 
 352 Review 
 
 his phantasy removes and improves the father, wins the mother, pro- 
 creates himself with her, enjoys her love even in the womb and satis- 
 fies besides his infantile curiosity while observing (the) procreative 
 process from the outside. He becomes King and attains power and 
 magnificence, even superhuman abilities. " The psychoanalyst might 
 agree with this interpretation. The disbeliever would be unable to 
 follow the author in his analysis and conclusions and agree to its truth, 
 except as to the last sentence quoted. 
 
 He then analyzes alchemy, the hermetic art, rosicrucianism and 
 freemasonry, espec'ally as regards the philosophy with which they are 
 interwoven, and the hidden driving forces of which these are symbolic 
 expressions. 
 
 He finds that there are three possible interpretations : the psycho- 
 analytic, the chemical (scientific), and the anagogic. 
 
 This leads him to the third or synthetic part. After a lengthy 
 exposition of the psychoanalytic principles of introversion and regenera- 
 tion, Silberer takes up in a chapter entitled "The Goal of the Work," 
 the fundamental meaning or object of mysticism. He speaks of 
 "union with God," which he prefers to interpret as self-annihilation 
 rather than to give a sexual interpretation or setting. He also declares : 
 "The attainment of an inner harmony, of a serene peace, is what, 
 as it seems to me, is most clearly brought out as the characteristic of 
 the final unification not merely by the Hindus or Neoplatonists, but 
 also by the Christian mystics and by the alchemists. " This paradisi- 
 cal state, with its "recovery of the harmonious state of the soul," 
 demands absolute freedom from conflicts. 
 
 The truly "royal art," as elaborated by Silberer in his final chap- 
 ter on "The Royal Art," which at first had to do merely with gold 
 making and magic, 's indeed the perfection of mankind, the freeing of 
 the will, the turning of the dependent into independent, the slave into 
 a master, the attainment of omniscience, omnipotence. To attain this 
 requires work. 
 
 If I understand Silberer aright^ he means to say that mystics seek 
 inner harmony, perfection, omniscience, omnipotence and wish fulfill- 
 ment through union with God, which union one may interpret sex- 
 ually or as self-annihilation, the author inclining to the latter inter- 
 pretation. 
 
 Some notes and a bibliography are appended. 
 
 There is lacking in this book a directness of expression, by virtue 
 of which one can quickly grasp the meaning of the author. There 
 is a vagueness and ambiguity, and a circuitous method of presenting 
 that which the author wishes to say.
 
 Review 353 
 
 Truth is interwoven with fiction. There is much to praise and 
 much to criticize. 
 
 The average reader will find it difficult to know just what the 
 author's final conclusions are. One is apt to become confused here 
 and there. There is not given to us a real, compact summing up of 
 the views of the author. A few conclusions here, a few there, and a 
 round-about method of discussion do not lead to directness, simplicity 
 and clarity of thinking and expression. 
 
 In the chapter on "The Goal of the Work" the author most nearly 
 approaches the crux of the problem. But he gets hold of it only to let 
 go again. 
 
 Silberer has not satisfactorily solved the problem of mysticism. 
 He has given some valuable hints. He has added much error and 
 confusion. 
 
 The translation by Jelliffe is satisfying and all that it should be. 
 
 MEYER SOLOMON.
 
 NOTES 
 
 PSYCHIATRIC SOCIAL WORK AT SMITH COLLEGE. This is a notice 
 designed to call the attention of neurologists and psychiatrists to il; 
 school for psychiatric social work which is being conducted at Smith 
 College. The first session was held last year and was eminently 
 successful, both in point of the training given to the young women who 
 took the course and in the positions they were able to fill upon gradua- 
 tion. 
 
 The course this year, which is somewhat longer than it was last 
 year, embraces first, four months of theoretical work, given in two 
 summers, mainly in the form of lectures given by the sociological and 
 psychological staffs of Smith College, and lectures on psychiatry and 
 neurology given by leading physicians actively engaged in this special- 
 ty, and second, nine months of practical case work given in leading 
 institutions in Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore. The 
 Advisory Committee is headed by Dr. E. E. Southard and comprises 
 Dr. L. Pierce Clark, Dr. Walter E. Fernald, Dr. John A. Houston, 
 President William A. Nielson, Smith College, and Dr. William L. 
 Russell. 
 
 This course is essentially based on the belief that psychiatry needs 
 a specially trained social worker, both for diagnosis and treatment. 
 To the young women who enter the work it offers a useful career which 
 is gaining yearly in dignity and remuneration. To the institutions 
 and physicians dealing with psychiatric cases it offers trained workers 
 well grounded in social work and having enough psychiatric insight 
 to enable them to understand the problems which they are to aid the 
 institutions and physicians to solve. This dual service the school 
 carried out in an able manner at its very first attempt, and there is not 
 the slightest reason to doubt that it will accomplish its purpose even 
 more successfully this year and throughout its future career. 
 
 ABRAHAM MYERSON, M. D. 
 
 354
 
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