THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE / 75*73056> AMERICAN CITIZEN SERIES. EDITED BY ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. OUTLINE OF PRACTICAL SOCIOLOGY rf A" CARROLL D. WRIGHT. Ctttjett Outline of Practical Sociology, WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS. BY CARROLL D. WRIGHT, LL.D., ent of Clark College; Hate JSntteli States CommiaBtoner of Eaior ; AUTHOR OF "INDUSTRIAL EVOLUTION OK THE UNITED STATES," ETC., ETC. SIXTH EDITION, REVISED. NEW YORK: LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO., LONDON AND BOMBAY. I9O6. Copyright, 1898. BY LONGMANS, GREEN, AND Co. FIRST EDITION, MAY, 1899. SECOND EDITION, REVISED, SEPTEMBER, 1899. THIRD EDITION, REVISED, SEPTEMBER, 1900. FOURTH EDITION, SEPTEMBER, 1901. FIFTH EDITION, REVISED, NOVEMBER, 1902. REPRINTED SEPTEMBER, 1904. SIXTH EDITION, REVISED, SEPTEMBER, 1906. 2Snibcrsitg JOHN WILSON AND SON, CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. To MY WIFE AND DAUGHTERS. Preface. IN preparing this work, I have made frequent and generous use of the results of official investigations which have been carried out under my own direction. They comprehend the work of more than twenty-five years ; and as they cover many features of the present volume, I have felt justified in using them more freely than other official publications. The reports of the various State bureaus of statistics of labour offer a vast amount of valuable but cumulative material along the very lines of my own investigations. I have also drawn freely from lectures on social economics delivered at the Catholic University of America and at other insti- tutions, and free use has also been made of articles that I have published in various magazines. The editors and publishers of 77/6- Forum, North American Review, Popular Science Monthly, Atlantic Monthly, The Chan- tauquan, Munsey 1 s, The Bulletin oftJic CatJiolic University of America, Annals of the American Academy, and The Journal of Sociology of the University of Chicago, have generously given their consent for the use of articles or portions of articles that have appeared in those periodi- cals. The charts and diagrams have been reproduced from the reports of the Eleventh Census, with the kind permission of Hon. CORNELIUS N. BLISS, Secretary of vi Preface. the Interior. Where figures used in this volume do not agree with those given in the census or in the articles to which reference has been made, the changes are due to reverification. It is not intended that the " Outline of Practical So- ciology" should be exhaustive; there are many great questions, such as taxation, the finances, etc., which have not been included, because they will come more appropriately in other volumes of the " American Citi- zen Series." The references given at the head of each chapter could have been greatly increased in number, but it was deemed advisable to give simply those that are most accessible. It is a pleasure to acknowledge the services of Messrs. CHARLES W. MORRIS, Jr., WALTER F. CARRUTHERS, and CHARLES H. VERRILL in the verification of data and citations and in proof-reading ; and I am under great obligations to the editors and publishers of the periodicals enumerated and to the Honorable Secretary of the Interior, and am especially grateful for the kind and valuable suggestions of Dr. HART, the editor of the Series. CARROLL D. WRIGHT. WASHINGTON, February 1899. Note to Fifth Edition. THIS revision comprehends changes made necessary by the publication of the reports of the Twelfth United States Census. In the revision it has been impossible to make strictly accurate comparisons relative to total population for different periods, for the reason that prior to the census of 1900 such totals excluded white persons in the Indian Territory, Indians on reservations, and the population of Alaska, these being stated sepa- rately; at the Twelfth Census the total included these and the population of Hawaii. It has therefore seemed wise in this revision to adopt the census method and use the aggregate of all populations under the sov- ereignty of the United States as given in the census reports. Such use does not involve any great variation in the percentages, at least not enough variation to warrant the constant changes that would be necessary to recognise it. Some of the charts and diagrams appearing in pre- vious editions, reproduced from the reports of the Eleventh Census, do not appear in the reports of the Twelfth, but the improved forms of the latter census viii Note to Fifth Edition. have been substituted for the old forms with the kind consent of Hon. William R. Merriam, Director of the Twelfth Census. The titles of some new works of importance have been added to the references at the head of chapters. I am indebted to Mr. Charles W. Morris for valuable assistance in making the changes for this revision. CARROLL D. WRIGHT. WASHINGTON, September, 1902. SUGGESTIONS FOR STUDENTS, TEACHERS, AND READERS. BY THE EDITOR. THE volumes of the American Citizen Series are intended to serve as handbooks on the subjects of which they treat, by giving a systematic outline in which general divisions and relations shall be made clear, problems shall be studied, and the criteria for solving them shall be pointed out. It is hoped, however, that both in general reading and in class work these books may stimulate further inquiry; and therefore pains have been taken throughout to indicate and to classify the more important literature. At the head of each chapter will be found a bibliography leading to addi- tional material, both secondary and primary. It will thus be easy to supplement the treatment in each volume by reference to the appropriate parts of other treatises ; and it will be possible also to illustrate and to verify by going to the sources. Teachers may perhaps find it interesting and profitable to give out a chapter at a time to their students as a basis for study ; indeed, the numbering of the paragraphs is intended to make easy the division into lessons. By using the refer- ences at the head of each chapter it will be possible for members of the class to prepare critiques of the author's treatment, or topical studies of subjects which he has not had space to treat in detail, or on which there is contro- versy. The author has clearly stated his own conclusions and takes the responsibility for them, and he therefore does not refer simply to authorities who agree with him : in the references other points of view will be found represented. One class exercise which will be much facilitated by the references is the graphic representation of sociological results x Suggestions for Students, Etc. in maps and charts, which may be made on a large scale for class use. Coordinate charts are easy to make and to under- stand ; and by using the smaller or larger outline maps, of which several series are now published, such subjects as the distri- bution of property or wealth, the number of institutions of learning, etc., may be represented to the eye. SMALL REFERENCE LIBRARY. THE tendency of modern teaching is to make the text-book a backbone to which shall be attached knowledge gained from other sources ; and in sociology it is especially important that students shall have access to and shall read other discussions. In English, there is no extensive general bibliography of the whole field of sociology. Besides the classified lists which appear throughout this volume a select classified bibliography of books and articles may be found in Gidd ings' Principles of Sociology, pp. 422-442 ; in Fairbanks' Introduction to Soci- ology, pp. 265-274; and in Bowker and lies' Reader's Guide. In Ely's Socialism and Social Reform, pp. 399-442, there is a list of books on general socialistic literature ; and there is also an admirable List of Books on Social Reform, issued by the Boston Public Library, and sold for five cents. The collection to which it refers is very full, but the list does not include magazine articles, which may be reached through Poole's Index to Periodical Literature, with supplements. In the American Journal of Sociology appear from time to time bibliographies upon general and special sociological topics. These include periodical literature. In Brookings and Ringwalt's Briefs for Debate are about twenty-five analytic briefs on sociological subjects, with references on specific arguments. In Municipal Affairs, March 1901, is printed a bibliography of books and arti- cles on sociological reform in cities ; this excellent bibliogra- phy is international in scope, and is C9ntinued in each issue of the magazine by inserting accumulated titles. See also Chap. I., i. SOCIOLOGICAL BOOKS USEFUL FOR A SMALL REFERENCE LIBRARY. FOR GENERAL REFERENCE. BLISS, W. D. P. The Encyclopedia of Social Reform. New York, 1897. pp. vii, 1439. FAIRBANKS, ARTHUR. Introduction to Sociology. New York, 1896. pp. xv, 274. GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN HENRY. The Elements of Sociology. New York, etc., 1898. pp. xi, 353. SPENCER, HERBERT. The Principles of Sociology. 3 vols. New York, 1877-1897. pp. viii, 704, a-z ; xii, 667, 26; x, 645. Also Spencer's Study of Sociology and First Principles. WARD, LESTER FRANK. Outlines of Sociology. New York, etc., 1898. pp. xii, 301. FOR SPECIAL REFERENCE. ELY, RICHARD T. Socialism and Social Reform. New York, 1894. pp. xiii, 449. FERRI, ENRICO. Criminal Sociology. New York, 1896. pp. xx, 284. GOODNOW, FRANK J. Municipal Problems. New York, 1897. pp. xiii, 321. SMITH, RICHMOND MAYO-. Statistics and Sociology. New York, 1896. pp. xiv, 316. STIMSON, FREDERIC JESUP. Labor in its Relations to Law. New York, 1895. pp. 145. THWING, CHARLES F. The Family. Boston, 1887. pp. 213. WARNER, AMOS GRISWOLD. American Charities. New York, etc., 1894. pp. viii, 430. Maps and tables. WILSON, WOODROW. The State. Boston, 1898. pp. xxxv, 656- LARGER SOCIOLOGICAL LIBRARY. IN addition to the books mentioned above, for reference, and especially for the needs of large classes and of classes in which the subject is to be carefully studied, the following books will be found especially useful. Books in foreign languages are not included (unless in translation), but they may easily be found through the bibliographies. Many of them are written by persons familiar by experience at first hand with the condi- tions which they describe, and are therefore sources. Some additional titles may also be found in the bibliographies at the heads of the chapters below. xii Suggestions for Students, Etc. BALDWIN, JAMES MARK. Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development. New York, 1897. pp. xiv, 574. BEMIS, EDWARD WEBSTER. Municipal Monopolies. New York, 1899. pp. v, 691. BILLINGS, JOHN S., editor. Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem (for Committee of Fifty). 2 vols. Boston, 1902. BLISS, W. D. P. A Handbook of Socialism. New York, 1895. pp. viii, 291. BLUNTSCHLI, JOHANN CASPAR. The Theory of the State. Ox- ford, 1892. pp. xxv, 550. BOWKER, RICHARD ROGERS, and ILES, GEORGE, editors. The Readers Guide in Economics, Social, and Political Science. New York, etc., 1891. pp. 169. (Economic Tracts, No. 27.) BROOKINGS, W. DuBois, and RINGWALT, RALPH CURTIS. Briefs for Debate on Current Political, Economic, and Social Topics. New York, 1896. pp. xlvii, 213. BRYCE, JAMES. The American Commonwealth. New York, 1894. 2 vols. pp. xviii, 724; vii, 904. CALKINS, RAYMOND. Substitutes for the Saloon (for Committee of Fifty). Boston, 1901. Charities and Corrections, Proceedings of the National Confer- ences. New York and Boston, 1873-1899, especially since 1893. DRAHMS, AUGUST. The Criminal : His Personnel and his En- vironment. New York, 1900. ELIOT, CHARLES WILLIAM. American Contributions to Civiliza- tion. New York, 1897. pp. 387. ELIOT CHARLES WILLIAM. Educational Reform. New York, 1898. pp. ix, 418. ELY, RICHARD T. Monopolies and Trusts. New York, 1900. pp. xi, 278. FLYNT, JOSIAH {pseud.). Tramping with Tramps. New York, 1899. pp. xiv, 398. FORD, HENRY JONES. Rise and Growth of American Politics. New York, 1898. pp. viii, 409. GEORGE, HENRY. The Condition of Labor. New York, 1891. pp. 157. GIDDINGS, FRANKLIN HENRY. The Principles of Sociology. New York, 1898. pp. xvi, 476. Democracy and Empire. New York, 1900. pp. 363. Inductive Sociology. New York, 1901. OILMAN, NICHOLAS PAINE. Profit Sharing between Employer and Employee. Boston, etc., 1893. pp. x, 460. GLADDEN, WASHINGTON. Social Facts and Forces. New York, etc., 1897. pp. iv, 235. Suggestion's for Students, Etc. xiii GODKIN, EDWIN LAWRENCE. Problems of Modern Democracy. New York, 1896. pp. 332. GOODNOW, FRANK J. Municipal Problems. New York, 1897. pp. xiii, 321. GUMPLOWICZ, LUDWIG. The Outlines of Sociology [trans. F. W. Moore]. Philadelphia, 1899. PP 22 9- HENDERSON, CHARLES RICHMOND. Social Elements. Chicago, 1898. pp. x, 400. Dependents, Defectives, Delinquents. Boston, 1901. HOFFMAN, FREDERICK LUDWIG. Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro. New York, etc., 1 896. pp. x, 329. (Amer- ican Economic Association, Publications, XI., Nos. i, 2, 3.) JENKS, JEREMIAH WHIPPLE. The Trust Problem. New York, 1900. pp. 281. Charts. KIDD, BENJAMIN. Social Evolution. New York, etc., 1898. pp. ix, 404. KOREN, JOHN. The Economic Aspects of the Liquor Traffic (an investigation made for the Committee of Fifty). Boston, 1899. pp. x, 327. LALOR, JOHN J. Cyclopedia of Political Science, Political Economy, and of the Political History of the United States. Chicago, 1884. 3 vols. vi, 847 ; iv, 1055; iv, 1136. LAUGHLIN, JAMES LAURENCE. The Study of Political Economy. New York, 1885. pp. 153. LLOYD, HENRY DEMAREST. Labor Copartnership. New York, etc., 1898. pp. 351. Front, and plates. Wealth against Commonwealth. New York, 1894. pp. 563. MACKENZIE, JOHN S. Introduction to Social Philosophy. New York, 1895. pp. xv, 454. MALLOCK, WILLIAM HURRELL. Classes and Masses. London, 1896. pp. xvi, 139. REINSCH, PAUL S. World Politics. New York, 1900. pp. xviii, 366. Rus, JACOB AUGUST. Ten Years' 1 War. Boston. 1899. Illus.pp. 267. RIPLEY, WILLIAM ZEBINA. The Races of Europe. New York, 1899. 2 vols. pp. xxxii, 624 ; vii, 160. RUSKIN, JOHN. Political Economy of Art. New York, 1860. pp. ix, 125. SHAW, ALBERT. Municipal Government in Great Britain. New York, 1895. pp. viii, 385. Municipal Government in Conti- nental Europe. New York, 1895. pp. ix, 505. SMALL AND VINCENT. An Introduction to the Study of Society. Chicago, 1896. pp. xi, 398. SMITH, RICHMOND MAYO-. Emigration and Immigration. New York, 1890. pp. xiv, 316. Statistics and Economics. New York, 1899. PP- x "'> 467- xiv Suggestions for Students, Etc. STIMSON, FREDERIC JESUP. Handbook to the Labor Laws of the United States. New York, 1896. pp. xxii, 385. STUCKENBERG, JOHN HENRY WILBURN. Introduction to the Study of Sociology. New York, 1898. pp. xii, 336. TARDE, G. Social Laws. New York, 1899. pp. xi, 213. VINCENT, EDGAR G. The Social Mind and Education. New York, 1897. pp. ix, 155. WARD, LESTER FRANK. Dynamic Sociology. New York, 1897. 2 vols. pp. xxix, 706 ; vii, 690. Psychic Factors of Civiliza- tion. Boston, 1893. pp. xxi, 369. WARING, GEORGE EDWIN, JR. Report on the Street-Sweeping Department of New York. New York, 1896. pp. 159. WASHINGTON, BOOKER T. Future of the American Negro. Bos- ton, 1900. 1 2 mo. WEBB, SIDNEY and BEATRICE. History of Trade Unionism. London, 1894. pp. xvi, 558. Industrial Democracy. Lon- don and New York, 1897. 2 vols. pp. xix, 452; vii, 929. Problems of Modern Industry. London, etc, 1898. WEBER, ADNA FERRIN. The Growth of Cities in the Nineteenth Century. New York, 1899. pp. xvi, 495. WELLS, DAVID AMES. Recent Economic Changes. New York, 1889. pp. xii, 493. WESTERMARCK, EDWARD. The History of Human Marriage. London, etc., 1891. pp. xix, 644. WHITNEY, H. C. Marriage and Divorce. Philadelphia, 1895. PP- 377- WILLOUGHBY, WESTEL WOODBURY. An Examination of the Nature of the State. New York, etc., 1896. pp. ix, 448. WILLOUGHBY, WILLIAM FRANKLIN. Workingmerfs Insurance. New York, etc. [1898]. pp. xii, 386. WINES, FREDERICK HOWARD. Punishment and Reformation. New York, etc. [1895]. pp. ix, 339. WINES, FREDERICK HOWARD, and KOREN, JOHN. The Liquor Problem in its Legislative Aspects. Boston, etc., 1897. pp. vi, 342. WOOLSEY, THEODORE DWIGHT. Divorce and Divorce Legisla- tion. New York, 1882. pp. x, 328. WRIGHT, CARROLL DAVIDSON. The Industrial Evolution of the United States. Meadville, etc., 1895. New York, 1900. pp. 362. Maps, portraits, and woodcuts. WYCKOFF, WALTER AUGUSTUS. The Workers. (The East.) New York, 1897. pp. ix, 270. The Workers. (The West.) New York, 1898. pp. ix, 378. Suggestions for Students, Etc. xv SOURCES OF INFORMATION ON SOCIOLOGY. THROUGHOUT the work the author has made constant refer- ence to official and unofficial collections of ultimate material ; and it will probably be found an excellent exercise in any class to have each student carefully study at least one subject from such material, in order to familiarise himself with the methods of ascertaining the truth upon contested points. De- tailed discussion of the government publications will be found in Carroll D.Wright's Contributions of the United States Gov- ernment to Social Science. E. C. Lunt's Key to the Publications of the United States Census is a carefully classified guide to the special tables and discussions in all the publications of the census from 1790 through 1880. The census volumes and the various reports of the government bureaus, especially those of the Department of Labour, of which Colonel Wright is Commissioner, may usually be had by schools and investi- gators through the senators from their States or the members of Congress from their districts. The twelfth census, of 1900, is distributed in like manner. The following is a list of a few serviceable and available sources : GILDER, RICHARD WATSON. Report of the Tenement House Committee of 1894. New York, 1894. pp.649. ILLINOIS BUREAU OF LABOR STATISTICS. Biennial Reports. Springfield, 1881- . MASSACHUSETTS BOARD TO INVESTIGATE THE SUBJECT OF THE UNEMPLOYED. Report. 5 pts. in i vol. Boston, 1895. (House Doc. No. 50.) MASSACHUSETTS BUREAU OF STATISTICS OF LABOR. Annual Reports. Boston, 1870- . NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF CHARITIES AND CORRECTION. Proceedings (annual). Boston, etc., 1874- NEW JERSEY BUREAU OF STATISTICS OF LABOR AND INDUS- TRIES. Annual Reports. Trenton, 1878- . NEW YORK BUREAU OF STATISTICS OF LABOR. Annual Re- ports. Albany and New York, 1884- xvi Suggestions for Students, Etc. UNITED STATES CENSUS BUREAU. Report on Crime, Pauperism, and Benevolence at the Eleventh Census. Frederick H. Wines, special agent. 2 parts. Wash- ington, 1895, 1896. pp. v, 41 1 ; x, 1035. Report on the Factory System of the United States, by Carroll D. Wright, in Report on Manufactures at the Tenth Census. Washington, 1883. pp. 78. Report on Manufacturing Industries at the Twelfth Census. 2 parts. Washington, 1902. Report on Population at the Twelfth Census. 2 parts. Wash- ington, 1901-2. UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF LABOR (WITH W. C. HUNT). History and Growth of United States Census. Washington, 1900. UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF LABOR. First Annual Report : Industrial Depressions. Washington, 1886. Second Annual Report : Convict Labor. Washington, 1887. Fourth Annual Report: Working Women in Large Cities. Washington, 1889. Eighth Annual Report : Industrial Education. Washington, 1893. Eleventh Annual Report : Work and Wages of Men, Women, and Children. Washington, 1897. Twelfth Annual Report : Economic Aspects of the Liquor Prob- lem. Washington, 1898. Thirteenth Annual Report : Hand and Machine Labor. Wash- ington, 1898. Fourteenth Annual Report : Water, Gas, and Electric Light Plants under Private and Municipal Ownership. Washing- ton, 1899. Fifteenth Annual Report: Wages in Commercial Countries. Washington, 1900. Sixteenth Annual Report : Strikes and Lockouts (Jan. i, 1881, to Dec. 31, 1900). Washington, 1901. Seventeenth Annual Report: Trade Schools. Washington, 1902. First Special Report : Marriage and Divorce. Washington, 1891. Second Special Report: Labor Laws of the United States. Washington, 1896. Suggestions for Students, Etc. xvii UNITED STATES COMMISSIONER OF LABOR. Fourth Special Report : Compulsory Insurance in Germany. Washington, 1893. Fifth Special Report : The Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic. Washington, 1893. Seventh Special Report: The Slums of Baltimore, Chicago New York, and Philadelphia. Washington, 1894. Eighth Special Report : The Housing of the Working People. Washington, 1895. Ninth Special Report : The Italians in Chicago. Washington, 1897. UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE, DIVISION OF CHEMISTRY. Foods and Food Adulterants. (Various Bulle- tins.) Washington, 1887- UNITED STATES INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION. Vols. 1-19, 1901-2. PERIODICALS. THE following periodicals contain material on sociological subjects, and should be on file in any efficient library of the subject : Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Philadelphia, 1890- . American Journal of Sociology. Chicago, 1895- . American Monthly Review of Reviews. New York, 1890- . (To June, 1897, called The Review of Reviews, American, edition.) Arena. Boston, 1890- . Bibliotheca Sacra. Oberlin, 1884- . Charities Review. New York, 1892- . Chautauquan. Meadville, 1880- . Department of Labor, bi-monthly Bulletin. Washington, 1896- . Econojnic Review. London, 1891- . Forum. New York, 1886- . Independent. [In magazine form.] New York, 1897- . Journal of Political Economy . Chicago, 1892- . Journal of Social Science. New York and Boston, 1869- . [Re port of Meetings of American Social Science Association.] Municipal Affairs. New York, 1897- . New World. Boston, etc., 1892- . Outlook. [In magazine form.] New York, 1897- . Political Science Quarterly. Boston, etc.. 1886- . Quarterly Journal of F.conomics. Boston, 1887- - Yale Review. New Haven, 1890- . Contents. Part I. THE BASIS OF PRACTICAL SOCIOLOGY. INTRODUCTION Ix CHAPTER PAGE I. DEVELOPMENT OF THE SCIENCE OF SOCIAL RELATION. 1. References i 2. The Science of Social Relation I 3. Practical Sociology 6 4. Spirit of Sociological Inquiry 7 5. The National Census 9 6. Other National Collections of Sociological Material . n 7. State and Private Collections of Sociological Material . 16 8. Monographs and Single Studies 19 II. THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 9. References 21 10. Total Population and Rate of Increase 21 n. Rate of Increase by Sections 24 12. The Centre of Population 26 13. Distribution by Drainage 27 14. Distribution by Natural Features . 28 15. Distribution by Altitude 29 16. Distribution by Rainfall, Temperature, and Humidity . 30 III. THE STATUS OF THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 17. References 33 18. The Proportions of the Sexes 33 19. Distribution by Ages 36 20. Families 4 21. Proportion of Families and Inmates to Dwellings . . 41 22. Dwellings in Cities 44 xx Contents. Part I., n. CHAPTER PAGE IV. NATIVE AND FOREIGN BORN. 23. References 46 24. Number and Nationality of Immigrants 46 25. Relative Immigration of Various Races 49 26. Nativity of Living Population 52 27. Geographical Distribution of Native and Foreign Born 53 28. Races 55 29. Geographical Distribution of Races 56 30. Parent Nativity 59 31. Population according to Colour 60 32. Internal Migrations 63 Part II. UNITS OF ORGANISATION. V. SOCIAL UNITS. 33. References 65 34. Tendency to Association 66 35. The Family 67 36. Size of Families 68 37. The Integrity of the Family 70 38. The Church 72 39. Church Government 75 40. Secular Societies 76 41. Patriotic Societies 79 42. Clubs So 43. Benevolent Associations 82 44. Labour Organisations 83 45. Legal Obligations of Social Units 86 46. The Influence of Societies 86 VI. POLITICAL UNITS. 47. References 88 48. The State 88 49. Sovereignty 90 50. Ordinary Units of Government 90 51. Local Political Units in the United States 91 52. The Town or Township 93 53. The County 95 54. The City 96 Fart II., III. Contents. xxi CHAPTER PACK VI. POLITICAL UNITS (continued). 55. The State in the Union 97 56. Territories and New States 99 57. The National Government 100 58. Political Parties 102 59. Public Opinion 103 Part III. QUESTIONS OF POPULATION. VII. IMMIGRATION. 60. References 105 61. Religious and Political Distribution of Immigrants . . 105 62. Industrial Distribution of Immigrants 106 63. Immigration and Illiteracy 108 64. Restrictive Laws on Immigration no 65. Relation of Immigration to Increase of Population . . 112 VIII. URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION. 66. References 115 67. Statistics of Urban and Rural Population 115 68. Apprehension from Alleged Congestion of Cities . . . 117 69. Redistribution of City Population 119 70. Density of Urban Population 123 71. Vital Statistics of Cities 124 IX. SPECIAL PROBLEMS OF CITY LIFE. 72. References 125 73. Water- Works 126 74. Lighting of Cities 127 75. Streets and Sewers 129 76. The Police 132 77. Wages under Public and Private Contract 133 78. Rapid Transit 134 79. The Question of Municipal Ownership 139 80. The Slum Question 142 81. Housing of the Poor 144 82. Rented Houses 147 83. Public Baths 148 84. Market Systems in Relation to Cost of Living .... 149 xxii Contents. Part iv. Part IV. QUESTIONS OF THE FAMILY. CHAPTER PAGE X. MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. 85. References 151 86. The Married and the Single 151 87. Marriages Compared by Races 154 88. The Contract Theory of Marriage i ^5 89. Solemnisation of Marriage 156 90. The Annulment of Marriage 159 91. Divorce 160 92. State and Federal Relations of Marriage and Divorce . 163 93. Statistics of Divorce 164 94. Legal Causes of Divorce 166 95. Duration of Married Life 166 96. Migration for Purpose of Divorce : Children .... 167 97. The Evolution of Divorce 168 98. The Reasons for Divorce 170 99. Reformation of Divorce 173 XI. EDUCATION. 100. References 177 101. The Duty of Education 177 102. The Kindergarten, a School for Youngest Pupils . . . 180 103. Growth of the Public-School System 183 104. The Public-School System below the High School . . 185 105. The American High School 186 1 06. The Normal School 188 107. Imperfections of the Public-School System 189 108. Compulsory Education 191 109. Industrial Education 193 no. Manual-Training Schools 195 in. Trade and Technical Schools 199 112. Results of Technical Education 203 113. Colleges and Universities . . . 205 XII. EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 114. References 208 115. Influence of Factories on Employment of Women and Children 208 116. The Influence of Law 210 117. Occupations of Women 212 118. Number of Children employed 214 Part IV., V. Contents. xxiii CHAPTER PAGE XII. EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN (continued}. 119. Wages of Women and Children 215 120. Reasons for Low Wages paid Women 217 121. Moral Character of Working Women 218 122. Employment of Married Women 222 Part V. THE LABOUR SYSTEM. XIII. OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF LABOUR. 123. References 223 124. Employment 224 125. Are Money Wages increasing? 227 126. The General Increase in Wages 232 127. Cost of Living -234 128. Hours of Labour 238 129. Sunday Labour 240 130. The Unemployed 242 131. The Tramp 245 132. The Sweating System .' 246 133. General Benefits to Society of the New System of Labour 249 XIV. APPLIANCES OF THE MODERN LABOUR SYSTEM. 134. References 250 135. The Effect of Machinery 250 136. Proportions of Skilled and Unskilled Labour .... 253 137. Does the Use of Machinery degrade Labour? .... 256 138. Machinery and New Industries 256 139. The Saving of Human Labour by Machinery .... 260 140. The Inspection of Factories and Workshops .... 262 141. Employers' Liability 265 142. Legislation affecting the Employer's Liability .... 267 143. Compulsory Insurance of Workingmen 269 XV. RELATIONS OF EMPLOYER AND EMPLOYEE. 144. References 271 145. Personal Relations 271 146. Relations with Unions .... 274 147. Co-operation 277 148. Profit-Sharing 281 149. State Regulation 285 xxiv Contents. Part v., vi. CHAPTER PAGE XVI. QUESTIONS RELATING TO STRIKES AND LOCKOUTS. 150. References 287 151. Nature of Strikes and Lockouts 287 152. Causes of Strikes and Lockouts 290 153. Cost of Strikes and Lockouts 293 154. Number of Persons involved in Strikes 294 155. Industrial Conciliation 294 156. Industrial Arbitration 297 157. Boycotts 300 158. Injunctions 302 159. Conspiracy 305 Part VI. SOCIAL WELL-BEING. XVII. THE ACCUMULATION OF WEALTH. 1 60. References 307 161. Sociological View of Wealth 307 162. Earnings and Wealth 309 163. Individual Wealth 311 164. Savings Institutions 313 165. Building and Loan Associations 316 166. Insurance and Mutual Benefit Associations 318 XVIII. POVERTY. 167. References 322 168. Causes of Poverty 322 169. Pauperism and Relief 324 170. Organised Charities 327 171. Child-Saving 329 XIX. THE RELATION OF ART TO SOCIAL WELL-BEING. 172. References 331 173. Art and Ethics 331 174. Art and Industry 332 175. Art and the People 334 176. Art and Social Unrest 336 177. Art in Invention 337 178. Art as a Source of Wealth 339 179. Public Art 340 180. The Effect of Ugliness 341 Part VI., vii. Contents. xxv CHAPTER PAGE XX. ARE THE RICH GROWING RICHER, AND THE POOR POORER ? 181. References 343 182. Industry and Wealth 343 183. Wealth not Stationary 345 184. Use of Wealth 347 185. Effects of Modern Competition 348 Part VII. THE DEFENCE OF SOCIETY. XXI. CRIMINOLOGY. 186 References 350 187. Crime 350 188. Is there an Increase or Decrease in Crime? .... 352 189. The Statistical Method applied to Penology .... 355 190. Effect of Local Conditions on Crime 357 191. Crime in Great Britain, etc 359 192. Causes of Crime 360 193. Economic Conditions in Relation to Crime 362 194. How to prevent Crime 364 195. Crime and the Labour Problem 366 XXII. THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. 196. References 371 197. Classification of Punishment 371 198. Lynchings 374 199. Prison Labour and the Reformation of Convicts . . . 378 200. The Ethics of Prison Labour 381 201. Systems of Prison Labour 382 202. Solution of the Prison Labour Question 385 XXIII. THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION. 203. References 390 204. Production and Consumption 390 205. Public Revenue from the Liquor Traffic 393 206. Prohibition 395 207. License 396 208. Local Option 397 209. Systems of State Account 398 210. The Influence of Intemperance upon Crime .... 400 xxvi Contents. Part vn., vm. CHAPTER PAGB XXIII. THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION (continued). 211. Intemperance and Pauperism 402 212. A Study of the Temperauce Question 402 XXIV. REGULATION OF ORGANISATIONS. 213. References 404 214. Political Organisations 404 215. Corporations 406 216. Trusts 411 217. Labour Organisations 414 Part VIII. REMEDIES. XXV. SOLUTIONS THAT ARE PROPOSED FOR SOCIAL AND ECO- NOMIC DIFFICULTIES. 218. References 417 219. Basis of Problems 418 220. Minor Legislative Remedies 419 221. Remedies by Voluntary Agreement 420 222. Remedy of the Socialist 421 .223. What is the Social Problem ? 423 Maps and Diagrams. xxvn MAPS AND DIAGRAMS PAGES Diagrams showing the Population of each State and Territory at each Census, (i, 2, 3, and 4) ... Between 22, 23 Map showing the Position of the Centre of Population at the close of each decade from 1790 to 1900 . . To face 26 Map of Topographic Regions ,, 28 Diagram showing Number of Inhabitants to the Square Mile, by States and Territories .... 29 Diagram showing Proportion of Sexes, by Ages and Nativity 33 Diagram showing Proportion of Aliens to Total Eoreign Born Males of Voting Age in each Speci- fied Nativity, 1900 39 Diagram showing Foreign Born Population, by States and Territories, 1900 ,, 47 Diagram showing Foreign Born of each Leading Nationality at each Census, 1850 to 1900 .... 52 Diagram showing Constituents of the Population of States and Territories, 1900 ,, 53 Diagram and Table showing Proportion of Foreign Born of each Leading Nationality, by States and Territories, 1900 56, 57 Diagram showing Negro Population, by States and Territories, 1900 ,, 61 Diagram showing Composition of the Population of States and Territories, including Resident Natives, Native Immigrants, and Foreign Born, with per cent of Native Emigrants, 1900 63 Diagram showing Total and Urban Population, by States and Territories, 1900 114 Diagram showing Proportion of Urban Population to Total Population, by States and Territories, at each Census ,, 116 Diagram showing Total Population of Great Cities at each Census 117 Diagram showing the Constituents of the Population of Cities of more than 100,000 Inhabitants, 1900 . 118 Diagram showing Conjugal Condition of the Popula- tion by Age and Sex, in Proportions of the Total Number of each age group, 1900 152 Outline of Practical Sociology THE larger social phenomena those which interest the speculative philosopher, and with which sociology has dealt successfully, are phenomena of social aggregates, or masses of men regarded as single bodies; the smaller phenomena those which interest the practical man, and with which so- ciology has dealt unsuccessfully are essentially the phe- nomena not of social aggregates, but of various parts of aggregates. W. H. MALLOCK: Aristocracy and Evolution, p. 14. Outline of Practical Sociology. Part I. The Basis of Practical Sociology. CHAPTER I. DEVELOPMENT OF THE SCIENCE OF SOCIAL RELATION. 1. References. Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology, and First Principles ; Lester F. Ward, Dynamic Sociology, The Psychic Factors of Civilization, and Out- line of Sociology ; Franklin H. Giddings, The Elements of Sociology, The Principles of Sociology, The Province of Sociology, and The Theory of Sociology (the last two in American Academy of Political and Social Science, Annals') ; Small and Vincent, An Introduction to the Study of Society; Frank W. Blackmar, The Study of History and Sociology ; Rich- mond Mayo-Smith, Statistics and Sociology ; Carroll D. Wright, Contribu- tions of the United States Government to Social Science (in American Journal of Sociology, November, 1895) ; W. H. Mallock, Aristocracy and Evolution, book i. ch. I ; W. D. P. Bliss, The Encydopcedia of Social Re- form ; W. H. Tolman and W. I. Hull, Hand-book of Sociological Infor- mation; J. H. W. Stuckenberg, Introduction to the Study of Sociology ; H. S. Nash, Genesis of the Social Conscience ; Gabriel Tarde, Social Logic ; J. M. Baldwin, Social and Ethical Interpretations in Mental Development; Charles Richmond Henderson, Social Elements, and The Social Spirit in America; J. S. Mackenzie, Introduction to Social Philosophy ; J. W. Powell, Sociology, or the Science of Institutions (in American Anthropolo- gist, N. S. vol. T, July and October, 1899) ; Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science ; American Journal of Sociology ; Arthur Fairbanks, An Introduction to Sociology ; R. R. Bowker and George lies, The Reader's Guide in Economic, Social, and Political Sci- ence (1891) ; Henry Matson, References for Literary Workers (1898). 2. The Science of Social Relation. The science of social relation is really the science of the institutions which enable society to perform its infinitely varied functions. Every feature of society which comprehends the 2 Basis of Sociology. [ 2 action of a group of individual units represents an institution ; and this is true without regard to the theory which may be adopted to account for the origin and development of society itself; for whatever that origin, the family, the tribe, the na- tion, and any intermediate organisations having the purpose of regulation, government, or defence, are all institutions created by individuals in their relations to each other. So customs, laws, habits, religions, etc., are institutions in a sociological sense. The science which has been called sociology comprehends the study of the origin and development of these institutions, and as a study it must have existed since the intelligence of man was developed to such an extent as to inspire him with the desire to account for his origin and for the institutions with which he finds himself surrounded. The attempt to ac- count for human environment has ever been an attractive study, and many theories have been put forward as a basis for estab- lishing a connected and logical system. Sociology embraces the study of society in the entire range of its history ; it is therefore a more comprehensive word than social science. We speak of " the social sciences," meaning thereby history, jurisprudence, political economy, criminology, penology, and various other departments of knowledge relating to social con- ditions ; but we cannot say " sociologies," for sociology is a concrete term, comprehending all the social sciences and every other phase of knowledge which relates to society in its organisation and its- functions. To make clear the origin and purpose of society, sociologists have sought to establish suggestive analogies, the most plausible till recent times being the biological analogy, under which society is regarded as a growth like the cellular expansion of organised plants and animals ; so that society was looked upon as having life, in the broadest sense, that is, not merely human and animal life, but organised existence. It was very natural that men should adopt this biological or materialistic theory for the origin and development of society ; but it did not meet the conditions ; hence the attempt has been made to find other bases or explanations of society; and in this aj Science of Social Relation. 3 attempt, feeling, desire, and aspiration have been recognised as inherent and potent factors in the science. Just how the organisation of society first became conscious of itself is also a moot question. Perhaps next after the crea- tion of the units or individuals which make up the integral members of society the family appeared as the first form of institutional construction ; perhaps tribal or even more highly developed institutions may have preceded the family in the order of time. The institutions of savage tribes show that in some cases when individuals become attracted to each other from any motive whatever, they seek organisation for purposes of defence or otherwise, and live in this condition for cen- turies and ages before the male and female are so firmly at- tracted through psychic forces as to constitute the family. Until the idea of the supremacy of the family institution is firmly fixed, the children are in such cases the wards of the tribe or community. Even at the present time, as all through the historical development of nations, there is still a strong effort visible to bring the children under community influences and to lessen or even to destroy the control of the family. Nor can it be safely said that the tribe is the earliest form of society ; there may have been great aggregations of individuals conforming to some crude methods of organisation even before the specific institution of tribes. The objections to the bio- logical or materialistic theory of a gradual development from individuals to families, thence to tribes, and thence to higher forms, have led most sociologists to prefer a psychological ex- planation of the process under which society has been developed. The word "sociology" occurs for the first time in the vork of Auguste Comte, entitled " Cours de Philosophic Positive," which was published in 1842. Since that time there have been very many students and writers of the phi- losophy which he advanced and formulated, and there has been under them a constant development not only in the theory underlying the organisation of society, but in the treat- 4 Basis of Sociology. [ 2 ment of social relations. Under this development the claim that society is an organism on the biological analogy is not now generally admitted to be sound ; for if an organism society must have something in it other than the ethical and social relations of men ; it would possess parts and functions independent of human relations. Hence in the more modern theory, the actual conditions of human nature, of human wants- and aspirations, are allotted more power in shaping the ex- planation of society than the restricted idea that society is of itself a self-shaping organism. It is now asserted, and gen- erally conceded, that it is the recognition of the " psyche," or soul, which gives the truest understanding or even interpreta- tion of sociological phenomena. We may recognise all the advantages which come from the comparison of the growth of society through the materialistic theory ; we may accept the aid it gives in the adjustment and classification of facts ; but the conception of organic growth does not give us full enough insight into the real forces which make society what it is, nor furnish us a sufficient understanding of the forces which made it in the beginning. We must recognise human thoughts and feelings as well as the propensities which serve to bring in- dividual units into institutional relations. A brief statement of the point of view of some of the modern writers will perhaps bring out the contrast between the old sociology and the new. The French writer, Professor Gabriel Tarde, finds the motive at the basis of all human organisations in the imitative tendency, the desire of men to be like each other. In " The Philosophy of History," by Dr. George Simmel, of Berlin, the biological analogy is left out of consideration, and the assumption is made that psychology is the a priori of historical science, or that the power which has brought men into combination with each other in the varied forms of institutional life is to be found in the psychical nature of man. In our own country, Professor Lester F. Ward insists that psychology and not biology offers the true explanation of human society,- and that the motive force 2] Science of Social Relation. 5 which impels men to social institution is found in the feelings of men taken collectively and in the intuitive faculty ; the effective agent of social action, according to Professor Ward, resides in the feelings, and Professor F. H. Giddings reaches the conclusion that the motive which draws men together is the "consciousness of kind," the feeling which men have that they are one in nature with each other and of the same kin. Another writer, Professor J. M. Baldwin, follows the same line, only he develops the psychical analogy to still greater degree. All these assumptions, which undoubtedly go farthest to account for society, can be stated in the old axiom that " men who think alike will act together." The authorities just mentioned and many others are develop- ing the real science of society, for they recognise far more than did the earlier writers the real human side, consisting of feeling, thought, aspiration, religious emotion, everything, in fact, which can by any expansion of terms constitute the purest ethics. These considerations make it exceedingly diffi- cult to define in plain terms the word " sociology," or to give exactly its comprehensive scope. "Sociology" will not reach the perfect scientific formula so long as able and conscientious students and writers fail to agree as to the fundamental truths underlying the science ; they are beginning to agree, but even in their definitions this much may be accepted, that although animals mate and are gregarious in their habits, they have no institutions. It is not until the highly developed animal, man, appears, with heart and soul, or those attributes which may be called spiritual, that organisation is resorted to as the ex- pression of the social instincts. It is in this thought that the true province of sociology lies. As a result of critical study, it will appear eventually that many of the problems which vex us now are but the results of evolutionary processes in the formation of society ; that they are not the beginnings of more serious problems, but present phases of questions that have existed from the foundation of society. All the facts to be gathered from the history of man, covering his experiences 6 Basis of Sociology. [ 2 in the varied complications of life and under an infinite variety of conditions, are necessary in order to arrive at com- plete and scientific conclusions. Such conclusions will be the more speedily reached through the present recognition of the psychic forces as the fundamental basis of society. 3. Practical Sociology. These considerations relative to the development of the science of social relation call for some explanation as to the use of the term " practical sociology." Sociology, broadly speaking, and without any attempt at specific definition, being the science of society, must comprehend all society and society for all time, for it undertakes to explain the origin and growth and condition of human institutions. Any treatment of the subject would be " practical " which dealt with things as they are, but the term may with propriety be applied especially to such a book as this, which undertakes to consider only the status of present-day conditions, without attempting to show how far they may be the result of the development or evolution of many previous conditions, and without at- tempting to show all their relations to the general subject of sociology. The word "practical " is not chosen as in con- tradistinction to " impractical," but to make clear that the book deals with actual, pressing social questions, which may be understood, even though the science of sociology be still uncertain. To be sure, the study of sociology as a science must include all the questions considered in this work, but it must include also systems of classification and analyses which "practical sociology " may avoid by dealing with indisputable facts and conditions which in a scientific treatise of sociology would be only illustrations. Were the science much further developed than it now is, there would perhaps still be a place for a discussion which avoids technical terms and philoso- phical analysis. One may know that filthy streets are de- moralising without being absolutely certain as to the nature of the state. 4] Practical Sociology. 7 4. Spirit of Sociological Inquiry. The student of social science depends for his data upon three general sources, first, the results of personal observa- tion, whether made by himself or others; second, the sys- tematic works on sociology, political economy, history, law, government, etc. ; and, third, the records of official transac- tions and of investigations into conditions conducted under governmental authority or by private individuals. The bete noire of sociology is insufficient information. If social science is to be anything more than a fad with the student, he must be habitually sceptical of all statements which bear upon the relations of men, and from which he hopes to deduce some law or establish beyond controversy the cause of some existing condition. He must know the opportunities, the carefulness, the honesty, and the freedom from prejudice of the observer. If the investigator be really scientific in his methods of study, he cares not so much to be pleased by what the results may bring out, as to feel assured that the showing is accurate ; he is ready at all times to recast his opinions, to modify his reasoning, and even to turn his mind into new channels of thought, whenever the facts indicate that such changes should be made ; his face is always turned to the light. Hence the true sociologist is more fond of the inductive than of the deductive method of reasoning ; he is also the friend of the historical school, and welcomes every endeavour of societies and of organised government to secure accurate and sufficient data bearing on the questions which interest him. So he welcomes with enthusiasm the efforts of govern- ments everywhere to report the facts relative to the condi- tions of the people, their numbers, their habits, their business interests, their moral, economic, and social relations, every- thing, in fact, which grows out of the relations of men to each other and to society. He does not insist that governments or individuals shall have his pet motives for ascertaining and presenting facts ; for instance, government, for the purposes 8 Basis of Sociology. [ 4 of revenue legislation, may ascertain the facts relative to the manufacture and sale of intoxicants, with no reference what- ever to the bearing of the results of the inquiry upon the moral and social welfare of the members of a community. If the truth is ascertained, social science is satisfied, and can use the facts presented by the government in every relation to which they apply. The student of social science cannot be a partisan ; he must accept conclusions which are proved. He may advocate reforms, he may insist upon changes in legislation, upon the adoption of new systems of finance or commerce, but he does all this because to his mind the ascertained facts lead to his conclusions ; until these facts are completely overturned he will adhere and must adhere to his position ; yet he knows well that all statistical statements are subject to error and may be imperfectly analysed, and that the results of any governmental inquiry are open to the charge of inadequacy, even when the integrity of the inquiry cannot be questioned. He uses the results .of statistical inquiry because that is material of scientific value, and because he recognises with the German Schlosser, that " statistics is history ever advan- cing," and that if he wishes to grow with advancing history and keep himself fully and thoroughly informed of progress in every direction, he must use the statistical or historical method. The farther advanced the student of social science may be, the better able he will be to use statistical results critically and with such a power of analysis as may enable him at once to see the relations of facts and to accept the true and reject the false. This makes the social scientist an interested observer of what government or private enterprise may do in the way of making contributions in his favourite field. The question is often asked, What right has the govern- ment to collect facts other than those absolutely essential for intelligent legislation and the proper administration of laws? The answer is evident. The education of the masses in the elementary facts of political and economic science is one oi 5] Spirit of Sociological Inquiry. 9 the greatest educational ends of the day. The whole effort of government, therefore, to put the people in the possession of facts concerning all their conditions in life, so far as the same may be subject to official inquiry, belongs to the educational work of the people. It is the mission of government to secure that information which is essential for the proper understand- ing of industrial and social conditions. This feature of educa- tional work cannot be done by the schools, nor by individuals. It must be done, if done at all, by the government ; and the government of the United States finds its duty under the Con- stitution to put the public in the possession of certain lines of information. The general welfare and the blessings of liberty for which the Constitution was framed can neither be secured nor promoted without an intelligent understanding of all the conditions surrounding life. In obedience to this lofty sentiment, the framers of the Constitution further provided for a periodical census, the first provision of its kind in any country ; they thus led the way in all civilised countries for the systematic collection of facts from which the study of the relations of men could be intelli- gently made. It was part of the vast machinery of govern- ment established for the purpose of enabling the nation to carry out the injunction " Know thyself," which should be applied to communities as well as to individuals ; and it was recognised by the founders of our own government that it is only through rigid, impartial, and fearless investigation that any community can know itself in the many directions in which knowledge is to be obtained. At the outset, therefore, one must know something of the great collections of material upon which just opinions may be founded ; and among them the national census, the other national publications, state docu- ments, and the original work of individuals. 5. The National Census. There had been, prior to the adoption of the Constitution in 1789, various colonial and local censuses, and foreign coun- i o Basis of Sociology. [ 5 tries had made enumerations at irregular intervals, so that the framers of the Constitution must be presumed to have been familiar with the benefits of census-taking. Commencing with 1790, the United States has made regular decennial enu- merations of the population, and, beginning with the year 1850, has conducted what may be properly called a national census, comprehending many features beyond the mere enumeration of the inhabitants. While the Constitution contained the germ of the census in its modern proportions, the men who framed it and who were first called upon to carry its provisions into effect com- prehended the necessity of immediately expanding the germ, and the pace which they set has been accelerated to a speed which ha^ sometimes been criticised. In studying the nature, the value, and the extent of the contributions of the Federal Government to social science, one turns naturally to the efforts of the first Secretary of the Treasury, Alexander Hamilton. His report on manufactures, taking the conditions and the means of collecting the facts relating to them into consideration, is a masterpiece of offi- cial investigation. Its value was of vast importance at the time it was made, but its value is a continuing one. Eveiy student of economic relations, or of the condition of labour, or of the progress of manufactures, or of the development of industrial interests, must make liberal use of this report. It was one of a most valuable series of reports made by Mr. Hamilton, the others relating to the public credit of the United States, the national bank and coinage. The scope of the census has been broadened gradually from a few inquiries, chiefly numerical, made at the first census in 1790 to the present encyclopaedic proportions. The reports of the tenth census (1880) embody 22, those of the eleventh 25 quarto volumes. These reports cover the statistics of population ; manufactures, agriculture, and irrigation ; wealth, debt, and taxation ; farms, homes, and mortgages ; mineral resources ; transportation ; insurance ; vital statistics ; the 6] National Census. 1 1 statistics of crime, pauperism, and benevolence ; fish and fisheries; educational and church statistics, social statistics, and facts relating to the Indians. The census takes cognisance, as a rule, of those things which can be counted and summarised into aggregations. It does not seek to make investigation relative to conditions not ascertainable in this manner, nor does it seek to furnish the results of constant actions, or a record of the business transac- tions of any governmental office. It counts the people, and while counting them it ascertains all the characteristics as to age, sex, conjugal condition, nativity, occupation, and physical and mental conditions. For this purpose it has expanded the population schedules from six inquiries made at the first census to twenty-six made at the last. It counts the number of manufactures of all kinds and grades ; it aggregates the capital employed in all industries, and, in fact, enumerates, by count- ing, the instrumentalities by which the various enterprises of the country are carried on ; but it is emphatically a system of counting, and the census gives the results of the count. It is an account of stock in the true sense. 6. Other National Collections of Sociological Material. Closely allied to this method of ascertaining facts is another illustrated by the operations of the Treasury Department. This department has the execution of laws relating to commerce and the finances. Its transactions, therefore, become import- ant, and the results are most valuable contributions to social science. Through this department we learn the course of immigration ; the character, quantity, and value of imports and exports ; the financial condition of the country ; all facts relative to the currency, including the operation of the mints, the condition of coinage, and the value of foreign coins in American money ; the revenues and expenditures of the government ; how the revenues are obtained, and the classi- fication of the expenditures ; quantity and value of articles manufactured under the internal revenue laws, like liquors and i 2 Basis of Sociology. [ 6 proprietary medicines, everything, in fact, relating to the .financial condition of the country. The publications of the Treasury Department bearing upon social questions are chiefly statistical in their character, and from what has been said it is easily seen that they can be divided into two classes relating, first, to finance, and, second, to commerce, navigation, and immigration. One would hardly look for contributions to social science under the work of the Department of State ; yet, although its work relates more to historical than to social questions, many of its publications are among the most important general con- tributions in the latter field ; but whatever it has done in the way of historical publications is in the interest of social science, as history constitutes one of its most important branches. Some of the most important of the regular reports of the Department of State are those of its Bureau of Statistics, now the Bureau of Foreign Commerce, which was organised in 1856 ; though for the most part its contributions relate to com- mercial and industrial matters, social questions, such as wages, prices, cost of living, workingmen's houses, etc., receive fre- quent attention. In the Consular Reports also are to be found many studies of economic and social conditions in foreign countries, compared with those of the United States. The chief contributions of the Department of the Interior to social science, other than those of the census, have been made through the Bureau of Education, which publishes an annual report, special reports, circulars of information, and miscellane- ous documents. The annual reports contain the statistics of the schools, colleges, and other institutions of learning in the United States. The special reports are exceedingly valuable, both from an educational .point of view, relating simply to school or college work, and in a wider sense. Among the chief special publications are those on art in industry, criminology, etc. The circulars of information embrace among their number two regular series, first, reports of the proceedings of the Department of Superintendence of the National Educational 6] National Collections. 1 3 Association ; second, the history of higher education in the United States. Information as to the settlement of lands, an important fea- ture of social science, is obtainable through the publications of the General Land Office. The regular annual report of the Commissioner furnishes current information as to sales, settle- ments, and quantities of land still unassigned, while in special reports information as to laws relating to the settlement of lands may be found, together with the whole history of the land system of the government public lands, condition of the national domain, and everything relating to the action of government in settling the vast territory belonging to the people. Through the publications of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs much most valuable ethnological information can be secured. The transactions of the government with the Indi- ans, as currently reported by the Commissioner, give the necessary information as to the relations of the Federal gov- ernment to the Indian tribes, while various other documents emanating from the Indian office are of exceedingly great value in studying so interesting a question. The Geological Survey makes most important contributions relating to the mineral resources of the country, irrigation, and other matters bearing upon the nation's material development. The results of the researches of this office are published in annual and special reports. The annual reports of the United States Patent Office fur- nish information of the progress of invention, and from them the business of the office can be readily understood. The Department of Agriculture is the chief publishing branch of the United States government. The extent of its operations as a publisher may be seen from the last annual report of the Chief of the Division of Records and Editing. During the fiscal year 1900-01, the department issued 606 separate pub- lications, embracing 27,136 pages of printed matter. There were 7,889,281 copies of these publications printed. The 14 Basis of Sociology. [6 great majority of these publications relate to the technical details of agriculture or the scientific aspects of agricultural problems. The publications of its good roads, forestry, and statistical divisions are, however, of great interest, and are positive and valuable contributions to social science. Its statistical work is of especial value for subjects treated in this volume. The reports of the statistical bureau include monthly statistical reports, giving a survey of the condition of crops, and special statistical papers on such subjects as freight rates, the production of farm products in foreign countries, etc. ; monthly crop synopses, being summaries of the conditions, prospects, yield, price, distribution, and consumption of crops, and the number and value of farm animals. This little pub- lication is issued in advance of the monthly statistical reports in order that prompt information may be given to the public. The miscellaneous series includes special contributions on par- ticular subjects. In addition to this, the statistician of the department makes a special report showing, among other things, wages, prices of agricultural products, freight rates, etc. The department has also brought out some valuable specific reports relative to the diseases of the horse, treatment of cattle, and various subjects not only of interest to the farmer himself but to those who are studying the progress of science in the treatment of crops and of animals. Most of the work of this institution is of a purely scientific nature, but in its publications much information of value to social science is to be found. No more important contributions have been made under government auspices than those of the Bureau of Ethnology. Striking at the very roots of social science itself, by reporting upon the conditions of tribes and peoples, it must take first rank in the estimation of social scientists. It publishes annual reports and reprints of special papers. Its volumes are bulky ; they are thoroughly illustrated, and are scientific discussions of ethnological topics. The reports of the Interstate Commerce Commission come strictly under the range of sociology, so far as statistics of rail- 6] National Collections. 15 roads are concerned. They have been published regularly since 1888, and they furnish the most trustworthy information rela- tive to the conditions of railroad transportation that can be obtained. The contributions of the Commissioner of Fish and Fisheries relate directly to the study of social science, as they belong to the food question. The investigations of the commission re- late to food fishes and to the methods of propagating them, and the reports show the results of the inquiries as well as the efforts of the commission to increase the supply of fish in the various parts of the country. It is in the practical line of the work established by government so many years ago, when it sought to do all in its power to aid in the development of the natural resources of the country. The United States Department of Labour was established especially for the collection and publication of information bearing upon social science, the duties of the department under the law being to acquire and diffuse among the people of the United States useful information on subjects connected with labour, in the most general and comprehensive sense of that word, and especially upon its relation to capital, the hours of labour, the earnings of labouring men and women, and the means of promoting their material, social, intellectual, and moral prosperity. Under this broad authorisation the depart- ment has made seventeen annual reports, and in addition has published nine special reports. The Department of Labour is now authorised by law to publish a bulletin, which consists of condensations of foreign and American reports on labour and industrial subjects, results of original inquiry, and any facts or information of value to the social and industrial interests of the country. The publications just enumerated are those which are most distinctly contributions to social science ; but the annual re- ports of all the departments, as the Post-Office Department, in dealing with the transmission of intelligence, the Department of Justice in dealing with criminal conditions, in giving facts 1 6 Basis of Sociology. [ 6 relative to the transactions of the government, are sources for the study of sociology. There is another body besides these organised offices en- gaged in making such contributions, the Congress itself. Prior to 1820 the statistical work of the government, apart from that of the decennial census, and those figures given in the annual reports of executive officers, consisted in the purchase of the statistical publications of private parties. In addition to this feature of congressional contribution, there have been many special reports of committees relating to sociological matters that have enlarged the contributions to social science, investigations into conditions of labour, specific labour troubles, immigration, naturalisation, etc., having been among its best work. 7. State and Private Collections of Sociological Material. In addition to all these valuable works emanating from the Federal government and its various branches, the States have Undertaken the collection of an enormous amount of informa- tion. Since 1869 thirty-five States have authorised the estab- lishment of bureaus of statistics of labour, for the purpose of collecting facts concerning the social, moral, and industrial welfare of the people. These offices have considered a great variety of subjects, and their reports consist of more than four hundred and fifty volumes. All the various bureaus and com- missions of the different State governments publish annually or biennially valuable reports on finance, insurance, railroads, char- ity, prisons, and all the interests to which government now gives so much attention. The question might be asked, " What is the value of this vast store of information contributed by the various departments of the Federal and State governments?" It is of inestimable value, and as a rule the information is trustworthy. Care is taken to secure only that information which has a positive bearing upon the current problems of the times, and the men engaged in the collection of the information are almost inva- 7] State and Private Collections. 17 riably so thoroughly interested in the ascertainment of the truth that their work is free from bias and may be accepted by the scientist as worthy of his use. From these categorical statements it must be concluded that the Federal and State governments have been most generous in their contributions to social science, and that its study could not be carried on without such contributions. The efforts of private individuals, the results of personal observation, and the collection of facts by travellers and students, all valuable as they are, are entirely inadequate for the discussion of the great social problems of the day. Social science deals with the vital interests and relations of the people themselves. Can government do better than to make its contributions in the future, not simply as generous, as emphatic, and as far-reach- ing as those in the past, but still more scientific and still more comprehensive ? It is the statistical method that enables government to make its contributions to the study of sociology. A modern method, scientific in its processes, it has enabled the sociologist to get nearer the real relations of the people than he could under any other method. Until this century the student of society was obliged to take his facts from the fragmentary statements of historians, who did not deal so much with the people and their conditions as with governments, administrations, and wars. To-day the statistical method reaches almost every vital point in the social structure, and to its expansion the enlightened study of society is greatly indebted. All the leading governments of the world publish in great volume data from which conclusions can be drawn. It has been considered sufficient, however, for the present purpose to outline in brief the contributions of our own American govern- ments which can be used in the study of social relation. When it is known that the United States Government alone expends annually about nine million dollars, and employs over four thousand persons in scientific work, the value of official contributions will be thoroughly comprehended. 1 8 Basis of Sociology. [ 7 In addition to the Federal census, twenty-seven States and Territories have constitutional or statutory provisions for tak- ing a census more or less complete, and most of them on the quinquennial period between the Federal decennial censuses. These provision's are not always carried out, but the States of Florida, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, New Jersey, New York, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Wisconsin, Tennessee, and the Territory of Oklahoma have all taken censuses since the Federal census of 1890. The following States have bureaus of statistics of labour or kindred offices now existing : California, Colorado, Connecti- cut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Mis- souri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Carolina, North Dakota, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Utah, Virginia, Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin. Similar foreign offices : the Labour Department, England ; Department of Labour, New Zealand ; Department of Labour and Industries, New South Wales ; Bureau of Labour, France ; Bureau of Labour, Belgium ; Commission for Labour Statistics, Germany ; Department of Agriculture, Industries, and Com- merce, Italy ; Royal Statistical Bureau, Russia ; Bureau of Statistics, Switzerland ; Bureau of Statistics, Sweden ; Bureau of Labour Statistics, Austria ; Department of Labour, Canada ; Bureau of Commerce and Statistics, Spain. Private enterprise has not been lacking in supplying socio- logical data ; its chief effort has been through the publica- tions of societies or associations, such as the Royal Statistical Society of London, the National Association (British) for the Promotion of Social Science, and the statistical societies of Liverpool, Manchester, Paris, Berlin, and other European cities. The publications of these societies offer most valuable contributions for the student of social matters. These con- 8] Monographs and Single Studies. 19 tributions are not always of original data, although members of the societies have made investigations at their own expense and contributed the results as a matter of public service. In this country the American Statistical Association, one of our oldest scientific bodies ; the American Social Science Asso- ciation ; the American Economic Association, and the American Academy of Political and Social Science, have all been pro- lific producers of most valuable material in the study of social and industrial questions. Of late years the scientific bodies as such have added sections to their work in which economic and industrial matters have received attention. This is true of the National Academy of Sciences, the American Academy for the Advancement of Science, and other bodies. Of late,' the great international expositions hold congresses before which are brought the contributions of data relating to different countries, and which in any way affect the welfare of the people. This is perhaps the most expansive method which has been adopted for the dissemination of sociological facts. 8. Monographs and Single Studies. In addition to the sources enumerated there are still others which should command attention. Individual effort, irre- spective of the publications of government officers and asso- ciations, has added great value to the literature relating to our subject. The results of these efforts are found in monographs and single studies, especially articles contributed to the great magazines and reviews. In looking through the files of the " Edinburgh Review," or the " Quarterly," or the " North American Review," from their inception, the student will find here and there important studies. The editors of all the magazines and reviews conceive it their duty to bring to their pages articles from experts on all phases of social and industrial life. The catalogues of publishers show a great num- ber of monographs, while the indexes of reviews and magazines disclose an enormous mass of sociological work. 2o Basis of Sociology. [8 Of late years universities and colleges have in a large measure taken to the publication of single papers and series, to which the student can turn with great profit. These studies are of the greatest value, because undertaken by enthusiastic students in the universities, who bestow time and labour in original research along clearly defined lines. As an example of this, the "Johns Hopkins University Studies " may be cited. Other universities publish under their auspices journals of great value, such as the " Quarterly Journal of Economics," at Harvard, and the " Political Science Quarterly," at Columbia, the Yale " Review," and the publications of the University of Chicago. All these publications are really makers of public opinion ; they are having an influence beyond estimate, and must be considered as among the sources of sociological data of the highest value. The mere collection, classification, and publication of statistics are supplemented by the philosophical and scientific writers and students, whose works appear as monographs, articles, or single studies in various ways. Tak- ing all the sources that have been suggested in this chapter, the student ought to have little or no difficulty in equipping himself in the study of sociology. CHAPTER II. THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 9. References. United States, Twelfth Census (1900), Report on Population, Parts I. and II., the Atlas and the report on methods and results of the Twelfth Census; Richmond Mayo-Smith, Statistics and Sociology ; Walter F. Willcox, Area and Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census, and Density and Distribution of Population in the United States at the Eleventh Census (American Economic Association, Economic Studies, XI., Nos. 4 and 6) ; Henry Gannett, The Building of a Nation. Bibliography of the Censuses from 1790 to 1886 in E. C. Lunt, Key to the Publications of the United States Census (American Statistical Association, Publications, New Series, Nos. 2, 3). Carroll D. Wright and William C. Hunt, History and Growth of United States Census, 1790-1890 (an Historical Review of the Federal Census, Growth of Census, Inquiries, Cost of Various Censuses, Description of Reports). 10. Total Population and Rate of Increase. The first task of the writer in sociology is to put before his readers, as clearly as possible, the conditions under which the social organisation is and must be formed. Social problems have to deal with the complexities of human nature ; with the workings of minds actuated by many complicated motives ; with developments of beliefs and aims for which no explana- tory law can be stated. But it will be easier both to under- stand these problems and to consider remedies, if we have a clear conception of what the people of the United States are, how they are distributed, and what causes them to come to- gether in those masses which make up our great municipalities. We must know something of the distribution of the population as to numbers, climatic and other natural conditions, nativity, sex, conjugal condition, and families, as to the movement of the population, and as to race distinctions. The population of the United States June i, 1900, as ascertained at the Twelfth Census, exclusive of white persons in the Indian Territory, Indians on reservations, and the pop- ulation of Alaska and Hawaii, was 75,568,686 ; including these, it was 76,303,387. Later on we shall observe that many 21 22 Population of the United States. [ 10 social problems arise from the mere numbers of persons with whom governments must deal. 1 Such problems become more serious as population grows. At the first census, taken in 1790, the population of the United States was 3,929,2i4. 2 The regularity of increase from 1800 to 1860 is striking, and then the influence of the war and of other elements is shown in the dropping of the percentage 1 The area and population of the world are approximately as follows : Divisions. Square Miles. Population. Asia (6) 880,791,583 Africa () Australasia (d) 3*454)763 6,157,005 Total (a) Including adjacent islands and Iceland, (b) Including adjacent islands, (c) In- cluding Central America and the West Indies, Greenland, and other adjacent islands. (d) Australia, Tasmania, New Zealand, New Guinea, and the South Pacific Islands. It is calculated that 1,700,000 square miles of the earth's surface are uninhabited or ownerless, 5,000,000 square miles more without settled government, while the remaining 45,000,000 square miles are occupied by definite states, of which there are 75. Of these, however, eighteen occupy 87 per cent of the total area. - POPULATION, INCREASE, AND PER CENT OF INCREASE AT EACH CENSUS, 1790 TO 1900. Year. Population. Increase. Per cent of increase. ISOO . ... 5 308 483 1810 . ... 7,239,881 36 38 1820 .... 1830 1840 1850 . ... . . 35.87 1860 35.58 1870 . . 38,558,371 1880 . . . . . . 30 08 1890 . .... 24.86 ill TOTAL POPULATION OF EACH STATE AND TERRITORY AT EACH CENSUS. I [.Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U.S Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology .3 III iisiiii 1 1 m TOTAL POPULATION OF EACH STATE AND TERRITORY AT EACH CENSUS. II. [Reproduced from reports uf Twelfth U.S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.] i Illi I II iii! n: O 10] Rate of Increase. 2 3 from35 T 6 ff in 1860 to 22 in 1870. With increased industrial and commercial activity, the percentage of increase rose again in 1880 to 301*2 . The diminution in the rate of increase between 1880 and 1890 is partly due to the fact that the census of 1870 was grossly deficient in the Southern States, the true population in 1870, as estimated by the officials of the Eleventh Census (1890), being 39,818,449, instead of 38,558,371. Using this corrected figure, the increases for the last four decades would be as follows : Years. Increase. Number. Per Cent. 1860 to 1870 8,375.128 io,337,334 12,466,467 i3, 2 33>63i 26.64 25.96 24.86 2I.OO 1870 to 1880 .... 1880 to 1890 1890 to 1900 Sociologically considered, the absolute population is less important than the origin of the people. The relative influ- ence of natives and of immigrants upon the increase of popu- lation since the decade 1850-60 can be approximately shown by determining the proportion of the total increase found, re- spectively, among the native and foreign-born elements of the population as follows : Years. Per cent of Total Increase assignable to Native and Foreign Born. Native Born. Foreign Born. i8t;o to 1860 . 77-05 8294 89.24 79-39 91.30 22.95 17.06 10.76 20.61 8.70 1860 to 18^0 1870 to 1880 1880 to 1890 . . . 1890 to 1900 24 Population of the United States. [ 10 The changes in the proportionate in- crease or decrease of the native and foreign-born elements of our population at each decade, as shown in the above table, are readily explained when it is considered that for the decades 1850 to 1880 the number of immigrants varied but slightly, while from 1880 to 1890 their number was very nearly doubled, being 2,598,214 from 1850 to 1860, 2,314,824 from 1860 to 1870, 2,812,191 from 187010 1880,5,246,613 from 1880 to 1890, and 3,687, 564 from 189010 1900. The resulting problems have plainly grown more serious of late /ears. 11. Rate of Increase by Sections. As a further basis of a study of soci- ology in America, it is necessary to know how far this remarkable increase is a general movement through the country, and how far there are acceler- ating or retarding influences in the different sections, or geographic divi- sions, 1 or in urban and rural places. The largest proportional increase dur- ing the last three decades has been in the Western Division, comprising Mon- tana, Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Utah, Nevada, Idaho, Wash- ington, Oregon, and California. This division grew from under one million to over four millions between 1870 and 1900, but it still constitutes only 5.4 per cent of the population of the nation. c ..., o E . o 2 "" J^ s l _- GO r-. O O O * r '^ " "1 !II* M A ^ * ' ' >o > 2 3) a, <"-.. H & Number. C; N r^ vO 1 s M > rt o c . ,0*0 ' O '-5 ll ( 00 00 u o %2 o * 11 "S^S - . ~ h S > yz o ^ -^ ^ c I ^- rn O O s 1C >, O O &:^- > , O> & 00 r. Sl'Sl ^"S. S "T 2"^ ^-=0 - _ _ o Q -" c V V .5 3 1 Geographical I O U 'i'i 2 "S i-i I ? o 5 o g u j r: B _ C ri ] Rate of Increase by Sections. 25 In the Southern States the imperfections of the census of 1870 showed an enumeration probably much less than the real popu- lation, when compared with the more accurate census of 1880, hence in the census of 1890 the relative percentage of growth is apparently less ; yet, on the whole, the Southern divisions show a relative growth that compares well with that of other sections. Nevertheless, the real elements of growth can be understood only by looking deeper into the conditions of smaller units of population during the decade from 1880 to 1890. In 377 counties there has been an apparent loss of inhabitants, in some cases due to a reduction of territory, but an actual dimin- ution occurred in about 365 counties, such losses occurring mainly in Kansas, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Nevada, New York, Ohio, S. Dakota, Vermont, and Virginia. The losses in other States were practically insignificant. The ebb and flow of mining operations have resulted in some change in the totals of mining counties, as in Colorado and some parts of California ; and in the State of Nevada, in one half of the counties, the number of inhabitants has materially decreased. The increase, however, in our great western do- mains has been over 33 per cent; both the Great Plains and the agricultural areas of the far western plateau have felt it. Northern Michigan, western and southern Florida, Arkansas, southern Missouri, and central Texas exhibit a growth that is really phenomenal, and the southern Appalachian region has largely increased its population. In southern New England, as well as in the most of New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, commerce and manufactures are firmly established and constitute the leading occupations ; hence the people have to a large extent been withdrawn from the country and been grouped in the suburbs of cities and large towns ; so the population, which thirty or forty or perhaps fifty years ago did not increase in such localities, is now growing rapidly under the activity stimulated by profitable occupations. In the central parts of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, where the transition from agriculture to commer- 26 Population of the United States. [n cial and manufacturing industries is still going on, population does not gain with very great strides. The changes from agri- culture to commercial and manufacturing pursuits are indicative always of a transition from a stationary to an actively increasing density of population. This is evident in the upper Mississippi Valley and in Virginia, where the transition is becoming appar- ent. The areas of the great western plains are being peopled rapidly. This is particularly true in the northern portions. Cheap lands and easy tillage of the virgin soil are making the competition of eastern agriculturists unprofitable, and so the farming population of the far Eastern States is recruiting the territory embracing the rich lands of the West. In Nevada we witness the peculiar spectacle of a loss of population result- ing from the low condition of the mining interests. The growth of the Northwest offers an interesting comparison with the statement of President Jefferson that it would require one thousand years to settle that portion of our country. 12. The Centre of Population. Notwithstanding the large and growing population of the eastern-coast States, the proportionate number of persons in the West has constantly increased. This is well illustrated by the calculations of the Census Office, showing the centre of population. Referring to the diagram on the opposite page, it will be seen that while the northern and southern divisions have shifted little in a century, the progress of growth having been along the 39th parallel of latitude, the rapid growth of the West has carried the midway point from a spot near Baltimore in 1790 to one in southern Indiana, 519 miles west- ward, in 1900. This indicates, first, the additions of western territory from 1803 to 1853, and, second, the slow filling up of the Mississippi Valley. The average movement of each decade has been 47.1 miles. Whether the progress west of this latter point will continue, or whether there will be a. greater variation north or south of the old line of advance, will depend very largely upon industrial developments, although it Centre Distribution. cannot be expected that the westward advance will be as rapid in the future as it has been in the past. There will be a re- tarding tendency superinduced by the commercial interests of the eastern coast, which tendency will not be altogether offset by the filling up of the western coast. 13. Distribution by Drainage. Political boundaries do not always include a group of per- sons all living under the same natural conditions. A juster idea of the actual natural groups of population may be had by considering how they fall within the three great natural drain- age basins, the Atlantic Slope, the Great Basin, and the Pacific Slope. Under the first great division, that of the At- lantic Ocean, as a primary designation, are the subordinate divisions of the New England coast, the Middle Atlantic coast, the South Atlantic coast, the Great Lakes, and the Gulf of Mexico. The Great Basin, for subdivisions, has Great Salt Lake and the Humboldt River. The Pacific Ocean basin consists, secondarily, of the Colorado River, the Sacramento River, the Klamath River, and the Columbia River, and their several great tributaries. The percentage of the total popula- tion, distributed over these drainage areas or basins, at the last four censuses, has been as follows : Divisions. 1870. 1880. 1890. 1900. Atlantic Ocean 97-8 07. 1 96.2 oe.7 New England Coast . . . 8-5 7.6 7.2 7-i Middle Atlantic Coast . 20.8 19.2 I8. 3 18.1 South Atlantic Coast . . . 7-3 7-4 6.8 6.9 Great Lakes . . . no IO 7 1 1 > 0.7 Gulf of Mexico so ^ !;2.2 C2.7 C-l. A Great Basin . . . O 7 O A. O e T..A. v8 28 Population of the United States. [13 More than ninety-five percent of the inhabitants live in the country which is drained into the Atlantic Ocean ; more than one-half of the population live in the region drained into the Gulf of Mexico, and of these four-fifths (nearly forty-four per cent of the entire population of the country) are congregated in the drainage area of the Mississippi River; only one two- hundredth live in the Great Basin, and about one thirty-third on the Pacific coast. The table shows further that while the proportion of the American people living within the region drained directly into the Atlantic is steadily diminishing, the part drained into the Gulf of Mexico is becoming relatively more populous. 14. Distribution by Natural Features. Another point of view is gained from a still more detailed subdivision according to natural features ; it is illustrated by a short table which has been condensed from the reports of the Twelfth Census : Regions. Area. Density of Population to the Square Mile. 1880. 1890. 1900. New England Hills .... Allegheny Plateau 82,696 99-539 54,519 89,920 173.302 254,823 82,807 118,326 4I.7I3 62,195 454,99 l 460,994 296,220 188,422 229,869 112,525 106,549 60,820 84.2 43-2 560 55-9 30.6 22.9 153 55-8 18.9 J:i -5 0.9 o-3 I.O 0.7 4-5 8.8 100.7 51.6 68.7 64.9 43-3 273 17.6 61.6 23-7 '5-3 24-5 17 1.4 0.6 1-3 2.1 7-4 13-9 I24.I 61.0 82.5 75-7 55-2 33-o 22.5 68.7 29.4 19.4 29 2 2-3 2.O I.I 1.6 3-2 93 17-8 Appalachian Valley .... Piedmont Region Lake Region Coastal Plain Interior Timber Region . . . Mississippi Alluvial Region Ozark Hills Great Plains . .... Rocky Mountains Plateau Region . ... Columbian Mesas Pacific Valley Coast Ranges Total (a) 2,970,230 16.9 21. 1 25.6 () Exclusive of Alaska and Hawaii. NUMBER OF INHABITANTS TO THE SQUARE MILE, BY STATES AND TERRITORIES, 1900. NOTE: This diagram does not include the District of Columbia, which had 4,645.3 inhabitants to the square mile in 1900. 25 50 75 100 125 150 175 200 225 250 275 300 325 350 375 4OO RHODE ISLAND.. MASSACHUSETTS CONNECTICUT..... PENNSYLVANIA... MARYLAND DELAWARE ILLINOIS INDIANA KENTUCKY -- TENNESSEE VIRGINIA =E ' mmmm mmmt 1 Mi mmm mmm mmm mmm mmm i i i mmm n i H w ^ i mm 1 NEW HAMPSHIRE, MISSOURI S.CAROLINA MICHIGAN IOWA N.CAROLINA WEST VIRGINIA. .- WISCONSIN. VERMONT. GEORGIA ALABAMA MISSISSIPPI LOUISIANA ARKANSAS HAWAII MINNESOTA - NEBRASKA INDIAN TER. TEXAS OKLAHOMA FLORIDA CALIFORNIA WASHINGTON.... S.DAKOTA COLORADO N. DAKOTA OREGON UTAH _. IDAHO MONTANA NEW MEXICO.... ARIZONA WYOMING _ NEVADA ALASKA ^Reproduced from reports o Twelfth U. S. Census. 15] Natural Features Altitude. 29 The greatest density, as shown by the above table, is found in the region of the New England Hills, and the lowest den- sity in the Western Plateau region. About one twenty-fifth of the entire population of the country is to be found in the coast lowlands and the alluvial region of the Mississippi River ; this population consists mainly of the coloured race. About one-fiftieth of the entire population is found in the desert and semi-desert regions of the country, and one-fortieth in the West, while about one-sixth of the entire population is to be found in the prairie mountain region. The diagram opposite shows the same phenomena in a comparison of States. 15. Distribution by Altitude. Another division of the population of much importance sociologically is by altitude above the sea-level, since elevation much affects the conditions of health and productive activity. More than two-thirds of the population live below 1,000 feet above the level of the sea, and only about one one-hun- dredth are found above 5,000 feet, even though the fertile plains of the Rocky Mountains and much of the region below the Rockies and the Sierras are above that height. Very few people permanently reside as high as 6,000 feet above the sea on the other hand, one-sixth of the people live less than 100 feet above the sea-level, along the seaboard, and in the swamp and level regions of the South. From 100 feet to about 1,000 we find the greater part of the population. Between 2,000 and 2,500 feet above the level of the sea are many communities on the slope of the Great Western plains. From 2,500 to 4,000 feet of altitude the country is rather barren and sterile, but from 4,000 and 5,000 feet above the sea, and more especially between 5,000 and 6,000 feet, the population is much greater. This state of things is attributed to the fact that the densest settlement at high altitudes in the Western mountain region is at the eastern base of the Rocky Mountains and in the valleys about Great Salt Lake, which regions lie between 4,000 and 6,000 feet elevation. The mining operations above 6,000 30 Population of the United States. [15 feet, being restricted to the mountain region, largely located in Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, and California, account for the existence of the population at the altitude of 6,000 feet and more. The population of the country is increasing numerically in all altitudes, but the relative movement is toward the region of greater altitudes, and is more clearly perceptible in the regions lying between 1,000 and 6,000 feet above the sea. The popu- lation is densest along the seaboard, the narrow strip contain- ing our great seaports, as might be supposed ; but the density diminishes, not only gradually but quite uniformly, up to 2,000 feet, when sparsity of population is the rule. 16. Distribution by Rainfall, Temperature, and Humidity. The distribution of the population relative to mean annual rainfall indicates not only the tendency of people to seek arable lands, but their condition as to general healthfulness. The average annual rainfall in this country is 29.6 inches, but the variations range from zero to perhaps 125 inches. Gaug- ing the distribution of the population in accordance with the average annual rainfall in different localities, some interesting points are observable, not only as to the number of inhabitants in the areas calculated, but as to the density of population. The greater proportion of the people of the United States practically three-fourths are living in the regions in which the annual rainfall is between 30 and 50 inches; as the rain- fall increases or diminishes, the population diminishes rapidly. The density of population in regions where the average rain- fall is between 30 and 40 inches is 50.1 per square mile, and is rapidly increasing; in regions where it is from 40 to 50 inches annually the density is 70 per square mile ; in regions where the rainfall is from 50 to 60 inches annually the den- sity is 31, and in the arid regions of the West (two-fifths of the entire area of the country), where the rainfall is less than 20 inches, about 3 per cent of the population finds its 16] Rainfall, Temperature, and Humidity. 31 home ; for large areas of the land are not tillable, except by expensive and difficult irrigation. Many of the conditions of life and industrial activity are affected by temperature. The mean annual temperature in the United States (not including Alaska) is 53, and the greatest density of population, as might be expected, is found in those regions where the average ranges from 45 to 50. Either side of this range the density of population rapidly diminishes, just as it decreases rapidly outside the average rainfall between 30 and 50 inches. More than three-fifths of the entire population of the country live in an average tem- perature not lower than 45 or higher than 55, and less than one-third of the inhabitants live in a climate over 55. Where the temperature reaches 70 on the average, one one-hundred and twenty-fifth of the population finds a home, and the num- ber living under a mean annual temperature above 70 is too trifling for consideration. These facts show the indisposition of Americans to seek tropical climates, even within their own boundaries. Of course, the influences which combine to control the growth of any one section or community are very complicated, but an important measure of the comfort and healthfulness of a region is the relative humidity of the atmosphere, by which is understood the amount of moisture contained in it in proportion to the amount required to saturate it. This amount varies with the temperature ; the higher the tempera- ture the greater the amount of moisture which it is capable of holding. Since climate has very great influence upon certain classes of diseases, particularly pulmonary and throat com- plaints, the question of the distribution of population in ac- cordance with mean relative humidity becomes important. The atmosphere is heavily charged with moisture in those regions which lie along our coast, whether ocean, gulf, or lake. The Appalachian Mountain regions, and largely those of the Rocky Mountains, have an atmosphere heavily charged ; Vit in the Piedmont region, east of the Appalachian, and in 32 Population of the United States. [ 16 the upper Mississippi Valley, the moisture is less, while it diminishes still more on the prairies and the Great Plains ; and in Utah, Nevada, southern Arizona, and southeastern California, the minimum amount is reached. On the coast of Oregon and Washington the atmosphere is more highly charged with moisture than anywhere else within our territory. The humidity is not at all in the same proportion as the rain- fall ; throughout the upper lake region, while the atmosphere is as moist as that of the State of Washington, the rainfall is much less, and the coast of southern California has as moist an atmosphere as the Atlantic coast, but a deficient rainfall. Nearly all the population breathe an atmosphere containing 65 to 75 per cent of its full capacity of moisture ; that is, the atmosphere is from two-thirds to three-fourths saturated. In i Sgo, 1 5 7,036, ooo out of 62,622,250 were found under these conditions. The number of inhabitants living in a drier atmosphere was comparatively trifling, numbering in 1890 less than two millions. In the moister atmosphere were found larger numbers scattered along the Gulf coast and the shores of Washington and Oregon. The most rapid increase has been found at the top and bottom of the scale, and particu- larly in the more arid region, where the population has nearly doubled during each of the last two periods, showing that great areas that are not particularly favoured by the elements are gradually being redeemed through the enterprise that marks our modern industrial era. 1 The distribution of population relative to humidity was not discussed in the reports of the Twelfth Census. CHAPTER III. THE STATUS OF THE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 17. References. Same as preceding chapter. Interesting diagrams and maps are to be found in the Ninth Census (1870), Tenth Census (1880), Eleventh Census ^1890), and Twelfth Census (1900), in the volumes on Population. The pyramid diagram opposite lias been drawn especially for this work. The source from which most of the statistics in this chapter come is the Twelfth Census, Keport on Population, Parts I. and II., and the Atlas of the Twelfth Census. See also Richmond Mayo-Smith, Statistics and Sociology. 18. The Proportions of the Sexes. We have now to consider how population in the United States is divided between the sexes, what are the numbers ot children and young people in comparison with adults, the potential voting and fighting groups and the grouping into families. Of the aggregate population June i, 1900 (76,303,387), there were 39,059,242 males and 37,244,145 females, an excess of 1,815,097 males; that is, the males constituted 51.2 per cent and the females 48.8 per cent of the total population. This has been about the proportion for many decades, but it is a proportion peculiar to the United States, for in most other countries these percentages are practically reversed. The excess of males in the United States is due largely to immigration. Where there is little or no interfer- ence in the natural increase, either by immigration or emigra- tion, wars or other abnormal causes, the proportion of the sexes is usually quite equal, even in the United States, females 3 33 34 Status of the Population. [ 18 being slightly in excess of males ; but among our immigrants, males are generally in excess of females in the proportion of little more than 2 to i. The proportions of men and women have not been invari- able during the last thirty years. The mortality due to the Civil War caused a diminution of six-tenths of one per cent in the per cent of males of the whole population ; but between 1870 and ]8So, 1880 and 1890, and 1890 and 1900, the per cent of males again increased to about the normal ratio of that stated for 1860. Reducing the number to ratios and avoiding percentages, it is found that in the United States as a whole there were in 1870, 97,801 females to every 100,000 males; in 1880 there were 96,644; in 1900, 95,353 females. There are, of course, great variations in the proportions in different parts of the United States ; thus, for instance, in the District of Columbia only 47.4 per cent of the total population are males; in Massachusetts they constitute 48.7 per cent ; in New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New York, and Vermont they are nearly equal to the females ; and in Connecti- cut and New Jersey and in the North Atlantic division as a whole the proportions are equal. The percentages are equal for the South Atlantic division, but vary in the States. The North Central division shows 51.6 for males and 48.4 for females, and the South Central division 5 1 per cent for males and 49 for females. The extreme is reached in the Western division, where the males constitute 56.2 per cent and the females only 43.8 per cent of the total population ; in Montana 61.6 males and 38.4 females ; Wyoming, 62.9 males, 37.1 females; and Nevada 60.5 males, 39.5 females. Hawaii has 69.1 males and 30.9 females. These differences are due to causes easily explainable. The Atlantic divisions form an old, settled region, whence for many decades adventurous persons, in large proportion males, have regularly tended westward ; and although in the northeastern States the places of such emigrants have been filled to some extent by foreign immigration, the variation has not been 18] Proportions of the Sexes. 35 entirely overcome. Had it not been for such immigration, however, the differences would be more emphatically marked. The manufacturing centres of the northeastern States have attracted not only males from other countries, but also large numbers of women, partly domestic servants and partly factory employees. The same cause which has reduced the proportion of males in the Atlantic States has increased it in the central and west- ern States. In the North Central division and in the Western division the differences must be ascribed to foreign immi- gration and migrations from the East, which have tended to increase still further the proportion of males in the total population. In the South Atlantic division different conditions are found to prevail. Foreign immigration to the States constituting this division has been slight and not sufficient to affect the constitution of the population as regards sex ; for the sexes are found almost equally divided in 1850 and in 1860, while in 1870 the proportion of males diminished 1.13 per cent, prob- ably on account of the Civil War. Since then, however, the proportion of males has increased, and the numbers of the two sexes were exactly equal in 1900. The States of the South Atlantic division, however, exhibit some variety. Still other conditions have prevailed in the North Central division. In 1850 many of the States composing it were upon the frontier, but during the last fifty or sixty years they have assumed the conditions of our older settled communities. As a rule, there has been comparatively little migration from these States to other States, while, on the other hand, there has been a large amount of migration to them, both from States farther east and from abroad, the numbers of the immigrants being disproportionately male. The South Central division, which comprises a group of States extending from Alabama, a well-settled State even in 1850, to Texas, which was admitted to the Union in 1845, is a section which has received little foreign immigration, but 36 Status of the Population. [ 18 which has been filled up very largely by immigration from the South Atlantic States and by natural increase. As might be supposed, this division in 1850 contained a considerable ex- cess of the male element. The great Western division consists of States and Territories of more recent existence and settlement. As extreme frontier States they have been in a growing condition. In 1850 this division was peopled with 3 males to i female ; in ten years the proportion had declined to 2 to i, while in 1870 and 1880 more than 6 out of 10 were males, but in 1900 the proportion of males was 56.2 to 43.8 females. In 1900 the least propor- tion of males in all the States and Territories comprising the Western division was in Utah, where 51.2 per cent were males. As far back as 1860 it is found that the population of Colorado included 95.37 per cent, and Nevada 89.50 per cent of males. California in 1850, at the beginning of the gold period, contained only 7.58 per cent of women. These conditions of the north- western States in 1900 were more nearly normal, although in that year the percentage of males in the Western division was 56.2 as against 58.7 in 1890. Family life, the growing up of chil- dren, will eventually go far to equalise the proportion of sexes. In the United Kingdom the males constitute 48.46 and the females 5 1.54 per cent of the total population ; in France the percentages are, respectively, 49.65 and 50.35 ; in Austria, 48.92 and 51.08; in Denmark, 48.7031^51.30; in Germany, 49.20 and 50.80; in Spain, 48.28 and 51.72; in Sweden, 48.79 and 51.21 ; in Norway, 48.55 and 51.45. 19. Distribution by Ages. The ground-work for some necessary studies of factory con- ditions and domestic service is to be found in the relative pro- portion of the sexes. The question of the relative number of children affects the whole problem of education, child saving, and reformation, child labour, overcrowding, the sweating sys- tem, and other important phases of sociology ; so that a study of the classification of the population by ages become essen- Ages 37 tial. Unfortunately, however, when the attempt is made to distribute the population by single years of age, the results are not very satisfactory, on account of the tendency on the part of the majority of people to give their age in round numbers, as 25, or 30, or 35, instead of the exact age. This is particu- larly true in great manufacturing centres, where there is a large percentage of foreign population. The result is a con- centration upon quinquennial periods, which has been noticed at every enumeration, whether in this or in other countries, and probably no efforts of enumerators to secure specific, correct answers will remove the universal tendency to give the nearest five or ten year period. Hence quinquennial periods form the basis of the diagram at the head of this chapter. The average age of both sexes in 1900 was 26.3 as com- pared with 24.13 in 1880, that for males and females, respec- tively, being nearly equal for the last three censuses ; that for the native born of both sexes in 1900 was 24; for foreign born, 40.2 ; for native white population, 24.2 ; for foreign white, 40.3 ; for total coloured, 23.5 ; negroes, 23.2 ; Chinese, 40; Japanese, 26.5. The increase in 1900 is due in part to the loss in proportion of young persons among the native ele- ments, and, further, to the large proportion of adults in the foreign-born population. This rise in average age has long been going on. Just what the increase has been in a century cannot be stated definitely, but the rise in the reasonable expectation of human life is one of the triumphs of modern sanitary and medical science. Of the total population in 1900 (76,303,387), 9,189,448, or 1 2 per cent of the whole, were under 5 years of age. The number over 5 and under 10 years was nearly the same, being 8,889,339, or n-64 per cent of all. The next stratum, from 10 to 14 years of age, ought naturally to be less, and really shows some falling off, the number being 8,091,951, or 10.6 per cent. Then there are found two other quinquennial periods of almost equal proportions. In nearly all other countries the next two strata are much smaller, but in the 38 Status of the Population. [19 United States, owing to the great immigration of young persons, those from 15 to 19 years, inclusive, numbered 7,577,324, and those from 20 to 24 years, inclusive, 7,402,483 ; the productive age may be considered from 15 to 45 ; within this range there were 36,406,108, or 47.7 per cent of the whole population. To learn the number of persons of school age, an arbitrary classification must be resorted to, for the term " school age " varies in different States and Territories, and of course there can be no school age determined by national law. While the term has been used in various national census reports, it is perplexing, since its limitation is not always perfectly clear, some States beginning the count at four years, and others including all up to twenty-one years. In 1900 there were 26,099,788 persons from five to twenty years of age ; this number comprising 21,573,492 from five to seventeen years, and 4,526,296 from eighteen to twenty years of age. The males of militia age, including all from eighteen to forty- four, inclusive, numbered in 1900, 16,360,363. This, then, is the potential military force of the United States. Of this number 13,130,280, or 80.25 per cent of all males of militia age, were native born, and 3,228,083, or 17.75 per cent, were of foreign birth. From 1861 to 1865, out of a population less than half as large as at present, more than 3,000,000 different individuals were at one time or another enrolled in either the Northern or the Southern army, or more than half the available men. The potential voters of the country are to be found in all males twenty-one years of age and upward ; and in 1900 there were 21,329,819, the native-born males of voting age number- ing 16,227,285, being 76.1 per cent of the whole, while 23.9 per cent, or 5,102,534, were of foreign birth. The native white of native parentage, who may be classed as of the Amer- ican stock, constituted 49.9 per cent of the voting strength of the population, leaving, therefore, nearly one-half the possible voters to be classified as either native white of foreign parent- age, foreign white, or coloured. The total vote in the presiden- tial election of 1900 was 13,961,566, or 65.4 per cent of the estimated number of voters. PROPORTION OF ALIENSTO TOTAL FOREIGN BORN MALESOF VOTINGAGE IN EACH SPECIFIED NATIVITY 1900. PER CENT 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 HUNGARY. RUSSIA WEST INDIES CANADA(ENGUISH BELGIUM I m l^BM ^^H mmmm leproc E = ^m *_ ! ENGLAND SWITZERLAND.- BOHEMIA _, SCOTLAND SWEDEN HOLLAND DENMARK IRELAND NORWAY. GERMANY WALES (1 Luced from reports of Twelfth U.S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.; Ages. 39 For two decades, so far as Federal statistics are concerned, one is able to classify the population relative to citizenship of foreign-born males of voting age. The three categories are : aliens, or foreign-born men not yet naturalised ; foreign-born males of twenty-one years or upwards, who have been natural- ised ; and native-born males. The relative proportions are of great and increasing importance in view of the constantly in- creasing body of foreign born that is being added each year to our population, especially as the greater proportion consists of males of adult age. These facts show the extent to which the potential voter of foreign birth enters into our political affairs. For the foreign-born men of voting age the following table shows their status as regards citizenship : Status. Number. Per Cent. Aliens 1,070,126 21 O 2 862 546 t-6 i First naturalisation papers filed . . . Unknown 416,863 7i;2,Q.QQ 8.2 14 7 Total . ... ?,IO2 Z,T.d. IOO OO Somewhat more than one-half of the adult males of foreign birth living in 1900 have become naturalised and are full citi- zens of this country. Of the whole number, more than one- twelfth have taken out their first naturalisation papers, thus indicating their intention of becoming citizens, while for one- twelfth no information regarding citizenship could be obtained. These three classes combined represent very nearly four-fifths of all the foreign-born males of voting age. Over one-fifth, there- fore, are alien males of voting age, but who have not seen fit to take any steps necessary to acquire citizenship. In many States and large cities, especially in New York and Chicago, the proportions of foreign born voters are much larger than the 4 o Status of the Population. [ 19 average. In the city of New York, of the males of voting age, that is, twenty-one years and over, the native white constitute 43.97 per cent, the foreign white 53.56 per cent, and the coloured 2.47 per cent. In Chicago the foreign white voting population is 55.17 per cent of the whole ; in Philadelphia, 33.05 ; in San Francisco, 43.49 ; in St. Louis, 32.14 ; in Boston, 46.03, and in Baltimore, 20.89 P er cen t ; and all these pro- portions would be larger if only men from thirty to fifty years of age were considered. It will be seen by these figures that the influence of the foreign-born voter varies in the large cities. Some of the smaller cities of the Union would show as great, and in some cases greater, concentration of the foreign vote. 20. Families. The children of the country and their relations to the rest of the com- munity are a powerful factor in the next sociological element, the family. The statistics of families and dwellings as shown by the .census offer oppor- tunities for the study of social condi- tions in some very important direc- tions, such as the number of families and persons to a dwelling, and the average size of families. Such statis- tics 1 enable one to answer the ques- tion whether families, either of native u o 8 O OvO * ^ * ">*" T ~ <7\ irisO O 00 O OO r^GO g> . *>"< * re & 00-rjjn^; o a r . ; i'. -r IT, o t^ r^oO ^ o o c S i^inui^- If, & i JSI^5 " 6 i^g.'S s ^ 10 """* 10 8 i|||P o" 1 * ! : fr o D Families 1 > M f. O t^ 9>945.9'6 J - - - -o o' 1 ISr -^rTS 0- Hs? c- 1 - u-iCO CX) "f o ^cw^Jo'^R.I^ KSI^ 00 u5 c O f C ^ 3 3 i, 3 North Atlantic South Atlantic North Central South Central Western . . . United States 21] Families and Dwellings. 41 or foreign origin, are holding their former average size, and to determine whether family life is gaining or losing in healthful- ness and permanency. The number of families increased, from 1890 to 1900, 27.56 per cent; from 1880 to 1890, 27.59 per cent; from 1870 to 1880, 21.22 per cent; from 1860 to 1870, 45.45 percent, and from 185010 1860, 44.82 percent. The population increased, from 1890 to 1900, 20.7 per cent; from 1880 to 1890, 24.86 percent; from 1870 to 1880, 30.08 percent; from 1860 to 1870, 22.63 P er cent > an d from 1850 to 1860, 35.58 per cent. It should be noted that the census definition of "the family" comprehends not only the real, normal family, as it is com- monly understood, that is, consisting of the husband, wife, children, and immediate dependants like relatives and ser- vants, but it comprehends all persons living alone where they maintain their own establishments, and all larger aggrega- tions of people subject to one common supervision, such as the inmates of hotels, hospitals, prisons, asylums, etc. Practically, it makes but little difference in the proportions, so far as great bodies of people are concerned, whether the families are. con- sidered on the basis of the actual normal family or on the ordinary census basis ; for large aggregations are offset by many isolated individuals. It would not do, however, to con- sider this as a rule in small aggregations of people. Taking a college town, Wellesley, the average size of the normal family in 1895 was 4.66 ; but, including Wellesley College, it was 5.73, or an increase in the average of more than one person. The question of the size of the family is more fully discussed in Chapter V. ( 36). 21. Proportion of Families and Inmates to Dwellings. In discussing the number of families and their composition, it is always interesting to study the relation of persons to dwell- ings. A dwelling for census purposes means any building or place of abode in which any person was living at the time the census was taken, whether the abode was a room above a ware- house or factory, a loft above a stable, a wigwam on the out- Status of the Population. [ 21 skirts of a settlement, a hotel, a boarding or lodging house, a large tenement-house, or the dwelling- house ordinarily considered as such. On this basis the number of dwellings in 1900 has increased 25.66 per cent over the number in 1890. In 1900 there were 14,430,145 dwellings and 16,187,715 families, there thus being 10.9 per cent more families than dwellings, while in 1890 the excess was 10.51 per cent, and in 1850 it was 7.02 per cent. 1 An examination of the statistics proves that the number of persons to a dwelling is constantly decreasing, although slightly, thus indicating in- creased comfort on the part of the population as a whole. In 1850 there were 5 .94 persons to each dwelling in the country ; while in 1900 the average was 5.3. In the West, however, there was an increase from 4.27 in 1850 to 5.05 in 1890, since which time the number has de- creased to 4.7. This result, as in the case of the increased size of families, is natural in new settlements. While the general results of the fore- going table are unquestioned, there are reasons for supposing that in 1850 and 1860 the number of dwell- ings was understated, especially in the Southern States. The excess of families over dwel- lings in 1850, 1880, and 1900. both o o c\ 1 q* N o tx m o "-> CO bi> C | CO oo -i- r* ^ Q 1 I o> . w f Q 1 r- o r^ a - o ^r * ^- - ^s EACH ( o c d ^s Of? . * r^ ft t^. H < c/f a, o 00 \D r^. N - D N o > 'M o m tn^- in PHICAL D " ^C CO t^. u-j OC O d f^. hs "^ O *N t^-oC -r d~ * -f < vt, c R.SR^ 00 W O >. C^O N O **"> * (S cT _c 6 - -i- t--\o t-^ 00 ; ,_) Q OC * ro \> ro o W .a d 8^^ 6 o"oo' c5 -" M.- 0- * vD O ; H5 C 1 TOTAL DWF.I, *; c i ( i 1 < 1 < (. i b i 'isls J5 ^2 c ^ . <<0u = mi^ United States 2!] Families and Dwellings. 43 as regards number and per cent, is shown in the following brief table : 1850. 1880. 1900. Geographical Divisions. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. North Atlantic . 192,973 13.88 593,559 24.42 1,042,272 29.10 South Atlantic . 9,261 i-75 79,868 5-77 95,061 4-73 North Central . 23,308 2.56 216,283 6.82 466,842 8.92 South Central . 9>4S7 1.94 73,886 4-55 98.SIS 3-59 Western . . . 874 2.09 26,508 7.67 54,880 6.26 United States 235,903 7.02 990,104 1 1. 06 1,757,57 12.71 The following summary by geographical divisions shows the total number of persons to a dwelling, from i person to 1 1 and over : Geographical Divisions. Persons to a Dwell ng. i person. 2 to 6 persons. 7 to 10 persons. ii persons and over. "o gjj O w " O tfi W> > * V * Per cen Populat V- > i- O. 4J O OH Of B.H 3 i- a. V O c .5 1 D O* euo, North Atlantic . 3-1 o-5 69.7 46.6 19.7 26.9 7-5 26.0 South Atlantic . 4-4 0.8 67-5 51.8 24-3 37-7 3-8 9-7 North Central . 3-7 0.7 73-3 57-2 19.4 3-7 3-6 11.4 South Central 4.2 0.8 68.4 52-9 23-9 37-4 3-5 89 Western . . . 11.7 2-5 68.9 70.4 56.1 1 6.0 27-3 3-4 14.1 United States 4.2 0.8 52-6 20.8 3,7 4.6 '49 44 Status of the Population. [ 21 The number of dwellings having one person only represents nearly one twenty-third of the whole number of dwellings in the United States ; while the population of such dwellings is but one one-hundred and twenty-fifth of the total population. Dwellings containing two to six persons represent over two- thirds of all the dwellings, and over one- half of the whole population. Four and six-tenths per cent of the dwellings contain more than ten persons, and represent nearly one- seventh of the total population. These figures will be found useful hereafter in discussing tenement-house problems ( 68- 69 : 81-82). 22. Dwellings in Cities. Some light is thrown upon the whole question of the hous- ing of the poor by a study of the dwellings in cities. Ex- amining the results in this direction for thirty-eight cities, or those having a population of 100,000 and over, we find that there were in Greater New York at the time of the last Federal census a total of 249,991 occupied dwellings. About 64 per cent of these contain from i to 10 persons, and a little less than 36 per cent contain more than 10 persons. The popu- lation represented by dwellings in Greater New York having 10 persons or less is 916,812, or more than one-fourth of the whole ; while the population represented by dwellings having more than 10 occupants is 2,520,390, or 73.3 per cent of the entire population. Of course many large and sumptuous hotels and apartment houses are included in these totals. The population of Chicago is about evenly divided between the two classes of dwellings, 48.9 per cent living in dwellings having from i to 10 occupants, and 51.1 per cent living in dwellings containing more than 10 persons each on the average. In Philadelphia a very different condition of affairs is seen. Out of a total of 241,589 dwellings, which is almost equal to the number of dwellings in Greater New York, and about 24 per cent more than in Chicago, 231,511, or 95.8 per cent, of the 22] Dwellings in Cities. 45 dwellings contain 10 persons or less; and only 10,078 dwell- ings, or 4.2 per cent of the whole, contain more than 10 persons. Relative to population, 1,128,710 out of a total of 1,293,697 people in Philadelphia live in dwellings containing 10 persons or less, and this is 86.3 per cent of the total popu- lation ; while over one-eighth of the total population, or in round numbers, 164,987, live in dwellings having more than 10 occupants. This subject is one which the public so much desires to study, and is generally so important, that special attention is called to a table, to be found on page clxxx of Part II., Reports on the Population of the Twelfth Census, showing the facts concerning the number of persons in dwellings, classified as to the number in each, in groups ; that is, the number of dwell- ings having from i to 10 persons, from n to 15 persons, from 1 6 to 20 persons, and 21 persons and over. They bear par- ticularly upon the question of overcrowding. From them it is found that in Greater New York 44,521 dwellings, or 17.8 per cent of all the dwellings, had more than 20 persons to each dwelling, and contained in the aggregate 1,871,817 persons, or 54.4 per cent of its total population. In Fall River 30.6, per cent, in Brooklyn borough 31.4 per cent, in Jersey City 25.1 per cent, and in Cincinnati 16.1 per cent of their total population, live in dwellings containing more than 20 persons. The per cent of population in Chicago living in dwellings with more than 20 persons to a dwelling is 17.9, in Worcester 16.9, in Boston 14.6, and in Newark 14. CHAPTER IV. NATIVE AND FOREIGN BORN. 23. References. Same as preceding chapter ; also Frederick L. Hoffman, Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro (American Economic Association, Economic Studies, XL Nos. i, 2, and 3); W. E. B. DuBois, Philadelphia Negro; studies of condition of negroes in Bulletins of United States Department of Labor, Nos. 10, 14, 22, 32, 35, 37, 38; Richmond Mayo- Smith, Emigration and Immigration ; \V. L. Trenholm, The Southern States ; their Social and Industrial History, Condition and Needs (Jour- nal of American Social Science Association, No. IX. 78, Jan. 1878) ; Albert Bushnell Hart, Practical Essays, No. n. On the question of im- migration ( 24) the Reports of the United States Commissioner of Immi- gration, and the Reports of the Bureau of Statistics of the Treasury Department have been used. Twelfth Census, Report on Population, has been the authority. 24. Number and Nationality of Immigrants. The preceding chapters have shown the numbers of the population of the United States ; the physical conditions under which it lives, including climate, rainfall, altitude, and tem- perature, and distribution relative to sex, ages, and families, with facts concerning dwellings. The next step is to deal with the origin and racial characteristics of the people. The original settlement of the United States was made by settlers coming from Great Britain, and largely from England, According to the historian Bancroft, the colonies in 1775 were inhabited by persons " one-fifth of whom had for their mother- tongue some other language than the English ; " these persons were chiefly French, Swedes, Dutch, and Germans. Prior to 1821 the Government took no account of immi- gration, but from that year on the statistics of immigration, as collected and reported by the Treasury Department, have furnished the facts on which a discussion of the racial char- 46 TfTT o ~ Q. o DL z cc O DD Z C3 LU cc O 24] Number of Immigrants. 47 acteristics of the peo- ple must be based. In addition to the immi- gration returns, the Federal census has for many years furnished a count of native and foreign-born persons, and since 1880 has in- cluded also natives hav- ing foreign parentage. For more than half a century immigration has been upon an enormous scale. For many years prior to 1821 it was but trif- ling in amount (esti- mated at 250,000) ; it was not until about 1844 that immigration upon a considerable scale set it. At that time the succession of famines in Ireland caused an exodus from that country, the vast body of the emigra- tion coming to this country, and from that time to the present there has been a very large migration across the Atlantic. It will be seen by consulting the table l O m - 00 a N " . . -I .g . . O. . ;: c j? " C-S ."2 i::!:%.:j:...| c" -S y ii , t; "a -'H >./^ ra >^ S . rt-^ r "c ^-C 1 ^ c ^ ^ 6 1 7 <; 1 Q4. Great Britain, not specified 7Q'J, C76 Germany . .... . C.O47 872 Norway and Sweden 1,250,860 TSritish North-American Provinces I,O4Q,74.i; Q77 676 Italy . . I.O74 6lO An I ^vS Russia, including Poland 8815601: China 71 7, ^86 Switzerland j j>*j 2O4 Oil I O4 8^"? T7T.77O 7O8 148 Total JQ 1 CQ 6(5 C 5 2 Native and Foreign Born. migrants coming from England, " Great Britain not specified," and the British American Provinces. Out of a total immigration since 1821 of 19,250,665, not less than 32.07 per cent has been derived from the United Kingdom and 26.2 per cent from Germany. The United Kingdom and Germany together have supplied 58.27 per cent, or nearly three-fifths, of all immigration to this country. The Austro-Hungarians, Russians, Poles, and Italians have thus far contributed 15 per cent of all immigration. 26. Nativity of Living Population. The general nativity of the living population must be shown from census reports, which have included data on this sub- ject since 1850. Of the population in 1900 (76,303,387), those of native birth numbered 65,843,302, and there were 10,460,085 persons of foreign birth; that is, of the 19,250,665 immigrants prior to 1900 there were 10,460,085 then living. The following table shows the number and per cent of persons of native and foreign birth at each census since and including that of 1850 : Census Years. Native Born. Foreign Born. Number. Per cent. Number. Per cent. 1850 20,947,274 27,304,624 32,991,142 43,475> 8 4 53o72,703 65,843-302 90.32 86.84 85.56 86.68 85.23 86.30 2,244,602 4,138,697 5,567,229 6,6/9.943 9,249,547 10,460,085 9.68 13.16 14.44 I3-32 14-77 '3-7 1860 1870. 1880 . 1890 I QOO It is seen that the proportion of foreign-born inhabitants, starting with 9.68 per cent in 1850, rose at a leap to 13.16 per cent in 1860; in 1890 it had increased to 14.77 P er cenr > an< ^ in 1900 it was 13.7 per cent. The increased proportion in 1870 is doubtless due in great measure, if not entirely, to the FOREIGN BORN OF EACH LEADING NATIONALITY AT EACH CENSUS: 1850 TO 1900. HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS GERMANY 01 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 900 IRELAND 01 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 850 860 870 880 890 900 CANADA AND NEWFOUNDLAND 01 23456789 10 11 12 ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, AND WALES 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 18 NORWAY, SWEDEN, AND DENMARK 0123456789 10 11 = RUSSIA 01234 POLAND 01234 AUSTRIA 0123 BOHEMIA 1 2 A CHINA # 012 01 * DOES NOT INCLUDE HAWAII [Reproduced from reports of Twelfth TJ. S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.] CONSTITUENTS OF THE POPULATION OF STATES AND TERRITORIES; 1900. WEST VIRGINIA . OKLAHOMA KENTUCKY INDIANA NEW MEXICO INDIAN TER TENNESSEE MAINE.. MISSOURI KANSAS. ARKANSAS N.CAROLINA VERMONT TEXAS DELAWARE OHIO OREGON VIRGINIA PENNSYLVANIA-- NEW HAMPSHIRE. COLORADO MARYLAND IOWA IDAHO ALABAMA NEBRASKA WYOMING... GEORGIA WASHINGTON FLORIDA ILLINOIS NEW JERSEY CALIFORNIA MICHIGAN LOUISIANA CONNECTICUT 8. CAROLINA MISSISSIPPI NEW YORK MONTANA. UTAH MASSACHUSETTS ARIZONA.. NEVADA S.DAKOTA RHODE ISLAND... WISCONSIN ALASKA HAWAII.. MINNESOTA N.DAKOTA NATIVE WHITE OF NATIVE PARENTS , NATIVE WHITE a OF FOREIGN PARENTS I FOREIGN WHITE I CHINESE AND JAPANESE [Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U. S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.] 2 7 ] Nativity. 53 incompleteness of that census in the southern States, .where the omissions were chiefly of the native-born element. The following percentages of increase of foreign born of living population during the last decade are of interest : Aus- trians, 124.1 ; Bohemians, 32.9; Hungarians, 133.5 > Italians, 165.2; Poles, 160.1 ; Russians, 132.2; French-Canadians, 30.7; Dutch, 28.4; Mexicans, 32.8. 27. Geographical Distribution of Native and Foreign Born. The foreign-born elements are confined almost entirely to the northern and western States. In the North Atlantic division the proportion of the foreign-born element is not much less than one-fourth of the population, the proportion ranging from 31.4 per cent in Rhode Island down to 13 in Vermont. The average proportion in the North Central division is 15.8 per cent, and the States of this division show a wide range. In the Northwest and far West the proportions vary. In North Dakota 35.4 per cent of the people are of foreign birth. Next is Minnesota, with 28.9 per cent, then Wisconsin, with 24.9 per cent. The smallest proportion is found in Indiana, where about one-sixteenth of the inhabitants are of foreign birth, and in Missouri, where a little more than one-twelfth are foreign born. In the Western division the proportion of foreign born is 20.7 per cent, and the propor- tions in the various States and Territories composing this division range from 27.6 in Montana and 24.7 in California to 7 in New Mexico. The South has had very few foreign immigrants since the Revolution, the South Atlantic division containing on an aver- age but 2.1 per cent of the foreign-born element. The State having the largest proportion is Maryland, where it is 7.9 per cent, and from this it ranges down to 0.2 per cent in North Carolina. The proportion in the South Central division is but little greater, being, on the average, but 2.5 per cent. The State having the greatest proportion is Texas, where it is 5.9, and that having the least is Mississippi, with only 0.5 per cent. 54 Native and Foreign Born. [ 27 Another way of considering the same problem is to see how the total number of foreigners has been subdivided among the five great divisions of the country at each of the past five cen- suses. The following table sets forth the facts : Geographical Divisions. 1850. 1860. 1870. 1880. 1890. 1900. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. Per cent. North Atlantic . 59.06 48.90 4S- 2 7 42.13 42.04 4 6. South Atlantic . 4.67 3-93 3.00 2.6l 2.25 2.1 North Central 28.98 37-29 41.91 43.66 43-90 40.2 South Central 6.09 5-56 4.19 4.11 3-4S 3-5 Western . . . 1.20 4-3 2 5-63 7-49 8-33 8.2 United States . IOO.OO IOO.OO 100.00 IOO.OO IOO OO TOO .OO The North Atlantic and North Central divisions contain a little more than 86 per cent of the entire foreign-born element, and if to these the Western division is added, 94.2 per cent are accounted for, leaving only 5.8 percent in the Southern States. From the various data now presented it is seen that the condition of the several States and Territories of the country, as regards native and foreign-born elements of the population, has been, since 1850, very much the same as at present, the foreign-born element being practically confined to the northern and western States. As the proportion of the foreign-born ele- ment to the whole has risen from 9.68 percent in 185010 13.7 per cent in 1900, the numerical increase has gone almost en- tirely to the northern and western States, and has therefore raised the proportion in the North Atlantic division from 15.37 to 22.6 per cent, in the North Central division from 12.04 to 15.8 per cent, and in the Western division from 15.11 to 20.7 per cent. In every State in the North Atlantic division the proportion of foreigners increased between 1850 and 1890 ; since 1890 there has been a slight decrease in Vermont, Penn- sylvania, and New York. In the North Central division, from 1850 to 1890, there was an increase in every State except 28] Geographical Distribution. 55 Wisconsin, Missouri, Nebraska, and Kansas, while since 1890 there has been a decrease in every State in the division. If we examine particular States or sections of the country some extraordinary proportions are disclosed. Massachusetts, for instance, in 1900 had 846,324 foreign-born persons, equivalent to 30.2 per cent of her population. The great State of New York had in 1900, 1,900,425 foreign-born per- sons. In particular counties or cities the figures are still more startling. In Chicago in 1900 the foreigners were 34.6 per cent; in Lawrence, Mass., 45.7 per cent; in New York, 37 per cent; in Lowell, Mass., 43.1 per cent; in Fall River, Mass., 47.7 per cent; in Manchester, N. H., 42.6 per cent; in Duluth, Minn., 39.6 per cent. In some of the western States the high percentage of foreign-born population in 1880 has been lessened by the increase in population from the chil- dren of those accounted as foreign born in that year. Turning to foreign countries, it is learned from MulhalPs Dictionary of Statistics that the United Kingdom has about 6 foreigners in each one thousand of the population ; France, 29 ; Germany, 6 ; Austria, 16 ; Hungary, 15 ; Italy, .2 ; Spain, 3 ; Sweden, 4 ; Norway, 20 ; Belgium, 26 ; Switzerland, 74, and Greece, 19. The foreign population in London is 21 per thousand; in Paris, 90; in Berlin, 13; in Budapest, 14; Montevideo, 210; Buenos Ayres, 360. These figures can be compared with those for the United States, by which it has been shown that there were 147 foreigners to each one thou- sand of the whole population ; in some large cities there are over 500. 28. Races. From the statements already presented, the facts as to the country of birth of our foreign population can be easily ascer- tained, but they do not bring out the importance of the national and ethnical elements. The geographies divide mankind into five great races, the Caucasian or European, the Mongolian or Asiatic, the Ethiopian or African, the Malay or Malayo- Polynesian, and the American or Indian. The sociologist, and 56 Native and Foreign Born. [28 therefore the statistician in this connection, cannot classify the facts as to population on this basis. The mixture of races, the constant migrations from one geographical division to another, have, for purposes of statistical classification, quite destroyed the old distinctions. The Federal Census Office has experi- enced great difficulty in adhering to the distribution of our population in accordance with the five great divisions named, and, for the purpose of considering the foreign-born element on a broader basis than that indicated by mere country of birth, groups the foreign born as follows : British Americans, comprising the natives of Canada and Newfoundland. Irish, comprising the natives of Ireland. British, comprising the natives of England, Scotland, and Wales. Teutons, comprising the natives of Germany, Austria, Holland, Belgium, Luxembourg, and Switzerland. Scandinavians, comprising the natives of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Slavs, comprising the natives of Russia, Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland. Greco-Latins, comprising the natives of France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece. Asiatics, comprising the natives of China, Japan, and other parts of Asia. This classification was not preserved in the Twelfth Census, but the main facts are set forth on the diagram on the opposite page and the table following. 29. Geographical Distribution of Races. It is interesting and instructive to learn where the repre- sentatives of these different peoples have found their homes. The British Americans in 1890 were found mainly in the New England and North Central States, especially in Massachusetts, New York, Maine, and New Hampshire. A large number was also found in Michigan. The proportion to the total popula- tion was greatest in the States nearest the northern boundary, PROPORTION OF FOREIGN BORN OF EACH LEADING NATIONALITY BY STATES AND TERRITORIES: 1900. WASH WJWftC, OREGON CAL. AiASKA HAWAII 1 BRITISH AMERICANS 1 IRISH I BRITISH STEUTONS SCANDINAVIANS SLAVS GRECO- LATINS ALL OTHERS (Prepared expressly for Outline of Practical Sociology) PROPORTION OF FOREIGN BORN OF EACH LEADING NATIONALITY , BY STATES AND TERRITORIES: 1900. GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS BRITISH . GRECO- CONTINENTAL NORTH ATLANTIC DIV. NEW ENGLAND 71.9 66.9 57.1 34.6 29.2 11.4 10.9 15.4 16.7 29.5 26.4 29.8 7.6 8.2 12.4 12.8 21.2 11.9 1.7 2.7 2.8 4.5 4.1 16.4 3.6 2.7 2.9 4.5 5.0 8.0 1.6 1.9 2.0 5.8 3.8 11.9 1.7 1.4 5.4 5.7 9.1 9.4 1.0 .8 .7 2.5 1.7 1.2 VERMONT MASSACHUSETTS RHODE ISLAND CONNECTICUT SOUTH. N. ATLANTIC K. 2 1. 7 1.5 22.4 22.0 20.9 9.3 14.1 18.3 30.7 35.3 29.6 3.4 3.1 2.8 15.3 11.6 18.1 10.8 11.1 7.8 1.9 1.1 1.0 NEW JERSEY PENNSYLVANIA SOUTH ATLANTIC DIV. NORTH. S. ATLANTIC 2.2 1.3 4.5 5.8 3.2 36.5 14.8 30. 9 18.2 14.9 13.7 8.6 14.7 24.9 17.6 19.3 50.4 31.6 26.1 37.2 2.9 .8 2.1 2.4 .9 14.5 19.2 5.0 11.7 9.7 9.3 3.3 6.9 6.3 14.8 . 1.8 1.6 4.3 4.6 1.7 DELAWARE MARYLAND OIST. OF COLUMBIA VIRGINIA SOUTH. S. ATLANTIC 10.7 3.7 6.1 5.0 " 8.3 20.5 18.5 3.3 27.7 13.0 16.1 11.9 29.6 39.9 31.1 8.8 2.8 3.1 3.6 4.2 6.9 8.2 12.8 1.3 '7.2 6.3 5.9 13.4 6.8 5.3 5.9 52.1 GEORGIA FLORIDA NORTH CENTRAL DIVV EASTERN N. CENTRAL 5.0 4.2 5.2 34.0 6. 6 12.0 11.6 11.9 5.4 4.6 14.3 11.1 9.2 10.2 5.0 50.2 " 68.7 39.9 30.8 52.2 1.3 4.1 15.0 7.6 20.1 12. 4" 6.6 14.7 6.6 9.9 3.8 3.1 3.4 1.7 .8 1.0 .7 .7 3.7 .8 OHIO ILLINOIS MICHIGAN WISCONSIN VESTERN N. CENTRAL 9.4 5.1 4.0 25. 8.0 5.1 6.7 4". 4 9.3 K.7 2.6 3.7 6.3 9.1 3.6 10.0 9.8 4.3 6.3 7.6 15.4 26.4 45.9 66.5 12.0 23.9 41.2 38 1 46.8 23.7 3.6 37.6 37.8 22.6 15.4 6.0 4.5 6.8 16.6 17.6 15.7 12.2 .8 1.0 3.6 .8 . 7 1.0 2.4 2.6 .5 1.0 1.1 2.0 .5 .7 MINNESOTA IOWA MISSOURI NORTH DAKOTA SOUTH DAKOTA SOUTH CENTRAL OIV. EASTERN S. CENTRAL 2.4 5.9 4.8 5.3 19.7 19.0 12.3 15.8 8.7 17.2 26.6 12.8 60.1 33.4 29.2 29.1 .7 ' 3.4 5.2 5.8 3.8 8.8 6.6 7.0 3.4 9.1 10.9 16.4 1.2 3.2 4.4 7.8 TENNESSEE ALABAMA MISSISSIPPI WESTERN S. CENTRAL 2.0 7.6 7.8 9.1 1.6 12.2 9.4 8.2 6.3 3.4 "4.9 ' 12.9 28.0 9.9 5.8 25.6 50.3 23.9 38.8 32.0 "1.4 3.8 2.6 5.3 3.8 2.0 6.8 9.1 26.3 8.6 46.7 6.8 16.4 2.3 3.6 5.2 2.4 4.0 2.0 41.2 LOUISIANA INDIAN TERRITORY OKLAHOMA TEXAS WESTERN DIVISION^ ROCKY MOUNTAIN 20.6 11.9 7.2 10.7 5.6 14.1 6.6 9.1 11.1 5.1 17.1 22.2 24.4 21.6 11.0 17.9 17.8 19.7 24.7 14.4 14.5 22.8 17.2 15.3 2.5 1.6 1.2 2.9 4.9 1.5 4.2 4.4 7.0 8.9 7.3 10.0 13.1 12.5 2.9 52.6 IDAHO WYOMING COLORADO NEW MEXICO 5.2 2.5 10.2 4.8 2.8 14.1 "8.6 44.9 15.3 7.4 8.6 16.2 2.7 34.0 6.6 .7 .4 .6 4.3 2.4 19.4 66.3 4.4 17.7 ARIZONA NEVADA PACIFIC 1fl. 2 11.4 8.1 6.5 6.4 12.1 14.0 12.7 12.9 19.6 26.6 24.7 23.6 13.7 7.8 3.3 3.8 1.6 3. 1 3.2 13.2 11.7 22.2 19.6 WASHINGTON OREGON OUTLYING DIST. 15.8 .4 5.3 .2 8.0 1.3 10.9 1.6 23.3 .5 2.0 .2 4.7 7.6 33.0 88.2 HAWA,, 29] Distribution by Races. 57 particularly in North Dakota, New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Michigan, Rhode Island, Maine, and Vermont. The Irish were found mainly in the North Atlantic division, and to a certain extent in some of the States of the North Central and Western divisions ; and in the proportion which the Irish bore to the whole population the conditions were somewhat similar, the largest percentage being found in the North Atlantic States, the concentration being greatest in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, while New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania come next in the order named. The British, comprising the natives of England, Scotland, and Wales, are found in the greatest numbers in the North Atlantic division, there being a larger number in Pennsylvania and New York than in any of the other States. The British appear to be widely dispersed over the whole country outside of the South Atlantic and South Central divisions, the largest per cent of the total population being found in the Western division, nearly 9 per cent of the entire number of inhabi- tants of Utah and more than 5 per cent of the inhabitants of Wyoming belonging to the group. The Teutons consist almost entirely of Germans, the other contributing nationalities being relatively of slight importance. These people were found in 1900 in large bodies in New York, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey, and also in the eastern States of the North Central division, mainly in Illinois, Ohio, and Wisconsin. Considering them in proportion to the total population, they were found more largely in Wisconsin, where they comprised less than one-eighth of the population of the State. They made up about one-fourteenth of the population of Minnesota, Illinois, and New York, while in every one of the North Atlantic and North Central States outside of New England they comprised a marked proportion of the whole population. The Scandinavians, comprising Norwegians, Swedes, and Danes, were found to have made their homes in considerable 58 Native and Foreign Born. [ 29 numbers in Minnesota, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Iowa in the North Central division. Their proportion to the total popula- tion is found to be most marked in the North Central division, and next in degree in the Western division. In Minnesota they constituted one-seventh of the entire population. In North Dakota they constituted somewhat more than one-seventh of the population, and in South Dakota more than one-eleventh. The more than one million one hundred thousand Slavs were found mainly in the North Central and North Atlantic Divisions. The largest proportions of Bohemians were found in New York, Ohio, Illinois, and Nebraska ; of Hungarians, in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Ohio ; of Poles, in Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois ; of Rus- sians, in Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, North and South Dakota. The strangers coming from the Greco-Latin nations France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Greece were variously located, the largest proportions of French being found in New York, Pennsylvania, and California, and the Italians in Massa- chusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Louisiana, and California. The Spanish, Portu- guese, and Greek contingents were not particularly important. The Asiatics were almost entirely from China, and were found principally in the Western division, comparatively few having spread to other States. The largest proportions rela- tive to population were found in California and Oregon. In the eastern part of the United States their numbers and pro- portions are insignificant. As shown by the statements in this chapter relating to the proportion of the foreign-born in different parts of the country, the question might be asked how far immigrants have re- mained in the East or sought the West for their habitations. Climate has had much to do with it ; business, habits, and occupations have contributed more, perhaps, than any other single influence in directing the course of the settlement of the foreign-born. Immigrants, in the earlier years of their coming to this country, very naturally avoided the Southern 30] Parent Nativity. 59 States, although they might have been much richer in natural resources ; they did not care to compete with slave labour, and they would settle oftentimes on cheerless prairies of the West rather than in the fertile fields of the South. This, of course, is true of those who desired to settle upon farms. A large proportion of recent immigrants are labourers, while formerly they were mechanics. These very naturally sought the local- ities where mechanical industries prevailed, and they have either remained in the great manufacturing centres East, or sought like centres in the Middle and Western States. Cli- mate, forms of labour, occupation, the location of old-country friends and neighbours, and many other influences have di- rected the distribution of the foreign-born element of our population. 30. Parent Nativity. The consideration of the foreign element in our population so far has been confined to the people of foreign birth only. Until the census of 1870 no effort was made to determine the proportion of foreign parentage in the total population ; that is to say, the number of persons, whether themselves of native or foreign birth, who had either one or both parents foreign born. The census of 1870 disclosed the fact that while the total number of foreign born was 5,667,229, the whole number of persons of foreign parentage was 10,892,015, which consti- tuted 28.25 P er cen t f tne total population at that time. There were only a few cases born in foreign countries of par- ents who were both native American born. In 1880, though the results were only approximately cor- rect, it appears that out of the total population of 50,155,783, there were 14,922,744, or 29.75 per cent, who had either one or both parents foreign born, of whom 6,646,691 were foreign- ers. In the general results arrived at in 1890 there are some variations of classification, but the enumeration shows that 20,676,046, or 33.02 per cent of the total population were of foreign parentage. In 1900, 26,198,939 (10,460,085 being 60 Native and Foreign Born. [ 30 of foreign birth), or 34.3 per cent of the total population (76,303,387) were of foreign parentage. The conclusion, then, is that more than one-third of the total population of the United States in 1900 was either born abroad or had parents (one or both) born abroad. The percentages of persons of foreign birth or parentage in some States are very remarkable. In the North Atlantic division it was 51.1 per cent of the total population ; in Mas- sachusetts, 62.3 per cent; in Rhode Island, 64.2 per cent, and in New York, 59.4 per cent. In the South Atlantic division the foreign-born and children of foreign parentage range from 23 in Maryland to .7 of i per cent in North Carolina, but average only 5.9 per cent of the total popula- tion. The North Central division has 44.2 per cent, ranging from 77.5 in North Dakota to 20.1 in Indiana. The South Central division has but 7.6 per cent, ranging from 15.5 in Texas to 1.8 per cent in Mississippi. In the Western division 47.6 per cent of the population is of foreign birth or of foreign parentage, the highest percentage being found in Utah, 61.2 per cent, and the lowest in New Mexico, 16.2 per cent. 31. Population according to Colour. The distribution of the population relative to colour consti- tutes a valuable feature of any sociological study of the people. Out of a total population of 76,303,387 in 1900 the persons of negro descent numbered 8,840,789. In addition to these, there were in the United States proper 89,863 Chinese as against 107,488 in 1890, and 24,326 Japanese as against 2,039 m 1890. These, with the Indians (266,760), make a total coloured element, excluding Hawaii, of 9,241,738, and in- cluding Hawaii, 9,312,599, or less than one-eighth of the whole population. The relative proportion of negroes and whites is a factor of great importance in the conditions of Southern agriculture and manufactures. The following table gives the statistics for the United States since 1790. The returns of 1870 are known to be very defective : NEGRO POPULATION, BY STATES AND TERRITORIES: 1900. GEORGIA MISSISSIPPI.. . ALABAMA S. CAROLINA VIRGINIA LOUISIANA ... N. CAROLINA. TEXAS TENNESSEE.... ARKANSAS KENTUCKY... . MARYLAND. ... 1 2 HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS 3456789 10 FLORIDA Ml MISSOURI PENNSYLVANIA Ml 1 NEW YORK OHIO MMBB HHH* BMBi DIST. OF COL. ILLINOIS SBHMC NEW JERSEY mtmm INDIANA B KANSAS 9BBB WEST VIRGINIA INDIAN TER. .. MASS I DELAWARE.... OKLAHOMA.. MICHIGAN CONNECTICUT IOWA _ CALIFORNIA RHODE ISLANP COLORADO. . 1 NEBRASKA... . 1 MINNESOTA .. 1 WISCONSIN.... 1 WASHINGTON 1 ARIZONA 1 NEW MEXICO. 1 MONTANA 1 MAINE 1 OREGON 1 Note : States and territories having a negro population of less than 1000 are not shown. (Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U.S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociolgy.) 3'] Colour. 61 White. Negro. 1 Census Years. Number. Per cent of Total. Increase in Per cent. Number. Percent of Total. Increase in Per cent. 1790 3,172,006 ' 80.73 757,208 19.27 1800 4,306,446 8I.I2 3576 1,002,037 18.88 3 2 -33 1810 5,862,073 80.97 36.12 I,377,8o8 19.03 37-5 1820 7,862,166 81.61 34-12 1,771,656 18.39 28.59 1830 1, 537.378 81.90 34-03 2,328,642 I8.IO 3 r -44 1840 14,195,805 83.16 34-7 2 2,873.648 16.84 23.40 1850 19,553,068 84.31 37-74 3,638,808 15.69 26.63 1860 26,922,537 85.62 3769 4,441,830 '4-'3 22.07 1870 33,5 8 9,377 87.11 24.76 4,880,009 12.66 9.86 1880 43,402,970 86.54 29.22 6,580,793 13.12 3485 1890 54,983,890 87.80 26.68 7,470,040 ii 93 I3-5 1 1900 66,990,788 87.80 21.40 8,840,789 1 1. 60 18.10 1 Includes all persons of negro descent. In the foregoing table the few Japanese, Chinese, and civi- lised Indians are included with negroes up to 1860; from 1860 they are entirely omitted. The numbers themselves are so small as not materially to interfere with any conclusions that may be drawn from the table. It shows that the proportion of persons of negro descent has diminished during each census period, with the exception of 1 800-10. The negro element in 1790 constituted nearly one-fifth, and in 1900 less than one-eighth of the population. Discarding the erroneous figures of 1870, the conclusion is that, with the exception of the decade from 1800 to 1810, the increase of the white population has been at a greater rate than that of the negro in every case ; during the period from 1890 to 1900 the increase was 21.4 for whites and 18.1 for negroes. The greater sociological effects of the negro population in the South are easily seen by an examination of the facts tabu- lated on next page. In the North Atlantic, the North Central, and Western divisions the proportion of the negro element has always been trifling, and has, till late years, rather tended to decrease than to increase. Missouri is the only State in these groups that has ever contained any notable proportion of the negro element, 62 Native and Foreign Born. [ 31 and here the proportion has di- minished almost continuously from 13.20 per cent in 1850 to 5.2 per cent in 1900. Practically the negro element of the country is found in the South Atlantic and South Central divisions, the pro- portions being almost precisely the same in the South Atlantic division in 1790 as in 1900, while in the South Central division it has in- creased from 14.92 per cent in 1790 to 29.8 per cent in 1900. The number of Chinese in the country has decreased from 107,488 in 1890 to 89,863 (ex- cluding Alaska and Hawaii) in 1900. The number in the West- ern division in the latter year was 67,729 ; in 1890 it was 96,844. Of the total number of Chinese in the country in 1900, a little over two-thirds were living in California and Oregon, the remainder being scattered over the country. In ad- dition to the numbers stated, there were in Alaska 3,1 1 6 and in Hawaii 25,767, making the total Chinese population of the United States and Territories 119,050. The Japanese in the United States proper num- bered 24,326 in 1900, while in 1890 there were only 2,039; they are found in the largest numbers in the Western division. In addition to these there are in Alaska 279 and in Hawaii 61,111 Japanese. i to 35*1? NO " _": > N o^ r>. tv co *r r^ a* 4- g, hi to inx> & rLoo M vC O o> $ O r^ O -f O rn T- O^ ft OO s r^. rS 6 to 00 t^. *** ^o* V $ O^O CO \C "" ro N O - N co - r^.vC " O^vO C^NO s vO 00 6 \O t^ O ""> * VOC - N \O ^D o' % r- N * O - oo 1 00 M l^ in - O^O C^^O C 1 - ^ 00 . i- n- ^ o' ^ t^ N. 8 ^C^(N Jft * ^^ oo"-c o? \D C^\O C'^ CC 00 c |M ^- t>* *- o ^ t^ t-^. i^O ^C 1 J 6 - O N * O " ^ S *O ro C 1 tr> M ?) * CO O t-*. 10 C- ^- '(. c ) ) 5 3 3 > ? j North Atlantic Division South Atlantic Division North Central Division South Central Division Western Division in c u c t) H COMPOSITION OF THE POPULATION OF STATES AND TERRITORIES INCLUDING RESIDENT NATIVES, NATIVE IMMIGRANTS AND FOREIGN BORN, WITH PER CENT OF NATIVE EMIGRANTS: 1900 PER CENT 10 20 SO 4Q 50 60 70 80 SO 10 20 3O 8. CAROLINA N.CAROLINA ... VIRGINIA.... GEORGIA KENTUCKY ALABAMA TENNESSEE MISSISSIPPI LOUISIANA MAINE MARYLAND WEST VIRGINIA OHIO PENNSYLVANIA. INDIANA NEW MEXICO... - VERMONT DELAWARE TEXAS NEW YORK UTAH ..- MISSOURI FLORIDA ARKANSAS WISCONSIN MICHIGAN ILLINOIS IOWA NEW HAMPSHIRE. CONNECTICUT.. NEW JERSEY... MASSACHUSETTS MINNESOTA RHODE ISLAND. ALASKA CALIFORNIA NEBRASKA. DIS. OFCOLUMBI ARIZONA KANSAS NEVADA S.DAKOTA OREGON. HAWAII INDIAN TER N.DAKOTA IDAHO COLORADO MONTANA WASHINGTON... WYOMING OKLAHOMA. l^\x^3 RESIDENT NATIVES ! NATIVE IMMIGRANTS UH NATIVE EMIGRANTS [Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U. S. Census, foi Outline of Practical Sociology.] 32] Internal Migrations. 63 32. Internal Migrations. The migration of the people among the States constitutes an interesting question in connection with our population. A few facts may illustrate the constant change in geographical dis- tribution. The native-born population of the United States in 1900 numbered 65,843,302, and constituted 86.3 per cent of the total population. Out of these only 51,979,651, or 79 per cent, or about three-fourths, were born in the State or Terri- tory where they were living that year, while 13,787,800 native born came from other parts of the United States ; adding this latter number to the 10,460,085 foreign born, we have 24,247,885 transplanted persons. When we consider the movement from country to city in the same State, it is safe to assert that less than a third of the Americans are living out of connection with the place where they were born. The proportion of stay-at-homes among natives was, in the North Atlantic division of States, 86.3 per cent; ranging from 93.2 in Maine to 72.7 in Rhode Island. In the South Atlantic division the proportion was 89.1, varying from 95.9 in South Carolina to 46.4 in the District of Columbia. In the North Central division the proportions ranged from 86.2 per cent in Ohio to 46.9 in Kansas, with an average of 73.6. In the South Central division the proportion was 78.5. Nearly nine-tenths of the native-born persons living in Ken- tucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana were natives of those States ; while in Texas and Arkansas the per- centages were 70.8 and 65.5 respectively. In Oklahoma but 1 6. 6 per cent of its native-born population were natives of that Territory, and they consisted mainly of young persons born within the limits of that portion of the Indian Territory now known as Oklahoma, and open to settlement just prior to the census enumeration in June, 1890. The States and Territories comprising the Western division with the exception of New Mexico and Utah, contained in 64 Native and Foreign Born. [ 32 1890 the smallest percentages of natives of the State or Terri- tory where enumerated ; in New Mexico 78.8 per cent, and in Utah 81.6 per cent; while the smallest percentages were 26 in Wyoming, and 32.7 in Washington, and 50.4 for the division as a whole. In the eastern States there was not much change in these conditions between 1890 and 1900; for the native-born ele- ments of the population are not subject to violent fluctuation. The proportion in more recently settled States, however, in- creased during the ten years between the last two enumerations. The percentage of persons born in the State where enumerated in 1900, for the whole country, varied only about one-half of one per cent from the percentage of 1890. The coloured people wander less than the white, for 84.1 per cent of them live in their native State, against 78.2 per cent for the white. In the South Central division the percentages of white and coloured who were born in the State where enumerated were about the same as for the country at large, except that in 1880 the percentage of coloured was only 79.56 as against 84.02 for the whole country. PART II. CHAPTER V. SOCIAL UNITS. 33. References. Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Vol. I. (as to size of families) ; Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, II. book n, ch. v. ; Sir Henry Maine, Ancient Law, 163, 165 ; Eleventh Census, Report on Churches (1890) ; H. K. Carroll, The Religious Forces of the United States ; ^Samuel W. Dike, Problems of the Family (in Century, XVII. 385, January, 1890, N. S.) ; Daniel Dorchester, Problem of Religious Progress; Charles F. Thwing, 7Vie Family : An Historical and Social Study ; Grace H. Dodge, Working Girls' Societies (in Chaulauqitan, IX. 223, January, 1889) ; Reports of Associations of Working Girls' Clubs, obtained of Miss O. M. E. Rowe, lioston, Mass. For accounts of Labour organisations see Richard T. Ely, Labor Movement in America; T. V. Powderly, Tliirty Years of Labor ; George E. McNeill, The Labor Movement ; Carroll D. Wright, Industrial Evolu- tion of the United States, chs. xvii., xix., xx. ; An Historical Sketch of the Knights of Labor, and The Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers (in Quarterly Journal of Economics, I. 136, January, 1887, VII. 400, July, 1893, and November, 1891); Sidney and Beatrice Webb, His- tory of Trade Unionism ; Mary S. Fergusson, Boarding Homes and Clubs for Working Women (in United States Department of Labour, Bulletin, No. 15) ; Maud Stanley Clubs for Working Girls (in Nineteenth Century, XXV. 73, January, 1889); Albert Shaw, A Model Working-Girls' Club (in Scribner's Magazine, XI. 169, February, 1892) ; Mrs. Croly, The History of the Women's Club Movement in America ; Ellen M. Henrotin, The Attitude of Women's Clubs toivards Social Economics (in U. S. Dept. of Labour, Bulletin, No. 23) ; Address of William J. Tucker, at Second National Convention of Working Girls' Clubs at Boston, 1894 (obtained of Miss O. M. E. Rowe); Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I. part ii. ; III. part vi. ; Lester F. Ward, The Psychic Factors of Civiliza- tion, ch. xviii. ; Franklin H. Giddings, The Principles of Sociology, Book II. chs. iii. andiv. ; Bibliography in Brookings & Ringwalt, Briefs for Debate, Iviii.; William S. Waudby, Mutual Relief Associations in Printing Trade, in United States Department of Labour, Bulletin, No. 19; Edward W. Bemis, Benefit Features of American Trade Unions, Bulletin, No. 22; 65 66 Social Units. [ 33 Emory R. Johnson, Brotherhood Relief and Insurance of Railway Em- ployees, Bulletin, No. 17. 34. Tendency to Association. Every organisation in society consists of individual units, and these units must be brought into some relationship with each other before the lowest form of the social unit can be created. The total population of the United States might be distributed over the area thereof in such a way that there would be no society. There must be social relations the association of individuals in some form and for a purpose before society can exist or be enduring. The individual units are of infinite variety, and by their very constitution that is, by their human nature they seek association, not only for the gratification of social desires, but for purposes of growth, advancement, defence, and social force, aims which the individual alone cannot gratify. It is almost impossible to conceive of a state in which the independence of the individual unit is preserved. The low- est forms of civilisation, even conditions representing the very lowest forms of human life, comprehend some social relations that take the individual out of his unit character. In some cases the lowest savages may seem to preserve individual inde- pendence ; yet on close examination it is found no one lives in himself or for himself. Man is endowed with psychic as well as with mental and intellectual characteristics, and the force of that psychic nature compels him to seek relations with other units. It is this universal tendency that creates social relations, out of which grow all the organisations of society. Many writers contend that society is of itself an organism, having various members, like the human body ; but it is unlike the human body in that the several members of the latter have separate and distinct functions that co-ordinate with other functions, while society, as an organism, consists of members endowed with similar characteristics, and hence of like functions. The body is not made up of a hundred fingers, and has not a dozen hearts. While the individual 35] Association The Family. 67 members, therefore, of the social organism, so called, may have, generally speaking, like characteristics, they are not equally developed, nor are the functions of the different mem- bers of equal force and importance. 35. The Family. Of this tendency to association and to seek social relations a tendency based on psychic force the first result may have been the family. It is not necessary here to discuss the theory of the family ; we accept it as a fact, and consider it as one of the social units of society as it exists. It is more than this; it must be considered as the crucial social unit, "the very keystone of society, " for it results from that happy association of the sexes by which the human species is per- petuated and extended, by which the affections are developed, and by which the interest which compels one unit to protect, preserve, and cherish another is fostered. It should be the purpose of society, as a whole, to protect the sacred ness and integrity of that relation. Without the family unit no other social units would be possible ; it brings the individual out of his seclusion into ethical relations, constitutes him a living evolutionary force, lifts him out of intensive selfishness to a more extensive selfishness, for in the family relation he must live for others, although in living for others he may live for his own higher enjoyment. The purpose of the individual unit in entering social relations and in inviting the force of association is to secure happiness. He may be well fed, warmed, and clothed while in the disintegrated state of the individual, but in such state he can have no realisation of the happiness which comes from appreciation of and service to others. Hence the family grows out of the psychic tendencies of men, and is per- haps the best demonstration of the highest aspirations of the individual. It is found under every condition of population, whether living in savagery, in barbarous, or in civilised com- munities. It is the fundamental unit of civilised societv. 68 Social Units. [36 36. Size of Families. Much is said of late about the menace to which the family is exposed through the complications of modern society ; and the striking decrease in the average size of the modern family, a tendency which seems to be the result of highly developed civilisation, is a source of some alarm. There is a restriction of births, resulting from an increased responsibility, or, more correctly, from a higher appreciation of true responsibility, and hence the oldtime, numerous family gives way under modern conditions in all civilised countries to a smaller family ; and it is contended by many sociologists that this is an indication, not of degeneration, nor of a tendency to the disintegration of the family, but to a better realising sense of the nature of the family, and of the responsibility of the father and mother to bring up well and to develop a small family rather than to neglect a large one. This is very delicate and very debat- able ground, and the facts are not yet complete enough to warrant , any positive and demonstrable conclusion. The writer once stated that a small family well cared for was a greater honour to God than a large one neglected ; the result was a severe attack upon him for "advocating prenatal mur- der." Nevertheless, it must be conceded that if a decrease in infant mortality is the result of more concentrated care upon the fe\v, then the smaller family is more effective in society than a larger one neglected ; certain it is that the average duration of human life has been increased at least 10 per cent under modern civilisation. Such result leads to the conclusion that the health and the welfare of the individual units compos- ing the family are now better cared for and better protected than they were formerly. It is true that foreign-born parents have families larger than natives ; but it is also true that as our foreign-born assimilate with our own population the size of their families diminishes slightly, and after a generation or two the proportions are fairly equal. The relative size of the families of this country is ascertain- 3 6 ] Size of Families. 69 able since 1850, when for the whole country it was 5.55. In 1860 it was 5.28 ; in 1870, 5.09 ; in 1880, 5.04 ; in 1890, 4.93, and in 1900, the latest year for which facts are obtainable, it was 4.7 ; a decrease in the fifty years of 16.07 per cent. The varia- tion in the size of families by geographical divisions offers some interesting considerations. The decrease in the North Atlan- tic States was from 5.45 in 1850 to 4.6 in 1900; in the South Atlantic division, from 5.61 to 5 ; in the North Central divi- sion, from 5.69 to 4.6; in the South Central division, from 5.70 to 5 ; while in the Western division, which comprises the mining States and the frontier, there was an increase in the size of the family from 4.18 in 1850 to 4.88 in 1890, but it is now 4.4, practically the same as for the whole country. In the early days of western settlement, where many single men engaged in mining or agriculture, while the other members of the family remained at home, it was natural that the average family should be small ; for instance, in Montana the average family rose from 2.92 in 1870 to 3.94 in 1880, and to 4.4 in 1900, almost equalling the average size of the family in the whole country (4.7) in the same year. Curiously enough, on examining the statistics for Utah, where polygamy formerly prevailed, we find that the average size of the family in 1850 was 4.90, or less than in the whole country; in 1890 it was 5.36, while in 1900 it dropped to 4.9 again. The States having the highest average size of family in 1900 were Texas, with 5.2 ; Indian Territory, Minnesota, North Carolina, Virginia, and West Virginia each with 5.1 ; Tennessee and South Carolina, 5. The large coloured families in most of the States named may account for the high average, although Minnesota and Indian Territory have 5.1. The population of the West has increased rapidly, and is naturally coming more and more to the family basis, instead of that of single indi- viduals or young couples. It is an interesting sociological fact that at the present time there is no such variation in the aver- age size of the family in the different divisions of the country as existed a generation or more ago. The smallest average 70 Social Units. [ 36 size of the family in 1900 was in the State of Nevada where it was 3.8 ; but as Nevada becomes more densely populated the size of the family will increase for a time, and then will follow the rule of older communities. American population tends also to become more urban in character, and hence a con- stantly diminishing average will probably be shown at each succeeding census. A study of one hundred of the principal cities of the country having a population of 25,000 or more shows with but few exceptions a decrease in the average size of the family from 1890 to 1900. In New York City the average size of the family has decreased from 4.8 in 1890 to 4.7 in 1900, while in Chicago the decrease has been from 5 to 4.7 during the same period. 1 The average size of the family, in Massachusetts, was 5.76 in 1790 and 4.7 in 1900. There is not much difference in the average size of the family in cities as compared with rural communities. It would be interesting to know how many children had been born to every woman married or now divorced. In the Massachusetts census of 1885 some figures were given which showed that foreign-born mothers were more prolific than native-born mothers, while it was shown also that the number of children of foreign-born mothers decreased relative to the time they had lived in this country. The general results, con- sidered on broad grounds, indicated that the mothers having purely native parentage show relatively a slightly greater pro- portion of their children living than the mothers of purely foreign parentage. 37. The Integrity of the Family. Though the decrease in the size of the family for the whole country from 1850 to 1890 is not necessarily alarming, in view of all the disturbing elements which have come in during that time, yet it is sufficiently great to lead to many arguments in favour of the conclusion that the family is disintegrating ; 1 Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Part I. p. clxi. 37] Integrity of the Family. 71 in fact, in Edmond Kelly's valuable " Evolution and Effort," recently published, there is found the statement that " the family, which is the basis of our civilisation, is gradually break- ing up." With all due recognition of the facts in the case, this is an exceedingly strong statement, well calculated to frighten the timid and lead to very pessimistic conclusions. The laxity of marriage laws, the frequency of divorce, the tendency to late marriage on account of social environment, the desire of parents to secure the best possible standing for their children, all these, taken in connection with some phases of modern industry, unite to reduce the size of the family. That this tendency is great enough to constitute a menace or threaten disintegration cannot be conceded ; for individual responsibility, the struggle for a higher and a purer life, the devotion of men and women to the welfare of other men and women, the efforts in the direction of rational cul- ture, are rather strengthened than weakened in the present half-century. There are always people without character or without sufficient character to enable them to support a family within their means ; and their ambition or their disposition to gauge human welfare by bank accounts may lead them into abnormal relations, which occasion disaster to true family relations. It must be recognised, however, that under the modern family conditions there is a truer, higher, more cordial respect and companionship existing among all the members of the family than under the old puritanical environment, in which the children were held in a state of fear, and almost of servitude. Samuel SewalPs children were evidently panic- stricken by their father's well-meant conversation. The child of judicious parents to-day has a real companionable affection for his parents, an affection which leads to the highest form of respect. The real relations of father and mother on the one hand and children on the other have undergone great changes in the last generation. The stern parent secured obedience, but it was a government of fear. In America such relations are now little known among educated people : there 72 Social Units. -[37 is often too much indulgence and too little respect for authority ; but the ideal family government is one of loving obedience, a far more honourable and desirable ideal. The real integrity of the family is not menaced ; the decrease in size may be accounted for rationally, and the family will ever remain in all conditions of society its true unit and its keystone. It is the natural, most 'truly religious social unit, and by its very conditions stimulates the highest social service of its members, leads each and every one to consider the welfare and the happiness of others, and establishes what Drummond has called the purest forms of " other selfishness " in contradis- tinction to the low forms of selfishness. Family life, when lived under true conditions, leads to the establishment of the very best and most useful instrumentalities by which society grows, and by which it recognises the wants and the purposes of the individual units. 38. The Church. One of the earliest offices of the family was in the direction of religious service. The patriarch demanded of his house- hold not only obedience to himself, but the worship of God. Such is still the type of religion in China. \Yhen several families recognised a unity of religious ceremonials, it was very natural that they should combine and conduct their worship at stated periods and independently of family worship. Out of the aspiration for more public recognition of this feature of family life grew the organisation of the church, and as individuals differ, and as aims differ, on account of varia- tion in characteristics, mental powers, and temperaments, the form of church organisation has been varied, and the beliefs have varied, almost as extensively as the varying characteristics. The church has been typical of the individual, and typical of. the family also, typical of the individual in the variety of creeds, forms, and ceremonies ; typical of the family in the endeavour to reach solidarity and present the strength of numbers as a force in carrying out the purposes for which the church was organised. 38] The Church. 73 As the members of a family were of course expected to have the same ceremonial, so the fundamental idea of the church was for ages that all members of the community should be a part of it. State and church coincided, not because one controlled the other, but because they were identical in the persons composing them, and in the authority which regulated them. In the United States there has been from the founda- tion of the colonies a different conception, that there might be various religious beliefs and organisations in the same political community. Hence through the very force of the principles which governed the early settlers, there is to be found great variety in the character of church organisations. The cause of this variety in the United States is to be ac- counted for very largely by the fact that the settlement of the country was by dissenters, so far as the Northern colonies were concerned, and that since the Revolution there has been no State religion, though there have been some State-supplied churches ; hence the inhabitants did not feel bound to follow any prescribed form of worship. The very principles of Protestantism led them into varied communions and induced them to adopt different theological tenets. The governments always fostered perfect freedom in church matters ; and while for many years there was very strict adherence to certain fundamental tenets, nevertheless the shadings of thought were varied, and sometimes very great in degree. The influence of immigration also tended to a wide divergence pf theological views. The schools were not allowed to teach any particular doctrine ; the very institutions of the country were against a settled, fixed faith. The opportunity of inquiry existed, and any man could teach what seemed to him to be right, and was sure to find followers. It is perfectly natural, there- fore, that the United States presents a great variety of religious and theological organisations. As to the relative strength of the various churches in this country, we have no very precise information. In the census of 1890 the general facts were collected; statistics were 74 Social Units. [38 gathered which, if not absolutely correct, are valuable in considering the denominational tendencies of the people. 1 According to the census of 1890, there were 143 separate denominations specified, besides 231 independent Lutheran congregations and 156 other independent congregations; 165,177 different church organisations; 111,036 ministers, and 20,612,806 communicants or members. The number of edifices was 142,521, with a seating capacity of 43,564,863. This number, however, includes an approximate duplication of 2,800,000 on account of the use of the same place of wor- ship by more than one congregation ; but in addition there were 23,334 halls, schoolhouses, including some private houses, with a seating capacity of 2,450,858, occupied as places of worship by organisations having no church edifices of their own. The value of the church property was $679.630,139. One-third of the total population of the United States in 1890 were communicants or members of churches, while the seating capacity of the edifices was sufficient to accommodate more than two-thirds of the whole population at one time if fully occupied. Probably each communicant represented one or more additional church attendants. The great influence of churches on society at large, and even upon the legislation of the country, must be recognised. While the Federal constitution and most of the State consti- tutions do not recognize any church organisation, or even the existence of God, they are, nevertheless, framed on the basis of a Christian government ; in fact, a constitutional State must be a Christian State, and while, as we have seen, there is a great variety of denominational orders and many phases of theological belief, the people as a whole are ready to co- operate on the great essential features of a religious life, and this co-operation is reflected in marked degree in the constitu- tions and laws of the country. 1 Report on Churches, Eleventh Census ; church statistics for the Twelfth not yet collected. 39] Church Government. 75 39. Church Government. There is great variety in the form of church government, ranging from the hierarchical form of the Catholic Church to the free and independent methods adopted by Congregational churches ; in some cases two religious bodies having substan- tially the same doctrine, as the Congregationalists and the Presbyterians, differ in church government ; or two bodies with a similar form of a government may differ widely in doctrine : thus, the Protestant Episcopal Church has an organisation akin to that of the English Church ; the Methodist Episcopal Church has a similar organisation, with much emphasis on the lay ele- ment. The Baptists, Congregationalists, Unitarians, Univer- salists, and many other bodies acknowledge the authority of no ecclesiastical power higher than each single church, though they assemble in consultative bodies. The word " church " and the word " parish " are often used in the United States as synonymous, although a " parish " is in New England the business organisation, while the church is the spiritual body within the parish. The officers of the " parish " or "society " take care of all temporal affairs, control property, etc. ; while the spiritual organisation known as the " church " admits members who are professors of the particular faith of the denomination involved. The term " parish " more generally belongs to the Congregational churches of all kinds, which are found in the East more largely than in any other part of the country. Every church organisation, or at least every important denominational body, has some central board that attends to its general business affairs, such as the dis- tribution of literature pertaining to the particular denomina- tion, and those orders which do much in the way of home and foreign missions have boards or committees of a national char- acter especially authorised to carry on the work committed to them, and acknowledge a responsibility to the church assembly. In the Catholic Church the spiritual authority of the church is exercised through bishops appointed by the head of the church 76 Social Units. [39 in Rome, and the title to all property is vested in the same bishops. The Lutherans, while preserving something of some phases of the Catholic faith, have become more republican in their government, adopting a council or a synod for the government of their organisations, although that of the congregations differs somewhat in the various bodies. Usually there is a church council composed of lay elders and deacons, or sometimes of the deacons alone and the pastor, which council is charged with the administration of its affairs. The Presbyterians prob- ably have the most systematic form of church government of any Protestant order in the United States, the lowest body being known as the sessions, governing individual congrega- tions ; the next higher body is the presbytery, then the synod, and finally the general assembly, there being in some instances appellate jurisdiction from the one to the other. The Episco- pal Church has its bishops, and some ecclesiastical power- is vested in them. A Methodist-Episcopal church government is a combination of the Episcopal forms and the Congregational- ist. Nearly all other denominations conform more closely to the Congregational methods, under which each church governs its own affairs, the conferences, assemblies, etc., being practi- cally advisory boards rather than governments. While the Southern colonies were settled more especially by people com- ing from the Church of England, and conforming in their church organisations to that body, nevertheless as time has gone on, the influences of denominational variety have been felt ; so that to-day the same general characteristics are to be found there that are met with in other parts of the Union. 40. Secular Societies. It is very natural that there should be found many societies of a secular nature, and having a very great variety of purposes. It would be impossible to enumerate such organisations; but most of them all of them, in fact have been organised for the pur- pose of benefiting a group or groups of people. There are socie- 40] Secular Societies. 77 ties whose purpose it is to develop scientific and philosophical research, or the musical and literary taste of the people, to secure intellectual or material benefits of all kinds ; for the propaga- tion of special ideas of reform, for counteracting and overcom- ing evils, for the advancement of social desires, and for almost every conceivable purpose for which a band of devotees might organise. It is impossible to give data comprehending all such units. Statistics exist, however, by which the strength, purpose, and achievements of certain classes of societies may be ascertained, 1 and mention may be made of a few of the most important of these. Among the secret societies the various orders of Free Masons are perhaps the oldest in this country. The Masonic Grand Lodges embrace, according to the latest account (that for 1901), 902,601 members; and the Odd Fellows, another secret order, numbered 1,027,628. These great orders have for their object mutual aid and the cultivation of social qualities. The Knights of Pythias, another secret order, has 516,944 members. All these orders have connected with them certain beneficiary functions ; for instance, the Odd Fellows expended for the year ending December 31, 1900, $3,876,926 in reliev- ing members and widowed families, in the education of orphans, and in burying the dead. The order of the Knights of Honour has disbursed in benefits since its organisation in 1873 more than $74,000,000, and the Royal Arcanum over $67,000,000 since 1877. The Ancient Order of United Workmen has paid in benefits since its organisation in 1873 over $112,000,000; the Ancient Order of Foresters has disbursed since 1836 $116,000,000; the Catholic Knights of America, founded in 1877, has expended in benefits since its organisation nearly $11,000,000, and during its last fiscal year paid out over $700,000 as benefits to its members. The various fraternal organisations embrace 6,102,663 members. There are many societies organised for reform purposes, 1 For many valuable details of various societies, see current almanacs, especially that published by the New York " World." 78 Social Units. [ 40 like the Independent Order of Good Templars, with a mem- bership of over 400,000, and the Woman's Christian Temper- ance Union, embracing nearly half a million. Among the religious or semi-religious societies, which can- not be classed as churches, must be mentioned the Baptist Young People's Union of America ; the Young People's Chris- tian Union, with nearly 80,000 members ; the Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor, with a membership of over 3,600,000 ; the Young Men's Christian Association, with a membership of nearly 270,000; the Young Woman's Christian Association, with 35,000 active members; and the Epworth League, with nearly 2,000,000 members. In addition to these there are the King's Daughters and Sons, the Daughters of the King, the Brotherhood of Saint Andrew and Philip, the Society of Saint Vincent de Paul, the White Cross Society, the Chris- tian Science societies, the Theosophical Society of America, etc. Nearly every phase of scientific work is represented by a society organised by the most learned teachers. Among the more important of these organisations may be mentioned the National Academy of Sciences, exceedingly limited and exclu- sive in its membership, and an honour to this country and to science itself; the Association for the Advancement of Science ; the American Social Science Association ; the National Educa- tional Association ; the American Economic Association ; the American Historical Association ; the American Statistical As- sociation ; the biological, anthropological, and many other societies working along the lines of their respective sciences. The literary and historical societies are perhaps the most numerous of all. In all the States and large cities there are such organisations devoted to the work of securing original historical data and developing a love for the study of history. The enumeration of such societies alone and of their publica- tions fills a large volume issued by the American Historical Association. 41] Patriotic Societies. 79 41. Patriotic Societies. Then there is a great group of societies usually designated as patriotic organisations, whose purpose is to stimulate the sentiment of patriotism and to preserve in memory the deeds of the fathers. In nearly all of them would-be members must prove their connection with certain events or prove descent from certain classes or races of persons. Among the more important societies of this kind are the Society of Mayflower Descendants, the Huguenot Society of America, various Irish national organisations, Society of Colonial Wars, and the Society of the Cincinnati, which is composed of the lineal descendants of the officers of tlj,e Revolution, the Sons of the Revolution, Sons of the American Revolution, the objects of these two being practically the same, to keep alive among the members and their descendants the patriotic spirit of the men who in military, naval, or civil service, by their acts or counsel, achieved American independence. Their purpose also is to collect and secure for preservation manuscripts, rolls, records, and other documents relating to the War of the Revo- lution and to promote intercourse and good feeling among its members now and hereafter. There are also The Military Order of Foreign Wars, including hereditary companions ; the Naval Order of the United States, consisting of officers and descendants of officers who served in the navy and marine corps ; and the Military Order of the Loyal Legion, which fol- lows the general plan of the Society of the Cincinnati, embrac- ing in its membership officers and ex-officers of the army, navy, and marine corps of the United States who took part in the Civil War of 1861-65, membership descending to the eldest direct male lineal descendant, in accordance with the rules of primogeniture. The Grand Army of the Republic is on a broader scale than that of the Loyal Legion, and its membership is open to all who served in the Civil War and who were honourably discharged. This order now embraces about 270,000 members. 80 Social Units. [ 41 Among other orders are the National Association of Naval Veterans, the Regular Army and Navy Union, and the Sons of War Veterans, Sons of Veterans, Union Veteran Legion, Union Veterans' Union, and the societies of different army corps engnged in the Civil War, Comrades of the Battlefield, etc. ; and organisations growing out of the Spanish-American War, the chief of which are The Society of the Army of Santiago de Cuba, the Naval and Military Order of the Spanish-American War, Society of Spanish War Veterans, and the Rough Riders' Association. Congress has recognised the military societies of the coun- try by a joint resolution approved September, 1890, which provides " that the distinctive badges adopted by military societies of men who served in the armies and navies of the United States in the War of the Revolution, the War of 1812, the Mexican War, and the War of the Rebellion, respectively, may be worn upon all occasions of ceremony by officers and enlisted men of the army and navy of the United States who are members of said organisations in their own right." The Confederate veterans have also organised societies, the avowed purpose of which is strictly social, literary, historical, and beneficial. The Confederate Veterans' motto is to per- petuate the memories, but not the animosities of the Civil War. There is also another organisation, the United Sons of Confederate Veterans. The women of the country have not been slow in organising patriotic societies, among the most important of which are Colonial Dames of America, Daughters of the American Revo- lution, Daughters of the Revolution, Dames of the Revolution, United Daughters, 1812, and Mount Vernon Ladies Association: 42. Clubs. Akin to the organisations already mentioned is another group or series of organisations known as clubs, chiefly organ- ised for common social purposes, but centres for the discussion of the problems of the day, and often engaged in active work of reform. The so-called " house clubs " have become in the 4 2j Clubs. 81 United States an important part of the social life of the well- to-do, but many vigorous clubs have no property, and their club life is confined to social or business meetings. In many cases they are made up of specific trades or industries, or callings in life, such as the Merchants' Clubs, Commercial Clubs, the Paint and Oil Clubs, the Arkwright Clubs, consisting of textile manufacturers and dealers. All these organisations exert a very great influence in society, and especially in political mat- ters. They help to form public opinion on many important questions, and are a very great power in the country, even though organised ostensibly for social purposes. In several large cities there are to be found the Union or Union League Clubs, which had a great influence during and after the Civil War as centres of patriotic organisation. The women of the country have organised clubs on the general principles described above, and devote themselves to social and literary work with an admirable assiduity and sense of duty. There is now a chain of women's clubs organised in the Federation of Women's Clubs, consisting of more than 3,275 organisations, with an estimated membership of over 211,000. These organisations are taking up many of the practical questions of life. At their meetings they discuss social economics, ethical relations, and the best means of en- lightening, and edifying their members. The working girls of large cities have of late years organised themselves in club form, having for their purposes the better- ment of their condition. They are more philosophical than aggressive ; but they are quietly making their influence felt, and in many ways seek the uplifting of their members. They hold an annual national convention, where they present their views of the social, moral, and economic conditions in their respective communities. In all the present earnest and wide- spread endeavour after a true social unity, no movement counts for more than that of the Working Girls' Associations ; they recognise the principle of social exchange, that every one has something to give as well as to receive ; they contribute 82 Social Units. [42 the priceless gift of the inspiration which comes from the cour- age, the hopefulness, and the joy of those who are reaching toward higher things. They recognise also the principle of social education, for each benefits by the influence of some in- dividual who brings into the group the better manners, the surer knowledge, the truer purpose. They are making unsel- fishness more of a habit ; they give the natural opportunity to do for others, which, if lacking, we are unable to get out of ourselves. 1 Another group of centres of social organisation is in the clubs, to be found in many States and cities, made up of graduates of a particular college, or of persons from a particu- lar State. 43. Benevolent Associations. A very large part of the charity work of the country, as well as the philanthropic and benevolent undertakings, is in charge of societies. Churches, of course, are important instrumen- talities in all charitable and philanthropic work, but the great organisations in our large cities, known as Associated Charities, have undertaken the systematic dispensation of charity, with a view to seeing that all assistance is given worthily. There is a National Conference of Charities, which discusses the best means of conducting charitable work, the relief of the unem- ployed, and every feature and phase of philanthropy, and issues an annual report of its sessions. Many of the States have Boards of State Charities, official bodies which work under the law. In many localities there are Prison Associations, made up of volunteers who organise for the purpose of aiding discharged convicts ; and these bodies send representatives to a national association. There is also a volunteer body known as the Prison Congress, which undertakes to shape public opinion relative to criminology and penology and the best methods of ' Cf. Address of President William J. Tucker at Second National Conrention of Working Girls' Clubs in the United States, Boston, 1894. 43. 44] Labour Organisations. 83 employing prisoners. The exchange of views, and the circula- tion of information about new methods and results in these societies and their publications, are some of the strongest forces favourable to social reform. 44. Labour Organisations. There is another class of social units to which attention should be called. They are both social and industrial units, and consist of the organisation of wage-earners into societies or clubs, known as trades-unions, or other kindred bodies. Trades-unionism is not a new thing in the world ; it has ex- isted for a period long prior to the Christian era ; it flourished under the Roman Empire, and was the basis of mediaeval in- dustrial organisation, but its development in modern times has been along different lines and determined by the modern sys- tem of industry. In England the institution of trades-unions has been longest established, and is most effective, but it is also firmly rooted in the United States. A trades-union is an organisation comprising the members of a single trade, like the Spinners' Union, the Iron Moulders' Union, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, divided into local bodies or unions. Many of these unions are represented in a national body, known as the American Federation of Labour, the total number of members in the affiliated local unions being about 1,000,000. This national order was organised December, 1886, though it had several predecessors, under various names. The great railway brotherhood organisations, known as the Order of Railway Conductors, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen, and Brotherhood of Railroad Trainmen, are the principal powerful unions not affiliated with the American Federation of Labour. The object of the Federation is the encouragement an 1 formation of local trades and labour unions, and the closer federation of such societies through the organisation of centrnl trades-unions in every State ; and the further combination of such bodies into State, territorial, or provincial organisations, to 84 Social Units. [44 the end that legislation in the interest of the working masses may be secured. It is in no sense a secret order, nor is it an order which claims the individual allegiance of members ; it is thor- oughly democratic and representative in its character. It is not a centralised power, but a federation ; it strives for the uni- fication of all labour, and encourages local organisations in securing more stable wages and employment, and in the edu- cation of its members in economic conditions. The usual demand of trades-unions, local or national, is a reduction of the hours of labour, commonly to eight hours as a day's work ; they favour obligatory education of all children and the prohibition of their employment under certain ages ; they favour the enactment of uniform franchise laws ; they oppose contract convict labour, and often urge the prohibition of the importation of foreign labourers ; they work against the truck system for payment of wages ; they insist upon the abro- gation of all so-called conspiracy laws, 1 and of the system of con- tracts for public work ; they favour the adoption by States of employers' liability acts. Another large society or order involving working men and women is the Knights of Labour, organised in Philadelphia in 1869. This body not only strives for the usual purposes of trades-unions ; it goes beyond, by the endeavour to unify wage- earners without regard to the trades followed ; it recognises local assemblies of distinct trades, to be sure, but also admits mixed assemblies, embracing different trades, and represented in the national body. The professed aim of the Knights of Labour is to secure the fullest enjoyment of wealth, which they claim is created by workers ; leisure for the development of their intellectual, moral, and social faculties ; and all the bene- fits, recreations, and pleasures which come of association ; and they have ever been ready to join in any movement which will enable them to share in the gains and honour of advancing civilisation. The Knights of Labour have purposes rather 1 See title "Conspiracy," in chapter xvi., on Questions Relating to Strikes and Lockouts. 44 Labour Organisations. 85 more socialistic than those of most trades-unionists, inasmuch as they demand legislation which shall secure municipal con- trol of various services and industries, the adoption of the referendum in State legislation, and similar radical changes. The Knights of Labour claim a membership of about 50,000. A few years ago an organisation known as the American Railway Union was created, and showed its power in the great Chicago strike of 1894. It has now given place to a society or body known as the Social Democracy of America, whose demands include the public ownership of all industries con- trolled by monopolies, trusts, and combines ; of all railroad, telegraph, and telephone communication ; of all means of transportation ; of all water-works, gas and electric light plants, and all other public utilities. The membership of this most recent order is not known at present. Many labour organisations, especially the local unions con- nected with the Typographical Union, and some others, have benefit features, under which they provide for relief in case of the sickness of members, and burial funds in case of death. In addition to the orders above mentioned there are many local organisations on the general plan of the trades-unions, and including the combination of work people with a view to bettering their conditions. Labour organisations will grow and become more powerful as capital becomes more concentrated, and the present method of production under the great aggre- gate system becomes more extended, These trade and labour societies, under whatever name, are powerful social units ; their stability and tenure depend upon the recognition of the moral force which lies within their power, and the intelligence with which they perform their part as members of the body politic. The similarity of their organisation to that of the political or- ganisations of the country is very striking. They have units consisting of local bodies, district and state organisations, and finally a federal or national body, consisting of delegates from the lower units. In some cases the national body has a posi- tive executive function and voice in the work of the local unions, 86 Social Units. [44 while in some of the organisations, especially the American Federation of Labour, it can only suggest. Nearly every such society deprecates resort to strikes, but when they consider strikes inevitable they are usually ready to aid in carrying out the purpose involved. They are closely akin to the other social units that have been considered, and must be reckoned among the most important industrial and social forces of the time. 45. Legal Obligations of Social Units. It should be remembered that all the associations considered under social units are volunteer bodies. They must, however, conduct their work in thorough obedience to law. They can- not in any way contravene existing statutory regulations, and it has never been the purpose of any of them to override the legal conditions of society as established by legislatures and the courts. These societies, clubs, bodies, whatever they may be called, as a rule, have their own constitutions and by- laws, which govern their membership and their actions. Many of them are incorporated under the laws of the State where they exist, or under federal laws. A great advantage of incor- poration is that the societies become persons in the eye of the law, and can sue and be sued, and hold property, and do all those things which an individual can do under the regulations relating to incorporations ; and the liability of members of incorporated societies is limited by the law. Individuals asso- ciated together, and members of societies that do not seek incorporation are, as a rule, individually liable for the debts of the association to which they belong, like partners in a general copartnership. As a condition of the special privileges of incorporated societies, the State may, and usually does, reserve the right to require publication of their financial operations and conformity to restrictions in their methods of doing business. 46. The Influence of Societies. It would be interesting to know the entire membership of all these societies, but it would be impossible to obtain such a 46] Legal Obligations Influence. 87 result, as many persons are to be found in various societies, thus duplicating and triplicating members. So in the secret orders and military orders many men belong to several ; but it is reasonable to say that, taking them all together, they com- prise at least as large a membership as that contained in the churches of all denominations. The aims of most of these societies are ethical in their nature, and they do a vast amount of good in a quiet way by making men acquainted, by aiding the suffering, and by strengthening the sentiment of common weal. It will be seen by this brief account of a few of the principal organisations and clubs that society is completely honeycombed by such organisations. Never in the history of the world have the people been so fully engaged in organised work along every conceivable line as at the present time. This fact shows the universal application of the principle of association : we have learned that only by organised effort can much influence be exerted in the shaping of public sentiment and opinion. The question is, Will the expansion continue, and will the system be exerted in the future, as at present, for the uplifting of the race? Other countries have worked along the same lines, especially those speaking the English language, but all civilisa- tions at present are finding the best opportunities for individual activity of the highest form in societies which have specific aims. If each recognises the duty and the opportunity of the others, their work will be harmonious, ethical, and beneficial ; if the method results in clannishness, exclusiveness, or the endeavour to propagate ideas that are not ethical, not only will disaster come to the societies and clubs themselves, but great harm \yill come to society at large. CHAPTER VI. POLITICAL UNITS. 47. References. James Bryce, The American Commonwealth ; V>. A. Hinsdale, American Government; T. M. Cooley, Principles of .Constitutional Law, ch. ix. ; W. W. and W. F. Willoughby, Government and Administration of the United States ; Johns Hopkins University Studies (Local Institutions); Benjamin Harrison, This Country of Ours ; Edward Stamvoud, History of 1'residen- tial Elections; E. A. Freeman, Comparative Politics ; John Fiske, Civil Government in the United States, American Political Ideas, and Old Vir- ginia and her Neighbors, Vol. II. 29-38, and 324; Reuben Gold Thwaites, T/ie Colonies, 24, Si, and 86; Edward Charming, Town and County Governments in the English Colonies of North America, Johns Hopkins University Studies ; Mellen Chamberlain, John Adams, 187; Alexander Brown, The Genesis of tlie United States ; Sydney J. Chapman, Local Gov- ernment and State Aid ; Elisha Mulford, The Nation ; Westel \V. Wil- loughby, An Examination of the Nature of the Slate ; Goldwin Smith, The United States : An Outline of Political History; Alexander Johnston, History of American Politics; Anna L. Dawes, How We Are Governed ; Woodrow Wilson, The State ; Albert Bushnell Hart, Practical Essays on American Government ; Schwinn and Stevenson, Civil Government; }. R. Flickinger, Civil Government; Herbert Spencer, Principles of Soci- ology, II. part v. ; Lester F. Ward, T/ie Psychic Factors cf Civilization; F. Sigel, Sociology Applied to Politics ; Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, No. 226, May 31, (898; Bibliography in George E. Howard, Local Constitutional History, I. and in Brookings and Ringvvalt, Briefs for Debate, i.-xix. 48. The State. Even among savages social units are restrained and limited by a complex organisation which in its highest form has many phases and functions, but which in its entirety is summed up in the term "the state" or " the nation." We must not, how- ever, confound the words " state " and " nation " with the word " government." The state or the nation is the people living within certain geographical limits, and though there may be 48] The State. 89 certain distinctions between the two words, for the purposes of this discussion they are synonymous. They represent a body of people having, in general, like sentiments, feelings, and aims, to carry out which they originate some organic law which provides for ministers or officers, and they constitute the government, which is but the agent of the people in executing the laws they have ordained. The State can change its organic law, but the government cannot, although it can suggest changes in the law under which it acts and by which it carries out the aims of the people ; but the suggested changes cannot be made without the direction of the people or their representatives. The solidity and the stability of the organic law, therefore, rest with the people of the nation under most forms of government, while the effi- ciency of the execution of the laws rests with the government, the people's agent. Under various forms the people can change the ministers which constitute the government, either through the action of the monarch or through the elective franchise. There are various kinds of States, embodying pure democ- racies, where the laws are made by the people through a direct vote and are executed by their agents ; oligarchies, where the laws are made by a small aristocratic class claiming to be the legal people ; monarchies, where the government is in the hands of a single individual, whose actions are restrained more or less by the laws, customs, and traditions of the State over which he presides, some monarchies having written constitu- tions which guide the legislation or the decrees that are crystallised into law, but more generally what are known as the constitutions of monarchies are not written but are found in the body of legislation regulating the government ; repub- lics, which are democratic in principle, but whose laws are made by representatives chosen by the people, thus securing the strength of a democracy through the direct choice of the individual units of their ministers and agents, the governments of the various States of the Union being an exemplification of 90 Political Units. [48 this form ; federations, which consist of an association of States, with a general or imperial government which has certain func- tions and powers relative to all the units of the federation. 49. Sovereignty. The form of a State, however, is not the characteristic of most importance, for social exigencies are now constantly ask- ing, What can the State do? and the conception of the extent of the power of the State is summed up in the single term " sovereignty." In every true State there is a sovereign power, which represents the social conscience and must necessarily be the servant of the social will. The most perfected church organisation needs, not a guide perhaps, but a committee to take care of its affairs ; so it is difficult to conceive of a community in which there will be no necessity for anybody delegated to perform ministerial acts. A perfected State will always need some minister of the law, whose duty it will be to expend the money of the people, see that all social regulations are enforced, that educational interests are developed, and that all moral and ethical relations are stimulated and encour- aged. These are the things which the people themselves want carried out. This sovereignty is with them, and does not lie in the artificial organisation which society creates. Most peo- ple would find it difficult to prevent their minds from reaching out to the source of all power and giving to the nation a com-, mission for its existence higher than that which it receives from the individual components thereof; but this idea need not an- tagonise the material source of sovereignty, the will of the people, or antagonise the recognition of the source from which the parent in dealing with his child derives his power, a power from which the conscience emanates, whether in public or in private action. 50. Ordinary Units of Government. In the administrative affairs of the State it has been found convenient for ages to subdivide the powers of government 51] Sovereignty; Ordinary Units. 91 among at least three or more sets of appliances corresponding to three or more degrees of central subdivision. It would be unwieldy and quite impossible for any general government rep- resenting large groups to undertake the detailed execution of law or the management of minor affairs. The central govern- ment is too far removed from the ordinary business interests of the people to warrant any such function ; so under the Roman Empire there were the imperial government, the pro- vinces, and the municipalities, each of which had fairly well- defined offices to perform in the general management of Roman affairs. In France there are the republic, the depart- ments, and the communes ; in England, the kingdom, the shires, and the parishes and boroughs ; in Germany, the im- perial government, the states, and the municipalities, while in the United States we have the federal government, states, counties, towns or townships, and cities. So most countries have various forms of government, from that which is charged with local administration to the central government, which has certain supervisory powers of legislation and the execution of law governing the whole. Consequently, in the various coun- tries of the world the social functions are very differently sub- divided ; as, for instance, public education is in France a matter for national supervision ; in Germany and the United States, it is reserved for the commonwealths and municipalities ; in Eng- land, chiefly for local bodies. It is not the purpose of this work to discuss the make-up of all the various forms of gov- ernments, but simply to show how far in the United States the settlement of social questions is left to one or the other of the divisions of the government ; and the influence of each division in keeping social order, in developing the people, in improving conditions, and in caring for health and general welfare. 51. Local Political Units in the United States. In the United States, as a general principle, the local units of government have no independent, self-constituted, or unal- terable authority ; they are created by State laws, are amenable 92 Political Units. [51 to alterations by law, and may be swept away altogether and replaced by a different kind of unit. Nevertheless, in practice there are three or four units with which the community is so familiar that they continue from period to period, or even from century to century, with little change, and it is therefore to these agencies that most law-making and execution of law are committed. The principal units of this kind are the school district, town, township, parish, village or borough, the city, and the county. We need not discuss at any length some of the smaller units, especially school districts, villages, and boroughs. The school district is simply a geographical division of a town or township, having a committee elected by the inhabitants of the district, whose sole power is in providing for the school or schools within the district, expending in their administration such amounts of money as the town or township may authorise. These districts are now losing their importance, but in the past they have had a social influence which cannot be ignored, and which still exists wherever the school district is found. The village or borough is but a concentration of people within a town or township, usually having no administrative or executive functions, and no officers for its immediate govern- ment ; yet in some parts of the United States the village has a separate government in certain minor affairs. Another series of political units are the administrative districts known as bits, supervisors' districts, commissioners', election, justices', and voting precincts, etc. There are also judicial townships, towns, hundreds, militia districts, magisterial and civil districts, police jury wards, plantations, grants, purchases, and gores. In addi- tion to these, there are municipal incorporations, known as cities, towns, villages, and boroughs, each of which in certain cases embrace one or more minor civil divisions or parts thereof, while some are independent of them and others are contained in and are parts of them for all purposes of govern- ment or for sanitary and police regulation. The real govern- mental function which can be described belongs to the town or township; or city. 52] Local; the Town. 9^ 52. The Town or Township. The word " township " should not be confused with the division of the public domain under Federal land laws, and especially in the newer States and Territories, where the town- ship so-called is simply a territorial subdivision made by the intersection of meridians and parallels six miles apart and con- taining 'thirty-six square miles ; such a subdivision is not a political unit in any sense, but the town or township, as incor- porated by the legislature of a State, is a political unit, although of the lowest form which exercises sovereignty in any degree. It is the general primary political unit in our form of govern- ment, although in Virginia and many other States the county exercises practically the same power, and is the primary unit. This distinction grew out of the difficulties attending the origi- nal settlement of different parts of the United States ; as, for instance, in Virginia the disposition of the settlers was to estab- lish plantations far apart, thus creating by the very nature of things a landed aristocracy. There were no clusters of dwel- lings, hence the county, representing a number of plantations, became the natural political unit ; it had its board of magis- trates, its militia and military commander, appointed by the governor. The county was not a group of minor settlements or towns, as in England ; it was more in the nature of a parish ; it had a county seat, where the courts held sessions, and was in the early days a powerful political factor in shaping the events which led to the building of the State itself; it also had an immense influence over the social life of the people, an influence which is clearly observable at the present day. In New England the town was the unit originally established ; it was made up of settlers who attended a common church, and at the beginning was hardly distinguishable from the parish or the religious organisation, since in several colonies only church members could vote. The town was always a part of a colony, and as soon as the colonial government was thoroughly organ- ised and had a legislature, the specific powers and duties of the town were defined by law. 94 Political Units. [52 The town or the township is probably the purest form of a democratic government ; within the limitations of law it has its own administrative or executive officers, determines its own rate .and amount of taxation, makes its own appropria- tions, provides for the schools, highways, and the police, and does everything that the general law of the State allows. Such organisations preserve a very perfect autonomy, so far as their powers extend, but these powers are limited by their own by-laws as well as by State laws. Their business affairs arc conducted in open town meetings, thus giving to every citizen an opportunity to express his views for or against any pending measure. It is in the town meeting that the officers are elected by ballot or otherwise, as the statutes and by-laws may determine. In Pennsylvania and in some of the Western States the township corresponds very closely to the town of the Eastern and other States. In some States the people of a county may adopt a town system if they indicate such a desire by an election. Mr. James Bryce says in " The American Commonwealth " that the town meeting has been the most perfect school of self-government in any modern country, and Thomas Jefferson remarked that "those wards called town- ships in New England are the vital principles of their gov- ernments, and have proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised by the mind of man for the perfect exercise of self-government and for its preservation." It is at once seen that in the purity of the local government, whatever it is, lies the welfare of the State and hence of the Union. It is to the local governments that the people are closely allied, and to which they look for the administration of laws, municipal or otherwise, which affect their social, intellectual, and sani- tary conditions. In a purely sociological sense, the local government is all-important. The laws governing the primary units have been most liberal, and in some of the States these units, whatever they are called, may establish free public libraries, expend money in laying out parks, erect buildings, and erect, control, and 53] The County. 95 manage their own gas and water works and electric lighting plants. They have been the most potent factors in the estab- lishment and conduct of the public-school system, and by their democratic methods have developed the safest forms of patriotism, and stimulated and encouraged a high order of public spirit. 53. The County. Much less important, from a social point of view, is the county, except in the Southern and some Western States, where, as already stated, it is the usual form of effective local government ; in order of growth it is a political unit higher than the town or township, and although it may include cities, the importance of the city makes the county of sub- ordinate influence. All the States of the Union are divided into counties except Louisiana, where a similar organisation is denominated a parish. Counties consist of groups of cities or towns. A small number of cities are either independent of any county or else embrace counties within their limits, as is the case with New York, Philadelphia, San Francisco, and New Orleans, while the cities of Baltimore and St. Louis are as independent of the surrounding or adjacent counties as one county is of another, each being wholly independent of the county of the same name. Counties are essentially uniform in their relations to the State, but a great diversity exists in their relations to minor political units embraced within them. There is a county town .or capita], sometimes two, where the courts hold their sessions, and where the records of transfers of property, of mortgages, and of estates of deceased persons are kept. These things are more for the convenience of citizens than for the perfection of any system of government. It will be seen at once that the county has little or no in- fluence upon social development, having no independent legislative functions, although it may expend money, like a town, or city, or State, for public highways, an important feature in practical sociology. Counties must be considered 96 Political Units. [ 53 units of convenience, without the exercise of any degree of sovereignty. There are 2,867 different counties in the United States. 54. The City. By far the most important local unit in the United States is the city. In all ages among civilised men the city has been a political agency, but in ancient and mediaeval times it had a position entirely different from that of the great cities of modern times. Athens, Syracuse, Carthage, Rome, Florence, Nuremberg, Amsterdam, were all city states, in which the municipal legislature governed not only the municipality but the surrounding territory, distant colonies, and vast depend- encies ; for instance, the Roman Republic was in theory and practice the government of the city of Rome, which sent its generals and proconsuls to carry its will all over the world. Most modern cities, and especially American cities, are sub- ject to the control of the State, and have no power to make or execute laws, except in the limited fields assigned to them. New York City is as much subject to the control of the State of New York as is the smallest village. On the other hand, American cities now contain nearly one-third of the population of the whole country, and probably much more than one- half of that part of the population which is gathered into centres ; they therefore have the largest number of persons to deal with, and consequently make new problems for themselves. The city in itself is a large town, and is difficult to define by any arbitrary distinctions ; it varies in size and character, but in general represents a compact mass of population, which receives special authority through a charter from the State government, which designates it as a city, town, village, or borough, and which makes special provisions for police and sanitary regulations, and grants certain defined powers to the government organised in accordance therewith. These or- ganisations constantly increase in number and importance, as will be seen in the chapter (viii.) on Urban and Rural Population. 55] The City. 97 When a town becomes so populous that its affairs cannot be conducted in mass meetings of its voters, it must resort to some form of representative government ; this is secured by a charter, as stated, and by it its form of government and the duties of the government established are clearly defined. The chief officials are elected by popular vote at stated periods ; minor officials are usually appointed by the mayor. The aldermen and council constitute the legislative branch, and in all legislative duties they take the place of the town meet- ing and exercise the functions of any other legislative body of the primary political units. In the District of Columbia the county and municipal or- ganisations were abandoned in 1874, and the cities of Wash- ington and Georgetown and the county of Washington, as political units, ceased to exist. The district is now governed as a unit by a board of three commissioners, appointed by the President of the United States ; but this board has no legislative powers, they being exercised by Congress, but under the laws the commissioners have all the powers of executive officers. The usual subdivision of any city is by wards, which are geographical divisions for representative, executive, or magis- terial purposes. Wards have no legislative functions, except such as are exercised in common by all the wards in the city council or board of aldermen, through representation. Cities have all the powers of town governments as well as the special privileges and powers named in their respective charters. The density of population, the wants and necessi- ties of the people, result in a constant increase in the problems with which city governments must deal. The discussion of these problems, however, is left to a separate chapter in the proper place. 55. The State in the Union. Under our Federal form of government we have in the United States an intermediate organism found elsewhere especially in 7 98 Political Units. [55 Germany, Switzerland, and the Dominion of Canada. Instead of one authority superior on all questions of government, we have commonwealths or " states," which exercise a very large part of all the powers of government, and thus affect all social ques- tions. The source of the authority of the States is the same as that of the general government, the will of the people that the exercise of their sovereign powers should be divided be- tween two sorts of agencies. Historically, however, the state form of government can be traced all the way from the earliest colonies. The thirteen original States were, in fact, simply thirteen colonies transformed, and they practically represented the earlier geographical boundaries of the colonies. Whatever sovereignty they had was derived through charters granted by the English government, having extensive and minute provi- sions. The colonial governments exercised only delegated powers, the legislative privileges being exceedingly limited, and exercised by bodies called in some colonies General Courts, in others Assemblies, Houses of Delegates, etc., names which in many instances have been perpetuated. With the indepen- dence of the colonies they took on the form of State govern- ments, with written constitutions enacted by the people in convention, which constitutions in most States took the place of royal charters, although the latter were continued as late as 1818 in Connecticut and 1843 in Rhode Island. The State governments exercise all powers not delegated to or reserved by the Federal government in its constitution ; they are republican in character, and represent the purest em- bodiment of democratic principles ; that is to say, the people of each State elect their representatives, who are charged with the duty of enacting their laws, which in turn are executed by the State officials, the agents of the people. Hence the indi- vidual looks to his State for all those social functions necessary in a well-conducted social organism. In the earlier days, with scattered population, these functions were very limited, but with the increase of population and of cities they have been greatly enlarged ; they have been growing in importance since 56] States and Territories. 99 1789, although the germs of social legislation existed then in the different State constitutions. The State governments look after public education ; they authorise municipalities to make appropriations for the schools, libraries, and many other matters which tend to the education, both academic and aesthetic, of the whole body of citizens ; they regulate the relations of capital and labour, in so far as law is effective ; they protect the people in their relations to corporations ; they make and execute laws concerning the treatment of operatives and employees generally by employ- ers, including the liabilities of each, and in all ways exercise those general social functions which are essential under mod- ern civilisation ; they have the power of taxation, of local police regulation, of raising, supporting, and maintaining their militia force, of maintaining their own courts and enforcing their own laws and the judgments of their courts ; they charter cities, in- corporate companies, regulate insurance, and, in fact, do all those things which the welfare and happiness of the people may require, so long as their powers, as defined by their or- ganic laws, are not exceeded or are not in contravention of any of the powers exercised by the Federal government. Nearly all of them, of course, have a bill of rights as a pre- amble to their constitutional law. 56. Territories and New States. Up to the present time the United States has had no out- lying colonies and no possessions intended to be permanently held under a dependent form of government. The Territories, however, of which some or other have existed ever since 1789, are really temporary colonies. These have been admitted to the Union from time to time, so that the number of States has increased from thirteen at the formation of the present consti- tutional government in 1789 to forty-five at the present time. Territorial government is mixed in its functions. There is a legislature, but the governor of each Territory is appointed by the President, and all the judicial officers are Federal appointees. ioo Political Units. [56 The legislatures can make laws for local regulation, but they are limited in their range. There are still five Territories, which will ultimately become States ; as they become sufficiently important, both in population and resources, they will be grad- ually admitted into the Union, which ere long will consist of more than fifty sovereign States. Alaska and the Indian Ter- ritory have no territorial governments ; the former has a gov- ernor, appointed by the President, and the general affairs of the latter are under the supervision of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Neither of them has a legislature. The annex- ation of Hawaii, the cession of Porto Rico, and other islands, enlarge the group of territorial dependencies. The thirty-two States which have already been admitted since 1789 have been obliged to adopt constitutions under a special law of Congress admitting them, which kw has fre- quently specified certain conditions to be embodied in the State constitutions. By this method the Federal government carries out the provision of the constitution that it shall guar- antee to the States a republican form of government ; it also insures to the people of the newly admitted States all those privileges relating to their social welfare which have been guar- anteed under the older State constitutions. It is an admirable arrangement, under which mutual checks are applied for the advantage of the single State acting under its sovereignty and its relation to the Federal government as one of the great family of States. 57. The National Government. The Federal union thus constitutes the highest form of organ- isation of the political units of the nation. The agency of the Federal union, the national government, has supreme power in certain directions, which are clearly defined by the Federal Constitution, and are plainly expressed in section 8 of Article I. They are, in brief, to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises ; to provide for the common defence and general wel- fare of the United States ; to borrow money ; to regulate com- 57] National Government. 101 merce with foreign nations, among the several States, and with the Indian tribes : to establish a uniform rule of naturalisation and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcy ; to coin money and to regulate the value thereof, etc. ; to provide for the punishment of counterfeiting ; to establish post-offices and post- roads ; to promote the progress of science and useful arts through copyright and letters patent ; to constitute tribunals or courts ; to declare war ; to raise and support an army and a navy, and to do all things necessary and proper for carrying into execution the powers granted by the organic law. Under these granted powers the Federal government has complete control of immigration, and also of naturalisation. While States may make some regulation as to voting powers, a foreigner must naturalise under Federal laws. Congress not only can restrict immigration, but freely exercises that power, as will be shown in the chapter on that subject ( 64). It has complete control of the Territories ; it makes regulations relating to government works and labourers, and cares for the defective and dependent classes in territory exclusively under Federal jurisdiction ; it protects the liberty and property of citizens, even against itself, in fact, it assumes to be the guardian of the political rights of all citizens. Hence the national government in its relations to the people is one of social as well as of police power. As shown in the proper chapters (i. xi.), it has done much to stimulate education by contributions to State institutions, and as a gatherer and publisher of sociological data it stands pre-eminent. The national government is not paternal in the commonly accepted understanding of that word, yet its care of the general welfare makes its stability and efficiency the subject of keenest anxiety of all. With the creation of the Union the grand ascending scale of political units in the United States was closed, and the con- tinuity and harmony of all acting on one general principle perfected. The system of political units, with ever-increasing power and sovereignty, has stood the test of more than a cen- IO2 Political Units. [57 tury ; it has been conducive to the development of the country, and proved the efficiency of its administrative methods and the purity and wisdom of its judiciary ; it has passed through many severe trials, and its strength of purpose and power of self-preservation demonstrated. It is now again in a new era, under which the questions of expansion will test its power and its ability to adjust questions on a scale not contemplated by its founders ; but as it is based on the recognition of the rights of each individual by every other, and of the rights of each State by every other State, there need be no alarming anxiety as to its course. 58. Political Parties. A parallel to the ascending scale of social and political units, as already developed, is found in the organisation of political parties, which are absolutely essential under a republican form of government, or, in fact, under any government which has a constitution, written or unwritten, behind it. The constitution of parties and the methods by which their intentions are car- ried out are so complicated that few really understand them, but the system is based on the principles of our political units from the town to the Union. Taking the national organisation for an illustration, representation goes down to the smallest town and to the wards of cities, where the primary caucus is the fountain of all political purity or corruption. The primaries elect delegates to nominating conventions in districts, counties, and States ; conventions of congressional districts and State conventions elect delegates to the national convention, and the national convention nominates candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. In addition to this there is a perfect net- work of party organisation for local purposes. It is through these channels that people express their sovereignty by direct action, thus securing a democratic form of government with a republican method of administration. The action of parties in the various details belonging to them is very largely the result of public opinion. 59] Public Opinion. 103 59. Public Opinion. The actual workings of government, especially in social questions and in party organisation, depend upon the public pressure for alterations of laws, the public interest in their being carried out, and the general standard of morality. Ideas upon these primary elements of law and of government are the results of the intelligent or unintelligent appreciation of fundamental principles and the agitation of prevailing questions in the press and on the platform. The application of public opinion to special questions is cultivated by public meetings, and especially by newspaper agitation, and is directed to influence legislators, to strengthen the executive officers, to act on parties, and in various ways to bring the merits or demerits of a public question to public view. One of the most emphatic instances of this formation of public opinion was shown in the slavery controversy, when the abolitionists resorted to every possible means of interesting and enlightening the public mind on the question of freeing the slaves in the South ; pamphlets, lectures, newspapers, novels, every means by which the public mind could be influenced, were brought to bear on the question. When it is considered that it is only the people who can change the organic law, and who are the prime movers in every alteration of statute law, and can make the execution of any statute easy or difficult, the power of public opinion as the exemplification of original sovereignty is understood ; and when it is remembered, further, that the means of defence, of development, of progress, of every expansion of governmental function, affect the real social interests of the people at large, we see the close connection and sympathy between the voters and their authorised agents. It is now an accepted doctrine that the State may do many things through its agents not connected with police powers only, and that the government has important functions other than those exercised by the courts and the military establish- 104 Political Units. [59 ment ; and when the individual units of a nation have become so enlightened as not to require police powers, or when its members do not need repression, punishment, or care to any great degree, governments will still have many broader powers to exercise, which relate to the general welfare and which are outside of war and police powers. Herein lies more difficulty than that which attends the administration of government simply for the preservation of order. Then the transaction of peaceful business, attention to the means of transportation, education, and all those things which relate to the feelings, sentiments, and tendencies of the people, will be of greater importance than the ordinary performance of ministerial acts. Under this broader view, which is entertained at the present time, the individual is social as well as political, and his feelings and will must be brought into co-ordination with the feelings and wills of others. Thus the government must of necessity regulate, if not control, the individual as a social unit. Healthy public opinion, therefore, as stimulated by those who have the best interests of all citizens at heart, is a most powerful regu- lator, even if at times a disturber, of the functions of government. Part III. Questions of Population. CHAPTER VII. IMMIGRATION. 60. References. Richmond Mayo-Smith, Emigration and Immigration, and Statistics and Sociology; Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Part I.; United States Commissioner-General of Immigration, Reports, especially in House Executive Documents, 52 Congress, i session, I., II., No. 235 (1892) ; Josiah Strong, Our Country ; North American Review, LXXXII. 248; cxxxiv. 347; cxxxvin. 78; CXLVII. 165; CLII. 27; u. s. Commissioner of Labour, Seventh Special Report, 1894 (Slums of Balti- more, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia), and Ninth. Special Report, 1897 (The Italians in Chicago); Francis A. Walker, Immigration and Degradation, in Forum, XL 634 (Aug., 1891), and Restriction of Immigra- tion, in Atlantic Monthly LXXVII. 822 (June, 1896) ; Immigration Re- striction League, various publications ; Debates in Congress on the bills for restricting immigration, from 54 to 57 Congresses, in Congressional Record (see Index volume at end of each session); Bibliography, in Brookings& Ring wait, Briefs for Debate, xxvi., xxvii., and xxviii. ; Frank- lin H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology, Book II. ch. i., Book IV. ch. i. 61. Religious and Political Distribution of Immigrants Thus far we have been dealing with what may be called, through analogy, the anatomy of society, and it is logical that its physiology should next receive attention, that is, the functions and activities of society, the questions which interest it in relation to its betterment and further development. Per- haps the first subject which should attract attention relates to 106 Immigration. [ 61 those influences which may tend to disturb the constituent elements of society. Above will be found ( 24, 25) the facts as to immigration, in connection with the facts relating to races and nativity. The total immigration from 1821 to 1900 is shown to have been 19,250,665 persons. The influence of this vast addition to our population has many ramifications. When immigration first began, or, at least, when it first grew to be very large, the immigrants found easy assimilation with the natives in various industries. In the constructive period of our railroads, in the erection of public works, the building of sewers, docks, etc., foreign labour found a ready demand ; but as time went on and our industries became more developed, the irritating influence of immigration, so far as our industries were concerned, began to be felt. The United States had been designated as the land of the free and the home of the oppressed, and the notion that America was an asylum for all who sought to come to our shores was advertised the world over. So when immigration became too large in volume, it was very natural that some means should be sought by which it could be re- stricted. Whether there should be any material restriction, and if so, of what character, is the real problem of immigration to-day, and the problem must be settled along industrial lines, if at all. A study of the nationalities represented in the immigration to this country shows that the religious and party effects have been fairly equally divided ; for more than half of the whole number have come from Protestant countries, and the two great political parties in the United States have absorbed about equal proportions of the total volume of immigration. Of course, in some sections one religious faith or one party preference is stronger than another. 62. Industrial Distribution of Immigrants. When we look at industrial conditions, however, a different state of affairs is disclosed ; for the absorption of immigrants 62] Industrial Distribution. 107 into our industries has not been equal. Studying this ques- tion for two periods, 1870 and 1890, the statistics * show that of the 9,249, 547 per- sons born abroad, constituting the sur- vivors of the whole body of immigrants up to 1890, more than one half (5,217,868) were absorbed in the dif- ferent gainful occu- pations of the peo- ple, and this number is more than one- fifth of the twenty- two and three-quar- ter millions so em- ployed. In agricul- ture the foreign born have increased from about one-tenth of the whole number engaged in that in-, dustry in 1870 to about one-eighth in 1890 ; but almost one-third of all the persons engaged in manufactures both in 1870 and 1890, and over one-half of the c < w W o < 2 O W 3 2 ^ w 5 pa CL, en 1 tn W O b O .>. ! c'o 2 . H S OH "- ^00 M CO io8 Immigration. [62 miners in 1890, were of foreign birth; of the latter nearly two-thirds were foreigners in 1870. We expect to find high percentages in domestic and personal service, but it is sur- prising to find that foreigners made up more than a quarter of all those engaged in trade and transportation in 1870 and more than a fifth in 1890. The table deserves special study, because of the light which it throws on the serious problem of restricting immigration. The term " gainful occupations " includes all persons actually busied, whether wage labourers, salaried persons, or proprietors, and whether men, women, or children ; and the relative pro- portions of natives and foreigners suggest the possibility that immigrants come to this country too rapidly for healthy assimilation in our great industries. 63. Immigration and Illiteracy. An argument has also been made on the basis of the illiter- acy of the foreign element. According to the census of 1900, all the illiterates (meaning those persons 10 years of age and over who could neither read nor write in any language) num- bered 6,246,857, which was 10.7 per cent of the total popu- lation of that age ; of these, native whites furnished 1,916,434, or about 4.6 per cent of their total contingent ; and the for- eign whites furnished 1,293,171, which was 12.9 per cent of their contingent. The general average was brought about by the great number of negro illiterates ; of these there were 2,853,720, or less than one-half of the whole number were per- sons of negro descent ; the great concentration of illiteracy, therefore, is in the negro population. That immigrants do not permanently increase illiteracy is shown by distinguishing the foreign-born from natives of foreign parentage ; . the whole number of natives of foreign parentage 10 years of age and over in 1900 was 10,958,703, and of these only 179,384, or 1.64 per cent, were classed as illiterates. The total number of persons 10 years of age and over in the United States in 1900 who could not speak English was 63] Illiteracy. 109 1,471,332; of these 1,221,181 were foreign white persons; 65,405 were native whites of foreign parentage, and. 184, 746 were Chinese, Japanese, and Indian. The number of native whites of native parentage not speaking English was so insig- nificant as not to be the subject of calculation. The principal aggregations of non-English speaking persons are among the French Canadians in the New England and border States ; the so-called " Pennsylvania Dutch ; " the French of Louisiana ; the Mexicans of the Southwest, mainly in New Mexico, Texas, Arizona, and Colorado, who, through their peculiar environ- ment, have not learned to speak English, even though of native- born parentage. There are also many communities of Germans, Swiss, Scandinavians, Hollanders, and French in the Northwest, and large quarters of Italians, Poles, Bohemians, and Russians in the large cities, where little or no English is spoken. Nevertheless, experience shows that all foreigners coming to America and desiring to join our industrial army, or to become identified with our population, must sooner or later, in order to succeed, learn the English language. One of the most interesting exemplifications of this truth is to be found in the experience of the Canadian-French. At the conquest in 1760 Lower Canada had, according to the best authorities, 72,000 French-Canadians, the descendants of less than 10,000 immigrants from France. The increase had already been mar- vellous, but these people, according to the census of 1891, had increased to above 1,400,000, though they had received no immigration and lived in the midst of an English-speaking people, and they preserved their distinctive French character- istics in every respect, especially in religion and language. Yet the French-Canadian immigrants, whatever may have been the hopes of their leaders when coming to the United States, are rapidly assuming the character of American citi- zens. What is true of them, with their distinctive national characteristics and with all the obstacles growing from their past, is true, or will soon be true, of all nationalities. The second or third generation produces a live American, imbued iio Immigration. [63 with all the principles, instincts, and ambitions of the Ameri- can citizen, speaking the national tongue and partaking of the national education. The question of the illiteracy of immi- grants, therefore, need not agitate the public mind. 64. Restrictive Laws on Immigration. Notwithstanding the plain teaching of these facts, the volume of immigration has grown so large as to alarm many good people, who think it an irritant to the body politic, and the demands for its restriction and regulation have become so serious during the past few years that Congress has con- stantly attempted to accomplish something that would retard the flow. The first attempt in this direction was the exclu- sion of the Chinese, and in this direction law has been very efficacious. The total number of Chinese in the country, ex- clusive of Alaska and Hawaii, in 1870, was 63,199, in 1880, 105,465, in 1890, 107,488, and in 1900, 89,863. The next method of restriction was in the shape of laws regulating the importation of labourers under contract. It was formerly the custom of employers of labour to make contracts with prospective immigrants before leaving their homes ; then, when they arrived in this country, to put them at work in accordance with the contract. This practice became offensive, and was prohibited by Federal law in 1885. Some of the States have regulated the employment, under certain circum- stances, of imported labourers on government works, through the agency of contractors. In New York such laws have been declared unconstitutional. These two measures have accomplished practically nothing in retarding immigration. Occasionally immigrants, having been brought over by contractors in violation of Federal laws, are sent back ; and immigrants who are paupers or criminals must be returned at the expense of the steamship company bringing them over, and there have been a few returned under these laws, but the efforts at restriction have affected few per- sons, though they may have prevented some from starting. 64] Restrictive Laws. 1 1 1 Various additional laws have been proposed : one is to es- tablish measures of regulation in foreign countries by a system of examination of intended emigrants, through the con- sular officers of the government. This plan failed to find favour, on account of its practical complications. Another plan is to exclude all illiterate immigrants, both through the efforts of consular agents abroad and of the custom-house officials at home. This measure in 1897 came near passing Congress, but has not yet been adopted. Another plan which has been advocated by many very conservative writers, among them the late General Francis A. Walker, is the imposition of -a heavy head tax of, perhaps, $50, to be levied upon every immigrant landing at any of the ports of the United States. This would certainly result in reducing immigration, but it would not necessarily affect criminals and other undesirable classes from coming to our shores ; the tax plan has never aroused any general demand for its adoption. In many quarters it is felt that transportation lines are to a large degree responsible for an unhealthy volume of immi- gration, for in order to increase their traffic, their agents throughout Europe seek passengers and offer every induce- ment to immigrants ; the rates are sometimes so low that, for example, an Italian immigrant can go from Italy to Chicago for little more than it would cost a first-class passenger to travel from New York to Chicago. In some cases associated efforts in foreign countries have resulted in sending to us an undesirable class of persons, who find it very difficult to be- come assimilated in our industrial forces or to accommodate themselves to our laws and institutions. Could law reach some of these features attending immigra- tion the volume could be reduced ; but a great obstacle in the way of restriction lies in the widely accepted doctrine of a universal brotherhood, the duty of the United States to aid the nations of the earth to reach more equal economic and moral conditions. Certain it is that immigration has been a powerful element in the development of our resources and 1 1 2 Immigration. [64 in the material upbuilding of the nation, and that among the immigrants of the last eighty years and their descendants have been many of the best American citizens. 65. Relation of Immigration to Increase of Population. One of the principal arguments for immigration is the result- ing growth of the population of the United States, the addi- tion of 19,000,000 or more and their progeny. On this point able writers, especially General Walker, have taken issue. It is very difficult to prove that immigration is a retarding in- fluence upon the natural increase of population, and yet there are elements which tend to sustain the thesis. Countries that have lost large numbers millions even through emigra- tion to America have not suffered in their birth rate, while America, to which these millions have been sent, has ex- perienced a decrease in the size of the family, as shown in the discussion of the family above ( 36). The United States is unfortunate in not having a general registration system for births, from which conclusive results could be drawn ; but we have the statistics of births, marriages, and deaths for a long term of years for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. In that State the birth rate has decreased since 1850-55 from 29 to each one thousand persons, to 26.16 in 1900; there was some variation during the intervening years, as, for instance, for the five years ending with 1880 it was a little less than 25 for each one thousand. There has also been a gradual decrease in the number of persons mar- ried to each one thousand during the same period, the decrease being from 21.77 to T 7-35- There was very slight decrease in the death-rate during all that time, the variation being from 18.37 to 18.23 P er thousand. For the natural movement of population we look to the excess of births over deaths, but in Massachusetts, for the period named, the excess in every one thousand persons dropped from io to 7.92. Massachusetts was among the first States to feel the steady influence of immigration. If the addition of immigrants has 65] Increase of Population. 1 1 3 tended to an increase of population, it is not shown in the statements quoted ; that is, immigration has not increased the birth rate or the marriage rate, or insured a decrease in the death rate. It may have offset the decreases noted, but cer- tainly it has not overcome them. In parts of the country where the population is more thoroughly native there has been a corresponding increase in the excess of births over deaths, yet there are so many influences which enter into the question of birth, marriage, and death rates that it is quite impossible to determine what the influence of immigration has been upon them. It is not safe to argue that, because two things happen contemporaneously, one is the cause and the other effect ; so when we consider that of the total number of immigrants coming to this country more than half were living in 1900, it is difficult to bring the mind to the cdnclusion that they have had no perceptible influence on the increase of our population. It should be borne in mind that the death rate among immigrants must be higher than among natives. The hard- ships of their voyage in many cases superinduce disease, cer- tainly exhaustion, from which many, partially the infirm when they embark, do not recover. Brought over for the very small fares which are charged, the immigrant, as a rule, must be fed in a very poor way, not only as to quantity but as to quality, and be stowed in very close quarters between decks, and thus sub- jected to exposure of many kinds and to loss of vitality. Furthermore, when he reaches this country he is obliged to undergo a change of diet, which often reduces him ; to offset this, many immigrants insist upon procuring the food of .their native countries. They are thus subjected to increased ex- pense in living, or else obliged to deprive themselves of those things to which they are used. Poor in pocket, his vitality reduced, the immigrant becomes the prey not only to disease, through hunger and deprivation, but to the necessity of engag- ing in severe physical labour under new conditions. These influences are against a low death rate. 8 114 Immigration. [65 Internal migrations have had a retarding influence upon the birth rate, especially where such migrations have occurred from the older States to border States, through the attraction of pioneer developments. This movement has divided fami- lies temporarily, and thus checked the birth rate to some extent. As the newer portions become more generally settled and their conditions approach those of the older States, this influence in some degree will be overcome. The whole question is one open for full discussion and for the construction of theories. With a few facts like those already cited, and others relating to the increase of popula- tion in parts of the country where the influence of immigration has been felt very slightly, if at all, the idea that immigration has not tended to increase the population of the United States finds partial support. The conclusion is safe, probably, that the increase in our population is due very largely to natural causes and in small degree to external influences com- ing through immigration. TOTAL AND URBAN POPULATION BY STATES AND TERRITORIES: 1900. THE BLACK PORTION IS URBAN, MILLIONS 01 23456 78 T i 1 ET 1 "" ^ j ^ n 1 ^ _ -j-j-- NEW JERSEY I ICIIIIII] 'i yr ^^r MARYLAND WfJ^M ] WEST VIRGINIA.... 1! | | "T'l CONNECTICUT [hi: MAINE m\ 1 | RHODE ISLAND..... C OREGON |F;1 NEW HAMPSHIRE m^~ S. DAKOTA I (i OKLAHOMA rj-H- INDIAN TER. ' ! VERMONT rrpi N. DAKOTA itl DIS. OF COLUMBIA r7~l UTAH V4l MONTANA rp^l NEW MEXICO. ;p DELAWARE p IDAHO i) HAWAII . . o ARIZONA -i WYOMING . [ ALASKA . . 1 NEVADA 1 (Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U. S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.) CHAPTER VIII. URBAN AND RURAL POPULATION. 66. References. United States, Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Part I. ; H. J. Fletcher, Drift of Population to Cities, in Forum, XIX. 737 (Aug., 1895); Albert Bushnell Hart, Practical Essays, No. viii. ; E. Cannan, Decline of Urban Immigration, in Natio nal Review, XXII. 624 (Jan., 1894) ; C. Boyd, Growth of Cities in the United States, in American Statistical Association, Publications, III. 416; Movement toward Cities, in Public Opinion, XV. 501 (Sept. 2, 1893); M. B. Hammond, Distribution of Population of Cities, in American Statistical Association, Publications, IV. 113; R. S. Tracy, Growth of Great Cities, in Century, XXXIII. 79 (Nov., 1897) ; E. E. Hale, Congestion of Cities, in Forum, IV. 527 (Jan., 1888) ; Congestion of Popu- lation in Cities, in Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor, Publications, No. 3 (1896); A. Gaye, Crowding of Cities, the Flight from the Fields ; F. W. Farrar, Some Problems of the Age, in North American Keview, CLXI. 412 (Oct., 1895); J. B. Walker, Factors of Growth in Modern Cities, in Cosmopolitan, IX. 62 (May, 1890) ; Lewis M. Haupt, Growth of Great Cities, in Cosmopolitan, XIV. 83 (Nov., 1892) ; Robert C. Brooks, A Bibliography of Municipal Administration and City Conditions, in Municipal Affairs, I. No. I (March, 1897); E. J. James, The Growf/i of Great Cities, Annals of Am. Academy of Political and Social Science (XIII. No. i, January, 1899) ; Adna F. Weber, The Growth of Cities, in Nineteenth Century. 67. Statistics of Urban and Rural Population. In the census of v88o, urban population J was defined as that element living in cities or other closely aggregated bodies of 1 URBAN POPULATION AND PER CENT OF URRAN POPULATION, OF TOTAL POPULATION, AND OK NUMBER OF CITIES AT EACH CENSUS, 1790 TO 1900, OF 8,000 OR MORE INHABITANTS. Census Years. Population of the United States proper. Urban Popu- lation. Per cent of Urban Population of the Total Population. Number of Cities. 1700 3,929,214 131.472 3-35 6 1X00 5,308,483 2 ,0,87.1 .3-97 6 1810 7, 239,88 356.920 4-93 1 1 1820 9,633,22 475, '35 4-93 13 iS^o 12,866,020 864,509 6.72 26 1840 i7- n(S 9,453 ',453,994 8.52 44 1X50 23,191,876 2,897,586 12.49 85 1860 3i-443,32i 5,072,256 6.13 141 1870 3 S ,55 K ,37' 8,071,875 20.93 226 1880 50,155,783 ",3i8,547 22.57 286 :Sgo 62,622,250 18,272,503 29.20 447 1900 75,477,467 24,992,199 33-1 545 1 1 6 Urban and Rural Population. [ 67 population containing eight thousand inhabitants or more. The Superintendent of the Eleventh Census remarks that " this definition of the urban element, although a somewhat arbitrary one, is used in the present discussions of the results of the Eleventh Census in order that they may be compared directly with those of earlier censuses." He considers the limit of eight thousand inhabitants unduly high, inasmuch as most of the distinctive features of urban life are found in many smaller bodies of population. The proportion of urban population has gradually increased from a thirty-third in 1790 to nearly a third in 1900; the number of "cities" from 6 to 545. The most populous city in 1790 was Philadelphia, with 28,522 people, and in 1900 New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia had populations of 3,437,202, 1,689,575 and 1,293,697 respectively. The cities in 1870 which contained more than 100,000 inhabitants num- bered 14 ; in 1900 they had increased to 38. The North Atlantic Division of States, with a population of 21,046,695, contains an urban population of 12,324,709, or nearly one-half the entire urban population of the country. The population of the South Atlantic Division is 10,443,480, and the urban population is 1,777,626, or less than 8 per cent of the entire urban population of the United States. The North Central Division, the largest group in the country, has a total population of 26,333,004, and it has a large urban popula- tion (8,055,506), which is practically one-third the entire urban population. The South Central Division contains 14,080,047 inhabitants, but its urban population is small, it being 1,557,331, or about one-sixteenth of the urban population of the country. The Western Division, being the smallest group and having 4,091,349 inhabitants, has an urban population of 1,277,027, or about one-twentieth of the entire urban population. While the North Atlantic Division contains nearly one-half the urban population of the entire country, more than four-sevenths of its own population is contained in cities of eight thousand or more inhabitants, and during the decade from 1890 to 1900 TOTAL POPULATION OFCITIESOF MORE THAN 100000 IN HABITANTS,: 1900. (Reproduced from reports of Twelfth U.S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.) THE CONSTITUENTS OF THE POPULATION OF CITIES OF MORE THAN 100,000 INHABITANTS :1900 ST. JOSEPH COLUMBUS INDIANAPOLIS--. KANSAS CITY..... LOS ANGELES. --- DENVER WASHINGTON BALTIMORE LOUISVILLE OMAHA PHILADELPHIA- SYRACUSE TOLEDO ALLE3HENY NEW ORLEANS.. MEMPHIS CINCINNATI NEW HAVEN ST. LOUIS ROCHESTER WORCESTER PROVIDENCE PITTSBURG MINNEAPOLIS NEWARK JERSEY CITY SCRANTON BOSTON ST.PAUL BUFFALO.... SAN FRANCISCO _ CLEVELAND. PATERSON DETROIT NEW YORK CHICAGO.-- MILWAUKEE FALL RIVER 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 SO SO 1OO mmw/////. V//////y///////^ ' .:<- . NATIVE WHITE OF NATIVE PARENTS | NATIVE WHITE OF FOREIGN PARENTS 3 FOREIGN WHITE HI CHINESE AND JAPANESE |^H NEGRO TRenroducfed from reports of Twelfth U. S. Census, for Outline of Practical Sociology.] 68] Statistics. 1 1 7 this urban element in this division increased 27 per cent, while the total population increased more than 20 per cent. In Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New York the numerical increase in the urban element is greater than the increase of the total population, so that in the States named the rural population must have actually diminished. Of course, this rapid increase in the urban population of the North Atlantic Division finds its cause in the great extension of manufactures and commerce, requiring the aggregation of inhabitants in restricted localities. The large increase of city population is due, in some degree, to annexations to already existing cities, but this explanation does not alter the fact it- self, that there is a large and rapidly increasing city population as compared with the population of rural districts. 68. Apprehension from Alleged Congestion of Cities. This rapid growth often causes great apprehension as to the character of our population and as to the influence of cities as controlling powers in the politics of the country; and very fre- quently it excites the fears of students of social science, lest it result in increased congestion of the slum population in cities. The only method of dealing with such a question is to examine the actual state of affairs in some of our largest cities. Those have been selected for which the facts could be more readily studied. The statistics of population by wards of the cities of New York and Philadelphia and Boston for 1880, 1890, and 1900, reveal the facts relative to the population for the con- gested wards, the remaining wards, and for all wards in each of the cities for the years named. A study of the statistics throws great light upon the sup- posed concentration of population in the slums of the cities named. In New York the increase in the congested wards (and for this purpose all the wards south of Fourteenth Street have been taken) was in the twenty years from 1880 to 1900 but 124,534, or 20.96 per cent, while the increase for the whole city for the twenty years was 643,794, or 53.36 per cent. ii8 Urban and Rural Population. [68 Certainly during the twenty years there has been no alarming increase of population in the congested territory described. 1 The remaining wards increased 519,260, or 84.79 P er cent. Turning to Philadelphia, and taking the compact wards, we find there has been a gain in the twenty years of 10,776, or 2.68 per cent, the wards other than the congested wards show- ing a gain of 435,751, or 97.70 per cent, while the total gain for the whole city was 446,527, or 52.70 per cent. Similar conditions are shown for Boston. In the twenty years named, the congested wards, which include all the slum population of the city, gained only 2,132, or 2.17 per cent; while in the remaining wards there was a gain of 195,920, or 73.99 per cent. The gain in the whole city was 198,053 or 1 POPULATION OF NEW YORK, PHILADELPHIA, AND BOSTON AT THE CENSUSES OF 1880, 1890, AND 1900, IN CONGESTED WARDS AND IN OTHER WARDS, SHOWING NUMBER AND PER CENT OF GAIN. (See full tables for 1870, 1880, and 1890, in Urban Population, by the Author, Popular Science Monthly, February, 1892.) Population. Gain, Per cent 1880. 1890. 1900. 1880-1900. 1880-1900 New York. - (Manhattan borough.) Congested Wards l . 593.9M 596,831 718,448 124-534 20.96 Remaining Wards . 612,385 918,470 1,131,645 519,260 84.79 Total .... 1,206,299 1,515,301 1,850,093 643,794 53-36 Philadelphia. Congested Wards 2 . 4oi,795 407,631 412,571 10,776 2.68 Remaining Wards . 445-375 639,333 88!, 126 435,75' 97.70 Total .... 847,170 1,046,964 ",293,697 446,527 52.70 Boston. Congested Wards 3 . 98,074 99.094 100,206 2,132 2.17 Remaining Wards . 264.765 349)383 460,686 195,920 73-99 Total .... 362,839 448,477 560,892 198,053 54-58 1 First to seventeenth inclusive, except the twelfth, which is an outlying ward. 2 Second to twentieth inclusive, except the fifteenth. 3 The sixth, seventh, eighth, tenth, twelfth, sixteenth, and seventeenth. 69] Congestion in Cities. 1 19 54.58 per cent. The population of the old city of Boston, prior to any of its modern annexations, was, in 1870, 138,781, and in 1890, 161,330, a gain of 16.25 P er cent - The popu- lation of the annexations in 1870 was 111,745, an< ^ m 1890, 287,147, a gain of 175,402, or 156.97 per cent. This com- parison cannot be made for 1900. If the comparisons based on the population of congested wards in the three cities named were carried back to 1870, the conclusions would be practically the same as those based on the populations of 1880 and 1900. These facts certainly remove all apprehension as to the increase of the slum population of the cities named. It is a perfectly reasonable conclusion that the population of such districts cannot increase, and that, while there is a great setting of people toward our cities, they are found as a rule among the suburban population, in healthy sanitary districts ; and that whatever influx there is to the slum localities is entirely offset by the people outgoing from such districts. 69. Redistribution of City Population. That these results are not accidental is shown by the similar experience of London. Mr. Sidney J. Low, in the " Contem- porary Review " for October, 1891, has analysed certain statis- tics from the English census of 1891, in which he shows the conditions of the population of the typical districts of inner London, on both sides of the river, with their rates of increase or decrease since 1881. In regard to these districts, Mr. Low remarks that some of them are wealthy residential districts, while many of them are poor and others altogether poverty- stricken. " Bethnal Green, Whitechapel, St. Olave, Southwark, and parts of St. Pancras, St. Giles, and Holborn," he says, "are tinted with a very dark brush on Mr. Charles Booth's excellent comparative maps of London poverty." And Mr. Low further says : " It is not unsatisfactory to find that the dwellers in these localities are obeying the great law of centri- fugal attraction, and quitting the inner recesses of the me- tropolis to find homes in the outskirts. The people who leave j 20 Urban and Rural Population. [69 Hatton Garden and Commercial Street and Hoxton, and Seven Dials, either forced out by < improvements ' or volun- tarily retiring, do not go to the country that we know well enough ; nor do the country folks come in to take their places in any large numbers. For the immigrant from the congested districts of the town, and for the emigrant from the decaying rural parishes, we must look to the suburbs ; and we find him there, if figures can tell us anything. . . . " Here is where the increase of ' Greater London,' with its five and a half millions of inhabitants, is found. It is not, as hasty observers have imagined, in the teeming alleys of ' Dark- est London,' or in the warren of rabbit-hutches which spreads for a mile or two north and south of the Thames. The centre of population is shifting from the heart to the limbs. The life- blood is pouring into the long arms of brick and mortar and cheap stucco that are feeling their way out to the Surrey moors and the Essex flats and the Hertfordshire copses. Already ' Outer London ' is beginning to vie in population with the ' Inner Ring ; ' a few decades hence, and it will have altogether passed it. ... "The population is not shifting from the fields to the slums; and the slums themselves are not becoming fuller, but the re- verse. So far from the heart of the city being congested with the blood driven from the extremities, we find, on the contrary, that the larger centres of population are stationary, or thinning down ; it is the districts all round them which are filling up. The greatest advance in the decade is shown not in the cities themselves, but in the ring of suburbs which spread into the country about them. If the process goes on unchecked, the Englishman of the future will be of the city, but not in it. The son and grandson of the man from the fields will neither be a dweller in the country nor a dweller in the town. He will be a suburb-dweller. The majority of the people of this island will live in the suburbs ; and the suburban type will be the most widespread and characteristic of all, as the rural has been in the past, and as the urban may perhaps be said to be in the present." 69] Redistribution in Cities. 121 This aspect of affairs represents clearly the only condition that could have been expected. It should be remembered that the cities named are great mercantile and manufacturing centres, their prosperity developing rapidly, and that the very rapidity of the commercial or industrial development of cities retards the growth of population in the compact quarters. Every time an advance is made along a street by the exten- sion of business houses, the families living there are crowded out ; they may move to other parts of the city or locate in the suburbs; in either event there is only a shifting of population, and not an increase. The transfer of great manufacturing es- tablishments from the city to the country carries large numbers of families, or if the transfer is made within the city limits there is simply a change in location of the population inter- ested in the establishment. In taking the Federal census of 1880 for the State of Massachusetts a loss in one of the wards of the city of Boston was discovered ; but upon investigation it was found that the removal of one establishment from that ward to another in a distant part of the city had carried with it more than one thousand people ; so that this one transaction affected the status of two sections of the city without really much altering social conditions. Cities lay out new streets and avenues, necessitating the tearing down of rookeries and crowded tenement houses. Every such improvement displaces a large number of families, who seek a residence either in some other part of the city or in the suburbs. Thus, the building of a large number of houses, often referred to as an evidence of increase of population, may mean only a demand for tenements to accommodate previous residents ; even in a country town a new house or a dozen new houses may be entirely the result of the improved financial condition of one or several families for- merly living in the same house. The retarding influence of the increase of trade and manufactures must be felt more and more as their extension becomes more rapid, and in all great cities where large business blocks are erected in place of crowded tenements there must be a dispersion of population, the move- 122 Urban and Rural Population. [ 69 ment being assisted greatly by rapid transit lines, as will be shown in the following chapter, in the remarks on rapid transit ( 78). The presence of a large percentage of the foreign-born in the great cities of the country is an important factor in consid- ering urban and rural population. Taking the 161 principal cities of the country, that is, those having 25,000 or more inhabitants, it is found that they contain 5,147,716 foreign- born persons, which is 49.2 per cent of the total number of such persons in the United States. The concentration of foreign-born in the congested districts of Baltimore, Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia, is shown in the following table from the seventh special Report of the U. S. Com. of Labour (1894) : NATIVITY OF THE SLUM POPULATION AND TOTAL POPULATION COMPARED. Slum Population (1894). Total Population (1890). Native Horn (per cent). Foreign Born (per cent)- Native Born (per cent). Foreign Born (per cent). Baltimore . . 59-79 4O.2I 84.12 15.88 Chicago . . 42.49 57-51 59.02 40.98 New York . 37-42 62.58 57-77 42.23 Philadelphia . 39-55 60.45 74.26 25-74 To be explicit, in New York it is found that the native-born white persons constitute 57.77 per cent of the total population of the city and the foreign-born element 42.23 per cent, while for the congested or slum districts the native-born element is 37.42 percent and the foreign-born element 62.58 percent of the population of such district. It is unfortunate that these calculations cannot be made for dates later than 1890 and 1894, but they illustrate that the immigration question is the most serious in our large cities. ;o] Density of Urban Population. 123 70 Density of Urban Population. The density of population in large cities leads to many erro neous conclusions. The population to each acre or to each square mile of a city cannot well be compared with that for another city unless the exact area of dense population is known ; as, for instance, a city may comprise 50 square miles of territory and have 500,000 population. This would give 10,000 to each square mile. But this population for topo- graphical reasons may actually be compressed into half the area, showing 20,000 persons to the square mile. Another city of like area and like total population, but with the people distributed more evenly over the whole area, would be in a much better sanitary condition than a city under the first illus- tration, although in statistics the population per square mile would be the same when the whole area is considered. Taking 38 of the largest cities of the country, those having a population of over 100,000 each (the total population of these cities being 14,208,347, and comprising 18.6 per cent of the total population of the country), the density is 1 1.3 to the acre ; but the differences in density of population are very great, being 4.0 to the acre in St. Paul, 5.9 in Minneapolis, 6.5 in Omaha, 2.3 in New Orleans, 13.1 in Buffalo, 14.75 m Chicago, 3.9 in Denver, 14.6 in St. Louis, 7.25 in Washington and 16.43 in Greater New York. Before the consolidation it was 15.69 in the latter city. Dr. John S. Billings, the skilful statisti- cian in charge of vital statistics at the Eleventh Census, when speaking of these matters, was very careful to remark that the ratios indicated " give no information as to the difference in density of the population in the actually built-up portions," and he stated that in New York the number of persons per acre ranged from 543 in ward 10 to 3 in ward 24, while in Chicago there was a range from 1 1 7 in ward 16 to 0.58 in ward 27. These instances show the extremes, and teach emphatically that any comparison of population to the acre or to the square mile for purposes of drawing conclusions relative to sanitary and other conditions must be avoided. 124 Urban and Rural Population. [71 71. Vital Statistics of Cities. Physicians have taken much interest in censuses, and in many cases the social facts relating to population have been preserved for certain prescribed health districts. 1 The way is thus prepared for a scientific study of death rates and of den- sity of population where the sanitary conditions can be com- pared and differences of condition noted. The ordinary statistics of death rates in cities are exceedingly untrustworthy. The errors arise from two causes : the first is the incomplete- ness of death statistics, which could be overcome only by a compulsory registration of deaths ; the second cause is that population is not accurately known except for periods some years apart, and for intermediate years the death rate must be based upon calculations of population mathematically made. In some cases this has caused fright and anxiety on account of an alarming apparent death rate, when, had the facts all been known, it would have been found that the death rate was really normal. Another cause of erroneous conclusions arises from the existence of large hospitals in cities, so that the death rate is increased by people coming from the country to the cities for treatment. This is also true in connection with the crimi- nal statistics of cities. Men come in from country towns for the purpose of a visit, or a spree, or crime. Whatever the pur- pose, when they commit crime within the city limits, -they are there arrested and punished, and help to swell abnormally the legitimate criminal statistics of the city itself. All these con- siderations should be taken into account when writers are under- taking to draw what they feel to be accurate conclusions through comparisons of statistics. Learned essays upon conditions of the population, involving insanity, crime, disease, death, etc., have been written, in which all the conclusions of the essays were based upon most incomplete and unsatisfactory data. It is gratifying to know that the experts in charge of such impor- tant inquiries everywhere are now thoroughly alive to all the opportunities of error which ordinarily and naturally arise under imperfect statistics. 1 Eleventh and Twelfth Censuses, Reports on Vital Statistics. CHAPTER IX. SPECIAL PROBLEMS OF CITY LIFE. 72. References. United States, Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Part II. (chapter on proprietorship) ; Albert Shaw, Municipal Government in Great Britain, and Municipal Government in Continental Europe ; Municipal Affairs ( a quarterly journal published in New York); A. ^R. Conkling, City Gov- ernment in the United States ; Dorman B. Eaton, Government of Muni- cipalities ; George E. Waring, Jr., Report on the Final Disposition of the Wastes of New York (1896), Report of the Department of Street Cleaning of the City of New York (1898), and The Utilisation of City Garbage, in Cosmopolitan, XXIV. 405 (Feb., 1898) ; Ethelbert Stewart, Rates of Wages paid under Public and Private Contract, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletin, No. 7 ; J. K. Commons, A Comparison of Day Labour and Con- tract System on Municipal Works, in American Eedcrationist (Jan., 1897, to Jan., 1898, inclusive) ; J. \V. Martin, Direct Employment of Labour vs. The Contract System, in Municipal Affairs, II. No. 3, 382 (Sept., 1898) ; Special Committee to investigate the Relations between Cities and Towns and Street Railway Companies (Charles Francis Adams, Chair- man), Report (published by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 1898) ; P. F. Sullivan, Municipal Ownership and Operation of Street Railways, in Street Railway Journal (Nov., 1897, p. 751) ; Allen R. Foote, Municipal Ownership of Industries and Economic Value of Electric Light and Power ; Albert Shaw, Our Civic Renaissance, in Rei'iew of Reviews, XI. 415 (April, 1895) ; Municipal League of Philadelphia, Reports ; Municipal Reform League of Boston, Reports ; American Academy of Political and Social Science, Annals (many articles on municipal government) ; U. S. Depart- ment of Labour, Seventh Special Report (The Slums of Great Cities), Eighth Special Report (The Housing of the Working People) ; annual re- port, in September Bulletin, on Cities ; Massachusetts Bureau of Statis- tics of Labour, Reports on Tenement Houses ; Tenement House Committee to New York Legislature, Report (1895) > Jacob A. Riis, How the Other Half Lives, and The Making of an American ; Richard Whiteing, "No. 5 John Street ; " Josiah Flynt, Notes of an Itinerant Policeman, The Powers that Prey, and The World of Graft ; W. II. Tolman, " Model Tenements," in Arena, XVI. 595 (Sept., 1896) ; Edward M. Hartwell, Public Baths I2 5 126 Problems of City Life. [72 in Europe, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletin No. n ; Mayor's Committee of New York City (Wm. H. Tolman, Secretary), Report on Public Baths and Public Comfort Stations ; J. S. Billings, Public Health and Municipal Government, in Annals of American Academy (Feb., 1891), Supplement; Committee on Care and Management of the Brook- line Public Bath, Report (1898); Andrew U. White, The Government oj American Cities, in Forum, X. 357 (Dec., 1890); Edward W. Bemis, Municipal Monopolies ; William H. Tolman, Municipal Reform Move- ments ; Arthur Sherwell, Life in West London; Frank J. Goodnow, Municipal Problems ; Delos F. Wilcox, The Study of City Government; G. E. Hill, Col. Waring on the Sanitation of Havana, in Forum, XXVI. 529 (January, 1899). 73. Water-works. Great problems associated with life in our large cities are now agitating the minds of men, especially those which involve public expense and the value which is secured in return for taxes paid. Such problems relate to water supply, the supply of gas and electricity for lighting purposes, streets, street clean- ing, disposal of garbage, sewers, the police, the housing of the poor, the slums, rapid transit, public baths, market sys- tems, etc. All these questions are included in the greater question of municipal government, which in itself does not come within the scope of this work ; but they may all be con- sidered from the social point of view. The citizens of all cities, meaning in this connection all places having city conditions without regard to size, are inter- ested in the quantity and the purity of the water supply ; cer- tainly all municipalities of any consequence have expended large sums in securing an adequate supply, and in many cities the water is brought through conduits from a long distance, so as to secure a water basin free from contaminating elements. Lakes among the mountains and hills, running rivers, and the great fresh-water lakes of the St. Lawrence system are the chief sources of water supply. Where these are not available the water is supplied from the earth by means of artesian and driven wells, and the ingenuity of engineers has purified the supply by constructing reservoirs or galleries for the storage and filtering of water, from which it is pumped to standpipes 74] Water-works. 127 or elevated reservoirs for the purpose of supplying the citizens and works of the towns. There were in the United States in 1899 nearly 2,600 water-works ; about 1,200 were owned and operated by private corporations, and over 1,350 by the municipal governments themselves. Of the 135 cities in 1901 of over 30,000 popula- tion, 94 owned their own water-works. The greater proportion of private works is to be found, probably, in the smaller cities. A great problem in this connection grows out of the enor- mous waste of public water. The principal effort in this direc- tion has been through the use of water meters, the water-user paying for the amount of water used. This method has never been popular, either with the people or with city governments, for the water-meter system is one that would fall particularly hard upon the very poor, and result in their paying an undue proportion of the water-tax. A more important objection, however, lies in the fact that by the use of the meter the very poor would be deterred from using water freely. Indeed, the great waste is not so much through domestic uses, but rather in manufacturing establishments, public buildings, and shops. The policy of every municipality should be to furnish its citi- zens with ample water for all reasonable purposes at the lowest cost. 74. Lighting of Cities. Cities are lighted by gas and by electricity, and the ques- tions as to economic conditions and purity of supply are those which attract the interest of the citizen. In 1899 there were over 1,000 gas plants in the country, 990 being private, and 24 municipal plants. There were also about 2,800 electric light and power plants, over 2,400 of them being private and 415 municipal works. The relative cost under municipal and private ownership cannot be stated in a very satisfactory way at present. The only investigations which have been made relative to municipal and private lighting have been, as a rule, on an individual basis (that is, by students), except the extensive investigation 128 Problems of City Life. [ 74 lately conducted by the United States Department of Labour (i4th annual report), which shows that relative cost under private and municipal control is largely a matter of business management. The relative advantage of lighting streets by works owned by the city and by those owned by private corporations constitutes a very important question, which cannot as yet be settled. It is a fact that the gaslight is gradually giving place to the elec- tric light, and it is also true that electric lighting is most favoured in those cities that have less than 100,000 inhab- itants ; but the system is rapidly making its way into the largest cities. With a settlement of "the question as to which is the more economical, private or municipal ownership, rests the further question of the extension of electric lighting, for the municipal system of gas lighting as well as of electric lighting is oftener found in the smaller cities. Whether the great con- solidated gas interests of large cities have secured such control as to prevent the extension of the municipal system in such cities remains to be seen ; but whatever the obstruction, the question of municipal and private control of electric and gas plants must eventually be settled on the basis of cost of pro- duction and of cost to the consumer. The agitation for cheap gas and a more general application of electricity will result in determining the economic conditions under which they can be furnished. Legislation can do something ; knowledge can do more, and as experience proves this or that method to be the more economical, it will find an increasing number of advocates. It is not a question of municipal socialism, but it is one of economic supply, and the citizens will settle on these lines the question of how their gas, electricity, and water shall be furnished. The expansion of the municipal system, to be successful, involves economy of supply and a highly perfected civil-service system.. Some States have granted the power to municipalities to construct and operate their own gas and electric plants, as well as their water-works. One of the chief difficulties at the present time in ascertaining the relative value of the different 74, 75] Streets and Sewers. 129 methods of supply lies in the fact that the cost of production is complicated with the administrative cost of the municipality. The advocates of the municipal system draw on the experience of European cities for their arguments, while the advocates of private ownership rely upon the efficiency which comes from self-interest and competition. The problem is an interesting one, and the publication of facts relating to either feature of it will help to solve it. 75. Streets and Sewers. The streets and sewers of cities are constructed and operated under the control and direction of municipal governments, and, as a rule, with satisfactory results. All the questions connected with these two features of city life are settled by experience. Municipal politics may now and then have much to do with increasing the cost or delaying the completion of streets and sewers, but in the end the citizens are well if expensively served. The health of a city depends so largely upon these matters that good sewers with ample capacity are among the surest indications of an enlightened population, and no city can afford to neglect them. In the construction of streets the public demands of the city governments not only smooth and durable roadways, with every attention given to grades and the quality of the pavement used, but sidewalks well and conveniently laid. The construction of streets is perhaps the most important question, so far as the business interests of a city are concerned, and in order to com- ply with all demands many experiments have been tried, the macadamised road, which is constructed by having a thorough broken-stone foundation overlaid with clay soil, the whole closely compacted ; the use of square stone blocks, or the Belgian pave- ment ; wooden pavements, consisting of blocks of wood set perpendicularly, and now the asphalt, or smooth pavement, and vitrified bricks. There are valid arguments in favour of each of these methods of construction, most of which relate to the health and personal comfort of the inhabitants. The macada- 9 130 Problems of City Life. [75 mised street is smooth and hard, but dusty ; the Belgian pave- ment is hard, rough, and more noisy than any other, but it admits of absorption of water, whereas asphalt sheds all the water and the sewers oftentimes prove inadequate. The old- fashioned cobble-stone and the Belgian pavement withstand the wear of heavy traffic better than any others, but when the wear and tear of vehicles and of horses are considered (which must be borne by the owners), it is doubtful whether there is much economy in the use of stone pavements. At the present time the question as to the powers of city governments to make ordinances which shall result in the prevention of noise is being thoroughly discussed. The use of rubber tires may yet be compulsory. The introduction of water for domestic and public uses neces sitates a sewer system, the surface drainage of Baltimore, ot parts of Philadelphia, and of some other cities, being a melan- choly remnant of barbarism. The disposal of sewage is some- times a difficult matter, but generally it is carried to ocean or river water. Many experiments have been made for the reduc- tion of the animal and vegetable matter of sewage into blocks convenient for handling, to be used for fertilising purposes, while other experiments have been conducted for the purpose of destroying it by fire or by chemical processes. Much anxiety is felt lest the waste of sewage by carrying it into water may result in a robbery of the land of the chemical ingredients necessary to sustain its productive vitality. In some places in this country and in Europe it is utilised on what are called sewage-farms. At present most large cities find it to their ad- vantage to carry their sewage as far away as possible, into lakes, or into the ocean, or to flowing rivers. The street-cleaning problem has practically been settled in large cities through perfected organisation of a street-cleaning force. The most notable instance of this is to be found in the experience of the city of New York, whose streets a few years ago were very filthy, but are now among the cleanest of those of any city in the world. This desirable state of affairs was 7s] Streets and Sewers. 131 brought about quickly through systematic organisation. The great street-sweeping machines that are used in many cities have accomplished most excellent results ; but it is beginning to be seen that by a well-organised street-cleaning force, with brooms, shovels, and carts, the streets can be kept clean at rea- sonable cost, although somewhat greater than that accompany- ing the use of horse-power machines. Contractors are always ready to take the cleanings of streets for fertilising purposes, returning some compensation to the city. The removal and disposal of garbage is still an unsolved problem. Generally, city governments look after this, either through their own force of garbage collectors or through con- tractors. Neither method has yet proved entirely satisfactory. Chemists and mechanics are now striving to solve the question, and many devices have been offered to the public for the rapid and effective disposal of garbage. The two principal methods consist of chemical reduction and cremation. In New York, and perhaps in some other large cities, garbage from kitchens and markets is being utilised by processes of separation, the ammonia, glue, and other minor products find- ing ready and profitable sale. According to the late Colonel George E. Waring, Jr., city garbage from kitchens and markets contains about 7 per cent of rubbish, such as cans, bottles, rags, etc., more than 3 per cent of grease, 20 per cent of animal and vegetable dry matter, and nearly 7 per cent of water. Nearly everything but the water is utilised, and a fair profit realised. The grease finds its market, and the animal and vegetable dry matter is carried back to the country as a fertiliser. It is during the heated term that the garbage question presents itself most forcibly to householders. In the winter months much of the refuse is disposed of in furnaces and kitchen ranges. This is a crude method, but suggestive of the adoption of some domestic system by which people may readily dispose at home of the garbage that constantly ac- cumulates in household work. 132 Problems of City Life. [75 Good water and plenty of it, good and clean streets, safe sewerage, and facilities for the removal and disposal of gar- bage are vital necessities to the hygiene of cities, and greatly reduce the death-rate from zymotic diseases. 76. The Police. The police force of cities is generally placed under a super- intendent or captain of police, and it is organised somewhat as a military body, having lieutenants, sergeants, patrolmen, etc. It is the visible representative of the governing power, being always in the eyes of the people, and thus subject to public opinion in very direct ways. The class of men called into the police service should be, and usually is, of a high physical order, men of strength, courage, and endurance. At the present time the effort is to secure men having not only these qualities, but such as are possessed of mental and moral attainments that shall make them in every respect true executors of the law. The principle of civil-service rules is being applied in vari- ous cities to the police force, and with excellent results. If men of intelligence, judgment, and moral character can be secured for police duty, much will be gained toward main- taining good order and (which is equally important) toward the suppression of vice. An intelligent, honest policeman, capable of physically enduring the hardships of the service, is an honour and a credit to his municipality. Sometimes, when the police force of a large city has become demoralised through local political influences, or through the existing conditions of vice, the legislative power of the State has been brought to bear through statutory regulations, even to the extent of placing the force under the direct supervision of officers appointed by the State executive ; but as a rule city governments have been left to control their own police. The whole question is, how to secure good men who are thoroughly in sympathy with the best elements of the city, and interested in suppressing crime and vice rather than in making records. 77] Police Wages. 133 The duties of the police are to preserve order, to see that all laws relating to the sale of liquor are enforced, that all city ordinances relating to sanitation and health are enforced, to take care of persons who are injured on the streets, to look out for fires, in fact, to do all things which relate to the orderly conduct of the city. They cannot enter houses and make arrests unless an actual disturbance is going on, nor can they make arrests on the streets without a warrant unless persons are disorderly, and the offender must then, as a rule, be appre- hended at the time. Policemen may, under some conditions, serve processes and make arrests at times other than during a disturbance ; but the serving of the usual processes of law is generally delegated to another class of officers, sheriffs and constables. The police force is utilised in peaceful ways also, especially in cities where there are large free public libraries. The name of a person desiring to use the books of such a library is given to the policeman whose tour of duty is nearest the residence of the applicant, with instructions to report as to his worthiness and integrity. The police are also sometimes employed in taking school or general censuses. The policemen are also the protectors of the people who use the streets, seeing that the laws of the road are rigidly en- forced and that the rights of the pedestrian are duly re- spected. Thus in many ways, through their duties and their presence, they become familiar to all persons ; hence the necessity of securing the very best grade of men possible. 77. Wages under Public and Private Contract. An interesting economic question connected with city gov- ernment which is now demanding attention is whether work for the municipality shall be done under contract in the usual way, or by day labour employed and paid directly by the city. Both methods are in vogue, and the opportunities for compari- son are increasing in number and importance. The experi- ment of day labour is being worked out in London under the 134 Problems of City Life. [77 London County Council plan, and with fairly satisfactory re- sults. Some American cities, both the largest and those of medium size, are also endeavouring to ascertain which method is the more economical, and which is the better for the men employed. In many respects it is found that labour paid by the day is more efficient, and the cost, taking the products of labour into consideration, more favourable to the city treasury than under the contract system. Of course, much depends upon the contractor on the one hand and the superintendents of works, whatever they may be, on the other. Labour organ- isations everywhere are in favour of day labour as against the contract system. The leading argument advanced is that profit should not be allowed on public work ; that if a contractor can engage to carry out a certain piece of work, like the building of a sewer, he does it because there is profit in it, and in order to increase the margin of profit hires labourers at the lowest possible rate ; while if the city itself, through its proper execu- tive officers, should undertake the work, it could for the same amount of money build the sewer and pay more satisfactory wages to labour, giving the labourers, in the form of wages, that profit which would otherwise go to the contractor. The question will be decided finally through experience, although up to the present time limited experience is fairly proving the contention of the labour organisations. 78. Rapid Transit. Perhaps the most important question at present, at least the question which attracts public attention more directly than any other, is that of rapid transit. We have seen that the population of cities is rapidly gaining in proportion to the increase of population in the whole country, and also that this growth in cities is largely suburban in its character. The sub- urban growth is fed from without and from within ( 68, 69). As business is extended, and the room and area formerly occu- pied by people are taken for great mercantile houses and for 78] Rapid Transit. 135 manufacturing, the population of such areas is of necessity pushed out to the suburbs, while many seek suburban resi- dences as a matter of choice. From without, the suburban population is augmented by the rush to cities from the coun- try. Owing to the improvements in methods of agriculture, by which production from the earth becomes in some sense a manufacture, a smaller number of persons is required for agri- cultural purposes than of old. The question is often asked why, if population increases, there is not an increasing neces- sity of supplying food products ; and if there is such a neces- sity, why can great numbers be spared from the rural districts to engage in the business undertakings of the cities? Im- proved methods of production offer an answer to this ques- tion, the result being that since the labour of the open country is not in so great demand, even to supply the vast increase required in food products, it seeks remunerative employment in centres of population. As the contraction of labour through invention goes on, the expansion of labour through invention grows to a greater extent ; and it is probably true that through inventions, or through great industries which have come into being in recent years, a larger number of people find new em- ployment than are deprived of employment through improved methods ( 136, 138, 139). The great industries associated with electricity, railroad enterprises, the building of new kinds of machinery, and the absorbing in various ways of labourers in occupations not known until within a few years, enable manu- facturing centres to furnish gainful work to those coming from the country, where, relatively speaking, they are not needed. These people take up their residence in the suburbs, though they may find their occupation in crowded areas of the cities themselves. The question of rapid transit in cities, therefore, becomes one not only of great interest in the study of the movement of population at the present time, but one of prime necessity for the consideration of municipal governments. It is something more than a question of economics or of business convenience ; it is a social and an ethical question as well. 136 Problems of City Life. [78 According to the data for 1901, the total track mileage of the street railways of the United States was 23,036. Of this amount 22,063 miles were operated by electric, 241 miles by cable, 332 miles by horse, and 400 miles by miscellaneous or unclassified power. On the electric roads there were 62,591 cars, on the cable roads 1,643 cars > on tne horse-power roads 1,411 cars, on the roads operated by unclassified power 3,132 cars, making a total of 68,777 cars - There were 1,062 companies, with a capital stock of $1,324,072,053, and a funded debt amounting to $1,086,598,082, or a total of $2,410,670,135 capital liabilities. The relative economy of cable, electric, and animal motive- power has been the subject of much discussion, and the facts are probably better known by the operators of roads than by the public. The lack of uniform accounts of railways prevents the use of statistics for the formation of any final judgment on this point, especially as the electric roads which have lately come into operation have not had experience enough to afford final conclusions as to economy of service. Experience, how- ever, such as it is, points to electric power as that which will be generally employed, even more than at present. Such facts as are obtainable show that both cable and electric railroads are operated with greater economy than railways using animal power, but that electric railways, which have the least expense per car mile, have the greatest expense per passenger carried, owing to a smaller number of passengers per car mile or per trip than either of the other classes have. This is due to the fact that the new lines over which the passenger traffic has been but partly developed are chiefly electric. This whole matter constitutes a question of the most vital interest to city and suburban communities, and it leads to the ethical consideration of the problem of rapid transit, for that system must eventually be used by which passengers can be transported from their homes to their places of business at the least possible expense and the greatest possible safety com- mensurate with high speed. The necessity of living in sanitary localities, in moral and 78] Rapid Transit. 137 well-regulated communities, where children can have all the advantages of church and school, of light and air, becomes more and more evident as municipal governments undertake to solve the problems that are pressing upon them. If it be desirable to distribute the population of the congested districts through country districts, means must be provided for safe, rapid, and cheap transit in and out ; or, inversely, if it be desirable to build up the suburban areas, the people must be supplied with cheap and convenient means of reaching the localities within which they earn their living. The tendency of modern invention is constantly toward doing the work of transportation at a steadily diminishing cost per unit, whether train mile, ton, or passenger mile. The benefit of this cheapening may go in one or other of four ways, in lowering charges, in improving accommodations, in bonuses to municipalities, or in increased dividends to the companies. The reduction of fares, through improved means of rapid transit, however desirable, is really a minor question. It is probably true that by a slight reduction from a five-cent fare the head of a family engaged in mechanical labour, earning perhaps five or six hundred dollars per annum, might save enough to pay taxes, or to offset church and society assess- ments, or to furnish his family with boots and shoes, in any event extending his power pro tanto for the elevation of his family ; but he does more than this if he can save time by increased speed. By the old methods of transit from suburbs to the heart of a city a working man in some localities was practically obliged, while working ten hours at his usual occu- pation, to spend two hours on the horse railway, when now, on one line, by the use of the electric car, he can go to and return from his place of work in half that time, thereby actually adding to his own time an hour each day, practically reducing his busy time from twelve to eleven hours without reduction of wages and without increased expense of transportation. The question of rapid transit, therefore, as seen by this simple illustration, becomes one of ethical consideration. If there is 1 38 Problems of City Life. [ 7 8 anything to be gained by adding to the time which men have at their disposal for their own purposes, for intercourse with their families, for social' improvement, for everything for which leisure is supposed to be used, then the question of rapid transit is one of far greater importance than that of saving money either to the man who uses transportation or to the company that secures dividends upon its stock. All the efforts that are being made to secure convenient and cheap rapid transit in great cities are those which should bring to their support the help of all men who are seeking the improve- ment of the condition of the masses. The second alternative is the improvement of the service by better cars, running more frequently and at higher speed. Such improvements run against a new difficulty. The increase of street traffic arising from business extension in cities is crowding the street area, which cannot be enlarged to any extent in old cities like Boston, New York, or Philadelphia. It remains the same for the accommodation of present popula- tion and business as it was generations ago. The crowding of streets with the transportation essential for the movement of goods, increases with great rapidity, but when the crowding is augmented or perhaps doubled by the presence of the means of transporting passengers, the difficulties involved are almost appalling. With every increase of population the com- panies having in charge transportation facilities must, in order to accommodate the public, add more cars and more animals if animals are the motive-power and so rapidly add to the already crowded condition of streets. This process is one which attacks the health and the safety of the people. The presence of so many heavy animals constantly moving through the streets is a very serious matter ; the vitiation of the air is alone a sufficient reason for their removal, while the crowded condition of the streets impedes business, whether carried on with teams or on foot, and involves the safety of life and limb. It is a positive necessity from this point of view, that the problems connected with rapid transit should be speedily 78,79] Municipal Ownership. 139 solved, and this feature demands the efforts and the support of sanitarians. With the removal of tracks from the surface, and with tunnels built in such a manner as to be free from dampness and to secure light and air and be easy of access, as has been done in London and in Boston, all the insanitary conditions of street railway traffic will be at once and for ever removed ; and if private capital cannot be interested to a sufficient extent to undertake such measures, then municipal governments must see to it that the health of the community is not endangered by surface traffic. When this question is allied to the ethical one, and when one considers the ad- vantages to be gained, first, through securing rapid transit from the crowded portions of cities to the suburbs, and, second, by removing rapid transit traffic from the surface to underground or elevated tracks, the importance of the whole problem becomes clearly apparent, and not only the impor- tance of the problem, but the necessity of its solution. Such facts as are obtainable seem to indicate that, as a matter of economy, the very best equipment can be used with- out increasing the tax upon individual passengers. If under- ground roads can be used without at first increasing such tax, and still offer a reasonable compensation for capital invested, the gains to the people at large offer an inducement to capital, while the many considerations of health and morals offer men who desire to use their means for the benefit of their kind an opportunity that has not existed in the past. 79. The Question of Municipal Ownership. There are some very grave questions connected with rapid transit outside of matters of convenience or health, and they relate to the different methods of operating street railways. Great complaint is made in many places that corporations have obtained without cost valuable franchises, and then have capitalised them for large face values, on which dividends must be paid, in other words, that corporations induce city governments to grant franchises for nothing, on the ground 140 Problems of City Life. [79 of public convenience, and then charge the citizens rates which enable the company to pay a dividend on stock of a fictitious value, thereby making the citizens pay a return on what they have granted as a gift. In some States corporations pay certain sums to municipalities for the franchises granted, thus securing to the municipal treasury some pecuniary ad- vantage. These matters, taken in connection with the general agitation of the subject of municipal ownership and control of quasi-public works, have tended to create a very emphatic demand that cities shall put under their own control, perhaps to the extent of ownership, the whole street-railway business. Very many men who would consent to or approve of cities keeping control of water-works, and perhaps gas and electric- light works, oppose most strenuously the municipalisation of street railways. This question has been discussed recently in a most en- lightened way by a special committee appointed by the Gov- ernor of Massachusetts to consider the relations between street-railway companies and municipal corporations. The report of this committee, drawn by Charles Francis Adams, and published in February, 1898, deals in part with the municipalisation of street railways ; the committee states that its warmest exponents admit that so far as street railways are concerned, municipalisation is a most important and far- reaching proposition, but as yet in the experimental stage. This is the view, probably, of all enlightened students of the subject. Many of the arguments are drawn from the expe- rience of Great Britain, where the tendency towards municipal ownership or control of street railways is very pronounced ; as a system, it can be studied in its tentative stages in Glasgow, Leeds, and other places. The committee named refers to the experience of Great Britain as follows : In thus studying it, however, one thought immediately suggests itself to an American. So far as development, activity, and ma- terial and scientific appliances and equipment are concerned, apart from permanent way and track surface, the American street rail- 79] Municipal Ownership. 141 way service is so far in advance of any to be found in Great Britain as not to admit of a comparison. Without exaggeration, it may be said that, while the street surfacing, and merging of track with pavement, are there far in advance of what we ordinarily find in America, all the other appliances and accommodations are either antiquated and positively bad, or recently taken from this side of the Atlantic and installed by American companies. In other words, in the field of scientific apparatus and mechanical development, America has experimented at immense cost, as our street railway capitalisation shows, while Europe has patiently waited, and is to-day rapidly and quietly appropriating the results for which we have paid. As respects municipalisation, the con- ditions are likely to be reversed. Foreign countries, and more especially Great Britain, seem disposed to experiment, and experi- ment on a very considerable scale ; and perhaps it would be wise for America to allow these countries in this matter to bear the cost of so doing, sure of our ability at any time to appropriate all the useful results of foreign experience. As yet no attempt at the municipalisation of street railways has been made in any country on a sufficiently large scale and for a long enough time to be of real significance. Glasgow and Leeds, for instance, are the two European instances more frequently re- ferred to. From the statements often met with in the press, and t'.ie assertions heard in discussion, it might well be assumed that the experiments made in these cities amounted to an indisputable and established success ; whereas, in point of fact, such is not the case. So far from being a demonstrated success, it may, on the contrary, be confidently asserted that nowhere, as yet, has the ex- periment of municipalisation of street railways been worked out to any logical and ultimate results whatever, nor can it be so worked out for at least a score of years to come. Even then, political habits, social traditions, and material and economical conditions vary so greatly, and enter to so large an extent into the problem, that it will not be safe to infer that what may have proved safe and practicable in one community is either practicable or safe in another. At the present time, the municipalisation of the street railways is not accepted as by any means indisputably desirable in Great Britain, while in Germany it is regarded unfavorably. This last fact is the more noteworthy, as Germany has been the field in which State ownership and management of steam railroads has been developed to the fullest extent, and with results pronounced to be unquestion- able, as well as most satisfactory. 142 Problems of City Life. [79 Like municipalisation in other directions, experience only can determine what system will ultimately be adopted. Econ- omy of service, speed with safety, the accommodation of the public, all must be considered and practically demonstrated. A minor difficulty, but one that must be considered, is the obstacle which arises on account of lines of street railways passing from the highways of one city to those of another ; but it may be overcome through co-operative measures, when actual experience shows which is the better method. One city is not likely to own lines of its own and to operate them in connection with neighbouring contiguous cities where the lines are owned by private corporations. 80. The Slum Question. In all great cities there are districts known as slums, or places in which dirty streets, inhabited by a squalid and crimi- nal population, are to be found, and in which the low and dangerous classes congregate. Typical slums may be either streets or tenements, or blocks of houses ; more frequently they are alleys or culs-de-sac, the street or alley being very narrow, badly paved, with more or less surface drainage, and littered with garbage and debris. The buildings themselves are old, badly lighted, with narrow stairways, dark corridors, small rooms, and filthy closets ; they are more like dens than residences. The question of how to deal with the slums of great cities is intimately connected with that of rapid transit. As shown in the chapter on Urban and Rural Population, the denizens of the slums of cities are being crowded out through the en- croachments of business, and they must of necessity seek homes in the suburbs ; but the encroachments of business alone will not remove the worst places to be found in our great towns. The cities themselves, as bodies politic, must, through their governments, take decisive measures in this direction. Glas- gow removed some of its plague-spots a few years ago by projecting broad avenues through them. Other cities in Great 80] The Slum Question. 143 Britain have taken the same method, and it is probably the only way by which people can be compelled to live in health- ful localities. It is an expensive process at first, but in the long run the city that resorts to it will gain as a city, while the inhabitants as individuals will gain much more. To the slum question is devoted the Seventh Special Report of the United States Commissioner of Labour, and the results of his investigation show that the conditions of slum life are not so appalling as they are often painted. A very thorough examination of the slums shows that their inhabitants are quite as free from sickness as those of other localities, while as wage- receivers their earnings are equal to those of persons living in better conditions. The people of the slums are too often very contented. Self-satisfaction is not the only point, however. The slums are the breeding places of vice, and furnish a resort for the disorderly and vicious ; there should not be in our modern civilisation any place dedicated to such a class. The dispersion of such evil-minded persons by official action of city governments is a service in the interest of the whole. It is a hopeful sign, as shown by the figures given above ( 68, 69), that the congested districts of cities do not and cannot increase in their population, but the movement of decentralisation can be accelerated and the slum population greatly reduced and ultimately removed. Many philanthropic and benevolent en- terprises are doing much in the way of reclaiming people who are fond of the slums, and are bringing to them some of the light and the life which come of better ways. College settle- ments, guilds, and all the instrumentalities projected by modern altruism are doing good work in these directions, but an arbi- trary conversion of alleys and slum districts into broad business avenues can accomplish more than all the other instrumentali- ties together. The difficulty lies in the fact that in the slum districts of great cities there are residents of the highest respec- tability, people living in their own houses, and who for various reasons remain in their old places. Hence the statistics of slum wards always show an average condition differing some- 1 44 Problems of City Life. [ So what from that which really belongs to those who live there by preference, and who there find associates of their own level. 81. Housing of the Poor. An allied question next claims attention, the housing of the poor and the efforts which are made through philanthropic interest or otherwise to provide decent, respectable homes. It is still a moot question how far the municipal governments should undertake to furnish houses for those having occupa- tions of the lowest grade. Nothing has been done in this direction as yet by municipal governments in this country, but the success of the city of London and other cities in Great Britain furnishes strong argument for the cities of America to change plague-spots into profitable residential localities. There are, of course, many difficulties attending the rehousing of peo- ple, as shown in the experience of Naples. People are wedded to certain localities, without reference to their healthfulness or desirability, and dislike much to leave them. Temperament, association, inertness, many human elements, stand in the way of improving the housing of the poor. London owns about 760 tenements, having over 2,000 rooms, while Glasgow has spent a large sum of money in the treatment of the slum question, and has transformed some of the worst places in that city into attractive dwellings. Birming- ham, Huddersfield, Liverpool, Manchester, Dublin, Edinburgh, and many other places, own dwellings which they rent at low rates: in Birmingham the rent is $s. 6- O 5 z en ^ O O O ? 86] Married and Single. countries, 1 showing conditions practically similar to those ex- isting in the United States. Although there are two partners to every marriage, the excess of married males over married females among the adult popu- lation in the United States in 1900 was, in round numbers, 523,000, very nearly four times the excess of married males when the whole married population without regard to age is con- sidered. This excess, which at first glance seems paradoxical, can be readily accounted for ; the great bulk of immigration which has come to this country in recent years has been com- posed largely of adult males (probably three-fifths of the whole number), a large part of whom are married, but who are not, as a rule, joined by their families until they become established in some fixed occupation. Since they come principally from the ranks of unskilled labour, their securing permanent employ- ment is problematical, and they are unable or they hesitate to send for their families. The steady stream of emigration from the East to the West has naturally taken a considerable proportion of the male pop- ulation from the older States of the Atlantic divisions, leaving in those divisions an excess of females in nearly every State. This emigration of males to the more westerly States, aided largely by foreign immigration, three-fifths of which, as stated, 1 PER CENT OF PERSONS TWENTY YEARS OF AGE AND OVER, IN 1890, OF EACH CONJUGAL CONDITION IN THE UNITED STATES AND FOREIGN COUNTRIES. Number in each Number in each Number in each 100 adults. 100 adult males. joo adult females. Countries. a a T3 T3 a "5 C o a "bio a O a JU M 'fc o c C ^ ;^ c/> <, ^ ir> ^ C/2 * * United States . . 26 65 9 3' 64 5 20 67 >3 England and Wales 29 61 o 29 65 6 28 58 M Scotland .... 34 55 , 35 59 6 35 5' M 2 46 17 Austria-Hungary . Belgium .... 3' 35 59 55 O 33 37 62 56 5 7 28 32 58 55 14 13 '54 Marriage and Divorce. [86 is made up of males, has given to the West Central and extreme Western States an undue proportion of males as compared with females. 87. Marriages compared by Races. In the United States, as in other countries, there are differ- ences in the marriage rates of various social classes in the community, but in this country that difference is rather in favour of the lowest elements. Classification by general nativ- ity and colour is in a measure a classification by station in life. The native whites of native parentage, taken as a whole, form the highest class in the community, as indicated by education, occupation, and freedom from criminality and pauperism. The native whites of foreign parentage occupy a middle position in this regard, while the foreign whites in the North and the negroes in the South occupy the lowest position in the scale. From the statistics 1 it appears that among the native white population of native parentage two-thirds are now married ; the proportion in the foreign white population is practically the same, and also among the negro population, save that in the latter case there are fewer single persons and more widows and widowers. The native whites of foreign parentage show a striking diver- gence, for which it is hard to account. Instead of a proportion of one-fourth of single persons, more than two-fifths are single, 1 PER CENT OF PERSONS TWENTY YEARS OF AGE AND OVER OF EACH CONJUGAL CONDITION, BY GENERAL NATIVITY AND COLOUR. Number in each Number in each Number in each General Nativity and Colour. loo adults. 100 adult males. 100 adult females. "1 d u 'C 'idowed. "M c 73 rt d o 5 "3 d p u "H w * ? to 3 * 33 S > Native Whites Na- tive Parents . . Native Whites For 24 66 9 28 66 5 '9 67 13 eign Parents . . Foreign Whites Negroes .... 38 21 22 57 67 64 5 13 44 26 26 53 67 66 3 6 7 32 '4 '7 61 68 63 7 '7 '9 25 65 9 30 64 5 21 65 '3 88] Races Contract Theory. 155 and few are among the widows and widowers. This indispo- sition to marry is one of the several anomalies which make the habits of the descendants of foreigners an important problem in the future status of the country. 88. The Contract Theory of Marriage. One of the most important questions for the well-being of the community is the conception of the legal relations of the status of marriage. Many of the States and Territories have incorporated definitions of marriage into their statutes. About one-half the States conform to the usual and long-accepted doctrine that marriage is a civil contract ; others, with perhaps greater accuracy, set forth that marriage is not in itself a con- tract, but a status acquired by the parties thereto by virtue of the contract, to which the consent of parties capable of mak- ing the contract is essential. In either case the contract must be an actual one ; the consent must be by parties capable of making it ; and there must be no fraud on either side. But the contract is not an ordinary one, such as can be annulled by agreement of the parties, so long as no one is in- jured by the annulment. In a marriage contract the State enters in and is concerned in it, lending to it a higher sacred- ness than that which belongs to ordinary legal contracts. The distinction is clearly set forth by Bishop, one of the ablest writers upon divorce : "That marriage executed is not a con- tract, we know, because the parties cannot mutually dissolve it; because the act of God incapacitating one to discharge its duties will not release it ; because no accepted performance will end it ; because no suit for damage will lie for the non- fulfilment of its duties ; because these duties are not derived from its terms, but from the law ; because legislation may annul it at pleasure, and because none of its other elements are those of contract, but are all of status." The contract making marriage or underlying marriage can- not be made at all except by legal sanction, and in accordance with legal conditions, and the tendency is to alter those con- 156 Marriage and Divorce. [88 ditions as time goes on. Westermarck, in his " History of Human Marriage," points out that these conditions have shown an evolution in various ways : " The dominant tendency of this process at its later stages has been the extension of the wife's rights. A wife is no longer the husband's property ; and, according to modern ideas, mar- riage is, or should be, a contract on the footing of perfect equal- ity between the sexes. The history of human marriage is," he says, "the history of a relation in which women have been gradually triumphing over the passions, the prejudices, and the selfish interests of men." Marriage is generally encouraged by law, especially with a view to putting an end to unhallowed relations between men and women ; hence in many States it is provided that marriage between the parents of illegitimate children shall legitimatise such children : or that, in cases of seduction, there shall be suspension of prosecution or penalty upon the marriage of the parties. The suggestion has often been made, sometimes seri- ously, that a special tax be laid on unmarried men, the argu- ment being that as a result of such tax the marriage rate would be increased. 89. Solemnisation of Marriage. In general, marriage must be attested by a distinct ceremony, which shall be a matter of record. Among other things, the record must set forth the competence of the persons to enter into the relation. Under the common law in Scotland, and to some extent in this country, the simple assertion of persons before witnesses that they are married, or their living together as man and wife with no explanation to the contrary, consti- tutes a legal and binding marriage. In a majority of the States and Territories the laws fix the ages at which the parties are capable of marrying or making a marriage contract, and also establish the ages below which the consent of parents, guardians, or other persons having control of the parties is required. 8pJ Solemnisation. 157 Laws exist usually as to the degrees of consanguinity or relationship within which marriages are forbidden. They also define the causes for which marriages are prohibited, or which render them invalid, or which are sufficient to render them void from the beginning without legal process, while in some of the States it is provided that such causes only constitute the grounds for judicial proceedings to have the marriage set aside or to make the marriage voidable. Again, causes which in some States render a marriage void or voidable, in others simply constitute grounds for divorce ; and, indeed, in some States the same cause which renders a marriage void is also ground for divorce, if that remedy be sought. Most of the States require a license to be procured by the parties prior to the solemnisation of marriage, and the facts declared at the time of the issuance of the license remain a matter of record. The statutes of all States and Territories, except Pennsylvania and South Carolina, expressly define the classes of persons authorised to solemnise marriages. These are, first, ministers of the Gospel, of any regular denomination ; and, secondly, magistrates, or judges, mayors, police justices, and justices of the peace. In France, and in some other countries, there are usually two ceremonies, the religious and the civil, the latter being obligatory in all cases. In the United States the greater part of the marriages are solemnised by clergymen, and in nearly all the States and Territories the person or society solemnising a marriage is required to make a written return or certificate thereof to some official authorised to receive it, and, except in New Jersey, that official is required to record the return. In sixteen of the States and Territories every person solemnising a marriage is required to keep a permanent record. In a few States provision is made for the return of marriages celebrated beyond the limits of the State. Many of the States provide for the State registration of mar- riages, usually under the authority of the Secretary of the State Board of Health, the registrar of vital statistics, or the Secretary of State. But since publication of authentic registration of 158 Marriage and Divorce. [8o marriages is unusual, the statistics of marriages are very incom- plete. There is either no penalty affixed for not making a return, or the penalty is not enforced ; so that there is a large percentage of error in nearly all the official statistics of mar- riage. The twenty-one States which provide for returns to some State officer do not in general ask for sufficient facts relative to the persons married ; the facts that are given are not identical in the various States ; and they are compiled so carelessly as to be nearly worthless. In addition to age, parentage, birthplace, nationality, and race, there should be added information as to whether the parties have been divorced or not, and their occupation ; thus information of the highest value in the discussion of marriage and divorce would soon be accumulated and the question relieved of some of its present uncertainties. Even in some of the older States, where registration has been made for years, one-tenth of the marriages celebrated do not reach the recorders, and the con- clusions that are sometimes drawn from such statistics cannot be trusted. For instance, it is nearly impossible to determine whether marriages in general increase in the same ratio as population increases, though in some of the States with rea- sonably accurate returns the marriage rate seems not to keep pace with the population rate. Those who study the divorce question must, before suggest- ing any changes in divorce laws, carefully consider the marriage laws, and they will find that laxity in the enforcement of such laws is one of the forces which have caused the great divorce movement of the past third of a century. There should be thrown around marriage all the dignity which comes from reasonable formality, publicity, and such permanent records at least as are given to wills, transfers of land, and mortgages of property. If parties can secure a license without trouble, and find no difficulty in finding an official authorised by law tc solemnise the marriage, it is not strange that many marriaga contracts are carelessly assumed. There should be formality enough to compel thought and some consideration in tha 9] Annulment. 159 matter, even to the extent, perhaps, of requiring the presence of the recording officer in order to make a marriage valid. The laxity of licenses and registration may not, perhaps, be a cause of the divorce movement, but it is probable that a strict enforcement of such laws would be a cause of diminution of divorce ; for it would compel parties to consider that their act is a matter of public concern as well as of private welfare, hap- piness, or misery. Even the most intelligent people often make unsuitable marriages, and sometimes take upon themselves the marriage vow without a conscientious understanding of the great responsibility which rests upon each to see to it that the marriage be not a failure. How essential it is that more ignorant and less thoughtful people, who do not understand the obligations resting upon each, the sacrifices essential to happiness, the difficulty of accommodating varied tempera- ments, should be surrounded by all the reasonable safeguards that law can contrive ; how grave becomes the action when the obligations are carelessly assumed, and how incumbent upon those who make our laws to see to it that such elements of care as can be required by a statutory provision shall be recognised ! 90. The Annulment of Marriage. Besides the actual setting aside of a marriage legally con- tracted, to which we give the name of legal divorce, there are various ways by which such unions cease to have effect. Of course, a pre-existing marriage of either party makes the cere- mony absolutely null ; the guilty one incurs the penalties of bigamy ; the guiltless is often a prey to the most cruel and un- deserved suffering. Death loosens all bonds, and presumptive death or desertion by absence without tidings for a period of years defined by law, usually from two to seven, will de- prive the absent one of all rights in case the other party marries again. The story of Enoch Arden is not infrequently repeated. The amusement known as " mock marriages " sometimes leads to most distressing consequences. There are cases on 160 Marriage and Divorce. [90 record where such play ceremonies have been held to have fulfilled all the legal conditions, and a subsequent marriage becomes bigamy. In such cases courts will usually pronounce the marriage invalid from the beginning. In some States the conviction of one party for an infamous crime relieves the wife or husband from marriage, without divorce proceedings. Other causes of annulment are where either party is incapable of marriage from want of age or understanding, or from physical disability, where the consent of either party was obtained by force or fraud, where either party was an idiot or a lunatic, or where either party had a former husband or wife living at the time of the marriage. Whatever the process of annulment, it sets aside the contract of marriage as one never made at all, and it covers the whole period of alleged married life. 91. Divorce. The ordinary method of dissolving marriage is by judicial decree of divorce ; that is, by the dissolution or the partial suspension of the marriage relationship through legal processes. When marriage is dissolved by divorce, and the parties are put back in the position of single persons, the divorce is termed "absolute," or, as law designates it, "divorce a vinculo matri- inonii" from the bonds of matrimony. When marriage is only partially suspended by divorce and the parties are sepa- rated, but still retain the legal status of married persons, the divorce is termed "limited," or "divorce a mensa et thoro" that is, from bed and board. Such legal dissolution is possible by special act of the legislature, by judicial decree, or by the automatic operation of law. A legislative divorce is simply a bill regularly passed like any special act. The only states in which it once prevailed have generally delegated divorce jurisdiction to the courts. South Carolina grants no divorce. The second and usual method is the judicial divorce, which is granted by courts having the jurisdiction given them by law. 9 1 ] Divorce. i6i The conditions of divorce are very different in various States, but in all, with two or three exceptions, there is provision rela- tive to the length of time of residence of one or both of the parties to an action for divorce, and in the laws giving juris- diction in divorce cases to the courts are provisions as to pro- cedure and the causes for absolute or limited divorce and the results of divorce. The laws relating to causes and other matters, with the ex- ception of those of a very few States, chief among which is New York, which grants absolute divorce for scriptural cause only, are more uniform than is generally supposed. Among forty- two general causes for absolute divorce found in one or another State, are comprehended such causes as desertion, cruelty, and the like, while in a very few cases there is an omnibus clause allowing the court to grant a divorce for any cause deemed sufficient by it, and when it shall be satisfied that the parties can no longer live happily together. Some very curious and amusing causes have been alleged, and divorces have been granted on the-m, especially to the wife. Among these are the complaints that the husband does not come home until ten o'clock at night, and that when he does return he keeps the petitioner awake talking. An- other plaintiff alleges that the husband does not wash himself, thereby inflicting on plaintiff great mental anguish ; another declares that the husband sleeps with a razor under his pillow, solely to frighten and distress the plaintiff. In one case it was declared that the defendant made the plaintiff climb a ladder to drive nails in the woodshed, and not liking the way she drove the nails, he lassoed her on coming down from the ladder, tied her fast to the gate-post, and then stuck sticks and straws in her nose and ears, and committed other per- sonal outrages. These trivialities indicate the danger of what is called the "omnibus clause " of causes for divorce. Whatever the legal provision, the frequency of divorce is much affected by the views relative to the propriety and rightfulness of divorce entertained by theologians and re- ligious bodies. These views may be classified according to 1 62 Marriage and Divorce. [91 church and denominational doctrines under five heads, as follows l : First. The Roman Catholic Church, High Church Episco- palians, and some others in other churches, deny the right of absolute divorce, insisting that neither husband nor wife should be able to secure it even for the infidelity of the other. Second. In English ecclesiastical as well as in English civil law the infidelity of the wife only is the ground of divorce ; many American Episcopalians also agree with this view. Third. The Protestant Episcopal Church of America holds to the right of absolute divorce for the infidelity of either party, and this church, as well as the bodies referred to in the first and second classes, also holds to separation a mensa et thoro for sufficient cause. Congregationalists, Baptists, Uni- tarians, etc., have no authoritative legislative ecclesiastical bodies and therefore cannot be classed by their creedal utter- ances ; but probably most Congregationalists and nearly all Baptists hold to this position. A large and, it may be, grow- ing number of Congregationalists and others tend toward even a more liberal view. Fourth. The great Presbyterian body (excepting the United Presbyterians and perhaps the smaller divisions) and the Methodist Episcopal Church, allow divorce for infidelity, and for desertion also, but rigidly draw the line at the latter. Fifth. The Greek and Lutheran Church, and frequently individual writers and exegetical scholars, favour divorce for an indefinite number of causes. Nearly all countries have delegated divorce jurisdiction to the courts, thereby relieving legislative bodies. In England, for instance, a divorce could be obtained only from the House of Lords ; now it is through the High Court of Justice. In Canada, while the subjects of marriage and divorce are vested in the Parliament, that body has not as yet passed any legisla- 1 For this classification the author is indebted to Dr. Samuel W. Dike, the Secretary of the National League for the Protection of the Family. 92] States and the Union. 163 tion of a general character ; so the divorce courts of the dif- ferent provinces continue their functions. An insignificant number of divorces has been decreed in Canada, the total number from 1868 to 1886, inclusive, being only 116. There have been many changes during the last generation in the laws regulating marriage and divorce in European countries. Prior to 1868 the ecclesiastical courts had, in Austria, France, the German Empire, Ireland, and Switzerland, more or less complete jurisdiction over matrimonial causes, but the civil courts have now exclusive jurisdiction in all such matters in all of these countries. The experience of France is, perhaps, as marked as that of any country, for under the legislation of 1884 there has been a very great increase in the number of divorces. 92. State and Federal Relations of Marriage and Divorce. Both marriage and divorce are much complicated by the nature of our Federal government. While men and women go and come, travel freely everywhere, and, as a rule, are nowhere called upon to show documentary evidence of their marriage, or an evidence of settlement, yet the laws of the States are often so conflicting that a legal relation in one State is not recognised in another. In general a valid marriage contracted in one State is valid in another, and thirteen States and Territories so provide ; but what of re-marriages of per- sons who in the State where their divorces were granted could not legally re-marry? A few of the States provide that marriage after divorce shall be permitted without limitation, but in most of them there is no provision touching the subject of marriage after divorce has been granted ; while in fifteen States, wherein marriage after divorce is not expressly allowed, it is provided by law that the penalties for bigamy or other offence shall not extend to persons marrying after having been lawfully divorced from the bonds of matrimony. In like manner, a divorce granted in one State for a cause not recognised in another 164 Marriage and Divorce. [92 may or may not be recognised in the second State. There are therefore some cases in which a man has in one State a wife recognised as legally bound to him there, and another equally bound to him elsewhere. Cases have occurred where a man has left two legal widows, each of whom claimed and got his estate, so far as it lay within the State in which she was married. Of course, the decrees of the court of one State are, in the absence of fraud and a few other conditions, respected in another State. 93. Statistics of Divorce. The whole number of divorced persons enumerated in the United States proper in 1900 was 198,914 out of a total popu- lation of 75,994,575, the divorced constituting but little more than one four-hundredth of the whole population. There were 2,649 divorced persons less than 20 years of age, leaving 196,265 divorced persons in the country over that age. It is noteworthy that while the divorced males of adult age con- stituted 0.38 per cent of all the adult males, or i in 260, the divorced females of adult age made 0.55 of that class, or i in 182. The important comparison, of course, is that of divorced persons to the married. Differences in the composition of the several elements of the population, such as the large pro- portion of children among the native whites of foreign parent- age, and the undue proportion of grown people among the foreign whites, make it necessary to show the extent to which divorce is prevalent. For the mainland of the United States, there was one divorced person to 139 married, but there are wide variations in the various parts of the Union. The pro- portion was smallest in the two Atlantic divisions, and largest in the Western division, while in the Northern and Southern divisions it was nearly equal. Divorce was somewhat more common among the native whites of native parentage than among the total population. The foreign whites show a still smaller proportion of di- 93] Statistics of Divorce. ,6 5 vorced, that for the United States being but little more than half the proportion of the native whites of native parentage. Among the population of negro descent the divorced were more prevalent than among any other classes, the South Cen- tral division rising to one for every 67 of such persons mar- ried. In other sections the negro element is not of sufficient importance numerically to render the results of value. 1 Figures on so important a subject need to be carefully sub- stantiated, though few States provide for statistics of divorce. The Federal statistics are fairly accurate ; they are based on data collected by the United States Department of Labour for the period from 1867 to i886, 2 inclusive, from the records of the courts having divorce jurisdiction. For those twenty years there were granted in the United States 328,716 decrees for divorce, rising from 9,937 in 1867 by steady and rapid in- crease to 25,535 in 1886. While divorces thus increased two and a half times, the total population of the United States in- creased only about 60 per cent. Only four States in the Union showed a decrease in their divorce figures. The proportion of divorces to married couples in 1870 was r to 664, while in 1880 it was i to 481. These figures show the rapidity with which divorces have increased during the twenty years named. 1 PER CENT OF DIVORCED PERSONS TO MARRIED PERSONS, BY GEOGRAPHICAL DIVISIONS, 1900. rt u s U IS O. . jp *^ w ^ *** OT3 CL C - c " 5c O q Geographical Divisions. *- C M '5^ X Carroll D. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, chs.xvi., xvii. ; William C. Hunt, Workers at Gainful Occupations, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletin No. n (especially on employment of children, 118); M. C. de Graffenried and William F. Willoughby, Essays on Child Labour, in American Economic Association, Publications, V. No. 2; L. G. Powers, Some Unanswered Questions concerning Child Labour (paper read before International Association of Factory Inspectors, September, 1897) ; Carroll D. Wright, The Factory System, in United States Tenth Census, Report on Manufactures, II.; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of La- bour, Twentieth Annual Report, Part VII. ( 1889) ; reports of various State bureaus of statistics of labour; Charlotte Perkins Stetson, Women and Economics ; Clara E. Collet, The Collection and Utilization of Official Statistics bearing on the Extent and Effects of the Industrial Employment of Women, in Royal Statistical Society, Journal, LXI. part ii. 219 (June, 1898) ; Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology, I. part iii. x., xi. ; Sidney and Beatrice Webb, Problems of l\Iodern Indttstry, chs. iii., iv. ; the Forum, July, 1893 ( n wages, 120), and May, 1892 (on char- acter of working women, 121); Sarah Scoville Whittelsey, Labour Legislation in Massachusetts ; Twelfth Census, Report on Population, Part II. (occupations). 115. Influence of Factories on Employment of Women and Children. Ever since the factory, or associated system of labour, which enabled women and children to enter the ranks of general in- dustry, superseded the hand or domestic system, there has been fear that their employment would in time cause the dis- integration of the family and deterioration of the home. The factory system has now been in practical operation more than 208 115] Influence of Factories. 209 one hundred years. 1 It had its beginning when cotton spinning and weaving by power succeeded the spinning-wheel and the hand-loom. Under the previous domestic system women had been widely employed, but as an individual matter, and in the homes of the weavers and spinners ; hence they attracted little attention from philanthropists and legislators. But with the textile factory there came the congregation of labour, and all the conditions under which the workers were employed be- came matters of public attention. The present century has seen many hot contests in the British Parliament over efforts to regulate the hours of labour of women and children and to secure for them better sanitary conditions, protection from injuries through machinery, and other improvements in the conditions of their employment. Frequent Parliamentary investigations under the direction of the House of Commons have pictured the hardships which accompanied the employment of women and children ; while similar investigations directed by the House of Lords have usually set forth the other side, and evidence has been brought out to show that the conditions were not as bad as the agi- tators would have the public believe. Wherever the factory has been established, this conflict has been carried on, but no- where with such bitterness as in England, where it was alleged that the employment of women and children was a direct menace to the home and the family. In all this discussion little attention was paid to the wretched condition of this class of workers under the old domestic sys- tem, where work and living were conducted under the same roof or in the same room, out of ordinary observation. Under the factory system in its first stages their condition was little better. The hours were long, the strain great, and the fac- tories unhealthy ; the application of law in removing unhealthy and dangerous conditions, or at least in modifying them, was therefore beneficent ; but even when unregulated the factory was morally a vast improvement over the home places of work. 1 C. D. Wright, The Factory System, in United States Tenth Census, II. 14 2io Working Women. ["5 Finally the principle became fixed in English legislation that the government had the power to protect society and the family from whatever evils existed, and that future generations should not be injured through the conditions under which women were asked to work. In the Continental countries, as the factory became a fixed institution, writers borrowed the English complaints, and ap- plied them to their own conditions. Le Play, in his " Organi- sation of Labour," saw in the employment of women a loss of respect, and consequently a menace to virtue and family life. The establishment of the textile factory in America in the first quarter of the present century did not lead to the general complaints that were made in England, chiefly because the proprietors of our factories profited by the experience of Eng- lish proprietors, and built better factories, employed a higher class of labour, and paid much better wages. Notwithstanding this, there was much to be remedied in the American system, especially in the long hours of labour, from thirteen to four- teen per day, and efforts were made to reduce them. The employment of women and children, then, becomes a matter closely connected with the questions of the family, and the extent to which such employment has been carried and the conditions surrounding it are matters belonging to practical sociology. Women and children have always been employed, but now in such increasing proportion as to cause a new fear that they are displacing men and encroaching upon the ability of the head of the family to support it. 116. The Influence of Law. The general occupations of women and children may be ascertained by reference to the tables on occupations con- tained in the reports of the Eleventh Census to which more critical attention will be called when discussing other ques- tions relating to the labour system. At present we will con- fine our attention to the numbers, conditions, and wages of working women and children. Wherever the textile factory n6] Influence of Law. 21 1 exists, or other manufactures needing light labour, legislators have considered women and children the wards of the State, for whose benefit special legislation was justifiable. Accord- ingly, laws have fixed the maximum hours of labour at which women and children may be employed per day or per week. Another frequent object of legislation is the age under which children or young persons cannot be employed ; the underly- ing idea is that children should be withdrawn from the stunting and dwarfing influences of confinement in workshops, and that they should attend school and become fitted for future useful- ness. The age limit varies in different States ; but as a rule the laws provide that no child shall be employed under ten years of age, and that those from ten to fifteen must have a certain number of weeks of schooling every year. The statistics of the occupations of the people of the United States, as gathered at the censuses, exclude all persons under ten years of age ; we have statistics of the number of females employed over that age, and the classification of their occupa- tions. In 1870 the total number of persons (proprietors, salaried people, and wage-workers) engaged in some gainful occupation was 12,505,923 ; of these the females were 1,836,288, or nearly one-tenth of the total female population, and one-seventh of the total number of females ten years of age and over. In 1900 the similar figures for the mainland were : all persons, 29,074,117; females, 5,319,912, or over one-eighth of the total female population, and over one-sixth of the females ten years of age and over. The distinction of sex in occupations was not made in the censuses prior to 1870. In that year the number of females ten years of age and over employed in agriculture, fisheries, and mining was 397,049, or 2.84 per cent of the total num- ber of females of the age given; in 1900 there had been an increase, the number being 979,163, or 3.4 per cent. In professional service, however, the proportion of females in- creased from 92,257 in 1870, or .66 of i per cent, to 430,576 in 1900, or 1.52 percent. In domestic and personal service the number of females was, in 1870, 973,157, or 6.97 per cent, 212 Working Women. [ n6 and 2,095,449, or 7.41 per cent, in 1900. The number en- gaged in trade and transportation was insignificant at both the dates; but in manufacturing and mechanical industries the increase is more marked, the number being for the first year 353>997> or 2 -53 P er cent > and m *9, i,3i3> 20 4, or 4-65 per cent. 117. Occupations of Women. The increase in the proportion of females to the whole num- ber of persons engaged in some of the other principal subdi- visions of occupations is more startling. Women artists and teachers of art increased from 10.10 per cent of the total in 1870 to 44.3 per cent in 1900. There has also been a very great increase in music-teachers ; and in book-keepers, clerks, and saleswomen, the rise being from 3.47 per cent in 1870 to 21 per cent in 1900; in telegraph and telephone operators from 4.27 per cent to 30.1 per cent in 1900. Percentages of small quantities are less clear than special statements. The census of 1870 recorded but one architect among the women of this country, while 100 were found in 1900. The increase of numbers of artists and teachers of art was from 412 in 1870 to 11,021 in 1900. There were no women among the chemists, assayers, and metallurgists in 1870; while the enumerators in 1900 found 248. There were 67 preachers in 1870, and 3,373 in 1900. Dentistry has also attracted women, and while there were but 24 in this oc- cupation in 1870, there were 786 in 1900. Women are also entering the field occupied by designers and draughtsmen, there being 941 in these occupations in 1900 against 13 in 1870. In 1900 there were 84 women engaged as engineers and surveyors, while there were none so employed in 1870. In the journalistic field the number rose in the thirty years from 35 to 2,193, and the number of lawyers increased from 5 to 1,010. Musicians and teachers of music numbered among the women 5,753 in 1870, while in 1900 there were 52,359. The female government officials, including national, State, county, city, and town governments, rose from 414 in the 1 1?] Occupations. 213 former to 8,119 m the latter period; while among physicians and surgeons there was a like increase of women, it being from 527 in 1870 to 7,387 in 1900. The occupation of teacher has been among the most attrac- tive, for in 1870 the women numbered 84,047, and in 1900 327,614, the latter number including professors in colleges and universities. The latest report of the Commissioner of Educa- tion states that of the whole number of public-school teachers in the United States 69.7 per cent, and in some of the New England States more than 91 per cent, are women. Women have made very great inroads among book-keepers and accountants, including clerks and copyists; for in 1870 the number engaged in these lines was 8,016, while in 1900 it was 159,399. Typewriters were not known in 1870, at least not to a sufficient extent to be considered in the census of that year, although seven short hand writers were returned ; but of the stenographers and typewriters in 1900, 86, 118 were women. The number of saleswomen so enumerated in 1870 was 2,775, to which should be added several thousand clerks in stores; it was 149,230 in 1900. The object in stating these detailed figures is to present the evidence that women are gaining in their occupations, and, further, that the proportion of females in all occupations fol- lowed is gradually increasing, so that women are to some extent entering into places at the expense of the males. A closer study of all the facts, however, shows that women are more generally taking the places of children ; for, compared with 20 years ago, the number of children in manufactures has decreased, and in many classes they have been altogether excluded, and adult women have to some extent come in. There need not be any alarm, therefore, as to the encroachments of women upon the occupations held by men. During the last fifty years there have been many occupations opened to men that were not known before. This has been the result of the development of transportation and the appli- cation of inventions to industry. Railroad construction and 214 Working Women. ["7 operation opened an exceedingly wide field that has been oc- cupied almost exclusively by men ; while all the inventions for the utilisation of electricity have opened still greater opportu- nities, in which women have not met with much opportunity, the men holding the field. So, as men have stepped out of their old employments invention has opened paths for new occupations. It can hardly be correct, therefore, to say that women are really hurting the chances of men in business ; for, on the whole, the encroachment is slight, as has been shown. In special places of employment, like those of book-keepers, stenographers, clerks in business houses, etc., there is un- doubtedly an encroachment that has injured the opportunities of men to support themselves and their families. Whether the men who have been crowded out have been able to secure equally good positions in other directions is a question that cannot be determined easily by the statistical method. 118. Number of Children employed. Turning now to the statistics relating to the number of chil- dren employed during the different years, 1 it is found that since 1880 there has been a slight increase in the number and proportion of children at work, but greater increase has been prevented by a combination of causes, among which may be named the common-school system, the growth of public senti- ment against the employment of young children in any capa- 1 Census Years and Classification of Ages. Males. Females. Total. 1870. Total children 10 to 15 years of age, inclusive Number of above at work Per cent of above at work 2,840,200 548,064 19.30 2,764,169 191,100 6.91 5,604,369 739, l6 4 13-19 1880. Total children 10 to 15 years of age, inclusive Number of above at work Per cent of above at work 3.376,"4 825,187 24-44 3,273i369 293.169 8.96 6,649,483 1,118,356 16.82 1900. Total children 10 to 15 years of age, inclusive Number of above at work Per cent of above at work 4.860,086 1,267,403 26 07 4,767.374 487,807 10 23 9,627,460 1,755,210 18.23 119] Children Employed. 215 city, the desire of parents to give their children a better chance than they had themselves, and the action of law. A fairly close approximation to the real facts can be secured from the statistics on page 214, according to which it is seen that in 1870, 13.19 per cent of the total number of children ten to fifteen years of age, inclusive, were at work; in 1880, 16.82 per cent, and in 1900, 18.23. The increase in the total num- ber of such children, between 1880 and 1900, was 44.78 per cent, while the increase in the number of children at work was 56.94 per cent. In 1870 the percentage of children of the total number of persons employed in manufacturing was 5.58, while in 1900 it was only 3.16. Between 1880 and 1890 the number of children ten to fif- teen years of age, inclusive, at work was reduced from 1,1 18,356 to 860,786. This was a very gratifying result, but during the last few years the great industrial progress in the South has brought a large number of children into various occupations. This, as one element, accounts for the slight increase in the percentages between 1880 and 1900. Law and custom will in time correct this condition. That children should be busy no one will deny, and many thousands of boys and girls have home tasks, and are doing the world service. The " child labour " problem is, however, simply that of keeping down the number of those who shall enter upon the toil in which their lives are to be spent before they have a common-school education, and before their muscles are set and their frames knit up. 119. Wages of Women and Children. Average earnings are very difficult to ascertain ; the problem is complicated by "store pay," shut-downs, short time, fines, team, and piece work, etc. In the census of 1900 the average annual earnings of men in mechanical and manufacturing indus- tries are stated at $490.60 ; the earnings of children are given by same authority as $152.18, and of women $272.04 per annum. How far women receive the lower scale of wages for pre- cisely the same work cannot be accurately determined. Men 216 Working Women. [ :I 9 clerks in manufacturing establishments, 1900, averaged $957.16, and $414.57 for women clerks; but in the factories women often have work requiring less muscular effort; at any rate, women in general have a low scale of wages. According to the Massachusetts census of 1895, of the whole number of females employed in manufactures in that State for whom classified weekly wages were reported, a little over one- fourth received less than $5 per week; less than one- fifth, $5, but under $6 per week; nearly one-half, $6, but under $10 per week; while only about one-fourteenth received over $10 per week. A study of the reasons why women receive such small com- pensation would lead one far back into the history of the race. She has been under social, political, and intellectual subjection for centuries, and only recently has she been winning justice and recognition. She has achieved her right to an education and to the development of her intellectual powers ; but indus- trially she has not acquired a prominent economic position. From being the property of man, when she was a drudge merely, she has become a social factor, and, with the use of machinery, in some degree an economic factor. We need not discuss her entrance into the field of literature, of art, and of professional work ; in these she makes her way, and receives fair remuneration. She has been crowding man to some ex- tent, as already stated, but only as he has stepped up into higher occupations, those which have come in as new callings in life, and in which men have received comparatively higher compensations than women in the old occupations men pre- viously occupied. Women have occupied the positions of book-keepers, telegraphers, and many of the semi-professional callings, and as they have occupied them men have entered higher callings, engineering of various classes, and other spheres of life that were not known when women first entered the industrial field. So, as women have progressed from entire want of employment to employment which pays a few dollars per week, men too have progressed in their employments and occupied entirely new fields. 120] Wages. 217 120. Reasons for Low Wages paid Women. There are potent and logical reasons why women are em- ployed at the low rates named which cannot be overcome by any considerations, eifher social or economic or legislative, and they account fairly well for the present status of affairs relative to women's earnings. 1 First, in stepping out of industrial subjection and general subjection to man, woman comes into the industrial system of the present as an entirely new economic factor ; the result being that the pressure to secure positions in that field has created a supply altogether out of proportion to the demand ; so that her remuneration is within the power of the employer. This alone is quite sufficient to keep her wages at a low scale. Second, woman occupies a lower economic plane, which is caused to some extent by a lower standard of activity, both in physical features and in mental demands. She is also the victim of the influence of the assistance which she receives in a large proportion of cases from her family and friends, and which lowers her economic standard. Third, she receives low wages through an insufficient equip~ ment for life-work, which is not the result of incapacity of mind or lack of skill, but is due largely to the hope that the permanence of work will be interrupted by matrimony. She does not feel warranted in spending years, if required, in equipping herself for the best service ; and this is true to some extent in the higher grades of employment now sought by woman. She has not the responsibilities, either of family or of society, to lead her ambition to secure the best results, and she is not therefore stimulated by the powerful forces which stimu- late a man to do his best in whatever line he finds his life cast. Fourth, woman has lacked so far the influence which comes from combination and association. She works in an individual capacity, and with the weakness of individual effort. Further- more, she has not been a political factor in society, and has 1 Forum, July, 1892. 2i 8 Working Women. [120 been dependent on the influence of men generally too selfish to be of any practical benefit to her. This position is well illustrated by the movements in England and in this country to reduce the hours of labour. Long before any legislation took place fixing the hours in certain industries at ten or less, in those industries where men solely or principally were em- ployed the hours of labour had been ten or less. It took legis- lation, positive enactment, and the power of government to bring the hours of labour of women and children to an equality with those of men. 121. Moral Character of Working Women. One of the most important questions that arises is, How has woman's moral and intellectual condition been changed by her new industrial environment? 1 That she is intellectually better off now there is no question. The factory has simplified labour, and thus enabled a comparatively ignorant class to perform the work ; but it has raised this comparatively ignorant class to a higher intellectual plane ; while it cannot be shown that it has caused women of higher intellectual development to degenerate from their former standard. In the Eastern States we have seen the gradual changes in fifty years of three nationalities of factory employees. The American girl the daughter of the farmer in New England or the Middle States was formerly found in the textile fac- tories. She gave place to the English girl, and the English girl in turn to the Irish operative. The Irish operative has gradually given place to the French-Canadian, and many Swedes are now taking their places at the looms and before the spinning frames. Successively each has stepped up in the scale of civilisation and in the improved conditions of her environment. Irish girls are now found in our great stores, bright, keen saleswomen. The daughters of scrubwomen, having received an education in our public schools, become ambitious to occupy places that none of their ancestors ever 1 Forum, May, 1892. i2i] Moral Character. 219 knew ; while in the higher lines of work the opening of uni- versities and colleges and the higher institutions of learning has enabled women to become equipped for the best profes- sional employment. According to the Report of the Commis- sioner of Education for 1899-1900, there are 344 universities and colleges in this country which admit women to under- graduate courses. Without industrial prosperity and the men - tal stimulation which has come through active remunerative employment, it is not too much to say that these great opportunities could not have been opened. With reference to moral conditions, the popular impression is that women wage-workers are not up to the standards prevalent under the old hand-system of labour, and that her entrance into the industrial field has lowered her moral standard ; and the statement is constantly made that low wages naturally compel women to supplement their earnings by an immoral life. Those who know the circumstances best are convinced that this view is absolutely false, and that the working women of this or any other civilised country are upon as high a plane of purity as any class in the community. The results of an investigation in 1881 into the conditions surrounding factory life in this country and in Europe proved that the charge that the factory promoted immorality and swelled the criminal lists was unfounded. In Manchester, England, a large cellerage population formerly existed, and was erroneously supposed to belong to the factory, and which continually swelled the list of criminals. That population belonged rather to the miserable hovel tenantry outside the factory workers. It was a mistake, however, to take Manchester, which is not a purely factory town, as the criterion by which to judge the factory system ; and from this mistake the idea became fixed in the minds of writers that the factory was responsible for many immoral phases of life. An extensive investigation of the criminal records of a large number of British factory towns disclosed the fact that neither the ranks of the immoral nor the criminal classes were increased 22O Working Women. [121 to so great an extent from the factory population as from other classes. It has been clearly shown by official returns from the penitentiary of Manchester that only eight out of fifty immoral women came from the factory ; while twenty-nine out of fifty came from domestic service. The facts that have been collected should dispel the impres- sion that the bulk of the crime of manufacturing towns comes from the factory. It is true that the new system of industry, by securing a better competency, fights bad instincts with the very best weapons, the interests of those it employs. In large towns the factories have had to contend with all the nui- sances which a rapid increase of population beyond the due limits of accommodation must necessarily produce. Notwith- standing the poor material with which the factory system often has to deal, the contest for civilisation is progressing success- fully through its influence ; and when the power of moral forces is universally recognised in the conduct of industrial enterprises, the ratio of arrests among factory workers of the whole number of arrests will be very much less than it is now. Turning more specifically to the question of the immorality of women, it should be borne in mind that regular employment is conducive to regular living, and that regular employment does not, as a rule, harmonise with a life of immorality and intemperance, or even of crime. The factory women of this country and of Europe will compare favourably in respect to chastity with the women of any other class. A factory girl whose character is not good usually finds herself in an atmos- phere uncongenial at first, and finally so chilling that she leaves the establishment. What there is in factory employment that is not in other employments which should tend to an unchaste life it is difficult to understand. The few statistics that have been collected but emphasise this position, and happily sup- plement the results of the investigations just referred to. In 1884 a careful official inquiry was made into the condi- tion of the working women of the city of Boston. 1 The result 1 Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, Report, 1884. i2i] Moral Character. 221 was as emphatic as that reached in the investigation of 1881 involving many cities and towns in this country and in Europe. The testimony of the police of Boston was very gratifying, and was fully expressed by a captain of police when he said that people who charged the working women with unchastity did not know what they were talking about. All the officers con- sulted during the investigation gave similar testimony. The conclusion of that investigation was that, so far as their moral condition was concerned, the working women of the city of Boston were making a heroic, honest, and virtuous struggle to earn an honourable livelihood, and that it was rare that one of them could be found leading an improper life. The fact that here and there a girl forsakes the path of virtue and leads a sinful life should not be used to the detriment of the class to which she belongs. It is easy to be good on a sure and gen- erous income ; but it requires the strongest character to enable one to be good on an unstable income of five dollars per week. Another official investigation, made in i888, x into the char- acter, surroundings, and conditions of working women in twenty-two of the large cities of the United States, compre- hending information relating to 3,866 fallen women, showed that a large proportion of them (1,155) came fr m house- work and hotel work ; the next largest, so far as occupation is concerned, was 505, from the ranks of seamstresses, dress- makers, and employees of cloak and shirt factories ; while 1,236, or 31.97 per cent of the whole number, came directly from their homes. Nor did the investigation show that the employers of labour were guilty of reducing their employees to the condition of unchastity, as is often alleged. Testimony of capable and honest women of heads of de- partments in great stores and millinery establishments and shops, forewomen of shops, and matrons of homes, and of all those best informed and in the best position to give testimony on this point is that the working women are as respectable, as moral, and as virtuous as any class of women in the country. 1 U. S. Commissioner of Labour, Fourth Annual Report. 222 Working Women. [121 Of course there are exceptions in this class, as in all others ; but the grand fact must stand out plainly that industry cannot be burdened with a charge that falls in other directions, so far as the charge has any basis upon which it may rest. 122. Employment of Married Women. The fear that the family is menaced arises from the impres- sion that a large proportion of the women employed in manu- facturing establishments are married, and that the home is thus deprived of the care of the wife and mother. The facts themselves dissipate this fear. Of those engaged in agricul- ture, fisheries, and mining, 22.51 per cent are married; in professional service, 6.94 per cent ; in domestic and personal service, 12.84 per cent; in trade and transportation, 7.39 percent; in manufacturing and mechanical industries, 10.68 per cent are married, 79.05 per cent are single or their con- jugal condition unknown, while 9.35 are widows. These pro- portions are borne out by the Federal census of 1890 and various independent investigations, all of which show that about ten per cent or a little over of the women employed in manufacturing and mechanical industries are married. There are evils connected with the employment of married women in factories which may be removed by legislation, and the attempt has been made here and there. It would be well of course if industrial conditions were such that the head of the family could always earn enough to support all its mem- bers; but misfortune and various causes have brought married women into workshops. They contribute to the support of the home, and by the employment of children the family income is increased. Probably every right-minded person will wel- come the day -when neither married women nor young chil-, dren are found in any of our industrial establishments. Notwithstanding this view, the present condition is better than the old one, under which only a few families could earn their own full support. Part V. The Labour System. CHAPTER XIII. OLD AND NEW SYSTEMS OF LABOUR. 123. References. Carroll D. Wright, The Factory System, in United States Tenth Census (1880), Reports on Manufactures, II.; United States Twelfth Census (1902), Report on Population, Part II.; Massachusetts Bureau of Statis- tics of Labour, Historical Review of Wages and Prices, 1752-1883, and Report on Sunday Labour in Sixteenth Annual Report (1885) ; The Un- employed, in Reports of 1879 an d 1887 ; also Reports of 1892, Part I., 1893, Parts I. and II., and 1894, Part I. ; U. S. Commissioner of Labour, Sixth Annual Report, Seventh Anmial Report, Part III., and Fifteenth Annual Report, Wages in Commercial Countries ; Henry White, The Sweating System, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletin No. 4 ; U. S. Senate Committee on Finance, Report on Wholesale Prices, Wages, and Transpor- tation, in Senate Reports (March, 1893) ; Wages, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletins Nos. 18, 29, and 39 ; Whately Cooke Taylor, History of the Factory System; Carl Biicher, Industrial Evolution; Edward At- kinson, Low Prices, High Wages, Small Profits, in Century, New Series, XII. 568 (Aug., 1887); Charles B. Spahr, The Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States and America's Working People ; Carroll D. Wright, Industrial Evolution of the United States, ch. xvii. ; George Gun- ton, Principles of Social Economics; E. R. A. Seligman, The Living Wage, in State's Duty, IX. 97 (April, 1898); current reports of State bureaus of statistics of labour usually give facts relative to wages and cost of living; A. K. Fiske, Old Time Factory Life in New England, in New England Magazine, XVIII. 249 (April, 1898); Harriet H. Robin- son, Loom and Spindle ; Wilbur F. Crafts, The Sabbath for Alan ; Massa- chusetts Board to Investigate the Subject of the Unemployed, Davis R. Dewey, Chairman, Report, 1895 (especially bibliography ; Part I. Relief 223 224 Systems of Labour. [ 123 Measures ; and Part II. Wayfarers and Tramps) ; Francis A. Walker, The Eight Hour Agitation, in Boston Journal (March 3, 1890); Lucy M. Salmon, Domestic Service; W. A. Wyckoff, The Workers, and A Day with a Tramp and Other Days ; ]. J. McCook, Tramps, in Charities Re- view, III. 57 (Dec , 1893) ' Census of Tramps and its Revelations, in Forum, XV. 753 (Aug., 1893) ; Some New Phases of the Tramp Problem, in Char- ities Review, I. 353 (June, 1892) ; J. Flynt, Tramping with the Tramps, and How Men become Tramps, in Centtiry, XXVIII. 941 (Oct., 1895); E. R. L. Gould, How Baltimore banished Tramps, in Forum, XVII. 497 (June, 1894); David F. Schloss, The Sweating System in the United Kingdom, in Journal of Social Science, XXX. 65 (Oct., 1892) ; Illinois Bureau of Labour Statistics, Seventh Biennial Report (The Sweating System in Chicago) ; Herbert Spencer, Principles of Sociology, III. part viii. ; W. J. Shaxby, An Eight-Hours Day ; George Gunton, Are Wages Really Falling? in Gunton's Magazine, XV. 81 (Aug., 1898); Massachu- setts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, Twenty-Eighth Annual Report (Graded Weekly Wages) ; Duke of Argyll, The Reign of Law, ch. vii. ; National Association of Charities and Corrections, Reports of Annual Meetings ; Carroll D. Wright, Are the Rich Growing Richer and the Poor Poorer? in Atlantic Monthly, LXXX. 300 (Sept., 1897); The Rela- tion of Production to Productive Capacity, in Forum, XXIV. 290, 660 (Nov., 1897, Feb., 1898) ; Paul de Rousiers, The Labour Question in Britain ; Henry Dyer, The Evolution of Industry ; M. M. Mallock, The Economies of Modern Cookery ; Ellen H. Richards, The Cost of Living as Modified by Sanitary Science ; Lucy L. Wilson, Pland Book of Domestic Science and Hoiisehold Arts ; Florence Kelley, Consumers' Leagues, in American Journal of Sociology (Nov., 1899). 124. Employment. The consideration of the employment of women and children, as an important question relating to the family, leads to the discussion of the modern labour system in general and the various conditions and questions arising under it. The prevailing labour system is called variously the wages system, the factory, or aggregated, or associated system of labour, and the competitive or capitalistic system. From a true sociologi- cal point of view, it is well to consider it as the wages system, under which the employee is related to the employer through contract and not through status. The earlier systems of labour did not involve contract; under slavery labour was owned and used as the owner directed ; under feudalism, while the labourer was independent 124] Employment 225 in a certain sense, he was in large degree subject to customs which connected him closely with the soil and with the feudal lord. Notwithstanding these conditions, labour from early times has been paid in wages ; yet the wages system as an economic system did not exist as it is known to-day. Succeeding hand-labour methods we have the modern factory or associated method of production. Many products are still brought out in all countries through hand processes, as, for example, boots and shoes, textiles, clothing, machinery, furni- ture, and, in fact, very many of the ordinary manufactured commodities, and the factory system has been applied only in a portion of the world ; but the great countries which may be denominated as the manufacturing countries of the world have been obliged to adopt the factory system, under which ma- chinery has been developed to a marvellous extent. This modern system has changed law, custom, relationship of employer and employed, in fact, has stamped itself upon civilisation. The old domestic relation of employer and em- ployed has passed away, and the employee finds himself related to his employer under conditions which require a remodelling not only of statute but of common law and trade customs. For example, the old apprentice system has prac- tically died out in the United States. Just as in the employ- ment of women, so in the factory system there is a mistaken popular impression that the factory system is in some way de- moralising ; that it results in the deterioration of the workers employed in production. The reverse is the truth. The fac- tory system has enabled employers to bring into active pro- ductive work people of a low grade of intelligence, but in so doing it has raised the standard of those employed, not only in intelligence, but also in living. It has never degraded skilled labour to the ranks of unskilled labour, but it has con- stantly lifted unskilled labour into the ranks of skilled labour, and thus has enabled vast numbers of persons to earn a com- fortable, respectable living through the exercise of some brain power, where under the old system they would have been 226 Systems of Labour. [124 compelled to labour at the commonest and meanest toil and under the lowest possible compensation. Where the trolley displaces the locomotive the engineers are wanted as machin- ists, and dozens of other men find well-paid employment. This has been the effect of the factory system or the present labour system wherever it has been applied, and in those com- munities where it has not yet come in, the old degraded, igno- rant conditions still exist, and men capable of great service to their countries are wasting their lives in coarse labour. The present experience of Japan, in the transition from hand to machine and factory labour, offers a striking illustration and a fertile study in this connection. Employment under the present system is by contract ; it is usually said that the working-man makes his contracts freely. It is true that he is free to make or to refuse a contract, but not to specify the terms ; for neither he nor the employer can determine the rate of wages. So the wage-receiver in making a contract must contract to work for such wages as will be paid him under influences beyond the control of either. He is not free to make such a contract as might please him, because, like every party to a contract, he must come to such conditions as can possibly be agreed upon. He is less free than the parties to most contracts, and, further, he cannot utilise his labour in many directions ; he must contract for it within restricted lines. He may work by the day or by the week, or by the job, or by the piece, or on any other basis, but in any event the rate of his wages will be regulated by the prevailing rate in the industry in which he is employed and in the locality where he resides. By reference to the tables of the Eleventh Census relating to occupations, the number of persons in the United States ten years of age and over engaged in various occupations at differ- ent periods can be ascertained from 1820 to 1900. The same tables show the number and per cent of persons engaged in agriculture by States and Territories, from 1820 to 1900, in- clusive. By these tables one can easily follow out the changes 125] Money Wages. 227 in the proportions of persons engaged either in agriculture or in manufactures. For instance, it will be seen that in New Hamp- shire, in 1820, there were 52,384 persons engaged in agricul- ture; in 1840 there were 77,949, and after that a constant de- crease, in 187010 46,969, in 1880, to 45, 1 2 2, in 1890 1042,279, and in 1900 to 38,782. Turning to manufacturing and mechan- ical industries, we find that New Hampshire, for the same years, showed a gain in the number employed from 8,699 in 1820 to 75,945 in 1900. Many like interesting comparisons can be made by the reader for himself by a study of the tables. The whole number of persons in the United States ten years of age and over engaged in gainful occupations in 1900 was 29,285,922 ; but this number includes employers, partners, officers, and clerks of all establishments, everybody, in fact, who was engaged in some remunerative calling. A classifica- tion of employments into distinct subdivisions has shown that of this number about 19,000,000 can be considered as wage- earners, and a fairly conservative estimate, based largely on the earnings of persons engaged in manufacturing and mechanical industries, gives about $400 per annum as the average individ- ual earnings. This would mean that in 1900 $7,600,000,000, in round numbers, were paid to the wage-earners of the country. 125. Are Money Wages Increasing? Perhaps the most interesting question in connection with employment is whether wages are increasing or decreasing. All offices devoted to the investigation of social and industrial questions very properly make much of the statistics of wages, and nearly all such offices in this country recognise especially the distinctions between the social and the economic features of wage statistics. The political economist classifies wages as nominal wages and real wages, meaning by " nominal wages " or "money wages" the money actually received for so much labor performed, and by " real wages " the actual power which the nominal wages have in furnishing the necessaries and com- forts of life ; or, in other words, " real wages " is only another 228 Systems of Labour. [i 2 5 term for the purchasing power of money. A man's nominal wages to-day may be $15 a week, with low prices; while in 1866, during a period of inflation, he received $15 a week, and prices were perhaps twice as high as at present. This complication and the further division of the social and eco- nomic aspects of the wage question have led to repeated attempts by statisticians to ascertain the cost of living as shown by the prices of leading articles of consumption. In the Tenth Census (1880) is a quantity of very valuable mate- rial showing the average rates of wages paid in many industries, based, however, principally on averages made up in counting- rooms of manufacturing concerns, without control by the offi- cers in charge of the work. The great lack, as felt by legislators, economists, and work- ingmen, has been a report which should present in itself wages and prices for a long period, based on authoritative sources. In 1893 Mr. Aldrich of the Senate Committee on finance pub- lished a report on wholesale prices and wages, the material for which was collected largely by the Department of Labour, from actual pay-rolls, and in most instances actual charges in sales-books. In this publication we have, therefore, trust- worthy facts for wages and prices in this country for a period of fifty-two years (from 1840 to 1891, inclusive) ; and from this report, notwithstanding its faults, one can ascertain, both for specific cases and in general, the true course of wages for the whole period. The most significant omission is the " lost time " of workmen, which could not be discovered. In studying the data referred to, we shall take up (i) specific wages as paid in some of the leading occupations ; (2) the relative percentage of increase of wages in general; (3) the prices of some of the leading commodities, specifically considered ; and (4) prices considered as a whole. With these four points briefly canvassed, we shall be in a condition to determine positively the relative value of wages at distinct and critical periods of our history since and including 1840, and thus to make possible answers to many questions about social conditions. 125] Money Wages. 229 Without attempting to give figures for frequent intervals, it will be sufficient to take up the four periods 1840, 1860, 1866, and 1891, as fairly representative of the different economic conditions in this country during the fifty years or so. The year 1860 represents, more nearly than any other year during this half-century, normal economic conditions. The country had then recovered from the financial panic of 1837 ; industry was in a prosperous condition, and so, too, was commerce, while prices were conservative and labour was fairly well em- ployed and fairly well paid. The influence of machinery was not then felt to so large a degree as at present ; crops were good, and all the conditions essential for the establishment of a normal economic year seemed to exist. The next year, the War of the Rebellion interfered with conditions, upset prices, disturbed employment, and made the values of crops, invest- ments, and everything pertaining to industrial conditions speculative or problematical ; and this abnormal state con- tinued until after the resumption of specie payment in 1878. The year 1866 saw the country still suffering from inflated prices ; but the war was over, and industrial conditions were beginning to settle into conservative ways. So 1860 and 1866 represent normal and abnormal industrial conditions, while the years 1840 and 1891 represent general conditions. Prices were low in 1840; labour was low, and immigration had not set in to any disturbing extent. In 1891 we have low prices again, with highly paid labour, although the country is filled by immigration. The four years selected, therefore, are fair for any positive comparison of the course of real and nominal wages in the United States since 1840. There would be no necessity whatever of examining the quotations of real wages in the presence of authentic statements as to the rates of wages but for the fluctuations in prices ; that is to say, should the general trend of wages be upward, and the general trend of prices stationary or downward, the rates of wages would sufficiently indicate the real wages of the wage- receiver ; or, if wages increased and prices remained stationary, 230 Systems of Labour. [125 the purchasing power of the wage received would be enhanced. For instance, if a man receives one dollar a day in wages, and wheat is seventy-five cents a bushel, and ten years hence he receives two dollars a day for his labour, and wheat still remains at seventy-five cents, then his purchasing capacity, as repre- sented by his wages, has been doubled. During the period under consideration, the fluctuations of prices were so great and so sudden that we are obliged, for the purpose of arriv- ing at any just conclusion, to consider the two elements, the problem thus being one of those " functions of two variables " which are the delight of the calculus in mathematics. The money pay of labourers is quite indicative of general conditions. In 1840 a labourer in a large brewery in the city of New York received 62.5 cents a day; in 1860, 84 cents a day; in 1866, $1.30 a day; in 1891, from $1.90 to $2 a day. In a well-known establishment in the State of Connecticut compositors who worked by the day received, in 1840, $1.50; in 1860, $2 ; in 1866, from $2.50 to $3, and the same in 1891. A building firm in Connecticut paid journeymen carpenters, in 1840, from $1.25 to $1.62 a day; in 1860, from $1.25 to $1.75 a day; in 1891, from $3 to $3.25 a day. A firm of builders in New York paid carpenters in 1840, $1.50 a day; in 1860, $2 ; in 1866, $3.50; in 1891, $3.50. Painters received about the same wages. Similar quotations could be made for car- penters and painters in different parts of the Eastern States ; thus the rates of wages paid to wheelwrights were, in 1840, $1.25 ; in 1860, $1.25 ; in 1866, $2 ; in 1891, $2.50. Cotton weavers (women) in one Massachusetts establishment earned, in 1840, on the average, 62 cents a day; in 1860, 54.5 cents; in 1866, from 85 to 90 cents; in 1891, $1.05. Women frame spinners were paid about the same, earning a little more in the later years. Wool spinners, both jack and mule, earned less than one dollar a day in 1840, while in 1860 they earned $1.05 a day; in 1866, from $1.80 to $1.90 a day; in 1891, from 1.38 to $1.75 a day. The average money earnings of puddlers have been subject i25] Money Wages. 231 to great variations, purely because the usual scale is so much per ton of iron puddled. In 1840, at ytna, Pa., puddlers earned $3.69 a day ; in 1860, $2.67 a day ; in 1866, from $5.37 to $6.04 a day; in 1891, $3.67. In another iron-works, at Duncannon, Pa., the rates were $2.30, $2.01, $4.83, and $2.91 for the years named. The rates of wages a day, successively, for the years named, for blasters and drillers in the New Jersey ore district, were 75 cents, $i, $1.65, and $1.50; and for un- skilled labourers in mining ore at Cornwall, Pa., 50 cents, 75 cents, $1.45, and $1.55. The salaries paid to teachers indicate the earnings of a well- equipped body of public servants. From facts furnished by Hon. William T. Harris, Commissioner of Education, it is learned that principals of boys' high schools in Baltimore re- ceived, per annum, in 1840, $1,500 ; in 1860, $1,500 ; in 1866, $2,200; in 1891, $2,400. Principals of primary schools for both boys and girls in the same city received $250, $300, $700, and $696 per annum. Assistants (women) in the lowest pri- mary schools in the city of Boston received, for the first year of service, $300 in 1860, $450 in 1866, and $456 in 1891. The range for masters in grammar schools in the same city was from $1,500 in the earlier period to $2,880 in the last year that we are considering. Stepping outside of cities, the facts are found very complete for the remote districts of Barnstable County, in the State of Massachusetts, where men received, in 1840, $20.28 a month; in 1860, $40.73 a month; in 1866, $53.60 a month; in 1890, $68.18 a month. Women in the same counties received $6.14, $19.12, $22.53, and $34- 88 a month. Principals (men) of district schools in Cincinnati received, for our four periods, $540, $1,200, $1,900, and $1,900 a year, the last two quotations being for salaries after three years' service. The average annual salary of teachers and supervising officers in cities of over 8,000 inhabitants in 1900 was $670.81. The highest average was found in California, it being $943 ; the lowest in Oklahoma, where it was $351.89. Among the highest averages are Massachusetts, $728.69; 232 Systems of Labour. [ 125 New York, $851.41; Illinois, $745.13; Montana, $844.10, and Colorado, $776.65. In all other States the average is less than $700. These various individual quotations are, perhaps, sufficient to indicate the course of wages in some of the leading occupa- tions of the country where such quotations can be secured for the whole period. In individual cases chance, personal merit, and consideration of employers make great variations, especially where there is a confidential relation. For instance, in 1850 a book-keeper in Manchester, N. H., received sixty-three cents a day. With varying compensation he secured a salary of $2 a day in 1865, and he continued to work for this until January, 1877, when a young woman was appointed to his place, at $i a day. After working four years, she received precisely the same salary the man was receiving when he was discharged, that is, $2 a day, while in 1889, in January, her salary was raised to $3.33 a day. 126. The General Increase in Wages. The percentage of increase of wages in general from 1860 to 1891 is shown by the report of the Senate Committee on Finance, the wages for 1860 being considered as normal, or 100. On this basis wages in 1840 stood at 87.7, 100 in 1860, 152.4 in 1866, and 160.7 U1 1891. Wages in the United States were higher in 1891 and 1892 than at any prior period in the history of the country. The financial crisis and indus- trial depression beginning in the spring of 1893 resulted in a decrease in wage rates until 1896. From that year on there has been a steady increase, so that at the present time (1902), taking wages on the average for all occupations, they are higher than they were in 1891 and 1892, thus higher than at any period in the history of the country. Wages statistics for various skilled trades in some of the leading cities of the Union have been collected by the Department of Labour for the years since 1896. The results show that for the indus- tries involved, the wages of blacksmiths are over 5 per cent 126] Increase of Wages. 233 higher ncnv than in 1896 ; boiler-makers, 4 ; bricklayers, 13 . ; carpenters, 14.6 ; iron molders, 10.5 ; machinists, nearly 3 ; painters, nearly 18; plumbers, 8.5; stone-cutters, about 4. These statements show that wages are 9 per cent higher now than they were in 1896. Real wages, in the language of political economy, are to be determined by the purchasing power of the money paid for services. Taking the average wholesale price of leading commodities as a guide, it is found that they were 8.5 per cent higher during the year 1901 than for the previous ten years. Looking over a broader field and taking 1860 as the starting point, it is found that the hours of labour have been reduced 10 per cent, and that money wages represented by rates on a gold basis have increased nearly 70 per cent. The cost of living as gauged by wholesale prices has been reduced about 6 per cent since 1860. Thus the purchasing power of wages in 1902, measured by wholesale prices, is about 80 per cent higher than in 1860. There has been a constant increase of wages since the cen- tury opened, being higher, however, in the United States than in any other country, the chief countries ranking as follows : United States, Great Britain, France, Belgium, Germany. The increase in money wages corresponds to the develop- ment of a new conception of the wage-earners' function in society. Formerly subsistence was allowed the slaves, and wages were paid to the freeman on the basis of preserving the efficiency of the working human machine, and they did not exceed the needs for the preservation of efficiency. This has been called the iron law of wages, under which food, shelter, and clothing in sufficient quantities to keep the man in good working order were considered a fair gauge of the rate of wage which should be paid to him. To-day the workingman de- mands not only these necessitie?, but something beyond,- a surplus, which shall go to the support of what may be called his spiritual nature ; that is, not merely abundant food, a com- fortable dwelling, a variety of clothing, but opportunities for 234 Systems of Labour. [126 reading, amusement, recreation, music, something of art, and, above all, a better opportunity for his children. He desires to surround himself with the comforts and conveniences and a fair proportion of even the luxuries of life ; and every right- minded person must admit that it is a proper contention. He is educated in the schools, seeks legislative experience, takes part in the politics of the country, and the whole basis of a democratic government assumes that he is more than a human machine; that he shall have time and means for an existence suitable for an intelligent citizen of the republic. 127. Cost of Living. That money wages have increased has now been proved beyond cavil ; the next step is to consider whether that in- crease has been counterbalanced or augmented by changes in money prices of the things that the consumer uses. To learn the " real wages " we must consider the prices of some of the leading commodities specifically considered, and then the course of prices of all articles considered as a whole ; and for this purpose wholesale prices, as coming nearest to the producers' receipts, more fully indicate the real fluctuations in values. So many elements conspire to raise or lower retail prices, that the difficulty of securing them on any uniform basis of report warrants the use of wholesale prices to show the relation of price to cost of living. Could retail prices be systematically obtained, with a uniform addition of profit to the wholesale cost, they would be much more satisfactory ; but as indicative of the variations in cost of living from period to period, probably wholesale prices offer the steadiest if not the best basis for comparison. The prices quoted are for the same month and day in each year and for actual sales in New York and from the files of trade journals, and the same typical dates will be used as in the discussion of money wages, viz., 1840, 1860, 1866, 1891, 1896, and 1901. A few of those articles which enter largely into the consumption of working people run as follows : Soda crackers, i27] Cost of Living. 235 medium grade, per pound, in 1840, 6 cents; in 1860, 7^ cents; in 1866, 8 cents; in 1891, 8 cents; in 1896, 6J cents; in 1901, 7 cents; dairy butter, per pound, 16, 17, 41, 18, 14^, and 18^ cents; cheese, per pound, 9, 7^, 19, 8|, 6|, and 9 cents; coffee, fair Rio, per pound, 9^, 13^, ai,i8|, 13^ and 7 cents; eggs, per dozen, 12, 13!, 23^, i8, 14^, and 15^ cents; flour, medium quality, a quarter barrel, $1.75, $1.36, $2.13, $1.22^, $0.82, and $o.8i; mess beef, per pound, 6, 5> I2 i> 5 3i and 4| cents; mess pork, per pound, 7$, 9^, i6|, 5f, 4^, and 8^ cents; clear bacon, per pound, 8, 8^, J 5i 7i> 4- an d 9 cer >ts ; prime New Orleans molasses, per gallon, 26, 48, $1.10, 32, 33, and 38^ cents; refined sugar, crushed or granulated, per pound, n, 10, i6|, 4^, 4f, and 5^ cents; Cocheco calico, per yard, 12, 9^, 21, 6, 5, and 5 cents; anthracite stove coal, per ton, $4.50, $3.85, $7.50, $3.71, $3.88, and $4.24; rent, for tenement of five rooms, per week, $i-75 #i-75> $4-5> $4-5> $3-75> and ^3-o- In ~ numerable other quotations might be made, but the foregoing are fairly representative. Taking the leading articles of consumption in accordance with their importance relative to total consumption (rents not being included) and assuming the quotations for 1860 to be 100 or normal, it is found that the proportionate general prices are for 1840, 97.7; for 1860, 100 ; for 1866, 187.7; for 1891, 94.4; for 1896, 74.7; and for 1901, 89.8; that is to say, prices generally fell in forty-one years from 100 (1860) to 89.8 (1901). (See section 126.) Since in the previous comparison it was shown that the simple average of wages stood at 166.2 in 1901 relatively to 100 in 1860, and since the prices of commodities, averaged on the basis stated above, fell from 100 in 1860 to 89.8 in 1901, the following conclusions seem positive and absolute : the percent- age of increase in prices rose in 1866 to a point far beyond the increase in wages, but prices fell by 1901 to a point lower, on the whole, than they were in 1840, and wages rose even above the high point they reached in 1866 ; so that in 1901 the pur- 236 Systems of Labour. [127 chasing power of a day's labour was in the proportion of 185 to too, the purchasing power in 1860. To make a specific illustration from common affairs, let us take the case of a journeyman carpenter in the city of New York, see what his wages were in a week of July of the six years named, and what he would have had to pay for a week's supply of the articles which have been enumerated above, at the price quoted for each for July of that year, assuming, for reasons already given, that he could purchase these things at wholesale rates. For the purpose of simplifying the problem, we will assume that the carpenter bought, in each of the weeks named, five pounds of soda crackers, of fair grade ; five pounds of dairy butter ; two and a half pounds of cheese ; two pounds of fair Rio coffee ; one dozen eggs ; one quarter of a barrel of flour, of medium grade ; four pounds of mess beef ; two pounds of mess pork ; four pounds of bacon, clear ; one gallon of prime New Orleans molasses; five pounds of refined sugar; ten yards of Cocheco calico, and half a ton of anthracite stove coal ; and that he paid one week's rental. All these articles would have cost, for the years named, respectively, $10.15, $9.51, $19.46, $11.39, $9.60, and $9.60. The journeyman carpenter received, in 1840, $1.50 a day; in 1860, $2 a day; in 1866, $3.50 a day: in 1891, $3.10 a day; in 1896, $3.00 a day; and in 1901, $3.45 a day. His hours per week for the six years were, respectively, 60, 60, 60, 50.4, 48, and 44.6. His earnings in July of the years named were, respec- tively, $9, $12, $21, $18.60, $18, and $20.70 a week. In 1840, after paying the bill which has been described at the close of the week in July, he would have been in debt $1.15 ; in 1860 he would have had left from his week's wages $2.49 ; in 1866 he would have had $1.54 ; in 1891 he would have had $7.21 ; in 1896 he would have had $8.40 ; while in 1901 he would have had $n.io to spare, and, compared with the earlier years, would have had two and one-half hours extra per day for his own use. These simple references and combinations show quite clearly the real wages as against the nominal wages of the 127] Cost of Living. 237 wage-receiver, and the inevitable conclusion to which they lead is that whenever prices of commodities rise, they rise higher, relatively, than does the price of labour, and that when prices go down they go down much lower, relatively, than does the price of labour, which shows a tenacity in holding to the money wage which has beeri gained, notwithstanding its greater purchasing power. No attempt has been made in the foregoing calculations to reduce values to a gold basis, because in all the periods con- sidered labour was paid in currency, whether at par in gold or on an inflated basis, and the man who received wages paid for his articles on the same basis. For instance, our carpenter received $3.50 in 1866 in greenbacks, while in 1901 he re- ceived 3.45 on a gold basis ; but in 1840 he bought calico at 12 cents a yard (gold basis) ; and in 1866 at 21 cents (inflated currency) ; but in 1901 he was able to buy it at 5 cents a yard on a gold basis. Taking wages and prices together, and they must be so considered to reach just conclusions, it seems fair to con- clude that rates of wages have increased constantly, with some deviation in commercial depressions ; that average earnings have also increased, and that average prices on the whole have declined ; hence the economic condition of the wage-earner has improved vastly during the last fifty or sixty y4i8 407 48.62 a Estimated, as data for 1900 have not yet been collected. An interesting question is in what visible forms is this enor- mous wealth to be found. The rough additions in the census of 1890 show about two-thirds in the form of real estate and improvements thereon, which includes all lands and lots, but not mines, quarries, telegraphs, telephones, or railroads, except in a few States where the road-bed, station-houses, and repair- shops of railroads are classed as real estate for purposes of taxation, and their value is not separately stated. The results are as follows : Real Estate, with Improvements thereon $39.544,544-333 Livestock on Farms, Farm Implements, and Machinery . 2,703,015,040 Mines and Quarries, including product on hand . . . 1,291,291,579 Gold and Silver Coin and Bullion 1,158,774,948 Machinery of Mills and product on hand, Raw and Manu- factured 3,058,593,441 Railroads and Equipments, including $389,357,289 for Street Railroads 8,685,407,323 Telegraphs, Telephones, Shipping, Canals, and Equipment 701,755,71 2 Miscellaneous 7,893,708,821 Total $65,037,091,197 163] Individual Wealth. 311 In all probability the totals are far from complete, and in the earlier years by decades much less complete than later ; but add one half to the totals for 1850 and 1860 and still the increase is gratifying, showing that the United States as a nation has developed its wonderful natural resources through the energy of its industries. Both capital and labour are responsible for this marvellous development. It is only natural that with such rapid strides the distribution of this vast amount of wealth should be very unequal, but there must have been benefits accruing to all classes. The means of obtaining this vast amount of wealth are found in agriculture, manufactures, commerce, fisheries, and mining. The total estimated value of the products of all the natural resources alone for the year 1900 was the enormous sum of $6,000,000,000, and this does not include the products of manufacturing and mechanical industries. Notwithstanding this great annual production and the vast accumulation in the years past, it would not take long, with production entirely suspended to exhaust the whole accumulation. During the year 1900 it must have cost the people of the United States for their support, on a fair estimate, $15,000,000,000. The wealth of the country would, allowing that lands and buildings could be turned into consumable wares, support the people for a little more than five years, if so long. This illustration shows how close the people are to dependence upon the annual pro- duction instead of upon accumulated wealth. 163. Individual Wealth. The acquisition of wealth by the individual is through the part he plays as an earner in society. He may inherit prop- erty, but even that inheritance is the result of previous individ- ual frugality and the economical use of earnings. The earnings of the individual constitute his and the nation's chief source of accumulation. The individual desire which lies back of the effort is one that can be developed by environment, but it belongs, after all, to the natural ambitions born with the individual. 312 Accumulation of Wealth. [163 American statistics do not warrant any very careful classifi- cation of the distribution of wealth. The government has never felt at liberty to make inquiry concerning the posses- sions of individuals. When the income tax was in force dur- ing the Civil War it resulted in a classification of incomes, but the returns were altogether too faulty to warrant a valuable conclusion. The assessors of the country might classify the estates or personal holdings of the inhabitants did law make provision for such classification, but in all States assessment must be made for purposes of taxation only. So far such classification has not been carried out to any extent, certainly not sufficiently to warrant any conclusion. Therefore all the statements which one sees relating to the number of persons having such and such a fortune, or the number of people having no fortunes, are estimates based upon individual observation and that " general information " which generally misinforms. In England the classification is more reasonable because of the regularity of their method of taxation, and their systematic record as to the distribution of wealth through the administra- tion by the courts of the succession duty. As an example of such classification reference may be made to Mulhall's " In- dustries and Wealth of Nations," in which he makes a distri- bution based on the probate returns for the five years ending in 1893. With a population in 1891 of 38,857,000 he finds that the rich numbered 327,000, with an average of about $136,000 per head; that the middle class numbered 2,380, ooo, with nearly $4,500 per head ; that the working class numbered 18,210,000, with about $150 per head, and the children, 17,940,000, without any estimate as to their holdings. The average for the whole population was $1,470 per capita. Under this classification nearly four-fifths of the total wealth of Great Britain is held by about one sixty-seventh of the adult population, the middle class constituting 1 1 per cent of the population and holding 18 per cent of the wealth. Whether such a classification would be fairly representative in the 164] Savings Institutions. 313 United States cannot be ascertained, but in all probability the distinctions here approximate those for the United Kingdom. 164. Savings Institutions. The possession of lands, whether in farms or building lots, and of homes, is the desire of most of the human race ; next thereafter the individual wishes to possess accumulations in the form of the representatives of property, such as money, loans, bonds, stocks, mortgages, anything that has a value in exchange and by the use of which more and better conven- iences can be secured. To stimulate frugality, to enable the individual to own his home, or to improve his condition, there have been established in most countries institutions known as savings banks, in which people can deposit small amounts, which, united with similar deposits of other people, make in the aggregate large sums ; this accumulation can be loaned on securities at the usual rates of interest, so that the individual depositor can secure his share of the interest return, when as an individual he could not profitably or so safely invest his money. All such institutions are regulated by law, the officers thereof being obliged to make returns to the State government, so that it and the public may know how they are being conducted. The methods of investment are also regulated by State law. Usu- ally the deposits of a, savings bank must be loaned on real estate as security, or else upon specified classes of bonds and obligations. These institutions sometimes fail, sometimes from embezzle- ments, although more often through mismanagement or lack of judgment, under which loans have been made upon insuffi- cient security with the hope of receiving a large interest. On the whole, the savings banks of this country have been well conducted, and they have been the means of building up communities and of enabling families to establish themselves in comfort, for the savings bank primarily loans to small borrowers. Sometimes, when there is a plethora of money, they 314 Accumulation of Wealth- [164 make loans of money to manufacturing and other establishments for the purpose of developing some great enterprises. From a business point of view the savings bank collects small amounts from a large number of individuals and puts the accumulation into active enterprises, either of building or of manufacturing, thus enabling the person with only a few dollars to become interested in the industrial prosperity of his community. England, France, Belgium, and other European countries have established such institutions, and they have been prosper- ous. In the United States, according to the latest returns (those for 1901, as published by the Comptroller of the Currency of the Federal Government, though some of the savings banks are not included in the reports), the total num- ber of savings bank depositors was 6,358,723, the total amount of deposits $2,597,094,580, and the average of each depositor $408.30. The increase in the average amount due each de- positor has been from $131.86 in 1820 to $408.30 in 1901. This is an average of $33.45 for the total population. It is often stated that the amount of deposits in the savings banks of the country represents the savings of the wage-earners. This statement is only partially true, for it has been proved by investigation that only about half of the deposits in the savings banks of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts belong to this class of depositors. If Massachusetts is representative, half of the accumulations in the savings banks of the country be- long to the wage-earners ; this is a gratifying statement. The vast amount in the savings banks indicates an individual pros- perity that is satisfactory, or at least indicates that individuals belonging to the earning classes are saving their earnings and are becoming in a certain sense capitalists, and by their savings contribute to the great sums which are used so effectively in developing resources and building up enterprises. A method to induce economic and frugal habits among chil- dren is to be found in the establishment of school savings banks, which have existed for some years in France, Belgium, Italy, and some other countries, and now in this country. 164] Savings Institutions. 315 They were established in France about 1834, but they attracted little attention in that country until 1870; there are now offi- cial reports of the doings of the school savings banks in that country. The father of the system in this country is Mr. J. H. Thiry, of Long Island City, a native of France, and formerly a resident of Belgium, who became very much interested in the school savings bank system as practised in those countries. According to his latest annual report, the total number of pupils having deposits in such banks in eighteen different States is 63,576. They have from time to time deposited nearly $900,000 ; deducting withdrawals, they have at the present time nearly a third of a million dollars to their credit. Another system of savings is known as the postal savings bank, under which persons may deposit small amounts at desig- nated post-offices and receive a certificate therefor. The postal savings system is not new, having been established in nearly every country in Europe, in the British dependencies, and even in Hawaii. In Great Britain alone there were at last accounts seven million depositors, having upward of five hundred and fifty millions of dollars in savings to their credit. In ten years ten thousand Hawaiian depositors saved nearly one million dol- lars. The system works with success in Canada. Some of the advantages which are claimed to result from the adoption of such a system are to be found in the growth of patriotic senti- ment and good citizenship, as well as in the cultivation of habits of thrift and economy. Some of the disadvantages which it is claimed would result in the United States from the establish- ment of such a system are the depletion of the deposits in the ordinary savings banks and the difficulty of investing the accumulations, especially as it would be difficult for the Federal government to use the vast accumulations in business ways, as is now done by other savings institutions, thus withdrawing a vast amount of money from active participation in production and the conduct of business generally. The Honourable Post- master-General has summed up the question very ably in his re- port for the year ending June, 1897, and his office is in posses- sion of a vast amount of information relative to other countries. 316 Accumulation of Wealth. [165 165. Building and Loan Associations. A class of savings institutions closely allied to savings banks are what are known as building and loan associations. This term is used in a general sense, although the institution itself is known under various names, such as mutual loan associations ; homestead aid associations ; savings, fund, and loan associations ; co-operative banks, etc., but the object of such as take these or the general name of building and loan association is to furnish a safe means for the accumulation of savings, accom- panied with an opportunity to secure money at reasonable rates for the purpose of building or purchasing homes. The association is a private corporation, designed for the accumula- tion of money by periodical payments, the accumulations to be invested from time to time in loans to the members of the association upon real estate which they may have purchased for occupancy. The borrowers pay interest and also a premium in order to secure as a loan the money which has accumulated through the periodical payments of the members ; it is usually assigned to the member bidding the highest premium. The stated fees and all the revenues of an association form a com- mon fund until such time as the payments and profits equal the face value of the shares outstanding at any particular time, when the assets, after the payment of all expenses and losses, are distributed pro rata among the members, in accordance with the number of their shares, and this distribution cancels the borrower's debt. The methods of business of a building and loan association are somewhat complicated. Every member must be a stock- holder. The difference between a stockholder in a building and loan association and one in an ordinary corporation lies in the fact that in the latter a member or stockholder buys his stock and pays for it, and usually is not called upon for any further payment. In a building and loan association the member or stockholder pays a stipulated minimum sum (say $i), when he takes his membership and buys a share of stock. 165] Building and Loan Associations. 317 He then continues to pay a like sum each month until the aggregate of sums paid, increased by the profits, amounts to the maturing value of the stock (usually $200), when the stock- holder is entitled to the full maturing value of the share, and surrenders the same. The way in which a shareholder who desires to build a house, and has secured a lot for that purpose, may borrow money of an association of which he is a member is as follows : Ordina- rily, a shareholder under this condition may borrow money from the association of which he is a member. Suppose a man who has secured his lot wishes to borrow $1,000 for the erection of a house. He must be the holder of five shares in his asso- ciation, each share having as its maturing value $200 ; his five shares, therefore, when matured will be worth $1,000, the amount of money which he desires to borrow. To secure this $1,000, he gives the association a mortgage on his property and pledges his five shares of stock. To cancel this debt he is constantly paying his regular dues and one dollar per share extra, until such time as the constant payment, plus the accu- mulation of profits through compounded interest, matures the shares at $200 each. At this time, then, he surrenders his shares, and the debt upon his property is cancelled. Associa- tions may loan to others than parties desiring to build a home when the demand for home loans is not sufficient to absorb the funds on hand ; and members are not required to borrow from the association, but may make their payments and with- draw the proceeds (principal and interest) at maturity. The growth of these associations in the United States has been very rapid since 1840, their accumulated assets increas- ing to an enormous amount. Although they do a semi-banking business, and are conducted by men not trained as bankers, they have been fairly successful. According to the latest statistics on the subject, the total number of building and loan associations in the country, estimated on annual statements of all such associations in 1893, probably amounts to 6,000, with nearly 2,000,000 shareholders, and with total dues paid in on 3 1 8 Accumulation of Wealth. [ 165 shares and accrued profits amounting to probably more than $650,000,000. A business represented by this great sum, con- ducted quietly, with little or no advertising and on a basis of very light expenses, shows that the common people, in their own ways, are quite competent to take care of their savings. Up to 1893 the number of failures was very small; in that year only 35 of the associations then in existence showed a loss, and that amounted to only a little over $23,000. Dis- bandment and a winding up of the concern usually does not mean loss, because the whole business of the association con- sists of its loans, and these loans are to its own shareholders, as a rule, who hold the securities in their associated form. A disbanded association, therefore, simply returns to its own members their own property. Some States of the Union exercise supervision over building and loan associations by bringing them under the general supervision of laws relating to savings banks; in other States nothing is officially known of building and loan asso- ciations beyond the formalities of their incorporation. As they come more and more under general supervision, their safety is increased and their usefulness expanded. In some parts of the country, particularly in the West, the business has been organised on a great scale, with parent and branch offices, loans being made by distant and often inexperienced managers ; the result in many cases was loss and lack of con- fidence. There is no reason, however, why these great asso- ciations should not succeed when properly managed. 166. Insurance and Mutual Benefit Associations. All associations created for the purpose of securing to their members some benefit on account of sickness, accident, loss of work, or other cause, or to the widow and heirs of the member, are practically insurance companies or associations ; that is, they embody the principle of insurance, varying the form of the benefit to be derived by the payment of dues. A life insurance company, as such, undertakes simply to pay i66j Insurance and Mutual Benefit. 319 the heirs of the insured a certain amount of money on the death of the member or insured person, or to pay a certain amount of money after the payment of premiums for a stipu- lated number of years. There are many forms of policies issued by insurance companies, but the principle of all of them is practically the same. Accident insurance companies under- take to pay a certain amount, as agreed, when the insured person meets with any accident which incapacitates him from pursuing his usual calling, or, in case of death, a stipulated amount to the heirs or representatives of the deceased. In the mutual associations dues are paid and the members are entitled to stipulated benefits under certain contingencies. They may receive benefits during their lives, according to the terms of the by-laws of the association and the agreements entered into thereunder, as in the case of sickness, accident, loss of work, or otherwise. Life insurance proper and all the modifications of simple life insurance have conferred great benefits upon the insured when the companies or associations carrying on the business have been managed with integrity and financial ability. Whenever losses have occurred or the in- sured has found himself without insurance after a lapse of years, it has been through either mismanagement of the funds of the company or association or the attempt to insure at less than cost. The latter is the chief cause of failure among mutual associations ; for the death rate cannot permanently be figured away by book-keepers, any more than can the cost of manufacturing pig-iron or any other commodity. A life insurance company does not do a savings-bank business, . although under some policies there is to be found the element of savings. A man by getting his life insured in a financially sound com- pany may secure great benefit therefrom, or at least may secure great benefits for his heirs in case of early decease ; that is, he may pay but one premium, and if he should die before the next premium is due, his heirs would be entitled to the amount stated in the policy. Then, again, he may live 320 Accumulation of Wealth. [ 166 long enough to pay to the insurance company as much as or more than his heirs will receive at his death. Insurance means an equalisation of burdens ; those who die early pay in but little, while those who are fortunate enough to live to old age pay in very much more. Their benefit is in living, and thus the bur- den of care is equalised. It is purely a co-operative under- taking in the broadest sense of the word. It is precisely the same with fire insurance. The man who insures his house pays his premium ; and if it does not burn he considers himself fortunate, although he has expended his premium. Should his house burn, if he is honest he is less fortunate, for a policy may recoup his money loss pro tanto, but seldom reimburses him for the interruption and vexation. The principle of fire insurance is that all persons whose houses do not burn can afford to lose the premium for the sake of recouping the man whose house does take fire. In life insurance the insured is more sensitive in regard to the expense, and he feels that, although he may be insured a number of years, if his insurance ceases he has in some way been cheated, when the fact is that he has had all the insur- ance for which he has paid, and the only disadvantage to him is that he is older and cannot reinsure at the same rates which were allowed him at an earlier age. This feature does not obtain in fire insurance. Notwithstanding this, all life in- surance must be considered as an element of savings, for it induces one to exercise frugality and keep up his policy, that his family may not be left without means by sudden death ; and in all properly conducted business the premium is more than the actual risk, so as to accumulate a fund for the later continuance of the policy ; this excess is a saving, and in all good policies may be drawn out if the policy is surrendered. It is, on the whole, a most beneficient application of the prin- ciples of co-operation. The millions that are paid out testify to the popularity of the institution ; the hundreds of millions invested to meet death claims show what provision the fore- sighted are making for the future of those dependent on them. 166] Insurance and Mutual Benefit. 321 Insurance certainly tends to the upbuilding of social well- being, for it relieves the insured of a very unpleasant anxiety relative to the condition of his family should sickness and death overtake him. The vastness of the business is comprehended when we con- sider the money values involved. January i, 1901, according to the Insurance Year-Book, the assets of what are known as regular level premium companies amounted to nearly seven- teen hundred and fifty millions, while the payments to policy- holders for the year, including losses, dividends, surrenders, etc., amounted to nearly 1 70 millions of dollars. The num- ber of policies in force was over 143- millions, the amount carried in them being over 8J billion dollars. In addition to this, the assessment companies and mutual benefit orders had assets of more than 36 millions of dollars, paid to policy- holders over 41 millions, and had insurance in force amounting to over 4^ billions, held by nearly 2-| million members. The United States leads all countries in the world in the amount of insurance carried by its people, the total in this country being nearly 13 billions; in Great Britain, nearly 4 billions and a quarter ; in Germany, over i billion 300 millions, and in France, about 700 millions. CHAPTER XVIII. POVERTY. 167. References. C. H. Hubbard, The Why of Poverty ; Charles Booth, Labour and Life of the People ; H M. Boies, Prisoners and Paupers ; J. A. Hobson, Problems of Poverty ; A. G. Warner, American Charities (1894); Henry George, Progress and Poverty ; reports of State Boards of Charity; United States Eleventh Census (1890), Report on Crime, Pauperism, and Benevolence (especially 169); Helen Campbell, Prisoners of Poverty ; J. A. Riis, Children of the Poor; Florence Davenport Hill and Fannie Fowke, Children of the State ; Helen Campbell, The Child and the Com- munity, in Chautauquan, IX. 458 (May, 1889) ; National Conference of Charities and Corrections, Proceedings at Twentieth Conference (Chicago, June, 1893; Reports on Child-Saving and the Public Treatment of Pau- perism) ; E. C. Wines, State of Prisons and of Child-Saving Institutions ; Charities Review (New York) ; Jane Addams, The Subtle Problems of Charity, in Atlantic Monthly, LXXXIII. 163 (Feb., 1899). 168. Causes of Poverty. With all the opportunities for the accumulation of wealth, both for the nation and for the people individually, millions have little or no accumulation ; yet it must be admitted that the poverty of the present day is not the misery of the past. Present pov- erty may seem, relatively, more intensified, on account of the increase in wealth in general ; for the poor man makes slower progress out of his poverty than the man with some accumula- tion out of straitened circumstances. Nevertheless, consider- ing the actual conditions of life on the poorest scale of civil- ised life, all the facts point to the conclusion that this is the age most favourable to the poor. Many of the causes of poverty are inherent in human nature ; the most frequent and most hopeless is the lack of ability or 322 168] Causes of Poverty. 323 equipment, of capacity to do something fairly well. A smaller number come to want from prodigality, intemperance, misfor- tunes of various kinds. There are many collateral causes, such as refusal to work when work is offered, or the lack of employ- ment when one is willing to work, or the ambition, beyond one's capacity or means, to rise out of distasteful environment, or the unequal effects of accident, or, in too many cases, what may be called sentimental charity. Intemperance is often set forth as the chief cause of poverty, and it undoubtedly is re- sponsible for a very large amount of suffering and want ; yet a careful study leads one to the conclusion that intemperance is quite as often the result of poverty as poverty the result of intemperance. The industrial system, because of the eager demand for 'skill and intelligence, often crowds the incompetent man to the wall temporarily ; for competition is now rather mental than physical, and the man who cannot comply with modern de- mands for mental activity becomes, in common parlance, a left-over man. Industry has developed faster than the individ- ual in such cases, and he finds it difficult, if not impossible, to keep up with the progress. The life of the ordinary labourer prior to the establishment of the factory was almost universally one of poverty. Under the modern system the life of the wage-earner is almost universally, especially in this country, one of fair comfort ; certainly he does not live in such squalor and penury as that of his predecessors. It seems a paradox, though it is true, that wealth makes the community seem poor. The general increase of intelligence is such that people recognise the degradation of a poverty- stricken community ; most people to-day have a keen sense of bad conditions ; and the growth of the altruistic sentiment, the belief that the strong must help the weak, causes poverty to become a demoralising stigma on a community where it exists. In feudal times all except the nobles and the merchants lived in what we should call abject poverty. There was no opportunity for the peasant to rise, no opportunity to acquire 324 Poverty. [168 property; the man was a serf, and his family occupied the position of the children of serfs. To-day any poor man with capacity may rise ; in fact, if he has capacity he will not live in poverty. So that to be very poor often marks the man who can- not avail himself of the opportunity to rise from his environ- ment. We are led to make comparisons unjust to the present by not recognising this fact. The idea that poverty belongs to or is an inevitable accompaniment of industrial prosperity and the accumulation of what may be, in general terms, called riches, is erroneous. Civilisation has its residuum, but without civilisa- tion there would be no residuum, because no nobler element ; hence the higher the standard of civilised communities the more apparent and the more abhorrent does poverty become. The study of sociology in its broader sense goes into the origin of such elements in society, and brings out the lesson that civilisation is not responsible for poverty ; that if it cannot raise all above the old level of helpless want, it does raise many in all countries, and multitudes in America. 169. Pauperism and Relief. Poverty means a state of partial destitution. It is hard to be without the things which one wishes to have, to live in such straitened circumstances that one must count every penny and exercise the strictest and even the most painful frugality. Pauperism is or should be a destitution so great that life is maintained only by dependence upon others. The pauper, therefore, is the ward of society, or of benevolently disposed friends. The public everywhere undertakes to relieve pauper- ism, either by complete support or through partial relief. There is much controversy over the question as to whether the number of paupers in any given community tends under modern conditions to increase or to decrease. If we turn to England the facts are very apparent that during the past quarter or half century the poor budget has been greatly diminished relatively. Pauperism is decreasing in a marked degree. As is shown in the trustworthy British statistics, the i6 9 ] Pauperism and Relief. 3 2 5 number of paupers, indoor and outdoor, exclusive of vagrants, in receipt of relief in the several unions and parishes under boards of guardians in England and Wales on January i, 1895, was 817,431, while on January i, 1901, the number was 789,689, an actual decrease. In Scotland the number of poor of all classes in parishes in receipt of relief January 15, 1897, was 100,914, but in January, 1901, the number was 100,819, a slight decrease.' In Ireland, for the same years, the totals were 98,882 and 101,090 respectively. Our Federal statistics relate only to indoor paupers, as shown in the following table : l Sex, Nativity, and Colour. Number of Indoor Paupers. Ratios to 1,000,000 of Population. 1850. 1860. 1870. iSSo. 1890. 1850. 1860. 1870. 1880. 1890. Male . . . 35^64 40,741 1,394 1,270 Female . . 30,639 32,304 1,244 1,057 Native Born . 36,916 50.483 53,939 43)236 44,626 1,765 1,849 1-635 994 836 Foreign Born White . . . 13.437 32,459 22,798 67337 9,400 22,967 60,486 S.7'7 28,419 66,578 6,467 5.9S6 7,343 4,095 2,005 1,928 3,438 ',394 847 3,072 1,211 847 Coloured . . Total . . 5 .353 82,942 7 6 >737 66,203 73,045 2,171 2,638 1.990 1,320 1,166 In later censuses there has been a transference of insane poor and some other classes from the ranks of what are called indoor paupers, which vitiates in some degree the value of the foregoing statistics ; they show, however, that instead of a little over one pauper in almshouses to each five hundred of the population in 1850, it was a little over one in each thousand in 1890. Another large class of persons relieved by the public are the outdoor paupers, most of whom have a little income of some sort, or a subsidy from friends. For this element the statistics 1 No data have been collected since 1890. 326 Poverty. [ 169 for Massachusetts are most available, and offer a comparison for the longest period of time. 1 1 AVERAGE NUMBER OF PAUPERS PER 1000 OF POPULATION IN THE CITIES AND TOWNS OF MASSACHUSETTS AT THE CENSUS YEARS, 1880-1900. (From Reports of Mass. Board of Charities.) Years. Average Number of Paupers Fully Supported per 1000 of Population. Average Number of Paupers Par- tially Supported per 1000 of Population. Average total Number of Paupers Sup- ported per 1000 of Population. 3.80 1884-1885 3-88 2.88 1889-1890 . 3.85 6.85 8. 97 1.28 AVERAGE NUMBER OF INDOOR POOR PER 1000 OF POPULATION IN MASSACHUSETTS AT THE CENSUS YEARS, 1865-1900. Years. Number of State Poor in Almshouses per 1000 of Population (including insane). Number of City and Town Poor in Alms- houses per looo of Population (excluding insane). 1865 ... .... ... 2 28 1870 . .... 1.89 187? . !88o . . j885 ... 1800 . 1895 1.80 NUMBER OF STATE AND CITY AND TOWN POOR PARTIALLY SUP- PORTED PER looo OF POPULATION IN MASSACHUSETTS AT THE CENSUS YEARS, 1880-1900. Aggregate Number of City Aggregate Number of Aggregate Number of and Town Poor State Poor Cases of Va- Partially Sup- Partially Sup- grancy per ported per 1000 ported per looo 1000 of of Population. of Population. Population. i88o . ... 7.85 86.46 1885 28.65 8.75 1890 7-37 69.81 1895 28.10 7-51 "5-49 170] Organised Charities. 327 From one point of view the Massachusetts statements are very satisfactory. The proportion of the State poor in alms- houses, and also of city and town poor in almshouses, shows a nearly constant decrease from 1865 to 1901. The partially supported or outdoor paupers present a more serious problem, because they include many who might earn their own living if properly directed, and a good number of impostors; the reduction in this class is most encouraging, taking the two categories together. The total average number of paupers supported per one thousand of the population appears to have dropped from 13.8 in 1879-80 to 11.28 in 1900-01. Considering the imperfections of the statistics, there is no cause for rejoicing in this exhibit. An actual decrease is shown in the number of cases of vagrancy per one thousand, but the conditions of vagrancy are peculiar; some- times tramps frequent one State and avoid a neighbouring State, for no reason known to cleanly people, except that law makes it dangerous in one and not in the other. 170. Organised Charities. In all large cities there are many organisations, especially churches and benevolent associations, having for their object the relief of persons who are ostensibly worthy of care, and who have not reached the condition where they can be con- sidered as paupers. Great abuses, however, grew up under this method of almsgiving ; for there is a class of professional malingerers, who seek aid of various societies at the same time, and thus secure a very good support, and even a comfortable income. A very striking illustration of this occurred in an Eastern city a few years ago, where a man, ostensibly a disabled soldier, was collecting funds to enable him to purchase an artificial leg. A gentleman became interested in his case and looked up his history and experience, and found that he had collected over $60,000 for the particular purpose named in his papers. Such abuses have led to the system usually known as "The Associated Charities," under which all the organisa- 328 Poverty. [170 tions devoted to charity agree or ought to agree to have their prote'ge's registered under one central head. By systematic visitation and inspection many of the old abuses have been prevented, and it is the aim of the visitors to aid the needy to find ways of caring for themselves. It is impossible to state the amount of money used and the value of assistance rendered by the charity organisations of the country, but it must be many millions of dollars annually. Of late years it has been questioned whether any good com- mensurate with the effort is being accomplished by organisa- tions working independently of the Associated Charities, or by indiscriminate charity. Beggary prospers chiefly because it is profitable, and charity organisations to some extent help to perpetuate the evil. Investigations have shown that a very large percentage of the beggars and most of the regu- lar tramps are such from choice rather than from necessity. Nevertheless, the charity organisations find enough to do among a class of people that society does not wish to have become public charges. The noblest work that charity has to do is to furnish the temporary assistance essential to bridge over misfor- tune and restore the recipient of aid to self-supporting condi- tions, and in this direction it will always find sufficient activity. Simple almsgiving ought never to be the purpose of charity organisations. There are many who believe that all such work should be conducted by the State ; that instead of seeking subscrip- tions from individuals, thus levying a special tax upon those who are generously disposed, the property of the entire com- munity should be taxed not only for the support of the very reedy, like paupers, but for the assistance of those who are thrown out of employment, or who have met with misfortune of any kind. There is much in this view, so far as justice and equity are concerned, but the sensibilities of the people will not allow certain classes of needy persons to become the objects of public charge in any way. As already stated, under Compulsory Insurance (ch. xiv.), some countries are endeavour- 171] Child Saving. 329 ing to reduce the charity charge upon the public through the methods of insurance against sickness, old age, etc. The ex- periment is going on ; the results will be watched with great interest. At present they have not been carried to such extent as to warrant a positive conclusion as to the better method of providing assistance for the needy. While it has been alleged and the doctrine is generally accepted that indiscriminate almsgiving pauperises not only individuals but classes of individuals in the community, this is in no sense a charge against altruism, but simply indi- cates that altruistic action should be undertaken with discre- tion, in order to avoid the demoralisation which comes from receiving something for nothing. When a great number of persons are fed or supported at public expense, or even given temporary aid, their general public consciences are weakened, and they are more apt to seek such aid when the circumstances do not really warrant its bestowal. 171. Child Saving. Perhaps the most beneficent purpose which any organisation can have is that of saving children from a lifetime of misery and want and crime. For many adult persons assistance in any form can do but little good beyond the temporary relief of necessities, but the child subjected to unhealthy and un- happy surroundings may be saved, and its life turned into honourable and self-supporting conditions. This attractive form of benevolence has caused societies to be organised everywhere, for the purpose of taking the child out of a miserable environment into a moral and healthful atmosphere. The Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children have done much in the way of inducing parents to treat their offspring tenderly, while other organisations, especially the Children's Aid Societies, take them out of the slums of cities, give them the benefits of good care, education, and fairly generous treatment. They are placed on farms and in homes >vhere, perhaps, the husband and wife have not been blessed 330 Poverty. [171 with children, and thus they are brought into contact with those who will see that their lives are protected. All such measures are for children whose tendencies are in the right direction ; for those who are vicious to any degree public re- form schools have been established. These are not penal institutions in any sense : yet a vicious boy or girl may be sent to them under legal processes such as do not bring that degradation which accompanies a sentence to a prison. In the reform schools they are taught to work, and are given the rudiments of education. When the time comes that a child sent to one of these schools is able to go out into the world, a place is found for him where he may support himself and con- tinue a life of regularity and responsibility. Very many children are thus saved and brought to good citizenship rather than left in their old surroundings, where the tendencies are all evil. The inmates of juvenile reformatories in the United States numbered 11,468 in 1880, the ratio being 229 to each million of the population ; in 1890, under stricter systems of supervision, the number was 14,846, a ratio of only 237.* This is a very satisfactory showing, not only on account of the small absolute number of juvenile offenders, but of the small relative increase. Homeless children have been the subject of care not only through private benefactions, but through public effort, and the establishments where they can be brought and secure many of the amenities of home life are numerous and their results of vast magnitude to the welfare of the community. Kindergartens are doing a great work in the processes of child- saving, as pointed out under the discussion of kindergartens as a method of educating very young children. All these institutions relating to child-saving, of whatever character, prevent the increase of the criminal and pauper classes and are an honour to civilisation. As people grow more sensitive in such matters, the benefits are increased and a still larger number brought under their influences. The statistics of different periods therefore show to the disadvan- tage of the present. 1 No data collected since 1890. CHAPTER XIX. THE RELATION OF ART TO SOCIAL WELL-BEING. 172. References. Isaac Edwards Clark, Art and Industry ; U. S. Commissioner of Edu- cation, Report (1885), Parts I., II.; Benjamin Butterworth, The Growth, of Industrial Art (published by Act of Congress of March 3, 1886); Rus kin, Political Economy of Art ; Editorials on Public Art in American Cities, and Popular Art in Belgium, in Municipal Affairs, II. I, 14 (March, 1898)1 Marie C. Remick, The Relation of Art to Morality, in Arena, XIX. 483 ( April, 1898) ; Myra B. Martin, Art Education in American Life, \\\ Journal of Social Science, XXX. 12 (October, 1892) ; Carroll D. Wright, The Prac- tical Value of Art, in Munsty's Magazine, XVII. 562 (July, 1897). 173. Art and Ethics. " A talent for any art is rare ; but it is given to nearly every one to cultivate a taste for art ; only it must be cultivated with earnestness. The more things thou learnest to know and to enjoy, the more complete and full will be for thee the delight of living." So speaks the German artist- poet Platen ; this sentence gives the gist of the whole discussion of the relation of art to social well-being. Well-being may be defined as a state of life which secures, or tends toward, happiness ; it comprehends physical as well as moral welfare. Social well-being, therefore, means a state of life which best fits one for society, for companionship with one's fellows. Friendly relations must be regarded, and all the fine instincts of men subserved, as also their capacity, not merely to enjoy themselves in high and pure ways, but to bring the highest and purest enjoyment to those with whom they mingle. In other words, social well-being means .social morality, and this can be secured only by the practice of the purest ethics, the laws of right living. 33 1 332 Art and Social Well-being. [173 So the relation of art to social well-being resolves itself at once into certain simple questions. Does art, in any of its forms, stimulate ethical conduct? Does it induce the moral state that is essential to happy relations in society? Does it awaken slumbering possibilities? Does it induce intellectual activity? Does it bring members of society to realise that deep, true religious life, which, after all, concerns happiness more than any other one element, by teaching love to our neighbours, by making sacrifice easy, by stirring the soul to the loftiest contemplation of creative power? Do Raphael's Madonnas inspire right motives? Does the Robert Shaw monument tend to make heroes? Is the great Liberty statue in New York harbour an aid to upright democracy? In short, does art help to make the true man and the true woman? These questions must be considered from a sociological standpoint, comprehending the whole range of art as it centres into the industries and the amenities of life. We must keep in view the idea that it is in man's spiritual nature, as it is now expressing itself in his social activities, that the true rela- tion of art to social well-being is to be found ; for we must conclude that art has its positive influence not only in devel- oping character, but in making life sweeter, better, and more useful. 174. Art and Industry. This influence is shown, too, in the application of art to industry. It is there that we recognise the power of the industrial arts in fitting men for social relationship. The average life is influenced quite as much by the industrial arts as by any of the creations of purely artistic genius ; the genius of production makes itself felt in pretty calicoes, neat oil- cloths, and companionable paper-hangings; in fact, in the ordinary, every-day energy which animates the great manu- facturing, mechanical, and engineering pursuits, there is an embodiment of the highest genius, which has a moral influ- ence, and at times something even beyond this, an influence that may be called religious in its bearing. 174] Industry. 333 One need not discuss the distinctions of creative or imagi- native art, for all things in art which in any sense stimulate innocent emotion are good in themselves and beneficial in their influences, whether an etching of Whistler's, or " A Yard of Roses." There is nothing progressive that does not come from some form of art, or from some expression of the crea- tive power. Every work of creative art is a revelation of divine beauty ; hence it is of the deepest significance to religion, and to every element of social well-being. Even the lowest forms of artistic expression, so long as they embody art ideas at all, are beneficial. Especially among the common people is this true. The cheap prints that adorn the humblest homes, even the rude portraits cut from newspapers, have an uplifting influence, and must be considered as positive evidence of the existence of an aspiration to something better. The line of march from savage existence to civilised life is marked all along the way with progressive developments of art ideas. When the savage adorns himself with ornaments, no matter how crude, even to the tattooed painting of the most barbarous man, he is giving evidence of an aspiration after the beautiful. The deer and mammoth of the cave- dweller incised on his uncracked marrow-bone show that he took delight in trying to represent the movements of animals. No matter how rude or ugly his work may appear to the cultivated taste, to the savage it is art and beauty, and he fancies that he is making himself more presentable, more attractive, in the eyes of his fellows. It is the infantile expres- sion of the inherent love of art, and we find the foundation of all art and of all language when the savage expresses his feel- ings through the adornment of his person, the colours of his coarse blanket, the pictures on the bark walls of his hut, or the ornamentation upon the head of his weapon. These expressions of the savage take the form of industrial as well as of creative art. Advancing along the line of dawning civilisation, we find crude images of the individual, 334 Art and Social Well-being. [174 made, perhaps, to serve as reminders of friends, or to per- petuate the conceited barbarian's idea of his own physical perfection. Music, too, the purest of all fine arts, has its beginning in the same natural instinct. 175. Art and the People. Cheap reproductions of works of art help to educate and beau- tify the lives of the masses of the people. The writer happened once in a car to sit beside a girl whose coarse clothing and rough hands indicated that she came from the shops. Her whole attention, however, was engaged in studying a popular magazine, and it was impossible to refrain from watching her face and learning the subject which was attracting her; she was reading an article relative to some of the great works of our best artists, and studying the engravings which accompanied it. At the cost of a dime, she was bringing into her life, at the close of her day's labour, the company of the world's greatest artistic geniuses. She was forgetting her hard lot, and drink- ing in some of the inspiration which enables the artist to bring forth his highest creation ; she was ennobling her own mind by the ennobling influences of the work of others ; she was fitting herself to insist that in her own home surroundings there should be something to cheer, to attract, and to inspire ; and could she have been followed to that home, there would have been found some evidences of art production, cheap and possibly common, but nevertheless a sure indication of the existence, in her own soul, of an aspiration after something higher than the drudgery which she was compelled to follow. How far the appreciation of architecture may be developed, is shown by the little boy who was told of some of the fine buildings in foreign countries. Oh, I know just how they look," said he ; " tell me about the folks." It was a fact that he already knew the beauty of the Houses of Parliament ; he knew the shape and form of St. Paul's and Notre Dame ; he knew the Rialto and the palaces of Venice. This knowledge of the architecture of the world had come to him through i75] Popular Art. 335 cheap reproductions, the results of an inventive art which brings to the commonest understanding the beauties of the world. Another example shows the commercial value of a beautiful form in the commonest things. A few years ago, a stove manufacturer paid a well-known sculptor five thousand dollars to design a kitchen stove ; he was obliged to meet the popular demand in the production of his goods, and found that his stoves must be of a pattern that would not offend the eye of the day labourer. It was a striking evidence of the growth of artistic taste among the masses of our people. In foreign countries the national and the municipal govern- ments spend great sums in erecting things of beauty, statues of celebrated men, public buildings decorated with costly de- signs. Cities like Nuremberg and Genoa take pride in their beautiful mediaeval buildings, and try to make new structures conform to the old. A dealer in electric goods in Germany was refused permission to put a bracket to hold a wire on a certain building because his bracket was in the Renaissance style and the building was Gothic. In the United States, gov- ernments rarely interfere with private architecture, but in their public buildings they shape public taste for something beyond the carpenter's architecture which we find in rural regions, or the plain painting of the ordinary building. It teaches us to demand that our libraries, capitols, public halls, and churches shall be works of art. If one result is seen in the monotonous domed State capitols, on the model of the Capitol at Washington, another result is seen in such structures as the Boston Pub- lic Library, the Corcoran Art Gallery, the county buildings of Pittsburg, and that most magnificent of all buildings of its kind in this or any land, the new Congressional Library at Washing- ton. It is such examples that make the common man insist that if he is to purchase a kitchen stove, it shall be artistic. 336 Art and Social Well-being. [176 176. Art and Social Unrest. The " common man " is a frequent character in these pages, because the social unrest of the present time hinges upon this very development of the masses through the presence of educa- tional forces, among which we must reckon art in every form, including music. The demands of the wage-earner of to-day are not for subsistence only, as formerly ; but through the in- fluence of civilisation, as represented by education, as stimulated by invention, as fostered by art, the demand is for spiritualising influences beyond and above the mere necessaries of existence. It is this demand, more than any other cause, which brings the social unrest or the discontent of the present time. A wise Providence makes none of us content with our condition. Safety is to be found only through the knowledge that we are going forward, that we are progressing, that we possess higher aspirations. Discontent means the desire for higher things, it means the growing demands of labour, it means, the moving spirit of progress everywhere. Without: it the world would stand still ; with it the world moves on, and humanity is ever securing higher and nobler standards of living. The boys and girls in the cottages of the country people who hear of the triumphs of architecture, or of the world of art, become restless and, in a sense, discontented. So some pessimist, who sees no utility in art beyond its commercial value, who loves not music and the beautiful, may ask, " Do not these aspirations result in unhappiness, in the reverse of social well-being, in dangerous discontent? " No ; it is a divine discontent, broad- ening all the attributes of man, fitting him for better and greater achievements, and bringing him out of a contentment which simply means inaction and inertness ; it is such discontent as drove the Greeks to stretch to the utmost the artistic powers of the human mind, so that they might surpass all the former works of their own race ; it was such discontent that made mediaeval man pull down his old churches and build the splen- did cathedrals. 177] Unrest Invention. 337 Life is better with these things, even from the utilitarian point of view, for they stimulate industry, and industry and poverty are seldom yokefellows. They stimulate employment of the mind, which is an essential to good morals. They foster the very best elements of a moral community, by awakening the desire for the highest kind of employment, that requiring the most application, the best intellectual effort. If it were not so, continued employment at crude, muscular labor would be the very best for mankind. Something spiritual must enter into our every- day life, or we are savages. When Mr. Pullman built the town named after him, now a part of Chicago, he beautified the place with parks and artistic surroundings. When asked if he proposed to help his tenants in the adornment of their dwellings, he said, " No ; if a family moves in with old, tumble-down furniture, they soon see the incongruity of their house adornments in comparison with the adornments around them ; and," he went on, " I have noticed that soon they begin to arrange their affairs in harmony with the place itself." By this means his employees and their fami- lies were trained to an appreciation of artistic things, and were enabled to live cleaner and more wholesome lives. 177. Art in Invention. Invention and the development of the industrial arts have raised those coming under their influence to a higher intellec- tual level, to a more comprehensive understanding of all that makes for the best culture. Every new machine marks some progress in useful art, and it usually embodies something more than mere utility. There is a beauty in the rhythmic move- ment of great forces in harness that has a reflex action upon the beholder ; for there is nothing more impressive than the sight of mighty mechanical constructions. The engines of a great mine have some of the same effect of prodigious might which one feels at Niagara. The highest creative art enters into such constructions, not the art, it may be, that paints a grand picture or decorates a cathedral, but an art that be- 338 Art and Social Well-being. [177 speaks no less clearly the divine attributes of the mind that conceived it. A ten-thousand-ton steamship, a tenth of a mile in length, moving over and through the water, is an ex- ample of what is meant. When we behold it, we are taught something of omnipotent power, of the all-pervading intel- ligence which swings the planets through their orbits ; we have s. better realisation of the supreme mechanism of the universe, for we witness the working of laws that have been compre- hended and applied. One modern poet, Rudyard Kipling, has understood the intellectual force of great engines, and he makes wood, steel, and steam chant symphonies. A few years ago, after Walter Smith had been applying his art principles in this country, there appeared in the shop win- dows of some of our Eastern cities a display of novel designs in carpets, and the proprietor, on being asked whence they came, stated that they were from some of the American schools of design. Here, again, artistic development had accomplished something toward beautifying the homes of the common people. The rich can always secure the very best and most beautiful coverings for their floors. The poor desire to imitate the rich, but for them there must be designs worked out in such a way that they can be obtained at a reasonable price. An4 this is not the only benefit of such an industrial departure ; people engaged in artistic manufactures are em- ployed in occupations of a higher grade ; their wages are increased ; their standard of living is raised proportionately, and their social well-being is enhanced. If industry to-day had nothing more to do than the fur- nishing of the simple necessaries of human life it would have little field for expansion, and would offer meagre opportunities for employment. Life would be a burden, so dull and mono- tonous would it be. Trade, as we understand it, would cease, and commerce become a thing practically unknown. But in- dustry flourishes because it is not limited to the production of things that are needed for food, raiment, and shelter. It is because art has come in to increase the wants of the race that 178] A Source of Wealth. 339 trade and commerce flourish. Art carries industry beyond our actual wants, and calls upon it to supply those things which make for social progress. The future expansion of industry and of commerce, the future elevation in the character of the employment of all classes, the increase of their earning capa- city, the opportunity of increasing the standard of their envi- ronment, all these depend upon the cultivation of the industrial arts. 178. Art as a Source of Wealth. Looking beyond this, industrial art is a source of wealth. Fine art itself is a wealth producer. The payment of ten or fifty thousand dollars for a painting enriches the community in which the artist lives. There has been something added in the way of treasure to a country's assets by the productions of its artistic genius. The very presence of great pictures is a local benefit. Take the Sistine Madonna from Dresden, rob Paris of the Louvre, despoil London of its National Gallery or Antwerp of its Rubens collection, take the Art Museum out of Boston, destroy the galleries which are growing up so richly in our Western cities, and we have depreciated the commercial value of all these places far beyond the selling price of the pictures. ' Industrial art and a thorough appreciation of the fine arts enable the community that cultivates them to compete suc- cessfully with the community that neglects them. All these things the expansion of industry, the commercial import- ance of art, the knowledge of its real value certainly con- tribute, and largely, too, to the well-being of the individual. The rich, by their generous contributions in establishing art galleries, are doing something more than building monuments to themselves ; they are offering to the poor man the means of improving the leisure earned by his hard labour, and giving him an opportunity to find cultured occupation. 34 Art and Social Well-being. [179 179. Public Art. The action of municipal governments in the establishment of parks, museums, libraries, and in providing public concerts are all efforts in the direction of the cultivation of artistic taste. These things are provided for the poorest citizen ; every per- son may enjoy them ; they are public property, and the public holds the title. The advance which a city or a town has made in the highest artistic sense can be gauged by its parks and museums, while its appreciation of those means which make for the best intellectual attainment can be gauged by its libra- ries. The establishment of these things may have a socialistic tendency, but they are for the good of all ; and whatever there is of socialism connected with them does not weaken indi- vidual effort or the desire to succeed as an individual. They are the most potent educators which can be provided by the public for itself. The schools accomplish one thing ; the works of beauty and of art, which are accessible to all, accom- plish another. Tastes are refined, the best feelings are stimu- lated, and a loyal affection for public institutions created. The lives and sacrifices of men who have worked for the wel- fare of their kind are made daily and constant lessons to all observers. These things supplement and oftentimes are more powerful than the school in stimulating intellectual endeavour. In the old countries the public galleries of art have been of positive economic value ; they teach history, they illustrate romance, they embody religious inspiration. We are lacking in public art galleries in this country. There are a few, and as a rule they are not free ; nevertheless, their influence cannot be calculated. They offer healthful recreation of the highest character, and when the common people can have free access to them on all days of the week their influence will be far greater than at present. The man who works six days is en- titled on the seventh to the highest things which his desires demand. The open parks, museums, and libraries, may be the places where such a one can be brought in contact with 180] Effect of Ugliness. 341 the very best works of man and the most beautiful of nature. He may be too weary to sit through a service ; but if he can peaceably occupy a place in a beautiful public park, listen to excellent music, visit a museum, or have access to works in a public library, he may thus avoid those places whose tenden- cies are evil and only evil. The tendency of civilisation to-day, as men understand more what the development of society means, and are aware of the struggle which it has made to secure present develop- ment, is to open everything good at all reasonable times and on all days, and close everything that is bad all the time. The moral nature of man needs encouragement, and it can be en- couraged by opening to him opportunities for the cultivation not only of his latent artistic tastes, but of his latent spiritual nature. 180. The Effect of Ugliness. There is a reverse side to all this. If the sight of beautiful things is a stimulus, the habitual presence of foul and ill- shapen things is degrading. One of the mathematical studies in "Alice's Adventures in Wonderland" was " Uglification and Derision." The process of " uglifying," especially in this country, goes on steadily, through the construction of unsightly roads, streets, railways, telegraph appliances, and signs. Noth- ing is more hopelessly ugly, stupefying, and repulsive than a bank of earth, especially when disfigured with old cans or surfaced with cinders. Nature herself has such a prejudice against mere dirt that she covers with green any slope that will hold grass ; but men often leave railway cuttings and em- bankments irregular, ungrassed slopes, although in recent years, following European customs, much has been done to beautify the surroundings of stations, and prizes are often offered for the most artistic display of flowers and arrangement of grounds. Telegraph wires may be a picturesque element in a landscape, but the confused tangle which disfigures many cities and towns is nothing but Uglification. Dirty streets are not only very in- artistic, but they strike at the foundation of morality, for they 34 2 Art and Social Well-being. [ 180 violate the principles of order and cleanliness. No public service is more important than that performed in some coun- try places by " village improvement societies," through whose efforts the tidying up of the public highways in their near neighbourhood is secured ; they interest the public in setting out shade and ornamental trees, and thus bring beauty and order where ugliness and disorder prevailed. The artistic sense of the people is often offended by the modern custom of painting signs on fences, buildings, and rocks, and no mat- ter how picturesque the advertisement may be, it mars the beauty of the scenery. The putting of all telegraph, fire, and telephone wires underground, the adornment of streets and highways, the beautifying of the surroundings of railway stations, are all adjuncts in the way of removing crude ugliness, and have great influence in developing the aesthetic taste of the people. CHAPTER XX. ARE THE RICH GROWING RICHER AND THE POOR POORER ? 181. References. United States Eleventh Census, Report on Wealth, Debt, and Taxation ; Senate Committee on Finance, Report on Wholesale Prices, Wages, and Transportation, in Senate Reports, 520! Congress, 2d session, No. 1394; Alfred Marshall, Principles of Economics (ed. 1890), 182; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, Sixteenth Annual Report (1885), P al "ts III., \\ . ; Alex. Wylie, Labour, Leisure, and Luxury ; Abraham Lincoln, Works, II. 502 (speech to workingmen) ; Charles B. Spahr, The Present Distribution of Wealth in the United States ; Freeman Otis Willey, The Laborer and the Capitalist, Part II. ch. iii. ; Veblen, Thorstein, The Theory of the Leisure Class; Fairchild, G. T., Rural Wealth and Welfare ; Ferris, Alfred J., Pauperizing the Rich ; Carroll D. Wright, Are the Rich Grow- ing Richer and the Poor Poorer ? in Atlantic Monthly, LXXX. 300 (Sept., 1897); The Concentration of Wealth (a symposium), in the Independent (May i, 1902). 182. Industry and "Wealth. The consideration of the various features which relate to social well-being the accumulation of wealth, the cultiva- tion of the artistic sense, and the poverty and pauperism which accompany the evolution of society leads to the query whether, as is often asserted, the rich are really growing richer and the poor poorer. The position is often taken that under our modern system of industry vast fortunes are accumu- lated at the expense of the relatively poor, but such assertions are made without a philosophical understanding of what in- dustry really is. To paraphrase an expression of Reybaud, in his " Le Coton," it is a sad law, perhaps, but an invariable one, that industry in its march takes no account of the positions it overturns nor of the distinctions it modifies. We must keep step with its progress or be left upon the road. It always ac- complishes its work, which is to make better goods at a lower 343 344 Rich and Poor. [ 182 price, to supply more wants, and also those of a better order, and to secure for men greater comforts and conveniences, not with regard for any class, but having in view the whole human race. Industry is this, or it is not industry. True to its in- stincts, it has no sentiment, unless it is for its own interest ; and yet such is the harmony of things when they are abandoned to their natural course, notwithstanding the selfishness of indus- try directed to its own good, that it turns finally to secure the good of all, and while requiring service for itself, it serves others at the same time by virtue of its resources and its power. This " law " is then only a restatement of the familiar principle that in industry a man cannot benefit himself without also giving other people a chance to benefit themselves. The sewing-machine manufacturers made an immense fortune, but the machine added to the resources of every purchaser of a machine and of every buyer of clothing. An examination of wages, the standard of living, the work- ing time, cost of living, education, the interest in religion, literature, art, and all things concerning the common man, leads to the conclusion that the industrial situation has more to do with social conditions than has any other factor. The complex organisation of industry contains in itself the moral, intellectual, psychological, and physiological elements, which are the essential factors of human life, and so the most essen- tial factors in ethics and in social organisms. Here, then, we must look for the chief elements which result in social unrest as well as in social well-being. The alleged causes of unrest, taken together, make a kalei- doscopic mass, ever shifting with every turn of industrial status, one colour predominating, and then another. Two centuries ago the farmers were the best-recompensed class in the coun- try ; a century ago it was the shipowners ; now it is the manu- facturers. It is but natural, then, that men assert at times that the industrial system offers opportunities for the exploitation of one class for the benefit of another, and out of this attitude grows the assertion that the rich are growing richer and the poor 183] Wealth not Stationary. 345 poorer, an assertion which for some reason has taken very complete possession of the popular mind. The doctrine is a false one, false in its premises and misleading in its influence ; for it has so deceived the people as to develop a sharp and growing antagonism between those who do not prosper to the extent of their ambition and those who have carried the accu- mulation of wealth far beyond the reasonable ambition of any man. It must be admitted that there is no lack in the pro- duction of useful and necessary things ; it may be held, how- ever, that there is an inequality in the distribution of the products of industry, and upon an analysis of the various dis- cussions which have been put forth, it is easily seen that it is this question of distribution which affects the popular mind. From any point of view, it must be held legitimate to question the justice of the distribution of wealth. 183. "Wealth not Stationary. We need not attempt to trace the origin of the assertion under consideration ; it is a wandering phrase, without pater- nity or date ; it is not authority but familiarity that has given it weight. To very many persons, who consider only one side of a proposition, it expresses the whole truth ; to others, who examine superficially ethical and economical questions, it has some truth ; to the investigator, who cares only for the truth itself, it is as a whole untrue, while one-half is true. To the investigator the real statement should be, The rich are growing richer ; many more people than formerly are growing rich ; and the poor are growing better off. If the sum total of wealth were stationary, any increase in the wealth of the rich would be an exploitation of the poor, and then it would be true that the poor are in poorer circumstances than formerly. But the sum total of wealth is not stationary ; it increases with great rapidity, and while under this increase the capitalistic side secures a greater relative advantage than the wage-earner of the profits of production, the wage-earner secures an advantage which means the improvement of his condition. It has been 346 Rich and Poor. [ 183 shown by private inquiry in New York and Boston that the largest estates fifty years ago constituted a much larger propor- tion of the total wealth of those cities than do the same number of large estates to-day. No official investigation in this direc- tion has been made, but it is a subject that will well repay the private student of practical sociology. Of late it has been currently reported and the statement has not been contradicted that the rich men of Boston were comparatively richer in 1829 than they are now; that the nine large tax-payers of the present time own less than four per cent of the wealth of that city, while the nine of 1829 owned over eight per cent ; that the three hundred and thirty-three richest Bostonians of 1845 owned more comparatively than twelve hundred of the richest citizens to-day. Such statements have been substantiated by the investigations of Mr. Freeman Otis Willey in his suggestive volume entitled " The Laborer and the Capitalist." The facts as to the increase of wealth and of wages and earnings have been brought out in their proper place, and from a consideration of these facts the conclusion is that the wage- earner occupies a much higher standard than at any previous time. While he may not have received, and probably does not now receive, a just proportion of the profits of modern methods of production, he is really much better off than ever before ; for poverty is not the same it was once. It can be demonstrated that the condition of the poor man is improving, and that his share is relatively greater than under previous systems, and we know that the proportion of the skilled workers of the com- munity and of those engaged in the higher classes of employ- ment is constantly increasing. Society recognises the equal rights of all men, whether skilled or unskilled, and the inherent right of self-preservation is the fundamental basis of the right to property ; yet sociology teaches that the endowment of faculties is unequal, and hence the con- ditions surrounding men are unequal. As a psychological matter, fortunes must be unequal. This principle is nowhere 184] Use of Wealth. 347 better stated than by Abraham Lincoln : " Property is desirable, is a positive good in the world. That some should be rich shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encour- agement to industry and enterprise. Let no man who is house- less pull down the house of another, but let him work diligently and build one for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be safe from violence when built." 184. Use of Wealth. When wealth is used productively there can be little differ- ence in the result to the community, whether it be contributed by thousands to the common stock, or manipulated by a small association of men owning the bulk of it. If a man be worth ten million dollars, and if he use this as productive capital, the community practically owns it, for capital itself, no matter whether the title of it be in one man or in a thousand, cannot be sacrificed ; it must be actively employed ; only the usufruct is ever secured by the community at large. Idle capital has no power. Productive capital, or capital productively employed, can never, then, in any sense, be the cause of any prevailing unrest. It is what may be called the criminal use of wealth that is, its unproductive employment that irritates the public mind. And here, in discussing the question as to whether the rich are growing richer and the poor poorer, we should make an important and a clear discrimination. The use of wealth for display is often defended on the ground that it gives em- ployment to a great number of people ; but in fact such employment is spasmodic, is not productive, does not give sta- bility of condition, or increase the standard of living of those engaged in it ; and it must be contended, from a moral point of view, that even the continuous giving of great balls, for in- stance, or any other ostentatious employment of wealth, would in the long run demoralise the recipients of the wages paid in such display, because of the enervating luxury into which all would ultimately fall. But wise, fair, and continuous employ- ment of the greatest number of persons in the production of 348 Rich and Poor. [ 184 things which enter into legitimate consumption for the actual use of the people, for cheapening the cost of living, and for the elevation of the standard of living itself, through making pos- sible the attainment of some of the higher things in life, such as the productions of art, education, music, everything that beautifies and helps and stimulates, such employment has no demoralising influence, and does not affect in an unhealthy way the public conscience, nor tend to irritate that of the individual. A poor man may make a criminal use of wealth as well as the rich. He may use it in the purchase of those things that perish with the use, and result in no good to himself or to his family. He may spend it in some form of riotous living, or in the insane attempt to keep up appearances which are not legitimate. One of the roots of the evil is the misuse of wealth ; it is to this the poor object, and not to the possession of wealth. They do not like the display of enervating luxury. They know well that the world is better off with some rich than it would be with all poor. There can be no contention on this point. Progress would cease, industry stop, civilisation itself be retarded, were it not for the rich. There never was a time, moreover, when the rich did so much for society and for the poor as they are doing at the present time. God speed the day when all the wealthy will fully comprehend that their wealth is held in trust ; that they are but the means of helping the world, and that riches have been given them for this purpose. The world is recognising this. Millionaires are understanding it more and more, and so those of low estate are securing the benefit. 185. Effects of Modem Competition. The competition of our age is intellectual more than physical, but with the unequipped man the attempt is made to bring muscle into competition with brain. As a result, brain succeeds, and the man who has attempted to compete with it on a physical basis suffers. The mental competition of to-day means a large class of left-over men and women who cannot 185] Modern Competition. 349 keep up to the present requirements. These help to keep the body of the poor unhappily large, although it is being restricted from generation to generation in its breadth, and the pyramid is rising into a different form. Miserable conditions are found everywhere. The effort of the rich is to remove them. The activity of governments in improving slum districts in cities, the moral effects of rapid transit in taking the population out of the congested parts of great cities into suburban homes, where they meet the incoming thousands from the country homes, constitute great factors in alleviating present conditions. This suburban population itself is solving many problems, both of city and of farm. As wealthy men understand these things, as they join hands in disseminating knowledge, in founding institutions, thus securing the very elements of a democratic government to the people at large, there is less and less quarrel about wealth ; but there is an increased quarrel about some classes of wealth and some classes of wealthy people. It is this which gives em- phasis to the assertion that the rich are growing richer and the poor poorer. If it be true, religion is a failure, education a snare, industry an enemy of man, and civilisation a delusion. The statement is not true, as a whole ; but it is true that the rich are growing richer, and the poor are growing better off; and with increased understanding of the true uses of wealth, the proportion in which the rich are growing richer and the poor better off will assume more just and equitable relations, and thus social well-being will be more easily acquired and the happiness of the whole more generally secured. Part VII. The Defence of Society. CHAPTER XXI. CRIMINOLOGY. 186. References. Henry M. Boies, The Science of Penology (Chap. XIV.) Prison Labor and Prisoners and Paupers; Arthur M.a.cT)o's\a.}A, Abnormal Man ; United States Eleventh Census, Report on Crime, Pauperism, and Benevolence; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, Eleventh Annual Report (1880) Part III., and Twelfth Annual Report (1881), Part II. ; Massachu- setts State Board of Lunacy and Charity, Eighteenth Annual Report (1896); William Tallack, Penological and Preventive Principles; F. H. Wines, Punishment and Reformation; National Conference of Charities and Corrections, Annual Reports (passim); Henry Lyle Winter, Notes on Criminal Anthropology and Bio-sociology (reprint from State Hospitals Bulletin, October, 1897); Lester F. Ward, Dynamic Sociology (ad ed.), I. 239, 283, and II. 240, 366, 511 ; Carroll D. Wright, Criminal Statistics, in Catholic University Bulletin, II. 162 (April, 1896) ; Relation of Econ- omic Conditions to the Causes of Crime, in American Academy of Political and Social Science, Annals, III. 764 (May, 1893). 187. Crime. The discussion thus far has related to the varied and innumerable functions which society creates and fosters to promote prosperity and to secure the happiness of the indivi- dual through his intelligence and his love of the beautiful. It has another important function, its own defence against the encroachments or depredations of the evil-minded. No mat- ter what the state of civilisation may have been in the past, crime has existed ; no matter how thoroughly developed any community may become, crime exists, and a threefold respon- 35 187] Crime. 351 sibility is thus thrown upon society, to guard itself against the acts of the criminal, to bring home the consequences to the wrong-doer, and to prevent crime. The question whether crime in this country is increasing or decreasing has not been definitely settled, for the only positive data we have relate to the bare numbers of inmates of jails and penitentiaries. The number of convicts in the penitentiaries of the United States, including leased prisoners, in 1880 was 35,538, or 709 in each million of the popula- tion; in iSpo 1 it was 45,233, or 722 convicts in each million. Dr. F. H. Wines, the expert in charge of the criminal statistics of the Eleventh Census, in commenting upon these figures, says : " It follows that while the absolute increase in the number of penitentiary convicts was 9,695, the relative increase, compared with the growth of the population at large, was only 13 to the million. It is evident that this rate of growth is not alarming, since further study may result in an explanation of it, or even in showing that crime of a serious character is rather on the decline in this country than on the increase." Before any definite and final conclusion can be reached, the number and relations of prisoners not in penitentiaries should be the subject of careful inquiry, and the character of crimes for which prisoners are held in custody, their average prison life, the instances of recommittals, must all be taken into account. The penitentiary population of the country in 1890,* di- vided geographically, shows there were 14,477 m tne North Atlantic division, 15,707 in the South Atlantic and South Cen- tral divisions, and 15,049 in the North Central and Western divisions. Of the whole number, 43,442 were men and 1,791 women; the latter decreased in the ten years following 1880. Much is made in popular discussion of the relative propor- tions of negroes and foreigners. For the 43,127 convicts whose parentage could be ascertained in 1 890 l 14, 7 25 were 1 No data collected since 1890. 352 Criminology. [187 foreign born, 14,687 came from the coloured population, while 13,715 came from the native white population. 1 Nearly all the negroes were from Southern prisons. The dangerous dis- proportion of foreign criminals one-third of the inmates of prisons coming from one-seventh of the population instantly disappears, however, when we reflect that children do not com- mit penitentiary crimes; as between native-born adults and foreign-born adults the proportion of criminals is but little greater among foreigners. The total number of prisoners in county jails June i, 1890, is stated at 19,538, undoubtedly much below the truth; this is an increase, so far as the records show, of 6,847 in ten years, or at the rate of 53.95 per cent, while the increase in the total population was 24.86. The North Atlantic division of States shows the largest increase in county jail prisoners, where such increase was 95 to the million. 188. Is there an Increase or a Decrease in Crime? Although the statistics of the whole number of criminals or sentences for crimes committed for any locality usually show increase, and sometimes alarming increase, they bring out only the superficial view of the case. There are so many complica- tions involved in every effort to ascertain the relative propor- tions of crime in different countries, or communities of the same country, or at different periods of time, that it is next to impossible even for the expert to arrive at a positive conclusion on the subject. Without undertaking to show whether crime is, in genera], increasing or decreasing in this country, some of the difficulties which lie in the way of reaching a conclusion may be stated, so as to put the student of criminal conditions upon his guard, and thus to enable him to reach more scientific or at least more rational conclusions than if he depended en- 1 The number of native white prisoners is 0.19 per cent of the total adult native white population, while the number of foreign white pris- oners is 0.21 per cent of the total adult foreign white population. i88] Increase or Decrease. 353 tirely upon the statistics ; for statistics of criminal conditions may be perfectly true, and yet the conclusions drawn from them may be absolutely false. An illustration is drawn from statistics of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts from 1860 to 1879, inclusive. 1 The clerks of all criminal courts of that Commonwealth were obliged by law to render an accurate account of all sentences, causes of sen- tences, etc., for each criminal court. These returns, made to the Secretary of the Commonwealth under oath, were tabulated a few years ago, and no recent data of like character show so clearly and so trustworthily the various complications and feat- ures of criminal statistics. It will be seen by an examination of the table in the note that the total sentences after 1864 rose very rapidly until and including 1873, when they reached the enormous number of 46,132. They then began to decline until, in 1879, at the close of the twenty-year period under discussion, they fell to 1 SENTENCES FOR DRUNKENNESS AND SOME OTHER OFFENCES IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1860 TO 1879, INCLUSIVE, RELATIVE TO ALL CRIMES. Year. Total (all crimes). Drunkenness. Crimes, not including Drunkenness and Liquor Offences. High Crimes. 1860 l( >,S'3 6,334 9,38s 33i 1861 14.294 4,426 9,339 382 1862 '3-934 6,065 7,465 214 1863 14,859 7,066 7,347 162 1864 15,858 7-526 7,788 119 1865 17,276 8,060 8,507 206 1866 22,4 U 9 ",563 9,807 3'2 1867 26 281 11,019 11,588 275 1868 25,857 12,920 10,871 399 1869 31,850 16.742 12,160 3i7 1870 39,693 18,880 I3,3io 394 1871 39,869 20,383 12,231 283 1872 45,297 23.587 13.498 3'0 1873 46,132 23,842 14,227 459 i*74 43.684 22,748 14,506 455 1875 40,404 23,553 14,613 500 1876 33,103 18,107 13,865 490 1877 31,688 17,614 12,826 525 1878 31,1.8 '6,795 13.340 626 1879 28, I4 9 16,211 11,278 462 23 354 Criminology. [188 28,149, a number less than that for each of the ten years previous. The explanation of this wave of criminality is simple. Look- ing at the column of sentences for drunkenness, we find that the number rapidly increased from 1865 to 1873, when it reached the high figure of 23,842. Sentences for minor crimes other than drunkenness and liquor offences also nearly doubled between 1864 and 1873 ; but the high crimes, which measure the danger to life and property, varied much from year to year throughout the period, but ended at no greater proportion to the population than in the beginning. Plainly these figures alone tell no story, but a table has been made showing the percentage of increase over 1860, both in sentences for drunkenness and for other offences, the percen- tage of increase of population, and the percentage of each class of sentences per one thousand of the population for such periods as the census discloses the population. This table follows, and is thoroughly instructive in illustration of the difficulties to which reference has been made : Percentages of Increase over 1860. Number per 1,000 Population. bo I-H, M-O c c 5 j _= a v Periods. o c " g u .SS" C"w" c c .2 1 S t> 'C g o cO c Js ** . u c c c 'ii* .1 *c rt CO J< "" S CJ CO JJ 10 C 2 U *y *rt ~- c ^ G" M *( c g v ^ 6.7 u o 0.2 1870 I8. 3 140.3 I98.O 41.9 19.0 27.2 13.0 9.1 o-3 1875 34-i 144.0 271.8 55-3 S 1 - 1 24-5 14-3 8.8 0-3 1879 5-4 70.4 '55-9 20. i 39-6 I5 -2 8.8 6.1 O.2 1 Decrease. 189] Statistics of Penology. 355 189. The Statistical Method applied to Penology. The percentages of increase alone would be misleading; hence we must ascertain the number of sentences under each designation for every one thousand of the population, and here at last we find the true significant relations of things. In 1860 for Massachusetts the total number of sentences for all crimes was 13.4 for each one thousand, while at the end of the twenty years it was only 15.2. The sentences for drunk- enness varied from 5.1 in each one thousand in 1860 to 14.3 in 1875, an< l 8.8 in 1879. The sentences for crimes not in- cluding drunkenness and liquor offences really fell off between 1860 and 1879, the number being 7.6 for each thousand of the population in the first year and 6.1 in the latter year, while the ratio of high crimes to population shows an exceedingly satisfactory condition, the sentences for such crimes consti- tuting 0.3 to each one thousand of the population in 1860, and 0.2 in 1879. The whole number of sentences for all crimes in the twenty years was 578,348. Of this whole number 340,814, or 60 per cent, were for liquor offences of some kind. Taking the high crimes, we find' that the increase over 1860 was 39.6 per cent, while the increase of population for the twenty years was 50.4 per cent. Now this ceaseless variation in the number of sentences rests almost entirely upon legislation relative to the alcoholic liquor traffic. In Massachusetts the prohibitory law of 1855 gave place to a license law in 1868. It was the vigorous prose- cutions of 1866 and 1867 under the prohibitory law which caused the number of sentences to increase, and this very in- crease led to the license law of 1868; but the friends of a license law insisted upon its vigorous enforcement, and such enforcement carried the number of liquor convictions of all grades still higher, when another popular reaction caused the re-enactment of the prohibitory law, which went into effect July i, 1869, and under this the statistics for drunkenness and 356 Criminology. [189 liquor offences went to their highest points in 1872 and 1873. In 1870 the laws of the Commonwealth allowed the free sale of " ale, porter, strong beer, and lager beer " everywhere in the State, unless prohibited by local vote. This law was re- pealed in 1873. From that year, either through the effect of the repeal of the beer law or of a waning interest in the pro- hibitory law, resulting in a decreased vigilance on the part of the officers in its enforcement and in prosecutions, the num- ber of crimes dropped till 1875, when the prohibitory law was repealed. From 1876 to the end of the term under dis- cussion (1879) there was a constant decrease in the number of sentences. In view of this state of affairs, it is interesting to inquire whether the figures representing liquor offences are due to legislation wholly, or to a vigorous or weak execution of the law, or to the positive decline of drunkenness through the effect of reform movements. Whatever the answer may be, it is true that sentences for minor crimes and misdemeanours, and even for felonies and aggravated crimes, have risen or fallen as indicated by the barometer of sentences for liquor offences alone. This concrete illustration from the statistics of Massachu- setts shows that in the attempt to ascertain wh&ther or not crime is on the increase close attention should be paid to legislation. Law is constantly raising what were formerly only moral delinquencies to the grade of well-defined crimes, pun- ishable by light sentences. The result is that we are con- stantly increasing the work of criminal courts and the number of sentences, even in communities where the actual volume of crime is decreasing. The only true method, probably, of ascertaining the answer to the question as to the increase or decrease of crime is to take only those crimes which have ex- isted through long series of years, and study the statistics of sentences relating to them. Another complication in the study of criminal statistics arises from the greater completeness of the statistics of later 190] Local Conditions. 357 periods, so that when they are brought into comparison with those of earlier years the results are not satisfactory. In the old countries of Europe, where the enforcement of law has become a science almost, the criminal statistics show, gen- erally, a very gradual decrease. Conditions are fixed ; politics does not enter into the enforcement of law ; civilisation is distributed in an equal measure over the whole country. In the United States the execution of law is vigorous or lax, in accordance with the moral sentiment of the community, thus varying greatly in the different parts of the United States, while, again, politics enters largely into the whole question. This latter statement is especially true with reference to liquor legislation. Investigations have shown that in some States the municipal authorities are v^ery much opposed to a prohibitory law. They, therefore, insist upon a very vigorous execution of such laws through the arrest of every person who can by any excuse whatever be shown to be under the influence of liquor. This creates a false impression in the community, showing by the statistics that drunkenness is very prevalent when a pro- hibitory law is in existence. On the other hand, municipal police forces are often more inclined to favour a license law ; and when such a law exists the officers are apt to be quite lenient in making arrests of drunken persons, creating the impression just the reverse of the former one that under the license law drunkenness does not prevail to an alarm- ing extent. All these things are inherent in the conditions of our country. 190. Effect of Local Conditions on Crime. In border States the execution of the law is difficult ; crime prevails, and the statistics are faulty. In the older parts of the country the execution of law is more strictly attended to, and the statistics more perfect, and thus a false impression is created, especially when comparison is attempted for different periods of time. More serious complications arise, however, when comparisons are attempted between different localities ; 35 8 Criminology. [190 as, for instance, for two different States or for a number of States. The criminal code of State X, for instance, in 1879 provided for the punishment of one hundred and fifty-eight offences designated as crimes. The criminal code of State Y, for the same year, recognised but one hundred and eight such offences as crimes, punishable at law ; that is, in X a man might be tried for fifty distinct offences for which he would not be molested at all in Y. Even in offences common to both, if statistics of the number of persons in prison for crime were made a basis, no conclusion would be safe ; for of such offences several were punishable by imprisonment in X, and by fine only in Y. Such were the grave offences of adultery, forni- cation, lewd conduct, drunkenness, carrying concealed weapons, extortion. It appeared that more than half of the commit- ments in X were for crimes which in Y would have been punished by fine only, so that the mere number of prisoners would show nothing about them. These statements completely destroy the value of the comparisons between States where the codes vary as much as those to which reference has been made. Other conditions than those relating to the criminal code, however, offer obstacles to any exact comparison. One may be a manufacturing community ; another an agricultural commu- nity. In one the population may have been augmented constantly by immigration from abroad ; in the other only by natural accretions. The white population of one State may have grown from original stock ; that of another from original stock and foreign grafts. One may have been the subject of much immigration ; the other of but little. So even with a like number as to population, the criminal sta- tistics cannot be compared. Very many persons are fond of drawing parallel illustra- tions when studying criminal statistics. Dr. Arthur MacDonald, in his valuable work entitled " Abnormal Man," has disclosed the absurdity of using concomitants in undertaking to ascertain 191] Great Britain. 359 the causes of crime. In Germany the convictions per ten thousand inhabitants over twelve years of age were 106 in 1885 and 108.2 in 1886. In 1885 woollen manufactures to the value of ,2,663,015 were imported into Germany, and in 1886 the value reached was .2,783,728, showing an increase some- what parallel to that of the number of convictions. Persons fond of arguing from concomitancy to causation might be led to conclude that the increase in wool importation caused in- crease in crime. This use of concomitants is more clearly illustrated when attempts are made to show the relation of education to crime ; it is found that crime increases as religious and moral forces increase ; that is, as the efforts of religious and moral bodies become more efficient, there seems often to be alongside this work an increase in crime. The absurdity consists in reason- ing from concomitants whose reciprocal influence is unknown ; for, as Dr. MacDonald remarks, sociology has not reached that stage of completeness where social forces can be measured and the resultant action in this or that tendency be calculated. The social equation ha too many unknown quantities to admit of solution by any method yet known. Dr. MacDonald further brings out the fact that while it is true that a majority of countries show an increase in both education and certain forms of crime, yet not a few, and some of the most developed nations, show an increase of education and a decrease of crime. All these illustrations should teach one to avoid irrelevant facts in attempt- ing to account for an increase or a decrease of crime. 191. Crime in Great Britain. In countries where we have statistics which avoid these anomalies and misleading comparisons, the status of crime is distinctly encouraging. For England and Wales the total number of committals in 1877 was 15,890; from that time there has been a gradual and persistent decrease, the latest available figures (those for 1900) showing only 10,327. The number of convictions for 1877 was 11,942, rising to 12,525 360 Criminology. [ 191 in 1879, since which time there has been such a decrease that the number for 1900 was 8,155. If we look to Scotland the same tendency is disclosed, the committals for trial in 1877 being 2,684, an d in 1900, 2,172 ; the convictions, 2,009 m J 8?7 and 1,840 in 1900. There is a still more remarkable decrease, however, for Ireland, where the committals in 1877 numbered 3,870, and in 1900, 1,682 ; while the convictions in the first year numbered 2,300, and in the last, 1,087. Continental countries show similar decrease ; where the execution of law has been uniform the decrease is apparent. In a country like the United States, with varied conditions, from those attending high civilisation to those accompanying frontier communities, one would naturally look for an increase in criminal cases. Unfortunately, we have not the statistics of committals and convictions like those shown for Great Britain ; so dependence must be made upon the somewhat unsatisfactory statistics of prisoners at different periods. 192. Causes of Crime. The criminologist, in his search for the causes of crime, can- not, in the nature of things, accept any " blanket theory." The fall of man and the doctrine of total depravity may satisfy his theological views as to the origin of evil, but they cannot round out his sociological aspirations. He must, as a criminologist, be able to develop specific causes more or less in harmony with his theology. He cannot be a criminologist without being scientific. He must study anthropology, " the biology of the human race," and through this study he may scientifically classify the causes of crime. His theology will warn him of the results of a criminal career, and these results will strengthen his theological views ; but his scientific classification must be based upon his scientific researches. The investigator will find many types of criminals, some born to crime through their psycho-physical organisation, and prone to commit crime without regard to good or bad environ- 192] Causes of Crime. 361 ment. Whether prosperous or unprosperous, under all condi- tions, such a man not only commits crime, but defends it. Another type of man, even with a normal psycho-physical organisation, commits crime through the influence of environ- ment, or of an uneducated and untrained conscience, or of a conscience naturally dull. The recent researches into the relation of the formation of certain parts of the brain to criminal tendencies are among the most Y a l ua kle studies of scientific men ; yet should their researches prove beyond doubt that certain brain formations lead directly to criminal courses, such demonstration could not fully account for all criminal lives, in all degrees. If they did, there would be no use of wasting time over the discussion of the influence of heredity, environ- ment, economic conditions, or of any of the other causes which, related or unrelated, lead men to criminal courses. Whatever cause the scientific criminologist may find and even establish, it is true, and must always be true, that a weak conscience will be lulled by necessity or desire to the point of criminal action, and that conditions surrounding a man will at times stimulate such action. The good old Calvinistic doctrine of free will recognises that power of choice between good and evil which every sane man and woman is aware of, though the evil may be habitually chosen. Yet study of criminology throws one out of sympathy with the idea that criminals usually become such through the loss of moral attributes once possessed ; few criminals who have ever started in life comparatively good men have wilfully and maliciously broken the laws of the State. Most criminals are undeveloped men in all their elements, whether we think of them as workers or as moral and intellec- tual beings : their faculties are undeveloped, not only those which enable them to labour honestly and faithfully for the care and support of themselves and their families, but also all their moral and intellectual faculties ; they are not fallen beings, but undeveloped individuals. The other view, that of complete moral responsibility in all cases, leads men to adopt many illogical conclusions, and aiso 362 Criminology. [192 especially deludes them into considering all the convicts of a State as belonging to the same class. Notwithstanding these statements, it is true that men even with fairly sound con- sciences can and do become habituated to the idea of crime through their necessities or their environment, and even degen- erate from a reasonably good life to a bad one, and that many weak and criminal men have still the strength to avoid wrong- doing, if they would only exercise it. While the scientific view of crime attracts one more than any other, the penologist must govern himself by the doctrine that men commit crime, or refrain from it, as they wish ; that crime is the result of some craving, some want, some unsatis- fied desire ; and that the basic action or motive of crime is to be found in some physical or mental condition. Whether it suits our views or not, therefore, we are obliged to consider the criminal as acting under free will, and while we do not lose sight of all the scientific conditions which are alleged as pri- marily necessary to constitute criminal action, we must deal with the criminal as a free moral agent ; as one committing his act to satisfy his want or desire, which he feels he is unable to satisfy through the ordinary or legitimate conditions. 193. Economic Conditions in Relation to Crime. All great social questions, on careful analysis, resolve them- selves, in a greater or less degree, into some phase of what we call the labour question ; and certainly the causes of crime, in a sociological sense, cannot be studied without considering the status of man in the prevailing industrial order, for among all the causes for criminal action, or for the existence of the crim- inal class, we find economic conditions interwoven. Crime was not so fully recognised under the slave and the feudal systems as it has been under the modern system of labour. For ages ownership came naturally through conquest ; possession was the clear title to property ; conflict and con- quest were the prime causes of private ownership. Hence, under slavery, crime assumed a different relationship to the 193] Economic Conditions. 363 body politic than it assumes under the modern system, where the right of free contract prevails, especially in view of the fact that to kill a criminal might deprive a master of services. Under the feudal system so intermingled were the conditions that it is sometimes difficult to clearly define the responsi- bilities of the individual ; but one feature was the multiplica- tion of petty jurisdictions, and the subjection to the crudest penalties for minor offences. The central principle of the middle ages was that every person was a part of a class, and had protection only as belonging to a principal class. The peasant was overburdened by labour and responsibility; all the conditions surrounding his labour were abject. Pauperism seemed as inevitably a part of the labour system as tax-paying, and crime, the offspring of pauperism and of idleness, was brutally treated. These conditions, betokening an unsound social condition, existed until progress made pauperism and crime as well the disgrace of a nation, and it was then that pauperism began to be recognised as a condition which might be relieved through legislation. Carry industry to a country not given to mechanical production or to any systematic form of labour, employ three-fourths of its inhabitants, give them a taste of education, of civilisation, make them feel the power of moral forces even to a slight degree, and the misery of the other fourth may be gauged by the progress of the three- fourths, and paupers and resultant criminals will then seem abnormal. A most striking illustration is the emancipation of slaves in this country in the Civil War. Under the old system the negro slave had coarse physical comforts, as a rule. He was brought up, nursed in sickness, fed and clothed, and in old age could still exist. He had no responsibility, and, indeed, exercised no skill beyond what was taught him. To eat, to work, and to sleep were all that was expected of him ; and unless he had a cruel master, he lived the life that belongs to the animal. Since his emancipation and his endowment with citizenship he has been obliged to support himself and his 364 Criminology. [*93 family, and to contend with all obstacles belonging to a person in a state of freedom. Under the system of villeinage in the old country it could not be said that there were any general poor, for the master and the lord of the manor took care of the labourers their whole lives ; and in our Southern towns, during slavery, the same thing was true ; so that in the South there were few poorhouses and comparatively few convicts. The South to-day knows what pauperism is, as England learned when the system of villeinage departed. Southern prisons have become active ; and all that belongs to the defective, the dependent, and the delinquent classes has come to be familiar to the South as the wards of the State, whereas before 1861 most of them were wards of individuals. The progress of the wage system, the increasing intelligence of the men who work under it will, as time advances, correct these crude conditions. They do not cause them ; they only bring them into prominence. But so far as the modern indus- trial order superinduces idleness or non-employment, in so far it must be considered as having a direct relation to the causes of crime. Whatever tendency in this direction exists under the modern industrial order is of far less degree, not only in extent, but in severity, than the conditions which were super- induced by the industrial order which preceded it. 194. How to Prevent Crime. Old conditions of labour were all attended with a great volume of crime ; and it was crime, to a large extent, which grew out of individual physical wants. Guizot has said that labour is a most efficient guarantee against the revolutionary disposition of the poor classes. He might have added that labour, properly remunerated, is an effective guarantee against the commission of crime. Certainly hunger leads to more crime of a petty nature than any other one cause. The discussion " How shall poverty be abolished and crime be eradicated ? " is a very old one, and neither modern pro- fessional labour reformers, nor philanthropists, nor criminol- 194] How to Prevent Crime. 365 ogists, nor penologists, have any patents upon the theme. The progress of the world may be read as well by the statute books, where laws grow humane, in the existence of prisons, in the establishment of charitable institutions, and in the eco- nomic conditions which surround labour, as in written history ; for, as the condition of labour rises, pauperism and crime must fall in the general scale. To say that pauperism, and crime as an attendant evil, fol- low the unemployed more mercilessly than the employed, would be a statement that does not embody the whole truth. Employment of the unemployed will not crush pauperism and crime, even if every able-bodied man in the country could be furnished with work to-morrow. Criminal conditions, the evils we are considering, have always existed, no matter what the social or legal status of men, under the most favourable as well as under the most unfavourable conditions ; under liberal and under despotic government ; in barbarous and in enlight- ened lands ; with heathenism and with Christianity; under a variety of commercial systems ; and yet they are, in a philo- sophic sense, a rebuke to a people living under constitutional liberty. Universal education will not end crime, nor the realisation of the highest hopes of the temperance and labour reformers, nor the general adoption of the Christian religion. But all these grand and divine agencies working together will reduce the twin evils to a minimum, and make that community which tolerates them indictable at the bar of public opinion. Unfitness for productive labour, whether it springs from lack of a trade or occupation, or from personal antipathy to work, is a great and predisposing cause of both pauperism and crime. The border line of people who can work, and do work if it is not too much trouble, is shown during periods of indus- trial depression, when crime of almost all grades is increased in volume. Could we have annual statements of the convic- tions in all our States, so that such statements might be con- sulted relative to economic conditions, we should find a 366 Criminology. 194 co-ordination of results that would be startling. We should find that the lines of crime rise and fall as the prosperity of the country falls and rises. Competition for work throws out the weaker elements in the industrial system, drives them to necessity, increases the want, and decreases the means of its satisfaction. Larceny, burglary, and all the forms of theft come into play, and the volume of crime increases. The cessation of labour makes tramps ; again, crime is the result, and the criminal statistics swell into columns that make us believe our social fabric is on the verge of ruin. Dr. Schaffle, in his excellent work on the " Impossibility of Social De- mocracy," says : " We cannot do enough in the endeavour to abate and avoid the misery of these trade stoppages : it hangs like the sword of Damocles over the heads of non- propertied labourers ; it embitters the existence of every one of them who reflects and who has the care and nurture of a family to provide for." Ignorance of work, the lack of some technical training, prevents the mobilisation of labour, and leads men with a weak conscience to commit crime. A fruitful cause of crime, hinted at by good Dr. Watts in his "Satan finds Some Mischief Still," is idleness, whether in- duced by economic conditions, or by a lack of inclination to work, or by a lack of knowledge of how to work. Such condi- tions aggravate and irritate and drive men to criminal courses ; the idle man's brain is, indeed, the devil's own workshop. Poli- tical economy, which has dealt so largely with the acquisition of wealth, must, sooner or later, deal with other features of wealth, and teach the world what conditions will largely relieve society of crime, or largely lead to a reduction of its volume, through teaching the power of moral forces in the adjustment of industrial forces. 195. Crime and the Labour Problem. The presence of crime works a direct injury upon the wel- fare of the workingman in many ways. It costs him more to live because of it; it disturbs his sense of justice, because the IPS] Relation to Labour Problem. 367 convict may be at work at the same occupation which furnishes his support ; but while the labour reformer cries for the aboli- tion of convict labour, the real interests of labour cry for the re- duction of the number of criminals by the prevention of crime, as the surest and most permanent remedy for whatever evils may grow out of the practice of employing convicts in produc- tive labour. To some degree it is true that society makes crim- inals, for three-fourths of the crime committed is by young men who are temporarily led astray ; and the fact that fifty per cent of all the convicts in the States prisons of the United States are under twenty-six years of age, only confirms the estimate. These accidental criminals we make into positive convicts, to be fed upon the production of men outside. What we need is not only wise and effective legislation, backed by adequate administration, but a sound public sentiment which will over- look small faults, but which will not hesitate when necessary to apply that punishment which is most dreaded by the offender, by making all violation of law, all habitual crime, obviously, inevitably, and instantly a losing game. We look forward, as Francis A. Walker puts it, to the time when the distribution of wealth and its use shall receive both from the statesman and the economist the same sedulous attention which is now concentrated exclusively upon its acquisition. Another group of causes of crime are insanitary conditions, and all that works a deterioration in the health of people. Bad air, bad housing, bad drainage, lead to intemperance and want ; it requires no argument to show that these are pre- cursors of crime. And it is perfectly deducible from known facts that any occupation which insures a high rate of mortal- ity among the children of its participants tends to conditions most favourable to the prevalence of pauperism and crime. The displacement of labour through the application of improved machinery temporarily produces for the individual a condition of want which may or may not be remedied for him by the increased labour demanded through invention. Society can be easily recompensed by the benefits which 368 Criminology. [195 come to it through inventive genius ; but the good of society is a poor answer to the man who finds the means of support- ing his family taken from him. Nevertheless, with the prog- ress of invention and the consequent elevation of labour, both pauperism and crime, so far as society is concerned, have correspondingly decreased. This is true in more senses than one. The age of invention, or periods given to the develop- ment and practical adaptation of natural laws, raises all peo- ples to a higher intellectual level, to a more comprehensive understanding of the world's march of progress. But the double question of the removal of poverty and the suppression of crime is not wholly with the workingman ; the employer has as much to learn as he, and he is to be holden to equal, if not greater, responsibility. Insomuch as the profits of labour are equitably shared with labour, insomuch is poverty lessened ; and insomuch as poverty is lessened, insomuch is crime decreased. The employer should always remember that if conditions become ameliorated, if life becomes less a struggle, if leisure be obtained, civilisation, as a general rule, advances in the scale. If these conditions be reversed, " if the struggle for existence tends to occupy the whole attention of each man, civilisation disappears in a measure," communi- ties become dangerous, and the people seek a revolutionary change, hoping by chance to secure what was not possible by honest labour. In a state in which labour had all its rights there would be, of course, little pauperism and little crime. On the other hand, the undue subjection of the labouring man must tend to make paupers and criminals, and entails a financial burden upon wealth which it would have been easier to prevent than to endure ; and this prevention must come in a large degree through educated labour. It must not be supposed that crime is a necessary accom- paniment of the industrial system. Our sober, indust:ious working men and women are as free from vicious and criminal courses as any other class ; the volume of crime is found out- 195] Relation to Labour Problem. 369 side the real ranks of industry. Infinitely superior as the modern system is over that which has passed, the iron law of wages, when enforced with an iron hand, keeps some men in the lowest ranks of life, and often on the verge of starvation. As intelligence increases and is more generally diffused, the individual man desires more, has higher aspirations for himself and his family; but under the iron law of wages, all these desires and aspiiations are hard to satisfy. Under the modern system there is mental friction ; a competition of mind in- stead of mere muscular competition, in consequence of which the laggard in the industrial race may lose his conscience and develop into the criminal ; the economic condition or environ- ment of such a man leads him inevitably to crime. But system gives way to system, and the present industrial order will be superseded by one vastly superior to it. As the estab- lishment of the wage system reduces crime and its attendant evils, so that which is to come will still further benefit the human race ethically and economically. Can it be possible that more civilisation means more crime ? Yes, and no. For a time, under improved civilisation, under improved mechanical methods, and under the march of inven- tion, competition is mental to a larger degree than under the simpler methods and cruder civilisation. The residuum of society is more easily observed and more thoroughly claims the attention of philanthropists and of legislators ; but to say that more civilisation means more poverty and more crime is in every sense untruthful. All these considerations lead us to weigh well the remedies for social disorders. Trade instruction, technical education, manual training, all these are efficient elements in the reduc- tion of crime, because they all help to better and truer eco- nomic conditions. Beyond these the principles of solution are clearly discernible, justice to labour; equitable distribu- tion of profits under some system which must, in the nature ot things, supersede the present regime, without resorting to socialism, which is revolution ; instruction in trades by which 37 Criminology. [ 195 a man can earn his living outside a penal institution ; the practical application of the great moral law in all business relations. All these elements, with the more enlightened treat- ment of the criminal when apprehended, will lead to a reduc- tion in the volume of crime, but not to the millennium ; for " human experience from time immemorial tells us that the earth neither was, nor is, nor ever will be a heaven, nor yet a hell ; " but the endeavour of right-minded men and women, the endeavour of every government, should be to make it less a hell and more a heaven. CHAPTER XXII. THE PUNISHMENT OF CRIME. 196. References. Same references as in preceding chapter; also U. S. Commissioner of Labour, Second Annual Report, and Bulletin No. 5 ; reports of prison commissioners and superintendents of prisons for States of New York and Massachusetts ; Edward L. Pell, Prevention of Lyiichings, in A\'view of Revinvs, XVII. 321 (March, 1898); George W. Cable, Silent South (chapter on convict lease system); Abraham Lincoln, Works, I. 11-12 (remarks on lynching) ; Carroll D. Wright, Prison Labor, in North American Review, CLXIV. 273 (March, 1897); and in proceedings of National Prison Assn., 1899; report of U. S. Industrial Commission, Vol. XIX. 197. Classification of Punishment. Penology is the science which treats of public punishments as they respect the public and the sufferer. In its broadest sense, it relates to all matters concerning prison life and the treatment and employment of convicts, as contradistinguished from criminology, which relates to the causes of crime. In defending itself against the inroads of the criminal, society has instituted many forms of punishment, and through the criminal codes has defined what constitutes a crime and the method of punishing it. Crimes are divided into two general classes, felonies, comprehending all crimes punishable by death or imprison- ment in the State prison ; and misdemeanours, comprehending every offence inferior to felony. The term " misdemeanour" is also applied to all those crimes and offences for which the law has not provided a particular name, and is generally used in contradistinction to felony. The criminal codes of foreign countries and of the States of our own country are so varied in their definitions and re- quirements that it is almost impossible to make any intelligent 37 1 372 Punishment. [ 197 classification. Each code has been borrowed in whole 01 in part from existing codes, the modifications being made to suit the particular conditions of the communities where they are to be applied, or the views of their framers. Certain it is that no two codes agree throughout either in their definitions of crime or in the penalties prescribed for particular offences. Punishments may be classified in six types, first, death ; second, imprisonment only ; third, fine only ; fourth, fine or imprisonment ; fifth, both fine and imprisonment ; sixth, fine or imprisonment, or both fine and imprisonment. Almost universally capital crimes are punished by either death or im- prisonment for life or for a very long term of years, according to the character of the crime, murder in the first degree being almost everywhere punishable by death, although some States have modified the penalty to imprisonment for life. Murder in less degree than the first is usually punishable by imprison- ment for life, while homicide may be punished by a term of years. Considering other felonies and misdemeanours, the punish- ment varies far more than the definitions of the crimes ; for instance, the maximum penalty for perjury in one State is a fine, in some States five years' imprisonment, and in still others imprisonment for life ; in one it is death if through the per- jury the testimony causes the execution of an innocent person. In one State perjury is punishable by fine without imprison- ment. The maximum penalty for bigamy ranges in this country from one to twenty-one years' imprisonment. For arson of a building, not a dwelling, during the day, the penalty in some States is imprisonment for four years, and in others it is death ; while the maximum penalty for arson of an occu- pied dwelling by night in some States is imprisonment for ten years, and in others death. The penalty for grand larceny varies from two to twenty years' imprisonment, and for forgery, from three years to imprisonment for life. These instances show the difficulty of any classification which shall be general in its application, and they show, further, as already intimated, 197] Classification. 373 the great difficulty in comparing the crime of one locality with that of another through the statistical method. In older civilisations than our own, the criminal codes are usually uniform throughout the land, though the penalty of England is different from that of Scotland. In the Empire of Germany there is a single criminal code. In our own country, whose size and strength have been the subject of constant accretions, involving all stages accompanying the development of society, not only are the codes as varied as the conditions, but the prevalence of crime is equally disproportionate. The student of criminal law, or one wishing to ascertain what pun- ishments accompany certain offences, must necessarily study the local codes. One thing, however, may be noted with reference to all American codes ; they all, with slight exceptions, have aban- doned the old system of torture which characterised mediaeval and later codes. Down to the French Revolution the ordinary method of execution was breaking on the wheel, which was as painful as crucifixion ; in Russia the knout was used as an official punishment till a few years ago, and running the gant- let is still in vogue. To the honour of English criminal law, it never authorised torture to exact testimony; but the pillory and whipping-post were really instruments of torture, and were imported into the colonies in America. The experience of mankind has been that the torture of human nerves brutalises the criminal and the community ; and flogging, the last rem- nant of a cruel system, has about disappeared as a legalised punishment. There are still cases of the authorised whipping of convicts, especially in the South and in Delaware ; and in the Southern prison camps such cruelty and despair as used to go with slavery under bad masters sometimes exist, although communities are becoming awakened to the need of reform. Of late years there has been introduced what is called the system of indeterminate sentences, with a view to securing the reformation of the criminal. Where this system prevails, the courts are authorised, especially in New York, to use their dis- 374 Punishment. [ 197 cretion in sentencing a criminal to the reformatory institutions, leaving the term of imprisonment to the governor of the prison, he to determine when the person sentenced is fit to be returned to society. This system is on trial and is de- fended by penologists in many cases, and it is believed it will result in the reformation of a larger proportion of criminals than the old system of sentencing them for a certain number of years, and then returning them to society without reference to their moral condition. The effect of good conduct and of pardons in reducing the length of sentences is a practical application of the principle underlying the indeterminate sen- tence. Everywhere good conduct works a reduction of the term of sentence ; while the executive power, for good and sufficient reasons, may pardon a convict, thus restoring him to the privileges of citizenship, of which he would have been deprived had he worked out his entire sentence. The Supreme Court of Massachusetts recently has made a decision involving the constitutionality of a law of that State providing for indeterminate sentences. 198. Lynchings. When a wild territory is suddenly occupied and the pioneers flock to it, especially for the purpose of settlement, and society has not had time or opportunity to organise its forces of law, the people of the district often establish a temporary govern- ment, through vigilance committees or officers of their own selection. Such was the case in California from 1848 to 1856. Under such circumstances the individual members feel the necessity (which all society feels at any stage) of defending itself against the depredations of the evil-disposed, and especially against thieves. In such cases vigilance committees constitute government. Their methods must necessarily be arbitrary, and their decrees enforced with punctuality. Men are hanged or exiled on the briefest and simplest trial. These things would be crimes in themselves almost, if done in a civil- ised community ; but in a concrete organisation at the begin- 198] Lynchings. 375 ning of society they are methods in the interest of law and order. The next step is, however, the establishment of what is called lynch law, which is defined as the practice of trying and punishing men by unauthorised persons, without due process of law, and in violation of the right of the proper legal authorities to bring alleged offenders to trial for the crimes and offences with which they are charged. In times of especial turbulence and disorder, when the duly constituted legal authorities are powerless to enforce the laws, there may be some justification for a resort to lynch law, but ordinarily it is an unmixed evil. The legal safeguards which serve to pro- tect an innocent man from unjust conviction are almost invari- ably disregarded, and the excitement and passion under which the self-constituted judges usually labour render conviction almost a certainty in all cases, and often result in the inflic- tion of inhuman cruelties by way of punishment. Above all, they accustom communities to rely on these irregular methods after they have well-constituted courts. Hence lynchings occur even in communities that claim a fairly high standard of civilisation ; they occur even in our older States, without the excuse of conditions which accom- pany the settlement of wild territory. There are no official and no private statistics of lynchings that can be used with the utmost confidence, although it is probably within the truth to say that during the last fifteen or sixteen years over 2,800 persons have been lynched in the United States. The extent of the practice is shown by the investigation of Dr. Edward L. Pell : - " According to the statistics prepared by the ' Chicago Tribune ' and recently given wide publicity, 166 persons (122 negroes, 39 whites, and 5 Indians) were lynched in the United States last year, 20 in the North and 146 in the South. These statistics may be easily shown to be unreliable, yet it seems impossible to get at the exact figures. The authorities in communities where lynchings occur are not always careful to report the facts to the chief execu- 37 6 Punishment. [ 198 tive, and the chief executive sometimes grows weary trying to keep up with the press reporter. It is perhaps safe to say that the State authorities are not in possession of all the facts, but it is hardly worth while to look for more reliable information from any other source. In the 'Tribune's' statistics for 1897, Alabama is credited with 19 lynchings. These figures were accepted without investigation and commented upon by leading Alabama dailies, and yet, according to the best information that could be obtained by the executive department of that State, the estimate is too large by 14. The same statistics credit Virginia with 5 lynchings and Florida with 12; but the chief executive of Florida has information of only 6, and I am sure that in Virginia there have been but 3 in the past four years. There is no reason to suppose, however, that the total lynchings for the year 1897 fell much below the average." Various attempts have been made by the legislatures of some of our States to prevent the practice of lynching. South Carolina has a law making the county in which lynching occurs liable in exemplary damages of not less than $2,000, to be recovered by the legal representatives of the person lynched, while recommendations have been sent to other legislatures for a law requiring the county in which lynching occurs to pay into the State treasury a large sum of money for the benefit of the public-school fund. Attempts have also been made to secure the enforcement of law by providing that an officer who allows a prisoner to be taken from him by a mob and injured or put to death shall be guilty of misdemeanour and punishable accordingly. Several States have laws or reconv mendations for laws requiring an officer in charge of a pris- oner to unshackle him under certain conditions, arm him, and give him an opportunity to defend himself. Little or nothing has been done by way of the conviction of the lynchers them- selves. It is a very difficult problem, and one which has called for the very closest consideration of the chief magis- trates of those States where lynchings are most frequent. Lynchings have been sometimes prevented through the courage and patriotism of the governor, as instanced in the State of Virginia, where during a period of fourteen years 198] Lynchings. 377 sixty-two lynchings had occurred ; but during the four years of one administration there were but three ; and the effective restraint was nothing but the declaration that mob violence must cease, and the determination of law-abiding citizens to back the governor in carrying out the declaration. The remedies for this humiliating state of things are summed up by Dr. Pell, as follows : " Not to mention the special legislation that may be needed in some of the States to secure a better enforcement of the laws in existence, these six things ought to be done for the prevention of lynch-law epidemics : i. Executive officials should be chosen with regard for their personal courage. It is not enough to know how the candidate stands on the law ; the question is whether he can be depended upon to stand by the law. 2. The intelligent citizens of the South should individually undertake to awaken in their neighbours a higher regard for law. 3. The papers of the two sections should exchange texts, and the Northern press should preach against negro crime, and the Southern press should preach against lawlessness and race preju- dice. The good that has been already accomplished by the few papers that have made this exchange ought to encourage the rest to follow their example. 4. Southern newspapers should omit from their news columns the suggestive details of lynchings as well as the inflammatory details of assaults. 5. The higher education of negroes should be pushed with a view to supplying the demand for capable teachers of righteousness for the race. 6. The South should take the worthy young negro by the hand as earnestly as the mob has taken the unworthy negro by the neck, and encourage him in all high endeavour, that the race may not be without salt to save it." Lynching is a confession by a community that it has not confidence in its own legal machinery, and one reason for the practice is the legal quibbles sometimes allowed by courts ; but there are cases of lynchings of convicted criminals awaiting execution. No writer has ever better set forth the wrong and the danger of lynching than Abraham Lincoln in one of his earliest speeches, in which he discusses the operation of mobocratic spirit resulting in the effectual breaking down and destruction of the strongest bulwark of our government, the attachment of the people : 378 Punishment. [ 198 " Whenever this effect shall be produced among us ; whenever the vicious portion of population shall be permitted to gather in bands of hundreds and thousands, and burn churches, ravage and rob provision stores, throw printing-presses into rivers, shoot editors, and hang and burn obnoxious persons at pleasure and with impunity depend on it, this government cannot last. By such things the feelings of the best citizens will become more or less alienated from it, and thus it will be left without friends, or with too few, and those few too weak to make their friendship effectual. At such a time, and under such circumstances, men of sufficient talent and ambition will not be wanting to seize the opportunity, strike the blow, and overturn that fair fabric which for the last century has been the fondest hope of the lovers of freedom throughout the world." 199. Prison Labour and the Reformation of Convicts. The employment of convicts, or the manufacture of goods in prisons by convict labour, has grown to be a very irritating question during the last generation, both in this country and abroad. The legislative attempts to regulate prison labour in the United States are fairly representative of those in other countries. The first idea was to abolish prison labour entirely, and it took many severe moral conflicts in the latter part of the last century and the first half of this to overcome the old custom of keeping prisoners idle or compelling them to work at what is called penal labour ; that is, turning a crank or running a treadmill. With the abandonment of this system, the employ- ment of convicts in the manufacture of goods, and the conse- quent competition of such goods with those made outside, attempts have been made to regulate the manufacture and sale of prison-made goods. In some States law has provided that all prison-made goods should be stamped as such, with the name of the prison where made, but little or nothing has been accom- plished. More recently attempts have been made to prevent the sale of goods made in one State or country in the markets of another. So far as the United States is concerned, this has been a violation of the right of Congress to regulate commerce between the States, and has generally been abandoned. While reports have been made in late years covering some 199] Prison Labour. 379 features of prison labour, the most recent statement for the whole country as to the relation of the earnings of State prisons to the expense of running and maintaining them fully is for 1885, as given in the Second Annual Report of the United States Com- missioner of Labour. At that time, taking all the institutions of the country into account, whether conducted under one system or another, the total labour income was forty-nine per cent of the running expenses, and thirty-five per cent of the total ex- penses. By " total expenses " is meant all expenses for repairs, construction, etc., beyond the purely current running expenses. If the expenses and income under the lease system, which has been a source of profit, be eliminated, the labour income under all other systems was forty-six per cent of the running expenses and thirty-two per cent of the total expenses. Therefore, while here and there a prison has been made to pay, in the sense of bringing into the treasury more money than was taken out of it, the rule is, and has been for many years, practically as shown in the federal report cited. At the present time the proportion of expenses paid out of the receipts from prison labour is less, undoubtedly, than ten years ago. The objection to the system is not that the convicts work, but that the results of the labour of those who require only food, clothing, and shelter tend to reduce the wages of the labourer. In 1885, the total product (that is, the value of the goods after the materials have been manipulated by the prisoners) of all the penal institutions amounted to $28,753,999, which was about one one-hundred-and-eighty-fifth of the total value of the products of the manufacturing industries of the country in 1880 while the total product of the higher penal institutions only, that is, prisons of the grade of State penitentiaries, was $24,271,078, equivalent to about one two-hundred-and-twenty- secondth of the total value of all manufactured products in 1880. In 1895 the total product of the higher penal institutions only in the United States was $19,042,472, which was but one five- hundredth of the total value of the products of the manufactur- ing industries of the United States in 1890. 380 Punishment. [199 From a wage point of view, the labour of convicts in 1885, from which resulted a product of the value of $28,753,999, amounted to only $3,512,970, or $i of convict-labour wages to $8.19 of finished product of the labour of convicts. The ratio at the present time is probably less. The total value of the labour expended by the convicts in the State penitentiaries and prisons of like grade at the present time does not much exceed $2,500,000, or a little more than one-thousandth of the total wages paid in the manufacturing industries of the country in 1890. Thus it will be seen that, whether the State treasury is con- sidered or the competition with labour taken into account, the prison labour question, from a purely economic point of view, need not excite much attention. It is perfectly true that here and there the products of prison labour enter into sharp but very brief competition with goods made outside, and the fear that prices may be lowered and wages affected injuriously by throwing prison-made goods on the market is thus created. In the many investigations which have been made in rela- tion to the prison labour question, few instances have been found where prices have been affected in the least, and rarely a case where wages have been lowered in consequence of the employment of convicts in productive industry. Nevertheless, the moral effect of the supposed competition, and of whatever real competition may have occurred, has been sufficient to create a demand in nearly all the States of the Union for some regula- tion of the employment of convicts under which competition can be entirely or largely removed, and for the last twenty years or more political platforms have often contained a paradoxical plank demanding that convicts should be employed, not only as a matter of health, but as a source of revenue to the State, but in such a way as to relieve honest industry of competition. It is an absolute impossibility to prevent competition if convicts are to be employed in any way whatever. It must be admitted by all sane men that they should be employed and constantly employed upon intelligent labour. The problem, therefore, so 2oo] Ethics of Prison Labour. 381 far as the economics of the question is concerned, is either to reduce the competition to the lowest point or to manufacture goods in such a way and under such conditions that prices and wages can in no sense be affected. This is the whole of the economic side of the question from the productive point of view. 200. The Ethics of Prison Labour. The ethical side of the problem is far more important, not only in the interest of the community at large, but in the in- terest of the wage-earners. It is also the more important side of the question when the prisoner himself is considered. No State, under the ethical aspect of government, has any right to expect to make profit, or to permit contractors to do so, out of the labour of prisoners, when this profit is at the ex- pense of their reformation. No man with a particle of human- ity in him would for a moment demand that prisoners should be employed in the old, cruel, and barbarous systems known as penal labour, such as running a treadmill or turning a crank. The revolt from these methods, however, carried prison re- formers to the opposite extreme, and they assumed that men in prison should be set at work at the same industries and under the same methods existing outside of prisons. Their position was plausible, their theory fine and probably sound if it had been possible to reduce it to practice, but the reformatory elements came in to defeat their purely theoretical plans, and it is now considered by intelligent penologists that the whole system of prison labour should be adapted to the reformation of men. In the address of Dr. Brush 1 it is stated that " all men of a scientific turn of mind who have made a study of crimi- nal anthropology are fast approaching the physicians' position regarding such questions. Every criminal is more or less a diseased portion of the body politic ; but the notion of pun- 1 Presidential address delivered before the Society of Medical Juris prudence at its annual meeting, held January 13, 1896. 382 Punishment. [200 ishment should not complicate the judgment in deciding what disposition is to be made in either case. The insane were formerly regarded with feelings of hatred and vindictiveness, but to-day this is only a shameful recollection." It might be added that the notion of making profits out of the diseased members of the body politic should be relegated to the regions of shameful recollection. The prisoner must be approached now from the physician's point of view. The convict is a morally sick man, and so- ciety's rights and duties are limited to his cure, or if incurable, to such treatment as shall not debase him. This is the attitude of the public toward the mentally and physically ill, and why it should not be, to a certain degree, the attitude toward the morally ill is a question that will be discussed more in the future than it has been in the past. This being the case, he should be treated in all respects in such a way as to develop his blunted moral and intellectual faculties. It is this position which makes the return to purely penal labour absolutely im- possible under modern thought. Our civilisation will not tolerate it ; but in assuming this attitude the rights of others should be as carefully guarded as the rights of the prisoner. 201. Systems of Prison Labour. The various systems which have been adopted have thus far proved ineffective from the ethical and unsatisfactory from the economic point of view. The contract system is the most profitable one which can be applied to prison labour, but the necessary presence of the contractor and his men in the pris- ons and among the convicts has been found to work disad- vantageously when reformatory measures were being carried along at the same time. The piece-price plan was thought to be a remedy for the evils of the contract system, but the pris- oners themselves soon learned that their labour was being exploited for the profit of a private contractor and that the State was getting only the minimum results. The public- account system was then resorted to, under which the institu- 2oi] Systems of Prison Labour. 383 tion carries on the business of manufacturing like a private individual or firm, buying raw materials and converting them into manufactured articles, which are sold in the best available market. A few years ago many labour reformers insisted upon the adoption of this public-account system, on the ground that all profits would then accrue to the State and the irritation resulting from the contract or the piece-price system be avoided. The contrary proved to be true. Under the public- account system the State or the county sold goods in the open market ; but the State could not fail, and therefore it was not necessary at all times to dispose of the goods even at cost. The private contractor, in order to preserve his solvency, was obliged to get back at least the cost of his goods. The irrita- tion coming from competition therefore increased, and the public-account system was found to be inadequate from an economic point of view, although it had some advantages from the ethical standpoint, for whatever profit was derived from labour under it was for the benefit of the public treasury. The lease system, now rapidly going out of vogue, plays no part in the ethical question involved, but it was a most profitable sys- tem to the States which employed it. The abuses under it have brought it into disrepute. One of the chief objections to the lease system is that the sum paid by the contractor for a certain amount of labour, or for labour for a certain amount of time, is much less than the wages paid for the same work outside the prison, or outside of the prison forces. This is a demoralising interference with the stability of prices, and is on the whole thoroughly objectionable. The employment of convicts in road-making is often advocated as a solution of the convict-labour problem. Under some circumstances such employment is carried on justly; the chief objection to it is the expense of guarding the bodies of prisoners, and the demoralising influences which come from the sight of convicts at work. Much could be said in its favour in building roads in sparsely settled areas, thus developing the means of intercommunication. Punishment. [ 201 There is now a system of labour, which is advocated very largely, and which has beeri adopted experimentally in twenty- four States, with the motive behind it of reducing competition, or practically removing all competition. Under this modified public-account system, goods are made for the use of the State itself in its various institutions, whether penal, reforma- tory, or eleemosynary, on the theory or the supposition that the State needs goods enough of various kinds to keep its prisoners practically employed. Should this prove true, the new method will probably be a solution of the economic problems involved, while the ethical demands will be as well satisfied as under any system that can be adopted. Two reasons have been advanced why this method may, in some degree at least, prove to be a failure. The first is that the requirements of the States adopting it can be supplied through the labour of only a portion of its prisoners. If our State governments supported large bodies of troops and the Federal government had a large standing army, the plan might prove to be ad- visable, although in some European countries, where the consumption of goods of the coarser grades, such as shoes, army clothing, camp equipage, etc., is very large, the plan has not been made to work very successfully, for the reason stated, and because of the objections of army officers to the manu- facture in prisons of the goods they require for the equipment of their forces. These objections arise not only on account of the quality and make of the goods, but on account of the impracticability of massing a force in any way so as to supply goods upon emergencies. The second reason why the manufacture of goods for the State may not succeed to the fullest degree anticipated by its advocates has been pointed out by Sir Edmund Du Cane in the " Nineteenth Century" for October, 1896. Although that writer, one of the most intelligent and experienced in the whole world on the subject of prisons and prison labour, believes in this method of employment, he very frankly points out the difficulty arising from the great variety of patterns 202] Solution of Prison Labour. 385 of articles to be made, etc. This, perhaps, may be the least of the obstacles in the way of the success of the system. He states that, however desirable industrial labour for prisoners may be from a moral point of view, it is impossible to apply it to more than a small proportion of those sentenced to imprisonment, both on account of the law applicable to prisons and on account of the shortness of the sentences of the large majority. He thinks the difficulties of the State- manufacture method are of much the same kind as are found in utilising convict labour for the construction of public works. 202. Solution of the Prison Labour Question. Whatever the difficulties, they must be met and will be met, either successfully or unsuccessfully, in the interesting experi- ment now being conducted by the State of New York. It is to be hoped that success will follow such experiment, for while the manufacture of goods for the use of the State does not avoid competition, for outside manufacturers will be deprived of business pro tanto, the element of price is entirely removed. The value of the goods made cannot materially affect the price of goods manufactured outside of prisons, nor can there be any appreciable influence upon the wages paid in the regular industries of the State. Mr. Lathrop, Superintendent of Prisons for the State of New York, wisely insists, as do all right-minded men, that work must be found for the prisoners, and he feels that the question of the employment of convicts is practically solved by the adoption of the method described. Nevertheless, the warden of Sing Sing has adopted some measures which he thinks may be applicable for furnishing employment to idle prisoners, and is following some of the methods adopted at the Elmira Reformatory, the so-called "techno- logical university." A good deal has been said of late against the introduction of technological studies into prison life. An examination of some of the facts pertaining to prisons, however, 386 Punishment. [202 may lead to the conclusion that such methods are wise from every point of view. The average age ,of the convicts of the United States is not far from twenty-six years. Therefore, the men constituting this body are undeveloped, so far as age is concerned, and generally undeveloped in their moral and intellectual faculties. Careful classification of the convicts of the country shows also that about three-fourths are short- term prisoners, one-eighth incorrigibles, and the other eighth, though in for long terms, still amenable to reformatory efforts. It cannot make very much difference what system is employed, so that prices and wages are not affected, when the short- term men are considered. There is not much to be gained, whether in the interest of the State, or of the community, or of the convicts, in putting them at work under one system of labour as against another. They must be employed ; their minds must be occupied, and their hands utilised. It cannot, from the very nature of things, be worth while for the State to erect costly plants for the sake of employing them under one or another system of labour. No one can argue with reason that the short-term prisoner himself is to be particularly benefited by any such employment. The chief point to be insisted upon is that his labour shall not be debasing. If he can be employed in making blankets, furniture, coarse boots and shoes, and the infinite variety of things that may be needed in the State institutions, without the introduction of power machinery, not only the State will be the gainer, but also the prisoner himself. He does not stay in prison long enough, as a rule, to be taught in the higher methods of manual training, and what little he can learn by running some machine is of little consequence in his after life. If he stays long enough in prison, the State should see to it that he comes out better equipped to earn a living than when he entered it. Looking at the one-eighth representing the incorrigibles, composed of men who should never be returned to society under any circumstances whatever, men of purely criminal minds, released from prison only to again return to it, it 202] Solution of Prison Labour. 387 must be conceded that it matters little what method or system of labour is employed, so long as they are kept steadily at work in the interest of the State, and in labour that shall not debase them. Crime is their only element, and the whole interest of society is that they should be incarcerated for life. It cannot be argued reasonably that there is any necessity, in any direc- tion whatever, of employing them under one system as against another ; they should be kept in honourable and skilful em- ployment ; their intellectual and moral powers, so far as they are susceptible of development, should be strengthened, and they should be made to live their lives in an orderly, syste- matic, and honourable way. If they can be kept at work making goods for the State, that is the very best thing that can be done with them, and in doing this they may learn how to use their minds and hands. The incorrigibles should not be employed, however, to the detriment of the short-term men, nor of the remaining one- eighth, which may be called the reformable portion. This one- eighth consists largely of young men supposed to be in prison as the result of some spree, or through indiscreet action, accident, or the lack "of understanding of the ways we call right and wrong. They are not supposed to have become convicts through criminal minds or through tendencies which they prefer to retain. Such men should not only be sentenced on the indeterminate principle, but every effort which the State is capable of making should be made to bring them into harmonious relation with law-abiding citizens. The manufac- ture of goods for the State, with all their variety, is the very best work on which this reformable body can be employed. If there be not work enough to keep the whole body of prison- ers employed steadily, it should be concentrated upon the incorrigibles and the short-term men, while the reformable fraction of prisoners should be given the benefits of the train- ing which Warden Sage proposed to introduce at Sing Sing. From a mere modernised penitentiary the Elmira Reforma- tory has been developed into a great compulsory educational 388 Punishment of Crime. [202 establishment for employing felons and corrigibles. Moral, mental, and manual training have been systematically co- ordinated, with the end in view of turning out practical, self- supporting, self-controlling citizens. As the editor of "The Summary," a periodical published at the Elmira Reformatory (the editor himself being an inmate of the institution), puts it, the reformatory prescription consists of a trinity of M's, mental, moral, and manual training, and these ingredients have been used in varying proportions, according to the needs of the patient. The reformatory has firmly established itself as something more than an experiment, although its wise originator, Dr. Brockway, continues to rank it as an experi- mental station, inasmuch as opportunity is constantly afforded for the trial of plans that offer promise of aid in accomplishing the avowed purposes of the reformatory. Looking at the matter squarely, then, the economic side of the question is not of sufficient importance to demand drastic treatment. The question of profits has been lost sight of through the force of necessity. It is the State's duty to treat its moral invalids with the same fairness in recognising their illness that it shows to its mental and physical invalids. It certainly has no right to expect to make profit out of either. Its whole duty, then, is to approach all three classes, the de- pendent, the delinquent, and the defective, from the point of view of the physician. Their bodies must be kept in the best condition, and their moral and mental attributes trained and strengthened. By giving more attention to this ethical side of the problem, the best economic results will be reached sooner or later. Prisons have not been so effectively deterrent as it was formerly supposed they would be; punishment has not accom- plished the ends sought. Revenge is not a part of the State's duty, but the protection of society is its sole duty, and crimi- nals are a part of society. That method of treatment, there- fore, which will reduce the number of criminals and bring them back to society as cured and industrious citizens will also 202] Solution of the Question. 389 eventually reduce the expense to the State and the annoyance and irritation and danger which come from the presence of a body of criminals. Whatever conduces to this result, whether it be the employment of prisoners solely for the benefit of the State or teaching them how to employ their minds and hands when they leave the prisons, must be the true course ; the size of the deficit in the State treasury resulting therefrom, or the trifling competition which follows, are of but little account. In place of the old rule for the running of prisons, profits, with incidental reformatory results, the new rule will hold sway, reformation, with incidental profits. CHAPTER XXIII. THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION. 203. References. U. S. Commissioner of Internal Revenue, Reports; United States Twelfth Census, Reports on Manufactures ; U. S. Department of Labour, Twelfth Annual Report (Economic Aspects of the Liquor Problem) ; Henry C. Black, Treatise on the Laws regulating the Manufacture and Sale of Intoxicating Liquors ; F. II. Wines and John Koren, The Liquor Prob- lem in its Legislative Aspects; John Koren, The Economic Aspects of the Liqiior Problem; Henry William Blair, Temperance Mcrt'ement ; Daniel Dorchester, The Liquor Problem in all Ages ; U. S. Commissioner of Labour, Fifth Special Report (Gothenburg System of Liquor Traffic); E. L. Fanshawe, Liquor Legislation in the United States and Canada ; E. II . Crosby, The Saloon as a Political Power, in Forum, VII. 323 (May> 1889) ; W. S. Rainsford, Reform of the Drink Traffic, in North American Review, CLVI. 728 (June, 1893) ; James C. Fernald, The Economics of Prohibition; Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, Twelfth Annual Report, Part IV., Twenty-sixth Annual Report ; Lester F. Ward, Dynamic Sociology (2d ed.), I. 44, II. 447 ; United States Supreme Court, decision on South Carolina dispensary law, May 9, 1898, in Supreme Court Reporter, 674 (May 30, 1898) ; Raymond, Calkins, Substitutes for the Saloon ; John S. Billings (Editor), Physiological Aspects of the Liquor Problem ; Joseph Rovvntree and Arthur Sherwell, The Temperance Prob- lem and Social Reform ; Axel Gustafson, The Foundation of Death : A Study of the Drink Question ; Francis G. Peabody, Substitutes for the Saloon, in Forum, XXI. 595 (July, 1896) ; The Cyclopedia of Temperance and Prohibition; bibliography in Brookings and Ringwalt, Briefs for Debate, Ixvi. 204. Production and Consumption of Liquors. Could the facts be ascertained and properly classified, it would probably be shown that the most gigantic evils which society has to deal with are those which come from licen- tiousness, with its heritage of stupendous crimes, individual 39 204] Production and Consumption. 391 suffering, and a burden borne by posterity. Next to this, intemperance, in its usual sense of excessive use of stimulants, especially the alcoholic, may be ranked as the most distinctive evil of society. The difficulties of regulating the evil are great, because the influences arising from it are complicated and insidious. Could the results of intemperance be confined to the individual, the evil might be regulated or controlled. The ramifications are so great and the interests involved so varied and extensive, that one may well become discouraged when studying the efforts society has already made to protect itself. The extent of the traffic ; the magnitude of the drink bill ; the influence upon idleness, wastefulness, pauperism, and crime ; the vast amount of capital involved ; the enormous consumption of raw ma- terials to supply the manufacture of liquors of all kinds, all these features must be considered when any attempt is made to regulate the liquor traffic. Fortunately, the data at hand enable us to get some idea of the material proportions of the traffic. On the question of consumption the facts from a late report of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue (1901) may be tabulated as follows : Kind of Liquor. Consumption (in gallons) of liquors for the Year ending June 30, 1901. Consumption (in gallons) per capita. IQOI. 1870. 1840. Distilled Spirits, Domestic and Imported 103,086,839 i-33 2.07 2.52 Wines, Domestic and Imported .... 28,791,149 37 32 .29 Malt Liquors, Domestic and Imported . Total ... ... 1,258,249,391 16.20 S-3i 1.36 1,390,127,379 17.90 7.70 4.17 This enormous increase since 1840 in gallons consumed per capita is due, it will be seen at once, to the consumption of 39 2 Temperance. [ 204 malt liquors and wines, there being a constant decrease in the consumption of distilled spirits. Although there has been an increase during some years of the period from 1840 to the present time in the consumption of wines, it is now less than it was sixty-two years ago. Along with this decrease in the consumption of " hard liquors " and wines, and the great in- crease in the use of malt liquors, there have been very great changes in the habits of the people at large, intemperance being much less at the present time than at any former period. 1 According to the United States Census of 1900, the capi- tal invested in the production of all kinds of liquors was $457,674,087, and the annual product was valued at about $340,615,466. The materials used were valued at $70,512,042. The average number of persons employed was 44,417, the total wages paid them amounting to $28,005,484. The sala- ried officials, clerks, etc., numbered 8,158, and they were paid $14,301,644. It is quite impossible to state in values the amount of the drink bill, because the official statistics deal only with quan- 1 According to Mulhall, the consumption of all kinds of liquor per inhabitant for different countries is as follows : Country. Gallons per Inhabitant. Wine. Beer and Cider. Spirits. Equivalent in Alcohol 19.0 2-5 5 5.2 16.5 15.0 12.7 0.4 0.5 0.7 0.7 IO.O 3- 5 27.0 I I.O 18.0 0.9 6-5 J.O O.2 6.2 S-o 12 .5 8.8 28.5 3-3 1.8 2.O 1.9 ' 3 I.O i 6 0.4 -3 O.2 4-2 3-5 4.0 2.6 1.6 '7 I.O I.O 1.9 3-5 2.2 0.6 .6 9 7 5 3 .0 !l .0 .0 .0 5 Italy Sweden Holland 205] License Revenue. 393 titles, and any estimate of value must be the result of calcu- lation. The total production of distilled liquors for the year ending June 30, 1901, was 128,568,201 gallons; fermented liquors, in round numbers, 1,259,041,998 gallons; domestic wines (estimated), 25,000,000 gallons; or a total production of liquors of all kinds, of nearly 1,412,610,199 gallons. There were consumed in the arts, manufactures, and for medicinal purposes, in 1890, 10,976,842 proof gallons, which amount is included in the/^r capita consumption as stated. 205. Public Revenue from the Liquor Traffic. There have been many private attempts to ascertain the amount or extent of the liquor traffic, but the calculations have always been made on observations of narrow range. Under recent investigations by the U. S. Department of Labour the facts have been obtained for nearly 30,000 places of business, engaged either in part or exclusively in the liquor traffic. Allowing that the positive information collected from this large number of places would apply equally to the 161,483 places or establishments in the United States which pay a Federal tax to engage in the traffic, it is found that the capital invested exclusively in the traffic amounts to nearly $960,000,- ooo, in the hands of 191,000 proprietors or firm members, with nearly 242,000 employees. Of the whole number of establishments, over nineteen- twentieths are engaged in the retail liquor traffic, and less than one-twentieth in the whole- sale and retail traffic combined, or the wholesale alone ; 73+ per cent were engaged exclusively in the liquor traffic, and 26+ per cent in the liquor traffic in connection with some other business. The revenue derived from the liquor traffic, including the manufacture and sale of liquors of all kinds for the year ending June 30, 1896, and from other sources, was $183,213,125. Out of this amount the United States received for internal revenue tax, $114,450,862 ; other State and local license fees 394 Temperance. [205 or special taxes amounted to $49, 5 65, 540 (State license fees or special taxes, $10,399,016; the counties, $5,011,225; the municipalities, $34,155,299). The total fines received by States, counties, and municipalities amounted to $1,003,773. The tax paid on real and personal property engaged in the manufacture of liquors is estimated at $1,225,806, and that on real and personal property of establishments engaged in the liquor traffic, $10,075,120; the customs duties on imported liquors amounted to $6,736,063 ; if a few other comparatively small items be added, the total public revenue from all sources reached $183, 213, 125. 1 The cost of collecting this vast revenue cannot be stated with any definiteness, for States, counties, and municipalities collect their fees and fines by officers having other duties. The Federal revenue officers also have other duties to perform than those connected with the manufacture of liquor, but an indicative statement can be made from the total expense of collecting all the Federal internal revenue for the year under 1 The classification of total revenue, as given in the report referred to, is as follows : Tax on Real and Personal Property employed in Liquor Manufacture (estimated) $1,225,805.85 Tax on Real and Personal Property employed in Liquor Traffic (estimated) 10,075,120.00 Ad valorem Tax in Kentucky and Missouri 32,115.70 United States Internal Revenue Tax 114,450,861.77 License Fees or Special Taxes, States 10,399,015.60 License Fees or Special Taxes, Counties 5,011,225.06 License Fees or Special Taxes, Municipalities .... 34,155,299.25 Fines, States 91,299.56 Fines, Counties 3?8.557-75 Fines, Municipalities 533,916.01 Fines, Sales of Confiscated Liquors, etc., United States (estimated) 123,844.96 Customs Duties on Imported Liquors 6,736,063.00 Total $183,213,124.51 It is impossible that the items as stated in the text should give the total $183,213,125, since this total includes, as stated, "a few other com- paratively small items." (There are no comparable data since 1896.) 206] Prohibition. 395 consideration ; it was, from liquors, tobacco, and all other sources, $4,086,293. The cost of collecting the total liquor revenues alone by the Federal government is, of course, less than the sum just stated. 206. Prohibition. The attempts in this country to regulate the liquor traffic have resulted in four methods, prohibition, license, local option, and State account. Under prohibition the laws pro- hibit the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors of any kind, or regulate the manufacture and prohibit the sale thereof. Opinions as to the effects of prohibition in those States in which it has been attempted differ widely. Probably at the present time the most ardent prohibitionist would not insist that pro- hibitory laws have succeeded in destroying the liquor traffic. In small places such laws have no doubt resulted in the fairly complete suspension of the retail liquor business, but it cannot be claimed that such results have been effected in cities ; and when not enforced the system prevents limiting the traffic in any other way. Prohibitory laws have been very irritating in their effects, be- cause in order to accomplish their purpose many minor provi- sions are essential, such as the prohibition of transporting liquors, or having liquors in one's possession for purpose of sale, or renting property for the conduct of the liquor business ; hence many petty crimes or misdemeanours have been the result of the execution of prohibitory laws. On the other hand, the most ardent opponent of prohibition, if he be a temperance man, would say that could the purposes of prohibition be carried out, society would be the gainer. It is true, neverthe- less, that the regulation of the liquor traffic through prohibi- tory legislation has not been as successful as its advocates would desire, and is not now gaining ground. One constant difficulty is in the authorised use of liquor for medicinal pur- poses, which makes the druggists suspected and often guilty of liquor-selling. There is, of course, a certain ethical influ- 396 Temperance. [206 ence resulting from prohibition which is reflected upon the people ; it is the ethics of total abstinence as an example to others. This is healthy in itself, and whatever law or system calls attention to the good effects of total abstinence must be considered an effective instrumentality in securing temperance reform. Perhaps the most important effort to break up the drink habit is to be found in the action of employers of labour, especially in the management of great railroads. It is becom- ing very largely the custom of such employers to insist upon employees being sober, and especially in railroad employment of abstaining absolutely from the use of intoxicants. This is one of the most hopeful signs of the times. 207. License. Regulation through license has been more frequent than prohibition. The immorality of license is claimed by its op- ponents as one of the strongest arguments for its disuse. It is maintained that the government has no right to derive income through the prosecution of a harmful traffic ; that where the government with one hand undertakes to regulate or by law declares the liquor traffic to be a nuisance, it should not with the other secure revenue for the maintenance of the government itself. The advocates of the liquor system claim that by it the number of places where liquor can be obtained for personal consumption is reduced, and the lowest places closed by the self-interest of those who pay for licenses. License is therefore partial prohibition ; it results in the selection of places where liquor can be obtained rather than in the closing of all places, or, on the other hand, of allowing everybody to sell who desires to engage in the business. The method of assessing a high license that shall in itself be prohibitory on the lower grades of saloons and liquor stores has great weight, and is very popular in many localities. Through it revenue is increased, and the number of places where liquor can be obtained decreased. Much popular in- ' 2o8] License Local Option. 397 dignation is usually expressed against this method because of its tendency to make the liquor traffic aristocratic, and to pre- vent the man of small means from obtaining what others of larger means can secure. These license features are con- sidered by the prohibitionist as immoral, chiefly because they compromise with what is considered to be a criminal business. 208. Local Option. There is another popular method employed, combining prohibition and license. Under local option the legislature of a State provides that any municipality which chooses to vote against granting any licenses for the liquor traffic may do so, or it may vote to issue licenses. This leaves the whole matter to local public will. It is curious to note the experience of municipalities under a local option system in shifting from one method to the other, one year granting licenses by popular vote, and another year prohibiting them. On the other hand, several large cities, especially Cambridge, Mass., have for long terms of years voted against -the liquor traffic, and have, so far as votes show, nearly crushed it out. The prohibition party condemn this method more than any other for the reason that by it the legislature delegates the power to define a crime to municipalities, instead of defining it by law for all municipalities within the State, and for the further reason that if in one town licenses are prohibited and the sale of liquor made a crime, persons who wish to obtain it can, by crossing the line into a town that grants licenses, purchase it without criminal results. So what is a crime on one side of the boundary line is not a crime on the other, and the result is sometimes a curious complication. The advocates of local option and license answer the pro- hibitionist, when the argument of immorality is raised, that under prohibition, when liquor saloons are closed, the proprie- tors furnish their customers with individual keys and turn their saloons into private clubs. This practice in an Eastern State 398 Temperance. [208 some years ago became so thoroughly abused that it resulted in the repeal of the prohibition laws and the enactment of license regulations. All these methods are on trial. Each one is open to many objections; each has some advantages. Only through long experience will the public be able to determine just which is the best method of regulating the liquor traffic. In the mean time the crusade against the manufacture and sale of liquors and in the interest of temperance goes on, the drinking habits of the people change, and the reform is quietly being accom- plished, for notwithstanding the increased consumption of malt liquors, there is a decrease in that of spirituous and distilled liquors, the use of the latter being considered far more harm- ful than the former. 209. Systems of State Account. In Europe there has been little attempt at prohibition ; the regulation of the liquor traffic, wherever it has been attempted, has been through some method of license. There is a method in vogue in Norway and Sweden popularly known as the Norwegian or Gothenburg system, which has many very ardent supporters. The government grants to a competent company a monopoly of the sale of liquors within certain geographical limits, and sales must be made only at a certain advance beyond cost, usually not exceeding six per cent profit ; the surplus over expenses is to be disposed of by the State in various ways, usually in the support of some line of charity work or kindred object. The principle of this system is that by it the inducement to enter the liquor traffic is removed, by taking away the possi- bility of making great gains ; for if the liquor traffic can be made no more profitable than other trades, there will be less desire to enter it. There is probably much in this claim, and on account of it the Norwegian system has been advocated in the United States, but as yet has been nowhere adopted, ex- cept in a modified form in the State of South Carolina. The 209] State Account. 399 results there, however, have not been quite equal to the ex- pectations of the authorities, and the original act has been held by the courts to be unconstitutional. A more recent law, recognising the constitutional defects of the first and modifying to some extent the original provisions, has been held by the United States Supreme Court to be constitutional. Temperance advocates oppose the Norwegian system for the same reason that they oppose all forms of license laws, on the ground that it is a compromise with evil, and that the last thing they desire is to make the business respectable. The results in Norway and Sweden have been fairly satisfac- tory. Drunkenness has decreased in certain places, and the consumption of liquors fallen off; in others the facts do not show clearly that any great advantage has been gained by the adoption of the system. Advocates of the temperance meas- ures in various countries are watching the results of the Nor- wegian experiment, as they are everywhere watching the various other experiments for the regulation of the liquor traffic. The statistics showing arrests and convictions under different systems of regulation (see ch. xxi.) are not particularly trust- worthy. They sometimes show that under prohibition there is much more drinking than under license. This results from the fact that municipal police officers have been, as a rule, more favorably disposed towards the license system than pro- hibition. The politics of cities, too, has sometimes worked against prohibition, and arrests for the slightest cause under prohibitory laws have resulted in adding to the criminal statis- tics, while under the license system great leniency is shown to those found on the streets under the influence of liquor. Of course, the great question is, from the sociological stand- point, Can prohibition be made really effective when evidence can hardly be obtained except from the drinker or the seller, both of whom have an interest in keeping the business up ; and which of the four systems really does most to keep temp- tation out of the way of men not yet addicted to liquor? 400 Temperance. [210 210. The Influence of Intemperance upon Crime. The usual argument against intemperance is that it causes an increase in the volume of crime and in the number of paupers. What the temperance advocate has stood most in need of, is the solid strength of facts collected and collated in a thorough and systematic manner. Unfortunately, such a collection does not exist for any very wide period of time or extent of territory ; but the few facts that have been collected officially are significant and valuable. In 1880 an examination was made in the nine criminal courts of Suffolk County, Massa. chusetts, for one year, the attempt being made to ascertain the influence of intemperance in the commission of crimes nol directly connected with the sale or use of liquor. It has been shown (see statistics of crime, ch. xxi.) that sixty per cent of all the sentences for crime in the Commonwealth during twenty years were distinctively liquor offences. It was found that of the 16,897 tota l sentences for the year 1880 (the distinctive liquor offences being included), 12,221 were for the various grades of drunkenness, and 68 for liquor-keeping and liquor- selling without license. This leaves 4,608, or 27+ per cent, for other crimes. To ascertain the influence of intemperance in the commis- sion of this 27+ per cent of the crimes, inquiry was made on five points : first, whether the criminal was under the influ- ence of liquor at the time the crime was committed ; second, whether he was in liquor at the time he formed the intent to commit the crime; third, whether the intemperate habits of the criminal were such as to lead to the condition which in- duced the crime ; fourth, whether the intemperate habits of others led the criminal to a condition which induced the crime ; fifth, what the drinking habit of the criminal was, that of total abstainer, moderate drinker, or excessive drinker. These inquiries were made by special agents stationed in the courts (with the co-operation of judges and officers of the courts), who were instructed to follow up the case through research 210] Intemperance and Crime. 401 when the facts were not obtainable from testimony or the rec- ords of the court. It appeared from the results that of the 4,608 cases, 2,097 of the offenders were in liquor at the time of the commission of offences; 1,918 were in liquor at the time of the formation of the criminal intent ; the intemperate habits of 1,804 were such as to induce a moral condition favourable to crime; 821 were led to the criminal action through the contagion of intemperance. Of the 4,608 con- victed persons the total abstainers numbered 1,158 ; moderate drinkers, 1,918; and the excessive drinkers, 1,317. Since in 16,897 other cases conviction was for distinctive liquor crimes, by adding the 2,097 in liquor at the time of committing other crimes, we have a total of 18,994, or 84+ per cent of all the cases passing through the criminal courts during the year to be charged directly or indirectly to the influence of liquor. This does not mean that nearly 85 per cent of the volume of crime was due to the influence of liquor. The statement is that 84+ per cent of the cases were due directly or in- directly to the influence of intoxicants. Of course, many of the crimes committed by the remaining 15+ per cent were of such a serious nature as to outweigh several of the minor liquor crimes. A somewhat similar investigation in Massachusetts was made in 1895 by the Massachusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labour, under specific direction of the legislature. The summary of the conclusions of the officers of the bureau disclose the fact that out of 26,672 convictions in the State for various offences during twelve consecutive months, 17,575, or about 66 in every hundred, were convictions for drunkenness; 657, or a little over two in every hundred, were for drunkenness in com- bination with other offences. So 18,232 convictions, or a little over 68 in every hundred, included drunkenness either wholly or in part as a cause for the conviction. In 21,863 cases, or 82 in every hundred, the offender was in liquor at the time the offence was committed ; in 8,440 cases in which drunkenness did not form a part of the offence, that is, in 26 402 Temperance. [210 which the offender was convicted of a crime other than drunk- enness, 3,640, or a little over 43 in every hundred, were cases in which the offender was in liquor at the time the offence was committed; and 4,852, or 57 in every hundred, were cases in which the offender was in liquor at the time the intent was formed to commit the offence. Out of the whole number of cases (26,672), there were therefore 22,514 in which the intemperate habits of the offender led to a condition which induced the crime ; this is about 84 per cent of the whole number, or practically the identical proportion shown in the investigation of 1880. It was also shown that in over 16,000 cases the intemperate habits of persons other than the offender were said to have been influential in the commitment of the offence; that 25,000 of the whole number, or about 94 per cent, were addicted to the use of liquor ; that the excessive drinkers numbered 4,500 and over, and the total abstainers only 1,500 and over. 211. Intemperance and Pauperism. In regard to pauperism, this investigation in 1895 proved that out of 3,230 paupers (that being the total number found in all the State institutions during twelve consecutive months) , 2,108, or about 65 in every hundred, were addicted to the use of liquor ; nearly 48 in every hundred had one or both parents intemperate ; something over 39 in every hundred attributed their pauperism to their intemperate habits ; and five in every hundred considered their pauperism due to the intemperance of their parents, one or both. 212. A Study of the Temperance Question. The student of sociology will be glad to know that there is being undertaken at the present time, under the direction of the Committee of Fifty, a very extensive investigation relative to the influence of intemperance upon crime, pauperism, and insanity, and the results are being looked forward to with much interest. This committee had its origin at a meeting in New 212] Study of the Question. 403 York in 1893, when a few men were led to consider the possi- bility of bringing together the results of educated opinion upon the subject of drink, so as to get some sort of consensus of the competent. Leading physiologists, economists, and moralists are found on the committee. Its purpose has been to collect and collate impartially all accessible facts which bear upon the problem. The actual work of the committee is conducted by four sub-committees, one on the physiological aspect of the drink problem, one on its legislative aspect, one on its ethical aspect, and one on its economic aspect. The committee on the legislative aspects of the liquor traffic was the first to make its report. The second to report was the committee on econ- omic aspects ; that committee confined its researches to the relation of the liquor problem to poverty, crime, insanity, the habits of different nationalities in the United States, the pro- duction and consumption of liquor, and the revenue derived from the traffic. The production, consumption, and revenue questions were reported by the U. S. Department of Labour in its Twelfth Annual Report. The physiological sub-committee undertook a large variety of statistical and laboratory researches, and has made an extensive report in two volumes. The ethical committee took up a series of inquiries into the relation of the drink problem to the home, food, recreation, and other aspects of social life. It has made a report in part, entitled " Substi- tutes for the Saloon." It is also engaged in an inquiry rela- tive to the quality of instruction on temperance as given in the public schools. Undoubtedly the ethical committee will sub- mit a further report comprehending the general conclusions to be drawn from the work of the full committee. The first requisite in any social problem is to throw light upon it through the historical and comparative methods, involving the collec- tion of data, and this is the office of the Committee of Fifty so far as the liquor problem is concerned. CHAPTER XXIV. REGULATION OF ORGANISATIONS. 213. References. Washington Gladden, Social Facts and Forces, ch. iii. ; Allen R. Foote and Charles E. Everett, The Law of Incorporated Companies Francis A. Walker, Socialism, in Scribner's Magazine, New Series, I. 107 (Feb., 1887) ; Henry D. Lloyd, Wealth against Commonwealth; Ernst von Halle, Trusts, or Industrial Combinations in the United States ; J. W. Jenks, The Trust Problem ; John I?. Clark, The Control of Trusts ; Bulletin of Twelfth Census, Industrial Combinations ; F. J. Stimson, Hand-Book to the Labor Laws of the United States and Labor in its relations to Law ; Henry C. Adams, Relation of the State to Industrial Action ; W. Stanley Jevons, The State in Relation to Labor. 214. Political Organisations. Society, through its constituted agent, government, does not interfere with the voluntary organisations or associations of individuals unless they have business functions, seek to own property, or in some way affect the material interests "of the body politic, as pointed out in the chapter on Social Units. The innumerable societies which exist have their own regula- tions, which must not in any way contravene law. So .long as the associations are peaceful and attend to the purposes for which they are created, they are not the subject of government supervision. There is another class of organisations created by specific acts or .which government itself seeks to control or regulate in some degree. The organisation of the political parties, which must of necessity exist in any country where suffrage has been granted, is purely voluntary, and there has been little or no attempt to regulate their actions, so far as their purely party purposes are concerned. It is only very recently that statutes have been 404 214] Political Organisations. 405 passed giving any direction to the methods by which party organisations shall carry out their objects, and such regulation has come about principally by the use of what is known as the Australian ballot. Formerly, when a party, through its primary meetings, its district, State, or national conventions, had made its nominations and had perfected its organisation all along the line of progressive action, little remained to be done besides providing proper ballots to be used at the polls. After the ballots were cast it was the duty of the officers of the government, as represented in towns, cities, counties, and States, to receive and count them, classify them, and make proper announcement of the results to the State officers desig- nated by law for such purposes ; but up to the casting of the ballot government had little or nothing to do except to pre- serve order. Now, with the use of the Australian ballot, the machinery of voting has been greatly complicated. By its use voters are required to retire by themselves and check the names of the candidates of their choice, individually or in block, the names of the candidates of all parties being upon one ballot or series of ballots, as the law may provide, and the voter must be able to read his ballot and check the names of the candidates of his choice. This is done in secret, and he then deposits the whole ballot with the names checked. It will be seen at once that all this requires care- ful preparation, as a result of which the legislatures of many States where the Australian ballot is in use have regulated the times and methods of holding the primary meetings, or cau- cuses, as they are called, in towns and the wards of cities, and especially the method of returning the results of their action. They must be called in a certain way ; the check list, or the official list of those persons entitled to vote, used in balloting in order to prevent fraud or duplicate voting, must be prepared according to law, and all measures looking to an orderly, free expression of the choice of the voters attending the meetings must be observed. All nominees under this system must be certified to and 406 Regulation of Organisations. [214 sent to the proper officers of the town, city, or State within the time prescribed by law. From these nominations or certificates of nominations the proper officers make up the official ballot, which is then distributed through proper channels for the use of voters on election day. Of course, law provides penalties for illegal voting and for attempts to bribe voters, in the latter case punishing both those who offer the bribe and those who receive it, and in every way seeks to protect the purity and integrity of the action of political parties. Other than these regulations, they are quite free to act in their own way, and the interest in party politics always secures very efficient and careful organisation. It will be observed that this system throws on State officers, when two tickets are offered, both purporting to come from the same party, the duty of deciding which is the regular ticket and therefore entitled to a place on the general ballot, and also what persons have the necessary signatures for independ- ent candidacy. There are also in some States laws on the holding of all party caucuses, in which again State officers become the arbiters. The so-called " non-partisan " boards of various kinds, in which members must by law be divided between two or more parties, are another example of the offi- cial recognition of party lines. 215. Corporations. Since the corporate method of transacting business has become general, the body of laws relative to business organisa- tions has been greatly extended. Statutes have always regulated business matters in a certain sense, defining responsibilities and, in the case of co-partnerships, making regulations for their formation, but for the regulation of the corporation new legislation has been invoked. A business corporation may be formed for any legitimate purpose of trade or production, and statutes everywhere pre- scribe the form and method of organisation ; usually three or more persons may agree to form a company for a specified 215] Corporations. 407 purpose, and after having complied in a preliminary way with statutory provisions, the proper officers of the government, usually the secretary of state or some officer of like dignity and grade, may issue a certificate of incorporation, when the organ- isation may enter upon the active conduct of the business specified. Statutes make provision as to the shares of stock in such a company, the method of issuing the certificate of stock, the liability of stockholders, and all the methods of procedure which such a company must adopt. These corpora- tions have become very common, even where a few persons only are interested. Many private firms prefer to take on the corporate form, partly in order to avoid the difficulty of settling estates which exists when co-partnerships are con- cerned. Should a stockholder of a corporation die, the cor- porate person as known in law continues, the stock or the certificate of the deceased's interest in the business being carried by his representatives as property rather than as a direct personal share in the business itself. Legislative action goes farther than to regulate merely the method of organisation of corporations. As the liabilities of the stockholders are limited by law and clearly defined, and the corporation itself is the creation of the legislative power of the government, it has been held reasonable that the affairs of a corporation should in a certain sense be made public, so that all persons may be aware of its condition. This result in most States is brought about by periodic returns, sworn to by the managers of the corporation and filed with the proper officer of the government. In some States these returns are classified and published in printed reports. The returns must specify the property of the company, its debts, its capital stock, number of stockholders (and sometimes the names of the stockholders and the number of shares each holds), the market value of stock, and, in fact, all matters which may serve a creditor in his endeavour to learn the con- dition of a business company. Certain classes of corporations must seek a special act of 408 Regulation of Organisations. [215 incorporation. A general law usually provides for all ordinaiy business corporations ; but banks, and in some States railroads and companies which seek to own large amounts of property, must be incorporated by special act of the legislature. In these cases the incorporators are granted a charter, clearly setting forth all the business purposes of the company and denning its powers, limitations, responsibilities, capital, etc. All these regulations are necessary for the protection of the public in its business interests. In the matter of railroads State and national statutes have gone so far as to grant to the governments certain powers of supervision, through the establishment of boards known as railroad commissioners. These commissioners have power to regulate certain matters connected with the conduct of railroads, like the location of tracks and stations, the running of trains, especially on Sunday, the inspection of tracks and bridges, the qualifications of employees, and in many ways performing duties which are in the interest of the public in protecting it against accidents and securing it safe and com- fortable conveniences. In some cases these commissioners have limited powers relative to freight and passenger rates. In 1887 the United States government passed the inter- state commerce act for the regulation of interstate commerce, giving a commission power to inquire into all matters relating to common carriers engaged in commerce between the States. The primary object of the law was to prevent the roads from cutting, reducing, or raising freight rates, so as to arbitrarily interfere with the regularity and stability of internal commerce. The law prohibited pooling, that is, an agreement to divide the traffic and the proceeds of the whole freight business pass- ing over several competing railroads by pre-arrangement, so that each should carry a fixed Droportion ; or an agreement to divide the proceeds of all the roads in a fixed system. Now the demand is made upon Congress to abrogate this provision and allow the pooling of freights, giving the Inter- state Commerce Commission power to revise the results of any 215] Corporations. 409 pooling contract. These regulations carry State control ot railroads about as far as it can go without taking the conduct of the roads over to the government itself. The power and expansion of corporate interests, and especially of railroads, seem to demand, for the welfare of the public, at least as much regulation as that now in existence, and it is probable that this course will grow more essential as time goes on. A class of corporations which has been brought under very strict government regulation includes banks and fiduciary companies of all kinds. The banking business of the country is performed now by both private and public banks, the for- mer having no right to issue notes ; they are banks of deposit and discount only. The public banks, now known as national banks, are organised' under Federal law, and, in addition to a deposit and discount business, may issue notes in due propor- tion to their capital ; these notes are guaranteed by the Federal government, which guarantee is made safe through the deposit with the Treasurer of the United States of the government's own bonds to an amount sufficient to more than cover the note issues of the individual banks. Federal legislation, therefore, is interested in and responsible to a large extent for the business of national banks ; it makes minute regulations for the conduct of their business, prescribes the amount of capital which may be subscribed on a certain amount of bonds deposited, the value of the notes which may be issued, and in many ways securing the integrity of the national banking business. Private banks are not subject to any regulations beyond those applying to other corporations, and when conducted by an individual or a co-partnership they are under no regula- tions whatever beyond the laws applying to the conduct of business generally ; they are trusted by the public on account of confidence in the owners or managers and the amount of capital invested to secure the business of the concern. Savings banks may be mutual or stock companies. They are regulated very carefully by the State governments, which 41 o Regulation of Organisations. [215 have considered them their peculiar wards. This is proper, because the savings bank is an institution which seeks prima- rily to lead the people into frugal ways, by offering them the opportunity to make small deposits, oftentimes as low as one cent, and after the accumulation of a small amount paying a certain rate of interest. By this method the savings banks col- lect the small savings of a large number of people, which in the aggregate make a very large sum of money to be invested by the managers of the bank. The few cases of failure of savings banks have been usually due to the managers loaning money on insufficient security. In most States where savings banks are common, commissioners are appointed by the exec- utive, whose duty it is to look after, inspect, and supervise the business of these institutions. Most of the State governments also wisely provide many very strict regulations relating to the conduct of insurance business ; for the individual who wishes to protect his family and leave something to it in case of his misfortune or decease should have his interests particularly guarded by law and by government officers. The usual officer is known as an insur- ance commissioner ; it is his duty to examine periodically the affairs of all insurance companies doing business within his State, whether organised there or in other places, to carefully investigate their methods, and to make a public return of the condition of the companies. Insurance companies may be organised like any other business corporations, but there are generally many special regulations relating to them that do not pertain to other business concerns. In general, therefore, so far as ordinary business operations are concerned, the people are fairly protected against frauds and the liability to misplace their confidence or credits. Not- withstanding these regulations, corporations are often organised simply for the purpose of selling its stock in the market, and then quietly ceasing its business operations. Such operations or " stock booms," in spite of law, frequently take place, and many innocent persons are swindled. On the whole, however, 2i6] Trusts. 411 the regulations relating to business organisations are very satis- factory, although no statute can prevent a man's being a rascal and taking the risk of punishment. 216. Trusts. In late years an organisation that has become familiar is known as the trust, which is usually a union of several corpora- tions, companies, or concerns to control a particular line of business. A trust does not consist simply of an association of three or more persons ; it numbers directly or indirectly cor- porate persons, which may be vast organisations already created, either in the form of co-partnerships or business corporations. The increase of these combinations in the United States has caused many people to fear that they are a menace to the gen- eral welfare : first, because through their power concentrated capital may influence legislatures and congresses to pass laws in their interest, contrary to the interests of the public at large ; second, because they crush out smaller concerns, thus destroying the opportunity of men to become managers of in- dividual business enterprises ; third, because by their action they may raise prices by a restriction of production, or by a combination raise prices without reference to production, through their power to control trade ; fourth, because through their control of a certain trade they are able to keep wages down, and thus injure the prospects of the wage- receiver. These specifications embody the general fears of those who see in the trust organisation a menace to society. Usually the combination is for the control of a special line of business ; for instance, there might be a trust consisting of the principal iron firms and companies, for the purpose of con- trolling the whole business of manufacturing and selling pig- iron. If the trust organisations find that there are too many companies engaged in this business, they induce those concerns to pool their stock, that is, to turn in their previous holdings to a common treasury, when new certificates are issued on 412 Regulation of Organisations. [216 a pro rata basis to each of the companies represented. This puts all the power connected with the pig-iron business in the hands of one corporation, for each contributing corporation agrees to abide by certain rules as to production or prices, and thus is assured a power to crush out any small concerns which do not see fit to enter the trust. The managers of the com- bination may order a certain amount of production from one class of works, and shift the production at another season to another class; hence labour complains that the trust is a menace to its interests. Naturally, there have been many attempts to regulate this form of organisation. So far as they have been simply en- larged corporations, they have been held legal ; but in many cases this enormous power has been enjoyed by persons who feel no obligation to make public returns of their business or to submit to public restrictions. Hence the attempt has been made to regulate them by law. The United States in 1890 enacted the anti-trust law, which declares that every contract, combination in the form of a trust or other wise, or conspiracy in restraint of trade or commerce among the several States or with foreign nations is illegal. The phraseology proved a boomerang, and has led to the complaints by workingmen stated in the treatment of government by injunction (see chapter xvi.). The constitutionality of the law of 1890 is based upon the provision of the Constitution which gives Con- gress power to regulate trade or commerce among the States an 1 with foreign nations, and the suspicion that a trust or business combination might result in restraining the trade or commerce between the States. It makes every person who undertakes or attempts to monopolise, or who combines or conspires with any other person or persons to monopolise, any particular trade or commerce among the several States, guilty of a misdemeanour, and punishable on conviction by imprison- ment not to exceed one year, or by fine not to exceed $5,000, or by both such punishments, as the discretion of the court may determine. Many States have undertaken to regulate 2i6] Trusts. 413 trusts by similar laws, but so far these laws have not been in- strumental in -preventing their organisation. Many such combinations have been broken through the in- dependent action of some company or concern which grows uneasy at the terms of the trust ; such a member sometimes sees an opportunity to increase production or dispose of goods at an advanced price, and does so without reference to the trust rules, and thus breaks the influence of the combina- tion. Thus natural impatience has often destroyed what law itself could not influence. A few great trusts have survived both the attacks of public opinion and the influences of law. They claim to be legal; that they have as good a right to their form of organisation as any other body. They contend that they are in no way a menace to the public interests, because their capital is worth- less unless used in the interest of the public, no return being possible unless the public is faithfully served ; that they secure stability of employment by regulating production, thus avoid- ing many of the disturbances which come to the ordinary business establishment ; that they secure uniformity of price, and thus every purchaser knows what he will be obliged to pay for his goods. They further claim to have reduced the prices of their goods in very large degree, and that under the trust method of production there is a uniformity of quality that can. not be secured under the ordinary methods. The whole question is a very interesting one to the sociolo- gist. The rights of the public are certainly involved ; but so long as trusts really do conduct their affairs in the interest of the public, and thereby secure a fair profit, and wages, on the whole, are kept stable and quality uniform, the public will make little or no complaint beyond that which naturally comes through the power of centralised capital. In many cases the trust is simply a big corporation, which terrifies by its size ; in other cases it encourages the protection of its property, while refusing to admit proper legal responsibility. 4 14 Regulation of Organisations. [217 217. Labour Organisations. There has been but little attempt to regulate or control labour organisations since the trade unions became fairly es- tablished. Probably they have prevented legislation hostile to them more frequently than they have been able to secure laws which they desired. In the eyes of the law, labour unions, without reference to their particular tenets, are purely volun- tary associations, brought into existence for the purpose of protecting the rights and interests of their members and furth- ering their prospects as to wages, hours of labour, and rules and regulations under svhich employed. Nearly all States have provided that such unions may be incorporated, like general philanthropic and benevolent associations, but as yet they have not seen fit to take advantage of such laws. The only statutes which relate particularly to labour unions in protecting them or regulating them are those concerning the use of the union label on goods manufactured by union labour and protecting members of unions from being discharged because of their membership. Trade unions are lawful in this country, and generally in all countries, or, in other words, they are not illegal. Their acts may be illegal, but their organisations are as lawful as any that may be created. They have their own by-laws, penalties, etc., and may enforce them under their own rules so long as those rules do not contravene public law. Many States make it a misdemeanour for any employer to dis- charge employees for joining labour unions, or even for exact- ing pledges from them to the end that they shall not join any union or contribute to any benefit funds as a prerequisite for employment. In reference to the use of the union label, which has been explained when treating of the sweating system (see chapter xiii.), it has been held by the courts that the union using it has no protection under the trade-mark laws of the Federal gov- ernment, upon the assumption that labourers as such have no 217] Labour Organisations. 415 individual property rights in the results of their labour, and hence the counterfeiting of their trade-mark could not in any way work a financial injury. This view has been overcome by statutes, which have been very widely passed, and under which members of trade unions or the associated labourers in any shop may adopt labels or trade-marks for the sole purpose of designating the products of their own labour or of members of their own unions. Wherever the laws exist, they provide for the registration of the label in some State office, and im- pose a penalty for counterfeiting it. In Illinois it was held by the court hearing the matter that a label declaring union-made cigars to have been made by a first-class workman who be- longed to an organisation that was opposed to filthy tenement- house workmanship or other insanitary production could not be held illegal as being immoral or against public policy. This doctrine, however, has been denied in Pennsylvania. As a rule, the union label is now protected by law, and when it stands absolutely as a guarantee that goods have been pro- duced under hygienic and good economic conditions it will make its way in public esteem. A peculiar feature of law in some States relates to the action of unions in preventing persons from learning or working at trades. Such laws have not become very general, but they strike at a very peculiar feature of trade-unionism. The law of Georgia may be cited as an example, wherein it is provided that if any two or more persons shall associate themselves to- gether in any society or any organisation whatever, with the intent and for the purpose of preventing any person or persons from apprenticing himself or themselves to learn and practise any trade, craft, vocation, or calling, or for the purpose of in- ducing, by persuasion, threats, frauds, or any other means, any apprentice in such trade, etc., to leave the employment of his employer or employers, all such persons so associating them- selves shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, and upon conviction punished therefor. This is not legislation for the protection of trade unions, but legislation for the protection 4i 6 Regulation of* Organisations. [217 of society against certain acts of trade unions. Matters re- ferring to injunction and conspiracy have been treated in the chapter on strikes and lockouts. Much complaint has been made at times on account of the numerous regulations which government establishes for the control or guidance of individuals and associations ; but it should be remembered that society, as it develops, becomes more and more complicated, and there arises the necessity of clearer recognition by each of the other's rights. All this means an expansion of the functions of society, which must necessarily result in an increase in the rules by which society is held intact and by which its purpose is secured ; that is, the happiness and well-being of the greatest number. The highest form of civil organisation is the state itself; all other organisations exist by its behest, or at least by its will ; and it has the right and duty of seeing that no individual shall escape his obligation by going into an organisation, and that no or- ganisation be persecuted simply because it is disliked by other people. Part VIII. Remedies. CHAPTER XXV. SOLUTIONS THAT ARE PROPOSED FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES. 218. References. Washington Gladden, Social Facts and Forces, Working People and their Employers and The Social and Industrial Situation; William F. Willough- by, Workingm&fs Insurance ; A. Schaffle, Quintessence of Socialism and Impossibilities of Social Democracy ; D. G. De Bernard!, Labor Exchange ; Laurence Gronlund, Co-operative Commonwealth; John Ruskin, Unto this Last; Karl Marx, Capital; William F. Willoughby, Industrial Commu- nities, in U . S. Department of Labour, Bulletins Nos. 3-7; Emory R. Johnson, Railway Relief Departments, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletin No. 8 ; J. Howard Gore, The Dutch Society for General Welfare, and Alexander Kent, Co-operative Communities in the United States, in U. S. Department of Labour, Bulletins Nos. 9 and 35 ; William E. Barns, Labor Problem; Richard T. Ely, Labor Movement in America, and Social- ism and Social Reform; Henry George, The Condition oj Labor (an open letter to Pope Leo XIII. including the text of the Pope's encyclical) ; Cardinal Gibbons, Dignity, Rights, and Responsibilities of Labor, in Cos- mopolitan, VII. 383 (August, 1889); J. A. Hobson, The Social Problem; Max Hirsch, Democracy versus Socialism; Charles H. Vail, Principles of Scientific Socialism; Ellis P. Oberholtzer, The Referendum in America; Gustave Le Bon, The Psychology of Socialism; William B. \Veeden, Sac/at Law of Labor; William Thomas Thornton, On Labour; Simon New- comb, Plain Man's Talk on the Labor Question; C. Osborne Ward, Ancient Lowly; Alexander Wylie, Labor, Leisure, and Luxury; William T. Harris, Is there Work enough for all? in Forum, XXV. 224 (April, 1898) ; Paul Monroe, Possibilities of the Present Industrial System, in American Journal of Sociology, III. 729 (May, 1898); George Harris, 27 417 4i 8 Solutions Proposed. [218 Inequality and Progress ; Henry George, Progress and Poverty ; Charles F. Dole, The Coming People; George Gunton, Is Socialism Feasible ? in Gun- ton Institute Bulletin, January 29, 1898; M. Godin, Social Solutions; Robert Wallace, The Psychology of Labor and Capital, in Fortnightly /Vz>7V?#, New Series, LIV. 676 (Nov., 1893); N. P. Gilman, Socialism and the American Spirit ; David A. Wells, Principles of Taxation; W. T. Harris, Statistics versus Socialism, in Forum, XXIV. 186 (Oct., 1897) ; Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk, Karl Marx and the Close of his System ; Henry D. Lloyd, Labor Co-partnership. 219. Basis of Social Problems. It is only natural that the complications arising from social relations should constitute in themselves phases which are called problems, and that solutions should be sought for them. To the sociologist, who has studied society in its growth, and understands, even partially, the unfolding of the elements which make society, conditions are not problems ; they are results, not causes, of evolution or development. Therefore, to the sociologist all proposed solutions for social and economic difficulties are in the nature of statements of difficulties and of an attempt to modify conditions in order to bring about results other than those existing ; nevertheless, he feels that proposed solutions are important as matters of study, even though they may not contain within themselves any effec- tive remedies for supposed or recognised evils. The whole matter is one of approach. The person who looks on social and economic problems as all arising from somebody's vicious conduct is likely to see in some proposed panacea a cure for the evils of which he complains. He who approaches these questions from the attitude of the anthro- pologist, or psychologist, or the sociologist, sees in the alleged evils only undevelopment, not evils which have been created, but conditions which are not yet well perfected. To the latter a proposal to remedy the evil is in the nature of a criticism and not a settlement. The solutions proposed at various times for the difficulties which beset society are inter- esting from either standpoint, and brief reference to them is a valuable phase of any study of sociology. 220] Problems Legislative Remedies. 419 It is quite impossible to deal with social and economic difficulties separately, for they are so intimately associated that whatever solution may be proposed for one class must in the nature of things apply to the other. Nor is it the purpose here to discuss the validity or effectiveness, or even the desired results, of the numerous remedies which are an- nounced now and then as cures for the diseases of society, but simply to state the more important suggestions, bearing in mind that it is perfectly easy to condemn society, and that it is the particular arraignment of those who dislike some phase or feature or function of the social organisation that brings into prominence the solution which is selected as a means of relieving society from the conditions which are condemned. We must also remember, in considering proposed solutions, the great changes coming to the world through the substitu- tion of one great motive for another ; until the last century the world was ruled from the militant point of view, while now it is controlled by the interests of industrialism. It should further be remembered that whatever conflicts of interest exist at the present time, they are more generally intellectual than physical, and hence the association of physical with in- tellectual conditions often confuses the mind and leads to the belief that it is only the physical side which needs attention, and that the remedial agencies which would cure physi- cal ills cannot be applied to the treatment of intellectual difficulties. 220. Minor Legislative Remedies. The remedies for our social evils most frequently proposed may be brought under three great classes. The first are those minor changes which may be made by legislation. Whenever a difficulty exists or an evil result is feared through existing conditions, the government is called upon to protect the public ; legislation is sought without reference to reason, from the notion that somewhere in the realms of law there must be a remedy for every social and industrial difficulty. Legislation 420 Solutions Proposed. [220 has been applied most freely as a remedial agency through the laws relating to the inspection of factories, the limitation of the hours of labour, the securing of sanitary conditions, the adoption of the principles of industrial arbitration, the "extension of the liability of employers for accidents to their employees. The attempt has also been made to regulate the morals of the people in various directions, through the mul- titude of temperance laws, laws to regulate social evils, and a whole code of legislation. Law has worked in all these directions, and yet, taking all legislation as a whole, or any feature of it as a concrete illustration, the social and economic difficulties have not been removed, and there has been no full solution of the problems sought to be solved by law. 221. Remedies by Voluntary Agreement. Under voluntary remedies may be considered the whole question of the regulation of wages, a change which cannot be effected by law. The attempts in England and in this country, in the early days of its history, to establish minimum or maximum wages in competitive business always resulted in failure ; wages were ultimately not affected, and there was an increase of immoral action, for both the employer and the employee sought to avoid the law. This will always be the result when law attempts to say what a day's labour shall be, as against general custom, or what price shall be paid for labour. Co-operation and profit-sharing ( 147, 148) have been re- sorted to as means by which the relations of employer and em- ployee should be made more harmonious and the results of their labours more lucrative. The institution of these measures has been beneficial wherever applied, even when they have failed, and society has been the gainer. The removal of difficulties by the adoption of the principles of co-operation and profit- sharing has been only incidental and partial ; nevertheless, the results have been most promising. Perhaps the chief voluntary remedy suggested for social and 222] Agreements Socialism. 421 economic difficulties lies in the establishment ot confidential relations ; that is, the mutual treatment of employers and employees on an entirely manly basis, under conditions like those related in the section on conciliation ( 155). The adoption of such a remedy as that described is more far- reaching than any other that can be named, for it is the suspicious attitude of the parties to production that leads to more difficulties than any other one cause. Could they be induced to treat each other as business associates, each entitled to the confidence of the other, the great struggle for a higher standard of living would be softened and many of the ugly quarrels avoided. There are very many minor suggestions which could be called voluntary remedies, but they all turn upon this one point of manly treatment 222. Remedy of the Socialist. Those persons who see no good in any of the minor reme- dies that have been proposed by different reformers or the voluntary remedies that have been suggested by moralists, seek at once a complete change of all social and industrial relations through the most ambitious remedy that can be pro- posed, socialism. Socialism deserves an entire volume for its discussion, and no attempt will be made in this book to analyse or define it. Under it there is contemplated a com- plete revolution by some means, peaceful or otherwise, of the present industrial system, and the establishment of a new order, which shall rest entirely upon public control. The proposal of such an ambitious remedy should cause all students to pause before coming to a conclusion, all moralists to seek for the deep, underlying meaning of the proposition, and all politicians and statesmen to consider particularly the history of the world and the evolution of industrial forces everywhere before deciding upon its adoption. It is sufficient for the present consideration to remark that, as defined by a member of the Fabian Society of London, " socialism is ;it present a criticism ; " that there are many features in it which 422 Solutions Proposed. [222 commend themselves to all right-minded persons ; that it contains in itself the co-ordination of individualism and col- lectivism or social service, which means the co-ordination of the vital principles of competition and social service. Those who do not propose a full and complete change under any form of advanced socialism suggest a modified form in the nature of nationalism, which contemplates the nationalisation, or taking over to the government, of the instru- ments of production, not at once, not by any revolution- ary means, either political or otherwise, but through gradual processes, on the basis that as the public becomes convinced of the benefit of government ownership or control in one direction, it will take on other affairs gradually, until all the instruments of production and business are in the hands of the government. The advocates of this form of change, or remedy, or solution, whatever it may be called, used with great effectiveness the principles underlying the postal system, the public-school system, and now the municipalisation of quasi-public works, like the control and even ownership of water, electric light, and gas plants ( 79). There is still another suggestion which embodies a very ambitious remedy, and that is a complete change in our sys- tem of taxation, resulting in the adoption of what is known as the single tax. There is nothing revolutionary in this ; it looks simply to such a system of taxation that the burdens shall fall upon the members of society most able to contribute to common support. Could the advocates of the single tax, for instance, satisfy the public mind that society would receive a large proportion of the benefits which they insist would come from the adoption of their system, the reform would be carried without hesitation. The difficulty lies in demonstrating what the results would be by changing the present methods of taxa- tion ; and when it is known that there is not now before the public a single suggestion relative to reform methods of tax- ation or systems of collecting revenue that has not been tried and failed somewhere and at some time, the difficulty of con- verting the public is increased. 223] The Social Problem. 423 223. What is the Social Problem ? With this partial enumeration of proposed remedies there come the greater and more pressing inquiries, What is there to remedy ? What is the social problem ? What is the labour question ? If we read the history of the world and note the evolution of social and economic forces, we must come to the conclusion that society is the result of a very gradual evolution from the crudest possible forms of existence, and that labour, which represents the means by which society supports and develops itself, is something more than mere work. Ruskin's definition of labour in " Unto This Last " appeals to one's reason in this inquiry. " Labour," he says, " is the contest of the life of man with an opposite, the term * life ' including his intellect, soul, and physical power, contending with question, difficulty, trial, or material force. Labour is of a higher or lower order as it includes more or fewer of the elements of life ; and labour of good quality, in any kind, includes always as much intellect and feeling as will fully and harmoniously regulate the physical force." This definition is comprehen- sive, and throws much light upon the cause of so-called diffi- culties. It teaches us that the real labour question is the struggle of humanity for a higher standard. This struggle is not new; it is the old conflict which has existed since the opening of the history of man. Every step in civilisation has been achieved by it, and it is the method of history. It is a conflict which cannot be avoided, and should it be avoided, the result would be not only the death of industry, but the disintegration of society. The conflict is the labour questidn in the broadest sense, not the minor problems of rates of wages and the hours of labour. Lifting the labour question upon this high plane, the remedies proposed seem trivial, for the human mind cannot be compelled to remain inactive, and so long as it is active there must be conflict. We must agree with John Stuart Mill in his declaration that " there is not any one abuse or injustice prevailing in society by merely abolish- 424 Solutions Proposed. [223 ing which the human race would pass out of suffering into happiness ; " yet we can feel with most of those who have any remedy to propose, that they may contribute to a softening of the struggle, which, after all, is the real, great question. One of the most striking illustrations along this line is the fact that the institution of slavery was one of the grandest progressive steps in the development of society. Under bar- barous conditions, and before man recognised his own eco- nomic value, captives were put to death by their captors ; but when the captors learned that the services of the captives could be utilised, slavery began, life was spared, and the economic value of men recognised. So slavery constituted one great step in the struggle for civilisation. When the progress of mankind made a system of free labour which was far superior to that of slave labour, both in efficiency and hu- manity, then slavery became a stumbling-block and had to give way to a vastly higher system. As a result of this struggle, not by avoiding it, society is creating a new man ; it is compelling the economic individual of the older political economists to give way to the social and ethical conception, to the co-ordinated man, who compre- hends social service as well as selfish service. And out of this struggle, again, grows the new' political economy, which, as Henry D. Lloyd puts it, is teaching the world that " there is a new self-interest of the individual who puts his family befote himself, his country before his family, mankind before his country, because there "is filtering into his conscience the vast fact that his share of what is done for him by mankind is of far more value to him than what he does for himself. There is a new state, the organised body of Christ, which feeds the hungry, heals the sick, and visits those in prison, and gathers up the children. There is a new religion, a religion of progress, and of man as a partner in the creation of that progress." The study of proposed solutions of alleged evils or problems convinces one that there is coming a revival of a religion which 223] The Social Problem. 425 shall hold in its power the church, industry, commerce, and the whole social fabric. Any solution, all solutions which may be proposed must embody within themselves some phase of such a religion, and unless they do embody it and secure its adop- tion so far as they can, they will have no force. Thus the application of the principles underlying all the solutions of the problem, applied all along the line, may help to soften. the strug- gle that is the great labour question, but it cannot remove it. In this view of the question one might reasonably ask, Can there be any remedy for a continuing struggle ? With every new development shall we not still find confronting us the great wall of the imperfection of human nature? If practical sociology is a study of the society of men, it is also a study of man as he shows himself in society. The science, and this volume as a contribution to the science, have no function or reason for existence if they do not help us to adapt our social institutions to mankind as they are made, and equally to do our part to bring about that rise of human character which must be the foundation of social reform. INDEX. [Titles of sections are given in the Table of Contents and are not repeated in the Index.] , CHARLES FRANCIS, 140. Age for marriage contract, 156. Agriculture, Department of, and tech- nical schools, 202. Aldrich, Nelson W., 228. " Alice's Adventures in Wonderland," 341. Appleton, Edward, 261. Appliances of the Modern Labour Sys- tem, ch. xiv., 250-270. Apprentices and organised labour, 204. Apprenticeship system, 204 ; decline of, 225. Arbitration, compulsory, in New Zea- land, 298; act of Federal Govern- ment, 297. Art museums, of Berlin, 339. Art, The Relation of, to Social Weil- Being, ch. xix., 331-342. Association, power of, 66. Atwater, W. O., 201. Australian ballot, 405. BALDWIN,;. M., 5. Baltimore & Ohio Railroad strike, 293- Baths, municipal, in American cities, 149. Belfield, Henry II., relation of manual and academic instruction, 199. Belgium, professional schools of, 194. Berlin, municipal baths of, 148. Billings, John S., 123. Birth rate, native and foreign, 112. Bishop, Joel Prentiss, 155. Blacklists, 301. Brockaway, Dr., of Elmira Reforma- tory, 388. Brooks, John Graham, 248. Brush, Dr., 381. Bryce, James, 94. Budapest, municipal baths in, 148. CAMBRIDGE Manual Training School, 197. Cambridge, Mass., local option in, 397. Canadian-French, 109. Charities, associated, 328. Chicago Manual Training School, 194, 197. Chicago strike of 1894, 293 ; injunctions at time of, 303. Children, age limit for employment of, 211. Children and women, hours of labour of, 209. Civil War, effect of, 363. Cleveland, Ohio, market system in, 150. Co-employment, doctrine of, 266. Consumers' League, 248, 251. Cooking schools, 201. Co-ordinated man, 424. Corporations, relation to employees, 271. Cotton, consumption of, per capita, 253. Counties in the South, 93, 95. Crcfcld, textile laboratories of, 194. Crime, The Punishment of, ch. xxii., 3/ I -3 8 9- Crime, absence of, among kindergarten pupils, 181; among natives and for- eign-born, 352; classification of in Massachusetts, 354, 355. Criminal codes, variation in, 358, 371. 428 Index. Criminals, mostly young men, 367 ; types of, 360, 361. Criminology, ch. xxi., 350-370. J)EBS, EUGENE, 303. Dewey, Davis R., 243, 246. Dike, Samuel W., 162. District of Columbia, 97. Divorce, among religious bodies, 162; courts in Canada and Europe, 162, 163; trivial causes of, 161. Divorce proceedings, representation by State, 174. Dublin, rental of workmen's dwellings in, 144. Du Cane, Sir Edmund, 384. TTARNINGSin various countries, 309. Edinburgh, rental of workmen's dwellings in, 144. Education, ch. xi., 177-207. Education, for whole people and for classes, 178. Electric power on street railroads, 136. Elmira Reformatory, 387, 388. Employees, rights under common law, 286. Employment of Women and Children, ch. xii., 208-222. Engel, Ernst, 237. England, Employers' Liability Act, 267. Estates in New York and Boston, 346. Y, elevates labour, 225 ; in- spectors, association of, 264; op- eratives, character of, in Manchester, Eng., 219. Family, security of, 170; the keystone of society, 72. Father and mother, relations with chil- dren, 71. Felonies, 371. Fifty, Committee of. study by, of liquor problem, 402, 403. Foreign-Born, ch. iy., 46-64. France, professional schools of, 194. Functions, social, division of, under different governments, 91. (~JAKRAGE, removal or destruction of, 131. Germany, street railways of, 141. Giddings, F. H., 5. Glasgow, baths in, 148; street railways of, 141 ; tenements in, 144. Gould system, strike on, 1885-86, 293. Greater London, 120. Grundman, Moritz, 249. J-JAMILTON, ALEXANDER, re- port on manufactures, 10. Harris, William T., 231. Hand and machine labour, 224. Home science, 201, 202. Homestead, strike at, 1892, 293. Huddersfield, rental of workmen's dwellings in, 144. JDLENESS and crime, 366. Immigrants, cost of passage of, 1 1 1 ; death rate among, 113; who are paupers or criminals, no. Immigration, 46, 49; ch. vii., 105- 114. Indeterminate sentences, 373, 374. Industrialism TS. militancy, 419. Industrial training, effects of, 197. Injunction, " blanket," 304. Insanitary conditions and crime, 367. Institutions, science of, i. Interstate Commerce Act, 408. Interstate Commerce Commission, 304. Iron, consumption of, 253. JEFFERSON, THOMAS, 94. J Juvenile reformation, 330. KINDERGARTENS, absence crime on account of, 181. of T ABOUR, definition by Ruskin, 423. Labour, Old and New Systems of, ch. xiii., 223-249. Labour unions, incorporation of, 275, 276. Lamartine, 175. Lathrop, Mr., Supt. of New York prisons, 385. Leclaire, father of profit-sharing sys- tem, 281. Leeds, street railways of. 141. Legislative bodies in U. S., 98. Index. 429 La Play, F., 210. Letourneau, Ch., 169. Liberty statue, 332. Lincoln, Abraham, 347; on lynching, 377- Liverpool, baths in, 148; rental of workmen's dwellings in, 144. Lloyd, Henry D., 424. London, baths in, 148; county council, 133 ; municipal dwellings of, 144. Louvre, gallery of the, 339. Low, Sidney J., 119. Lynchings, statistics of, 375, 376. jyjACDONALD, ARTHUR, 358, 359- McCook. Dr. J. J., 246. Machinery, alleged monotony in use of, 256; moral and economic effects of, 250; no debasement by its use, 259; results in increasing number employed, 253-255. Manchester, Eng., baths in, 148; not a factory town, 219, 220; rental of workmen's dwellings in, 144. Marriage, definitions of, 155; license, 157- Marriage and Divorce, ch. x., 151-176. Marriages, registration of, 157. Misdemeanours, 371. Montaigne, 173. Montclair, N. J., manual-training schools of, 198. Motive power on street railroads, 136. Mulhall, Michael, 309, 312, 392. RATION, the, and the State, 88. National gallery of London, 339. Nationalism, 422. Native and Foreign Born, ch. iv., 46- 64. New York, trade schools in, 200. New Zealand, compulsory arbitration in, 298. Norwegian or Gothenburg system of regulating liquor traffic, 398, 399. QCCUPATIONS, classification of, in U. S., 211. Omaha, manual-training schools of, 198. Organisations, relation to law, 86. pAUPERS, in England and Wales, 325 ; wards of society, 324. Peabody, George, 144. Pell, Edward L., 375, 377. Philadelphia, trade and art schools in, 200. Pittsburg. strike at, 1877, 293. Platen, German artist-poet, 331. Political economy, the new, 424. Political Units, ch. vi., 88-104. Population, the, of the United States, ch. ii., 21-32. Population, classification by nativity, race, colour, etc., 46-64; classification by sex, age, families, etc., 33-45 ; its distribution, 21-32; of cities, 96; of United States and of the world, 22. Postal savings banks, 315. Postmaster-General, on postal savings banks, 315. Poverty, ch. xviii., 322-330. Prices, 235. Production, new law of, 260. Profit-sharing, general benefits of, 283. Public schools, advantages of, 188; ob- jections raised against, 187, 189; pos sible improvement in methods, 191. Pullman, town of, 337. Punishments, classification of, 372. QUESTIONS relating to Strikes and Lockouts, ch. xvi., 287-306. RAPID TRANSIT, moral influence of, 137- Registration of marriages, defects in, 158. Regulation of Organisations, ch. xxiv., 404-416 Relations of Employer and Employee, ch. xv., 271-286. Revenue of liquor traffic, classification of, 394- Keybaud, Louis, 343. Rich, Are they growing Richer and the Poor Poorer ? ch. xx., 343-349. Rochdale system, 278, 279. Ruskin, John, 423. gAGE, WARDEN, of Sing Sing, 387. Salaries of teachers, 2.11. 43 Index. Scab," 300. Schaffle, A., 366. Schooling, average amount of, 184. Schools, public, Americanising effect on foreigners, 185; enrolment in various countries, 184; industrial, various grades of, 193; parochial, 180; professional, 194; various forms of, 178, 179. Sewell, Samuel, 71. Shaw, Robert, monument, 332. Simmel, George, 4. Single tax theory, 422. Sistine Madonna, 339. Skilled labour, increased by factory, 225; increased proportion of, 253. Slater, John F., fund, 196. Slavery a gain for civilisation, 424. Slum population not increasing, 117- 122. Smith, Adam, 256. Socialism, 421. Social sciences, the, 2. Social Units, ch. v., 65-87. Society, theories of organisation, 3. Sociological effects of public schools, 184. Sociology, The Basis of Practical, ch. i., 1-20. Sociology, first use of the term, 3; practical, 6; the old and new con- ceptions of, 4 ; what it comprehends, 2. Solutions of problems, matter of ap- proach, 418. Solutions that are proposed for Social and Economic Difficulties, ch. xxv., 417-425. Solutions through legislation, 419. South Carolina, liquor system in, 399. South Manchester, Ct., home surround- ings, 146. Spauldin", Randall, 182. Special Problems of City Life, ch. ix., 125-150. Spencer, Herbert, 173. St. Louis, manual-training schools, 194, 197. Standard, higher, of living, the real labour question, 424. State, the, and the nation, 88. State, the, can change its organic laws, 89. States, various kinds, 89. Statistics, in study of sociology, 8; official contributions, n, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16; private collections, 16, 19; right of governments to collect, 8; State collections, 18. Status of the Population of the United States, ch. iii., 33-43. Steel, consumption of, 253. Street railways, of Germany, 141 ; of Glasgow, 141; of Leeds, 141. Strikes, at Chicago, 293 ; at Home- stead, 293 ; at Pittsburg, 293 ; of American Railway Union, 294; of bituminous coal miners, 293; on Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, 293; on Pennsylvania railroad, 293. Suspicion, a leading cause of labour dis- putes, 421. Switzerland, professional schools of, 194. , GABRIEL^. Temperance Question, The, ch. xxiii., 390-403. Textile factory, establishment in Amer- ica, 210. Thiry, J. H., 315. Toledo, Manual Training School, 194; manual-training school a gift, 198. Towns in New England, 93. Townships, 93. Trade Schools of New York, Philadel- phia, and Brooklyn, 195. Tramps in England, 242. Trust, anti, laws, 412; law of United States, 304. UNION label, 248, 414. Urban and Rural Population, ch. viii., 115-124. U. S. Government, expenditures foi science, 17. VAN BUREN, PRESIDENT, ten- hour order, 239. Vienna, municipal baths in, 148. Vigilance committees, 374, 375. Index. 43 1 \YAGE-EARNERS, function of, in society,233; in United States,227. Wages and prices, relatively, 237. Wages, in specific employments, 230; real, 227, 228; money value, 227; of convicts, 380. Walker, Francis A., in. 112, 367. Ward, Lester F., 4, 5. Waring. George E., Jr., 131. Washington, D. C., manual training in schools of, 198. Water, waste of public, 127. Waterlow, Sir Sidney, 144, 145. Wealth, The Accumulation of, ch. xvii., 307-321. Wealth of U. S., classification of, 310. Wealth,/^ capita, 310. Westermarck, Edward, 156. Willey, Freeman Otis, 346. Wines, F. H., 351. Women and children, hours of labour of, in England, 209; wards of the State, 211. Women, economic independence of, 171 ; respect for, in U. S., 249. Workingmen, attitude of, to manual training and trade and technical schools, 204. Date Due iO 7 1963 APR 2 3 1981 5RARY FACILITY niiinniiiii iwy* Hill 145 3 Library Bureau Cat. No. 1137