THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES T HP Q 1 5 ON THE SUBJECT OF AN UNION, BE'VTEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. VOLUME THE SECOND. CONTAIN ING I. Obfervations on the 'projected UNION b 7 J. H. Cottiog. ham, Efq. II. Jebb's Reply to " Arguments for and againft an UNION. III. The Rights of the Imperial Crown of Ireland affined and maintained by J. Barnes Efq. IV. Memoire of fome Queftions refpefting the projected Uni- on t by Th. M'Kenna, Eiq. V. UNION or not, by an Orangeman. VI. Striftures on a UNION, by an Officer. VII. UNIONorSEPERATION VIII. Verbum Sapiemi, a word to the Wile. IX. Addrefs to the Roman Ca- tholics. X. Bethell's Reply to Cooke and M'Kenna. XI. Prophecy from Pue's Occur- rences. XII. Probable Confequcnces of an UNION. XIII. Obfervations ments by a Student of Tri- nity College. XIV. To be, or not to be -a, Na- tion. XV. Unconneaed HUts and Loofe Ideas. XVI. Ireland Sabinized, or a Cafe in Point. XVII. Impartial View of the Caufes leading this Country to the meafure of an Union. XVIII. Keep up your Spirits, or Huzza for the Empire. XIX. Keply to the Arguments for and againft, &c. -by Mo'yneaux XX. Speech of Jofhua Spencer, Elq. at the County Meeting. DUBLIN: SOLD BY J. MILLIKEN, 32, GRAFTON- STREET. 1799, REPLY PAMPHLET, ENTITLED, ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST AN UNION, BY RICHARD JEBB, edition. PRINTED FOR WILLIAM JONES, No. 26, COLLEGE-GREEN, OPPOSITE THE COLLEGE. J799- DA ADVERTISEMENT. IHE author of the following pages has, perhaps, an apology to make to the public for obtruding upon them obferva- tions on fome fubjects, which He fo much without the fphere of his purfuits and flu- dies.: But the avidity with which every publication on the fubject is received, and the filence of gentlemen beft qualifi- ed to inform us on fome of the mo ft im- portant topics, will excufe him for offering thofe -remarks on commercial matters, which he is fufficiently convinced muft be extremely imperfect. However, the four- ces of his information are well kuown his facts he trufts will be found to be cor- rectly ftated and his conclufions appear to himfelf fair and natural. He has introduced, perhaps unadvifed- ly, one 'or two, collateral opinions, of the propriety of which indeed doubts may be 575189 ju% IV juftly entertained particularly refpecting the policy of our being bound to follow England in her fupport of a war, and of our contributing hereafter to the reduction of the debt of England. But they fo far conduce to the main arguments, by mew- ing, that, if expedient, the meafures could be adapted with equal or greater conveni- ence by our own Parliament, In his obfervations on the Regency, it is unnecefTary for him to fay he means no allufion to certain venerated characters, who took that part on the queftion of Regency which the author cenfures. Their views and motives have never been queftioned it is equally unnecefTary for him to fay, who they are, that he would thus diftinguifh from their corrupt ajTo- ciates. REPLY, &c. JL H E great queftion of an Union is at length formally announced; at leaft it has been de- clared by high authority that it is to be fub- mitted to Parliament, and a publication has appeared upon the fubjecl:, generally under- ftood to proceed from the pen of a perfon much in confidence. That the feelings of the Country would be affected, that its pride, and perhaps its ven- geance would be roufed by the bare mention of the furrender of its legiflature, the author of that publication feems to be apprized, and therefore wifely enough befpeaks a cool and calm difcuflion, to which he well knew the na- ture of his fubjecl little entitled him. The au- thor of the following pages heartily concurs in deprecating both fajjion and force. It is with calm and dignified refolution that he trufts the nation will meet this injurious in- fult, and he hopes that it is not by force the minitler will attempt to accomplish his projeft. But that fome fufpicion mould be en- tertained on the latter ground, is no way furprifing, from the extraordinary circumftan- ces, under which the propofition is made B The The nation panting and breathlefs after the horrors and agonies of a bloody rebellion, ani- mofities, religious and civil, ftill diffracting 11S a moft formidable army ftill and neceffa- rily kept up great difcretionary powers as ne- ceflarily ftill exercifed by the executive ma- giftrate under circumftances iiich as thefe, who will venture to exprefs in the honelt terms of virtuoirs indignation his opinion on the annihilation of our Parliament ? Who will venture to fpeak the language with which a few years back the degrading project would have been received ? The terror of the tri- angles and the gallows may perhaps operate as forcibly as the arguments of the Secretary. The author of the publication alluded to, affects to confider chiefly the advantages to re-, fult to Ireland from the Union, and as the friend of Ireland, he ufes his beft arguments, fuch as they are, in its favour. It would not be polite to queftion the veracity of a gentle- man aflerting his motives and objects, and therefore, without infmuating what might be the views of the Engli/h fervant of an Englijh cabinet, his work mall be treated as the pure andtdifinterefted production of a true born Irifh- man, exprefllng the convictions of an unbiafled underftanding. The great and happy confequences of a$ Union,, he expects, will be the calming and foothing the public mind the removal of all religious and political animofities the civiliza- tion of a barbarous and turbulent people the introduction of induftry and the arts, of a refpect for the laws, of manufactures, com- merce and wealth, and the confequent ag- grandifement of the Empire in ftrength, power and importance. If fuch indeed were to be the mighty confequences, if the magic of the Secratary's pen could extend the omni- potence potence of Parliament to the works of Na- ture, and annihilate the fea which feparates the kingdoms, if Englifh manners, Englifh morals, Englifh arts, and above all, Engtifli Liberty y the parent of whatever adorns and exalts England above the reft of the world, were to follow, who would not laugh at the filly declaimer that would talk of national pride and national independence ? Nay, if thefe confcquences were problematical, but the ex- iftence or fafety of the Bfitijk Empire, on whole fafety and exiftence, the happinefs of Ireland unqueflionably refts, were dependant on the adoption of this meafure, on that ground alone the facrifice mould be made of national pride ; and every good man mould endeavour to foften down the warm feelings which characterife, and I think do not dif- grace our country. But *it is from a tho- rough conviction that none of thofe happy conlequences are to be expected, on the con- trary that the greateft dangers are to be dread- ed, extending perhaps to the connection itfelf, that in my opinion this meafure mould be re- filled. The grand and primary confideration, para- mount to every other, however important in itfelf, to trade, manufactures and civilization, is the effect on the Empire -, on the fafe- ty and power of the Empire depend the fafety and power of its members, of mighty Britain, as well as inferior Ireland, and if, as the Secretary fcems to dread, any collifion between the countries is to be apprehended from the prefent ftate of their connection, fome argument would certainly arife for an al- teration. But let us fee how the queftion ftands no circumitance that has hitherto caufed any (I will not fay difagreement) but any difcuffion, now B 2 exifts cxifts between the two kingdoms our confti- tution has been long fmce finally fatisfactorily and it is hoped irrevocably fettled. The King of England is ipfo facto King of Ireland : the whole of the prerogative which he poffeffes in the former kingdom, and which is found fo fuf- ficient for its happy adminiftration the whole of the patronage which fuppliesthe place of ob- folete prerogative, he poffeffes as amply here, as in England here, in a comparatively poor country, as in England rich proud and inde- pendent. From what ftubborn fymptoms then the well informed author has deduced his fears of differences between the Irifli Parliament and the executive power, 1 am at a lofs to conjec- ture ; but I believe he himfelf could give the moft fatisfaclory anfwer to the apprehenfions he raifes. In one, and one only inftance is he juftified by experience the memorable inftance of the regency ; but what does this folitary inftance prove ? A difference from the exifting cabinet of England in compliance with the wimes of, what was fuppofed to be, the fucceeding one and whatever refpect may be due to the names and characters of the leaders of the prevailing party on that memorable occafion, it muft be admit- ted, that their conduct was a facrifice of princi- ple, and of the fpirit of our connection with Great Britain, to perfonal ambition and party interefts, but the very circumftances or that tranlaction {how how improbable it is, that pa- tronage in an Irifh Parliament will ever ope- rate againft prerogative. The meafure was carried, not by a regard to the interefts or the dignity of Ireland, but by a belief that the party gratified would have the difpofal of the patro- nage, and the exercife of the prerogative of the crown. When the queftion was fortunately fct to reft by the happy recovery of our Sove- reign, reign, the excufe of thofe who had turned their backs on the adminiftration that foftered them, their fhamelefs and profligate excufe was, that they had made a badguefs. This certainly is an inftance, but it is the only- one, wherein the Irifli Parliament ever differed from that of Great Britain on an imperial quef- tion, and it would perhaps fet at defiance the ingenuity of the fagacious author of the "Ar- guments," to fuggeft another inftance, wherein we mould expect a fimilar collifion. This how- ever was a cafus ami/fits in our conftitution ; upon every principle there is as much neceflity that the regent of Britain mould be regent of Ire- land, with the fame powers and under the fame reftriclions, as that there fliould be one king-, with the fame prerogatives. Why the pofiibility of the recurrence of the evil has been permitted to continue for fo many years, it is not for the author to explain. But certainly the minifter, with great facility in Parliament, and to the en- tire approbation of the country, might have fet the queftion at reft for ever. The plaufible argument however for the pofiible differences of opinion on imperial quefiions, might have been weakened : and this evil, .ib eafily and fo fatisfaftorily remediable, has been fuffered to continue. One inftance then and one only, an inftance never likely to occur again, and whofc recurrence might be prevented, it may be aflerted, with the unanimous aflent of Parliament and of the nation, has been given, of any danger to the empire, by the exiftcnce of feparate Parliaments. The official author is a fcnfible and experienced man, he cannot be fe- rious when he talks of the IVliament of Ire- land, " picaiing to act contrary to the policy ofthcKmpirc; exhorting the King to make war, when the views of England are pacific ; or declaring againft a war, when England is diven driven into one by neceflity." The cafe is without example, and the ftrongeft ties of in- tcreft, public and private, national and indivi- dual, muft forbid us to fuppofe there would be fuch a refiftance of the patronage of the crown, in order to oppofe its prerogative. Far different from this confideration are other queftions alluded to the Catholic quef- tion particularly, and the commercial propofi- tions fo far as they came under Parliamentary difcuflion here, they were national and not im- perial concerns ; and they afford the ftrongeft proof of the necefiity of a national and parti- cular Parliament, to regulate the domeftic re- lations and economy of the kingdom. Whether the Parliament were right or wrong in firft re- fifting, and afterwards conceding the Catholic claims, whether they mould ever have granted any thing, or whether they mould have granted all. Whether they were acluated by misjudging pride and radical ignorance of the fubjecl in re- jecting the commercial regulations, is not now to be confidered. But, fo far as thofe circurnftances came before them, fo far as they were prefented to Parliament, and debated upon, on all fides, both by minifters, and oppofition, they were treated merely as Irijh queftions -, no doubt was raifed upon them as endangering, afFecl- ing, injuring orfecuring the imperial connecti- on ; fo that before any ufe can be made of the conduct of Ireland with refpect to thefe, it muft be maintained, that Ireland is unfit to difcufs or determine a queftion, relating merely to her own immediate concerns ; and the fame argument would apply to Britain, or any other country, difcuffing, and exclusively deciding a queftion, in which itfelf was exclufively interefted the more particularly, that queftion relates to the individual country, on the contrary, the better fitted muft it be, to form a found and and rational opinion upon It, on its various and minute relations and confequences ; and the more unfit mult another country be fituated differently, to interfere or to legiflate for it. The Catholic queftion therefore was unfortu- nately chofen as an inftance : had this been left to the good fenfe of the nation, operating gra- dually and naturally, neither prematurely forced, nor rafhly checked, we fhould not have witnefled the grofs and unfortunate inconfiften- cies, which difgraced our Parliament and our country. Violent grand jury refolutions, fup- pofed to be countenanced by government ; Ca- tholic petitions, ignominioufly kicked out of the Houfe of Commons, next feflion paffed. Full participation of rights promifed, from the Jiigheft authority and, in the fame feffion, the iiipulated meafures refufed ; all thofe inconfif- tencies flowed from Britijh interference, in what was not imperial but national concern, and therefore all tend mod ftrongly to mew the fu- perior advantage of a domeitic Parliament for the regulation of domeitic concerns. But it may be faid, this is an imperial matter, it concerns the religion of the ftate, which mould be the fame in both kingdoms grant that it is, it on- ly follows that it mould be finally adjufted, and that, as in the cafe of the King, it mould be enacted by both legiflatures, that the religion of the parliaments fhould be the fame, and that neither mould alter it without the afient of the other, but till this be done, it remains an indi- vidual concern of each kingdom, of which each, according to its local circumftances, is the belt judge. But it is faid, the Irim Parliament is a thea- tre for Britifh faction ; from the application tfee rmnillerial author makes, I fufpect he means Britifh oppofiiion, and that his object is, to di- nsinifli, circumfcribe, or fmother oppofition to the 8 the exifting cabinet, of which he is fo faithful a fervant. That much advantage would re- dound to his employers, in this refpect, the example of Scotland leaves little room to doubt. The Scots Lords and Commoners give very little trouble on the fcore of oppofition to the minifter; but, whether the addition of 100 members, lords or gentlemen, to the miniflerial phalanx, would be an imperial advantage, is a point, the moft conftitutional and loyal Englifli- man will perhaps be inclined to doubt, as much as the moft factious Irifhman. To brand with the name of factious the mi- nority in Parliament, has ever been the trick of the minority, and epithets have varied with the circumftances of the times. In the reigns of Wil- liam and Anne "jacoblle and Pretender were bandied about by both Whig and Tory accord- ing as they were in power, and perhaps with equal juftice. For the fcandalous anecdotes of thofe reigns fhew, that minifters, no more than oppofition, were exempt from the contagion of foreign influence, and foreign bribes.* Whether when the lapfe of time mall have made it fafe to unfold to mankind the fecrets of the prefentday, iimilar motives fhall be found to have operated, It may not be prudent or delicate to conjecture, but as to the branding with the epithets of Ja- cobine and Republican every man who differs from the minifter, the trick is flale, and has nearly loft its effect. Suppofing, however, for a^moment the fact to be, that the Englifh op- pofition are a defperate republican faction, bribed by French gold, or, what would be equally criminal, bent on the accomplifhmcnt of their ambitious views, at the hazard of fe- parating the two kingdoms, how are we to conclude * Vide Dalrymple's Memoires, and Macphcrfon's Hiftory and State Papers. conclude from experience, the only fafe guide in matter of fuch import, that our feparate ex- iftence would facilitate their machinations ? Not furely from the experience of the prefent day ; never was any Parliament fo zealous, fo vigilant, fo anxious, fo fcrutinizing as the Iiifh Parliament, on the occaiion of the late rebelli- on : not a breath of murmur or oppofition was uttered againft the ftrongeft meafures, that ad- miniftration wifhed to adopt ; every additional weapon that the executive magiftrate demand, ed, every guinea that he could require, voted, not merely with chearfulnefs, but with antici- pating alacrity, and without a fingle diflenting voice. Mere was the pre-eminent advantage of a feparate Parliament, hadfuch been the conduct of a Britifh Parliament, though with the concur- rence of every Irifh member in it ; faction oa this fide of the water might ftill have faid you are mifinformcd, you are mifguided, the IriGi members are the creatures of a minifter, thoy abufe your credulity, it is not a rebellion, it is only the ebullition of the wretched ignorant peafantry, goaded on to acts of violence by mili- tary tyranny. Such was the language of pe; ions, even of the beft intentions, (for fuch in fpire of faction, are the Duke of Devonfhire, Lord Fitzwilliam, &c.) of perfons, whole connecti- ons here procured them as good information, as any men can have in another kingdom^ and therefore as good as our members could have fitting in the Britifti Parliament. It was only a Parliament fitting upon the fpot, feeing with its own eyes, and hearing with its own ears, that was adequate to flop the ut- terance of fuch dangerous and unfounded ientiments : no man could be hardy enough, when rebellion furrounded the very walls of our city, lurked in our dwellings, and met us in the face of our moft truiied fer- vants, no man could be found hardy enough to IO to deny the real fact, to palliate the crimes, or to refufe the neceflary aid to the executive power. But at the very fame moment, when the fails had reached the ears of the Parliament of England, was there a great body of the prime Nobility of England, as deeply inte- refted in the integrity of the Empire, and in the individual fafety of Ireland, as any Irifti Members could be ; fo ignorant of circum- ftances, notwithftanding all their means of information, as to divide a coniiderable number in favour of a moft unwife and dangerous interference ; fuppofe then, that at that awful moment, an imperial Parliament had been fitting upon our concerns, the fame mifreprefentations and mifconceptions, which led aftray fo many perfons deeply concerned in the welfare of Ireland, might have alfo milled the majority of the Irifli Members. Fa6ls, imperfectly known, with- out any of their minute and nice circum- tftances, and ftated by apparently the beft authorities, might have a powerful effect in the Parliament. The executive magiftrate, whether military or civil, acting here accord- ing to the beft of his judgment, would be thwarted or intimidated by the dread of cen- iure or punifiiment, from a power inadequate to judge foundly of the merits of his conduct ; and thus he would be paralyfed inftead of encouraged in thofe bold and decided meafures, which on the late occafion could alone have faved us. To the inveftigation of an Irilh Parliament are we indebted for the develope- ment of the deep laid confpiracy, in vain could we have expected, in another kingdom, fuch complete and undeniable proofs of the whole origin, progrefs and circumftances of the 1 1 the rebellion j and therefore there was as much found wifdom as true patriotifm in the expref- fions of a great judicial character, when he hoped, " that the oppcfition of England would be new convinced, that the Parliament of Ireland ^ers alone competent to the affairs of Ireland."* When the mutiny of the feamen menaced the exiftence of the Empire, Mr. Sheridan ftepped forward, with his advice, and received the ap- plaufe of the miniftry themfelves, for his able and patriotic affiftance. What was his remedy ? That if the mutiny continued, the Parliament of Great Britain mould travel from Weflminjler to Pcrtfmouth, and never ceafe its deliberations even in the very face of the mutineers and ex- pofed to their fury, till it had quelled the re- bellion, or perimed in the attempt. The fub- fiding of the ftorm happily made it unneceffary to refort to this laft extremity. May nofimilar emergency ever arife again ! may the ram pro- ject of miniftry, if it fhall be obftinately perfe- vered in, raife no flames of difcord in this king- dom ! but fhould, unhappily, the difgufts and diffenfions of an angry people invite the enemy to our mores mould the ardour and enthufiafm of our gentry feel any abatement from the fenfe of national degradation the minifter, as well as . Ireland, may lament, when it is too late, the de- finition of our native Parliament. The minifterial Author ftates the circum- ftances of our prefent connection the inconve- niencies arifing from the jealoufies and bicker- ings it occafions and their probable removal by an Union : But indeed to a fuperficial reader, every argument that he employs on this head feems to apply moft ftrongly againft him- felf. The refidence of the 'Sovereign in Eng- land the predominating weight of the Britim Cabinet * The Chancellor. 12 Cabinet the number of abfentees. No Irifh- rnan was ever yet fo abfurd as to complain of the King's refidence in London, or fo weak as to expect that any circumftance could ever pro- duce any alteration in this refpect but what- ever vifionaries might dream, under the prefent flate of things, of the King coming to Ireland, is it pofllble that a Union could realize his fan- cies ? As little does any reafonable man com- plain of the fuperintending and directing pow- ers of a Britifh Cabinet. The neceffity of this has never been combated, but by thofe, who would wifli to diffolve the connection, and who would, in cafe of a Union, argue more forcibly, and it is feared more effectually. It is the degree of the interference, it is the quantum of weight, that mould be given to powerful leaders at home, which has ever been the fubject of difpute. Not whether my Lord Lieutenant mould take the grand out- line of his meafures from the Britifh minifter, or an Irifh junto, but whether, in the detail of meafures, in thofe matters, which mufl ne- ceffarily be devolved upon the difcretion of the Viceroy, Lord A. or Lord B. or Mr. C. mould he consulted and followed. Such are the jea- ioufies, fuch are the petty contefts for confidence, for distinction, for emolument, which produce the jealoufies, the fquabbles, that no doubt teize and perplex a Lord Lieutenant, but with which the nation has nothing to do, and in which it takes no part. Sometimes indeed thefe difputes are carried acrofs the water, and break in upon the more important labours of the minifter they removed one Lord Lieutenant, and perhaps, they endeavoured to remove a fe- cond. But the exifting circumflances mew how Jittle trouble they will give, by a moderate firm- nefs in an honourable and virtuous courfe. Let a Lord Lieutenant of good Jenje, and, what is better, of good intentions, previoufly apprized of the caufe of public difcontents, life his own eyes and his own ears let him fteadily purfue his courfe, unaffected by the turbulent clamours, or the undermining calumny, of difappointed factions; let him find a determined fupporc in the Cabinet cf England; let'him beftow pre- ferment on the pious, the learned, and the in- duftrious regardlefs of the jobbing and the venal, and he will find his labours foon become eafy, and the gratitude and blefiings of a tran- quilized and fatisfied country follow his name and the Cabinet under which he acts. Such is the fituation of Ireland. But fuppofe the fitua- tion changed Irifhmen placed in the Englifh Cabinet, and no impartial and difmterefled me- dium between that Cabinet and the Irifh Nation ; all meafures muft then be tranfacted by a Great Contractor ; that is all meafures that would be entrufted to IriHimen, the filling up of bifhop- ricks, of judges places, of feats at the revenue board. But " the Britifli Cabinet would receive a mixture of Irijhmen !" " The counjels of the Britifli Parliament would be much influenced by the WEIGHT AND ABILITY of the IRISH MEMBERS."! Is the under Secretary, an Englijhman, is he ferious, when he fpeaks of the Britifh Parlia- ment being much influenced by the weight and ability of the Irijh members ? or does he fondly fuppofe, that we have never heard of the irre- fiflible weight and influence of the Britifh mini- iler in the Britifh Parliament, or that we are ftrangers to the name and the character of Mr. Pitt ? Mr. Pitt fuffer the Britifh Parliament to be much influenced by the weight and ability of the Irifh members ! Mr. Pitt, who could whirl out of the cabinet the gigantic Thurlow, Mr. Mr. Pitt, who, at the very outfct of his ad- miniftration, could brave and conquer the Houfe of Commons of Britain ! Mr. Pitt, who carried A UNION ! Mr. Pitt, in the plenitude of his power and his glory, much influenced by the weight and ability of the Irifh Members ! No my worthy credulous countrymen, future Lords and Commoners of the United Parliament, however you may eftimate your confequence and your talents, it is impoffible your felf-love, exorbitant as it may be, can fo grofly deceive you. Your vanity or your avarice may indeed be gratified, fome one of you may obtain the patronage of Ireland, or diftincl boards may be erected, at which Irifhmen mall prefide for the Church, the Law, and the Revenue. But influence the counfels of the Britifli Par- liament ! you cannot be fo ignorant or fo vain as to expect it. Let the Button-Makers of Birmingham, or the Fuftian-Weavers of Manchefter raife an outcry of Irilh rivalry, and let our Mr. Fofter, with all his weight and all Ins ability, demonftrate the ruin of our manufacture from a compliance with their demands, and, I believe the influence cf all the Irijh members muft yield to the mechanics of a fingle town. But " there would be no claming of diftinct in- " terefts, the cultivation, the improvement of " Ireland, like that of Scotland, would be pecu- " liarly attended to, as the increafe of our * c wealth, confequence, ability, and power muft " tend to increafe the fecurity of the Empire, " not to endanger it ; and in pro-portion that fc 0s we felt the benefit of the Union, our at- " tachment to it would be Jlrengthened. " This may be in fome meafure true, as foon as there was " no fear of Ireland being too 'pow- erful to be governed" But fo long as this fear operates, fo long as " // is manifeft that a i with France has been renewed," fo fo long " as it is obvious the French will " not ceafe to Intrigue in this kingdom :" fo long it muft be the plaineft policy of Eng- land, to keep down Ireland, " left 'fhs Jhould " be TOO POWERFUL TO GOVERN." For myfelf I aver, that however warm my feelings of national pride, feelings which in we are as much Englijb as Ir/Jh, I mould ra- ther fubmit to the uncontrouled domination of England, and to the deftruction of our Parlia- ment, without any equivalent real or pretend- ed, than accept aid of France ; fo rooted is my deteftation of her horrid principles, and fo firm is my conviction, that the day which fhould make us her ally, would confirm us her flave : and that I would myfelf co-operate in keeping down the profperity of my Coun- try, if her becoming u too powerful" were to end in fuch a cataftrophe. But it is the fmcere conviction of my mind, that the propofed Union, the inflicting fo deep a wound in our national prid?, the death of our parliament, the reducing a powerful, grow- ingkingdom, to a fmall and petty member of the Empire, will multiply and invigorate the friends of the French connection, and difhearten, dif- guft, alienate, and dkninifh the friends to the Britifti intereft. Who are they whofe pride and confequence will be moft humbled ? the loyal and fpirited yeomen and gentry, who have fought and bled in fupport of our conftitution. as it now ftands. Who will leave the country, or fwell the lift of abfentees ? (a confequence which the advocate for Union admits,) the wretched, corrupted rabble, with the profli- gate confpirators ? or the loyal and powerful nobility and gentry ? Five and twenty of the principal nobility, eighty or ninety of the firft gentlemen, neceflarily withdrawn to attend Parliament j add to thefe, all who will be at- tracted i6 trncted by intereft, or feduced by pleafure, or fickenedat the deferted ftreets of Dublin ; every one, in fhort, who could command, reclaim, or foothe a "wretched peafantry, will be loft to Ireland, and the kingdom muft become one vaft barrack, for military force will be the only one left to keep down our currupted and licentious people. In this fituation, will Bri- tifh Capital, Britifh merchants, Britifh manu- factures defer t, their fecure, warm, comfortable, eftablimments, to fettle among a humiliated, degraded and difcontented people ? But the Catholics will be gratified, and their fatisfaclion will reftore peace and order! Perhaps the Secretary may have fome fecret tc opening," but it was certainly prudent not to give amore open hint, left he fhould alarm the zealous Pro- teftants, who have at prefent fo much of the power in their hands. It is indeed unfortunate for him, that he could not have addreiled a fepa- rate Pamphlet to each party, without the dan- ger of its being betrayed to the other. He might then have explained to the Catholics, what this fecret opening is, which " may admit them to ad- ditional -privileges ," without alarming the appre- henlions of the zealous Proteftant ; and he might have left the latter fecure under the con- viction, " that the tejl laws cannot be partially re- pealed, and that " the Catholics could not force their claims ivith hqftility againjl the 'whole power of Great Britain and Ireland" As it is, the Ca- tholics can have as little hope from this unex- plained opening, as I believe they derive confo- lation from the Secretary's arithmetical comfort. 6 You are now as three to one, and therefore c you have reafon to expect equal rights ; you ' will then be, but as three to fourteen, and it ' would be very unfair in you, and againft every ' principle in Cocker's Arithmetic, to afk to be ' on an equal footing." The Proteftants indeed have have fome fecurity in Mr. Pitt's immoveable refolution againft repealing the teft laws, which could be attended with no danger ; while per- haps the interference of the Englifh Cabinet a few years back on the Catholic fubjedt, may raife fome troublefome fufpicion.s. The fact is, Mr. Pitt will be governed by what he conceives his intereft; and according as that great leading object, that " Ireland may not grew too -powerful to be governed" fhall be af- fected, fo will the claims or the prejudices of Catholics and Proteftants be yeilded to or in- dulged. But which ever follows, v/hether the Catholics are gratified or not the effect will be the fame bitter and lafling animofity. Are they re- fufed becaufe " the teft atts cannot be partially repealed" or on the principle of arithmetical juftice ? To the intolerance of I rim Proteftants will they attribute it. Are all difabilities re- moved ? to the policy of the Britifli minifter, and the generofity of a Britim Parliament, will they confider themfelves indebted, while the Irifh Proteftants will feel themfelves made the fport of minifterial convenience, and will complain of the breach of that grand condition, on which they furrendered their independence. In either cafe the Machivaelian policy will be purfued, of pre- venting Ireland " becoming too powerful to be go- verned" but " religious dif contents, jealoiifies and dijlurbances, conspiracies, injurreftions and perhaps REBELLIONS," \vill ftill difgrace us. But let our conftitution remain as it is. Let a Proteftant Irifh Parliament make one great effort of patriotifm let it bury in oblivion the errors and vices of our poor mifguided country- men, wifely and humanely considering that many of thofe errors and vices are the weeds, that muft fpring from an impoverilhed foil or if this be too great a facrifice to expect on the c fudckn i8 iudden from human prejudicesj let the Catho- lics patiently 'await the operations of time, and the workings of generofity in Irijh bofoms let them publicly declare, that to an Irijh Parliament only will they be indebted for their full" and com- plete advancement to the privileges and honours of the conftitution ; and then indeed, in either event, whether of peaceable and patient acqui- efcence, or of liberal and voluntary concefllon, we fhall become " too powerful" not " to be governed" but to befeduced, to be corrupted, to be en/laved. Then indeed, will all ranks and all fects give the fame hearty and zealous fupport to the Britim Empire, which it has ever received from the Irim Parliament; and then will our encreafed wealth, the fure confequence of ge- nuine Kw/cra^tranquillity, enable Irijh generofity to contribute largely and freely to the relief of the Empire from its heavy burthens. The wretched politicians, who have inculca- ted in the minifter and parliament of Great Bri- tain, that profperity may make " Ireland too -powerful to be governed," are totally unfupport- ed in their flavifh and timid doctrine by: all ex- perience, and by every principle of common ienfe. Can a fmgle inftance be adduced, where in the Parliament of this country, or any great body of men of any power, or any fingle indivr- dual of power, betrayed the flighteft fymptom of difTatisfaction at that imperial connection^ with England, from whence fprings the govern- ing power except the regency, an inftance r it is hoped, fufficiently explained, no fuch thing, ever occurred, and it would be mod eafy and* moft fatisfaetory to this kingdom, to adopt fuch regulations, as would fet at reft every imperial queftion, that can fuggeft itfelf as likely to oc- cur, to the moft jealous or the moft fpeculative politician. Peace and war, an imperial concern,, the choice of which theory gives to the crown, but but practice to the Parliament, by their power of granting or withholding the fupplies ; let all theoritical poffibility of Irifli interference on this important general queftion, affecting the whole Empire, be for ever removed ; let it be enacted, that when the king mall have declared war, and the Britifh Parliament mail have given its fanction, the Irilh Parliament mall be bound to follow. Let all quejlions of trade be finally and irrevocably fettled, upon fair and reciprocal terms, fuch indeed as moft of them already ftand upon. Let the religion of the flate, if that mail ailb be deemed expedient, be placed upon a fure foundation, not to be altered or affected, but by the concurrence of the two Parliaments and to go a ftep farther, and to accomplifh what, per- haps, is the minister's grand object in the Union, let Ireland, in proportion as her rapidly encreaf- ing profperity mall afford the means, contribute to the leffening that enormous load of debt, which England has contracted chiefly in her mi- raculous ftruggks for the fupport of that proud pre-eminence, which fecures to every part of the Empire its confiitution, its laws, and liberties. Indeed it has long fince occurred to the author, that from the moment Ireland experienced fair and liberal treatment from Great Britain, was reftored to a free conftitution, and was admitted to a full participation of her commerce, me ihould contribute her full proportion to the ge- neral expences of the Empire -, hitherto me has been unable to do more than maintain her own eirablifhmcnt, which has alone produced a large debt; nor could an infancy of fifteen or fixteen years be expected to do more. But Ireland is advancing with rapid ftrides to a vigorous man- hood ; a few years of peace would, in all pro- bability, enable her to make great contributions; and it would, in fact, be as found policy in her, as fair and generous dealing, toaffift in lefienmg c 2 the 20 the debt of England Suppofe that a moderate' general land tax, accompanied with a modifica- tion of tythes, and of the excife and cuftoms, were eftablimed over the whole Empire, and the furplus, after the payment of the cuftoms, charges, were applied to the difcharge of the public debt of England and Ireland, which might be confolidated for the purpofe. Mr. Adam Smith, in recommending this meafure, including it in the Weft India iflands, and alfo including America, which mult now be omitted, calculates that a revenue of fix millions two hundred and fifty thoufand pounds might be raifed, and fince the date of his book, 1775, a prodigious increafe of wealth and ability has taken place in the two- kingdoms; however, making allowance for die deduction of America, and for the heavy taxes of other kinds, laid on fmce, fuch a revenue might be raifed, as would, in a few years greatly diminifh the public debt, and foon admit of a reduction of fome of the moft opprefTive taxes, thofe that chiefly affect the poor, and the mate- rials of manufactures. This generous contribution, in the mode propofed, would have another good confequence it would operate as a tax on abfentees, a juft fubject of popular complaint, without raifing any jealoufy in England ; and this mode of dimi- nilhing the ill effects of abfentees, upon the temper y if not upon the infer efts of Ireland, may, to an ordinary underftanding appear, as efficaci- ous, as the miniilerial writers propoial of doub- ling their number. The advocates for a Union may cry out, all this will be done by a Union, it will be a necef- fary confequence of it, and therefore in admitting the expediency of fuch a meafure, you in fact argue for a Union, one of whofe chief objects it is, to make Ireland pay * full proportion of our public debts. But the proportion (admitting we (hould 21 fliould pay any thing,) is the great object, and to fubmit this to a Britifli Parliament, where Irifh members would be at leaft but as one to five, would argue great confidence in Britifh ge- nerofity, but very little of found political wif- dom. Neither, would it be more prudent to entruff the final fettlement of fo important a matter to commifiioners, in which we might be on an equal footing, as to numbers, with En-gland, for rea- fons fufficiently obvious from the preponderating influence of the Englifh Minifter. The analogies employed to juftify this mea- fure, and the recurrence to the cafes of America, of Scotland, and above allt-he obfcure and mifty period of the Heptarchy, would fcarcely de- ferve an anfwer, but that the authority from which the publication in question proceeds, and the weight given to every thing ftamped with that authority, requires that no argument, how- ever Minify in irfelf, fhooald pafs unnoticed. How- ever as to the Heptarchy, it is only neceflary to ftate the eonftitution of that Union, to Ihew how totally inapplicable it is to ours. S-EV-EN- Jfiparate aud dtftinft kingdoms, where, " though " one Prince -it-ems flill to have been allowed, "or to hav^e .affumed an afeendant over the tc whole, his authority if it ought ever to be " deemed regular or legal, was .extremely li- " mitted ; and each ftate aSted as if it had been f< independent and wholly Jeparate from the fo dif- ferent in theory, and in practice affording no inftance (or one not to be argued upon,) of difa- greement, during the lapfe of many centuries. But Scotland is fo invariably and fo confident- ly reforted to as a cafe of flrong analogy, that it is neceffary at greater length to fhew from its fituation, natural and political, at the time of the Union, and from its hiflory fince, that no ar- gument whatfoever arifes from it, applicable to Ireland, at lead none favourable to Union. Nature had already made England and Scot- land one country, and their political circumftan- ces rendered ic neceffary to the repole and fafety, to the laws and the liberties of England, to ac- complifh her fiat. Their laws were different their religions, as well of the itate, as of the peo- ple, were different their crowns, accidentally placed on the head of the fame monarch, were, upon her demife to be again feparated. If dif- ferent views of policy mould be entertained by thefe two independent nations, in their domeftic concerns, and in their foreign alliances, future wars muft again, as they had formerly for fo many centuries, deluge them both with blood. Now the moft oppofite views of policy were in fadl entertained by them, not merely by the mob, (as 23 fas is fuppo&d to be the cafe) here, but by the gentry, the men of property, the Parliaments of the two kingdoms. The Houfe of Stewart, fo odious to Great Britain, had ftill retained the warmed affection of the Scots and the Parlia- ment of Scotland had lately pafied the aft of fecurity, by the extraordinary majority of fe- venty, in fpite of all the influence of the crown : and the royal aflent was even extorted to a law, which on the death of the Queen, then with- out hope of ifTue, Wietit to feparate the two crowns, and of courfe the two kingdoms for ever.* What muft have been the temper of the Scots, when a Britim miniftry were com- pelled to affent to an act of fcparation ! Nor were they mere motives of natural cliflike to England which affected the Scots they had always been attached to the French, with whom their monarchs had been allied, and who gave them ready affiftance upon every breach with England and perfonal motives of ambition likewife operated upon individuals, particularly the Duke of Hamilton, nearly allied to the Houfe of Stewart, and having himfelf, as isjuftly fufpected, defigns upon the throne. f To .die fafety of England then it became in- jdifpenfably necefiary, to put an ejid to the Scot- tifh Parliament, as the only peffible means of averting the evil of feparation. Now will any experience, will any fufpicions, will .any theory however wild jiaftify us in faying there is a dan- ger of our feparation from England ? at lead from any circumilances which an Union would remove it is not at lead from any difpofitions manifefted by the gentry, by the property, by the * Such were not indeed the exprefs limitations, but the confequences were fo confidered. Macpherfon's Hill. o Great Britain, 2 vol. 306. f Marpherfon's Hi(K 24 the parliament of Ireland if any fuch tendency prevail, it is among the lower clafTes of the peo- ple, corrupted by the empirics of the French School, whofe poifon can be beft and perhaps only counteracted by a reftdent gentry and a refident Parliament, who are unalterably, and without an exception, from the moft unequivo- cal motives of felf interefl, if there were nothing elfe to operate, bound to maintain the connec- T tion to the laft extremity. Nor was the Union lefs advantageous to Scot- land, than necerTary to England, if their paffions had permitted the Scotch to advert to the moft obvious principles. Their country was in that wretched flate as to agriculture, manufactures and commerce, to which the harili decrees of nature feem to have doomed it. The fevere, but perhaps necelTary policy of England had juft clofed the barriers againfl the only article of ex- port afforded by her cold ungrateful foil,* and had even gone fo far as to deny to the Scots the privileges of Englim fubjects. The work of a very intelligent Scotch writer affords us a curious and accurate view of the re- lative wealth of England and Scotland at the pe- riod of the Union, from whence we may judge of the poverty of the latter, and of the analogy between it at that period, and Ireland now.f Englim Cuftoms . M4M59 Scotch do. 34,000 Englifh Poft-office 101,000 Scotch do. 1*194 Coinage 8,400,000 Scotch do. 411,118 Excife 947,622 Scotch do. 33>5 a So * Live cattle ! no other proof of her poverty, than the na ture of her only commodity capable of exclufion from England, would perhaps be neceffary. f Chalmers's Comparative Eftimate. Lond. Ed. 1794?. yage 225. 25 So that confidering, with Mr. Chalmers cuftoms to be the criterion of trade excife of confumption and according to general opini- on the Pod-office to be the ftandard of inter- nal communication, the refult of peace and ci- vilization, and coin of internal trade. Their relative fituations in thefe four particulars will be nearly thus : Englifo to Scotch Trade - Trade, nearly as 36 to i Confumption - 28 to i Communication 100 to i Internal trade 20 to i The laft item feems to be the leaft unfavour- able to Scotland, but coin was then a fallacious ftandard. Bank paper diminifhed the quantity of coin circulated in England but Scotland had no bank however, let a balance be ftruck upon three of thofe items, as they ftand, in order to form an eftimate of the general ability of Scotland at the time of the Union ; namely upon external, and internal trade, and con- fumption and it will be England to Scotland as, twenty-eight to one. Mr. Pitt, in his fpeech on finance this feflion, calculates the prefent ratio of ability to be as eight to one. Moft convincing and unanfwerable proof of the then deplorable poverty of Scotland. Now me could not hope in centuries to rife to any degree of opulence, or even of comfort, unaflifted and alone her climate harfh and nipping her foil ftubborn and ungrateful the face of the country chiefly mountain or morafs ; no foreign treaties which could enable her to fupply her deficiencies ; excluded from the Englifh colonies; her fhips captured by the Englifh ;* even the Englifh market denied to her only fuperfluity, her lean half ftarved cattle ; * Macpherfon's Hiftory. 26 cattle ; what poffible refource had fhe but in Englim Union ? for having no other equivalent to offer, on no other terms would flie be ad- mitted to a participation of Englim trade. To enter into a minute detail of the condi- tion of Ireland, in order to fhew how totally different it is from that of Scotland at the time of the Union, would be a vain parade of infor- mation or induftry ; but it may not be wholly uninterefting to detail a few particulars. Not having leifure to refort to official autho- rity, the author cannot give the prefent condi- tion of our trade, and is obliged to refort to a period very unfavourable to him the period of 1783, the clofe of the American war, and before the commencement of our profperity, confequent upon the opening our trade. The facis are taken from Lord Sheffield's " Obfer- vations on the trade and prefent ftate of Ire- land." Our exports to England alone, upon a five years average, ending with 1783, amount- ed in value to 2,301,444.* Our imports from England on the fame average were 2,050,445. leaving a balance of .250,999 in favour of Ireland. The whole exports of Scotland, to all the world, were at the fame period, upon a four years average, but .802, 3454 So that the exports of Ireland to Grat Britain alone, 'were marly THREE TIMES AS GREAT as thofe of Scot- land to all the world, " at a period when the cul- tivation, the improvement of Scotland had been particularly attended to for eighty years,*' while Ireland, on the contrary, had laboured during all that time, under the moft harfli and injurious * Lord Sheffield's Obfervations, &c. Lond. Ed. 785, p. 284. f Chalmers's Comparative Eftimate, 229, a four years ave- rage is taken inftead of five years, as in the cafe of Ireland, becaufe Mr. Chalmers does not give the exports of 1779- injurious reftrictions. The progress of Ireland iince would clearly appear from tables of our exports and imports for the laft years, which, it is hoped, fome perfon with more leifure and better means of information will give to the public. But the oftenfible improvements of the country are fo immenfe,as to leave no doubt of the prodigious increafe of public wealth. Within that period the Bank of Ireland has been eftablimed, while private banking houfes, fo far from being injured, have increafed in number ; the internal trade of the country (the moft important to every nation) has been wonderfully facilitated by the extenlion of ca- nals, and the improvement of the roads, while the accommodation of (hipping has been ad- vanced by thofe moft ftupendous works, the Docks, and the great fouth pier. The linen manufacture has been nearly doubled. The corn laws have been further improved, and agriculture greatly extended. Breweries have been erected all over the kingdom, and the im- portation of Englifh porter and ale almoft fu- perfeded by the excellence of the home manu- facture ; while new manufactures have fprung up, particularly cotton, paper, and glafs of the laft of which great quantities are exported. In fhort, Ireland is not merely now in that ftate of advanced profperity, to which the Union has been fuppofed to raife Scotland, but (he has already that advantage over her, to which her fuperior extent, her foil and climate entitle her. As little argument then can be drawn from the Scotch Union, in a commercial point of view, as in a political one : and it will furely re- quire fomething more than bare aflertion, fome- thing befides hypothetical advantage, before we fliall relinquifh that domeftic government, under whofe foftering care, in the courfe of fifteen years, our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures have fwelled to an amount, that the 28 the moft fanguine friends of Ireland would not have dared to prognoflicate. But fee what were the effefts of this incorpo- rating Union upon Scotland, for nearly half a century. So incenfed and inflamed were the Scots at the furrender of their independence, that, although they were immediately admitted to a full participation of Britifh trade, their an- nimofities continued too violent, for upwards of forty years, to allow them to avail them- felves of its advantages. In 1715, and 1745, they were roufed to open rebellion, not more by their attachment to the family of Stewart, than by their deteftation of the Union : and all the writers agree, that it was not till after the year 1746, Scotland began to feel its beneficial effects . If fuch a country then, fo little favoured by nature, fo little cultivated and improved, in a itate of aim oft hopelefs poverty, felt fo keen a fenfe of degradation, though immenfe advan- tages were opened to her ; if the lapfe of forty years was fcarcely fufficient to reft ore her to temper : what would be the effecl upon this ifland, rich in the choiceft gifts of nature, highly improved and rapidly improving, pof- itfling all that was to Scotland the price of her independence, and to whom no compenfation can be made^ if indeed any thing can compen- fate an independent constitution ? We are already in poffeffion of every thing that England could grant our trade to the whole world is as open as that of England, ex- cepting to the Eaft Indies, which noUnion could give us.f The navigation acl: has been explain- ed, fo that colonial produce may be exported from Ireland as freely as from England; in fhort in f At leaft during the monopoly of the Eaft India Com' jpsny. As to this, fee page 42. Note. 29 in no Tingle inftance is there the flighted redrio tion upon our manufactures or our commerce, to which England herfelf is not fubjecl unlefs it be in the Eaft Indian monopoly, which affects every port in England except London, as much as it affects Ireland ; or in the cafe qf our wool- len manufacture. As to this latter, the only manufacture which is under any reftriction greater than the Engliih one we may export our woollens to all the world, except to Eng- land, whofe market is clofed againft us by higli duties. The Secretary does not hint at, much lefs promife, the removal of this restriction, but if he did, the boon would be fcarcely worth the acceptance So great and unconquerable are the advantages of old eftablifhment, and the fuperior (kill arifmg therefrom, aided by enor- mous capital, that England is able to beat us, not only abroad, but in our own market. What hope then that we mould meet her in her mar- ket, when (he underfells us in our own ? The woollen is the great ftaple of England ; eftab- lifhed, protected, and mccefilvely improved, by the moft anxious care of. the legiflature for many centuries. Of its prodigious importance to England fome eftimate may be formed from two circumftances that it is fuppofed to em- ploy a million and a half of people and that its exports, from Yorkmire alone, amounted in one year to .2,371,942^ an enormous fum greater it appears than all the exports of all Ire- land to Great Britain. Is it poflible then to imagine, even if the Britifh ports were opened to us, and even if we could rival them in their own markets, that fome means would not be de- vifed by a Britim Parliament, to fecure the ex- clufive poffeflion of a manufacture upon which depend in fo eminent a degree the wealth, the grandeur, and the ftrength of England ? One important f Chalmer's Comp. eft, 203. 3 importants fact is notorious, and in fuch mat- ters, one fad will outweigh a thoufand fpecu- lations that, although Scotland has had the Engliih market open to her for near a century and although me had none of the difadvan- tages to encounter, that Ireland would have, of freight, infurrance, c. and although {he has made great advances in the linen, cambrick, cotton and various other manufactures in wool/en alone Jloe has never made any progrefs f at lead none that enables her to fend woollens into England. Not a fingle advantage then is held out to us in commerce or manufactures, nor perhaps would it be eafy\to devife any that could be given. But this great and awful evil to our commerce and our manufactures is the certain and inevitable confequence of an Union. That both will be at the mercy for ever, of a foreign Parliament, where our relative ftrength will not be more than one to five. Let it not be admitted as an anfwer, that equal laws, af- fecting all parts of the Empire, will be the con- fequence this itfelf may be an evil of the greateft magnitude ; afk the cotton manufac- turer, who is now protected by a fmall duty on imported cottons afk the paper maker, who has a fimilar protection, what would be the ef- fect of throwing open the ports ? and they will fay, and truly, the ruin of their manufattures this "would be the inevitable effecJ of EQUAL LAWS. I am no advocate for protecting duties they are, in general, founded on the moft erroneous principles but in our particular fituation, con- tending with a fmall capital and an infant efla- blifhment againfl an old eftablifhment and enormous capital, it is by protecting duty only, that is, by unequal laws only, that we can ever hope f The author is not pofitive of this, but he believes it to be true, with the qualification, which is all that is necelTary for him. hope to gain that ftaength, which may at length enable us to place our manufactures on equal terms. How far we could expect fuch partially from a Britifh Parliament, let us judge from ex- perience. A few years after the Union, a duty was impoled on malt, equally affecting the Scotch and Englifh : the Scotch members lords and commoners convinced that it would be ruinous to their country, deprecated the law, and voted unammoufly againft it , but the Britifh Parliament were inexorable, and paffed the law. Let us advert to another inftance nearer home. When the colonial trade was opened to us, England propofed to grant a bounty on all Irifh linens, to be exported from England ; nothing could, at firil view appear more generous. She would not only pay the bounty on fuch linens, as in the natural courfe of trade would go to England, and be exported from thence ; but fhe propofed, that we fhould pay no bounty, but that (he fhould charge herfelf with the burthen of the whole bounty on Irifh linens, merely on condition that they fhould pafs through an Englifh port ; and fhe faid that her only motive was a regard to our poverty, which could not afford fo heavy a charge. But our fagacious and patriotic Chancellor of the Exchequer, the prefent Speaker of the Houfe of Commons, was neither to be entrapped nor feduced j he faw that under the pretence of generous affiflance, we were to be cheated out of the carrying trade of our own linens, which would thus inevita- bly be transferred to England ; he refolutely iniifted againft the meafure, and he preferved to us our direct trade. Now when the Britifh Cabinet at fuch a moment as that, when it was making conceffion from motives of policy, and when any fufpicion of treachery might be fo dangerous, ventured to pafs upon the Iri/h Par- liament, fo grofs an impolition ; what could we expect in a Britilh Parliament ? Could we hope that that equal laws, which might have unequal ef- fect, ihould be modelled, fo as to give our ma- nufactures a chance of furviving - much lefs could we hope, that -Siproieflion fliould be given to them, which for, a time at lead, is necejjary to their exi/lence.-\ Throughout the whole of this minifterial pro- duction, arguments are addreffed to different claffes of the people, and to different bodies of the community, asif their interefts were diftinct, and fometimes as if they were oppofite. We have already adverted to this mode of fpeaking to the Catholic and the Proteflant, and we trult fufficiently expofed the flimfy, though infidious policy. In the fame manner, Dublin, Cork, and Limerick, the South, the North, and the Weft, are treated as if they were infulated bodies, whereas it is impoffible to propofe any. fcheme of policy, affecting the welfare of one, which would not affect them all, though per- haps in an unequal degree. It is, no doubt, the defign of the author to caft the odium of felfifh intereft on thofe great bodies, who, it is dreaded, will condemn the "Union. Dublin, in particular, will be libelled and, becaufe moft obvious and glaring injury would f Previous to the 33d. Geo. 3. the trade of China was open to us. Let America fpeak its importance, who, beginning with a fmall floop, has now 130 mips in the trade. By the 33d. Geo. 3. c. 3 i. we furrendered this trade to the Eaft In- dia Company, for the wretched equivalent of fending out an- nually, Sco tons of goods from Cork. Aik the merchants do they avail themfelves of this pittance of export ? no previous notice on the i ft of Auguft to the Commiffioncrs of Revenue ; on the ift of September to the Company hi London ; then to the Secretary in India ; muft be given, of the nature, amount, &c, of the goods ; the market is fortjlatted the goods muft go in a Company's (hip, the carrying trade is taken away, they muft go to the Com- pany's Agent, 'he ivill prefer the Company's goods. So John Hippefley was candid in admitting this manoeuvre to be one ftrong ground for Lord Hobart's penfion. But I am not uncandid in doubting of fair play hereafter. 33 would be done to it, the citizens and merchants of Dublin will be faid, to advert only to par- tial evils, and to overlook the general effects on the kingdom. But the Secretary is ignorant indeed of the character and interefts of Dub- lin merchants, if he fo reprefent them. They are not, thofe petty fliop-keepers, dependant folely on the cuftom of a large city. They tranfact the chief bufmefs of the linen trade, the great ftaple manufacture of the kingdom j they direct and govern all the great operations of banking, of infurance, and of flock. Dublin is the key to the greater part of Ireland, and from the extenfion of the canals, mud ever continue fo. Are great advantages derived from foreign commerce ? Dublin muft reap them chiefly, be- caufe through Dublin muft the principal part of the kingdom be fupplied with foreign produce ; are our manufactures, our agriculture, our inland trade extended? Dublin will moft feel it, be- caufe Dublin is bed fituated for the reception of the overplus, which will be powered from her in- to foreign kingdoms. Let not then the Lime- rick, the Cork, the Waterford, or -the Belfaft merchant be told, that the Dublin merchant is ac- tuated by felftfli jealoufy of their reaping fupe- rior commercial benefits. Such will not be the fact. Let Weft India trade encreafe as it may, Dublin muft have her due proportion, becaufe through Dublin muft the chief part of the king- dom receive the produce of that trade. Neither is it poflible that Dublin fhould fuffer an injury, which muft not be fenfibly felt in -every corner of the kingdom. The increafe of abfentees is lightly pafled over by this author, and it is mentioned as only affecting the Capital ; no doubt, it will affect the Capital moft grievoufly, but it will alto affect the country, as a very brief confideration muft con- vince every man. It is not in the Capital only that our nobility and men of fortune fpend their D incomes, 34- incomes, it is in the country, on their eftates, that they make the principal and the mod ufeful ex- penditures now, that they will vifit thofe eftates feldom, and in a fhort time perhaps not at all, muft: be very obvious to any one, that confiders the various temptations and inducements, that will operate to a perpetual refidence in England. To be near the court and the minifter, at all times, to watch all oportunities the allure- ments of pleafure the inconveniencies and ex- pence of long journies twice a year, and of fe- parate eftablifhments in different kingdoms, on all thefe accounts they muft become perpetual abfentees. Experience, that never-failing guide,. fhews us how few of thofe, once fettled in Eng- land, ever vifit Ireland. The lofs to Dublin in- deed muft be imrnenfe, and perhaps the follow- ftatement may appear not an exaggerated one. It muft be allowed, that all the peers returned into Parliament, as well as all the commoners would refide in London during the winter, and of courfe forfake Dublin the number of peers, it is ftippofed, would be about 25, and as they will probably be men of the firft fortune, they may fairly be averaged at 5000!. per annum : that the reft of the nobility will follow their example, there is not a doubt. It is fo in Edinburgh, fcarce- ly a fragle lord has a houfe there. The refident peers of Ireland are about 90, having 20 at home, (perhaps too large an allowance,) and de- ducting 25, there would be 45 more abfentees, who cannot be calculated at lels than an average of 3,000!. per annum. Eighty members of the Houfe of Commons may furely be averaged at 2,500!. per annum, and to thefe may be fairly added 100 gentlemen of fafhion or for- tune, who would defert Dublin, when it no longer attracted by intereft or pleafurej and they may be averaged at 1,500!. per annum. 2 Re- 35 25 Reprefentative Peers at 5000!. 125,000!. 45 Other Peers, - 3000!. 135,000!. 80 Members of the Houfe of Commons - - 2,500!. 200,000!. 100 Other Gentlemen, ij5ool. 150,000!. 610,000.!. Should' this calculation be efteemed too high, the overplus may be fet againft the large fums to be expended in appeals, ibliciting acls of Par- liament, and various other matters of bufmefs, which muft then be tranfacted in London. See the effect of this on Dublin alone : two hundred and f fly at leaft, of the beft houfes thrown on hands would alone fo overftock the market, as to annihilate the building-trade. But not thefe houfes alone would be on hands, but the great majority too of thofe of the working clafies coac h-makers, cabinet-makers, woollen-drapers, haberdaftiers, in iliort, all mechanics and {hop- keepers who live by the confumption of peo- ple of fortune, muft be ruined, and Dublin muft be a defert. This 6co,oool. is an annual Capital, which conftantly puts into motion innumerable other Capitals, the fum total of which it is impoffible to calculate: the coach-maker, forinftance, em- ployed by the nobleman, himfelf employs the baker, the brewer, the grocer, the taylor, and they in return employ each other and thoufands of others, fo that the expenditure of a fingle income conftitutes a part of the capital of thou- fands of individuals. Here then, merely in this fingle view of the commercial part of the fubjecl:, mail we furrender an annual productive capital of 6co,oool. equal to twelve millions fterling,-}- which fets in motion other capitals without D 2. end, f 600,000! annual income equal to twelve millions per- manent capital. 36 end, for diftant obfcure> theoretical, and pro- bably illufive gain ? But we are to exchange our idle gentry, for induftrious manufacturers and merchants ! It is a mod curious ground indeed, upon which we are taught to expect this hear the gentleman's own words, " from the circum- ftance of the canals, which are making in every part of England, and communicating with London, its i e. Dublin's demand for all Englijh goods, with Liverpool will greatly in- creafe ; and in proportion, as canals from Dub- lin are carried to different parts of the king- dom, it will be the depot for their confump- tion in all articles of Britijh manufacture and import." Surely it argues a moft contemptuous opi- nion of our underftandings, to put this for- ward as a ferious argument. The manufactu- rers reimburfed for their lofTes by abfentees, by the commerce for Englijh goods increafing ! But fuppofing it to be an advantage, which I own I am not quick lighted enough to difco- ver, is it the Union which is to complete thole canals in England, or to extend our canals in Ireland ? this promifed benefit (be it one or not) appears to me the refult of circumftances totally independant of the Union. Dublin however is not to be injured, becaufe Edinburgh is now a much greater town, than at the time of the Scottilh Union. What Scotland was, and ho\v me has increafed fince, have already fufficiently appeared, and no doubt the capital of a flourishing country muft be fuperior to that of a country in a ftate of the moft abject mifery. What Edinburgh was then, we are not told, but it muft have been a poor and wretched town. The old town is of but fmall dimenfions, little more than a fmgle ftreet with blind alleys iffuing from it and 37 and I myfelf have feen the houfe which thirty or forty years ago, when the Union was half a century old, was the beft inn in Scotland a mean and wretched hovel, that would difgrace the remoteft corner of Ireland. To compare Edinburgh then at the time of the Union with Dublin, now is monJftrous and abfurd at this moment, with all the boafted effects of the Union, it is riot comparable to Dublin, in ex- tent, population, public buildings, trade, or wealth indeed in every thing but architecture it is inferior to Cork our fecond city. Befides, experience mews us a remarkable difference in national character, operating much againft Ireland in calculations upon the Union - icarcely an inftance occurs, of the wealth or influence,'] obtained by Irifhmen in England, producing advantage to Ireland ; they feem afhamed of the name, and eager to diveft themfelves of all pretenfions to it The, Scotch nationality is notorious a Scotchman will promote none, will employ none, will buy from none but a Scotchman his influence promotes his countrymen, and his money, acquired where it may be, and after abfence ever fo long, finally centers in his own country fo that, a Scotch abfentee is only a political or commercial fpeculator, who will in the end en- rich and adorn his native country. 1 Can there be adduced five inftances of men of rank in Scotland, however powerful and extended their Englifli connexions, whofe chief reli- dence, or lenft temporary refidence and moft ufeful expenditure is not in Scotland ? Even Mr. Dundas himfelf, a great Englifh minifter, who can never expect to refide out of England, has expended immenfe fums on a houie in Scotland, without hopes of inhabiting it. '( his is no reflection on the Scotch, it is high- ly honourable to them Is it the cafe in Ire- land ? 33 land ? let the eftates of the abfentees give an anfwer. To the fouthern cities the author promifes great advantages. What they are no man can conjecture their admirable fituation for com- merce is the gift of Providence, not of an U n ion and all opportunities of availing them of it they have already in as ample a degree as England no reftrittion whatever exifts with regard to them, fiver er than with refpeff to Eng- land. And fuperior advantages over England they cannot expect if England or the Empire want an additional Dock Yard, and if Cork be the fitteft place, general policy mould adopt it, if it be not wanting, policy mould refufe it it is to be hoped the carrying, or the failing, in, the meafure of a Union, will not affect the principles of general and imperial policy. The fame infidious artifice, which confiders as feparate, the interefts of Catholic and Proteftant, of the capital and of the reft of the kingdom, af- fects to reprefent the bar as an interefted " Pha- lanx" of political "adventures," who look to Parliament as the " market for their abilities." The author of thefe pages, himfelf a member of that honourable profeffion, feels no individual YZ- fentment at calumnies which apply not to him- felf. But as a member of the profeffion, and as an Irimman, he fpurns at the in!i- nuation, and denies the bafe and felfim motives. That there are profligate characters at the Irifh bar, who a ke Parliament the ladder of their ambition : that there are corrupt men (he will not fay Secretaries) who encourage, promote, and pandar for the proftitution, is the fcandal of the profefTion. But that the motive of the lofs of Parliamentary market actuates the profef- fion, in their oppofition to the furrender of our legiflature, is a calumny, which the public will not believe, and to which the afHons of the bar> 39 tis a body, and their hiftory for many years, give the moft dire<5b contradiction. Are Judges fe- lecled, not from the rank majority of Parliament, but from the moft able, the moft learned, the molt virtuous lawyers in the hall ? Is the office of Solicitor General offered as a tribute to pro- -fefTional merit, and on its refufal the honourable diftin<5Hon of precedence voluntary confer- red ? Are the ftations of Mailers in Chancery, Chairmen of counties, &c. filled with a total dif- regard to Parliamentary intereft ? Who fo loud, fo unanimous, and fo greatful in their praife, as this calumniated profeffion ? The ing the defence of Ireland, as infultingly as incor- rectly ftated. The fixth, ftates the Scotch to have had no navy for the protection of her trade, and fo you fay of Ireland. This propofition I deny upon the authority of one, whofe memory is refpected for the exertions he made in the caufe of Ireland in the year 1782 , I mean the late HenryFlood, who, fpeaking on the Commercial Propositions in 1785, to this very iubjecl,* he faid, " above a hundred years 'ago, in the fever of the reftoration, and in the infatuation of this kingdom, Ireland had made a perpetual grant for the fupport of an Irifli marine. This, England never permitted to be applied. Why ? Becaufe fhe wilhed that Ireland mould have no marine j becaufe die wifned to have a- monopoly of navy to herfelf for what purpofe, let her fubfequent conduct to Ire- land explain. What follows ? Englifh Miniilers, in Jpite of law, dif appropriated this fund, and applied it to an overgrown land-army, rather than to a marine. The defence of tbis land-army Britain had, and Ireland 1 had the burden. With what grace could Britain, vyith what grace can Mr. Cooke after this, come to Ireland, and fay, you do not fupport a marine ; when Britain herfelf prevented Ireland from doing fo ? When a monopoly of navy was the choice of Britain,- what * Woodfall's Debate, p. 89. 39 right had (he to fay, that Ireland ought to pay Britain, for her having her own choice ? When Britilh Miniflers, contrary to legal appropriation, had applied the marine fund of Ireland to a land- army, for the convenience of Britain, what right had they to come to Ireland to demand a new marine fund ; and that, not for an Irifh marine, but tor the Briiiih navy r" I think it will be generally admitted, that the fluice I have drawn up, has let in fuch waves of argument, as have drowned you in the food. Permit rne now, Sir, to affign another rea- fon, why we are entitled to the protection of the navy, not of England, but ths empire, and which is doubly 2rong, becaufe it will prove, that it is not in the power of the Britifh Minifter to take it from us. Great Britain could not, without the natives of this country, man fuch a fleet as that under Lord Howe, on the glorious firft of June, and carry on her commerce : in that very fleet there was a fhip, the Invincible, not the leaft distinguished on that me- morable day, commanded by our countryman, Capt. Packenham, manned, as I have fome reafon to believe, with none but Irifhmen; upon the whole, I do, from adtual knowledge, as far I can pretend to fpeak, with- out having ever counted numbers, declare it as my opinion, that the Britim navy, including the officers and privates of the marine corps, does, commumbus twills^ owe half its ftrength to the people of this king- dom ; yet my ears have been frequently afTailed by declarations of Englilh officers, that they would hav'c no more Iriftmen on board their fhips than main- malls. To myfclf, Captain Millikcn, who com- manded 40 manded the Dunkirk at Plymouth in 1782, faid, on feeing two or three very fine Portuguefe on the quarter-deck, I would rather have thole men, than ten of your damned infernal countrymen. National feelings were fuperior to perfonal fafety, and I re- plied, " If you were any where elfe but here, you dare not fay it." He was too old to be affronted by a boy, and my years laved me from the punifhment which I had incurred under the articles or war. Such is the contumely with which Ireland and Irifh- men have been always treated by England and Engiifhmen. Convided on this head yo x u now are, Sir, of ignorance, or miirepreientation, and I give you your choice ; if the former, you prove your utter incapability to inftrudt the nation on a fub- jedt which includes every thing that is dear to man, being imps ccnfilii on fome eflential points, the rightly underftanding of which are eflentially necefiary to the forming a grave opinion on fo momentous a queftion ; if the latter, then have we proof pofitive, you will facrifice truth, and Irifh honour, to the interefts of what you deem '* your better country." Your aflertions, refpecling the military force, are, if poffible, more inlulting, and equally void of all foundation ; indeed, Sir, your memory, on this fubjeft, feems to be formed after the faihion of your prototype^ Mr. Pitt, at the Old Bailey, on the trial of Mr. Tooke, where I witnefied his " remembering to forget" every circumftance attending the moil material aft of his life j yes, that very aooo men to be in the kingdom; though, by facred faith plighted, the country was never to be without 12,000, the furplus having been raifed for the exprefs purpofe of accommodating Great Britain, that being the quota agreed upon by the cabinets of the two countries, to be fent by this kingdom, to the army of the empire. And where, Sir, were the 11,000 men fent from this country? I will tell you, in the language of Mr. Pitt, when in one of his infane fits of liberty, on his firft entering the Houfe of Commons of Great Britain, he told that houfe, " the army of the empire was mouldering away by ficknefs in America, or only obtaining vic- tories over our brethren there, fighting in the holy caufe of liberty." Yes, Sir, to A82| to the minority of 'both Houfcs of Parliament. 44 Gripped this kingdom of its troops, in violation of the compact recited, to fend them, I fuppofe, to fight *' in his holy caufe of liberty ;" fhort as his memory is, yours indeed muft be fhorter, if you have already forgotten, that in your place, in the fenate, you oppofed a motion, made by Sir Laurence Parfons, on this fubject.* Thus, Sir, have I endea-- voured to refute your affertions, page 50, refpect- ing the protection afforded by England, ftated in language the moit infulting, and which, not being founded in fact, adds injury to infult. Conduct, fuch as this, is well detailed by the royal pfalmift.f " For it was not an enemy that reproached me ; then I could have borne it neither was it he that hated me ; but it was thou, a man, my equal." I truft, Sir, my countrymen of all ranks and de^ fcriptions, of all ages and religions, will make the juft improvement of this paragraph, with which you have favoured them, that they will from it prac- tice, as men, the moral of that leffon which they learned as children " the bundle of tiicks;'* that they will adjuft their differences, and, above all, remember that, by whatever creed they worfhip, they are not the difaples of him whofe religion they profefs to be of, if they do not forgive each other. Yes, my Countrymen, by whatever particular name you are known, by " Whatever title pleafe thine ear, " Dean, Drapier, Bickerftaff or Gulliver." let us remember that if we are, what we ftile ourfelves, Chriftians, it is our duty as fuch, and our * Vide note to p. 41. f 55th Pfalro, 1213. 45 our intereft as a nation, to fulfil the gofpel precept, " of loving one another, as our Lord loved us."* We are, in confequcnce of our mutual bickerings, and railings, about to have our national honour, ,our national independence, aflailed i and with it, all thofe advantages, which fo abundantly follow in the train of commerce, unfhackled by the partial laws of a foreign legiflature, which, for 632 years, had un- ceafingly fhewn by acls, that fpoke trumpet tongue, an intereft diflincl from this country, which makes if idle to fuppofe, that a principle now workSd into habit and prejudice by time, and fanclioned by authority, fhould be fuddenly laid afide. It is incumbent on the advocates for an Union, to (hew that England has hi- therto in her tranfacYions with this country a&ed with Roman faith ; I will, in the fequel, prove me has with Punic. For the prefent we will hear Mr, Pitt on the policy obferved by Britain, from the Revolution to 1779, as ftated by him in his fpeech, February 22d, 1785, on introducing the Propofitions pafied by this country, into the Britifh Houfe of Commons,, where they were converted into the twenty refolutions that contained the degrading fourth Propofition, which, though only to make a partial furrender of national dignity, damned them with my brave and generous countrymen. " f The Houfe,' 1 he faid, " would re- collect that, from the Revolution (a fufficiently long time to prove to us the principles they were ,icluat- ed by, and \hejuftice that influenced thofe principles) to a period within the memory of every man who heard * St. John, 1 5th chapter, i2th verfc. f 1 7th Vol. Parl. Reg, 249. 4 s heard him, indeed until thefe very few years, the fyftem had been that of debarring Ireland from the enjoyment and ufe of her refources ; to make the king' dom completely fubfervient to the interefts and opu- lence of this country, without fuffering her to Jbare in the bounties of nature, in the induftry of her citi- zens, or making them contribute to the general in- terefts and tfrength of the empire." You have Mr, Pitt's authority for two things ; firft, that " the ge- neral inter efts and Jlrength of the empire can be promoted without the annihilation of the Irifh Le- giflature; and fecondly, that by the Englifli fyftem, Ireland was " debarred from the enjoyment and ufe of her o-wn refources " and this, for what? The fame Right Hon. Gentleman will tell us, " to make Ireland completely fubfervient to England." A country, acYmg in fuch a manner for nearly a century, offers good moral fecurity for continuing a commercial equality with another country, when me ftipulates her own legiflature, tefielated with a few fenators, from what me will deem the provincial one, (hall be the judge of that equality. What, my countrymen, fubverted this fyftem, detailed by Mr. Pitt ? Britifli juftice ? No ! the Volunteer Inftitution, the Parliament of Ireland, " they fpoke, and it was done ; they com- manded, and it fell." My higheft ambition is to animate you to tread in their legal, glorious, and conftitotional fteps; like them, let patrioufm form an indifloluble bond of friendfliip between difcor- dant feds; like them, reverence and refpeft the laws ; and like them, fwear you will pay no obedi- ence to any power on earth, but the King, Lords, and 47 and Commons of Ireland ; by fuch a conduct as this, we need not fear to meet the aflfailants of na- tional dignity. '< I own the glorious fubje8 fires my breaft, " And my foul's darling paffion ftands confefs'd ; " Beyond or love's or frienclfhip's facred band, " Beyond myfelf I prize my native land j " On this foundation would I build my fame, " And emulate the Greek and Roman name, " Think Ireland's peace bought cheaply with my blood, ** And die with pleafure for my country's good."* I will now take a conjoint view of the treatment Ireland and Scotland have received from England, in order to fee whether it will not afford an unanfwer- able argument againft ever again coming under a Britifh Parliament. Firft, as to Ireland, and to go no farther back than the reign of Charles II. ' the Navigation Ad forbids the importation of certain articles from f the Plantations,, into Ireland, and which are particularly fpecified ; Ireland, conceding the ufurped power of the Englifh Parliament to make the law, had a right to import the non-enu- merated articles; but even the legal and rational conftrudion of an Ad of Parliament was too great a favour to be granted to Ireland, by Englifh Com- milTjoners of Revenue; and, therefore, executive tyranny was called in, to fupply the deficiency of legiflativc injuftice; and the ftatute received the equitable and rational conjiruft'wn of intending to for- bid the Irifh merchant from importing into this country, the un-enumerated., equally with the enume- rated articles. Hear this, Irifh merchants, and trem- ble Rowe, f Anderfon's Hift. Com. Vol. ii. 625. ble for your commerce while you hear ! if* a Unior! fhould take place; and above all, know, that this at of executive tyranny was legalized by ftatute in the reign of King William, the un enumerated articles being then inferted in an Act of Parliament* In this reign alfo, as has been already ftated, the Lords and Commons of England addrelfed the King, to fupprefs the woollen manufacture in Ireland, with w-hich requeit his Majefty declared he would com- ply. Let the importations of Englifh cloth, to this hour, decide whether he attended to the prayer of this tyrannous and iniquitous addrefs. In this reign, the cafe of Ireland, written by Molyneux, was burnt in London by the common hangman, in obedience to the order of an Englifh Houfe of Commons. The copper coin of Ireland was permit- ted to be debafed, in the reign of George I. to fa- tisfy the griping avarice of an Englifh merchant ; and Swift, the bed and fmcereft of patriots, for expofmg its bafenefs, had a price put on his head, and would, at the time, have fuffered under the fury of minitterial vengeance : " But not a traitor could be found " To fell him for three hundred pound." Such was the fyftem adopted for Ireland, when pro- 'uinciatty united to England ; a Union, which has not imprefied Irifhmen with fuch high ideas of either her honour, or her generofity, as to defire an incorporate Union ; and furely no Irifhman can be charged with partiality for holding this opinion, when even two Englimrrien have fanctioned it by ths accounts which they have given, at two different periods ; 49 tperiods -, the one, Sir John Davis,* Attorney Gene- ral, and Speaker of the Houfe of Commons of this country, in the reign of James the^ Firft j and the other, Mr. Pitt, in the prefent reign, when but one remove from his venerable and rlluftrious father, (one, who was " "Form'd with rcfiftlefs eloquence to charm, * And Britain's fons with patriot. ardour warm") fpeaking of this fyitem, farther on, in the fpeech already quoted, he fays, " That which had been the fyftem from the Revolution, cminteraRed the kind- nzfs of Providence, and fuff ended the indujlry and enterprife of man. Ireland was put under fuch re- tfraint, that Jbe was Jbut out from every fpecies of commerce -Jhe was reftrained from fending the pro- duce of her own foil to foreign markets ; and all cor- refpondence with the Colonies of Great Britain was prohibited to her, fo that (he could not derive their commodities but through the medium of Bri- tain." Having, by the authority of Mr. Pitt, and with the fanction of his name, fattened on England a fyftem, which, in another part of the fame fpeech, he calls, " cruel and abominable," I will proceed to fhew, Sir, what I have promifed, that England, in ny contract (he has made with this country, has obfervcd it with Punic faith. To efiablilh the truth of the petition, it is only neceffary, to reflate the compact refpeding the troops, which (he has religi- oufly obferved, when (he had no defrre to break it, and ever broke it, when her intereft required it, re- gardlefs of the defencelefs ftate of this country, as has been already proved, by a recital of Lord Buckinghammire's anfwex to the Sovereign of Belfafli c nor * Sec Note uiferted at the End. nor is the inftance I have given of the removal of troops, during the Weftmoreland Adminiftration, a proof of her having improved under the aufpices of Mr. Pitt in that moral quality, honour ; or her taking, in the year 1/85, i4O,ooo/. per ann. addi- tional duties for commercial advantages to be granted, which, to this day, have never been given.* In view- ing the conduct obferved towards Scotland fmce the Union, I cannot fay that it has pleafed me in any " cafe, where the intereft of Scotland came, or was fuppofed to come, in contadt with that of England. On three memorable queftions, fmce the Union, have the rights and interefts of the Scotch nation been furrendered to the intereft, and facrificed for the advantage pf the Englifh people. Thefe facri- fices made, fall under three heads, and form three objections ; the third and laft will enable me to in- troduce Ireland again, i ft, The malt-tax. fid, The law of treafon. 3d, The abrogation of the rights of the Scottift* Peerage, in violation of the Union, and the con- ftruction put on it by the Lords in 1708-9, and Affirmed in 1787. The malt- tax comes firft under confideration. On the malt of Scotland it was agreed, at the Union, no tax (hould be laid on it during the war ; but a Legiflature, the majority of whom, was, by fituation, placed above the reach of public opinion, the beft fecurity of national rights, and the ftrongeft incitement to the honourable difcharge of public duty, contemned the cenfure of a people they con- fidered but as ftep-children $ they paffed this tax in * Sec Note inferted at the End. in violation of the agreement, and in oppofition to the united voice of the Scottifli members in both houfes of Parliament. This circumftance, prafti- cally proved to the Scotch the abfurdity of having a foreign Legiilature to watch over their interefts; and, at a general meeting of the Lords and Com- mons of Scotland, it was refolved, that a bill m'ould be -brought into Parliament to diffolve the Union. Accordingly the Earl of Findlater, * alhamed,-! prefume, as Judas was of his Jbekefs, and tired of his Jbackles ftepped forward in the upper houfe, (the only place where the rules of Parliament would allow of its being offered, without aiking permiflion) the advocate of his country's natural and inherent rights, but foon found that the Caledonian Samfon met a Delilah in his fitter England. * This noble lord will be found among the Scottifli worthies who fold their country; hisfervices were eftimated at icol. I have been told by a very old and very refpedable gentle- man, that Sir David Dalrymple, one of the Scotch members, having by this, and one or two other ineffe&ual ftruggles in de- fence of the particular intereft of his own country, learned that all fach attempts were vain, and that every queftion of that kind would be decided, not by reafoti, but votes, called his col- leagues together, and pointed out the abfurdity of fuch an op- pofition, but the fliil greater one, of not making the mod of their fituation. Since their efforts could not ferve Scotland agaiaft the Englifh intereft, he propofcd they fhouldform themfelvesinto a fquadron to fupport the Minifter on every queftion} and that the doceur obtained for their good-will, fliould be equally divided among them ; and obferved, that if they offered their fervice* individually, they would be rejected, and the Scottim reprefen- tation would be minus, the fum, the Minjfter would otherwif* give. 52 The-fecond objection derives all its ftrength from the people not choofing it ; my own opinion is, they were ferved by the alteration. I will take leave to fay one word refpedting Ire- land, before I confidcr and comment on the third objection. Irt the view which I took of the injury done under the head of Ireland, to the different particular in- terefts, I purpofely omitted the confederation oir the rights of one order of men, confidered in their mere abftradt capacity, that I might introduce it here, as a place more fuited to their exalted rank ;. but I muft be allowed firft to remind you, that I have, by uiconteftible fads from Englifh and Iriffo records, proved, that at the period when the provin- cial Union fubfifted between England and Ireland, the intereft of the fjhermen, the manufatturers, the traders^ give. This propofition, my reporter tells me, was agreed t which we are about to confider, and which repeals the refolution pafied in 1 708-9, and affirmed in 1787, did not deprive him of any friend, but did alfo increafe his happinefs, by enlarging the fphere of his acquaintance. So wonderfully profufe of her favours to th Right Hon. Gentleman is the goddefs, Fortune, that on no aecount will fhe ever fuffer him to draw a blank. At the general election, which took place previous to May 1793, the Duke of Queenfbury and Marquis of Abercorn, (the former one of the very Peers, ivhofe right to vote had been denied by the Lords in 1787,) tendered their votes as Peers of Scotland ; the Lord Regifter, knowing his duty too well to receive them after the order of the Houfe of Lords of 1787 had been ferved on him, " commanding him not to take them," did refufe ; the matter was moved in the Houfe of Lords, and notwithftanding the former refo- lution, their Lordfliips did, on the 23dof May 1793,* refolve, " that if duly tendered, they ought to have been counted ?" By this refolution, in violation of the fpirit of the articles of Union, contradictory of the fenfe of that very Houfe which paffed it, as ex- prefled on two former occafions, unfounded in law, unfan&ioned by precedent, and unfupported by juftice, the rights of the Scottim Peerage have been abrogated, and the people of Scotland are deprived of the guardians of their rights in the Upper Houfe xvhich the articles of the Union had guaranteed to them. A refolution, fo repugnant to the rights of the Scottifh * Brit. Lords Journ. for 1793. 57 Scottifh Peerage, and fo fraught with national evil, could not efcape the eagle-eye of that fagacious no- bleman, the Earl of Lauderdale j he addrefled the Houfe in the language, not of a lordling, but of a baron bold -, and finding he was unable to convince them of the juftice of his cafe, or the injuftice their refolution would work, he entered, in an unanfwera- ble proteft,* his reafons for diffenting from their Lordfhips. Should the Peers of Ireland with this ex- ample before them of a violation of treaty, arifing from defign or mifconception, agree to a Union, they will, when too late, find the only rightjhey will be permitted to enjoy, will be that innoxious one, of protefting. H If * The refolution of the 23d of May 1793, having been agreed to by the Houfe, the following admirable proteft, wa* entered by the Earl of Lauderdale, one of the fixteen Peers of Scotland, in which the propriety of fupporting the refolution of the Lords in 1708 9, and confirmed in 1787, is maintained. DISSENTIENT, " BECAUSE, " The principles of their reprefentation appear equally violated, whether it be confidered as a compenfation for the rights which the Scottifh nobility furrendered, or as a fecurity and guard for the rights which they retained. The right of reprefentation be- ing given to the Peers of Scotland, for the lofs of their hereditary feat in Parlia:uait, nothing feems more evident, than that the compenfation cannot be juftly claimed by thofe, who no longer fufFer the lofs. But while, by this refolution, the ele&ive right is laviflied on thofe, who have recovered an hereditary feat, its worth and value is diminifhed to the Peers of Scotland, who were juftly entitled to that growing importance of their fuffragc, which was to arife either from the operation of time in IcfTening their number, or from the promotion of their more favoured brethren to a fuperior clafs of Peerage. LAUDERDALE." * Britifli Lords, Jour. 1 793. 58 If a plain, vulgar, and uneducated man were to read thcfe contradictory resolutions, and obferve, not only the length of time which had elapfed between the patting of the firft, and its confirmation in 1787, and its repeal in 1793 j but alfo, be told, that " ex- ifting circumftances" had made the confirmation and repeal equally favourable to the intereft of the M'mifter; his vulgar, unfalhionable, and uncourtly mind, would lead him to exclaim, what my refpeft for that Houfe, and my implicit faith in their wifdom, will not allow me fo much as to think, " political juf- tice, is the creature of the Minifter." * Whn then long experience has taught us the abfurdity of committing the decifion to thofe whofc conduct has provoked the queftion, and whofe intereft, authority, and fate, are immediately concerned in it."* When vre have the authority of Judge Blackftone, " that even an infringement of the fundamental and ejfential condi- tions of the Union, though a manifeft breach of good faith, would not diffolve it i"-f- and he tells us in very plain and intelligible language, that a ftate fo leagued, has no redrefs but by an appeal to the united legifla- ture, (the majority of whom, it is to be recollected, created the evil complained of, and the chance of re- drefs from fuch a body, is to be feen in the cafes de- cided, and referred to above,) or, an appeal to Hea- ven. If then with nine folid reafons, every one of which did ipfo faftrt by Union, put Scotland into the enjoyment of fubftantial blcfiings, and every one of k Paley's Moral. Phil. vol. ii. p. 151. f Blackflone's Comra. vol. i. p. 97. 59 of which that has a prefent power of'exiflence, we do enjoy ; that country could not be got to affent to her national degradation, but by force and fraud.* If, with the inftances before us, of plighted faith broken, of injuries inflicted, and infults offered to her national dignity in the denial of juftice, Irifhmen will agree to a Union, I can only fay, in claflic Ian- guage, " Qucs Jupiter vult perdere priua dementat." One obfervation I fhould fubmit to the good fenfe of the people of England; the truth and juftice of it is fupported by the hiftory of all nations, and by none, more than their own, though force may compel^ it can never infure obedient. The bigot James exemplified the theory in practice, and his pottcrity to this day, feel its effects Awhile, the Houfe of Hanover rejoices in the juitice of a fentiment, which took it from the rank of a German Elector, and elevated it into that of a Britifli Monarch. On the conduct of France incorporating the Ne- therlands, &c. mentioned by you in page 9, I will, Sir, obferve a dignified filence,-for I will not condefcend to enter into an argument with an Englifhman, but Irifh Miniftcr, (whom I do riot aiTert to be the author, but to whom public rumour has afcribed the pam- phlet I anfwer) who holds the key of a goal in. which * The Lord Godolphin prevailed with the Queen to lend her Scots Treafury the fum of 20,000, which the Earl of Giafcow is faid to diftribute to the left advantage, and for which he, fome years after, accounted with the English Conuniffioners of Pubh'c accounts. Lockhart gives the following lift of the perfons to whom, the Earl declared upon oaih t he distributed the money : 6o which men are imprifoned on a charge, tHe very ef- fence and fufyiance of which, is an imitation of French conduct, To the Earl of Marchmont Cromarty Lord Ormiftown, Lord Juftice Clerk Duke of Montrofe - . - Athol Earl of Balcarras - - Dun more - Lord Anftnjther Mr. S'uart, of Caftle-Stuart Lord Elphinfton Frazer Cefnock, nowPalwarth Mr. John Campbell - - Earl of Findlater ... Sir Kenneth Mackenzie Earl of Glencairne - - Kin tone - Forfar John Muir, Provoft of Aire Lord Forbes ... Earl of Seafield, Chancellor Marquis of Tweedale Duke of Roxborough Lord Ellibanks Bamf Major Cunningham, of Echet The Meflenger that brought down the Union Sir William Sharp Patrick Coultrain, Provoft of Wigtovrn ^''r. Alexander Wedderburn - . The Commiflioners for Equipage and daily") Allowance* - C * Tindal, voj. in, p. 516 & s. # * * * * .****** but more of his fpeech I dare not report ; my humble talents writ not foar to the elevation of his mind ; fufficient to fay, that whatever the ciafiic mind has formed to itfelf in idea, of Demofthenic eloquence, falls fhort of the talents difplayed this day by that great man. He is indeed one, whom I may fay in the language of Pope, is able To wake the foul by tender ftrokes of art, To raife the genius, andto mend the heart, To make mankind in confcious virtue bold, Xiive o'er each fcene, and be what they behold. The Bill is then received, read a firft, fecond, and third time, in violation of the ancient and eftablifhed rules of Parliament, but ftri&ly conformable to Mr. Pitt's newly-adopted plan of paffing Bills of great moment, lefs confideration being neceffary on fuch occafions, than on a Turnpike Bill is fent to the Lords, agreed to by their Lord (hips ; and at Eight o'Clock, the Lords Commifiioners, in their robes, give the Royal A (Tent to " a Bill for tranquillizing the * Mr. Dunda*. 84 the Union," by reducing the privileges of the Irifh Diflenters, of both communions, to the Englifh ftand- ard on that fubjecl:. Whilft I cannot help thinking with Mr. Burke,* fi.:al force of the country and may, fo far as that phyfical - force confers authority, impofe reftriclions on the C Catholics, Catholics, the majority who by your antithefis, muft necefiarily be confidered, as forming the artificial force of the country but Ireland will pine over the dungeon of her children. I need fcarce point out to any reader, that a minority governing a country muft be termed an artificial force and that numbers con- ftitute pbyfical or natural force And this from the learned Catholic advocate, Mr. M'Kenna. Pray, Sir, was your underftanding loft in your religious 2eal or bewildered in the labyrinth of your own fubtlety ? or did you wi/h, by fimulating a confu- fion of ideas, to prevent any miftake, as to your be- ing legitimately an Irifliman ? But let me refcue this paflage from the confufion which envelopes it, and give to it the only meaning to which it can be recon- ciledit is a fort of oracular prediction, and it would be a pity to have it mifunderftood or loft - Talibus ex ady to ditfis Cumoea Sibylla, Horrendas canit ambages, antroque remagit Obfcuris vera involvens. Let me interpret it thus : Government and the Proteftants may, for a time, opprefs and reftricl the Catholics ; but they will not acquiefce ; they will be always ready on every opportunity to rebel againfft an ufurping and unnatural Government, and to aflert their fuperiority in this kingdom, which they claim from God and Nature. Analogy may ferve to ex- plain further. Bifliop HufTey, in his Paftoral letter, page 10, fays, " Ihe vaft rock is already detached from the mountain's brow, and whoever oppofes its de- fcent and removal, muft be crujhed by his own rajh en- deavours" If my explanation of the fentence ex- tracted from your Memoire, is right, I will leave it to the reader whether moft to admire at the abfur- dity dity of the compofition, or the . wickednefs of the fentiment. In a note to your 2Oth page, you fay, " What numbers during the late difturbancts, would not believe the evidence of their fenfes, that every Papift was not a rebel ! How many werefadly chagrined at the propriety with which the perfons of property of the Romifo com- tnunion acJedV* To this I anfwer, that the rebellion having very foon after its commencement, aflumed the appearance of an holy infurrection, and being even fo termed i.n one of the French Councils -and fo many cruelties being committed by Catholics on Proteftants it is not wonderful, that generally every Papift mould bq fufpected ; and this fufpicion was further encreafed, by numberlefs inftances of detect- ed treachery among thofe Catholics who were in the military ranks--I fay generally, becaufe I mould be forry to think that there are not individuals of that communion, who have, -from a fenfe of honour, ad- hered to their allegiance and duty, as yeomen and foldiers and where fo likely to find fuch, as among the higher ranks. In your 23d page you fay, " That the penalties againfl Catholics ought to be repealed^ if it were only to discountenance the Orange faBion, by /hewing the error and impotence of the ajfociation. The meafure would be popular, and acceptable' 1 Are you ferious, Mr. M'Kenna, in recommending to any Adminiftra- tion, fo great an innovation, to call it no more, mere- ly for the fake of a fretful and peevifh experiment- to fee how the Orangemen would look, when di countenanced. Surely you either confider the men in power, as fools, or you mean to infult them. The meafure of emancipation would, in your opini- C 2 on, 2'O on, be popular and acceptable ,- fo would the efta- blimmentof Popery in Ireland, in all its antient ty- ranny, becaufe the Catholics are the populace, and to them it would be acceptable. Doctor M'Nevin and others have faid, that Catholic emancipation, as it was called, was not an object really and ferioufly fought after. I think you and the Doctor are both right; and thus I reconcile the feeming contradic- tion. I do believe, that the Catholics who were en- gaged in the rebellious confederacy, before the in- furrection actually took place, were very indifferent as to any conceflions which could be made to them by a Proteftant Parliament. They hoped foon to be matters of all, by a fhort and lefs incumbered mode- they expected to eftabliih themfelvts on the ruins of our Government, Conftitution, and Religion. They have been vanquilhed, and difappointed, and they would now gladly accept from us, that participation of political power, which they before difdained, and that merely for the purpofe of making the next effort with increafed ftrength, and under better aufpices. Like wife Generals failing in the ftorm of the cita- del, they wifh to make a lodgment in the body of the work, and there cover themfelves, waiting the opportunity of another aflault. In your 24th page you fay, " If every Catholic in Ireland had been a rebel^ it onght to make- no di/c- rencc*" And again: " Ifevenfucb were the cafe, the mo- ment of viftory would he the critical time to make the conce/wn. What, might in the lafl year have been in- judicious, as liable to be reprefented a pitfiUammous com- promife, might at this day be comfliment^ and heroic Bravo, Sir! moft excellent and high- founding 21 founding rhodomantide ! You mift your ground, and change your mode of attack, with admirable dexterity. You are a very Proteus i you affume every form. Dr. HulTey and you have menaced and frighten- ed us with rocks and mountains, with dungeons, and phyfical force. Forgetting, or pretending to for- get, that the civil and religious code was introduced by the great William, moulded and blended toge- ther, forming one indivifible eftablimme.it in Church and State j you have dared to ridicule this Confti- tution, and by fpiitting its founder in two, you affeft to praife one fide of the heroes mutilated image, that you may defame and vilify the other, by comparing it to John Wefley, or any other fanatic you have endeavoured to divide the Proteftants, by roufing thofe who are not Orangemen, againft thofe who are -and you call upon the former, to make conceflions to the Catholics, to fpite the latter You now cajole us, and try to perfuade us, that having fought for our Conftitution and Religion, and having conquer- ed, that it would be magnanimous in the conque- rors to furrender to the conquered and having jproved our courage, to give up all pretenfions to fa- nity or common fenfe. It mews not ftrength of intellect, to undervalue too much that of others. Did you, Sir, imagine you were addreffing fools or Quixottes j and on this ground you declare you are at ifTue with the Orangemen I think the verdict ought to be non cctnpos. Your addrefs to the Orangemen in the next page, about efpionage, is too vague in its application to be underftood, and too contemptible to be anfwered. I fuppofe the word was introduced, to fliew your travel, 22 travel, and foreign education by the bye, I have always underftood, that fuch education as our coun- trymen ufually receive in the Jefuit Colleges abroad, peculiarly qualifies them to become adepts in the fyf- em of efpionage. You next labour to prove that the Catholics, as fuch, had not any thing to do with the rebellion and that the Catholic rebels were combated by Catholic militia regiments, Catholic noblemen, gentlemen, farmers, &c. It is painful and unpleafant to be un- der the neceffity of renewing pad grievances ; but as you have provoked and challenged the detail, I muft not flinch from it. In my turn I fay, Sir, on this ground, I am at iflue with you As to the Catho- lic militia foldiers, -many, I am proud and happy to acknowledge, did their duty like brave men ; the conduct of the Limerick regiment ftands particularly confpicuous., Some regiments have afforded fliame- ful and melancholy mfhnces to the contrary. It is a delicate point I do not wiih to infift on it I will only obferve, that foldiers taken from their families, removed from their early obfervances and habits, and placed in a mixed fociety of Grangers, under a ftricl: fyftem of fubordination and obedience, muft foon forget their local and religious prejudices ; and the latter fooner, perhaps, than any other. 1 have often heard old officers fay, that the Irim Catholics became the better foldiers, the further and the longer they were removed from home. I am fure, had not uncommon pains been taken to miflead them, that all the Irim militia regiments would have done their duty, with fideliy and bravery. We can better form an opinion of the part the Catholics took in the late rebellion, by recurring to the conduct of the Catho- lic yeomen men better educated, and of better fituation filiation than the militia foldiers men who were or ought to have been free agents, who took up volun- tarily the arms of their Sovereign (a Sovereign whom they had recently and publicly acknowledged as their greateft benefactor), and who bound themfelves by a voluntary and folemn oath, to ufe thofe arms in his defence, and that of his Government. How they fulfilled that obligation, is lamentable to confider what a difgirfting picture of perfidy and perjury was difclofed, fhortly after the infurrection took place! I fpeak of the city of Dublin it was difcovered that nine-tenths of the Catholics in the yeomanry corps, were United Irimmen, and had taken an oath to be true to the rebels, in direct contradiction to their fworn allegiance and that many of them, af- ter taking the United oath, had, on a principle of diliberate and pre-determined perjury, joined yeo- manry corps, for the purpofe of gettipg arms into their hands, learning the ufe of them, and turning them againft us, perhaps in the very moment of at- tack. The confequences might have been horrible, had they not been prevented by a timely difcovery. If any of the projected nightly attacks had taken place, the loyal yeoman, roufed from his bed, would have treacheroufly fallen by the bayonets of thofe whom he might haften to join, as friends and fel- Jow-foldiers. It is remarkable, that in the city of Dublin above two thoufand Catholics were defirous of admittance into the feveral yeomanry corps, dur- ing the fix weeks immediately preceding the infur- rection and that moft of thefe were propofed by Catholic yeomen, who afterwards either proved to be rebels, or were difarmed on ftrong fufpicion. Thefe facts are notorious, and recent ; they are open to inveftigation, arid if not founded, may be difproved. difproved. Of the Catholic yeomen in the country, -1 can only fpeak by hearfay report has not been ge- nerally more favourable to them, than to their .brethren in the city. Can any man hefitate to what jbe mould afcribe fuch mocking violation of faith and morality ? You, Sir, have acknowledged that there were twenty-five Priefts actually and openly . leaders of the rebels pretty well this and of the formidable remainder, confuting, by your calculati- on, of two thoufand four hundred and feventy-five- how many fomented and encouraged the rebellion fe- cretly ? and were, as Dr. M'Neven and others of the principal traitors declared, moft active agents in for- warding the caufe. 1 do conceive, that the circum- - fiance of fo many as twenty-five Priefts acting openly as leaders of the rebels considering the character, -habits of life, and education of Romiin Priefts ' forms a ftrong proof of the warm intereft their body at large took in the rebellion. As to individual no- blemen and gentlemen, a fenfe of honour might keep them true to their engagements. As I before have mentioned, fuch men muft be averfe to treachery in the field ; but had matters taken a more decided turn, it would have been hard to expect even from them more than neutrality. In your 29th page you make your Catholic claimant fay, " That he does not defire the aggrandizement of his fellow-rdigionijls, as a body 5 but that there Jbould not be any obftaclein the way df any individual of that communi- en, to pu/h to tbeutmoft extent they are capable, the advan- tages of birth and for tune ) talents and induftry" And in your next page" So far as my obfervaticn extend^ the reflecting Catholics in this country -, never entertained a wijh to give an eftablijhment to their clergy." I think my detail of the character and principles of the Ro- rniih 25 mim church, and its votaries, fhews that it is im- poflible that Catholics could fit down contented with civil advantages alone, negleding the advancement of their clergy, and the aggrandizement of their re- ligion. I {hall here obferve ; that in a commercial country like this, property muft be always fhifting, and that in the courfe of time, particularly if aided by high lucrative fituations, the balance of property, as well as numbers, would be found in the hands of Catholics, who would then confequently have a pre- ponderance in the Legiflative Bodies. Under thefe circumftances, I mould be forry that the Proteftant eftablifhment mould be at the mercy of Catholic fufferance and moderation. This will alfo ferve as an anfwer to the reafoning in your 35th page, about population and property.* The poetic picture prefented in the note to your gift page, is certainly more to be remarked for the exactness and truth of its delineation, as an hiftoric piece, than for the pleafing choice of the fubject, or the delicacy of the colouring. Some things and per- fons, when faithfully reprefented, become difguft- ing caricatures. Your 32d page goes to tell us, " That Catholics are men conftituted as we are, and that forbearance un- der any rejirifttons^ is not to be expected from them." This argument comes red hot from the fchool of the * Mr. M'Kenna fays, that the pillars of the efia- blijhed church are, the connexion with Britain^ and the balance of property. I have here and e If e where in this work^ JJjewn that by granting to the Catholics full po- litical, power^ both thofe pillars would be undermined^ and the whole fabric of the Conftitution overthrown. E> new 26 new philafphy, and the rights of man. You launch boldly into innovation, forgetting all the former ties, rules, and reftriclions of every civilifed country in Europe. Pray, Sir, in what Catholic ftate of Eu- rope, does a Proteftant enjoy half the privileges, which a Catholic now enjoys in the Proteftant ftate of Ireland ? Certainly in none. Or in what Proteftant ftate of Europe, does a Catholic enjoy fo many im- munities as in Ireland : And where, I may add^ have conceflipns met with fo ungrateful a return. We may clearly infer from your 35th and 36th, pages, that the Catholics, on the event of an Union, Jay the fame claim to admiffion into the imperial, as they now do into the Irifh Legiflature -, and in th& advancement of fuch their claims, you without hefi- tation get over all difficulties, by bold and unqualified afiertions, unfupported by argument, and in contra- diction to principles long eftablifhed. " You deny that, any new Parliamentary left oath Jbould be framed* io admit the jurifdiftion of the Pope." And you as lightly get over the omiffion of the oath of fupre- macy ; fuch an oath being totally unneceflary. " As the ]urifdilion of the Pope is as clearly afcertained as the jurifdifticn of the Court of King's Btncb, and would not be let in on temporal points, by omitting the oaths which offer t the King's Eccleftajlical Juprcmacy" fcfr, This is a moft extraordinary affertion, and is contra- dictsd by experience, and hiftory, which mews, that in all countries, and during all ages, Popery has never failed, wherever it got footing, to intermeddle with, and embroil every thing temporal as well as fpiritual, on one pretence or other; and the hiftory cf England, in particular, proves this in the ftrongeft manner, even to the dethronement of her Kings. How 27 How can any man prefume to fay, that the PopifK jurifdiction is as well afcertained, as that of the Court of Kind's Bench, when every one knows that it re- quires but little fophiftry to implicate almoft all tem- poral with fpiritua! concerns, as ultimately, directly Or indirectly involving, the fpiritiH fatvation of the actors : and who is to be the judge of this fpiritual falvatidn and temporal dilcrimination ? That very church, whofe intereft and character it is, to draw every- thing within the vortex of its own dominion, and to ufe every handle and pretext fct interference and do- mination. The Romifh clergy may Iquabble among themfelves, but mould any laymen, c lay body in- terfere ? the whole hive forgetting thc : ; internal dif* putes, would fatten on them, and fting them to death. But could even the inexpediency and im- policy of fuch conceffions, as affecting the Proteft- ant intereft, be palliated or got over, the imprac- tability of fuch a meafure remains, and muft re- main for ever, infurmountable, and unalterable, at leaft fo long as Popery and the Britifh Conftitution fliall continue. J do maintain that a Catholic can- not be admitted into the Irifh or Englifh Legiflative Bodies, but by a violation of the Conftitution, as eftablimed in 1/88, in its very effence, and foun- dation, and by a breach of the King's coronation oath, and alfo of the fundamental articles of the union between Scotland and England. Is it pofiibie^ that a King of Great Britain could be fo blind to the danger to which he would expofe the Conftitution he had fworn to protect, as to aflent to fuch an innova- tion, not calling it by a ftfonger name ? Or could he confcientioufly think, that he acted according to the obligation of his coronation oath, by knowingly and deliberately ex-poling the Proteftant eftablifhment to the rifque of fo defperate an experiment? Rehgi- D 2 OUS 28 ous eftablimment, is not the religion ittelf, but merely the mode of preferving it, and that can only be effected, by a political connection of the religi- ous with the civil eftablimment, and this forms, what is called the Conftitution in Church and State I do again afTert, that fuch our Conftitution cannot admit to its Legiflative, Adminiilrative, or Executive functions, any man, or body of men, who deny and violate one of its vital and funda- mental principles, by cherifhing a foreign fuprema- cy, and paying an implicit obedience to it, either in fpiritual or temporals. And I do here contend, that this fundamental principle of the Britim Confti- tution, has been eftablifhed on the fureft and moft unerring grounds, namely the conviction of the many evils attending foreign fpiritual interference, derived and deduced from the experience of many centuries. Were we now to feparate Church and State, we would virtually declare, that the refor- mation and revolution were founded on bad policy, and falfe principles, and that the fettlement of the Crown by flat. 12th and i3th W. 3d. c. 2. was an illegal usurpation. I hope and truft, that no Mi- nifter will ever be found hardy enough to bring for- ward fuch a queftion, in a Proteftant Parliament, or fo, daring as to advife a King of Great Britain to give his confent to the annihilation of the title, by which he holds his Crown. To enter into a full hiftorical and legal difcullion, of thefe queilions, would far exceed my limits. Let me afk Mr. M'Kenna, and the Catholics, on what f rounds they expect all. thefe experiments and facri- ces in their favour ? Is it becaufe they have fo well requited us for paft benefits ? Do they advance their claims on the fcore of their loyalty to their King, or 2 9 or their brotheiTy love and charity to their Proteftant feJlow-fubjects ? Or do the"y come forward fmeared with the blood of the Kildare, Carlow, Mayo and "Wexford Proteftants, and brandiming their pikes, to terrify us into conceiTion. I cannot: help faying, that there is a hardened and indecent afTurance, in the time and form of their demands. What the heart of man could fcarcely imagine, in the moil peaceful and praifeworthy times, is now ufhered in with unblufhing impudence, at the heels of rebel- lion and maflacre. For fhame ! you ought to have fat down rebuked, chaftened, and grateful, for the magnanimous moderation of your victors. Inftead of new favours and conceftions, it might have been expected, at the eve of the late atrocious rebellion, that all former ones mould have been revoked and refcinded, and that the Popiih fuperftitution mould have been at once rooted from the land, by the ba- nimment of its Priefts, and the forbiddance of the Mafs ? as incompatible with true Chriftian chanty, morality, and ajuft obfervance of the laws of fociety in a Proteftant State. Could fuch an event take place, without perfonal cruelty, bloodfhed, or civil difturbance, 1 do not hefitate to fay, that the Catholics of Ireland, would ultimately be greater gainers by the change, than even the Proteftants. I will conclude by warning the Government againft a practice, which has been too common among the parties of this country, namely that of treating and parleying with the Catholics, as a political^ body, and making ftalking-horfes of them, and their claims, for the purpofes of mutual embarraflrnent and vex- ation. This weak and wicked policy feeds, and has fed, unjuftifiable pretenfions. This has been a fort of game 5 but " bts nugoe feria ducant in mala" Jt is 3 is not wife to feek: hoilow, unreal, and fugitive con- nexions, in purfuance of a fyftem of Machiavelian policy, thereby difgufting and detaching thofewhom reciprocity, congenial interefts, and common fenfe, indicate as the true friends of a good Government, the friends and fupporters of the Throne, the Con- ititution, and the Laws. May they be perpetual. AN ORANGEMAN. Dublin, January 14, 1799., AN APPENDIX. APPENDIX. OlNCE writing the foregoing letter, I have read a pamphlet on the queftion of Union, wherein Ca- tholics and Orangemen are introduced. Had I fooner feen this production, I mould have given it fome notice in the body of my work; but I muft now confine myfelfto fuch few remarks, as time, and the limits of a fhort Appendix, will admit. The pamphlet I allude to, is entitled, and loyalty, I will only obferve, that fuch a fiction would better become a poet than an hiftorian. I cannot help adding, that it is remarkable how feldom apoftacy from Popery extinguishes hereditary affection to the caufe. I do 54 I do alfo deny, that the oaths taken by United Iriihmen and Orangemen, are equally unlawful, un- der the ccnftrudion of the ftatutes as the matters to which Orangemen are bound, form no part of the gravamen, againft which thofe laws provided, nor could have been In the contemplation of the Le- giflature, whofe only object was to guard againft and fupprefs feditious confpiracies, then exifting. The comprehensive penning of the ftatute of 37th of G. ^d. was occafioned by the dexterity fhewn by the confpitrators in eluding the former ftatute which clearly appears by coHating the two acts. Wherefore I conceive that a Judge of the land, before whom any 111 an fhould be tried for taking the Orangeman's oath, would leave it to the Jury to determine, riot only as tj the .fact of his having taken fuch oath, but alfo as to the tendency thereof, and the quo ammo, of the fwearing all which ingredients are neceflary to con- ftitute crime. I believe no Jury could be found, hardy enough to bring in a verdict of conviction* againft any man, on the ground of the Orangeman's path, which goes folely to thefiipport of the King and our glorious Conftitution, and that in the moft direct terms and thus, Sir, if I am right, your appeal to the twelve Judges, proves to be a folemn and pompous r.ujh'ty .if conviction took place, the Judge muft pronounce the fentence of the lawj but i conceive, that fuch a conviction could not happen, except, in- cgecj, from a packed Jury of United Iriihmen, an4 even they might be deterred by the dread or an at- taint. You ought, Sir, to have been more cautious, and have chofen fure grounds, before you ventured to prefer fo ferious an accufation againft Legiflators, whom you have prefumed to reprefent, as publicly adminiftering 35 adminiftering oaths, in direct violation of aftatutemade by themfclves ; and for the breach of which, they were publicly co-operating " in hanging and whipping wretches and this crude opinion you pubiifh and proclaim to the people of this agitated country, and tell them, that it caufes a difTolution of all govern- ment. I do fuppofe that pary and Catholic zeal againft the Orangemen, blinded you to all the con- fequences of fuch a publication, which even truth could not excufe orjuftify, under the prefent circum- ftances. The Prefs, in its zenith of licentious au- dacity, never vomited forth a more dangerous or deadly political poifon. Were I not confined in time and limits, I mould animadvert on other parts of this pamphlet, which, notwithstanding its partialities and mifrcprefentations, on the points I have noticed, its affectation of inti- mate acquaintance with Cabinets, and its familiar ex- pofition of public and leading characters, certainly mews confiderable ingenuity, wit, and fatire, and contains many forcible arguments in favour of an Union, conveyed in a pleafing, familiar, and impref- five ftile. Dublin, January 22, 1799- FINIS. . I UNION OR NOT? * BT AN ORANGEMAN* * t UNION OR NOT? AN ORANGEMAN. Why do the Heathen fo furloujly rage together ? ivhy do the People imagine a vain thing ? PSALM 2. i. DUBLIN: PRINTED BY J. MILUKEN, NO. 32, GRATTON-STREET, I 799. UNION OR NOT? IWENTY-ONE different pamphlets have already been printed on the fubjeft of an Union ; I have read them all without being ,fatisfied, moil of them without being con- vinced : let this be my excufe for writing. If ever a topic fell under public difcuflion which demanded cool and deliberate argu- ment, which fhould be moft carefully pro- tected from the obtrufions of Frenzy and Folly, it is this great queftion of Union : Frenzy has intruded ; perhaps on reading what ( 4 ) what I mall write, Folly may be fuppofed to put in her claim. It is not with the ex- tatic oaths of a bedlamite barrifter, who dares to array his Creator as a party in po- litical debate ; nor yet by the fimple abfur- dity of him, who proves that a thing inju- rious to the majority is ufeful to all, that fuch a queftion mould be inveftigated. Neither fhould the good or evil of the queftion de- pend upon the partial effects which an Union may be expected to produce in partial cir- cumftances. It is not whether Dublin or Deny, Belfaft or Cork, mail be injured or benefited diminifhed or increafed ; whether the Bar mail be profited, or the Clergy ag- grandized'; but whether the whole ifland, perhaps we mould fay the whole empire, will be likely to find it a meafure of advan- tage, that it becomes the wife politician to confider. ( 5 ) It is Swift I believe, who remarks of his cou , that they " ufually form an tc o] kiipg i-i every matter, long before they v what the matter is in itfelf :" In lii-i-icj has his fagacity been better evinced than in the clifcuflion of this quef- tio-n. r fo fay that an Union is bad, before we know its terms, is to fay that no Union can be good. This is rather an hafty judg- ment : ifcr let us fuppofe in the way of ar- gument, that an Union were propofed, by which the feat of Imperial Government, were to be transferred from London to Dub- lin, and by which this city were to become the Royal refidence, the rendezvous of the Britifli Parliament, &c. &c, would there be a man in fociety who could declare fuch an Union difadvaatageous to Ireland ? How many gradations then of Union are there between this of which we have fpoken, (which would unqueftionably be of incal- culabje culabte advantage) and a degrading fubjec- tion to Great Britain, which would ftrip us at once of all privilege and confequence ? How many fteps muft there be from this undeniable good, to that which would be flagrantly ruinous ? How many of the intermediate plans in this clefcent, muft be advantage's, how many of a mixed nature, before we arrive at abfolute injury ? This" I conceive to be a fufficient argument againft any intempe- rate condemnation of the project, until we laiow the principles upon which it is to be founded. May it be hoped that this unfortunate Country is' at length arrived at that waking hour, when the vifions of theory are no longer alluring ; that our fad experience has taught us the lamentable folly of fpeculation, and the wicked abfurdity of political dream- ers, who, to ' realize an idle fancy decked with gay conceits and gaudy metaphors, would ( 7 ) would plunge, as they have before done, this ifland into blood, for the horrible expe- riment of obferving her agonies. If that time be come, if the mere que tion of Union be not on the face of it an outrage againft reafon, and if a plain man may ftate a few plain arguments, then may I hope to find a few readers, even though I venture fo late into the difcuffion. Men are fond of talking of their own motives ; mine are few and fimple. By the title-page I avow myfelf an Orangeman j thofe who know the honorable principles of that ailbciation, will not fufpect me of hoftility to my King, my Country, or any Clafs of my Fellow-fubjects ; but while I avow my goodwill to all, my affection to Proteftants, and amongft Proteftants to Orangemen in particular, is ardent and -fmcere. The ( 8 ) Th enemies of our aflbciation have of late moft anxioufly fought to engage us in this controverfy ; their anxiety was enough to render us fufpicious ; but when it r.p- peared that this anxiety was directed towards the project of arraying us againft a fuppofed meafure of the King's Government, it proved their malevolence. A late meafure, (I need not mention it publicly,) has rendered this malevolence abortive ; and fo fairly has the fubjecl: been left to difcuffion, that amongft the deareft friends, we have witnefled the moil decided diverfity of opinion on this political fubjecl:, without the flighted tincture of unkindnefs. Not to delay too long from the main queftion, let me be merely underftood to fpeak the fentiments of an individual, how- ever I may chufe to defignate myfelf by a general ( 9 ) general defcription, as one of a fociety of which it is my pride to be a member. The Lawyers have called this Union an innovation, and a large majority of them have declared againft it fit this time ; -by this we are to fuppofe that they admit it may be a good thing at another time. This admiffion feems to grant every thing as to the principle of an Union, for the objection of time is one which always oc- curs ; if the country be difturbed, it is al- leged to be mifchievous to urge any momen- tous meafure, if it is quiet, it is equally dan- gerous to difturb its tranquility ; fo that in fact, the objection of time is like the procraf- tinating difpofition of a man who brings himfelf to think that every thing may be better done to-morrow than to-day, when it is by indolence, and an avcrfion to trouble that he is really actuated. B But But this objection will not weigh with the wife and honeft paftor, who finds the dif- eafed prodigal on his bed of ficknefs, worn out with frantic debauchery, he will then tell him, that the feafon of pain is the feafon of reformation, that the afflictions with which he has been vifited mould excite him to an alteration of his conduct, and that in the calamities enfuing from his errors, he fhould fee the neceflity of avoiding thofe errors in future : fuch would be the doc- trine of the pious teacher, and thus might he fnatch from deftruction the recovered penitent. Has not Ireland had her feafon of cala- mity ? Have not her calamities arifen within herfelf mall we add from her own mifconduct ? And is not this the moment when an alteration, of conduct fhould be determined upon.? Shall Shall we look to Wexford, to Rofs, Kil- dare, and the long catalogue of promifcuous carnage, to fpecify our calamities, to the ftreets of Dublin black with mournings, for fathers, hufbands, children, and friends, the victims of tae moft bloody rebellion that ever difgraced human nature ? No, every man feels in his own circle, fornething to deplore ; the icy hand of Horror has been laid upon us all, and we ftill fhudder at the dreadful recoil ection. Whence have thefe calamities arifen ? On one fide you will be told, from the refufal of Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform from divifions upon abftract terms ! .! Look a little farther, and you will perceive the very original agitators of thefe queftions, confeffing and avowing that their object was a Separation from England. And why ? Becaufe, either they defired a con- nection with France, or an opportunity of putting putting into effect, the new principles of that country. To realife thefe theories, forty thoufand lives have been loft, our faireft diftricts have become uninhabitable deferts, and the country has received a mock which for many years it will not recover, All this from the indulgence of political fpeculation, from a defire to new mould and fafhion our Parliament, and turn our Confti- tution into every ftrange fhape into which a few fanciful men wifhed to have it tortured. To efFecl: this defign, 'its projectors, about feven years ago, began to confider whom they might employ as the under la- bourers of their project ; they pitched upon the Irifh Papifts ; and no fmall pains were taken to perfuade that clafs of people ; whofe prejudices againft Proteftants, care- ,fully nurfed by their pi-lefts, had moft obfti- nately nately held out againft all the incrcafmg Jdndnefs of forty years ; that they were grievoufly opprefied by the Proteftants, and that they (the projectors) were their only friends. The good-natured Proteftants, upon their requeft, granted them fome privileges, of which their former mifcondud had deprived them ; this emboldened the Papifts, and inftead of requefts, demands were made. Let not the reader be alarmed, the hiftory of Ireland for that period, is too complex and tedious to be detailed by, me ; it is only neceflary to obferve, that from this beginning came all our misfortunes ; that the politics of Ireland for that period, have been of every motley colour and complexion : our Parliament refufmg with indignation, and admitting with fervility, the increafing de^ mands of Popery, enabling ftrong laws, approving approving weak mcafures, applauding a Pro- teftant, and courting a Popifh Lord Lieute- nant: in fhort, " Every thing by, fits, and nothing long." And this, while one regular, fteady, and con- iiftent Adminiftration has directed the helm of Great Britain, till fhe has attained a fitu- at*i n .*\ t which makes her the dread and envy -orld. ii ; .md is the lame >f jreat Britain, one eftate of Par- :.nt is the fame ; where then are we to look for this diverfity of conducl:, but in Tome error in the adminiftration of the two other eftates of the Legiflature ? That error is fuppofed to exift in their being, diftin^t from, and not connected with the two fimilar eftates in Great Britain. It is truly faid, that as long as the King of both countries ( 5 ) countries refides in Great Britain, his advifers for the government of both kingdoms muft be the fame perfons : the Conftitution fup- pofes the King to be advifed by his Minif- ters, and it is impoffible for us to conceive that his real advifers, immediately near his perfon, mall not have more weight with him, than his nominal advifers, who live in Ireland, and probably never have an audience above once in a twelvemonth. It is alfo pretty well known, that the King's Minifters are ufually nominated by the prevailing party in the Bj?itifh Parliament ; it was fo in the cafe of the late Lord Chatham and the prefent Mr. Fox, who were both appointed Minifters, though perfonally dif- \ liked by their Sovereign. Thus then nothing is plainer, (without any imputation of cor- ruption or intrigue) than that the King, un- der the prefent fyilem, is advifed by the fcrvants of a. Parliament exclufivcly Britiih. This ( '6 j This Miniftei is then fuppofed to acl for the advantage, of his own exclusive country, he advifes the appointment of fuch Lord Lieutenant, as mall be moft ufeful for his purpofes, and by that Lord Lieutenant, the affairs of Ireland are conducted,? by the Servant of the Servant of the Britifh Par- liament. Let us not impute ill motives to any men ; but let us look at the Trim Par- liament for the laft twenty years, and we mail find, that though Lord Lieutenants have varied, Parliament has never varied in its approbation of every one of them. Suppofe it were otherwife, what would be the confequence, the Britifh and Irifh Par- liaments difagree ; where is their Umpire ? the Crown cannot interfere, the Crown is in- deed bound to confult the good of the empire ; but I know not any power, with which it is inverted to decide the difputes of independent Legiflatures. In ( '7 ) In the year 1782, our gallant Volunteers enforced the claim of our Legiilature to in- dependence, by their fervices to the empire 2i i;tuch as by their remonftrances in arms ; but are we to reibrt always to a military de- cifion of our concerns with our fellow-fub- jets ? muft we wage our battle upon every point of political controverfy ? Two men, the neareft and beft friends, fons of the fame parents, will not always perfectly agree in fentiment ; how then can two Legiflatures, compofed of many men, be expected always to coincide ? Indeed the obedience of our Legiflature has been ac- counted for, but in a way fo odious, that it mould not be our wifh to continue its con- fiftency at fo dear a price^ But fay the democrats, all this argument applies to Separation as well as to Union, if our prefent ftate be bad, let us renounce C the the connection altogether, rather than, then follows ufually a good deal of rant about independence and imperial dignity, which I look upon to be pretty nearly as good ar- gument,, as the ravings of a maniac for his ftraw coronet and wooden fceptre. - To anfwer the main objection, that the argument goes to a Separation, let us turn to the confeffion of one of the moft faga- cious traitors who ever dreamed of that project : he eonfeffes that for many years this country muft be crippled by England ;, that is to fay, that if we feparated from Great Britain in an hoftile way, we eould net fend fifhing boat out of our harbours to catch a herring for our food : fuch an adiiriflion, qualified indeed by Mr. Emmet, with the probable ruin of Great Britain at the fame time, affords us no great comfort ; fociety in affliction may fervc to alleviate mifery, but who would plunge into ruin for the diabolical ( '9 ) diabolical pleafure of feeing another fuffer in company ? But look at the map of Europe, fee our northern, eaftern, and fouthern coaft geogra- phically furrounded by Great Britain ; com- pare the relative magnitude of the i-flands ; examine then their relative ftrength, and fee whether they are not naturally defigned for connection; whether feparation, and the poffible conference of hoftility, would not fubjed and deftroy at leaft the fmaller, if in the fulfilment of Mr. Emmet's malignant hope, it did not plunge both into one com- mon ruin. Thefe are external arguments againft fepa- ration ; how many internal motives does our fituation offer, for the neareft poffible con- nexion ! I fay our, for now I confidcr the queftion as an Orangeman a loyal Irifh Proteftant. Six ( 20 ) Six 'hundred years have now gone by, fmce the firft intimate connexion grew be- tween England and Ireland. For the iirft three hundred years, the anceftors of many of us fuftained a kind of colonial ufurpa- tion againft the Irifh natives. Arts, cultiva- tion, and induftry were introduced by the Ei^lifh ; the fettled property of land, and the dwelling together in towns, perhaps as much from neceffity as choice, all thefe cir- cumilances diilinguimed them from the Irifh. It is now too late to queftion the title of our forefathers, we may therefore admit that the Irifh reafonably confidered them as ufur- pers ; add to this the rude and indolent habits of the natives, the unfettled tenure of property, which was fubjed to daily parti- tion, and their roving mode of life, and we fhall not be furprifed at their aniofitmy againft the Englifh : the Cqfhnaivnga is not at this day the friend of the American fettler. The The Reformation in fome degree changed the direction of this animofity, but did not abate its fury ; the ignorance of the lower Irifh retained them under the dominion of their priefts, the Englifh on the contrary be- came, generally fpeaking, Proteftants, and although fome of the Englifh defcendants continued Papifts, and a few of the Irifh be- came Proteftants, yet the diftincYion of trim and Englifh refolved itfelf gradually into that of Papift and Protcftant ; while the rancour of the former, whetted anew by fuperftidon and bigotry, raged as violently as before. Hence did it happen, that the fame hoflile difpofition towards England, which in Ed- ward the Second's reign, urged them to call upon Edward Bruce to be their King, invited fucceilively, the King of Spain, the Pope, James the Second, and the French Directory, to rend afunder the connection between the two iflanda ; fcparation from England, and not not a diflike of foreign connection, was the motive of all thefe wars, the fpring of all the maflacres which have ftained this country, from the bridge of Portadown to the ftrands of Wexford. In the fame proportion as they have fought this feparation, have they proved their hatred of their Proteftant fellow- fubjects. A preg- nant inftance of that hatred, faved this coun- try laft fummer : the northern Diflenters, whom fpeculating demagogues had talked into rebellion, and wheedled into an alliance with the Papifls, when they found that the old persecuting fpirit of their new aflbciates burft forth mrcantly, on their acquifition of power, when they heard of the ciuel mafla- cres of Wexford and Ennifcorthy, where rebellion for a ihort time was triumphant, they became affrighted at their own mifcpn- dut, they awoke from their dreams of Re- form and Separation, and each man, {hocked at at the atrocities of his allies, or fearing for himfelf, the infurgents of Ulfter liftened to the voice of Truth and Reafon, and quietly returned to their looms and their fenfes. The cant of liberality had beerf employed to roufe thefe men into arms, confiderations of perfonal fafety induced them to return to peace. Setting afide then all declamation, which is only a comment upon the cant of the day, let us- imcerely afk ourfelves as Proteilants, could it be poffible for us to exift in this ifland feparate from Great Britain ? is the ferocious fpirit of intolerant Popery fo tamed, or fo likely to become tame, as to fuffer our exiftence upon any terms, when Popery {hall be predominant ? and afluredly, fepa- rate from Great Britain, the Proteftants of Ireland would at Icaft be outnumbered two to one, by their implacable enemies. This This then is my argument : geographi- cally, a feparation ought not to be ; politi- cally, it cannot be without ruin to Ireland at leaft ; and practically, for the Proteftant intereft I hope it may never be. So that the arguments drawn from our prefent fituation, apply to an Union, and not to that which ought not or cannot take place, a Sepa- ration. Having looked at our prefent fituation in theory, let us lee what it is in practice. The nature of a free Government always requires party in the Rate. Britifii parties, as they are immediately in the feat of Empire, muft bufy themfelves about imperial con- cerns ; all this is proper, and ferves to check the Minifter ; but the mifery of it is, that we. have in this country, minor branches of the fame parties^ and not having imperial concerns- to meddle with, the whole force of of Britifh faction, is, by proxy, directed in our Parliament, againft the internal go- vernment of the country, and what Mr. Fox ufed to utter at Weftminfter, his tele- graph, Mr. Grattan, was always found to exactly copy, however inappofite or mif- chievous to Ireland. To counteract this evil, the Britifh Minif- ter fends over various Governors, as he finds the confufion increafmg in this country, at one time we have Lord Weftmorland encouraging and fupporting the Proteftant intereft, at another, Lord Fitzwilliam with Mr. Grattan exalting the Papifts ; then again, Lord Camden fupporting the Constitution, and Mr. Grattan in a rage, fetting the Houfe on fire becaufe he is turned out ; and laftly we have had Lord Cornwallis, with an Head full of his own opinions, attempting to govern all the complicated interefts of the country, without enquiring into one of D them, them, difcouraging and difarming the Fro- teftant Yeomanry who have faved Ireland, affronting the firft men in the land for ac- quitting a Proteftant Yeoman, accufed by a perjured rebel y and at the fame time fending an avowed traitor, Mr. Sampfon, into exile exile ! to Lifbon, -and another, (Mr. Garret Byrne) who has laid wafte the whole county of \Vicklow r burned the Proteftant village of Hacketftown to the ground, and maf-- facred every Proteftant, man, woman, and* child whom he found in the country, to refide at Stowe, in, Buckinghamshire, the Paradife of England, the retreat of the pa- triot Cobhafn. Will any one fay that thefe things would have happened, were there one Iriftv Legiftator to ftand up at Weft'minider^ and tell thefe things to the people of England. It has been faid, and idly faid, that the people &f England are indifferent about the Proteftant intereft ; it is not fo ; the terrible ccmvulfions of 1780, prove that their appre- henfionf lienfions on that ground ar* even too acute ; and furely the Imperial Parliament would not tamely fuffer the difcouragement of that intercft in Ireland, it would not leave thofe who had med their biood, and loft their dearefl friends, their properties and their homes, in defence of the connexion with Great Britain, to fit down in comfortlefs poverty, to compare their lot with that of rebels, and to be forced to acknowledge that treafon had the advantage. It will be faid th*t our -own Legislature will be equally alive to the misfortunes of the Loyal ifts. Alas, I fear not ; in the very fame Houfe of Commons, which, with certainly no great degree of enthufiafm, granted a fcanty pittance to favc the Loyalifts from famine, we have heard a propofal gravely made and ferioufly attended to, even during the rage and fury of rebellion, for rebuilding the houfes of Rebels, which had been deftroyed deftroyed in the conteft excited by their own reftlefs malignity. It is indecent as well as unkind, to fpeak harfhly of any number of men ; but Le^iflar tors are but men, and their conduct is to be accounted for by the hiftory of the laft ten years. \Vho can be fure that Lord Fitzwil- liam may not foon return, with full powers for his friends ; the Proteftants are already faithful, no difcouragement can pervert them, they cannot, if they would, be traitors ; kindnefs may attach the rebel, he may be won from his treafpns, and if a little indulgence in his prefent irregularities, may fecure the friendfhip of one who may hereafter be your mafter, every wife man will wink at his follies. Such may be the reafoning of an Jrifh Senator, in Dublin, fuch could not be his motive at Weftminfter. I find ( '9 ) I find I have got deeper into this difcuffion. than I intended ; but if, from what I have faid, that which I firmly believe is proved, that it is the intereft of the Proteftants to have an Union, in preference to the prefent fyftem, my labour is not thrown away. Looking on the Proteftants as the nation, as they are the Legiflative Body, and confi- dering their advantage from an Union as certain, let us examine one or two objections. The firft and moil formidable certainly is, that by an Union the number of Abfentees would be encreafed ; but this I think, will not happen. We have very few abfentees at prefent, who have feats in the Irifh Houfe of Commons, and thofe few reprefent boroughs ; and the reafon is obvious : to carry an election for a county or great town, a man mtift be a refident, he mufl be a man well known, he muft have property in the diftrid, ( 30 ) diftrict, and he muft be always active to fecure his eledion, or he will be turned out by fome more active refident : it is under- ftood that, of the hundred members who are intended to form a part of the Imperial Le- giflature, none will reprefent boroughs ; fo that none will be returned but perfons whom necelfity will make reiidents, except during the fefTions of Parliament, and during that time, they are now as much abfentees in Dublin from the places they reprefeBt, as they would be at Weftminfter. Almoft the fame might be faid of the portion of Peers returned to Parliament : the electing Peers will, at leaft the majority of them, refide at home, and their Reprefentatives will proba- bly find it their intereft to cultivate their electors, in the fame way as the Commoners. It is faid that Dublin will be injured : I Ihould fuppofe not, and I am difmterefted in jthe fuppofitic% for all the property I have or ( 3' ) or hope to have, is in houfes in this city. It appears to me that Dublin will fuffer no lofs, except that of hearing Parliamentary debates, and being agitated by perpetual factions : Edinburgh, with fewer advantages, has ab- folutely doubled in extent, and in elegance encreafed thirty fold from the Union ; and though it is argued, in oppofition to this, that other cities of Europe have encreafed in the fame proportion in that time, yet the fact is, that not even London has, in the fame time, made proportionate advances to im- provement : Dublin, as a fea-port, nearly in the centre of Ireland, with all the advan- tages of inland navigation and maritime intercourfe, muft ever enjoy a gflkt portion of the commerce of Ireland ; as the point moft convenient to Great Britain, Dublin muft be always a port of confiderable paf- fage between the countries ; and as the Seat of internal Government, the Courts of Juftice, ( .3* ) Juftice, &c. &c.' muft always have a bene- ficial intercourfe with the reft of Ireland. Nothing could be more obvious than that the Bar would oppofe the meafure ; like the filver-fmiths of Ephefus, they would na- turally cry out " for by this craft they live," but in the fame proportion that they declare againft the meafure, infomuch muft it be of advantage, for excluding from the Legiflature, men who are accuftomed to fpeak and argue, without feeling any con- viction upon the fubjec~t, and a&ing only from the fordid confideration of their hire, is furely one ftep towards the purity of Par- liament, (p For inftance, the Evening Poft reports, that one Counfellor Plunket fpoke violently at the Bar Meeting againft an Union. I am not acquainted with the young man, but as it feems to me to be a cafe in point, I will ( 33 ) will make free with his name : he is, I hear, a promifing young Barriftcr, who had made fome progrefs in his profeflion, until he was recommended to the electors of the borough Charlemont, by the Earl of C , and by them chofen to fit in Parliament ; now, in downright gratitude, he will do exactly as the Earl of C directs him, and being a Lawyer, he will readily bring his mind to think as his patron does, fo that in fad, he is but the noble Earl's proxy in the Houfe of Commons ; would it not be better for this country, to have an unlearned country gentleman in his place, who would have an opinion of his own. It is alfo faid, that the thirty-two Barrif- ters who fupported the Union, were trie affiftant Barrifters of the thirty-two coun- ties ; now this leems to be an argument of their being the only difmterefted parties E prelent, ( 34 ) prefcnt, for &y Law the Afliftant Barriflers are incapable of fitting in Parliament, while all the majority have a capacity of being; elected, of which they will be deprived by an Union. But the oppofers of the Union will fay, the interefts of the two iflands are diftincT:, and fometimes contrary ; ihould our Parlia- ment be merged in that of Great Britain, the Britifh Reprefentatives will be always able to overbear by their numbers,, the in- terefts of Ireland." What is this but urging the difeafe as a reafon for not taking the remedy : the mif- chi'ef now exifting is, that the interefts of the two countries are diftmct and contrary ; but by an Union, it is defigned to confoli- date and incorporate them. Suppofe the Imperial Legiflatures to be the fame, the in- terefts of Ireland returning one hundred Members, ( 3$.. ) Members, would be no more unequally Tup- ported againft thofe of Great Britain, than thofe of Middlefex returning eight Mem- bers now, are againft the interefls of Corn- wall which returns forty-four, and for this reafon, that the interefls of the two coun- tries would, by the Union, be as much identified as thofe of Cornwall and Middlefex. The only diverfity of interefts which can remain, would te one for the advantage of Ireland, and it will be found in rating the proportion of taxes : fuch has been the advantage derived by Scotland from the Union, that while Ireland furnifhed a million yearly of taxes, Scotland has paid but ..700,000 ; becaufe, by the treaty of Union, Scotland never can be charged at an higher rate than (I think) one fortieth of the taxation of England. The advantage to Ireland will be, that her proportion of taxes will be rated, at a time when England is taxed ( 36 ) taxed perhaps at her highefl, and Ireland is but very moderately burdened ; fo that taking it at the fcale of theprefent day, Ireland never may be liable to pay, (however well her Representatives mav De difpofed to tax her), more than about one-twentieth of the annual taxation of the Empire. National Pride oppofes the Union rNa-r tional Pride might be induced to Tupport it, when it is recollected that .fince the Scotch Union, many of the firft Minifters of the Empire have been taken from Scotland : - Stair, Argyle, Mansfield, Stormont, Dun- das, have filled Seats in the Cabinet, and directed the concerns of the Empire, and why ? becaufe their talents, difplayed in -the Imperial Parliament, on Imperial fubjedls, have advanced them to fituations, to which even greater talents in a local Legiflature, could not have afpired ; and is not this a theatre for national pride to emulate ? is not Irifh <. 37 ) Irifh genius equal to the tafk of Imperial Government ? the names of Burke, Sheri- dan, Barre, all anfwer the queflion ; where would we have heard of them had they re- mained at home to wrangle in the little infan- tine iquabbles of a local Legiflature ? would Grattan have been known in the hif- tory of Europe, but for his converfatlons with Nelfon and Hughes. Of the numerous treatifes written againft an Union, I am pleafed to fee, that by far the greater proportion are avowed by Barrif- ters, and that if we may believe report, very few of the remainder have been written out .of the pale of the Four Courts : I am glad I fay, becaufe the public fentiment on their obvious interefl, hud anticipated the Lawyers' attack ; it was eafy to guefs that when fixty-three, more than one-fifth of our Houfe of Commons, were BarrifterSj ikat there muft have been, (without counting faepeftants) expectants) at lead fo many enemies to the removal of the Legiflature to any dif- tance from the Four Courts. But the intem- perance with which fome of thefe Gentlemen have written, was not to be expected from men of their information and rank in life ; it is too much in the ftrain of that practice which has fo much injured Ireland, the practice of exciting popular outcry, and af- fixing popular odium upon thofe who dare to oppofe the wifhes or the interefts of the Demagogue. It is of the fame complexion with that fyftem which hallooed Caftle-hack and Informer againft every man who dared to oppofe the progrefs of treafon by argu- ment, or to reveal its practices by evidence : yet in what ftate would this country have been, but for the vigorous fagacity of Duigenan, or the confcientious repentance of Reynolds. I have ( 39 r I have faid, and I believe fmcerely, that it is the wiih of the enemies of the Orange- men, to urge them forward to an oppofition of this meafure of an Union ; and I renew my entreaties,, that my Brethren will balance the queftion fairly, and examine well their own motives, before they plunge into fuch conduct ; for my part it would be fufficient for me to fee the part taken by a Democrat to decide me to acl: in direct oppofition j the chances that I would be right, would almofl outweigh my own conviction to the contrary, Obferve what their conduct has been : Three feveral meetings have been held by the Roman Catholics, and not a fmgle decifion yet made, until they fhall fee the part we may take, and by throwing themfelves into the oppofite fcale, overbear us by their num- bers, let us difappoint them. One ( 4" .) One of their body affecting to fupport an Union, has published a work filled with the grofleft and moil unqualified calumnies againfl the Orange inftitution : Let us not be urged by this attack, to oppofe even the Go- vernment which fuftains and patronifes the Author of that book. It took a lapfe of one hundred and thirty years, before an Au- thor could be found (the Roman Catholic Dr. Currie) to deny the Popiih rebellion and maflacres of 1641, thofe of 1798 have been denied within four months after their exiftence by Dr. Me Kenna. Five and twenty Popifh Priefts (by his own ad- miffion*) marching at the head of a Popifh army, form no proof that that the Papifts were concerned in the rebellion ; we might admit what he has aflerted, had a fmgle Pro- teftant Clergyman been found in the flighteft: degree connected with the horrors of laft Summer. Perhaps ( 4' ) Perhaps this is not the place or the time to difcufs this queftion ; I only fpeak of it, in order to give due eftimation to Mr. Me Ken- na's affertionS with refpecl: to Orangemen ; it would require more time, more patience, per- haps more temper than prefent circumftances allow ; it would require the agonizing recol- lection 'of the laft fix months to be recalled to view, it would require -the volumes of evidence on the fubject fuppr effect by Autho- rity^ and it would require a leifure and ability which are equally out ef my reach and ex- pectation. On the fubjecl: of an Union, I have given my opinion. Obfcure as I am, it is of little concern to me, what motives may be attri- buted, or what credit given to my arguments j they are a weight taken off my own mind, in being thus laid before the Public : if they arc juft as they are candid, I hope they may have F their . ( 4* ) their effeft ; if tbey are inconchifive and dangerous, I truft they will meet with the contempt they deferve. AN ORANGEMAN. December 22a, I 79}). V 'FINIS. STRICTURES UPON THE U N I O BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN IRELAND. BY CAPTAIN CHARLES KERR, OF THE ROXBURGHSHIRE LT. DRAGOONS. Particularly detailing the Advantages derived to Scotland, from her UNION with England, and defending the Cha- racter of thofe who brought forward a Meafure fo benefi- cial to their Country, againft the fcurrilous attacks of cer- tain Pamphleteers of the prefent day. OEDitiom - PRINTED TOR B. DORNIN, GRAFTON-STREET. 1799. . STRICTURES, Sec. JT R O M an object of fo momentuous importance, as an Union between Great Britain and Ireland ; he indeed mufl be endued with more than common apathy, who can turn with indifference It com- mands the attention of every rank in focie- ty ; nor is the lituation of any fo defpica- ble, as not to be affected by its probable confequences. And in truth I have little reafon to fuppofe, that it lies neglected; the fubject feems already debated with a keennefs equal to its merits. It has been laid before the public in every guife which, cither good fenfe, fancy, interefl or acri- B mony mony could beftow upon it -, and however inadequate I may be to throw new light upon a fubject, upon all fides fb ably con- tefted : I at leaft have the merit of enter- ing the field, as difinterefted, and unpre- judiced, as any of thofe champions who have preceded me. In a conteft of this kind, which necef- farily involves fo many jarring interefts ; it may naturally, be expected that, the views, the wifhes, the lituations of indi- viduals, will be apt to throw a falfe co- louring upon the picture. The fhades of -life are various, the interefts of mankind -no lefs extended, and the mind fo apt to flatter our felfim fpeculations, as the ebul- litions of patriotifm j that it is little to be wondered at, that men equally interefted for the good of their country, mould fee that good to be obtained through fuch oppofite mediums j mould indulge their fpleen at the expence of their judgment; and purfue the object of their wifhes, by whatever whatever means, either wit, learning, or political prejudice may prompt them to, Such fpeculations fhould therefore be lif- tened to with diffidence, and he whofc tone is mofl decided, is leaft of all to be trufted. The wifdom of a Senate might /? ! even here hefitate with fhall proceed with caution ; 'tis perhaps my only recommendation to the attention of the public. Before ballancing the mutual advantages of a Union betwixt Great Britain and Ire- land, as the expediency of fuch a meafure is denied in toto, let me upon that preli- minary point, fay a few words in the firft place. Thofe who oppofe fuch an Union make ufe of one of thefe two arguments: either that this is not the proper time for in- truding fuch a political innovation upon the rights of the Irifh nation, when the fpirits of men are already fufficiently fer* B 2 men ted men ted by recent tranfactions in the king- dom; or, that a Union of Ireland with Great Britain, can never take place, but at the expencc of the independence of the former, and the confequent aggrandize- ment of the latter flate. To argue, that this is not the proper time, for bringing fuch a meafure before the public eye, is tacitly allowing that, at fome future period it might be acquiefced in with advantage : But at prefent the fituation of this kingdom, forbids fuch an attempt. Behold, a country fcarce breath- ing from the ravages of civil fury, its fields died with the blood of its inhabi- tants, its villages depopulated, its har- vefts laid wafle; the feeds of jealoufy ger- minating in every bofom ; and party dif- tinctions courting every claim that, can fofter and promote the fpirit of revenge. The picture is awful ;, and I am much afraid, that mould we folely truft to the hand of time, to ibften the foreground of fuch fuch a landfcape, that thofe radical evils, which have been the origin of all the mi- feries of this country, would take a root fo deep, fo widely branched, as no laws, no policy, human or divine, not even felf intereft itfelf, but muft fail to check the growth of thofe diforders, which have already deluged this unhappy country, in civil warfare. The fources of thefe evils are many ; they are however principally to be found, in the party feuds of protef- tant and catholic; in the unlimited tyranny of the greater over the fmaller tenants ; and from abfentees trufling entirely the con- cern, the welfare, the very being of the poor cottager, to the arbitrary dominion yes, fometimes, to the illegal exactions of a felf- in tere fled, cunning, pitiful agent. That thefe remarks are by no means novel, I mail readily grant : that they are evils exifting at the prefent moment who can deny ? evils foftered by the hand of pre- judice, fupported by cuftom, countenan- ced perhaps from neceflity. If recognized by by the public as the great fource of thefc drawbacks upon the profperity of Ireland, 'tis indifferent how often the remark be rhade, if a remedy be not applied. And where is that remedy to be found ? In a Union, I reply In a Union, fo clofely linked, that thofe flubborn fetters, which the wifdom of government hath fo faft in- terwoven, a fimilarity of manners, an inter- change of mutual benefits, a neceffity arif- ing from pail events, may rivet ftill clofer together. 'Tis upon fuch grounds that my hypothefis refts, nor in any part of my ar- gument, mail I ever lofe fight of them. Whilft the government of Ireland remains upon its prefent footing, I fhall readily grant that it would be dangerous to enter fully into the claims of the Roman Catholics. If it is necefTary for the well being of this ftate, that the Proteilant intereft mould bear a decided fuperiority ; reftriftions upon Ro- man Catholics muft frill continue. I feel that I do not grant too much when I avow, that that even the welfare of Great Britain it- felf depends upon fo momentous a mea- fure. But change the queftion mould an Union take place, are fuch reflections re- quite ? By no means. The political views of Ireland are extended. It has Great Britain for its range : and granting that you were to allow the Roman Catho- lics complete emancipation, how in fuch a cafe could that effect the Parliament of Great Britain, or the Proteftant pofleffions in Ireland ? The reprefentation of the kingdom in point of numbers being dimi- nifhed, there probably would be fo decided a fuperiority in favour of thofe leading cha- racters,who afpired to that honour, as to bear down every attempt at oppofition ; political feu ds would then be diminimed their ef- fects at leaft transferred to a more diftant quarter would be lefs fenfibly felt, and in time every fenfe of injury would vanifh, and harmony would fucceed. If my hy- pothefis is true, what time fo urgent as the prefent for bringing forward a meafure, which 8 which will heal thefe wounds, at the price of a few privileges to the Roman Catho- lics of Ireland ; and what the Proteftants will not feel themfelves interefted to deny them. Wounds, which bleeding a they are at prefent from every pore, and plant- ing the feeds of future rebellion, in minds open both to injury and revenge, are the more liable to be healed by impreffions of gratitude, and that too at a time, when leaft expected. Grant me for one moment, that my arguments are good, who then will dare to deny, that the Union of the Romon Ca- tholics of Ireland with the Proteftant inte- reft would not promote the profperity of the kingdom ? Are reflri&ions upon three- fourths of any fociety, the true mode of advancing its welfare ? Where is the bud that will expand under the rod of the op- preiTor ? The genius which bloflbms only under the foftering hand of indulgence, will ficken and die if unprotected if limits be chained to hope, and if the unfettered mind muft be goaded by reflridlions, which neither 9 neither intereft can remove, nor the brighteft talents ameliorate. It would-be entering too deeply into the agricultu reflate of this kingdom, to explain at large, the many abufes originating from the mode too generally pra&ifed in leafing lands I mall not dwell upon thofe evils refulting from the vaft extent of farms fo generally found in many diftricts of this country, a fubject, rather the duty of a fta- tiftical obferver, than the writer of an efTay of this nature. I mail more particularly confine myfelf to the mode, in which leafes are granted, which with regard to political efFe&s merits every attention. I allude to the ftate of the real farmers of Ireland, as diftinguifhed from the middle men. Thefe occupying tenants, are a fet of men, to whofe labour and induflry fociety owes moft a fet of men who owe leaft to their country to whom oppreffion is no ftran- ger, and who to gain independence, muft pafs through an ordeal, that I muft confefs, p an 10 an Irishman alone would have patience to attempt. To draw the picture of calamity is at no time pleafing. If to paint opprefii- on in the glowing colours of a feeling mind, would be here neceffary who is ignorant of what I would wifh to defcribe ? the ani- mated impulfe of every honeft heart, has long ere now beat with correfpondent feel- ings, wiihed to point out the remedy, and fickened to think that, a cuflom fo univer- fal, muft trufr. a good deal to the hand of time and experience for an effectual reme- dy. Yet I mould be lliled a mere de- claimer, and perhaps might merit the re- proach were I to flop here ilnce I have ventured upon the fubjecl, it is my duty to explain myfelf more fully. The middle men of Ireland are thole who with propri- ety may be defined ** upftart gentlemen"-' who, generally fpeaking, have much con- fidence, many pretenfions, and little huma- nity : who think for themfelves alone, re- gard the little tenant as their property, con- fider every fcheine excufable to which pro- fit II fit is annexed, and yet refort not to thofe modes of induftry, by which thefe profits might be juftifiably doubled. Thefe are the men, who are the curfe of every coun- try in which they are known : but who are no where recognifed, as a diftincT: clafs of individuals, except where agriculture is at its loweft verge. To every general rule there muft be exceptions to this I know many ; and yet, I believe my picture will be recognized, as juft in the outline. Againfl univerfal habit, the legiflature is no fafeguard ; the laws of this country are admirable ; but in how many inftances has precept preceded example ? The time however approaches, when even abfentees will recognize the injustice they do them- felves and their country, from leafing fuch extenfive diftricts to individuals, with power to lord it over fome thoufands of poor occupiers of that foil, upon which the intermidate tenant has perhaps never beftowed one hours labour, one fixpence to ameliorate, or one thought but to harrafs the 12 the induftrions cultivator and his helplefs family. Will not the worm even rife againfl you if trampled upon ? who then fhall wonder to obferve feditious principles fwallowed by an ignorant, a deluded multi- tude, to whom in many cafes, hereafter, define it as you may, would be preferable to his prefent exigence. Thank God the time is at hand, (I flatter myfelf I am not miftaken) when a Union with Great Bri- tain, pointing out fo many incentives to in- duftry, fo many channels of wealth, and cafting fuddenly afide the veil of prejudice, muft expand the native genius and humanity of Irifhmen j and teach them that they now can boaft of refources within themfelves, which but to cultivate, muft make them rife fuperior to what, even twenty years ago, it would have been confidered a hy- perbole to look up to. The confequences rcfulting from abfen- tces are perhaps none of the leaft of thofe hardfhips complained of, not fo^much to the the country at large from their withdraw- ing from its circulation, fo great a capital as the rents of their properties j as to in- dividuals, from the want of that fource of happinefs, which they would experience more immediately, under the countenance of a kind landlord. How many men are there, who bleft with the nobleft fpirit of philanthrophy, could, from the dictates of their own heart, find an eafy, a certain re- medy to many evils, which are unattended to by thofe who have neither intereft to in- duce, or companion to point out a remedy ? evils, which in many instances, I am con- vinced, are fufficiently grounded to war- rant redrefs which, were they even vi- iionary, the foothing, the perfuafive voice of a compamonate landlord, could, by hu- mouring, ealily blot out by a fmile, in place of their being turned into real hard/hips by the humours of an unfeeling agent. Were the mode in which the rents are levied in many places of this country, attended to by the leghlator, a remedy might be found for '4 for much of the difcontent which per- vades the lower ranks of fociety in this kingdom. Did the great proprietors of land liften to their own intereft, they would fometimes recoiled: what Bacon in his apoghthegms, relates of James the firft of England, " Gentlemen," faid the king," at London, you are like mips in a fea, which mew like nothing; but in your country villages, you are like mips in a ri- ver, which look great things." But, fays the oppofer of the Union, if abfentees are at >refent found a real evil, how much more fo muft that afterwards be felt, when inducements for emigrating are multiplied, and the impoffibiity exifts of refiding be- yond that fphere, where profit, honour and riches are alone diilributed. In the firft place, Scotland experiences the fame evil, but there it is made up, by pofTeiTing a free unreftrifted commerce with that coun- try, which fwallows up fo great a propor- tion of her rents. At prefent Ireland can- not poffibly advert to fuch a return: her trade 15 trade with Great Britain being cramped.- Did therefore the evil even increafe with the Union, it would find a remedy within itfelf of the fame nature with Scotland. But even the neceflary connection which a member of the Britifh legiflature muft keep up berwixt himfelf and his conflitu- ents, for the purpofe of fuftaining his poli- tical influence, will render it neceflary for him to fpend part of his time in the coun- try. Profit alone will lead him to it, for as one of the confequences of a Union an in- creafe of Englim capital flowing into this kingdom, attended by the example of genius, ceconomy, and regularity in farm- ing, will of itfelf create a defire, if not to improve in hufbandry, at leaft to make the moil of the foil : and let any liberal minded Irishman examine to what a height that improvement might be brought, (particular- ly in the province of Connaught,) not evea carrying the idea to the fummit of human improvement, yet ftill it is incalculable.- Have i6 Have I drained my argument beyond all probable forefight, by refting it upon fuch foundations ? I hope not. I have calcula- ted principally upon the juflifiable pride and avarice of mankind, nor would it be difficult to find others to fupport my peti- tion. One author I beg leave to quote upon this fubjecl:, the celebrated Arthur Young, who in his tour through Ireland, in the year 1778, makes the following obferva- tion upon a Union, and particularly as to the probable effe&s of the increafing num- ber of abfentees. " In converfation upon " the fubjecl: of a Union \tith Great Britain, " I was informed that nothing was fo un- '* popular in Ireland as fuch an idea, and " that the great objection to it was increaf- '* ing the number of abfentees. When f< it was in agitation, 20 peers and 60 " commoners were talked of to fit in the " Britim Parliament, which would be the " refidence of 80 of the bell eftates in " Ireland. Going every year to England, " would by degrees, make them refidents; " they '7 " they would educate their children there, " and in time become mere abfentees : " becoming fo, they would be unpopular, " others would be elected, who, treading " in the fame fteps, would yield the place " ftill to others ; and thus, by degrees, a " vaft portion of the kingdom now refident " would be made abfentees : which would, " they think, be fo great a drain to " Ireland, that a free trade would not re- " pay it. ;* v " I think the idea is erroneous, were it " only for one circumftance, the kingdom " would lofe, according to this reafoning, " an idle race of country gentlemen, and " in exchange their ports would fill " with mips and commerce, and all the " confequences of commerce : an exchange " that never yet proved difadvantageous " to any country." Had I not been afraid of becoming prolix, I might have dwelt upon fubjects D which, which, indeed as to their confequence, I have rather hurried over than defined ; it is my wim, however, more to furnim matter for others, than to attempt my- felf what I am little able to execute ; and if I have failed in proving the benefits of a Union at the prefent crifis, it muft be en- tirely owing to the mode in which I have arranged my arguments, not that thefe ar- guments in themfelves are null and fri- volous. But there are fome who contend, that, a Union with Great Britain can at no time take place, but, to the total annihilation of the kingdom of Ireland. With fuch, every argument muft be unavailing, for even truth itfelf would fail, were me to defcend from above, and dictate to them from the mouth of omnipotence. To thefe Gentlemen, I mould beg leave to put one queflion : is not that fituation to be preferred, which holds out to men of en- terprize, a choice, where formerly there was nojie ? I pretend not to define, what may may be the articles of the treaty betwixt Great Britain and Ireland, but furely with- out the fpirit of prophecy, we may at lead forefee, immenfe commercial advantages refulting to the Irifh nation, which muft give in particular to the fouth and weft coafts of this ifland, fuch benefits, as are hardly calculable ! And is that of little avail, which conduces to call forth the ge- nius and ability of a great nation ? In place of Dublin being the mart for talents, will not Cork, Waterford, Galway, Limerick, all claim their mare ? Yes, innumerable little villages upon thefe coafts, will rife into opulence ; if not from mere nonentity, at leaft from a fituation fomewhat approach- ing to it ! Much has been faid by thefe Gentlemen, about the infufficiency of Par- liament to change the nature of the govern- ment,- I pretend not to dive into the mode by which Great Britain may attempt to eftablifh a Union of this nature -, but it is at leaft confiftent to fuppofe, that, mould the meafure be brought forward by the D 2 Britifh 20 Britiih Cabinet, it can be gained only by thofe means, which, fliould the fpirit of party, at fome future period, think pro- per to canvafs, would even then, fecure the voice of the nation, as conftitutional. 'Tis unfair to argue upon a fuppofed data; our very principles may be wrong ; * What then becomes of our conclufions ? A pamphlet, entitled, " No Union," famed principally for its fcurrility, has ventured, in contradiction to both truth and reafon, to commence its carreer of op- pofition, by remarking in the firft place, the prejudicial effects of the Union upon Scotland. Take this declaimer, in the way he wimes to be underftood in, and Scotland, and her countrymen, poor, bar- barous, and unprincipled, fold themfelves for gold ; and gained, eternal infamy at- tached to their character and kingdom ; bent under the foot of their opprefibr, and thanked heaven for depriving them, of the fmalleft chance of arriving, at that pitch pitch of civilivation, which, in the na- tural progrefs of Europe to refinement, it had once fome chance of reaching ! Churchill, Johnfon, and Macklin, are that author's three fupporters. The firft a man of a moft infamous character ; the fecond contracting his antipathy to Scot- land frot Lord Bute's adminiftration ; and the third, a buffoon ! Worthy fupport- ers of fuch a hero ! Ignorance alone mud have curtailed the authorities of the learn- ed barrifter ; for were fuch fatisfactory, he might have indulged his fpleen, by a nu- merous lift of fupporters, that perhaps might have gained him greater attention. Since therefore, by calling in queftion, the propriety of the Union of Great Bri- tain as to Scotland, he has attempted to ihew to the people of Ireland, the fnarc that is laid for themfelves ; I mail briefly narrate thofe circum fiances which gave rife to it, affected it; and is at prefent the fource of happinefs to both kingdoms. From From the firft aera of the Englifh and Scottiih monarchy, to the reign of James the fifth, an eternal feud may be faid to have exifted between the kingdoms ; ori- ginating in the fir ft place, from jealoufy, on the one hand fupported by power and riches, en the other, by an independant fpirit -, in the fecond place, from private quarrels amongft the boarderers. There were others of lefs confequence, which gave rife to continual jarrings - y and it was even a maxim of the Scottim government, not to accept of too long a truce with England, left its warlike fpirit mould be blunted. Whilft England, therefore, in the gradual courfe of civilization, kept pace with the continental powers ; Scot- land, from its poverty and fituation, (ex- cluded by England from the benefits of commerce) paufed, or at moft, very flowly advanced to refinement. Thofe who are acquainted with the French authors, about the middle of the fix teen th century, may form form perhaps a comparative idea of the kingdom of Scotland, at that period. When king James the fixth, was fairly eftablifhed upon the throne of England, a Union of both kingdoms was moft ear- neftly fought after by the king ; but as Hume wifely obferves, in this bufinefs " the commons mewed, a greater fpirit of " independence, than any true judgment " of national intereft;" it mifcarried, at the fame time, with feveral other mea- fures, which the king had then almoft as much at heart. When the fubject was again introduced, in the time of Queen Anne; it was principally oppofed by that party, in the Scots parliament, devoted to the court of St. Germains ; the dukes of Hamilton and Athole, the difappointed leaders of two oppofite factions, alfo fe- cretly attached to that court, and then coalefceing through party motives; and by the leaders of the prefbyterian interefl ; who fearful of a change, in church go- vernment, 24 vernment, co-operated with the puritans, and every fed: of diflenters, to fruftrate the meafure. It was chiefly through their influence, that fuch tumults were raifed, as had not been witnefTed fince the revo- lution ; and if the fum of twenty thou- fand pounds was upon this occafion lent by the queen to the Scottish treafury, a loan fo fmall, will not jufKfy the expreffi- on, that the Scots fold their country for gold. The majority of the nation, had already declared in its favor; every fecu- rity was given to the prefbyterians for the eftablimment of their form of worfhip ; and fatal muft have been the conteft, had arms been reforted to. It may rationally be fuppofed, that humanity dic~r.ar.ed the diftribution of fuch a fum, as a compenfa- tion to men, who, either from fituation or circumftances, mufl have been lofers by the bufmefs ; or, who, by their en- deavours to promote fo beneficial a treaty, merited the reward of their labors. Dr. Smollet writing upon this fubjecl, expref- fes 25 fes himfelf, thus, " The majority of both *' nations believed that the treaty would " produce violent convullions, or, at " beft, prove ineffectual. But we now " fee it has been attended with none of the *' calamities that were prognosticated ; " that it quietly took effect, and fully an- " fwered all the purpofes for which it was " intended. Hence, we may learn, that *' many great difficulties are fin-mounted, ** becaufe they are not feen by thofe who " direct the execution of any great pro- ' jecl: ; and that many fchemes, which " theory deems impracticable, will yet " fucceed in the experiment.' 1 The foundation of the rebellions, which afterwards took place in that kingdom, was laid at a period before the Union ex- ifted. Every fource of hope, was then, certainly abstracted from the family of king James the fecond : Yet, we may fairly prefume, that thefe rebellions would at any rate have occurred, although that E Union 26 Union never had been heard of. It now almoft amounts to a certainty, that the queen herfelf was favorable to the caufe of her brother ; and a claim at that time fo recognized ; how can we wonder, that it fhould afterwards have had fo many abettors ? How fondly attached at every period, the Scots have been to the family of Stuart, need not be infifted upon ! But the author of the pamphlet alluded to, has thought proper in a ftrain of ab- furd declamation (not unlike the fpurious rhetorick, of a French orator of the pre- fent day,) to obferve, that before three years had elapfed, the treaty of Union was broke, and the paffing of the malt tax is brought forward by him,, as an in- ftance of what may be expected by the Irim, from any fimilar treaty. Could he not have alfo remarked, that by the 2oth claufe of the Articles of Union, all here- table jurifdiclions, &c, were referved to the owners ; yet notwithftanding this treaty, treaty, in the year 1747 an aft patted for abolifhing them. This though a com- plete emancipation of the Highlanders, from a badge of feudal fervitude -, and although it might be juftly argued, that until then, the Scots had acquired no in- dividual freedom, and but a partial advan- tage from the treaty ; yet, according to that author's mode of reafoning, being in breach of a law patted 40 years before, no allowance was to be made for confequen- ces, unforefeen, when that claufe was under deliberation. Why did he not alfo remark, that in the year 1708 when an invafion of Scotland by the Pretender was expected,- A bill was brought into the Houfe of Lords, under the title of an act for improving the Union of the two king- doms, relative to trials for high treafon in Scotland, which with fome fmall variati- on, were in future to be regulated, ac- cording to the manner of the Englifh pro- ceedings. Both of them were complete infractions of the Union; yet I mall take it it upon me to fay, the conflitution fo far from being underminded, was fupported by them 5 and had not the treaty been broke, the kingdom of Great Britain muft have been endangered. As to the paffing the , bill for the malt tax, and the confe- quent movement of another, for diflblving the Union, it may juftly be obferved that the fpirit of oppofition more than any other clrcumftance was the author of the meafure ; and how do I fupport this ? but by obferving, that all the Whig Mem- bers voted for the diffolution of that treaty, -which they had fo eagerly promoted-^- whilft the Tories, ftrenuoufly fupported the meafure, againft which they had once argued with fuch vehemence. In fetting forth ajl the complaints brought at this time by the Scotch againft the Britim go- vernment in confequence of the violation of the Union, Mr. Spencer in his pamphlet obferves, that it was then alfo itared as a grievance that they had no more a council in Scotland. In juflice he fhould 2 9 fhould have remarked, that it was left in the power of the parliament of Great Britain to continue or fet it afide. It would be hard indeed, if in the hiftory of a noble heart, every unfortunate action, which paffion, though tleflhefs, or inebriety gave rife to, were to be confidered as ftudied malevolence -, and the unintended, unforefeen confequences of one fingle de- viation from the ftridtefr. virtue, attributed to the mofl vicious propenfities. So in the hiflory of a great and generous nation like Great Britain ever active in the caufe of freedom, ever flrenuous to promote it it would be abfurd indeed, to afcribe fome particular inftances of oppref- fion, as a conftitutional failing. Party politics may countenance many diforders, the conftitution difowns them ; and when weighed in her ballance the hand of time ' has ever rectified them. Let the ftream of Britifh politics be at any time ever fo muddy, it is fed by fprings, too numer- ous and too pure, to endanger its channel being choaked, and the bark on which our 3 our fortunes are entrufted, flranded and ingulphed. Whilft the fun of the greater nations of Europe feems fetting, ours is yet in its meridian glory Let us be true to ourfelves, and united we may brave the world. As I have before obferved, this illeberal barrifler has contended, without bringing any argument to his fupport, that the Uni- on has been prejudicial to Scotland ; and that in the natural progrefs of civilization throughout Europe, that country might poffibly have been raifedto a far more prof- perous ftate than it is at prefent. It poffi- bly might What restrictions, what eir- cumftances have prevented it ? Here my Author is filent he has looked backward indeed, to fome purpofe, and with equal effect, I doubt not has he fearched into the depth of futurity, when he forebodes the moft difmal effects from a Union, to the Irim nation. If the effects are fuch as Scot- land has experienced, ihe has little reafon to 3* to fear them. To thofe who are acquaint- ed with that country I have no wim to fpeak, let me advife thofe who are igno- rant of it, to confult fome other author than that gentleman whofe illiberal abufe fets him beneath contempt, and who will but find fupporters amongft thofe, who derive their intelligence, from fources equally ridicu- culous. Let me aik this intelligent gentle- man did he ever fee Scotland ? I fufpe ' refulted to that country, viz. that the Ro- man Catholic religion, might firft have found a protector and afterwards an efla- blmment : Yet thofe who calculate upon the power of the Roman Catholics in this country, and the advantages they would naturally have reaped, had the late defpe- rate meafures been fuccefsful; may poffibly confider, that the Proteftant intereft of Ireland, can look for certain protection no where, but in a Union. Ireland indeed has a more fuccefsful commerce, than Scotland enjoyed previous to the Union : Yet, that a Union would bring an incalculable en- creafe of commerce to this country, is felf- cvident to every one, thofe excepted, who are wilfully blind. There are indeed fome contented fouls in this country, who dif- daining an obligation, and ignorant at the fame time how to requite it, wifh Ireland to truft to its own perfeverance, and prog- nofticate a fuccefs equal to their moft ar- dent expectations. To thefe I could almort fay " my honefl friends, you are already " fo 4 o c * fb much obliged to England, that to at- " tempt at remuneration, is upon your " part impoffible, upon ours, unwifhed " for ; the moft thanklefs indeed, are " fometimes thofe, who, like you, are " glutted by a profperity, they have reaped " from friends, whom they can ne- " ver expert to repay. Accept however " ftill thefe kindnefles, which have help- " ed to raife you to fo profperous a fituati- *' on ; nor from an unjuftifiable pride, re- " jeft that affiftance, which hath fo often " fupported you, and call down upon your " heads at fofne future period, the " curfes of your children." But it is ar- gued by one of its oppofers, that from the fituation of Ireland, God Almighty ne- ver intended fuch a circumftance fhould take place as a Union of Great Britain and Ireland. Perhaps this gentleman reafons from revelation ! if fo what a pity for both kingdoms, that the Omni- potent had not confulted him in the bufi- nefs > we might then have hoped, his pa- triotifm triotifm and forefight, could have effecte d what now there is fo abfolute a bar put to. This hypercritic recollects me of Sir God- frey Kneller's anfwer to Pope, when re- marking to him, how much more perfect the world would have been* had the Al- mighty had his affiftance. *< 'Fore God " Sir" replied Kneller, " I believe fo." Yet after all, I mould fufpecl: his argu- ments are drawn from a fource of intelli- gence, at which we have all an equal means to arrive at. But I muft confefs, I can obferve nothing in the fituation of Ireland as to Great Britain which bars luch a profpect. I can figure each of them in turns mutual bulwarks to the other. I fee deficiences in the fituation of each, which each can fupply. J can at leafl flatter myfelf, that in the mind of every honeft man, confidence from mutual benefits, willfucceed tojealoufy; enough in itfelf at any time, to double the ftrengtl\ of a country.. With 43 With thofe who muft be miferable, v lhould they have no opportunity of de- claiming : with thofe to whom right or wrong are equally acceptable, with whom, felf-intereft or the gratification of party fpirit, is the moft material confederation $ it is alike indifferent what arguments they bring forward to advance their purpofe. The veil of fophiftry may either totally con- ceal their fallacious tendency, or caft a made on their imperfections. Party pub- lications may in general excufe fuch a re- flection ; nor do I think that the fpirit of fome of thefe lately ufhered into the world, upon the prefent queftion, will make me blufh for the cenfure. Look to thofe which are written directly againft the Union, and which, in place of treating the fubject in a candid, liberal manner condemn it in toto, and can find no argument poflibly to juftify it. To believe them, the ruin of Ireland is as certain, as that the fea furrounds it ; nor do I doubt, but that fuch patriotic fenti- ments, will gain many votaries amongfl thofe who 43 who never yet thought for themfelves. De Lolme, fpeakingof the trade of Ireland in the year 1780, makes an obfervation fomewhat a of iimilar tendency ; that, " the reftraints ** on it, though detrimental, were not of " that calamitous nature, which was re- thus the Tragedy you have feen acled not many weeks ago you will fee repeated and reprefented again and again. For the French conceive this kingdom to be a vulnerable point in their antagonifts fide ; they have men enough to fpare, whofe lives they little regard, as it is certain they think more of the capture of one of their moft in- fignificant Sloops of War, than they do of the annihilation of an entire Regiment, and this i6 this by the by ought to teach us 3 that if they think fo little of the fate of their own people, it is not reafonable to expecl they fhould think much of ours ; indeed all hiftory will ihew us how little in fimilar circumftances one nation can depend upon the faith of ano- ther, even in a very recent inftance the un- happy infurgents in La Vendee fay that they did not receive that affiftance, and co-opera- tion they were led to expecl: from England j the fate of the unhappy Emigrants in the Quiberon expedition is too recent, and too me- lancholy to make it necefiary for me to dwell upon At prefent the brave the honeft Bra- banters who but four years ago received the French with open arms as their deliverers from the yoke of Auftria, now galled by the yoke, and goaded by the Tyranny of France, have rifen in rebellion and infurredion ; of courfe according to the ufual policy purfued by contending nations they are encouraged and promifed aid and afliftance from the pow- ers at war with France ; I believe they will find themfelves deceived they will not receive any effectual affiftance, and I believe that after throwing away their lives arid difplaying a courage courage, and bravery worthy of fuccefs j they will be facrifked, and cruflied by the power of France. But while we remain in fufpence, and doubt- ful anxious expectation of a French invafion, in the profpecl of a reparation, what treat- ment are we to expecl from England, to vvhofe power we certainly muft lie expofed ? confider the people of England are engaged almoft with unanimity in a war carried on with the greateft animofity, and deadly hatred againft an enemy, whom they conceive to aim at their happinefs, and that of all Europe, while then England believes the people of this country are allied to that enemy in prin- ciple, and are engaged to deliver up the coun- try to hirp, can it naturally be expedled from her, that (he fhould have ears for Irifli com- plaint, or feelings for Irifli fuftering ? no, ihe will treat Ireland as a conquered country as a country tenable but by force, flie will rule Ireland with a rod of iron. And it is to be remembered, that while England keeps this country from the grafp of France, while (he can draw-from Ireland the ufual fupply of D men i8 men to recruit her Armies, and man her fleets, England may go on, and flourifh, and this (he may do; although Ireland at the fame time be hurrying on with accelerating force to the profoundeft depths of mifery, and de- folation. I now come to the fecond kind of change which I fuppofe to be in the contemplation of many people that oppofe an Union, this js to prefer ve the prefent connection with England, and leek by peaceable, and legal means a reform, as the remedy for all our ills, and complaints ; this is a meafure, that wears fo fair an alpecl:, and is in general entertained by men of fo much refpectability, and fo pure intentions, that I think the roeafure de- ferves confideration more from the refpecta- bility of the quarter it comes recommended from, than any thing in itfelf ; men in their zeal for an object fo fair feem to have over- looked the difficulty of its attainment, the friends and well wifhers of this change, ground their hopes upon this, that the Bri- tifli Government will now grow wife from what is paft, that they will fee the impolicy of of the fyftem hitherto purfued, and now be- gin to concede to the wifhes and conciliate the affections of the people of Ireland ; this is plaufible, and what I myfelf think would be wife and juft in the government of England but I am not now to take into my confide- ration what I think would be wife in them to do, but if they are likely fo to do ; now every inducement, every argument that is now ufed, or can be ufed for this purpofe applied with tenfold force at different periods fince the commencement of the prefent war, at a time when England was difcomfited in all her projects, in the hour of her diftrefs, and in the days of her adverfity, when her enemy was in the full career of conqueft unchecked, and almoft unbppofed, threatening moft feri- oufly the overthrow of every government in Europe, at a time too when the people of England were much divided, when in Ire- land a moft formidable confpiracy had reared its head, and was rapidly gaining ground, at that time the Britifli Minifter was told, what madnefs not to unite all the people of Ireland in the common caufe againfl fhe common enemy j this warning ca'me from the pro- D 2 phetic 20 phetio voice, and was urged with the zeal, and ability of a Burke, that prodigy of genius and ornament of his country; yet under all thefe awful menacing circumftances, we fee that not one of thofe advifed fteps to conci- liate the people of Ireland was purfued ; the Empire is {till governed by the fame men. and the fame counfels, and in the name of good fenfewhat well grounded expectation can now be cntertaine'd, (except we fuppofe the courfe of nature changed) that at this day when the enemy is checked and hum- bled, when England is flufhed with fuccefs after a feries of victory, and after a rebellion in Ireland cruihed, that fhe will in the hour of triumph become wife, and learn moderation from profperity, and therefore be now more eafily induced, or more eafily terrified to com- pliance with our wifhes and demands ? no, no, it is an idle groundiefs expectation. By a reform is I fuppofe generally meant a reform in the commons houfe of Parliament, that the people mould have a full, and adequate reprefentatipn, that is, to extend, and encreafe the demQcratic part of the conftitution ; any other kind of reform would be abortive, and not worth 2 I worth confidering now, if there were wanting an argument to flievv, how impracticable, and unattainable fuch a meafure is, however defira- ble it mud be, confider, that in England fuch reform had long been the favourite meafure of the moft refpectable part of the community, and the darling object, of the bulk of the peo- ple, and that now every idea of it. is abandon- ed, except by a party more zealous, than nu- merous, or refpeftable, the minifter has fatis- fied the people of England, that this would be a dangerous time to attempt any material al- teration in the frame of the Legiflature It is the leading principle, the diflinguifhing cha- rafteriftic of the prefent adminiftration to refift all fuch attempts to reform now if the minifter mould be induced to yield to the wimes of the people of Ireland in this refpecl, and grant a reform in parliament with what face ? with what confiftency could he after- wards, ftand up in his place, and oppofe re- form in England, when he might well be afked ? what objection can you have now to reform will you fay, this is a time for re- form in Ireland, where the people are greatly difaficctedj where they have had fcarce time to 22 to take breath fmce the fuppreillon of rebel- lion, an d will you fay now, that it is not a time for reform in England, where the peo- ple are beyond example, United in the defence of their king, and country ? or he might be afked, did he think the people of Ireland more enlightened, than the people of England, more advanced in civilization, and therefore fitter to enjoy the bleffings of a free conftitution, and to exercife the rights of a free people ? it is too abfurd, to think, that while the con- nection lads with England, reform in Ireland can ever precede reform in England, to re- quire me to add another word upon the There now remains according to the order, and divifion I laid down to myfelf, the pro- pofed meifure of an Union which at prefent engages the attention of the people of Ireland ; that this is attainable, there is little doubt, that it is the only efficient, beneficial change, that is fo, I have myfelf as little doubt the queftion comes to this fhall we rem un as we are, or mail we embrace the offer of an Union ? in thinking that a change is necef- fary, 23 fary, that opinion is not founded merely upon the confideration of the prefentftate of the coun- try, or of any recent occurrences, my opinion is grounded upon a conviction ; that the fyftem under which we live is radically bad, that the connection that now exifts, and always has exifted between the two countries, is the molt abfurd, the moft mifchievous, that ever fubfifted between any two countries the firft law of the connexion is, that the Crown of Ireland is forever annexed to the imperial Crown of England -, that who- ever may happen to be king of England, is ipfo facto king of Ireland thus independent Ire- land has no power to chufe her own king, nay nor to retain her own king only during the pleafure of the people of another country- would to God, this kind of independence had only proved abfurd in theory, but the mifchief is fully equal to the abfurdity of the connexion In the lad century when the Parliament raifed the ftandard of rebellion againft their Sovereign Charles, the native Irilh remained fteady in their loyalty to the throne, and attachment to the perfon of their king, and for that loyalty they experienced the moft cruel perfecution from the ufurper Cromwell, or rather the de facto 2 4 facto king of England--before the clofe of the fame century, and before that generation^ which had fuffered fo much for their loyalty to their fovereign, had pafled away, the Irifh were once more to experience the mifchief of the unhappy connection the Englifh Parliament dethroned King James, but he was flill enthroned in the hearts of his Irifh fubjects, they difplayed their ufual fideh'ty, which has fo diftinguifhed the Irifh character in the page of hiftory, for which as before, they paid mod dearly, and underwent almoft a century of iiiffering, and perfecution, but the fad tale is too generally known, too deeply imprefled on the minds of Irifh men to render it neceflary for me to dwell on ; fo that a perfon is almoft tempted on firft confidera- tion, to conclude, that the unhappy Irifh, be they loyal, or be they difloyal are doomed by providence to mifery, and fuffering, but a little reflection will fatisfy us, that it naturally, and neceffarily arifes out of the fyftem under which we live, out of thisvery independent connection, for the continuance, and perpetuation of which, we are gravely told; it would be wife ; it would be patriotic to Ihecl the blood of the country, that country, which has already bled at every pore the 25 the regency bufmefs is within the recollec- tion of almoft every perfon, another proof of the abfurdity, and which was likely to have proved fully the mifchief alfo of the prefent connecti- onif I wanted further proof of the abfur- dity, and mifchief of the prefent connection, I need only call to mind, what pafled the other day, when it was propofed to the Britifh Par- liament, to take the ftate of Ireland into their confideration, and to enquire into the caufes of the difcontents, and grievances of the people the minifters told the Britifh Parliament* that they had no power to interfere, that Ire- land had a free and independent Parliament of her own, which was alone competent to legiflate for Ireland, and to determine the propofed queftion Thus was an infurmountable bar- rier raifed out of our own independent con- nexion againft all relief, or even enquiry into our complaints thus was infult added to injury by this mockery of Irifh independence by this ; it is now proved that under the prefent connection, the Britifh minifter, whofe councils muft ever fway Ireland, may commit the moft flagitious acts of oppreflion, and cru- elty towards the people of this country with E impunity, impunity, with the moft perfect fecurity, for be- yond the reach of the Iriih Parliament he is cer- tainly placed, and the Britim, never can call him to account for any act of mal-adminiftration in Ireland, as that would be a violation of the con- nection, and of the independence of the I rim Parli- ament thus we have governers without refpon- fibility no governor of ours has to dread an impeachment, like the fucceflbrs of Warren Haftings j even the rcdrefs, which the wretched natives of Indoftan were held entitled to, muft under our prefent connection be withheld from the people of free, and independent Ireland Under our prefent connection we are expofed in the fulleft manner to Britim opprefiion, but we are excluded from Britifli protection ; again I repeat it, the fyftem is radically bad it mufl be changed look to the hiftory of this connec- tion, in every page you will fee the difmal, bale- full effects of this wretched fyftem written in characters of blood, filled with diftraction, and divifion, a feries of infurrections under various lhapes, and denominations under the preient connection, it has almoft became a maxim in poli- tical fcience, that infurrections are periodical, and return at ftated intervals, and that a good politi- cian 2 7 cian can calculate the happening of an infurrec- tion in Ireland, with as much certainty, as an aftronomer can the occurrence of an eclipfe, or any other phenomenon of nature Thefe events which I have juft ftated as. marking the hitlory of our connection, are undeniable, and within the knowledge of almoft every man 3 in further detail of this wretched fyftem; I have heard from men of experience and more than common ob- fervation ; that it has happened, that a certain powerful lord, having fallen out with the mini- ftry a out the fale of his intereft, and influence, repaired to the country, where his influence lay, in the fouth, and by agents there, repre- fented to the peafantry the hardfliips they la- boured under, tythes in particular, and that the beft way of obtaining rejief would be by infur- rectio.n ; thefe reprefentatipns had the cie/ired effect, the wretched peafantry rofe with fury under the name of White Boys, and other fuch denominations rthe noble lord then returned in triumph to the feat of government, and obtain- ed the terms he fought for, on promife of lend- ing his aid in fupprefllon of thofe disturbances, which he himfelf had excited and after moot- ing the deluded victims of his own treachery s 2 tranquillity 28 tranquillity was for the time reftored I have heard alfo, that at another time, a certain other great lord in the oppofite quarter of the kingdom, in the North, by fomenting, and working on the prejudices of the people, engaged them in a re- ligious war, and Jo deluged a province with blood, and oveafpread it with devaftation : I will not be- lieve, I will not entertain for a moment the idea, that this event happened in compliance with the wifhes, or by the contrivance, or permifTion of government, neither will I fay, thofe things did happen exactly in the fame manner, in which I have heard them ; but it is enough that fuch a thing was feafrble, and practicable to make eve- ry friend of humanity, and his country wifh, and endeavour, to refcue a people from fuch a ftate ofmifery, and debafement; I have heard it faid, that it argued great ability, and addrefs in the leaders of the late unhappy rebellion to engage the lower orders of the people in their caufe fo generally, fo warmly, and fo zealoufly > but who- ever would be at the trouble to make themfelves acquainted with the peafantry of Ireland, and their difpofitions ; would be fatisfied, that it re- quired neither ability, nor addrefs in their pre- fent ftate to excite them to infurreftion ; though it 2 9 it requires a deal of both to appeafe, and keep them in any kind of tranquillity While the pre- fent fyftem lads, it will ever be in the .power of the moft bungling incendiaries without principle, or abilities, and with the mofl abandoned, defpe- rate views, to excite the bulk of the people of this nation to infurrec"lion, and rebellion let any man reflect upon this, and fay afterwards, no change is requifite I cannot help thinking there is a great analogy^r^ween the ftate of the mafs A&thr.rj^^/id of this country, and that of the people of moft of the nations of Europe, while they continued under a feudal ariftocracy the bulk of the people under both fyftems, I find equally wretched ; under both fyftems there is little to be found but the extremes of fplendor and mifery 5 tyranny, and (lavery j the wretched people under that fyftem, as under our own, often threw away their lives in fruitlefs infurrec- tions, which were often encouraged, and as often fupprefied by the ariftocracy at length the peo- ple were relieved from this moft miferable of all governments, this moft oppreffive of all fyftemsi and found peace, and fecurity under abfolute mo- narchy ; now though the change they made, was not t the beft form of government, that human 30 human invention could devife, yet it was thepnly beneficial change they could obtain, and per- haps the one beft fuited to their condition, and ftate and certain it is, it was a happy, happy change to the people, which laved them centu- ries of fufFering mifery, and oppreffion ; now I do not fay, that an incorporation with England, is that kind of ftate I Ihould wilh Ireland to en- ter into under any circumftances, or that it is that ftate, by which, I thinkk-ibp. js likely to attain that degree of national fplendoiir, fffitr^ns&.tals of which fhe is capable, or for which me may be defigned by nature ; far from it, but upon the moft extenfive view of our fituation, and all cir- cumftances attending it, I fincerely think that it is the only attainable, beneficial change we can look for j a change, under which the oppreffed, harrafied, fatigued people of Ireland may find re- pofe and I confefs, I do not feel myfelf fo far impelled by that zeal for theoretic, or fpecula- tive fyftems, that I can bring myfelf entirely to overlook every circumftance, that mav oppofe their practicability. The fate of St. Domingo ought to oe a war- ning, ought to afford an awful, and inftruclive leffon 3* leflbn to all reformers, to confider well the ftate of a people, their knowledge, their difpofitions ; to confider what amelioration of their condition is fuited to their ftate, what change they are beft fitted to receive : the change propofed to us is no violent change, it is no revolution, it is not like the Union of two countries, which have heretofore been ftrangers to each other, it is the Union of two countries long, and clofely conr netted it is the Union of the people of two countries, who have been fubjefts of the fame king, who have a perfect fimilarity in language, in cuftoms, in conftitution, and in laws : to attain a fimilarity in the two laft has long been the object, and flruggle of the moft exalted pa- triots of this country, they have obtained them in name, and in form, now let us take them in practice, and in fubflance If we were on a fud- den to have laws introduced by this change, foreign, and difcordant to our laws, and cuftoms I declare, though I Ihould be convinced they were far fuperior to our own, I Ihould the firft to oppofe fuch a change of all the injuries, that have been committed towards the people of India, I do not think, there was one fo cru- el, as the attempt to impofe upon them the laws the laws of England in violation of their laws, their cuftoms, and even of their prejudices} far lefs violent is the change propofed to us than the change effected in the ftate, and condition of the people of Brabant, and thofe people of Italy, who have been incorporated with the French Republic, for they were long under laws, cuf- toms and prejudices peculiar to themfelves, to- tally different, and almoft abhorrent from thofe of the nation they were United to. There is an objection to an Union, which appears to me fair, and which I feel to have confiderable weight; it is, that we will fub- ject ourfelves to the burthen of thofe heavy taxes, which England labours under. The anfwer I give to this, is, that our flrength under an Union will encreafe, and become equal to the encreafed weight, and prffure, for when our commerce becomes unreflrained, our trade unmackled, when our laws mall be fteadily executed, and purely adminiftered, when we fhall enjoy in fubftance, and in prac- tice the fame conftitution, and enjoy equal law, and equal rights with England, and pof- feflcd as Ireland is in proportion of greater natural 33 natural fources of wealth, How does it fol- low, that under fuch a change, we fhould not be able to contribute our (hare of taxes to the revenue of the Empire ? and great as the taxes will then be, I do not fee how they can much exceed the expences of the prefent defective fyftem, between what we pay in foreign tribute, and domeftic exactions But what is worth a volume of abftracl reafoning we have the moft convincing proofs drawn from arguments of experience we fee that Wales, a country to which nature has dealt her gifts, and her bounty, with rather a fparing hand we fee that Wales incorporated with England is happy, and that me bears her proportion of the fame burthenfome taxes with England we fee that Scotland by the Union, fub- jected herfelf to her proportion of the taxes of England, and yet we do not hear that the people of Scotland complain of any particular grievance in this refpect. And furely in difcuiling the merits of this queftion, it is fair to call to mind the benefits, that have flowed from the Union to Scotland, a country which from the fterility of its foil, and its ungenial clime, has been faid to be the drofs of the earth j that at the time of its Union F with 34 with England, it was torn, and diftra&ed with difTenfion, and divifionj that after the Union, its wounds began to heaJ, peace, and tranquillity vifited the land \ the people ac- quired habits of induftry, a fpirit of order, and obedience to the laws. Scotland became the land of fcience, and attained a name high in the republic of letters. Scotland was not intended by nature to be a wealthy nation, but fince, and only lince the Union, (he enjoys, what in my mind is preferable to great wealth, hat happyy enviable ftate, in which the low- eft peafant may eat his humble meal in peace, and Jleep injecurity. That ft ate with which ill-fated Ireland has never yet been blefied with. That our commerce will be improved, and extended by an Union, is an opinion fanctioned, and prov- ed by the oppofition, that has ever been fhewn, and is now expected to be given to the mea- fure by the merchants of England, a body fuppofed to be guided by their own intereft, as much as any other fet of men, and certainly poflefied of as much knowledge, and infor- mation, on this fubjecl they are of opinion, that by an Union, the commerce of Ireland muft 35 muft profper at the expence of that of Eng- land. How can it be other wife ? Shall we not receive that conftitution, to the enjoyment of which England owes all her commercial greatnefs, fplendour, power, and glory ? It is not to extent of territory, it is not to ex- tent of population, that me owes her unpre- cedented commerce, a commerce co-extenfive with the known world, nor to fuperior fertility of foil, but to the tranquillity, liberty, free- dom, and law fecured to her by her unrival- led conftitution. A great deal has been faid about the natural advantages of Ireland, and with juftice, but there are various parts of Africa poffefled of equal, if not greater natu- ral advantages, both from relative fituati- on, placed as it were in the centre of the globe and internal capacities for extenfive commerce, but for want of a ft able, regular, efficient government all thofe advantages He neglected, juft as thofe of Ireland do, and while our prefent fyftem continues without a change, they will lie dormant and unimproved till doomfday. There are ma- ny minute objections which may be ftart- ed to the meafure of an Union, fome I F % am 36 am aware of, and think could readily be obviated, but their introduction and refu- tation would only tend to perplex the difcuf- Con.It is a great queftion, having I think many powerful arguments for its fupport, It ought therefore to be difcufled, and com- bated on the broadeft principles of reafoning*; and petty objections, and cavil ihould not be admitted* The meafure, I underftand has met fome early, and warm oppofition, part of this op- pofition has proceeded from the Bar a pro- feflion which I look to with the greateft refpecr, for which I am myfelf an humble candidate. This body have declared, that an Union would be a dangerous innovation. I have ventured to declare my opinion to the con- trary, and have given my reafons, fuch as they are, for fo doing. It was with difficul- ty, and deference I could bring myfelf to dif- fent from fo refpeclable a body. But I felt this too important a queftion for any man to furrender his judgment, or yield to the au- thority of any fet of men, be they ever fo refpedable. In what they have done, I do 37 I do believe them fincere, that they were actuated at leaft by an honeft zeal, and by pure motives. It has been infinuated, that they were influenced by the fuppofed interells of the profeflion, I cannot believe, that fuch a liberal body could be influenced by any for- did views, or actuated by any petty motives, upon a queftion involving the deareft interests of their country, and the happinefs of gene- rations to come beftdes, whoever fuppofes the interefts of the profeflion to be in danger, I con- ceive to lie under a great miftake. It is cer- tain the profeflion exifls but with commerce, and muft profper, and flourifli, as commerce profpers and flourifhes. The views of parlia- mentary lawyers, of petty politicians will be blafted by an Unionthe road to the bench will no longer lie through the Houfe of Com- mons, but preferment will then be the re- ward of the exertions of genius, talents, and induftry, and I cannot conceive, how any ho- nourable man, whatever might be his fate, would wifli to fucceed by any other means. I am now drawing to the conclufion of thefe pages, and I have been for fome time reflecl- ing ing upon the ftate of thefe countries in Europe, which are fuppofed, to fuffer under the worft, and moft defpotic government. Poland of courfe has fallen within the fcope of my con- templation, and enquiry, but there I find, though the people are in a ftate of vaflalage, yet their proprietors, and lords are found to take the fame care of them, that they do of their cattle, or any other kind of property. My thoughts then turned to Turkey, and I am not fure, whether the wretched Greek under the Turkifh Empire, has a greater chance for happinefs, than the Irifti peafant, but, from all the information I poffefs upon the fubjecl:, the moft ferious, and deliberate opinion I can form, is, that the Mahometan, under the Turkifh government has a govern- ment more calculated to promote his happi- nefs (as far as the happinefs of man can be in- fluenced by the government under which he lives) than the mafs of the people of Ireland have, or in my opinion, can have under the prefent fyftem, and with the prefent connecti- on ; and I think the Turkifh Divan is better framed, and more concerned to confult the happinefs, -and promote the welfare of the peo- ple, than any Irifh parliament, that can ra- tionally 39 tionally be expecled during the exiflence of the prefcnt connection, modelled as it is, and has been, with Great Britain. That this country has been dealt with harflily, and feverely by England cannot be denied; that England has treated Ireland as badly, as other nations generally have done thofe countries, which were fimilarly fub- jecled to their power, is likewife unde- niable. It has been faid, that it was the policy of England to reduce us to our prefent ftate, in order to force us to yield, and accept an Union; if it be fo, we pught to remem- ber, that fhe has ftill the fame power, and me may ftill have the fame inclination to purfue the fame policy. And in the name of God, are we to wait till we are reduced to the low- eft ebb of mifery, and diftrefs, before we are induced to accept the olive branch of peace ? No, this is the time of all others, in which an Union is moft feafonable, and moft necef- fary ; fronfthe commencement of the connec- tion with England to this hour the country never required a change more, than it does at prefcnt, and certainly there never was a time, when 40 when England would give us an Union upon fuch fair, and liberal terms, terms fo benene- ficial to this country. This is an aufpicious moment for fuch a meafure, we ought not rejecT: it. I mail now conclude with a remark which has often of late been mifapplied, but if ever it applies, it muft be on the prefent occa- fion " We may be better, We cannot be worfe." FINIS. VERBUM SAPIENTI: FEW REASONS FOR THINKING, VERBUM SAPIENTI; FEW REASONS THINKING THAT IT 13 IMPRUDENT TO OPPOSE, DIFFICULT to PREVENT PROJECTED UNION. INCIDIT IN SCYLLAM CUPIENS VITARB CHARYBDIM. DUBLIN: HINTED OR J. MILLIKElTj NO. $2, CKAFTON-STR1ET, 1799. FERBUM SAPIENTI, OR A FEW REASONS FOR THINKING, &c. X\.N Union of the Britifh and Irifh Legif- latures has been, of late, fo ably difcufTed, fo minutely analyfed, and exhibited in fuch various and oppoiite points of view, that whether this meafure be intrinjicatty eligible, or intrinjically the reverfe, muft, I prefume, be, at this hour, abundantly manifeft to every intelligent and unprejudic- ed man. All further attempts then, to elucidate this interefting fubjecl, being thus rendered fuperfluous, I fhall haften to an expofition of thofe reafons which have in- clined me to think, that however national pride may be outraged by merging the inde- pendent pendent Legiflature of Ireland into that of England ; however unacceptable, or even mifchievous, this project may appear, exift- ing circumflances render an oppofition there- to highly imprudent that fuch oppofition is likely to prove ineffectual at prefent that fhould it be fuccefsful, yet the future accomplifhment of an Union may not there- by be precluded; and, laflly, that fhould this oppofition be fo extenfive, fo pertina- cious, and fo well feconded by fortunate combinations of foreign and domeflic poli- tical circumflances, as to induce a final de- reliction of this project, one or other of the two moft prominent defcriptions of men in this kingdom, may, hereafter, have but nar- row grounds for exultation. And, I confefs, I am not without hopes, that thefe reafons, which in all likelihood will be haftily and difdainfully rejected as inefficient, by thofe againft whofe peculiar interefh an Union may appear to militate, yet will have due weight with every unbiafTed, liberal, mode- rate, and unambitious man. Certain Certain propositions, though, for the moft part, by no means incontrovertible, have made impreffions on my mind, which no writer on the fubjeS of an Union, has as yet effaced ; thefe are : That the profperity and tranquillity of the Britifh empire is the refult, or ^aggregate, of the profperity and tranquillity of each of its conftituent parts ; that an indiflbluble Union of the Legifla- tures of England and Ireland, muft prove eventually, in an eminent degree, either beneficial or detrimental to one or to both of thefe kingdoms ; that the power of the prefent adminiftration of England is better confirmed than that of any of their predecef- fors fince the Revolution j that they are lefs conflrained to fuit their meafures to the views and interefts of particular defcriptions of men, than others have, for this laft century, been j that they actually pofTefs the moft ample, the moft irrefiftible means for carry- ing their meafures into effect; and laftiy, that no adminiftration would, unnecefTarily, provoke, efpecially in time of war, a Parlia- mentary mentary difcuffion of any great national queftion, on which there was even a diftant polTibility of their being left in a minority. Now, from the {ingle event of the inten- tion of adminiflration to caufe an Union to be propofed to the Parliament of this king- dom, having been authoritatively announc- ed, I am inclined to infer, that they have deeply and deliberately inveftigated the na- ture and tendency of this complex and mo- mentous meafure j that it has appeared to them, not merely expedient, but pregnant with immenfe, unequivocal, and permanent imperial advantages; that they have refolv- ed on it, through convidtionof its eligibility, not in compliance with the wifhes, or to pro- mote the peculiar interefts of any faction or defcription of men ; that they are confcious of pofTeffing the means of carrying it either immediately or ultimately into effect ; and that they are actually affured of the rcqui- fite Parliamentary fupport. Under 9 Under fuch circumftances then, I am dif- pofed to confider an oppofition to this meafure as highly imprudent. Popular contumacy and popular alienation from go- vernment have already produced the mod calamitous effects ; Quis talia fando Myrmidonum, Dolopumve, aut dim miles Uliflei Temperet a lachrymis ? VIRGIL, En. 1. 2. .And fo long as the political affairs of this kingdom fhall remain in their prefent pof- ture, I have no hefitation in faying, that it would be altogether inconfiftent with the 'true intereft of any man, or any party, to refufcitate and generalize a fpirit of revolt, which however, is the only means whereby an oppofition could be rendered at once, formidable and efficacious. But to render an oppoiition to this meafure thus formid- able and efficacious, does not appear to me to be very practicable. A majority of both Houfes of Parliament will probably fupport it if -introduced. A confiderable number 10 number of the country gentlemen are pre- pared to acquiefce in all the meafures of Adminiftration, relative to this kingdom. And a great proportion of the armed Yeo^ manry, efpecially in the country, will be^ yond a doubt, approve of an Union, on the fingle confideration of its being dreaded and deprecated by thofe who flood neuter during the late perilous conteft, and by thofe who were indirectly concerned in originating it. Several men of rank, many of addrefs, and many of fuperior talents, impelled by perfonal considerations, have it is true, en- deavoured, and will endeavour by their writings, difcourfes and influence, to bring an Union into general difrepnte, and to fwell and infpirit the oppofition to it fo as to create a difinclination on the part of Administration to prefs it at prefent ; and it is not impoflible that their efforts may be attended with fuccefs. By the way, they would do well to be on their guard in time, II time, againfl thathoft of crafty co-operators that actually pufhes forward with very fuf- picious zeal, left they be huftled and tram- pled on by it in its progrefs. But if this meafure has appeared to Adminiftration fingularly conducive either to the liability, energy or profperity of the empire at large ; and no doubt it has : and if moreover, they find themfeives in poffeflion of means fully adequate to its future accomplishment -, and no doubt they doj I am of opinion they will not be deterred, by any exertions that the people of this kingdom are capable of making, from employing thefe means at another and more convenient feafon. I do not fuppofe they will attempt to dragoon us into an Union : this would perhaps, be ill relifhed by the people of England ; and certainly increafe the diffi- culty of governing this kingdom hereafter. But I think it more than probable, that if the British Adminiftration be prevented from accomplishing this meafure at prefent, they 12 they will at no very remote period, by a fkii- fol employment of the diverfified means they poffefs, by changes of fyftem or a politic management of parties, reduce a very confiderable and highly influential part of the people of this kingdom to the fad ne- ceflity of fupplicating, or atleafl acquiefcing in that meafure which they now indig- nantly reject. I devoutly pray, that no one hereafter may have occafion to fay : Nunc eadem foftuna viros tot cafibus adtos Infequitur. VIRG. En. 1. But I own I am not without ferious ap-^ prehenfions on this head. Admitting, however, which is by no means likely, that the Britifh Adminiftra- tion, upon taking a near view of the diffi- culties and dangers incident to the accom- plifhment of this pro] eel, were to be induced to abandon it altogether ; either the fyftem which was acted upon by the government of this this kingdom anterior to 1779, and that pofterior to 1795, will be reforted to and perfifted in, or the meafures which diftin- guifhed the intervening years will be adopt- ed: either a fyftem of corruption, illiberal partiality, national humiliation and rigour will be embraced j or a fyfltem of concilia- tion, conceflion and national aggrandize- ment. If the former, parliamentary re- fbrmifts, republicans and feparatifts, wilt have little reafon to congratulate them- felves on the explofion of the projected Union : if the latter, the appropriate political power of the ariftocracy muft eventually be proftrated j the revenues of the Church con- fifcated or divided ; the prefent connection between the fifter kingdoms diiTolved, and the Conflitution overthrown : for from the unrefumed concefliqns on the part of Eng- land, and the unannulled political ameliora- tions of our Parliament which took place in the intervening years to which I have al- luded, there are but few and eafy {reps to the events I have juft mentioned j and that this If this laft is more likely to be the cafe than the firft, I infer, 'not only from the manifeft increafe of national power, and national felf-fufficiency ; the manifeft increafe of po- pular refraclorinefs, generated by the per- vaiion of principles of infubordination j and from the natural and recorded progrefs of popular difcontent : but alfo from the unre- mitting and unprecedented ardour with which the projected Union is combated by the Reformifts, Republicans, and Separatifls of this town, who appear to me to pofTefs a more ample flock of correct information touching the affairs of this kingdom to be more converfant in general politics better acquainted with human nature more given to political refearch, and confequently more capable of difcerning the remote effecls of political arrangements and inftitutions, than the generality of thofe by whom the go- vernment has been hitherto fupported. Dublin, 22d Dtctmber, 179$. FINIS. REPLY To the Gentleman who has published a Pamphlet, entitled " Arguments for and againfl an Union." IN WHICH Mr. M'Kenna's Memoire is taken into Confideration. iff By ISAAC BURKE BETHEL, Efq. BARRISTER AT LAW. Nos patrid amifsd dominis parere fuperbis Cogemur. VlRG. DUBLIN: Printed by W. GILBERT, 26, South Great George's-Street. 1799 1 A REPLY, &c. -IN all fubjects that are to be fpoken to, or written upon, the difficulty lies in the manner that fubjed is to be 'entered upon, how the merits of it are to be difcuiTed and brought to an argumentative conclufion. In giving my thoughts on a fubjecl that is of fuch magnitudinal import to the ho- nor and interefts of my native land, I mail moil cautioufly avoid coming into "perfonal contact with any of thofe Gen- tlemen who have gone before me, left in the notice that I mould beftow on the writer, I mould be betrayed into an obfer- vance of the individual. Having read with profound attention a Pamphlet, intitled " Arguments for and againft an Union," I own that the im- preflion made on my mind by thofc argu- A 2 ments [ 4 ] ments has not been of that weight, as to difable me from mewing myfelf fupcrior to that weaknefs which momentarily fuf- fered it. " If," fays the Pamphleteer, " this queftion is to be decided by paf- fion, or by force, there is no mifehief which the agitation of the queftion may not produce > if it is to be de- termined on its> merits, it cannot fail to be ufeful. In one cafe the rejection or adop- tion of it would terminate in difcontent or convulfion -, in the other, the refult of conviction would produce fatisfaclion." I moft implicitly agree with the learned Poli- tician, that if there is any thing like paffion or force ufed or attempted to be ufed, either in the proppfal or the accomplishment of fuch a meafure, as that of an Union be- tween this Country and Great Britain, that it will terminate in difcontent or convulfion. Now for the merits, which, he fays, muft be examined with philofophic tem- per, he propofes, as a means to make us happy as a people, (prefuppofing us vcry iinhappy) living as we do, fingly and in- dependent, [ 5 ] dependent, that we fhould unite ourfelvcs with a happy and profperc,; Nation, and thereby participate in "j . , ... ppinefs and profperity mod certainly, if this were an Ifland filled with Savages and Barbarians, having no idea of Agriculture, of Com- merce, of Law, Phyiic or Divinity, it v/ould be condefcending and humane in the proud and the polimed Briton to wim us to unite with him, in order that our morals and manners might be fafhioned to his own, in order" that we might be taught that obedience to the law, that honefly in dealing, that decency, and that obfervance of the Chriftian religion, which make England at once the envy and admiration of the world. But until I can be brought to think that my Countrymen are in fuch a want of cultivation, I muft refift with indignation, I will not fay force, the kind condefcenfion of the accomplished En- glimman. Whatever condition this kingdom, ({landing as me is, naturally independent of any other) was in^ previous to the r 6 ] 1782, however (he might have been diaa-^ ted toby Britifh emifTaries, whofe political friendfhip for this Country made it always fubfervient to their own, however the commerce of this Country was reftridted, and her conftitution unacknowledged and kept down ; yet the idea of putting poor Ireland on a footing with England, by bringing her Parliament and its Members acrofs the channel, never entered the brain of any of thofe emifTaries. It is ftrange, that not with (landing the high commercial advantages we obtained in that ever memorable year, and which have continued to us notwithftanding we have fhewed ourfelves competent to de- cide for ourfelves, in every thing that has relation with Church and State, it is ftrange indeed, that after a period of fix- teen years uniyerfally progreffivc improve- ment, a meafure fhould now be attempted fo fubverfive of common order, common ienfe, and common compact. The author in fupport of his reafons in * - 1 favor of his propofed meafure has in niy mind t 7 ] mind moft unhappily mentioned two or three cafes which he prefumes to be in point, but which I moft humbly prefume to be the contrary; when the Seven United Pro- vinces, being cruelly opprefled by the Spa- jiifh government, feparated from that go- vernment, in order to efcape from tyran- ny, &c. and when the Sabines found they could not maintain themfelves any longer againfl the Romans, they then united them- felves, after they could not maintain them- felves, and you fay they acted according to the principles of j-eafon and good fenfe in fubmitting to the Roman yoke, /. e. becaufe they could not maintain themfelves! fo that becaufe they could not maintain themfelves againft Rome, Rome maintained herfelf againfl: them in the plunder of her liber- ties and in the ravifhment of their wives and daughters ; ergo, if we cannot maintain ourfelves again ft the monfter that is now in embryo, he will rile up and crulfh us to the earth. I moft lincerely thank you, Sir, for what you call this reafoning againfl all decla- mation [ 8 ] mation upon the common topics of onal dignity and national pride." I do ncc know a more effectual way of filencing dcclamation than the hint you fo good naturedly throw out let a man if a mca- fure is propofed to him that degrade him, his family and his country, let him cry out againft that meafure in the voice of thunder ftrangle him and you will foon put an end to his declamation. If any perfon mould afk you why you done fo ? fay that your ear was not fitted to hear Irifh mulic, and that you acT:ed upon the authority of ROMAN EXAMPLE and ROMAN GREATNESS. If any one mould afk you if you were aware of the murder that you had com- mitted, and the events which followed it, in order to complete the deed, namely, the rapine, the maiTacre, the carnage in every Jenfe of the 'word by the " brave and orderly foldiery," tell them that the Sa- hines met with the fame fate for their impudence and obflinacy. England, fay you, was formerly divided into [ 9 ] into feven kingdoms, and by that divifion. the ifland was a general fcene of confufion ; but a fagacious Prince brought them toge- ther and they then eat of the fame regimen, they aiTociated under one code of govern- ment .and one fovereignty, and became happy In the name of common fenfe how does this apply to the queftion that yon faid mould be debated with philofophy a few petty provinces within the realm, and bounded by the fame fea, hold out in a kind of petty rebellion, diftindl in their laws and manners, againft the King of England, and were defervedly punifhed for thek- treafon. I fufpecl, Sir, that you were driven to thofe cafes, in order to cover the dark and ambiguous expreflion you make ufe of in your firft page, namely, that of bringing about your favorite meafurc by force-, what a fatal day for Ireland and alfo for England'! " How is a Welshman, fay you, degrad- ed by being reprefented in the Britifh Par- liament. How ridiculous ! a Welchman who can on foot walk and inftruct his re- B prefentative. [ 10 ] prefentative. How can a Scot be enflaved by becoming a Briton I anfwer, he is in the fame kingdom with a Briton. Jt is the furveyor of the land who divides him by conftruction and by rule ; the Scot alfo can on foot put his wooden pipe and tobac - co in his pocket, and fee his reprefentative in a couple of days. The cafe is not fo with an Irimman ; he feldom travels from his country but to ferve his King, and when he does, that it is from voluntary im- pulfe, and not meanfubmlJJiQn. That " Naval greatnefs," which my political adverfary fays is " unrivalled," owes much of that greatnefs to the unpur- chafed valour of Irimmen. But that mo- ment that an Irimman is told that his Parliament is gone, that his landlord refides in another kingdom, for the purpofe of reprefenting him, that he muft, in order to inftrucl: him .in any meafure which would be : beneficial to his country, endure the expence and the danger of a fea voyage, that moment he withdraws himfelf from fo extravagant an idea, he withdraws him- felf i 'i J felf from that confidence which he repofes in his reprefentative, and would conceive that he was bound to alienate himfelf from his allegiance. " Ireland will be gradually rifing to the level of England;" that is, if there is an Union. As well might the learned gentleman tell me that a lervant is on a level with his mailer, if he is on the fame floor with him. As to the paragraph where he fays, that a man by being introduced to good com- pany will hob nob with more elegance, this is fo puerile, fo nonfenfical, and fo dancing-mailer like, that as an Irimman I cannot floop to notice it. " Suppofing there were no other reafons which rendered the Union of the fifler kingdom defireable, the flate of Europe, and efpecially of France, feem to dictate its peculiar policy at the prefent day." Here again the author fuppofes we are made to be dupes to Englifh artifice, and to Englifh policy ; for he fays, that France has incorporated a great addition of territory, but has ren- dered abfolutely dependent on her will almo.fi [ 12 J almoft all the fmaller ftates that furround her and by what means has me done that, indeed (he did not write a Pamphlet on the fubje but I do moil confidently $eny that any. body of men in this coun- try, [ 16 ] try, that had refpe&ability attached to them, ever entertained a wim to have an independent government every ten miles near them, or in their vicinage, as long as they conceived they were inhabitants of an independent Ifland, poflefTing a FREE CONSTITUTION, and an UNSHACKLED COMMERCE. I am free to acknowledge that if it were the cafe, we would be in- capable of vigorous enterprise, or eJf'eElual combination for rejiftance ; we would then fall beneath the fword of a powerful adver- iary. If the inhabitants of Killala, Caf- tlebar, 6cc. were little independent States, they would have fallen beneath General Humbert and his followers ; but being connected with us, we gave them our aid, and made prifoners of the invaders. " Ireland will derive importance, when by the mare in the general reprefentation which me is intitled to obtain, me will be enabled to influence, in feme rcfpett, the Councils of the Empire" I do believe that her influence would be but mfome r ef- fect ; but with great refpe and thdr French Mafters ? However, my Country- men, if you fhould, after a fair and tempe- rate difcuflion of this mod important fub- jecl, be convinced that you can be better off, and maintain yourfelves, without a Union, as a feparate, independent State, (which, confldering all circumltunces, I conceive i6 conceive to be morally impoflible) reject it : but, I forefee your good fenfe will de- cide, and conclude, under all circumftances, that you can never maintain the peace, fecurity, and profperity of your country, without the afliftance and protection of Great Britain, which every feniible Irifh- inan ought to promote and encourage to the utmoft. For feveral years paft, and particularly fince the commencement of the French Revolution, have not the def- perate and deftruclive Schemes of the United Irifh Confpirators fpread terror through every part of this unfortunate country ? Scarcely a nobleman, a gentle- man, of any religion, unlefs he entered into, or winked at the confpiracy, efcaped being robbed of his arms ! and were not great numbers of the moft loyal fubjecls murdered for refitting fuch robberies ? and is not the fyflem of murder and robbery ftill continued? have not war and invafion by our enemies, and favage defolation, been carried into practice, by armed and ferocious beggars, influenced by Repub- lican Confpirators, leagued with the in- fernal '7 fernal Directory of France, to mafTacre or bani/h every man of property or re- fpeclability in the Kingdom, and feize upon property in general, for their own wicked purpofes ? nor could their defigns be prevented, (notwithstanding the loyalty and fpirited bravery of our gallant Yeo- manry Corps and Militia) without the well-timed pecuniary and military aid af- forded us by Britain ? It cannot be denied, 'tis recorded, and certain, beyond all doubt. Therefore, let us now, or never, effectu- ally guard againfl fimilar attempts j for, my loyal Countrymen, beware ! the defigns of our enemies are not dropped; they only wait for another opportunity of carrying them into effect; and, if not prevented and coun- teracted by a juft and immediate confoli- dation of the United Wifdom and Force of the Empire, our lives and properties will be the forfeit. Cannot Articles of a Union be fo framed as to encreafe our wealth and population, by the encouragement of arts, agriculture, and commerce in general ? Cannot rcfi- dence be enforced, and emigration be pre- D vented, i8 vented, without inconvenience to indivi- duals ? and cannot this Country be bene- fited without injury to Great Britain? If fo, why exclaim againft an Equitable Union, (For to no other will we ever con- fent,) on mere improbable fuppofition ? The arguments ufed againft a Union a,re not maintainable j and every cafe cited againft the meafure, fails in the fcale of common fenfeand reafon. Scotland, and Scotchmen, have been highly benefited by their Union, and will ever continue to benefit by it. And furely, by the force of equitable Ar- ticles of Union between Great Britain and Ireland, a fhare of every benefit and ad- vantage may be fecured to us, without in- juftice to either Country, or to any party. That fomething may be fpeedily done, in a temperate and friendly manner, likely to proted our perfons and properties ; to heal difcontent; and give Wealth and Prof- perity to Ireland and Irifhmen, has ever been, and ever will be, the fincere wifh, of> Friend to HUMANITY. A BARRISTER. THE END. OBSERVATIONS ON A PAMPHLET, SUPPOSED TO BE WRITTEN BY AN ENGLISHMAN^ Ir.vTlTLED, | ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST AN UNION, ST A STUDENT OF TRINITY COJ.J. When a Jlranger offers hit Jervkct, ~m * this muk )e to?; meaning of your arguui..:.., fed nc v the matter ftands ; the national debt of England is 500 millions of money, the debt of Ireland 10 millions, does England exceed Ireland in wealth and population, in the fame proportion that me exceeds her in the national debt ? grant that Eng- land does, and why do I grant it, do you afk, to mew if this be the cafe, England would not be fo willing to incorporate with us, I fay unlefs me was fure-of gaining confiderably by it. As for my part r I mould think it imprudent in an extenfive and wealthy merchant to take a bankrupt into partnerfhip, if the Englifh minif- ter ( 9 ) ter fees us overwhelmed in debt and reduced to the loweft ebb of diftrefs, would it be po- litic in him to take us into partnerfhip ? If compaffion did not operate on him, prudence never could ; if on the other hand, he fees us wealthy and every profpecl: before us of becom- ing more profperous, would not policy dictate to him a plan of uniting with us ? Yes, furely. Now as both kingdoms ftand in point of wealth, commerce, art, fciences, and if England ex- eels' us in every fmgle matter of thofe in a tenfold proportion, if he is lable to fupport herfelf and fwim acrofs the pool in which Ireland would be fwallo wed up, would it not be the height of folly to fay, Ireland we fee you finking, and we are willing to plunge our- felves into inevitable deftruction to try to favc you ? Believe me that England, or rather the Engliih minifter, is no fool, he fees his intereft in fubj ecUng us to his own country and re- ducing us to a petty province. But if there is an Union, furely Ireland is not refponfible for the 500 millions of money ; grant it ; the Britilh Parliament will promife notto charge to B our { 10 ) our account a debt which we never contracted. Muft Ireland be refponfible for any debts that mall be contracted after the Union ? why not ? We are told that our trade and commerce will not be limited ; fo that if England carries on the war for a few years more, the confolidated debt of England and Ireland mud be many millions more ; but we are told by this pam- phleteer, that it does not avail, an Union will make up for any debt or impoft, an Union will compenfate us for our independence. O temporal o motes! who will believe it? no Irimman. Have you not reprefented the Irim as immoral, uncivilized and irreligious, divided by civil and religious difcontents, torn afunder by rebellion and convuifed by infur- re&ions ? have you not on the other hand buzzed into the ears of Europe, the civilized ftate of the Englifh, the fimplicity of their mo- rals, and their ftricl: adherence to the laws of their country? If this be the cafe, which mull be fo, when it comes from the moath of an Engiijhman^ awl as it feems divefted of all prejudice and partiality; how is it natural to imagine that the moral Evglijhman, will aflbciate afibciate with the vicious Irijhman, that the opu- lent and extenfive Englifh merchant will join int rade with the poor and perfidious Irifhmanf You might as well aflert that the fierce tyger would live in amity with the innocent lamb, or the voracious falcon with the mild dove ; but you will fay that animals never formed by nature to agree, will become reconciled by time and cuftom, and that the kingdom at a future period will become the repofitory of \vealth and grandeur, when the wild Irifh be- come incorporated with the docile Englifh ; this at moft is but a promife, and how are the Irifh to fare till the promife will be accom- plifhed ? Ifuppofe as well as we can, I think that the old adage may be applied here with fome pro- priety, live horfe and you will get grafs. I fear that before that period many of us will emigrate to fome foreign country ; but why do I talk of emigration ? happy would k be if we were allowed to emigrate from an im- poverifhed country ; we muft remain here to fupport abfentees, who will grind us, to fup- port pride, vain glory and ambition ; this will be one good effect refulting from an Union ; tradefmen tradefmen and manufacturers, muft for want of work enlift or get into the navy, and very opportunely one hundred and twenty thoufand men are wanting at prefent to man the navy. Sparta at one time thought it prudent to Hop her trade in order to man her fleets. Another very fubftantial reafon you affign for an Union is, that the ftate of France dic- tates its policy. You fay that France has not only united to her and incorporated a great addition of territory, but has rendered abfo- lutely dependant on her will, almoft all the fmall ftates that furround her ; now I can- didly afk you, would it be found policy in England to adopt plans fimilar to France ? to extend principles which every honeft man detefts ; to ufe fuch political meaiures as would Incorporate England and Ireland, and to make them one and indivifible f this would militate againft that principle of juftice and honour which has dignified England ; it would be repugnant to that virtuous fyftem of policy which has raifed the head of Eng- land fo much above other countries, quan- tum ( 13 ) lum lenta folent inter viburna cuprefji. Is this plain reafoning ? I hope I don't give you offence while I expofe your errors ; I am not perfonal, nor would I wifh to be fo, though my indignation would often prompt me ; virulence of fpeech is no way- to con- fute an argument. This country cries out againft an Union, except thofe who, in your own words, are under Britifh influence ; the voice of the people, as Locke fays, muft fway in every country, our inceflant cry is BritiJJj connexion, but no Union. The loya- lifts in this country are exceedingly numerous, and willing to fupport the prefent laws and conftitution, but if this conftltution is changed, or any innovations made to deftroy hgijlative independence^ I dread the confe- quences. I am a loyalift, and ihould be very forry to fee this country feparated from Eng- land, and I mould be equally forry to fee it united ; though well I love England I love my own better, faid the old Irijh Patriot ; it would be contrary to the firft principle of nature to love another better than himfelf. The loyalifts have faved this country, their zeal and activity is unparalleled in the page of hiftory, and now the forcing an Union down the throats of thofe who ftepped forward in the hour of danger, would be well rewarding their toils, their labours, and voluntary contri- butions. But to return to your elaborate eflay on an Union ; you tell us that the fovereign refides in England ; and fo he does ; you lay that it is the repofitary of wealth and grandeur ; why not, when you tell us that one million of mo- ney goes annually from this country to abfen- tees, won't an Union encreafe the number of abfentees and coax them from this country ? you admit it, won't this confequently diminifh the wealth of this kingdom ? what compen- fation can England make us for all the tradef- men and manufacturers, all the Irifh Peers and reprefentatives that an Union will carry over ? is there any probability of any coming here from England ? they did not come here while we enjoyed peace and harmony ; but you tell us that a free trade and the advan- tages of a more extenfive commerce, 1 will' in- duce 15 duce them to come and fettle in this king- dom ; abfurd talk, a learned gentleman has al- ready obferved " that we can trade to any " part of the globe except the Eaft Indies, and " how can an Union give Ireland more of this " trade than it poffeiTes, for it would in cafe " of an Union as well as now only he allowed *' to ihare in it by individual merchants, be- " coming proprietors of Eaft India fleck." You fay that Scotland previous to the Union, flood as Ireland does at prefent, I deny it : Scotland in the firft place is joined by nature to England, Ireland is not fo, it was foolifh prejudice that annexed Scotland, for which {he afterwards repented, and this argument of yours in favour of an Union between Eng- land and Ireland, fhews us why Ireland mould not unite with England. When a tax upon malt was oppofed by the reprefentatives of Scotland in the Britifh hotife, what did it avail? how did England treat the Scotch Peers? were not the articles of the Union violated .in the face of Europe? is this to us an inducement for an Union? does it not prove to us that England am in defpite of the number of incorruptible ( '6 ) incorruptible Irifh rcprefentatives which wrii fit in the Englifh houfe, fubjeft Ireland to any tax or contribution it pleafes ? if you had omitted this argument it would not have dif- played fomuch of thepowerandpreponderancy of Engliih influence. Look to the Union that Margaret Queen of Denmark made, when (he united under one head Denmark, Norway and Sweden. What was the confequence ? the moft bloody wars enfued, which continued for many years. Now Denmark and Sweden are fituated exactly as Ireland and England ; they are feparated by a fea, and when an Union was formed, the refult was pernicious to both countries ; thefe are the falutary effects of an Union. In every argument of yours in fup- port of an Union, it is fuch as if nature defign- ed the countries you have mentioned for an Union. If a perfon has a great tract of land over which he prefides himfelf, fuperintends and manages every part of it, extends Ills care to all who derive any thing under him, will not this place be freer from diflenfion and wealthier,thanifthefameperfoiihasanothertracl: of ground intercepted bya fea, where a parcel of idle, ( '7 ) idle, lazy ftewards defraud, extort and com- pel poor tenants to remit their yearly rents ? certainly. Now I leave you to apply the paral- lel; the feven United States you have brough^ down as an example ; \\hat example is this or what argument ? dees it appear that one million of money went from one ftate to another to 'absentees ? that all the \vealth of thofe ftates were colltrcled to one place, like the rays of the fun when brought to a \ will not be the cafe with Ireland, all the hard earned wealth mull go to another ifland ; there was no ifland among thefe United States; befides their Union was federal and incorpo- rated ; you have told us that the Ir't/Jj Parlia- ment is under the influence of the Britiih Ca- binet, then if Britifh influence operates fo powerfully at this fide of the fea, how much greater rauft it be when a few Irifh reprefen- tatives come in contact with a phalanx of Britifh reprefentatives ? I have always heard, and I believe it to be the cafe, that the nearer we approach a diforder the fooner we catch the infcclion. C Poland Poland you fay was deftroyed by the Im- pcrium in imperio, where every fenator was a fovereign ; this vice cannot deftroy our confti- tution, becaufe we have no fuch vice ; furely our fenators are not fovereigns, you might as well affert that our conftitution will be deftroyed becaufe we are governed by the Beys of Egypt. I dare fay your amanuenjts or clerk had aififted you ia this ingenious, production. France threatens the deftruction of this country, but will an Union with England. better protect us than fhe does at prefent ? will an Union make the Irifh more averfe to French principles ? will the found of the word Union make us better fubjects, or infpire us with enthufiaftic loyalty to ftera the impetuous torrent of democracy ? a& the found evoe in- fpired the Bacchanalians with wild cnthufiafnu Impoflible to think that in thefe enlightened days, when the dark mift of idolatry is dif- pelled, that any word- has fuch a fupernatural quality. Again, ( '9 ) .Again, to fupport an Union, you tell us that the Roman Catholics are three to one in this country, and that they will not drop their claims to political equality ; do you mean by this to terrify the Proteftants and calumni- ate the Roman Catholics ? true it is, that fome of the lower order, nay many of the Roman Catholics, were ufed as a machine in the hands of the fornenters of the late foul rebellion ; but who were thofe fornenters ? were they Ro- man Catholics? I never heard they were. Was Lord Edward Fitzgerald a Roman Catho- lic ? was Emmet, was Sheares, was Arthur O'Connor? no; therefore I do not confider it fair or juft to leave fo foul an imputation upon the body of the Roman Catholics. Did not the mod refpeclabk Roman Catholics in the kingdom reprobate the conduct of thofe who joined in the rebellion ? did they not|ex- hort the people to return to their allegiance and become amenable to the laws of their country ? fo that when we know this to be certainly the cafe, there is noreafon for the Proteftants to apprehend any danger to their properties or perfons. Indeed an infuriate mob of any perfuafion, ( 20 ) perfuafion, without any fubordination com- mit the fouleft crimes ; but even granting that the Roman Catholics are as three to one, how will an Union e.ncreafe the number of Protef-- tants {eras that we will haye the proportion of fourteen to three ? this is a problem which may puzzle all the mathematicians in Europe. I fuppofe you intend to prove it by an argu T mentum ad (ibfurdum. Your encouragement to the Roman Catholics of an admlffion at a future day to additional immunities, and me-r nacing them in the fame page, is the cleareft proof of the deep laid fyftem of an Union. Juft as if you faid, ye Proteftants of Ireland ake care, cayete ; the Roman Catholics will annihilate you ; and you Roman Catholics mall get political privileges by joining us in an Union. I have no doubt but the Englifh Minifter argues thus with himfelf ; if we grant the Roman Catholics every political privilege and of courfe a feat in Parliament, what in- fluence can they have ? fuppofe the majority of the Irim reprefentatives be Roman Catholics, pr if even the whole of them in the political fcale (I wa$ going to lay fcheme) their in- : fluence fluence or preponderance will be juft as a fly againft an ox ; my opinion of the Roman Catholics is, that no offer on the part of the Britifh Minifter will induce them to facrifice the honour and independence of their country for a feat in. the Britifh Houfe of Commons, no man is fool enough to act like the dog that let go thtfubftance to catch at a pbantum. You fay that an Union will put an end to re- ligious ftrifes ; what ftrifes between Protef- tants and Roman Catholics ? could any people live in greater amity and harmony, than thofe people till . perverted politics fomented ibme jealoufies which are dwindling away every day ? and I venture to fay, that every fpecies of animofity will fubfide before the expiration of one year ; the eyes of the Ca- tholics are now open ; the political horizon has gone down, and now the illuminating rays of reafon are difpellirjg the gloomy clouds pf prejudice. I afk how will an Union modify the ci v and ecclefiaftical eftablifhments, when the Irifh Irifh Legiflature becomes incorporated with the B;itim? What, cannot civil and eccle- fiaftkal modifications be made now ? No, we are told not, becaufe until we give up our rights and independence, the Britiih Legif- Iiture cannot make any fuch changes in our ;ch or State. By our acceding to fuch terms, by our giving up our rights, we hould difplay as much ignorance on our part, and afc as abfurdly as a man who would give tsp the leafe of his ground, under a promise of getting a longer leafe in a few years : There is an old proverb, and a true one, A bird in the hand is worth two in the bufh. How will an Union put a ftop to contefted ekdtions ? I {hall tell you how it will affect elections: the honour of obtaining. a feat in the Britifh Houfe of Commons will fo tickle the vanity of modern Patriots, that no ex- pence will be a bar, no attempt will be left uneflayed, in order to attain fo honourable a poft ; there will be no pccafion for fending to the palatinate of Germany for freeholders, our absentees or in other words, tbe men of property, will, as confideTing themfelves 'tfeerrifelves fo many mining planets revolving round the Britifh Minifter, aflert and claim a fuperiority over Irifhmen, whom they will confider as fo many fatellites, they will por- tion out into fmall lots, thofe lands which for many years before yielded fome fupport to the induftrious cottager ; and this fame cot- tager, who a little before had it in his power to contribute to the fupport of the orphan or defolate widow, muft fubmit now to a fcanty pittance, or beg from door to door. When the honour of a golden Seat in another king- dom, and as the common people fay, be- yond the feas, is Offered to view " whs.t abuies will not enfue,"- all the effects of pure patriotifm this gentleman will tell us : as for my part I would know how toticr, 'in was at any immoderate expence to obtain fo dig- nified a Seat ; I would be filent on feveral occafions, efpecially when the intereft of my country would be brought in queftion, and if a. place or petifwu was offercfj to poor Irifh Pat, furely he would * refufe it. Pray what prefentimeut had you that the iiifh Bar would oppofe an Union ? Bccauic, you fay, it would put a flop to that Parliamen- tary *- An Ironv. tary market for their abilities. Look back and fee, when was the Irifh Parliament without Lawyers ; look to the Parliament of England, is it without Lawyers ; who can give counfel for the fecurity of a ftate ; but thou who art mod converfant in the laws and that ftate ? You give us to underftand, that a man cannot be a Politician and a Lawyer at the fame time. Does the Minifter of England know Law ? Yes, but he is no Lawyer ; but you will tell me, he knows the laws of his coun- try. If I believed in the tranfmigration of fouls, I would not hefitate to fay, that the old Stoic Crifippus, has united with you, in foul and body. Is it not evident and clear to every one, that your cbjecl; for at- tacking the Irifh Bar, is to prejudice the minds of the people againft it ? I afk you as a man of honour, if you have any, who have a better right to know or underftand the interefts of this country, than the Irifh Bar r they are in duty bound to their country to fupport it. Who, I afk again, but the Irifh Bar, can fee the advantages or difadvantages of an Union ? and they have clearly feen the difadvantage that would reiult from an Union. try. Is it to be fuppofed that an will be more interested for the independence of Ireland, than aa iriflunan ? Do net -i, when you talk of a Parliamentary market, caft a (ligma upon the Irim Houfe of Commons ? Don't you openly charge the honorable Mem- bers of that Houfe, with corruption ? 'ri* an infult upon the nation; 'tis an infult;.U] the Parliament of Ireland ; 'tis an infuit upon the Iri/h Bar. fr Parliamentary Market I YO-, a Parliamentary Market. I fnppofe that by w r ay of apology, you think that there are fome men of the Bar, who will fupport an Union, and that thcK men who have thought mojl on the JubjeS} ; your words arc verified, -* the puny mi- nority of the bar are fuch a& have not ex- tended the; circle to politics $ it is a doubt to me if feme of them have worn the f^blc gown and hoary wig tlaee terms, or ever .handled a brief, and thole arc the gentlemen D you * Perhaps the Supporter nf the Union doe not kr >f the puny minority h .is trcUoyed his ti'nc, of late, iu co i roofing a fong called The Grinder ! and that this fame jfciulcmau makes himfelf more bafy at aiTembl'es, and fliiHing with this, lady and that lady, than ftudyhig the LaW ! He will be well rewarded, not fr his talcntt. > ' ' ting Tom ! you tell us, who have thought beft on the fubje& of an Union /I did not hear the name of a Saurin mentioned amongft our young Patriots ; but has he not thought beft on the fubject ? Would to God that every irifhman pofTefled fueh honor and patriotifm* The probability of a nlodus in tythes> the probability of the Irifh Peers being re- prefented like the Scotch Peers, the proba- bility that Dublin will monopolize the corn- trade, the probability of Cork becoming a marine ftation, here are fb many probabilities heaped one upon another, without any degree of certainty. Mr. Locke, in his Effay on the Human Underftanding, has clearly laid down the grounds of probability, and he fays that we mould particularly attend to the teftimony of others, as one of the principal grounds ; now if we confider your integrity and defign, If you have delivered your fentiments on an Union with a view of fupportingthe grandeur of your own country, as is evidently the cafe, this cannot be called integrity towards us ; your defign then is, I mould fuppofe, to have the fecurity and happincfs of both kingdoms eftablifhed, eftablifhed, your defign is bad, becaufe as I have obferved before, the people una vocc y are 4gainft anUnion, and when the people are una- nimous in oppofmg any meafure, furely peace and fecurity cannot follow if it be forced -on them ; do you mean to add fuel to fre ? if you do, I fee no better way than this poli- tical plan which you have adopted. Would a fecond rebellion, or perhaps a third, which I fear will be the refult of an Union, fecure the titles and properties of our temporal and fpiritual Lords ? an Union was the caufe of two fucceilive rebellions in Scotland. Let thofe wha wifh to fecure their perfons and properties, take but a retrofpective view of the fatal confequences of that formidable Union .; let not our Temporal and Spiritual Lords be buoyed up with the aerial and fan- taftic effufiORS of an Englijh Patriot, npr let fhort-fighted policy dictate ruin and defo- Lation ; let not felf-intereft overlook public advantage, while it clandeftinely fecks for interlunary happinefs in the wild mazes of error and meagre policy. God forbid that men, who are willing to fpili their blood in the wide Atlantic, or in the remote Eaft and Weil Indfes, in defence of the King and Conftitution, Conftitutio.n, -mould have recourse to a more difagreeaLle alternative. It would be a dear purchase to England, to cement :m Tj nion by a copious effufion of blood ; and may deftrudion attend the promoters of fo horrid .a deed. If England difputes her fuperiority with Ireland by land, what may be the cc^.Tcquence ? Keen-eyed trance may look on, till both England and Ireland become exhaufteo 1 , am; i en indeed me may eaiily make England and Ireland one and inaivtRHc. CafTandra often foretold the fate of Iroy, but her predictions were uifre- garde.:, till time accomplifhed them. I have read of men in ancient and modern hiftory, who had given up the independence, the honor and dignity of their country, to gratify pride and odious ambition, but I hope Ireland has not produced fuch monfters ; other countries have, and hiftory records them as branded with every fpecies of infamy and difgrace. Fides ! O Honor ! Great and delufive are your promifes to the * inhabitants of Cork ; it is no lefs than telling * Tojn Paine's pamphlets \verc never circulated with more induftry, than the pamphlet " For and Agairiil ap Urion," many of them are given gratis. O \vhat a bait for Gulls ! telling them, that probably a dock-yard may be built there : I never before heard that England had any fuch thing in contempla- tion, or that it was poffible to make a dock- yard in Cork, their trade of -courfe mud encreafe. Is there any one merchant in Cork, if there was an Union to-morrow, and to fee this country deferted, or eve . , ,t dcferted, would fay, I muft become more extenfive in trade and commerce ? Believe me, that nothing but the compleateft folly, and the greater! degree of error, could make them believe, or give the fmalleft creciil to any thing our Englift Patriot mould /: < p> The inhabitants of Cork, as well as thofe of all Ireland, were a long time exclude ; . a free trade ; they were a long time govern 1 by laws made in another country ; tbcy know how long Ireland, in the political fcale of Europe, was looked upon with an eye of contempt : but now it is not the cafe, the inhabitants of Cork enjoy the nit, flings of a free trade; they are reprefented r\ their own country. But an Union will tranfpofe and change the order of things. You are confidered a profpcrou* .v,>ple by all the world; and while you are proip. -MS remain fo as long as you poffibly can, You < 3 ) You forgot to tell Limerick how England be^ haved, while fhe had a power of legiflating for us. Did not England violate her treaty with Lt- merick? oh yes, you may fay, but that happen- ed a long time ago ! Oh punlca Jides. How did England behave to us in refpect to the Linen trade, which is our ftapletrade, .arid why is it ? becaufe me failed in all her exertions to bring it to perfection in Scotland and at her own home. But you did not forget to tell, and that in the moft barefaced manner, that if there was an Union * and the country tranquilized, faxes would be lower, why was not this the cafe in England after the American war and when there was peace ? did not the taxes daily en- creafe ? After the American war the national debt of England was but inlignificant if com- pared to the prefent ; but now you have bold- vnels to aflcrt in the face of Ireland, that if there is an Union and the country tranquilized, taxes will be lighter. The national debt is at pre- fent very great and will be greater, which if there * A proprietor of a borough declared fome tiir.c ago that an Union would completely dertroy this kingdom ; but after- wards upon hearing that 15,000!. would be given as a com- penfation for every borough j faid, oh what did he not fay ! . r i ( 3' ) there fhall be anUnion Ireland muft fhare in; I ' fay then that it is impoffible to have the taxes lower while the national debt is fo enormous. Your attack upon the volunteers of Ireland is the bafeft and the moft malevolent I ever read,, it is degrading the human nature to find fo much rancour and fuch ungenerous princi- ples in the breaft of any human being. Who procured for us a free trade, and that power of legiflating for ourfelves, but the volunteers of Ireland ? a very pretty contrail you draw between them and the United Iriihmen. Injhmen learn the advantages and difadvan- tages of an UNION. Advantages. A promife of an equalization of trade, which if England has a mind to break what is to prevent her. Difatlvantages. A equalization of taxes and no redrefs. Advantages. A promife of having the king- dom tranquilizcd. Difa d vantages. A certainty of a fecond rebel- lion if we argue from political analogy, as Scotland^ Vnited States, Corfica, &V. Advantages. ( 3' ) Advantages. A modus in tythes. Difad vantages. // will make the. land tax lea-vie.- , this modus could not be fettled without an Union, no hipojffible ! an Union will futile every Commotion. Oh infatuation I Advantages. No more. DLfadvantages. \Jl. A daily encrenfe of pbfentees who will carry annually in addition to the eld abfentees one million more ; this will be then two millions of money going every year to England. Oh miftrable ! 2.d. No longer a power of leg'ifiating for curfelves. ./ * 3 See how much alive and attentive the Honor- able Gentleman is to the intereft of thole Nobles, who are Peers of Great Britain, and of thofe who reiide in Great Britain. I'll venture to ftake twenty of my Pamphlets to one of his, that the mcafure would be favor- able to every Man, Woman, and Child, who retides in Great Britain. But I am very weak indeed, if I am not fight in thinking that, in as far as it would be advantageous in this refpeft to Great Britain, Ib far, of courfe. it mult be difadvantagcous. to Ireland. Is this gentleman an Englilhman, writing for Eng- land, in order to curry Favor with her ? If he is, I incline to make ibmc allowances for C his his felfifh patriotiiin ; at the fame time e- pefting that I am to be excufed for being equally interetted for the Advantage and Ho- nor of rhy native Country. DAMUS VENI- AM, ETl!;iUSp_UE VICISSIM. / " There are forty one of the former clafs, and about eighty of the latter. The re- " maining fourfcore peers, who attend par- c liament occafionally, would be the only c c peers materially interefted ; but almoft all ' c of thofe have confiderable property in " land." This Gentleman feems to treat the Irifh Nobility, as a Graziet does his Stock. Says he to his Herdfman " There are forty one of the Bullocks, and about eighty of the Sheep, fit for Market ; they are to be driven to Smithfield. The remain. ing fourfcore muft be kept grazing upon their ufual pafture, until we ^fhall decide how to difpofe of them." *-^ -Would this Gentleman wifh to fee fourfcore of the Englifh Peers turned to grafs in this 19 this manner? If not, will he allow an Iriftiman to entertain fome de- gree of refpe6t for the Irifh Peerage ; which now forms one of the fupreme branches of the Legiflature ; and the greater part of which he, in the mofl flippant, and (as I conceive) difrefpedlful mariner, coniigns to Ruftication. As to the Bar, he fays> < c As the pro- ?* feffion will not fupport by any mean* * c the numbers which purfue it? Lawyers lC in Ireland extend their circle to poll- ft tics/' And again j " Were a legiflative ^ Union to take place, Irifb. lawyers ^ would be deprived of the parliamentary ^ market for their abilities and ambition. 5 ' What then muft they do ? Are they to confine themfelves to profeilional prof- peels ? No. He declares that the profef- iion will not fupport by any means the numbers which purfue it and at the fame time, and in the fame breath, adds that an Union would deprive them of the only other $narket for their abilities and ambition. Here is another inft-ancc f his difrefpecl towards the moil refpec- tabl.e table body? rendered doubly ib by their arduous and diftinguiftied fervices d uring the late perils in Ireland. Poffibly he forgets^ or might wifh to forget, that they form part, a principal, the leading, part of that glorious Phalanx, who flood forward, in the hour of peril, againfl the uplifted hand of Rebellion; and whom the public voice proclaims, and acknow- ledges with gratitude, as the Saviours of this country. "When the moft formidable confpiracy was ripened, to deftroy the Union of Affe6tion between the two countries, they were the firft and the laft to oppofe it : and it is no mal a propos cir- cumftance.that fuch of them as were Mem- bers of Parliament were amongft the fore- moft 'in the Ranks. So much for their late Services And now, let me remind this Gentleman that our Law-books and Hif- torians have branded that Legiflature, in which there were no Lawyers, with the Epithet of " The LACK-LEARNING Parlia- ment '' and that Sir Edward Cooke ob^ faves that there never was a good law made thereat. And, let me afk the Gen- |leman; who ^re or ougl^ to be fuppofed more more competent to make Laws than thole, who have made the Laws their Study ? Does the Knowledge, acquired from the iludy of the Laws, incapacitate from the making of them ? TULLY was of a dif- ferent opinion ; it is neceffary; fays he\ for a Senator to be thoroughly acquainted with the Conftitution j and this, he de- clares, is a knowledge of the mod ex- tenfive nature a matter of Science^ of Diligence, of Reflexion : without which, no Senator can poffibly be fit for hit office. The honorable and pious mention^ which this Gentleman makes of the CLERGY, ought not to pafs quite unno- ticed. To demonflrate to them, fays he, the advantages of an Union, w r ould be loft labour indeed. Is it becaufe this venerable body of men are Guilty of more Learning and Information than Laymen, and confequently more likely to dete:t and expofe his fallacious doctrines- that the Benefit of Clergy is not allowable in this cafe ? If he has any fenfe of feeling for the public reception which Ms jcr- performance has met, he muft be con- vinced by this time, that it is loft Labour indeed from beginning to end. Why is an Union to be made the Con- dition of all the Advantages held out to Vs* and publifhed by this Gentleman in his Column of " WANTS ? Why may not theie be attained by us, as well WITH- OUT, as WITH, an Union ? Is the Effect to be produced by no other Caufe ? If it would b* beneficial to the Nation, why has it not been fought by the Nation ? It cometh in a very queftionable Shape. Perhaps it may too much refemble a BENEFIT? impofed by the Manager of a Theatre, upon one of his unfortunate Ac- tors ; which> after paying the Expences of the Koufe> turns out to his RUJN. Ct The vice of our former connexion " with England was that Great Britain u made laws to bind Ireland > without tc binding herfelf at the fame time by u the fame Laws." It occurs to me that an Union would produce a more flagrant Vice. If Great Britain, after an Union, could 33 could or would impofe Taxes on herfelf^ and make laws to enforce them, without binding Ireland in fome meafure at the fame time by the fame laws^ an Union would not feem fo injurious in this point of view. But, there's the Rub. After an Union, Great Britain would not and eould riot make Laws to bind herfelf, without binding Ireland in fome meafure at the fame time by the fame laws. This indeed would be the vice of our con* nexion. At this Day, it is the excluftve privilege of the Iriiri Cfcfmmons to tax themfclves ; and; fo jealous are they of this valuable privilege, that herein they frift ena&s that the right claimed by the people of Ireland to b e bound only by laws enacted by his Majefty and the parliament of this kingdom in all cafes whatever fhould be and it is thereby declared to be eftablifhed and afcertained FOR EVER, and fhould at no time thereafter be queflioned or queftionable. Have thefe words any force or meaning ? Was it not the intention of the legiila- ture by tWs law to fhut the door for ever againft all fuither difcuffion of the fub- je6t? And is not this Gentleman guilty of fomething little fhort of a mifdemea- nor in endeavouring to perfuade the peo- ple of Iieland v or their Representatives, to renounce a right, which> the law of this realm emphatically fays, fhall at no time be queflioned or queftionable ? ' i j ' ' : .; One Word more The Title of this Gentleman's pamphlet is really curious he profeffes to confider Arguments for and againft a queftion---arguments ham- mered out in his own forge, and on his own Anvil. He has found the Ore, roaftecl it, fmelted it, made Pigs of it : and, with his PRO Hammer in one Hand, and his CON Hammer 3? Hammer in the other, he beats out thefe unfortunate Pigs into fantaftical and mon. ftrous Shapes, which he immediately lets on to fight a pitched battle : vvhiltt he puts on his Conlidering Cap ; and, like Jupiter IN THE CLOUDS, holds the Scales of Victory in his Hand ; but ilyly fillips the Beam, and decides for his favorite Combatants Thus he UNITES in his own perfon the threefold Character of the Arguer for, the Arguer againfl, and the Confiderer of his own Arguments for and againft J To conclude, in his own Words> " We cc have been fufficiently diftracted and Cfc haraffed,, We have drank enough cc from the bitter Cup of DifTenfion/' it is, therefore, to be hoped, by every well wifher of this Country? that the Queftion may drop into the Grave -As many, as arc of that Opinion, fay cc AYE :" as many, as are of the contrary Opinion, lay " No." The AYES have it. The Vaticination. &c. &c. Vaticination. AS YOU WILL FIND IT WRITTEN IN THE IIOTH NO. OF Pue's Occurrences, RedivivusJ THE FIFTH YEAR OF THE INCORPORATION. Hoc, nifi provider-is, ne accidat, ubi evenit, fruftra judicia implores. SAH.VST. DUBLIN: PRINTBP B* H. FITZPATRICK, NO. 2, UPPER ORMOND-QUAT. 1799- Pue's Occurrences, Redwivus! H OF C- TUESDAY, DEC, 14. 1 HE CH of the Ex , according to notice previo fly given, introduced his bill, to alter and amend the a& of Union, by expunging the III. fe&ion of the I5th Ar- ticle, relating to foreign trade, and inferting the following, viz " That from and af:er the 251)1 " of March, 1806, no foreign goods, imported " into Weft-Britain, or any goods, the prod ce " of that country, and which have paid his " majefty's duties of cuftom or excife there, " lhall be entitled to drawback on any part of " fuch c 6 3 " fuch duties, on their exportation from that " country " The Ch. of Ex. prefaced his mo- tion by faying, thai: notwithftanding the great political fagacity, and mercantile experience of the commiflioners, to whom the arrangement of the happy Union had been entrufted ; yet he was forry to fay, an error had crept in, he feared, through the hurry in which that meafure had been carried ; and though he could not now take upon himfelf to fay, that others may not at a future day develope themfelves, yet he did not at prefent fee any other part of the act of Union that called immediately for a like modi- fication j but if in the lapfe of time, fuch ihould occur, and he continued minifter, he would have a fair and liberal difcuffion of the matter, with all that juftice and equity befitting fuch a fubject, and the nature of the cafe would admit ; always however, bearing in mind, that the pri- vate advantage of any particular paat of the em- pire, mould not be brought into competition with any meafure that may be directed to the general good of the whole. After a fhort debate, in which the members for Weft-Britain combated the principle of the bill, and ftrongly urged a breach of compact, the bill was gone through, and ordered for a fccond reading on this day week, the IV. B.'s only diffentiem. We t 7 3 We are informed from undoubted authority, that apartments are now fitting up, in the Old Men's Hofpital, for the refidence of the governor of this ifland, whofe falary (being now limited to 3,000!. per ann.) will not admit of the accuftomed pageantry and fhew, which, are ac- cordingly to be abolifhed in future : and by the fame authority we learn, that the Caftle is to be fitted up in the manner of Somerfet-place, Lon- don, for the accomodation of the various officers in the new fyftem, as flamps window-lights tranfports victualling hearthmoney malefer- vants hackney coaches -fait new duty on in- come, &c. &c. &c. and compleat apartments are alfo getting ready there, for the new Commifli- oners of Ejpionage, and the Corps of Teftimony, for whom a table is to be provided, as it may not be convenient to them to go abroad at all times. Yeftcrday arrived his majefty's yacht, the Dorfet, from Holyhead, with our new governor, who had been formerly governor of Jamaica : and this fcems now to be the routine fixed by the minifter, for the future. At the fame time arrived. [ 8 ] arrived, fix commiflioners of the new tax upon income ; and as the people of this country are fo partial and attached to each other, that endea- vours to evade this duty, might be connived at, to the injury of his majefty's revenue, the com- miffioners have brought over with them four Surveyors or Doubters-general, who, we are told, are properly qualified to determine the precife income of every perfon; they are very acute fenfible men, though they have had the misfor- tune to have been fome years confined in the Fleet prifon; but as they have no connexions whttever, in this country, they are confidered as very proper perfons for the appointment. Tuefday laft, the carpenters began to erecl whipping pofts in the different wards of this city ; it has been found, that the old method of trying by jury, evidence, &c. for fedition and feditious practices, has been attended with great trouble and expence to government, as none of the corps of teftimony would give evHnce to a perfect truth, without being highly paid ; and where the cafe was otherwife, nothing lefs than a thoufand a year, or a government, or appointment equal to that [9 ] that fum, could bring them on the table : this corps is accordingly to be refer ved for cafes of high treafon, and then only to be called on duty. And we are informed, that a proclamation \\ill iffue, in the next week, empowering all magif- trates high conftables maitres de police, &c. to take up any fufpicious looking perfons, who may be found (as has been ulual) in ftreets, lanes, or alles, reading newfpapers, or fpeaking Irifh, or in any other fuch fediuous occupation, and tye him or them up to the neareft poft, to receive, at the difcretion of the magiftrate, con- ftable, &c. from twenty to an hundred lafhes ; and if itfhall be found, that the culprit fo offend- ing fhall be of the mere Irifh, and have ruffles to his name, he fhall receive one dozen more lafhes, over and above what he oiherwife might receive, on that mere account ; and as it may prove difficult, to procure perfons to inflict fuch punifhmcnt, 'tis faid, the A B s have offered their fervices, to come forward as Liclors, and twelve of them will wait in rotation every day, to be employed in that way, by the Prae- tor Urbanus. t J 3 It having been reprefented to government, by the commiflioners of victualling, as well as the contractors for provifions, that a vaft quantity of beef and pork has been ufdefsly confumed, by the midling and lower orders of people in this ifland heretofore ; infomuch that it is with diffi- culty the immenfe quantiiies wanted for the ufe of his majefty's navy, and many of the home and diftant garrifons, can be obtained even at their prefent advanced prices : to obviate which, \ve are told, a bill will be brought into Parlia- ment this feffions, to prevent fuch wafte of thofe neceflary articles; and that from and after the ift of January next, no perfon in this ifland will be permitted the ufe of the above-mentioned meat, that does not pay twenty pounds per ann. to the new duty on income. A Correfpondent has favoured us with the following truly affecting ccnverfation he held with a relative, who has refided many years in America, and arrived laft week on fome urgent bufmefs in this his native town. My old friend (fays our Correfpondent) in our flroll thro' poor Dublin, obferved wilh a figh, that the town put him him in mind of Philadelphia, when he return- ed to it, after the dreadful fever that raged there in the year 1798 ! So ruinous, fo melancholy in its appearance, fo few people in the ftreets, many of the houfes fhut* up, fcarce a carriage to be fcen j (and by the bye thofe belonged to the people of the revenue) coming to College-green : Was not this great building, faid he, your Parliament-houfe in days of old ? You are right enough, faid I, but now the people of Exeter Change have hired it as a Menagerie, to exhibit wild beafts in the fummer, and there are Puppet Shews in it every winter. Pray, faid he, does any of your great folks live in the College, or have you any p.vifoners there I think I fee Gentries at the gate ? Blefs your heart ! the Col- lege was turned into a Horfe Barrack two years after the Union ; the Library is made a Granary, the books have been fold by auction and ex- ported. What a change I But what ufe is made of the Play-houfc in Cro w-ftrect, where I re- member to have feen Barry and Woodward play ? It has been hired by the Commiilioncrs on Income, faid I, as a warehoufc to depofit all goods or furniture that may be icizcd for non- payment of the tax; and tho' there are falcs every week, yet the houfc i? not fuiEcicmly large, [ 12 3 large, and it is in contemplation to make ufe of Patrick's Church for the fame purpofe. Pray did not that Houfe at the Corner of Parliament- ftreet, which is now occupied by a miferable Bar- ber, formerly belong to Alderman Faulkner ? It did, and that miferable Barber you fee there, is the grandfon of our laft S of the H C s ! Good God, faid he, what fad revolu- tions has this Union brought about ! But v/hat has become of the laft Editor of Faulkner's Paper? Ah! poor man, faid I, he is dead thefe fome years back ; government had no more oc- calion for party writers ; he was difmifled ; not without fufpicions, however, that while he ap- peared moft vehement in the fupport of govern- ment, he held illicit correfpondence with his friends in the country during Jie late infurrec- tion. I am extremely grieved to find the fatal efiedis this Union has had on my native country, and that were I fo difpofed, I could at this time Jlavs in its capital cheaper than in any part of Africa, from Cape Blanco to Guardafui ; many, very many families and individuals, artificers and others, have applied to me, with offers to indent for any length of time, or their whole lives, to fettle in my weftern eftate, (Kentucky) and Ifliall carry [ 13 ] carry out as many as two fhips can conveniently accommodate, without the flavifh obligation of an indenture, and fliall eftablifh thcm,wherethe pure unadu Iterated Irifh heart fhall have room to expand with the true ^ra ma cbree, and where fraternity is not thought a crime. TO BE SOLD, From one to one Thoufand Kimes of the beft White Aihes Turf, at the extenfive Stores, for- merly Rotunda Gardens. CARRIAGES. Fourteen Coaches and three Chariots, in per- fect condition, to be fold on Monday next, by Au&ion, at Somerfet Place, formerly Caftle Yard. Note, they will be peremptorily fold at I o'clock, as they have been feized for non- J^yment of the new wheel-carriage duty. SHERIFF'S SHERIFF'S SALE. On Wednefday next will commence, at the Hall of the Royal Exchange, the Sale of the en- tire Stock in Trade of two Woollen Drapers, one Silk Mercer, a Haberdafher, and two Milliners. Sale to commence at 12 o'clock, and to continue from day to day till all are fold. The Sale will be conducted in the faireft manner, the Parties being all Bankrupts. HOUSES. To be Sold, four Houfes in Cavendifh-row, two in Stephen's-green, and one in Sackville- ftreet. They have been occupied by Gentlemen of coniiderable fortune, who are now gone abroad, and will be difpofed of for quarter of their original coft ; or will be let at very mo- derate rents, and might be made fuitable to ' Coopers, Cabinet-makers, or extenfive Grocers, as they are very roomy, and the Stables and Coach-houfes might be converted into Ware- houfes. They are well worthy the attention of the C is ] the Barrack Board, as they would hold from 100 to 150 men each. Inquire at M*G. & Sons, Notary Publicks, Merrion-fquare, North. N. B. A fecond Floor to let. GOVERNESS. Wanted by a young Lady, the Daughter of a refpeclable Baronet, a fituation, to take care of and inftruct two or three young Ladies. She is highly accomplifhed, and was educated with much expectation. As humane treatment and good-nature are more her object than falary, fhe would have no objection to go in the above capacity into the houfe of a Tradefman. Note. The above Lady has a younger Sifter ; would give a fmall fee to be apprenticed to a Mantua-maker. Inquire at the Printer's. Horff [ 16 1 Horfe Barracks, Trin. College. Notice is hereby given, that I will receive, till 1 5th of next month, Propofals fealed and properly endorfed, for fupplying this Barrack with 1000 Loads of Hay, 800 Loads of Straw, and 500 Barrels of Oats. N. B. The Contraaor muft flack the Hay and Straw in the inner Square, and the Oats muft be delivered in the Loft over the new Stables, (Libiary.) S. P. BLUDDENGUTZ, , r. Mr. zd Han. Buffers. F I N I 3. KEEP UP TOUR SPIRITS. * OR HUZZA FOR THE EMPIRE I! BEING A FAIR, ARGUMENTATIVE DEFENCE OF AN UNION, ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND, Bv A CITIZEN OF THE ISLE OF MAN. " And at the end of this time, there will be ftillnefs and " calm; and every one may gain , though every one flail loje" MOTHER SHIP-TON'S PROPHECIES. DUBLIN: PRINTED FOR J, MOORE, No. 45, COLLEGE-GREEN. 1799 KEEP UP YOUR SPIRITS! " 1 HERE is nofituation in which the human Mind, can be placed, fo difficult either to con- fider difpaflionately, or decide with imparti- ality as when it is made a 'fudge in its o-wnCaufe" Was the obfervation of the great Lord Manf- field in a debate in Parliament, when a part of the Privilege of the Houfe of Lords, and the general Liberty of the fubjeft were difcuffed; an opinion I moft humbly fubfcribe to and the conviction of the truth of which has forced me from a retired fituation of Life, in a more retired fpot of the Empire to advance what I hope will be received as the argumentative and unbiafcd Opinion of one who can receive neither benefit nor injury by the adoption or rejection of a queftion that in all probability will very foon agitate the Parliaments of both Kingdoms, and which is no other than the Queftion of an Union of the two Iflands. I have read much of what has been written on this fubjecl:, and fancy I have confidered more calmly and perhaps more profoundly its real merits than any Perfon v/ho has heretofore obtruded his opinions on the Public. Ha vim; fo far premifecl, it may A I not not be amifs to let the People of Ireland know who I am, and what are my pretenfions and proofs that I am perfectly impartial and there- fore duly qualified to make a rational Enquiry into a fubj; c~l fo national that an Engli/hman or an Irijhmari cannot examine it without the inter- ference of a prejudice that muft in a great meafure miflead the minds of the moft upright, for fuch minds are always the moft Patriotic or National. I am a native of the Ifle of Mann ; in this fmall Jfland I have received my youthful Education and eftablifhed the opinions of Manhood : My Property is inherited from my Anceftors, and confifts of Lands that are equally productive whether the Stocks are high or low, I never have been in England and my knowledge of Ireland is confined to what I have heard and what I have feen in Books, I feel myfelf equally attached to both Kingdoms, for although we are legally fubjecV to Great-Britain yet we have always conftdered ourfelves as phyfically counter-tyed to Ireland in oppofition to our allegiance, by the nature of our Air and Soil, for no 'venomous Creature can live in the Ijle of Man. In addi- tion to the foregoing reafons which I truft will ftrongly plead for my impartiality on the fub- jecl: in Queftion, I fhall trouble the Reader \vith a fhort remark on the claims of my own I/land for the feat of Empire. Claims which if I forego for the general profperity, I truft no poffible doubt can remain of the difmterefted- nefs of my opinions. If I had not already confefTed myfelf a Na- tive of the Ijle of Man, the darling of the Irifh Sea, Sea, I might without immodclty expatiate on the exclufive and almoft innumerable bleiling;- of Air and Soil that are peculiar to it. But in the Queftion of where flail be the Seat of Empirs ' our liland has claims of a higher nature. It is fituated between the two Kingdoms with an acr cefs equally convenient to both, and feems for- med by nature in fuch a pofuion that the two independant Iflands might rtadily . confer on mutual welfare and deviie and execute the general good without difparagement to the im- perial confequence of either. Thofe who are acquainted with Hillory know how tenacious independant Hates and generals have been in the adjuftment of the ground on which it was neceflary to hold a conference, or make a trea- ty. Nothing was more ufual in fuch cafes than to hold an imparlance in the middle of a River, of fign a Treaty on the centre of a Bridge that divided their refpeclive poifeilions, and we have a remarkable inllance of this territorial deli- cacy even in latter times ; for in the famous Py- reman Treaty executed by Cardinal Rich lieu on the part of France, and Don Lewis de Haro on that of Spain, the fcene of the compact was a little Hland in the centre of a fmall River that runs through the Pyrenees and divides France from Spain, and which circumftance gives title to the Treaty. I know this hint for the Benefit of my own Jfland may be treated by fome of the natives of Great-Britain and Ireland a-s unworthy of ferious attention, nevertheless it is a project that is not unbecoming a Patriot and not whol- ly devoid of that reafonablencfs that may one day - 6 day (if the prefent plan of Union is given up) attract imperial notice, for the Head that is dimi- nutive is placed between the fhoulders and go- verns unwieldy Limbs, and the Heart that is frill fmaller, by its central iituation gives life and heat andjire to the loofely connected fyftem of the human frame. But, notwithftanding what I have been here faying in favour of Mann as the natural feat of Empire, I fhall not lon- ger trefpafs on the public attention by recom- mending it further, as it is more than probable if I faid ten times as much, and ten times bet- ter than 1 am capable of faying it on fo unex- pected a proportion, my patriotic ingenuity and induftry might turn out to be only labour in vain. I fhall therefore give up the hopes and the claims of my native Ifland, and confulting only the good of the Empire, treat the fubjedt of an Union between Great-Britain and Ireland with that fairncfs which as I faid before, I fear a native of either lOand from the very cir- cumftance qf fuch nativity, is difqualified from difcuHing. And now, having fo far premifed, and taken fuch pains to make it appear that I can have nothing in view but the general good, I fhall proceed to fhew^to the people of Ireland only by plain unfophijlicated Argument what are the folid advantages that Ireland is certain of receiv- ing by its Union with Great- Britain, fhould the Parliament of the former Kingdom wifely adopt fo falutary a menfure : for, as to the concur- rence of the Englifh Nation .to whatmufl fo ma- r.ifeftly benefit the Sifter Ifland, the wonted of that People leaves me no doubt. doubt. But here a difficulty arifes in the very outlet, and this difficulty is no other than that which the enemies of Union have proudly in- fifled on as an ESTOPPEL, to wit. 'The incompe- tence cf the Parliament of your Kingdom itfelf legally to effettfuch a meafure -without the ~* concurrence of the Freeholders and Freemen convened in their primary Affemblies. I am certain this objection to the competence of Parliament mufl have been ftarted by fome young Lawyer whofe head (if I am in- dulged in the exprellion) has been Democrat! fed by his recent ftudy of the Irifh Conftitution.' But this young Perfon, (for young he certainly mufl have been) who originally fuggefted this difficulty, feems not to have formed a proper notion of the potency of Parliament, and the in- dependence of the Commons Houfe on the com- monalty to whom it is indebted for its exijlence^ for fhould it be directed by the will of the People after the People had willed it their faculty of thinking it would recognife in its condiments the pofleffion of an intellect which they had moil folemnly refigned : 'tis true indeed this delega- tion of power is limited to a certain number of Years. But it is alfo as true that during the continuance of this fpecific time the Houfe of Commons is omnipotent and if omnipotent ^ concurring with the other members of the conflitution, con- trollable only by its own vote in general Parlia- ment. The Commons of England prolonged its deputation from three to ftven Tears without thinking of confuting its Electors, and the fame reafons might have continued it for the lives of the then Reprefentatives. Tis true indeed there is an implied compact between the Eleclors and the Elecled, but if this compaft can be broken in upon 8 upon in the article: of time I fee no difficulty iii a limilar infringement in the matter of place : for if a man pledge himfelf to pay me a cer- tain fum in a certain time at a certain place, and I fuffer him to enlarge the time to more than double its itipulated duration without complaint ; he will naturally think he may difcharge a debt which he fees me indifferent about, where he will. In fact there is no Law maxim more true than this, that Liberty depends upon vigilance and when the People are guilty of laches- in calling their Reprefentatives to an account for their Parliamentary conduct at the conclufion of their public fervice, thev cannot juftly complain of being ferved not altogether to- their wifties. If therefore the Commons of Great-Britain could legally enlarge its ancient du- ration without confulting its Electors from three tofeven years ; the Commons of Ireland cantranf- fer its place of Jilting from the proper dominion of Ireland to any other place it may think proper to prefer even to new Holland, and of courfe may treat and refolve on the fubject of an Uni- on with the Parliament of England independent of any Ekclorid confent. Having thus I hope flatly levelled the great impediment to the delira- bie meafure of an Union, I fhall go on to ftate the advantages that may arife to Ireland from the incorporation of its Parliament with the legiflative Affembly of the Empire, and firft. A Parliament, I mean that part of it which reprefrnts the People is a member of the Conftitution, which though of the higheft Importance in every Nation that has enjoyed freedom, ,yet has certain drawbacks on on the freedom it fecures which the lover* of Liberty are feldom fully aware of. An election, particularly a general election is at- tended with certain ills th it heretofore have baffled all remedy. It encourages idienefj, forces the common people into exceifbs frequently of long continuance, too often itrikes at the root of morality by inducing perjury, and never fails to interrupt private friejidfiiips and gene- rate public difcords, not only among the mean but the moft refpeclable families. Now, the- meafure of an Union, I may lately fay will in a great degree prevent thofe democratic evils, for not more than one fifth of the prefent repre- fentatives will be returned to ferve in the imperial Parliament which in the firft inllance will put an end to four fifths of the difor* ders attendant on elections, and if we add to this, the upright indifference that in all probability will direct the fuffrages of the people in the new order of things, we may fecurely pronounce the inconvenieneies of a general Election to be reduced to at lead an hundredth part. I will in- deed confefs that the eagernefs of Candidates, and the inter eft which the people take in fup- porting former favourites who have brought forward or fupported meafures of national good, may be produftive of no fmall public advantage; but what public advantage can com- penfate for general difcord and general dillipa- tion ? then fo far as public quiet and harmony are fuperior to confufion and intoxication, an Union will be preferable to an independent Parlia- ment. Again, it has been loudly lamented that the Parliament of Ireland has long flood in need B * IO of Reformation : but how is it poffible for a Parliament fo defective as to need Reformation to be able to reform itfelf ? it is out of the nature of things. What remedy then muft be applied ? why, to treat this high aflembly like a lingle man in a fimilar fituation. The lingle man is advifed to keep better company than him- felf that the example of others may amend him. Now the Parliament of England has always been allowed to be the wifeft avTemblage of Sages in the world ; and if that wifdom, which is in itfelf moral perfection ; can bring about, that reform of our reprefentatives in Parliament which has been fo long devoutly wijhed, I think the incorporation of the two Parliaments will undoubtedly effecT: it. And as nothing can tend to give a man fo juft a knowledge of what is the bufinefs of \ egillation fo much as the obfer- vation exercifed in travel, fo, no legiflative af- fembly will be able to boaft of equal i nowledge with that which ventures over feas in fearch of it. I have been obliged to make this remark on the near approach of Parliamentary reform to fatisfy forne malcontents who have long been in del pair of it. As I have ventured in the above with all humjlity, to compare the Body Politic with an individual Body, I am induced to continue the fimilitud ' with a view to prove the advantages- which your Le^n fixture itf^Jf ma/ receive by the adoption of an Union. Nothing is better known among phylicians than the inadequacy of the head attached to a di ft a fed body, to prefcnbe for that body; and therefore no perfons more fre- quently ajk advice than thofe.who acquire their livelihood II livelihood by giving ft. This paradox they ex- plain by fimpjy dating, that what afflds the body operates alfo on tlie mind. Now, the Peo- ple of a country are the fociable body, and their reprefentatives in Parliament the national intelligence or public mind. It has been long known that very dangerous diforders have af- flicted your national body, and it has been nearly as long known that the national mind has "been heretofore unfuccefsful in applying falutary medicines to thofe diforders : what is then to be done, but to afk advice of foine other national intelligence, and what national intelligence will deliver it with more impartiality than the impe- rial parliament. But another difficulty prefents itfelf to impede this deferable Union, which is the flrong objection which peers and country gentlemen who have the patronage of Boroughs, may feel at refign- ing what has fo long contributed to their con- fequence in the country perhaps to fomethinsj more than mere confequence. The fee fimple of a Borough in Ireland, if I am rightly informed is ".10,000, and the odium which vulgar preju- dice may attach to the fale of one in favour of an imperial Parliament may, at a high calculation be valued at .5000 more, and this is a very extravagant calculation indeed for perfonal dan- ger, when men hazard their lives every day for nothing, and great minds have always looked with contempt on the refentment of the vui Then the fum of ^.15,000 maybe allowed to be the value of a Borough difpofed of on impe- rial confederations^ a fum which the honor of Mi- njfters will immediately difcharge and which B 2 (fur inns (furious as the refentment of the people may 'prove) mould fully fatisfy every fuch Borough proprietor who ought to forget himfclj, and even his country when the good of the Empire is concerned. Again, it is ftoutly and I confefs plaufbly af- ferted, that, " a kingdom which fubjefts itfelf to the "will of another, from that womcnt becomes its /lave" Now that this is altogether falfe, I mall prove by the domeflic example of man and wife ; tor the wom/m, inftead of lofing her natu- ral liberty by uniting herfelf with her fellow- creature man, immediately participates in the latitude of his demeanour, to the great envy of virgins, the great rage of widows, and the great gain of practitioners in thefpintual courts. On this principle the Scot* confented to their U .ion with Britain, and a I though d'faffefted Per- Jbns affecl to infinuate that England would have compelled their (Two*, it the Caledonians had not judicioufly cpnfenred to it before coercion would have forced them, yet, it muft appear plain to every lover of Briti/h Afcendnncy, that the Scots acled wifely as they always do, and though it may be urged that two Rebellions have defolated that country fince the Marriage Knot was tied, every man knows, who knows human nature, that no Union can be conftituted fo entirely fehcitous, as not to admit of occafional heart" burnings. But the Weljh united, and are now fo happy in their junction that not a murmur is heard In that whole Principality. 'Tis true indeed, Edward the ift. taught them fome leffons in- troduc- trodu&ory to pa/rut obedience to the will of Eng- land, which they hold in grateful remembrance to this day. But Ireland has jio gratitude of fo indelible a nature as the Wdjh, and no pretences to the wifdom v\ fecond fight as the Scots, to urge h r to aa Union; her Union mull be voluntary, and furely Great Britain muft regard fuch a contract as the higheft ad of love, when no power of Arms or contiguity of Territory can be looked upon as motives to the alliance. Other enemies of an Union object to the time, as improper for the difcuffiqn of fo momentous a fubjeft, ftating that the opinion of the coun- try cannot be taken, on account of the violence gf the pa/ions of .the people ; this indeed is a truly Irijh reafon againfl an Union, and in fact, js the identical motive of the Britifh Minifter, in bringing it forward, for an Union, as I faid before, is like marriage, and can never be heartily contracted, if the paifions of the people are not all alive. I have indeed been very uneafy at hearing fome very well-intentioned people exprefs fober fears that the taxes of Ireland might be greatly Increafed by refigning the power over their own purfes inco the hands of Strangers, who might not be exactly acquainted with what they would may poifibly have the iuteieil of another nation nation in view, in preference to that of Ire- land; to refpect the circumftances of their con- flituents and manage their moneys with the fame economy that diftinguifhed the Irifh Parli- ament previous to the Union. And no doubt their remonftrances (for they certainly \vi r unanimoufly remonftrate) muft be duly refpecl- ed, becaufe it would not be. confident with the magnanimity of the Imperial Parliament to take advantage of the paucity of Irifh Reprefentatives, or to opprefs a poor Nation becaufe that poor Nation had con/i it ut tonally, and irrevocably bound jtfe/fnot to refill fuch oppreiiion. Nothing has been more grievoufly complain- ed of by many very honeft Irifhmen, with whom I have converfed, than the unnecefTary multi- plication of places with which every official de- partment is overloaded, and that very many Irim Families indeed who till of late were ankncwnj now occupy aim oft every lucrative and honorable poll in the Kingdom. Now, if this be true, it is certainly a grievance which fhould be redreiled ; and a main argument for an Union. is, that nothing but an Union can re- drefs it. 1 admit however that there may be reafon and policy in giving the chief employ- ments of an independant Nation to the natives of it, and that the number of thofe employments cannot poflibly be reilrained in oppofition to the fpiric of its government. But the reafon that elUblifhes this claim to official preference is the fpecious one, that the bufmefs of a Nation ought to bs managed by the People of it. Now an Union alters the cafe, for then the Empire will take place of the Kingdom of Ireland, and the majority of the Empire who will evidently be the Englijh will then poffefs, and have a right to poflefs, every Office of honor and emolument hi the Irifh Nation. The unneceflary increafe of of- fice too will alfo find a quick remedy in the falutary effects of an Union ; for the reafon of ixcffs in the number of the new created em- ployments is certainly to appeafe the avidity of a party that might otherwife impede the career of the executive branch of your govern- ment, but fhould an Union be effeaed that Par- ty, and indeed every other Party in your King- dom, falling at once into contempt ; the public employments will be all managed by En^lij'i- men> and the Imperial Alinijter, freed fom the Jlittle jealouties of colonial difquict will regulate your revenues and your revenue offices without once thinking of the people or the bifl\-r&s of your country. Now here is an argument in fubftaiict, the People with their ty^s lhali .fee the degradation of their Rulers. They ihail ie-j the high and the overbriirint fallen ! fallen ! fallen to low eftaie and odious even in their nwn eyes a gratification to the vulgar that mull more tj make amends for ever* the The fame fpirit of, perhaps well meaning une^finefs, has alarmed a great many perfons in your Country who are not altogether igno- * rant of the comparative, or relative opulence of the Nation: for fay they, tc fluill we unite our Kingdom which is free, or almoit fi from the incumbrance of National Deli with a bankrupt People whofe revenues are mo: for ^00,000,000 of Pounds Sterling, a furn greater than the fee funpie of all the Taxes ex- iiling tB illing or that can by poffibility exift, together with the full value all the real and perfonal prd- perty of Great- Britain?" 1 know this objection to an Union has had great weight with thofe perfons who have not depth to fathom things to the bottom. But this is merely the reafoning'of comparifon- people having in their eye the fituation of an individual, fancy the country is loit! becaufe its debts are far beyond its property but the cafe is altogether inapposite; for the individual fuf- fers only becaufe he can be imprifoned, or his credit ruined by the operation of the ftatute of Bankruptcy here the comparifon is abfurd, for what power could imprifon a Nation, or what Lord Chancellor would dare to make it a Bank- j upt ? But the general cry is " Dublin with all the neighbouring Counties will be inevitably ruined if an Union is fuffered." It is not at prefent convenient to argue againft fuch old-fajhioned fears ; but admitting the truth of this popular prediction, does it follow that the country will be injured becaufe its capital will' be dsfo- lated? the fartheft from it \ oilibje. I (hall here beg leave to aik thofe doleful prophets what they mean by ruin? they will probably anfwer, " The definition of Trade and Houfcs and othf-r improvements." Bjt I fay this is not in any degree ruin but ruin is the deterioration of the morals of a People, and if the deftruc- tion of any great City will tend to reform the minds of thofe whom its crafts and luxuries have debauched, fuch deftruc'tion mufl prove a national national gain. 'Tis true the Iwtitg generation will feverely fuffer indeed! but what is the li- ving generation to th j millions of pofterity! our reafon is always duped by affeclions with- in grafp, but wifdom dives into the d pths of futurity, and I will pledge my credit o i this, that more national wifdom will be derived from looking at the grafs with which your Streets will be covered, in the event of an Uninn^ and the Ivy that will then unite the fragments of your now boafted Parliament Hnuff than ever has been heard in your public walks ; or been uttered in that fenate houfe, the magnificence and elegance of which is defervedly the pride of your Nation. Another cry is raifed, ** that your two great Canals will be rendered ulelefs, and the funds, properly enough, faid to be funk in thefe nati* onal undertakings, will be loft to the proprie- tors when the market of Dublin is van i (bed n confequence of an Union ; but (ball the palpa- ble good of Ireland be retarded by confide 'ing the proprietors of Canal Stock? Thefe men Ihould have well weighed the matter before they had, as it were, thrown then mon,y int r'ie River. But furh kind of projectors are a fp-r^s of gamefters who run their idea of e^traori.- hary gain againft all chances and are therelore unworthy of national concern. Tis true they will lofe bv the dereliclion of their toll emolu- ments, but then, is it not ppfliVie that another kind of {rain may fucceed that of Navigation ? Mi^ht not thefe imraenfe ponds of unruffled waters be converted into rtpolitories o'" h\/h? a moft profitable trade! while navig tinn conti- nues, this end cannot be elected on account of C the i8 the furf made by. the paffing velfels. Bat if the waters, in confequence of an Union, become ftagnant as they will be, their produce of eels muft prove invaluable; as this fifh is one of the very beft correctives of vicious humours in the human habits, and as thefe canals run through diftricls of your Country where it is faid there is yet MUCH BAD BLOOD, the new purpofe to which they may be applied, will more than bal- lance even in the pockets of their proprietors, what they (hall lofe by their entire lofs of tolls. As I have been led into the fubjeft of medi- cine by the above remark, I feel it my duty to addrefs a line or two to the gentlemen pracli- fing phyfic in the capital of your Nation. This defcription of Men, I underftand, toil under great uneafmefs left the Union by the annihi- lation of the luxury of your great City, may finite a more terrible blow than even deajh it- ielf at the profciTion of the healing art. But let not the good Doctors defpair, but rather let them animate their hearts by the greater gains that will fucceed the abolition of luxury : fof who is a Phyfician and does not know that poverty is a more fatal enemy to the human frame than excels ? I acknowledge the Union may abridge their lift of gouty patients to infignin- cance indeed ! but how will the fcroll be length- ened by the difeafes of inanition ! ! ! Then let the profits of the profeilion link! How can the doctor complain when he has no lofs of prac- tice ? I feel it neceffary by this comfortable argu- ment to quiet the minds of this ufeful order of men; for I have long cbferved that the gen-' tlemen of the faculty^ from their fuperior learning 19 learning and reflection, have no fmall influence over the public mind. As I feel happy at being able in this man- lier to recYify any erroneous opinion that thofe refpeclable gentlemen may unguardedly fall into, from an hafty confederation of an Union ; I congratulate alfo the well wifhers of this meafure on the difperfion and final oblivion of a hugely numerous dlfiontented and idle clafs of people, who croud all your public places, and are called Politicians. Thofe anxious loungers, aflfecling, forfooth, an uneafmefs for the pub- lic interetf, infecl: many otherwife feniible and worthy people with their own reftlefs madiv.-fs, but the day is coining, and wiih it the Union, that will muzzle theie Coffee-Houfe bablers ; for the Union will caft the irrevocable dice, and > then ends all difcuflion on ptlitical chances, But the greateft of all advantages that will potfibly attend an Union, muft be the complete extinguishment of Popery in your Country. Here is a 'benefit that can ballance, and more than ballance every poflible inconvenience that may arife from this meafure. I know there are many perfons, even Proteftants, who pretend to believe that thofe dangerous People are a good- natured, and for the molt part a charitable clafs of Men, who only wilh to be / make the Country at large happy! Thefe per- fons affect to laugh at the childifh apprehenfi- ons of the eilablifhed Church, at a moment when the religion of Rome is^almoit flatly re- nounced by 47 millions of its former devotees, and the Pope's temporal power fo miferably (.'. ?, contract d contracled that the poor old man has fcarcely wherewithal to lay his head. But what reafon- ing is this ? Does not every one know that the Dominion of Ptlhiw is never fo formidable as when it is moft perficuted, and tha* danger is never fo mu.ch to be apprehended as ,vh^n it can be ItaRfeen? The ope therefore is now rr.ore terr.bh dreadful to the ProteOants of Ire- land than when 7 eithts ot ail Furope were at his devotion ; and who k .owi but at this mo- rncr.t, when infiHelit) has not only robbed him of Irs i'tara, but prop! am d the very Vatican, that this forlorn fallen ptri -n is on his way to t !-e proud potie'i>on ot the Ijland of Saints. Now. therefore is the time to unite againfl Popen But even this great majority of your People whom IJce-ndt'iicy . contrary to all the c> . Reliojvn, and the u,t sienable rights pf manki"d has fhut out of ail political comniu- mo,i, poi(ing an Unwn, all at once tcke ven- gf re n th^mfelves for the wounds they have in- fi clt .] on L 1 -iiy\ and thofe reople their coun~ trythitt, wh> i ave Jo Jong been defpifed by them, will fee! no po mon gratification 'for a gratifi- cation thpi^h a difmal one it will be) at feeing every -/, mn wif : out exception, treated with eq i .ial C ntempt by b.eir w.litary maOers of a f^reign, } n To add It ill more to this c, ..ifrrt the Roman Cathoijcs of Ireland, are in- for.ned by thie tyhejtafthoriijjt, th-'t that griev- ance fo palpa e iq every one, and fo diftteiTmg to thofe poor penp t who endure it, the fup- porting the Uer^y oj thtir own and the eftablijhed church ; chunk ; will be a good deal mitigated by a pro- vifion in aid of the Roman Catholic Pne^fts that will be granted by government in con'e- quence of an Union. Every Roman Catholic of candour will not hefuate to ackno -.vied. c that this is a liberality that mull make amends for every thing. \\ hat a kingly government ! t.'iut exifts only by the fupport of an cjidblijha church^ to eftablifh I rray fay the ancient cneny of that church J! impoifible and it is literally imnok fiblefpiritual/y (peaking -, but the Ro nan Catho- lics muft be ta 'ght to know that thi<-. thing is by no means impoilible fpeaking politically : for, if the Priefts receive a. fupport from government, it muft be on the implied cwtracl of fupponin* f merriment ; and it will then be as neceflary at after to confult the Gifile a it is now ncref- fary to examine the confcience of each indivi- dual to know who (hall be put to petunce, and who fhall be abfohed. The Prejbyterians have alfo received comfort from the fame high authority ; and -n.'ee'J it is but right they fhouldi for that body ot" m u who have been uniforml) the lovers and fup- porters of Liberty fhould have fome compcnfa- tion when they are to part with it for ever. Their clergy too will be ftill more benefited by an additional ftipend in confcquence of the wo- dus di'dmandi, or commutation for Tithes, and the diflenting church in embracing thib bciu-iit ac- quires almi^ft a certain hope of the nbolition of the Epijcopacy; for as it was jndiciouily prc- dided that the Papacy would fall by the fupprrf- Tion of the order of Jefuits, the Epifctptcy may be forewarned of its diflblution if it adopts fuch 22 fuch an innovation* This is comfort indeed ! but then it is but jufHce in an impartial enqui- rer as I am, to acquaint the Prefbyterians that this addition to the falaries of their teachers, will, like that of the Roman Catholic priefts, be paid them on the implied contraft of faithfully report- ing at the CAfttt, the political opinions of their refpedtive congregations. . Thus the various feels of Chriflians in your country will be recognized by the luffed Union, and Church and Stale indeed go HAND in HAND, to the great edification of the people, and the great comfort of the Proteftant clergy ; for they will fureiy reap the profit. Then, what is it to them the enjoyment of overgrown and luxurious livings, in companion to the general peace that an Union wiji produce? I fay, what is it to them if the higher!: of" the beneficed c'ergy be reduced to .^oo, a year, when they will know that the furplus money arifing from this contrafliM of their income, will be applied in aid of the poor fecla- ries; for they certainly cannot entertain a thought that this additional public expenca will be paid from .any other fund. In this manner the clergy of the various /efts, being provided for, and in a certain degree, eftabli/hed, their Pallors being paid by govern- ment for the double purpofe of eafing the lur- dens of the people, and directing their political opinions, you will have nothing but paflive obe- dience in the country, for what man, who is not diverted of th? firft feelings of gratitude, would fantfion refinance to that power by which he is well paid ? But 23 But the Union will be of imperial and general benefit, by the new arrangement that will take place in the army in confequence of it. It is well known that nothing moreemboldensinfurredtion and rebellion, than the popular opinion that Mili- tia, or native troops will not turn their arms againft their country, without examining the motives that have urged thtir ftl/ow citizens to fuch violence; and, convinced of the truth of this, moll of the Kings of Europe have entertained foreign Troops to crufh that demand of jujlice which domeftic warriors could not refill : and the late example of France proves the policy of kings in the prac- tice ; yet, it was a practice of fome expence, for thofe forces were always better paid than native foldiers. But the Union will obviate this ob- jection, for the troops of England being foreign- ers in Ireland, aud thofe of Ireland foreigners in England, any infurgents in cither country, however fpecious their motives, though they might be impelled even by that \uft refinance to tyranny, to guard againft which, the Conftitution allows the ufe of Arms, to every freeman. 1 f.iy, though even this fhould be the cafe, thofe fol- diers who will be no citizens, \vi\\ obey their ordy.t, be thofe orders what they may. But I am informed that the poor landholders of Ireland are greatly alarmed by the thoughts of an Union, left the emigration of the great men of the country fhould deftroy rheir market ; now, this is downright ftupidity, for thcie gr .it men, who are certainly good and jujl, will moll afluredly fend to Ireland for whatever their la- mi lies may want in London zrd t'ath, which will multiply the tonage of your (hipping, and en- courage courage inland carriage; befides, by their re- ficling in the beft cultivated country in Europe, they will fend you over every improvement in a- griculture, by the middle men> who will croud your land, and teach your peafantry how to do the greateft quantity of work on the fmalleft quan- tity of Potatoes i and your farmers the invincible Mcejfity of paying their Rent at quarter day. In this manner your country being maftered by the politeft people in the world, your Iri/h brogue will at once be diffipated by the impreinons of the various rural accents or dialefts of Great Bri- tain, and your nation be taught elegance and hofpitjlity by the introduction of foreigners of the moil companionable defcription. Thus, by an Union, your gentry will be improved by travel, by what, in effect, will prove a bounty on emigra- tion ; and your laborious people of ail defcrip- tion's, be impnfontd in their native Parifhes by the Introduction of the Englijh Poor Laws. I {hould be very defective indeed, in this ad- drefs to the Irifti nation, if I neglected to fay a few words to the inhabitants of the North. The people of Ulfter have long, with much fuccefs cultivated the manufacture of Linen y and at length brought it to a perfection unequal- led in any part of the Empire: a perfection that has thriven almoft into a monopoly. Your country, from its foil, male, but above ail, fgnt'tle induftry, great population, and great frugality of living, ailifted by the very particu- lar attention of your legiflature in a moft judi- cious regulation of your ftaple trade, (lands thus high, on an height which no Britifh Mi- niller dare to humiliate, becaufe your Parlia- ment, 25 ment, much as it is poflible it may want refor- mation, would not fufTer it, for no influence could balance the lofs. But an Imperial Parlia- ment might act otherwife. The reftlefs fpirit of Britons, and the political errors they have imbi- bed from the ftudy of their darling Locke, might make it neceflary to correct Englifh turbulence by Irifli foldiers. In this cafe what has the Im- perial Minifter to do, but to take off the duty on foreign Linens, and this fimple meafure, in one month, will give him the command of half a million of the. boldeft men in Europe, who will vindicate the prerogative without thinking of the Conftitution ; thus, in a twinkling, the Irifh Ma- nufacturers will become Pretonan Bands to the Minifter of next year, and, as the end of govern- ment is the Security of the People, the inhabitants of thefe Iflands will be the moll happy, as they will be the mofl One word to the towns of Cork, Watcrford, and Eelfaft, and I have done Thefe places have gained much bytheprtfint conftitution of things, and are likely to receive very little additional be- nefits by an Union ; for the provifion trade in time of war is nearly monopolized by them, not fo much from their exclufivcly producing the articles of Navy and Army Victualing, as from the before hinted defire of attaching the Irifli Parliament to britijh warfare by a fenfe of exclu- five benefit from a trade next in value to that of your Linen ; and both conltituting the fum total of Irifh wealth Now, mould an Union take place, there will be no political ncce/ny for this limitation of the provifion market, for then there 26 there will be no Irifh Parliament to aflert the rights of their Country, and the imperial minifter freed from any energy of federal jealoufy, may deal, without fcruple, in any market where a pecuniary faving can be effected, or where political views* may direc"l a preference. Thus in cafe of an Union the beforementioned towns >yill certainly enjoy a competition with the great Ruffian Empire, in almoft the Cole articles of their commerce: a competition, the honor of which, muft incalculably exceed any gain, Jiowever extentive that this great trade might have yielded ; and, as in commercial places, fame has ever been found an article of greater value than profit, thefe three grert marts will gladly accept of an Union that muft fecure to them fo fpiendid a partner in their gains. I have refer ved my mighty argument for the laft, which is, that although Mr. P had vowed 'vengeance -again ft your Country for your treat- ment of him iii the affair of the Regency ; yet having fmce repented on the fick-bed of fright occalioned by Mr. T n ys firing at him in that doughty duel, he is refolved to do you irre- farable good, and you are bound not to reject the Union as it is his fure pledge of reconcili- ation. However, * The conquefts of the Republic of France having deftroyed the old balance of power in Europe, the Eritifh Government has thought it advifable to court a fond connexion with the Ruffian Empire^ in order to fix a new ballance by overhanging the South of Europe by the bulk of the North, much of the Beef provifion for the Britiih Forces, laft year,, .was .ordered from Ruffia ! 27 However, after all I have been faying, an Irijhman may ft ill fay, keep your Parliament, and an Englishman may not fay give us your Parliament, and truft your Country to our mercy, but as I am of neither Country, I fay, KEEl'UPYOUR SPI- RITS, and HUZZA FOR THE EMPIRE ! ! ! FINIS. MEETING OF THE COUNTY DUBLIN, ON FRIDAY, JANUART THE 4th, 1799, AGAINST AN UNION. PROCEEDINGS AT A MEETING OF THE GENTLEMEN, CLERGY AND FREEHOLDERS, OF THE COUNTTOF DUBLIN, ON FRIDAY, JANUARY THE 4th, 1799, TO TAKE INTO CONSIDERATION THE MEASURE OP A LEGISLATITIVE UNION, BETWEEN THIS COUNTRY AND GREAT: BRITAIN. ALEXANDER KIRKPATRICK, ESQ^ BIGB SHERITF, IN THE CBA1R. * IN WHICH IS A CORRECT REPORT OF MR. SPENCER's SPEECH. PRINTED FOR WILLIAM JONES, No. 26, COLLEGE-CREEN, OPPOSITE THE COLLEGE. MEETING OF THE COUNTY DUBLIN, ON FRIDAT, JANUARY THE 4 th, 1799, AGAINST AN U N I O JrURSUANT to requifition, a meet- ing'^" the gentlemen, clergy, and free- holders of the County Dublin, took place at the Sefiions-Houfe, which in number and defcription, was one of the mofl refpeftable we remember ever to have witnefled. Within about a quarter of two o'clock the chair was taken by the worthy High Sheriff of the county, A. KIRKPATRICK, Elq ; and the requilition B in in confequence of which the meeting was convened having been read, MR. BAKER, (of Corduff) faid, that in fubmitting to the meeting the refolu- tions which he was about to move, he felt himfelf alone impelled by the love which he bore for his Sovereign, for his Country, for that Conflitution to which he trufted they were all devoted, and for the exifting connexion with Great Britain, which he was fure it was the general wifh of the aiTembly, and all loyal IriJ men, to maintain permanent and inviolable. His duty to his Sovereign, his Country, Irim Conllitution, and Britim Connexion, called upon him to reiift to the utmoft of his power any meafure hoflile to thefe objecls of his political attachment, and under the firm and mod affured convic- tion, that no poffible meafure could be more 3 more injurious to the fecurity of the Irifli Crown, or the liberties and happinefs of the Irifh people, than an incorporating Union of the parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland, he would without further preface move the refolutions which he held in his hand. Here Mr. Baker read the refolutions, which, one excepted, were the fame as in advertifement. Sir J. J. W. JERVAIS, Bart, arofe, he faid, with the higheft pleafure to fecond refol ./ions in moft refpe&s fo confonant to his own feelings. He could not, however, avoid obferving, that the meafure in which they were occupied, was one fo repugnant to every principle of the laws of nature and of nations, that he did not fee how far they were juftified to themfelves and to their country, in even admitting the poflibility of its being brought forward in B 2 the 4 the Irim parliament. But having pre- fumed that poffibility, the difapprobation of the meeting mould be exprefTed in the ftrongeft and moil: unequivocal manner. An half fpirited and ambiguous cxpref- iion mould not be adopted their refolu- tions mould not be fo framed as nega- tively to refer to propriety of time for bringing forward a meafure erTentially bad, but the unanimous voice of the County of Dublin mould {lamp upon the feloni- ous medium of political traffic, that. cha- racter and mark of its bafenefs as mould at once arrefl its currency, and proclaim its detection, and the Britifh minifter mould be told, that, not only, this was not a time, but that there never could arrive a time in which the people of Ire- land could think it feafonable to furrender up their liberties. Sir John then read a refolution s refolution expreffing the principle which he had advanced. MR. RAWLINS however, obferved, that although the point which the Hon. Baro- net had urged was fuch as muft meet the warmeft approbation of every man prefent, yet its adoption muft flow from a vilible neceflity, arifing out of a defect in the refolutions previoufly moved. Such a ne- ceffity was not however, evident, and the worthy Baronet would feel on having the refc rions read from the chair, that they contained not the flighted admiflion, that any period could ever occur in which a queftion of legiflative Union would be proper for parliamentary difcuffion, and that therefore he would fee that the mo- tion which he had juft read, notwithft.md- ing the public fpirit by which it was dic- tated, was wholly unneceflary. MR. MR. LEESON fpoke in terms of the ftron- geft reprobation again ft the projected mea- fure of an Union, and contended for the neceffity of a very decided mode o.f ex- prefiion on the fubjedl. That every cir- curnftance and neceffity called for the moft fpirited and patriotic conduct: on the part of Irifhmen, and that no time was to be loft, if they wimed to fave their country. He gave to a certain delegated character the higheft credit for his willies and his efforts to ftop the effulion of Irim blood, but he lamented that this cruel mercy was to be purchafed at the expence of the in- dependence, liberty, and profperity of Ire- land. He adverted in pointed terms to the number of Britifh troops pouring into this country, but alfo adverted to the yet unextinguilhed virtue and fpirit of the Irifh people. He lamented that the Bri- tifh minifter had been but too fuccefsful in 7 in dividing the people of this country and pitting them againft each other, but, in the worfl of poifons there was to be found a medicine, and he trufted that the quef- tion of a Union was one which would be fo fcouted and reprobated by the Irifli nation, and from a fenfe of common dan- ger point out the neceflity of common unity, that the minifter would find he had, inftead of proftrating the fabric of Irifh freedom, caft among its loofened components, a cement which would make it .-it for ever. Mr. Leefon then dwelt for fome time on the incompetency of parliament to entertain the queftion of an Union. He vindicated the Catholics from the imputation of leaguing againft the liberties of their country in the prefent meafure, and concluded a very animated fpeech, which was feveral times inter- rupted 8 rupted by teftimonies of applaufe, with moving the refolutions No. 4 and 5. In the refolutions which thefe fuperfede was expreffed an high opinion of the wif- dom and virtue of parliament, and of their ability to devife meafures for reftoring.and fecuring tranquillity, and fatisfying the people of Ireland of every defcription. MR. SPENCER, Mr. Kirkpatrick, Sir, With the indul- gence of this alTembly, I mail make i few obfervations upon a fubjedl, no doubt, of unfpeakable magnitude and importance to this country, the merits of which however have never appeared to me to require a ve- ry wide field of examination. Sir, the evils attendant on a legiflative Union between this country and England, appear to me, to be great, certain, and inevitable; the advantages 9 advantages which arc held forth, to be at beft problematical and uncertain. That the neceffary confequences of an Union, muft be an increafe of abfentees and of taxes, cannot be queftioned; and if ever there was a country which had flittered, both in its property, and in its internal tranquillity, from abfentees, it is this country : if ever there was a country, which required all the attention, fuperintendance, and vigi- lant obfervation of a refidcnt gentry, and a refident parliament, it is this country in r .~ prefent moft extraordinary and unexampled fituation of affairs. And with refpect to the increafes of taxes, let this nation be upon its guard ; whatever mo- tives the Englim cabinet may pretend to be actuated by, whatever objects ofin- creafed fafety to the empire, or improved civilization to Ireland, they may affect to have in view; it is the fame principle C which 10 which dictated the American ftamp aft that hath fuggefted the Irifh Union : taxa- tion not civilization is the object of the Englifh miniftry ; and it is upon this principle that the meafure has been recom- mended by all the Englilh writers upon the fubjecl: for near a century paft. But it is argued by fome, that we are incom- petent to decide upon the meafure of an Union, until we mall be made acquainted with the terms, and the queilion is trium- phantly afked, are you apprifed of the conditions of the Union ? To this ^c 1 ion, without a moments hefitation, I anfwer that I neither know, nor defire to know the fpecific items of the terms, but that I know more than the terms ; for that I know what Ireland has already obtained, and what England has it in her power to grant ; I know that Ireland already pofTefles a free trade, and I know that in the year 1782, me II , flie obtained the independence of her le- giflature, and that it is precifely fince me obtained that independence, which an Uni- on muft deftroy, that fhe hath flourished beyond all example in the hiftory of nati- ons. Shall we then in the face, and in de- fiance of this experience, furrender that independence of legiflature, the invariable concominant of which has been national profperity. For I do take it for granted that we are not to fend a number of mem- berf* 1 "'-he united parliament, equal to the whole number of the Britifli reprefentati- on, and that the united parliament is not to fit alternately in either kingdom. Now as to any commercial advantages, which England has it in her power to beftow, with refpect to any favourable regulation of the channel trade, or the eftablimmcnt of a dock-yard at Cork, or I know not whereelfe ; they may be defir-ablc objecls C 2 t0 to obtain, but they are not to be purchaf- ed at fuch a price ; and I find that the merchants and bankers of the city of Dub- lin, who muft be the befl judges of the commercial part of the fubject, have una- nimoufly expreffed their moil decided re- probation of the meafure. For there can be no compenfation for the furrender of our legiflature, there can be no price for the abdication of our independence; and if there could be terms of compenfation, what fecurity have we that they w^* 1 A be adhered to : and here at leafl I do intirely adopt the fentiment of the author of the government pamphlet ; " an argument from experience, fays he in political reafoning is fuperior to any argument in theory." Precifely fo -, and that argument or ra- ther thofe arguments from experience did occur in fix years after the Scotch Union j when when notwithftanding the oppofition of all the Scotch members of the united parlia- ment, a bill was carried through both houfes impofing the malt tax upon Scot- land in direct violation of the articles of Union -, and fo prolifick in grievances was the fix years Union to Scotland, that all the reprefentatives of that nation unanimouily voted for its diflblution. The flory of this fcandalous and flagitious breach of na- tional faith on the part of the Englifh le- giflu iNr Cj {hould be infcribed in large cha- racters on the walls of both houfes of our parliament, in order for ever to deter this nation from an incorporated Union with England, But it is faid, that the extra- ordinary fituation of this country requires fome extraordinary remedy, and that fome grand and new meafure muft be adopted : that we have jufl efcaped from an horrid rebellion which raged with unabated fury for for two months in feveral parts of this kingdom, is moft certain; and it is equally true that the greateft efforts of that rebelli- on had been made and had failed before Lord Camden quitted this country. That the difperiion of armies, if they may be fo called, of twenty thoufands and thirty thoufands of rebels mould produce robbe- ries, and the mofl audacious breaches of the peace even in the day time, was to be expected and was anticipated -, but the re- medy for fuch evils muft coniifl rr ' '.a a well ordered, active, and vigilant po- lice than in any legiilative meafure what- ever. Is quiet to be procured for this country, by increafing the number of ab- fentees, and by aggravating the burthens of taxation ? Is tranquillity to be reftored to Ireland by a meafure which will difcon- tent and difguft, if not the whole, at leaft a great proportion of all the refpe&able clafles dalles of fociety ? but what mews to a de/nonftration that the fafety or tranquillity of Ireland are not the objedts of this mea- fure, is, that long before the rebellion or any idea entertained of rebellion in this country, the meafure of an Union was the favourite objeft of the prefent Britifh cabi- net, and that the Duke of Portland a member of the prefent Englifti adminiftra- tion in his letter to Lord Fitzwilliam when Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, defires him to put off the conceffions to the Ca- tfr ^-$, if poflible, for a time, in order to give mmiftry an opportunity of obtaining this favourite obje the Executive Directory for carrying on which, however, arc well known ; there were none of them on board the Hoche when ihe ' taken, neither is there any of them in Newgate, or in Kilmainham, awai his 20 his departure for Lifbon, or for Ame- rica; but perhaps while I have the ho- nour of addreffing myfelf to this aflem- bly, they are fitting in council with our mo ft gracious Sovereign. Who would have believed a few months ago, that the Minifter of England would put himfelf at the head of a revolution in Ireland? Who would have believed that the fame minifter who fays that this is not the time for parliamentary reform in England mould fay that it was the precife fe?.^ for J 4 r- Pl- a revolution in Ireland? But I u \- ,,hat this country will prove the elaftick force of liberty, whofe fpring mall be the ftronger from the compreffion which it has fuftain- ed during the rebellion. This country mall prove to England and to the Univerfe that as me can defend her conftitution again ft the open aflaults of rebellion, fo me will maintain it againft the infidious revo- lutionary 21 lutionary projects of an Englifh adminiftra- tion. I fhall now conclude with obferving that in my opinion, the two reprefentatives of this county have by their admirable con- duct upon this occafion, acquired frefli claims to the confidence of their conftitu- ents, and to that of the nation at large. MR. SKEYS followed Mr. Spencer, and affirmed that the argument of commercial advantages held out in fupport of an Union was falfe and deceptious, and that it we i our infant manufactures, which wouid then lofe the protections which they now have. MR. GUINNESS arofe and delivered a very able, eloquent, and animated fpeech in reprobation of an Union. He inveigh- ed warmly againft the duplicity of Mr. Pitt's conduct, who having failed in con- quering 22 quering France, now fought to conquer Ireland. He had prepared a firing of pithy refohitions to fubmit to the meeting this day which he read j they expreffed they ftrongeft difapprobation of an Union, and of the incompetency of parliament to agree to it but he did not attempt to prefs them on the meeting in preference to thofe which were already before them. MR. BAKER having been now voted r . Pl <3 into the chair, the thanks of the '- } jjg was returned to Alexander Kirkpiuv k, Efq - y for his readinefs in calling the meet- ing, and his very proper and honourable conduct in the chair, which having been again refumed, the proceedings were or- dered to be published in all the London and Irifh papers, and the meeting was dif- folved. A meeting which has fet fuch an 23 an example offpirit, patriotifm and virtue, that, if generally followed by the other counties, will prove, we truft, the falva- tion of Ireland. RESOLUTIONS. AT a refpeclable meeting of the gen- tlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the county of DUBLIN, to take into confide- ration the momentous queftion of a legif- lative Union of the parliaments of Great + Bi 1 Ireland, purfuant to a requi- fitioi~Mor that purpofe, ALEX. KIRKPATRICK, Efq; High Sheriff, in the chair, Refohed Umnimoujly* i ft, That the legiflative independence of Ireland has been the means of improve- ment and profperity to this country ra- pid beyond example. scl Tii.'.t 26 2d, That we are imprefled with every fentiment of loyalty to our King, and the warmeft attachment to Britifh connexion. 3d, That we confider the queftion of an Union as having for its bafts the ex- tindion of our feparate and independent legiflature, to be hoflile to the rights, li- berties, and interefts of Ireland ; and as fuch fhould be oppofed by every conftitu- tional means in our power. yi 4th, That our thanks are QU.: ,our reprefentatives for their early application for our inftruc~lions.