4 
 RECOMMENDATIONS 
 
 TO THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
 
 From the New- York Commercial Advertiser. 
 
 "History of the American Revolution, with a prelimi 
 nary view of the character and principles of the Colonists, 
 and their controversies with Great Britain." The author 
 of this work is S. F. Wilson, Esq. editor of the Baltimore 
 American formerly of this city. The design was to bring 
 into a single volume, a compendious history of the Ameri 
 can Revolution, for popular use; comprising all the essen 
 tial facts, but by the omission of military details, and dwell 
 ing more upon civil and diplomatic history, than upon 
 battles and the movements of armies, producing a work 
 somewhat different, and of more intrinsic value, than any 
 preceding work upon the same subject. Mr. Wilson we 
 have formerly known as the holder of a ready pen of hand 
 some literary attainments, and of a highly poetical temper 
 ament. We had misgivings, when we heard of his entrance 
 upon the grave and chastened field of history, lest the wing* 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 of his imagination should bear him away from his judgment. 
 But on glancing into his volume, we find that our apprehen 
 sions were groundless. We have no time for critical ex 
 amination into all those matters so essential to historical 
 accuracy; but so far as we have looked at the present work, 
 we think it decidedly successful. The author s power of 
 analysis and arrangement, seem to be good, and his style 
 vigorous and clear. It is a good class-book for schools. 
 
 From the National Gazette. 
 
 A neat duodecimo volume has just appeared in Baltimore, 
 with the title "History of the American Revolution, with a 
 preliminary view of the character and principles of the Colo 
 nists, and their Controversies with Great Britian." The 
 author of it is S. F. Wilson, Esq. editor of the Baltimore 
 American. The editorial articles of this gentleman are 
 generally skilful epitomes; and hence we should augur fa 
 vorably of his abstract of our Revolutionary annals. We 
 have read parts of several chapters of the work, and from 
 them we infer with the author that "it might be advantageous 
 ly used in the instruction of youth." 
 
 From the Pennsylvania Inquirer. 
 
 "History of the American Revolution." The Baltimore 
 booksellers have just published in a neat and substantial 
 volume, a "History of the American Revolution," with 
 a preliminary view of the character and principles of the 
 Colonists, and their Controversies with Great Britain. The 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 work is understood to be from the pen of S. F. Wilson, Esq. 
 editor of the Baltimore American a gentleman admirably 
 quallified for such a task. He has fully succeeded in his 
 object, has brought within the compass of a volume, con 
 venient for popular use, a connected narrative of the Revolu 
 tion, embracing all the principal events foreign and domes 
 tic. We take pleasure in commending this compilation to 
 public attention. It is especially entitled to the notice of 
 parents and teachers, and will, we feel assured, soon take 
 the place of all other books upon the same subject, as a School 
 Book. The reputation of the author is a sufficient guarantee 
 as to the accuracy of the details. We presume the volume 
 maybe obtained of any of the Philadelphia booksellers. 
 
 From the Pennsylvanian. 
 
 We have received a copy of "The History of the Ameri 
 can Revolution, with a preliminary view of the character 
 and principles of the Colonists, and their Controversies 
 with Great Britain" a work in one volume, from the pen of 
 S. F. Wilson, Esq. a gentleman well and favorably known 
 as the editor of the Baltimore American. From our know 
 ledge of the author s abilities, we were led to expect a use 
 ful compend of Colonial and Revolutionary history in the 
 present work, nor has that expectation been disappointed. 
 It will be found valuable as an accurate and well written 
 condensation of the occurrence of times highly interesting 
 to every American, and deserves to be generally used in the 
 instruction of youth. 
 
4 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 From the Baltimore Gazette. 
 
 "History of the American Revolution, with a pre 
 liminary view of the character and principles of the 
 Colonists and their Controversies with Great Britain. 
 Baltimore: 1834. 
 
 This is the title of a volume of nearly 400 pages, just 
 published, and from the pen S. F. Wilson, Esq. of this city. 
 In taking up this volume we expected merely an abstract of 
 the numerous works which have already been published 
 upon this subject, but we have been gratified to find it 
 divested of much of the uninteresting details which consti 
 tute so large a portion of the more formidable works upon 
 the American Revolution, and the graceful and familiar 
 style in which the author describes that important period in 
 the history of our country is peculiarly suited to the occa 
 sion. We shall not be singular in the gratification of find 
 ing a volume so admirably adapted for the instruction of 
 youth in the principles of the revolution: and we think this 
 work must have an extensive circulation for that purpose 
 alone, independent of the interest and information which it 
 will afford the general reader. 
 
 From the Baltimore Chronicle. 
 
 We have not yet had leisure to give this volume a thorough 
 examination, but have no doubt from what we have read of 
 its accuracy of detail. The "Preliminary view of the cha 
 racter and principles of the Colonists" is written with 
 beauty and force and exhibits in a lucid manner, the pro- 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 5 
 
 gress of those principles which finally led Colonists to assert 
 their independence. The design of the author was, to pre 
 pare a work, which, by presenting in a small compass, the 
 principal events of the American Revolution, would enable 
 teachers to adopt it as a school book. For that purpose it 
 may be usefully employed, whilst it cannot be unacceptable 
 to others who desire to make themselves familiar with the 
 history of their country. 
 
 From the National Intelligencer. 
 
 "The American Revolution." We have just met with a 
 new work, comprised in 372 pages duodecimo, entitled 
 "History of the American Revolution, with a preliminary 
 view of the character and principles of the Colonists and 
 their Controversies with Great Britain," by S. F. WILSON, 
 Esq. a gentleman every way qualified for the task which he 
 has performed. This history of the Revolution embraces 
 all the principal occurrences, civil, military, and political, 
 having a direct influence on the principles and progress in 
 the great contest, avoiding all minor details not neces 
 sary to the integrity of the narrative. All the essential facts 
 and events are brought within the compass of a volume of 
 convenient size, well suited for the schools of the United 
 States. We should be glad to see it introduced into gene 
 ral use in our seminaries, as no American youth ought to be 
 unacquainted with the history of this most important period 
 in the annals of this country and of the whole Christian 
 world. 
 
6 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 From the Baltimore Republican. 
 
 NEW BOOK We have received a copy of a new work 
 called the "History of the American Revolution, with a 
 preliminary view of the character and principles of the Colo 
 nists, and their Controversies with Great Britain. It is 
 from the pen of our fellow citizen, Samuel F. Wilson, who 
 is well quallified for the performance of such a work, and 
 he has well sustained his reputation as a writer in his exe 
 cution of it. In his preface he says "the writer has dili 
 gently compared the received authorities, and exercised his 
 judgement freely in selecting and arranging the essental 
 facts; and he thinks he has brought within the compass of a 
 volume, convenient for popular use; a connected narrative 
 of the revolution, embracing all the principal events foreign 
 and domestic. Those portions which relate to the foreign 
 negotiations, are more full in proportion, than the other divi 
 sions of the subject. They will be found, it is believed, 
 correct and valuable. 
 
 The plan adopted by him is a very proper one as it has 
 enabled him to present within a convenient compass the 
 most material matters contained in similar works and to in 
 troduce others of great interest and importance, connected 
 with the subject, which are to be found in a connected form 
 in but few if any other publication. It is a volume which 
 may be used in the instruction of youth wHh greater advan 
 tage, we think than any other work of the kind which ha* 
 been laid before the public. 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 7 
 
 From the New-York Evening Post. 
 
 "History of the American Revolution, with a preliminary 
 view of the character and principles of the Colonists, and 
 their Controversies with Great Britain. This is the title 
 of a work just published at Baltimore, and for sale in this 
 city by D. Appleton & Co. It is written by S. F. WILSON, 
 Esq. who, as the editor of the American, an excellent and 
 discreetly conducted daily newspaper in Baltimore, has 
 made himself favorably known as a writer, to a large circle 
 of readers. In that particular exercise of talent more es 
 pecially, which is most called into exercise in the work 
 under consideration a power to condense and epitomise in 
 such a way as to retain, in a small compass, the pith and 
 marrow, and the distinguishing features, of what before oc 
 cupied a large space. Mr. Wilson, as we have had frequent 
 occasion to observe in his editorial abstracts of long and 
 elaborate public documents, is singularly happy. The work 
 in this respect, as well as for clear perspicuous arrangement, 
 and judicious original reflections and discussions on import 
 ant points in the political history of this country, is well 
 worthy of more than the mere passing notice to which news 
 paper critics are confined. We should think, from the ex 
 amination we have given the volume, that it deserves to be 
 very extensively introduced into schools; for not only in 
 point of style is it superior to the compendiums in use, but 
 it is written in a far more philosophical spirit, and gives due 
 prominence to that class of events in our history, which con 
 stitute the proper foundation of all history, but which are too 
 generally neglected for the mere details of military achieve 
 ments. The writer seems to have compared authorities dili- 
 
8 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 gently, and in an impartial spirit, and he has stated results 
 with as much brevity as was compatible with clearness. The 
 work is brought down to the close of Washington s military 
 career in 1783. 
 
 New-York Courier and Enquirer. 
 
 We take pleasure in commending this volume from the 
 the pen of SAMUEL F. WILSON, late editor of the Baltimore 
 American to the public patronage, in the most unqualified 
 terms. Seeing it in the form of a school book, bound in sub 
 stantial sheep, and recollecting the thousand and one abridg 
 ed histories of the same era, "for the use of schools," wherein 
 laborious dulness has contrived to render "stale, flat and un 
 profitable," the most momentous and spirit-stirring events 
 that ever happened in the tide of time, we freely confess the 
 reluctance with which we opened its pages. But we have 
 been agreeably disappointed. It is the production of a vigo 
 rous and highly cultivated mind, every way worthy of its 
 theme, and, in our opinion, admirably adapted to the purpose 
 for which it was intended. 
 
 The military events of the period to which it relates, were 
 so rife with instances of extraordinary heroism, as to render 
 it difficult, in treating of them, to avoid a minuteness of 
 detail suited rather to the mere annalist or biographer, in 
 whose hands they are susceptible of an absorbing interest ; 
 but besides that brevity was required by the proposed limits 
 of this work, those events, for all the purpose of history in its 
 higher sense the exhibition of moral and political causes in 
 their operation upon man in the aggregate, the practical 
 wisdom derivable from experience of the past, and the lessons 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 9 
 
 of virtue which it is designed to teach constituted but a 
 minor feature of the revolution, which, indeed was well said 
 by one of the wisest men of the times, to have been over 
 before the war began. Accordingly, the author has avoided 
 all circumstantial accounts of battles and manoeuvres in the 
 field, and restricted himself to a compressed but spirited 
 sketch of the leading incidents necessary to the continuity 
 and integrity of his narrative; and to an understanding of 
 the issue thus leaving scope for a developement of the 
 agencies which gradually brought about the final contest, and 
 for a discriminating exposition of the real interests which 
 that contest involved. These objects he has achieved in his 
 "preliminary view of the character and principles of the colo 
 nists, and controversies with Great Britain." This part of 
 the work, at least, for its perspicuity and depth of thought, 
 no less than for its beauties of style, is well entitled to the 
 character of philosophical history. Its tendency is to invest 
 the revolution, in itself considered, with dignity that throws 
 all similar struggles which preceded it, far in the shade, and 
 to claim for it the additional lustre of having given the first 
 impulse to that series of stupendous changes in civil govern 
 ments which have since taken place, and in the course of 
 which the nations of the earth are rapidly advancing towards 
 the goal of liberty. 
 
 In the concluding chapter, the author has developed the 
 intricate diplomacy to which it became necessary for Ame 
 rica to resort, in order to secure the fruits of her military 
 success. The selfish and crooked policy of the principal 
 European States in reference to this country; their base at 
 tempts to crush our liberties in the bud, by dividing among 
 themselves the territory which the rival, Great Britain, was 
 about from necessity to relinquish; the firmnes of our nega- 
 
10 RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 tiators in resisting every overture that did not commence 
 with a recognition of the unconditional independence of 
 America, and contemplate a full guaranty of all the rights 
 she had claimed from the first, and dexterity with which 
 they elicited from the fears and mutual jealousies of those 
 states what was not to be obtained from their justice and 
 magnanimity, have probably never before been so clearly 
 and forcibly delineated. This is a most interesting and 
 valuable chapter. It wanted but the facts here set forth to 
 render the picture of our independence complete in all its 
 parts, by showing that as, during the period of colonial 
 dependence, America had owed nothing in her infancy to 
 the nurture and protection of the mother country, so when 
 she came to take her stand among the nations, she did so in 
 despite of all, and without incurring obligations to any no 
 not even to France, whose views in affording us military 
 aid were shown to have been wholly and glaringly selfish by 
 the extraordinary course which she adopted during the sub 
 sequent negotiations. 
 
 From the New-York Star. 
 
 History of the American Revolution. With a Preliminary 
 View of the Character and Principles of the Colonists. By 
 S. F. WILSON. The want of a well-written compend on the 
 great events connected with and preceding our revolution, 
 has long been a desideratum in the literature of this country, 
 and an opprobrium upon our name. A theme in itself so 
 full of sublime and heroic incidents an event so momentous 
 in the annals of the world as that of the emancipation of an 
 entire continent, and the establishment of that hitherto un- 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 11 
 
 discovered principle that man is capable of self-government, 
 would seem to have been of such deep and abiding interest, 
 as to have enlisted the suffrages of more eloquent and 
 powerful pens than have ever discoursed upon it. But not 
 withstanding the manj rich resources for the historian there 
 is no one who has yet explored, in the manner that so great 
 a subject merited, this wide and extensive field no one 
 who has condensed into a lucid and compendious form, a 
 clear, methodical, and correct arrangement of its details. 
 The work of Mr. Wilson goes far to supply this hiatus and 
 is written in a style as felicitous in its language as it is ac 
 curate and sententious in its description of the various 
 leading events and circumstances comprised within the 
 period to which it relates. It is scarcely possible that the 
 vast period of our entire history could have been compress 
 ed into so small a compass, but the author has nevertheless 
 succeeded in happily grouping together, into a succinct and 
 concise form, a general and most useful summary of every 
 incident of importance that conspired to bring about the 
 great events upon which he more particularly dwells. 
 
 We think it will prove a valuable elementary work in 
 our schools more especially, and we warmly recommend it 
 to our countrymen as one which every American, who has 
 his country at heart, and wishes to cherish in his posterity 
 an enduring love of liberty and of our noble institutions, to 
 place in the hands of his children. Many of older growth, 
 too, may be benefited by its perusal, as it is a subject, we 
 are ashamed to say, of which too many Americans, even 
 among those who make pretensions to the character of states 
 men, are most deplorably ignorant. 
 
RECOMMENDATIONS. 
 
 From the Telegraph. 
 
 We acknowledge the receipt of a copy of this valuable 
 school book, from the chaste and vigorous pen of Samuel F. 
 Wilson, Esq. late editor of the Baltimore American. It is 
 well adapted to the object for which it was written. It im 
 presses on the mind of the scholar a clear and definite view 
 of those great principles upon which our revolutionary 
 struggle was based, and the important events which led to 
 its consummation. The classical and polished style of the 
 work, will render it highly interesting to the general reader, 
 as well as useful to the student of that most important 
 period of our country s history. The research, taste and 
 talent which it displays will not only sustain but enhance 
 Mr. Wilson s rising reputatiQB.ab a writer. We cordially 
 recommend it to the public. fiuff Green. 
 
 CK 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OP THE 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION, 
 
 WITH 
 
 A PRELIMINARY VIEW 
 
 OP THE 
 
 ; 
 
 Character anti $nncf.ples of tjje (Eolonfstsr, 
 
 AND THEIR 
 
 CONTROVERSIES WITH GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 -t^i 
 
 THIRD EDITION. 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 N. fflCKMAN, GUSHING & SONS, JOSEPH NEAL, AND D. GUSHING. 
 
 1838 
 
ENTERED, according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1834, by SAMUEL F. 
 WILSON, in the Clerk s Office of the District Court of Maryland. 
 
 

 PREFACE. 
 
 THE first intention of the writer of this book was to 
 prepare an abstract of some one of the larger histories of 
 the American Revolution, in a more compact form than 
 any which he had met with in his own reading. The 
 object was to present a convenient volume, which should 
 embrace all the principal occurrences, civil, military, and 
 political, in America and Europe, having a direct influence 
 on the principles and progress of the revolutionary contest, 
 at the same time that it should avoid all minor details not 
 positively necessary to the continuity or integrity of the 
 narrative. The military events were to be made less pro 
 minent than is usual; and all circumstantial accounts of 
 battles and manoeuvres in the field, beyond leading incidents 
 important for the understanding of the issue, were to be 
 avoided. After examining several of the principal authorities, 
 the design of following any particular author was abandoned, 
 and the present plan adopted, of re-writing and re-arranging 
 the whole, without regard to the order or language of 
 previous histories. These are the claims of the work to 
 originality. Its merits are submitted to the judgment of 
 the public. The writer has diligently compared the received 
 authorities, and exercised his judgment freely in selecting 
 and arranging the essential facts ; and he thinks he iias 
 brought within the compass of a volume convenient for 
 popular use, a connected narrative of the revolution, em 
 bracing all the principal events foreign and domestic. 
 Those portions which relate to the foreign negotiations, are 
 more full in proportion, than the other divisions of the sub 
 ject. They will be found, it is believed, correct and valuable. 
 

 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The author believes that this volume might be advan 
 tageously used in the instruction of youth. For the purpose 
 of determining this point, he invites the examination of 
 teachers, within whose system the subject is embraced, on 
 the scale to which the size of the work is adapted. 
 
 The chief authorities consulted by the writer, are : Holmes* 
 Annals ; the histories by Botta, Paul Allen, Ramsay, and 
 Pitkin; Marshall s Life of Washington ; Lives of the Signers ; 
 Lives of Arthur Lee, and Richard Henry Lee, by Richard 
 Henry Lee; Life of John Jay, by his son, William Jay; 
 Wirfs Patrick Henry ; Sparks Diplomatic Correspondence 
 of the American Revolution ; Bancroft s life of Washington ; 
 Walsh s Appeal ; Hale s Premium History ; Austin s Life of 
 Gerry; Life of Quincy ; Lee s Southern Campaigns; English 
 Histories by Bisset, Belsham, and Miller ; and other histories 
 of particular States. 
 
 S. F. WILSON. 
 
 Baltimore, May, 1834. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 General Observations on the Importance of the revolutionary Era, .... Page 7 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Character of the early SettlersMotives for Emigration Testimony to their Prin 
 ciples .from Hume Party Spirit Physical Circumstances Religious Influences 
 New England Temperament Southern Characteristics General Character 
 TmnVnr.y rnwnrds frtm fintitiitinnq Neglect of them by the mother Country 
 favourable to this Spirit Testimony of British Statesmen Causes of Affection 
 
 towards Great Britain State of Feeling at the Peace of 17ii3, Page 15 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Peace of Paris, 1763 Conduct of Britain towards the Colonies, and their Services 
 
 during the War Policy at its commencement in 1756 Attempt to establish the 
 
 Rightof Taxation in 1754 Views of Dr. Franklin Other Difficulties during the 
 
 War Boston, Writs of Assistance British Policy from 175U to 17(>3, Page 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 New Ministry in England, 1763 English Finances Treasury Schemes Molasses 
 Act Revenue Regulations Stamp _.#c_p rejected Ulterior Schemes Historical 
 W HiJOfi llf lh p Qnpstinn Views" of British Statesmen Colonial Theory Dr. 
 Franklin s Opinions in 1754 Proceedings in America on the passage of the 
 Resolutions Debate in the House of Commons, J765 Stamp Act ^passed 
 Reception by the Americans Patrick Henry s Resolution? 0*4rr -fccgnrhrtnres 
 Popular JVJiixfiments Stamp Act Congress meets Proceedings Act goes into 
 Operation Sons of Liberty Non-Importation Agreement Change in the 
 
 Ministry Repeal of the Stamp Act Declaratory Act, 1766, Page 39 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Effects of the Repeal Compensation Acts New York Legislature New Cabinet 
 in England Scheme of Taxing America revived Other Bills adopted Tea Act 
 passed ] 767 Excitement in America Sloop Liberty Disturbances in Boston 
 Convention in Massachusetts Changes in the Ministry Parliament Coercive 
 Resolutions, 17b 9 Provision for the Trial of suspected Persons Colonial Pro 
 ceedings Question stated by Philadelphia Merchants Lord North becomes the 
 head of Administration January 1770 Duties repealed except that on Tea Riot 
 and Massacre at Boston Affair of the Gaspee, Act passed in England in conse 
 quence Committees of Correspondence Governor Hutchinson s Letters Ex- 
 animation of Dr. Franklin before the PrivyCouncil East IndiaCompany exports 
 Tea to America Its reception Boston, destruction of the Tea, 1773, . Page 75 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Proceedings in Parliament, 1770 -Boston Port Bill Other Bills Reception in the 
 Colonies First Congress meets Their Proceedings Proceedings of Massachu 
 setts Legislature organized into a Convention Arms the Province New Par 
 liament Massachusetts declared in Rebellion More Penal and Coercive Acts 
 North s first Scheme of Conciliation Increasing Excitement Battle of Lexing 
 ton Its Influence Seizure of Ticonderoga and Crown Point Reinforcements 
 from England Second Congress WASHINGTON appointed Commander-in-Chief 
 Battle of Bunker Hill Siege of Boston Dispositions with respect to Indepen 
 denceProceedings of Congress Affairs at the Close of the Year Expedition 
 against Canada Attack upon Quebec, and Death of Montgomery, . . Page 89 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Proceedings of Parliament More Restrictive Laws Hire of German Troops- 
 Boston Evacuated by the British Washington occupies New York Campaign 
 in Canada Arnold s Retreat The British attack Charleston Repulsed British 
 Army and Fleet before New York Public Feeling on the Subject of Indepen 
 dence, up to July, 1776 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE Page 130 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Position of the Armies, July 1776 Difficulties of Washington Attempts at Nego 
 tiationBattle of Long Island Retreat of Americans Evacuation of New 
 York Skirmishing Further retreat Measures of Congress Conferences on 
 Conciliation, fail Battle of White Plains. Fort Washington falls Retreat 
 through New Jersey Rhode Island falls Disasters in the North Defeat of Ar 
 nold on Lake Champlain Washington retires beyond the Delaware Brilliant 
 Affair at Trenton Capture of the Hessians Battle of Princeton, and Recovery 
 
 of New Jersey Close of Campaign of 1776, Page 155 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Negotiations abroad. 1775-7 French Policy French Volunteers British Parlia 
 ment CAMPAIGN of 1777 Congress Bad System Paper Emissions Exchange 
 
 A2 
 
VI CONTENTS. 
 
 of Prisoners Military Enterprises in the Spring British sail for the Chesa 
 peake Battle of Brandywine Americans rally Defeat of Wayne Philadel 
 phia occupied by the British Congress assemble at York Attempts to force 
 
 Passage for the British Fleet Battle of Germantown, Page 18-1 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 NORTHERN CAMPAIGN of 1777. Burgoyne s Expedition Invests Ticonderoga 
 American Disasters Retreat to Fort Edward Revival of Public Spirit British 
 invest Fort Schuyler Defeat and Death of General Herkimer Arnold advances 
 British retire Change of Prospects Battle of Benniugton Murder of Miss 
 McCrea Burgoyne crosses the River Battle of Stillwater Attempts of Bur- 
 goyne to retreat Is surrounded Clinton s tardy Efforts Surrender of Bur 
 goyne Terms Disposal of Troops Defence of Mud Island its fall Americans 
 winter at Valley Forge Rhode Island Cruise of Paul Jones Other Expedi 
 tions British Preparations Parliamentary Proceedings Sufferings and Dis 
 contents of the Troops (1780) Rochambeau arrives with a French Fleet Clin 
 ton in South Carolina Surrender of Charleston Capture of American Posts 
 Civil Measures of Clinton He returns to New York Spirit in Carolina- 
 Gates defeated at Cainden Page 209 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Political and civil Events in 1777 Powers of Congress Articles of Confederation 
 The Finances Paper Issues Tender Laws,&c. Army Embarrassments In 
 trigues against Washington Sufferings at Valley Forge Foreign Negotiations 
 during 177t>-7-8 Treaties with France Effects of Burgoyne s fall in England 
 Debates in Parliament New Schemes for Conciliation Commissioners appoint 
 ed Reception of Bills in America Skirmishes in the Spring of 1778 . Page 232 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1778. Arrival of French Fleet British evacuate Philadelphia Battle 
 of Moumouth French Fleet blockade New York ; sail for Newport Enterprise 
 against Rhode Island Skirmish between the Fleets French sail for Boston 
 Sullivan retreats French sail to the West Indies Partial Expeditions Mas 
 sacre of Wyoming Americans in Winter-duarters Campaign in Georgia 
 Defeat of General Robert Howe Surrender of Savannah, and Submission of 
 Georgia Review of Affairs in 1778 Policy of Spain Her proffered Mediation 
 fails War between Spain and Great Britain Attempts of the British to sepa 
 rate the Allies Aims of the Bourbon Courts Page 256 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF 1770. French Fleet in the West Indies Difficulties of Washington- 
 Partial Enterprises in the Chesapeake Stoney Point Trvon s Expedition 
 Penobscot. Southern Campaign. British repulsed at Port Royal (S.C.) Tories 
 defeated Gen. Ashe defeated The Rally in South Carolina Lincoln crosses in to 
 Georgia British move ajrainst Charleston Retreat before Lincoln Skirmish 
 at Stono Ferry French Fleet arrives Attack on Savannah fails Measures of 
 Cornwallis Battle of King s Mountain Greene takes command British Ex 
 pedition auainst Rhode Island fails Arnold s Treason Capture and Death of 
 Andre Americans go into Winter-Quarters Mutinies Revival of public Spirit 
 Improvement of Finances, and foreign aids of Money Foreign Affairs War 
 
 between Great Britain and Holland Expedition to Virginia Page 275 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1781. Southern War Designs of Cornwallis Battle of the Cowpens Retreat into 
 Virginia Battle of Guilford Greene rallies instantly Cornwallis retires to 
 Wilmington Greene forces his way to South Carolina Cornwallis marches to 
 Virginia Greene repulsed at Camden Rallies British evacuate Camden 
 British Forts taken Greene besieges Ninety-Six Forced to retire precipitately 
 Rallies Takes Post on the Saritee HillsDeath of Colonel Hayne Battle of 
 Eutaw Springs British driven into Charleston llri ish Expeditions Cornwallis 
 retires to Yorktown Washington in the North His Plans against New Yortr 
 Marches for Yorktown De Grasse in the Chesapeake Expedition against Con 
 necticut Groton Massacre Newport Fleet arrives in the Chesappake Siege, 
 and Surrender of Cornwallis Its Effects Review of the state of Affairs, . P. 318 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 Foreign Relations of the United States up to the Capture of Cornwallis -Views 
 of the European Powers Proceedinss in Parliament Vote for Peace Lord 
 North overthrown Negotiations commenced Independence acknowledged by 
 Holland Difficulties in the Negotiations French and Spanish Intrigues In 
 structions to the American Commissioners Instructions violated Treaty con 
 eluded Military Events Embarrassments of civil Affurs Attempt* to create 
 Mutiny, defeated British evacuate New York Washington taes leave of the 
 Officers, and resigns his Commission . . . # " Page 347 
 
HISTORY 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE war of the American Revolution, which established 
 the Independence of the United States, was, beyond question, 
 the most momentous era in the political history of the world. 
 Other periods have, indeed, produced instances of the high 
 est public virtue, of elevated, fervent and incorruptible 
 patriotism, of fidelity, fortitude and heroism, which cannot 
 be surpassed, and have been rarely approached. Oppressions 
 more galling than any of which the British Colonies of 76 
 could complain, have been bravely and successfully resisted ; 
 and gallant achievements for liberty and country, have been 
 won, from time to time, by those magnanimous spirits who 
 rise occasionally in the darkest periods, to vindicate, by their 
 actions and virtues, the essential dignity of human nature. 
 But theirs were solitary and partial efforts in advance of the 
 intelligence of the age. The institutions, which sprung from 
 their success, designed to secure the rights wrested by force 
 from the hands of tyrants, lacked the self-sustaining vigor 
 of an enlightened public opinion. Resistance to oppression, 
 glorious in its triumph, unfortunately produced no fruits 
 beyond temporary relief. The securities for good govern 
 ment arising from constitutional limitations upon power, 
 and the supremacy of law, were beyond their capacity ; 
 and their victories were accordingly transient anarchies, in 
 the intervals of a perpetually renewed despotism. Hence 
 the noblest conquests over tyranny failed to affect perma 
 nent!} the general course of events, or to impress upon the 
 mass of opinions a popular direction. That fleeting liberty 
 which was gained in one country, touched not the sympa 
 thies nor kindled the emulation of another. The very next 
 generation, corrupted by power and indulgence, or wearied 
 
8 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 by turbulence and anarchy, and unconscious of those defects 
 in themselves, by which stability and peace were frustrated, 
 forfeited those dearly won privileges, and relapsed into that 
 state of passive debasement, from which, under the guidance 
 of one or two master minds, they had for a while emerged. 
 
 The American Revolution was, however, of a different 
 character. It was the natural offspring of a state of society, 
 rapidly advancing, under circumstances, moral and physical, 
 peculiarly favourable to general improvement. The sagacity, 
 virtue, and heroism, by which it was distinguished, were 
 not alone the traits of illustrious men, but the characteristics 
 of a nation, educated and disciplined in the knowledge of 
 their rights. The conflict was waged on principles clearly 
 defined, and for specific objects. Success therefore only 
 consolidated liberties which were understood before they 
 were fought for, into a system adapted to the matured intelli 
 gence of the people, and sustained as well by their approving 
 judgments, as by their affections. With them to retrograde 
 into slavery was impossible, because their intellectual culti 
 vation and moral qualities, harmonized with the institutions 
 they established ; and these being in their nature progressive, 
 all must advance together. The effect upon other nations, has 
 not been less dissimilar. Astonishment and admiration and 
 sympathy soon ripened into zeal to imitate, as the success 
 of American example in self-government tested the doctrines 
 of the American Revolution, and proved their soundness. 
 A new impulse communicated itself to the nations nearest 
 in political condition, and most closely connected by facili 
 ties of intercourse, and habits of thought. Vast changes in 
 the principles and framework of governments have already 
 been silently or violently effected : still more extensive and 
 important are plainly at hand. In all the theories of human 
 rights, in the policy of administrations and cabinets ; in 
 the innermost form and texture of that intricate combination 
 of interests and relations by which men are connected to 
 gether in society, substantial reforms are in progress every 
 where throughout the civilized globe ; and all are parts of a 
 stupendous series of organic changes, of which the Ameri 
 can Revolution marks the first era. 
 
 Momentous as was that era in its consequences, it was 
 scarcely less remarkable in the combination and succession 
 of events, by which it was preceded. The discovery of 
 America at the close of the 15th century concurred most 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 9 
 
 propitiously with the condition of Europe at the time, to 
 strengthen the infant spirit of liberty that had been strug 
 gling in vain against hostile institutions, and to prepare a 
 new unlimited field for its nurture and growth. Just when 
 the wants of civilized man most seemed to need it, when 
 the pressure of antiquated misrule was most heavily felt, and 
 no practicable scheme of relief on the spot of its predomi 
 nance seemed possible, "-an unoccupied hemisphere was 
 thrown open to him. There, ardent spirits, who found the 
 sphere of action at home limited to too narrow a circle by 
 the tyrannical customs and prescriptions of centuries, and the 
 oppressed and destitute, made so by artificial restraints upon 
 industry, and the extortions and abuses of legalized despotism, 
 joyfully sought a new country. The impatient energies, 
 that at home had exhausted themselves vainly in combating 
 against barriers that were yet too strong to be broken 
 through, here overflowed without restraint, and spread them 
 selves over a vast continent, taming the savage", reclaiming 
 the forests, battling fearlessly against all the terrors of soli 
 tude and the wilderness, ferocious wild beasts, and fiercer men, 
 to build up institutions fresh from the hands of nature, and 
 suited to their new position, and improved understanding of 
 their rights. Thus was a peculiar people trained up to habits 
 of independence, and experience of the benefits and usages 
 of liberty, under circumstances more favorable than had 
 ever been enjoyed by any people before ; developing by the 
 severest discipline the physical powers of the human frame, 
 and giving the fullest scope to the natural motions of the 
 intellect. This rare combination of moral and social phe 
 nomena, tended harmoniously to the same end the estab 
 lishment of a common principle of repugnance to arbitrary 
 power, and the assertion for the first time, of the doctrines 
 of popular sovereignty, by the final erection of the American 
 republics. 
 
 A slight glance at the comparative rate of progress in 
 social improvements, in both hemispheres, before and 
 since the impetus given at the era of the discovering of 
 America, will signally illustrate its importance in political 
 history. The seeds of liberty, which took such instant 
 root, and flourished with such luxuriance here, and have 
 grown with such rapidity elsewhere, existed long before 
 in Europe. But they had been sown in barren and stony 
 ground, and though nurtured by the toils, and oftentimes 
 
10 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 watered by the blood of early martyrs, they sustained them 
 selves feebly against a superincumbent mass of ancient abuses. 
 While the revival of learning, after the darkness of the 
 middle ages, gave a new impulse to the human mind, and 
 the discoveries and inventions by which it was subsequently 
 signalized, perpetuated its new achievements, and have 
 carried it progressively onwards, the natural influence of 
 increased knowledge, upon public liberty, was tardy in 
 manifesting itself in the improvement of governments, or in 
 the elevation of the condition of the people. To partial 
 observation, looking at immediate effects, that influence 
 would seem to have been hostile to freedom. The student 
 of history finds despotism temporarily strengthened as know 
 ledge increased. The resources of learning, applied by the 
 most active intellects, evidently sharpened, for a season, the 
 weapons of arbitrary power, and ministered sedulously to the 
 ruling temper of the times, devising artful defences for its 
 excesses, and new instruments for securing its unresisted 
 ascendency. The alliance between tyranny, which is the 
 natural form of all unlimited power, and knowledge, which 
 is its natural enemy, is, in the early stages of the latter, as 
 seen in the history of foreign governments, apparently com 
 plete. In later times, it has been also found that men of the 
 highest range of intellect, have employed their superiority to 
 uphold the most odious systems of government, and to extin 
 guish those desires for political rights, which have sprung 
 chiefly from the enlarged knowledge, to which themselves 
 have so much contributed. Striving earnestly against popular 
 movements, they, at the same time, spent their lives in pur 
 suits which have prepared the world for the very changes 
 they deplored. The explanation of this apparent anomaly, 
 instead of disproving the inherent sympathy between know 
 ledge and freedom, gives an eminent proof of their affinity, 
 under all circumstances, and in despite of all personal pas 
 sions, individual influences, and temporary delusions. The 
 selfish principle peculiar to the age, and the selfish principle 
 of our common nature, were both to be encountered and 
 overthrown, before the beneficent influences of civilization 
 could be made to reach the mass of the community, and 
 elevate them. The thirst for power and booty was the 
 ruling passion of the privileged classes, and learning and 
 mental acquirements were only valued as ministers to that 
 appetite. They were additional weapons for foiling enemies, 
 
/ 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 11 
 
 conquering and enslaving the weak, and strengthening the 
 strong, and were so estimated only in comparison with other 
 instruments. They were rather contemned in the compari 
 son with bodily strength, because their influences were less 
 obvious. Even when they became more highly considered, 
 they were employed, with few exceptions, in advancing 
 selfish objects, and for personal aggrandizement. Thus for 
 a long series of years, and through various fortunes, know 
 ledge as the great agent of human improvement, struggled 
 not only against the errors and institutions of antiquity, but 
 against the dominant temper of the times, and the selfish 
 principles of its possessor and followers. 
 
 The condition of society during the progress of this struggle, 
 while it bears testimony to the arduous conflict which the 
 growing spirit of liberty was waging with its antagonists, fur 
 nishes other arguments for the opponents of popular license, 
 much more honourable to human nature, than the baser pas 
 sions of pride and ambition, with which they were mingled. 
 
 It is not to be denied, that in those days, the multitude 
 were incapable of government, or of any useful use of 
 their faculties, in judging of affairs of state. Ignorant and 
 brutal, taught from infancy to know nothing but the law of 
 force, and the will of a master scarcely less brutal and ig 
 norant, they were, without question, a stolid and insensate 
 mass, whom power alone could restrain, and to whom free 
 dom was a word as unintelligible as it now is to the body 
 guard of an African chief. So the first dawning of civiliza 
 tion found them, and so the first master spirits saw them, 
 the more clearly as themselves were more highly elevated. 
 Knowledge of civil rights, which is the growth of a general 
 increase of intelligence, spread but slowly, even when the 
 most rapid advance was made by individuals in science and 
 the arts: what wonder is it, then, that direct fear of the 
 savage excesses of an ignorant multitude should have pre 
 vailed over vague and unformed notions of a human per 
 fectibility, of which there was no present token nor promise ? 
 Having no means of safety for all the growing interests of * 
 society, save in the strength of those classes which held the 
 power toprotect,and which, by their position and their limited 
 numbers, were within the reach of improvement, it ought 
 not to surprise us, that men of the best intentions and widest 
 range of intellect and acquirement should have been the 
 advocates of monarchy, the defenders of established institu- 
 
12 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tions, and the partizans of dynasties, claiming to exist by 
 " divine" appointment. Ambition and vanity, custom and 
 fear, the weight of antiquity, the authority of history, and 
 the abused or mistaken sanctions of religion, were all on the 
 side of governments, wherever and however they existed. 
 Yet in all this apparent union of every influence, in favour 
 of despotic governments, the seeds of revolution were 
 planted. The tightening and bracing of the social springs 
 showed an increasing pressure to be counteracted a grow 
 ing impulse upward, against which conservative force had 
 become necessary. While the jealousy of power, barred 
 with increasing rigour the advance of popular inquiry in re 
 ligion and politics, mental activity enlarged its field widely 
 in every other direction, The general level of capacity 
 gradually rose, until the forbidden precincts were invaded by 
 a universal tide of public opinion, in spite of the barriers 
 which had been raised upon each other, by the care of cen 
 turies. What the immediate effects were, is not within our 
 limits to describe minutely. From the period of the reign 
 of Henry the VIII., in England, the efforts of the rising spirit 
 of the people, more and more enlightened by education, and 
 directed by experience, have gradually sometimes by vio 
 lence, and sometimes by natural operations imperceptibly, 
 raised the moral character of nations, and finally enlisted 
 knowledge on the side to which it naturally belongs that 
 of Liberty. In the most propitious period for mankind, of 
 this unequal strife which is not yet decided in the old world, 
 the colonization of America produced an entire change in the 
 moral characteristics of the contest. Here were no obstacles 
 to the freest exercise of intellectual independence : the issue 
 has invigorated the hopes, and given unerring promises of 
 the final triumph, of those who have not only to build up 
 new institutions, but to combat inveterate prejudices, to re 
 move the consequences of errors that have been interwoven 
 with the most intimate texture of society, and to prepare 
 whole nations, not only to conquer and establish, but to un 
 derstand and enjoy their rights. 
 
 The co-operation of knowledge and civilization, with 
 fortune, or Providence, in this work of human regenera 
 tion, may not unaptly be compared to that of physical 
 phenomena, which, by the agency of independent laws, 
 without apparent concert, produce the finest and noblest 
 results. Intellectual and moral improvement, the soil 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Id 
 
 .om which public virtue and liberty spring as the natural 
 3 iowth, is formed, gradually, from a thousand indirect and 
 direct sources, as the earth is formed for the benevolent pur 
 poses of vegetation, upon a barren rock. By slow attrition and 
 progressive deposites of the elements, layer after layer accu 
 mulates. If human industry be wanting to stimulate its 
 energies, by and by comes along a bird of the air dropping 
 he grain, or the wind, blowing where it listeth, scatters a 
 reed, or the waves throw up a random twig, and the new- 
 made soil soon sends up from its bosom a little plant, that 
 )re long swells into a mighty tree, fixing its roots deep into 
 the earth, and stretching its brawny arms wide into the air, 
 bearing fruit to refresh and sustain living beings, and preserv- 
 : ng the inherent faculty of re-producing its kind for ever. 
 rn he plant of liberty thus springs in a soil which virtue and 
 mowledge have matured and prepared for the hand of some 
 naster spirit, labouring with almost divine philanthropy for 
 :he good of the species; or for some happy conjuncture of 
 events to call forth its dormant powers into spontaneous action. 
 Thenceforward, though the growth may be affected by un- 
 
 oward events, and delayed, more or less, as society advances 
 .nore or less slowly, it is not in the nature of truth, that it 
 should ever perish again. All experience hitherto, in the only 
 fair trial ever made, confirms this judgment. Americans, 
 proud of their own share, as a people, in these glorious 
 events, as well as zealous for the improvement of the condi 
 tion of other nations, by the same happy influences, ought 
 frequently to turn with gratitude to the period of their own 
 revolution, and not cease to impress its principles, and the 
 magnitude of their bearings, upon the hearts of each suc 
 ceeding generation. The train of events which immediately 
 brought on the struggle between the then colonies and Great 
 Britain, and the vicissitudes of fortune by which it was 
 marked until the final triumph by the establishment of inde 
 pendence, have, moreover, the merit of exhibiting rare ex 
 amples of personal virtue and heroism in our ancestors, well 
 worthy of the highest admiration of their descendants fit to 
 foster a just national pride ; to strengthen the impulses of 
 patriotism, and stimulate a warmer zeal in the universal 
 cause of virtue and liberty. 
 
 In reviewing the earlier portions of colonial history to 
 trace the remoter as well as the immediate springs of the 
 revolution, secondary to the general advancement of popular 
 
 B 
 
14 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 knowledge and virtue, which are the first causes the chief 
 place in importance is undoubtedly due to the peculiar 
 opinions and dispositions of the Colonists and the circum 
 stances in which they were formed. The arbitrary measures 
 of the British government were not primary causes of the 
 colonial resistance. Upon people of a different education and 
 temperament, much greater oppressions than those employed 
 by the British ministry, from ths commencement of the 
 first systematic design to enslave in 1764, to the com 
 mencement of hostilities, might have been safely tried ; and 
 with any other existing people, would have probably suc 
 ceeded. With them, however, as was well said by one of 
 its wisest men, " The revolution was over before the war 
 commenced." It was a moral revolution, to which a suc 
 cessful war only gave permanent establishment, and the 
 sanction of victory in the eyes of other nations. It existed 
 in the minds of the Colonists long before the occasion had 
 arisen to call forth its active energies, or to invite them to 
 study attentively the tendency of their own opinions. Its 
 development was hastened by the assertion of unwise and 
 tyrannical doctrines from abroad, and the attempt to reduce 
 to practice here, rules of government which would have suc 
 ceeded any where else, with discontent, but without much 
 contention, and with no resistance. The peculiar character 
 of this people is therefore an essential point of preliminary 
 inquiry. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 15 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE first settlers in America were a race of men, not 
 merely enlightened in regard to the principles of govern 
 ment, to the full extent of the intelligence of the age, but 
 were far in advance of the prevailing theories in Europe. 
 They were, in fact, for the most part, driven from Europe 
 for their hostility to those theories, as established. Political 
 and religious controversies had been for a long time agitating 
 that whole continent, and cruel persecutions employed to re 
 press and punish all independence of judgment, and to main 
 tain despotic control over the body and mind, by the use of 
 force. The mass of the public being unripe for concentrated 
 action in behalf of general principles, they who were fore 
 most in agitation, and who consequently suffered the penal 
 ties of defeat, were the active and enterprising those who 
 best comprehended the rights of man, and were warmed with 
 the truest zeal for liberty. Such men it was, principally, 
 who, disgusted with tyranny, or forced by rigorous laws and 
 proscriptions, gladly embraced the opportunity of establishing- 
 themselves, at whatever cost and labour, where they might 
 provide better institutions for their posterity. The English 
 historian, Hume, himself the apologist of some of the worst 
 tyrants that ever sat upon the throne, passed a merited eulo- 
 gium upon the principles of the first American settlers, as 
 early as the time of the first James. f< That spirit of inde 
 pendence," he remarks, " which was then reviving in Eng 
 land, shone forth in America, in its full lustre, and received 
 new accession of force from the aspiring character of those, 
 who, being discontented with the established church and 
 monarchy, had sought for freedom among the savage deserts." 
 A striking fact, narrated in the memoirs of Cromwell and 
 Hampden, two among the most remarkable men in English 
 history, illustrates the general effect of the misgovernment of 
 that period, in driving the ablest men into exile ; and may 
 also serve as a memorable illustration of that just retribution for 
 evil deeds, of which many examples are on record, wherein 
 violent and arbitrary acts have, by the combination of subse 
 quent events totally unforeseen at the time, led directly to 
 the ruin of their authors. Hampden and Cromwell, under 
 
16 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the common influence of dislike to the measures of Charles I. 
 were actually on board ship, on their way to settle in Ame 
 rica, when they were stopped by a royal order in council, 
 prohibiting emigration. They, in consequence, remained in 
 England the one, by his noble support of the popular cause, 
 to overturn the king s influence in parliament, and become 
 a proverb in all ages for patriotism ; and the other, impelled 
 onward by the current of events, in a career of ambition, to 
 become the means of bringing the king s head to the block; to 
 banish his children, and sit upon his throne. 
 
 Differences of opinions, upon political subjects, undoubtedly 
 existed in the Colonies, from the beginning, similar to those 
 which they left, and which prevailed contemporaneously in 
 Europe. Custom, prejudice, varieties of capacity and edu 
 cation, and the occasional excess of selfish passions vanity 
 and the thirst for gain and power in individuals main 
 tained, while their recollections of Europe were distinct, and 
 continued to maintain, as long as the political connexion ex 
 isted, a spirit of party on the same subjects as those which 
 convulsed the mother country. But popular doctrines predo 
 minated from the first, in America, and grew stronger as the 
 ties, which drew them towards the old system, became weak 
 ened under the effect and influence of new scenes and 
 occupations; and as the generations became, in time, farther 
 removed from the parent stock. In all these party differences, 
 too, an important peculiarity is to be observed. Colonial dis 
 turbances were always in favour of natural rights ; to retain 
 what they had, as it were, resumed from society, on betaking 
 themselves to the forests, against the encroachments of lords 
 proprietors, and royal governors. In Europe, on the contrary, 
 the rights of the people had to struggle under every disad 
 vantage, against established institutions and overwhelming 
 power. While in the one country, therefore, their progress has 
 been slow and painfully won, amid terrible convulsions ; in 
 the other they advanced rapidly, and soon threw off the petty 
 impediments of European origin. When Burke, in his fa 
 mous speech on conciliation with America, delivered in the 
 British House of Commons, in 1775, spoke so warmly of the 
 "love of freedom," as the "predominating feature" of the 
 character of the Americans, he spoke truly and generously 
 of what had grown up with them, from the earliest settle 
 ment. "That fierce spirit of liberty," which he then pro 
 nounced to be "stronger in the English Colonies, than in 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 17 
 
 any other people of the earth," was their inheritance from the 
 magnanimous ancestors we have been describing; nurtured 
 by perils, labour, and self-denial, until all their opinions, cus 
 toms, inclinations, and habits of thought and feeling were 
 impressed with the same hardy traits of independence. It 
 harmonized with the rugged soil they cultivated and the vast 
 solitudes and boundless forests by which they were surrounded, 
 and strengthened, perpetually, by contrast, their repug 
 nance to the narrow dogmas, the insolent assumptions, and 
 artificial institutions of the over-crowded and oppressed popu 
 lation of Europe. The persecutions from which they had 
 fled, voluntarily relinquishing their native land, to find poli 
 tical freedom and liberty of faith in the wilderness ; the pri 
 vations they endured, by hunger and cold, pestilence, famine, 
 and war, to establish their new dwellings; the perpetual 
 watchfulness with which, by day and night, while toiling for 
 food and shelter, they had to defend their lives from the 
 tomahawk of a subtle and merciless enemy, and at the same 
 time, to maintain their rights against the unnatural oppres 
 sions of the mother country all combined to invigorate the 
 principles they brought with them, and to perfect, by severe 
 bodily and mental discipline, a national character for austere 
 virtue, irrepressible energy, and indomitable courage; 
 jealous and sagacious in its distrust of power; full of the 
 pride of personal independence ; quick to detect, and prompt 
 to repel, all encroachments upon their rights. 
 
 A leading element in the early colonial character, and 
 perhaps the strongest in giving it its peculiar cast of austerity 
 and elevation, was religious enthusiasm. The settlers of New 
 England were dissenters, who had been oppressed at home 
 by church and state : by the Catholic, and by the established 
 Protestant church, as either, in the alternate vibrations of this 
 mighty engine of despotism, preponderated. They were, as 
 Botta well expresses it, " Protestants against Protestantism 
 itself," and added to the other pressing inducements to emi 
 gration the higher sanctions of religious duty. Many believed 
 themselves under the immediate direction of heaven. The 
 stern traits of the English Puritans, so remarkable in the civil 
 wars of the first Charles, and under the Commonwealth, 
 were strong in the Pilgrims of Plymouth Rock, gradually 
 losing, in their descendants, under the benign influence of a 
 better knowledge and wider freedom, the fanaticism which 
 predominated at home ; but preserving their pious trust in 
 B 2 
 
18 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Providence, their frugal habits, exact morals, and vigilant 
 sense of independence. The parliamentary act of uniformity, 
 passed in 1662, by which two thousand of the most con 
 scientious Presbyterian preachers were arbitrarily deprived 
 of their livings, for refusing to subscribe to certain articles 
 of belief, sent great numbers of the most learned and pious 
 ministers of that faith into exile in the Colonies, where they 
 contributed essentially to sustain this tone of elevated reli 
 gious feeling. Many of them were thoroughly educated in 
 the best English universities ; and to them, the general diffu 
 sion of education, in the infancy of the Colonies, is mainly to 
 be attributed. Those who have seen how extensive even now 
 is the influence of the clergy of New England, over the 
 minds and feelings of the people, can well imagine what 
 must, in that day, have been the reception of so many zeal 
 ous ministers, who had sacrificed every thing to conscience. 
 As it was in Massachusetts, then the mother colony of New 
 England, so it was in the other Colonies, which took their 
 rise from her, and followed her examples of severe virtue, 
 when they dissented from and resisted her religious disci 
 pline. Connecticut and New Haven, at first separate colo 
 nies, were principally peopled by emigrants from Massachu 
 setts, in the spirit of voluntary adventure, without compulsion, 
 and at first acted under her authority. But it must be recorded, 
 as one of the anomalies of huirian nature, that New Hamp 
 shire and Rhode Island rose out of the religious dissensions 
 and persecutions of those who had themselves been exiled 
 by persecution. Exeter, the first settlement in New Hamp 
 shire, was founded in 1638, by a party of Colonists, who had 
 been compelled to leave Massachusetts, for adopting the pe 
 culiar religious sentiments which Mrs. Hutchinson taught, 
 and for which she had been excommunicated ; and two years 
 previous, Roger Williams, under similar persecutions, had 
 established the colony of Rhode Island. This latter case, in 
 particular, affords striking proof of the inconsistency of men, 
 in the new possession of power, and inexperienced in the 
 practical application of universal principles to affairs touch 
 ing their individual consciences ; and, at the same time, it 
 demonstrates how happily the character of the Colonists was 
 adapted to defeat the effects and consequences of those an 
 tiquated errors, and to prove religious despotism as incom 
 patible with the condition of America as political despotism. 
 Williams, banished from Massachusetts, for entertaining 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 19 
 
 views of the right of private opinion, in religious matters, 
 and the injustice of government interference in points of 
 faith, too liberal to suit the Synod, established, in 1636, the 
 colony of Providence, so called in gratitude for his deliver 
 ance, upon the basis of entire freedom of conscience. There 
 he was subsequently joined by many others, maintaining the 
 same liberality of sentiment. The sternness of religious en 
 thusiasm was softened in them by the benevolent influences 
 of their tolerant institutions, and the effect was gradually re 
 turned to the mother colony in which they had been pro 
 scribed, enlarging the kindlier traits of the New England 
 character, without affecting its exact sobriety of manners ; 
 its vigorous contempt of luxury, or its pious elevation of sen 
 timent. 
 
 Nor were these ecclesiastical dissensions, springing, as they 
 did, out of a European taint of error, and defeated by the 
 operations of circumstances peculiar to America, unfavoura 
 ble to the general cause of liberty. In a country so bound 
 less, and with political freedom so entirely unrestrained, 
 religious intolerance had only the effect of dispersing com 
 munities and multiplying new settlements. Where state 
 power could not restrain emigration, and the genius of the 
 people was averse to all arbitrary institutions, religious ty 
 ranny could be but a temporary insanity, and its fruits were a 
 farther enlightenment of public opinion, hostile to its repeti 
 tion. They who feared not to cross the ocean, then deemed 
 a perilous undertaking, in search of greater liberty of con 
 science, could not fear to remove a few miles further, to 
 become entirely masters of their own actions. They, who, 
 under these delusions, drove forth their fellow colonists from 
 among them, found that persecution could not conquer its 
 victims, and that at every attempt to oppress, more enlight 
 ened principles grew up in every direction, beyond their 
 reach. The futility of the effort, as well as the natural reac 
 tion stimulated by an increasing freedom of political inquiry, 
 soon checked this intolerant spirit. Out of the ardent dis 
 cussions and controversies, and the social improvements to 
 which they led, grew greater liberty of thought ; more subtle 
 inquiry into original principles ; a stronger assertion of indi 
 vidual rights, an aptitude to inquire rigidly into all preten 
 sions to authority over them, and promptness to repel en 
 croachment. 
 
 It ought to be added, in justice to the New England clergy 
 
20 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of the period, that these mistaken notions of religious supre 
 macy were, by no means, accompanied by any predilection 
 for arbitrary power in politics. As a body, they were, from 
 the beginning, among the sturdiest defenders of the rights of 
 the Colonies. In the very midst of their highest intolerance, 
 at a very early period of the attempts of the royal authority 
 against the colonial charters, they gave a unanimous evidence 
 of their love for political liberty. In the year preceding that 
 in which Providence was peopled by their persecutions, 
 movements were made in England, hostile to the charter, 
 and the design avowed of forming aLl New England into a 
 consolidated government. The Colonists, in alarm, summoned 
 the ministers, as "the fathers of the Commonwealth," to aid 
 the magistrates with their counsel. All but one met at Boston, 
 in 1635, and unanimously advised, that if the scheme of a 
 general government should be persisted in, and a royal go 
 vernor sent out, the Colonists "ought not to accept him, but 
 defend their lawful possessions, if able; otherwise, to avoid 
 and protract." Nearly fifty years afterwards they manifested 
 a like intrepid spirit, and the historian Hutchinson says, that 
 they "turned the scale" in favour of resistance to the arbitrary 
 measures of Charles II. The struggle between the Colony 
 and the king s officers had been long and violent; and the 
 agents of the province in London, had written home in 
 despondency, representing their case as desperate, and 
 desiring the general court to determine whether, since many 
 cities in England and some of the plantations had submitted, 
 it were better " to resign" to his majesty s pleasure, or suffer 
 a quo warranto to issue. Under the advisement of the 
 ministers, after debate, it was concluded, in a magnanimous 
 phrase that deserves commemoration, that they would not 
 submit, for "it was better to die by the hands of others, than 
 by their own." 
 
 Though these religious persecutions chiefly prevailed in 
 New England, yet their influences extended through the 
 whole country, to which New England contributed so much 
 of population, and such prominent traits of character. Other 
 colonies too, practised, at different times, a similar policy, 
 and the same remarks are applicable to them. 
 
 Returning from this digressive view of the effects of a par 
 ticular modification of the early religious temperament of the 
 mother colonies which was necessary to a true estimate of 
 their character, we find the same temperament, sometimes 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 21 
 
 under similar modifications, and always with similar effects, 
 in the southern provinces. Originally, English dissenters, of 
 the Presbyterian faith, peopled the northern settlements : In 
 Pennsylvania the Quakers founded their city of refuge, and 
 Episcopalians were the great majority in Virginia. Maryland 
 had been made, at a very early period, the peaceful asylum 
 of Catholics, who, tired of the violence of contending parties 
 at home, each by turn persecutor or victim, as the state formed 
 by turns an alliance with the strongest sect, established on the 
 Chesapeake, the first community in the world, in which en 
 tire freedom of conscience was a fundamental maxim of law. 
 It preceded the settlement of Providence, by two years. St. 
 Mary s, in Maryland, was founded by Lord Baltimore, with 
 a company of " Roman Catholics, of family and fortune, "about 
 two hundred in number, in 1634. The expulsion of Roger 
 Williams from Massachusetts, and his pilgrimage in search 
 of a land of rest, did not take place till 1636. The new co 
 lony received numerous additions even from New England. 
 The established church in Virginia made the same perilous 
 error of judgment as the Synod of Massachusetts; and it 
 forms a curious fact in the history of the human mind, that 
 exiles from intolerant Episcopacy in Virginia; persecuted 
 dissenters from puritan New England ; the Swedes driven 
 by violence from Delaware, and French Huguenots from 
 Europe, found generous protection and complete freedom of 
 faith in a colony of Catholics. 
 
 Still farther south the same religious feelings entered into 
 the propelling motives of the emigrants, and impressed their 
 traits upon subsequent generations. The first settlers south 
 of Virginia were refugees from that state, fleeing from church 
 persecutions, who established themselves on Albemarle Sound, 
 in North Carolina, between 1640 and 1650. South Carolina 
 received her first population from New England, and subse 
 quently a large accession of numbers in French Protest 
 ants, expelled from their native country by the perfidious 
 and suicidal act of Louis XIV., in the revocation of the Edict 
 of Nantz. Many of these families were to be found in every 
 colony, and they were firm advocates of tolerant principles. 
 The German Palatines, too, escaping from persecution at home, 
 came over in considerable numbers, and settled in different 
 parts of the two Carolinas. Bound together by similarity of 
 condition, common sufferings and identity of principles, these 
 Colonists, though of various nations originally, soon acquired, 
 
22 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 under the operation of the same strong moral influences, 
 traits of character nearly uniform. By far the largest propor 
 tion of the population, even in the southern plantations, was 
 received directly from Great Britain, or from the northern 
 British settlements. The English language, English customs, 
 habits of thought and political theories, prevailed over every 
 other ; and emigrants from all other nations were soon fused 
 into the general mass of English descendants. 
 
 The laws, opinions, and institutions, which these had brought 
 with them, were derived from the British constitution, itself 
 the freest in Europe, and were made necessarily more liberal 
 by the democratic tendencies and peculiar condition of those 
 by whom they were re-established. To the theoretical free 
 dom, for which first the Puritans in England, and after them 
 the Whigs contended, they superadded an impatience of 
 restraint, and a repugnance to royal and ecclesiastical pre 
 rogative, which were continually strengthened by the ab 
 sence of all visible signs and memorials of these arbitrary 
 institutions ; by the equality of condition existing among 
 themselves; by their peculiar occupation as agriculturalists, 
 and by their physical position in the midst of an almost unte- 
 nanted continent ; and were finally aggravated to resistance 
 and revolution by violent assaults. At the distance of three 
 thousand miles from the pomp of courts, the seductive in 
 fluences of luxury, the ostentatious pretensions of fashion 
 and wealth, the aristocracy and the peerage ; for the most 
 part simple cultivators of the soil or hardy navigators ; with 
 no distinctions of rank among them, except such as were 
 sent them in foreign rulers, and were, in consequence, more 
 repulsive to their feelings with no differences of condition, 
 except in degrees of competence, as they were individually 
 more or less industrious, frugal, austere, laborious, pious, 
 continually spreading over the country fresh settlements, still 
 more widely removed from connexion with England ; and 
 knowing little of her except in the orders and governors she 
 sent them : nothing existed naturally to conciliate their feel 
 ings towards the institutions of monarchy. Had no extraordi 
 nary dissensions broken out to precipitate the course of events, 
 it would have been not the less impossible for such a people, 
 so situated and trained, and of such dispositions, to remain 
 subject to a foreign power. Everything in their position 
 and character tended invariably to independence ; and not 
 only to independence, but to democratic institutions. So 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 23 
 
 clear was this tendency, while they were yet in their infancy, 
 that when the Commission was appointed, in 1664, by Charles 
 II., to "settle the peace of the Colonies," the famous Earl 
 of Clarendon, in his draught of their instructions, added as a 
 commentary upon the stubborn spirit of the Colonies " They 
 are already hardened into republics." 
 
 Though a peaceable separation must inevitably have taken 
 place at some day, not far distant, as surely as the child discovers 
 his capacity to take care of himself, and becomes independent 
 of his parents ; it might have happened, as is often the case in 
 the same domestic relation, that dependence would be pro 
 tracted long after any necessity existed on either side for 
 mutual aid. Affection would certainly have done much to 
 preserve, in America, tender recollections and grateful def 
 erence, long after power would have failed to exact obedience, 
 or the comparative resources of the two countries would have 
 justified any claim to superiority on the part of Great Britain. 
 But such was not the relation between Great Britain and the 
 Colonies. As the parent country, she was, from the begin 
 ning, an unnatural parent ; one who neglected her offspring ; 
 left them to their own exertions for preservation and support ; 
 and never inquired into their welfare, until she thought it 
 time to put in a technical claim to a portion of their earnings. 
 Nothing in her conduct towards them in their weakness was de 
 signed or calculated to touch their affections with a sense of gra 
 titude, and fortunately for them, they thus escaped the sense 
 of dependence. They were fugitives from a tyranny, prac 
 tised under the forms of her constitution, into the wilderness ; 
 and no relenting kindness followed them into exile, to sus 
 tain them in their labours, or sympathize in their sufferings. 
 With their own means they escaped from her persecutions ; 
 with their own hands they hewed out for themselves habita 
 tions in the forests ; fought their own way to power ; built 
 up commonwealths; established governments; endowed col 
 leges, and carried on, at prodigious expense, warlike cam 
 paigns against their enemies and hers, with scarcely so much 
 remuneration from her resources as would defray the cost of 
 her own part of the military establishment, though the quarrels 
 in the several French wars, were, with slight exceptions, en 
 tirely her own. They spent vast sums, and lost the flower of 
 their population, not to insist upon their claims upon her for 
 the heroism of their actions, altogether for British objects ; in 
 return for which, they only got empty thanks in the first in- 
 
24 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 stance, and obloquy and persecution afterwards. Not till they 
 had established a commerce, the monopoly of which was an 
 object of gain to British merchants, were they deemed worthy 
 of attention ; and they accordingly thrived on their own 
 strength and industry. History records the jealousy of self- 
 estimation with which they rejected offers of aid, at times 
 when their own means were tasked, and the contest ought 
 to have been exclusively British. Never was anything more 
 foreign to recorded facts, or more revolting to the true spirit 
 of the Americans, than the boast so frequently made during 
 the discussions just before the declaration of independence, 
 by British orators, of the protection, indulgence, and bounty 
 of Great Britain, and the ingratitude of the Colonies. We 
 cannot better describe the true nature of these relations, than 
 in the words of David Hartley, a British Whig of high repu 
 tation, who was subsequently one of the British Commission 
 ers for concluding the peace of 1783. Our extract is part of 
 a vigorous speech, which he made in defence of America, in 
 the British House of Commons, in 1775, and is interesting 
 both as an historical item of interest, recapitulating authentic 
 facts, which have an important bearing on the course of events 
 we are describing, and as sustaining, on the best British au 
 thority, the fact of the actual independence of the Colonies, 
 of all aid from Great Britain, in the times of their weakness. 
 He said : 
 
 " Whenever Great Britain has declared war, they (the 
 Colonies) have taken their part. They were engaged in king 
 William s wars, and queen Anne s, even in their infancy. 
 They conquered Acadia in the last century, for us ; and we 
 then gave it up. Again, in queen Anne s war, they con 
 quered Nova Scotia, which, from that time, has always be 
 longed to Great Britain. They have been engaged in more 
 than one expedition to Canada, ever foremost to partake of 
 honour and danger with the mother country." 
 
 "Well, Sir, what have we done for them? Have we con-< 
 quered the country for them from the Indians ? Have we 
 cleared it ? Have we drained it ? Have we made it habit 
 able ? What have we done for them ? I believe, precisely 
 nothing at all, but just keeping watch and ward over their 
 trade, that they should receive nothing but from ourselves, 
 at our own price. I will not positively say that we have 
 spent nothing ; though I do not recollect any such article 
 upon our journals : but I mean any material expense in set" 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 25 
 
 ting them out as Colonists. The royal military government 
 of Nova Scotia cost, indeed, not a little sum ; above 500,000 
 for its plantation, and its first years. Had your other colonies 
 cost anything similar either in their outset or support, there 
 would have been something to say on that side ; but, instead 
 cf that, they have been left to themselves for one hundred or 
 one hundred and fifty years, upon the fortune and capital of 
 private adventurers, to encounter every difficulty and danger. 
 What towns have we built for them ? What desert have we 
 cleared? What country have we conquered for them from 
 the Indians ? Name the officers name the troops the ex 
 peditions their dates. Where are they to be found ? Not 
 in the journals of this kingdom. They are nowhere to be 
 found." 
 
 "In all the wars which have been common to us and them, 
 they have taken their full share. But in all their own dan 
 gers, in the difficulties belonging separately to their situation, 
 in all the Indian wars which did not immediately concern 
 us, we left them to themselves to struggle their way through. 
 For the whim of a minister, you can bestow half a million to 
 build a town, and to plant a royal colony of Nova Scotia; a 
 greater sum than you have bestowed upon every other colony 
 together." 
 
 "And notwithstanding all these, which are the real facts, 
 now that they have struggled through their difficulties, and 
 begin to hold up their heads, and to show that empire which 
 promises to be the foremost in the world, we claim them and 
 theirs, as implicitly belonging to us, without any considera 
 tion of their own rights. We charge them with ingratitude, 
 without the least regard to truth, just as if this kingdom had 
 for a century and a half, attended to no other object; as if 
 all our revenue, ajl our power, all our thought had been be 
 stowed upon them, and all our national debt had been con 
 tracted in the Indian wars of America ; totally forgetting the 
 subordination in commerce and manufactures, in which we 
 have bound them, and for which, at least, w r e owe them help 
 towards their protection." 
 
 "Look at the preamble of the act of navigation, and every 
 American act, and see if the interest of this country is not 
 the avowed object. If they make a hat or a piece of steel, an 
 act of parliament calls it a nuisance ; a tilting hammer, a steel 
 furnace, must be abated in America as a nuisance. Sir, I 
 speak from facts. I call your books of statutes and journals 
 
 C 
 
2 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to witness ; with the least recollection, every one must ac 
 knowledge the truth of these facts." 
 
 Thus this wise and upright statesman bore testimony to 
 the spirit and courage of the Colonies, and vindicated their 
 claim to a character for noble independence, at the very time 
 when the ministry was insisting that they should be, in his 
 forcible description of British legislation, " taxed and talliaged, 
 to pay for the rod of iron" preparing for them. 
 
 Under such circumstances, physical, religious, and politi 
 cal, as we have attempted thus cursorily to describe, the pe 
 culiar character of the Colonies, as it existed in the middle 
 of the eighteenth century, was formed. Without taking into 
 consideration those active causes of distrust, which were con 
 stantly occurring to weaken the feelings of attachment be 
 tween the two countries, some of which we shall shortly re 
 capitulate, it is obvious, that in a people of such a temper, 
 with so fine a country and but a feeble political connexion 
 with a distant power, existed all the elements of an inde 
 pendent nation. Proud, enterprising, hardy, virtuous ra 
 pidly growing in wealth and consequence, by the expansive 
 nature of their own energies entirely unrestricted in terri 
 tory, and untrammelled by ancient errors, they had but few 
 points in common with any other nation; and every year 
 seemed to separate them more distinctly, as prepared for a 
 new and peculiar frame of government. 
 
 Notwithstanding these lines of separation gradually diverg 
 ing more and more widely, and notwithstanding all the 
 original bitterness of feeling and personal disappointments, 
 which the first Colonists carried over with them, it is beyond 
 doubt, that their descendants, for several generations, en 
 tertained a lively affection for the land of their European 
 ancestors. Under the severest trials fror? the aggressions 
 of Great Britain, they still spoke of her with tenderness 
 as of a parent, harsh through a noble temper, misguided by 
 evil counsellors. Most of them had foresight enough to see the 
 tendency of her measures, when they invaded colonial 
 rights, and firmness enough to meet them with instant re 
 monstrance and zealous opposition ; yet few ever attributed 
 them to a settled design upon the liberties of America, until 
 the Stamp Act and its successors were passed. Even at a 
 very late period of their dissensions, a revolution formed 
 no part of their scheme of redress; and wise, honest, and 
 fearless men doubted to the very day that independence was 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 27 
 
 proclaimed. The principal men in the Colonies had received 
 their education in England, and the endearing appellation 
 of the "mother country," commonly used in speaking of 
 her, shows how kindly she was remembered in after life. A 
 voyage to England was familiarly called, going "home." 
 These connexions were numerous in every colony, and 
 the first and best educated men, everywhere in America, 
 were attached to England and Englishmen by personal ties 
 of blood and intimate relations of friendship. Their attach 
 ments were strengthened still more by a community of party 
 feeling. The Colonists felt with, and uniformly aided, the 
 popular party in England, to the extent of their power, and 
 sympathized with them in all their adversities, as brethren and 
 fellow sufferers. To the Tories and high-church men who were 
 the advocates of arbitrary power in England, were opposed 
 the Puritans and Whigs, and their descendants, kindred in 
 blood and in sentiment to the first settlers in this country. 
 The oppressions of America, whether by the Charleses, or 
 James the II., or the administrations that followed his expul 
 sion, had generally a resisting minority in England ; friends 
 of America, who took up her cause as one of their domestic dis 
 putes. The violent invasions of the charters, that were so 
 ably resisted, created no national discord between the coun 
 tries, because both were struggling in a common cause, for 
 the establishment of common principles, and the same con 
 stitutional doctrines. The Magna Charta the Bill of Rights, 
 and the theoretic freedom of the British constitution, were 
 invariably appealed to by America, in all cases of controversy 
 between the colonial legislatures and the lords proprietaries, 
 or the royal governors. Community of language and litera 
 ture added new force to these ties ; and, what was subse 
 quently complained of as a great grievance, the close intimacy 
 of commercial intercourse, under the operation of restrictive 
 duties and the navigation acts, had originally, by no means 
 an unfavourable effect. The principles of trade and com 
 merce were not then understood as they are now. The re 
 straining acts of the British parliament, which monopolized 
 the navigation and trade of America, and prohibited many 
 important branches of manufacture, had no sensible effect 
 upon the prosperity of the Colonies, and were deemed to be 
 within the legitimate powers of government. The colonial 
 system was such as the contemporaneous practice of all na 
 tions and all experience seemed to justifv: and without much 
 
%O HISTORY OF THE 
 
 critical inquiry, feeling no immediate evil, owing to the laxity 
 with which it was administered, they acquiesced in it; receiv 
 ing as an apparent remuneration, the protection of the British 
 flag, and the use of English capital. It was not until the com 
 mencement of the year 1764, when, under the bold schemes 
 of taxation and subjection, adopted by the ministry, political 
 rights began to be so keenly discussed, that the commercial 
 question was seriously investigated with a hostile spirit. 
 Some of the relaxations of the strict system, which had been 
 tolerated through motives of prudence, were about that time 
 suddenly and capriciously suspended. The Colonies soon 
 learnt, under the smart of this infliction, that however the 
 theory of the British constitution might create a distinction 
 Between the two kinds of taxation for revenue and for the 
 regulation of commerce both were, in fact, equally repug 
 nant to their natural rights, as well as unworthy of their 
 powerful and prosperous condition. Men s minds then began 
 to stir themselves, in acute inquiries into the whole history 
 of the British policy towards America, and the whole theory 
 of British supremacy. An attempt to raise taxes for revenue, 
 as well as for commercial regulations, ended in the denial of 
 the right to do either ; and the affirmance of the power of 
 parliament, to bind " in all cases whatsoever," resulted in the 
 total loss of power. Till the Peace of Paris, in 1763, neither 
 the collisions that had taken place, nor the selfish and op- 
 
 Eressive laws which had been enacted, from time to time, 
 ad affected seriously the general good disposition of the 
 Colonies to the mother country. Those dispositions con 
 tinued, subject only to the gradual weakening arising from 
 change of circumstances, -occasionally wounded by some 
 glaring act of tyranny, but never altogether alienated, until 
 the projects of the Grenville ministry, commencing in 1763-4, 
 which roused the resentment of all America, and united 
 them in the rejection of all political dependence whatever 
 on Great Britain. 
 
 It is foreign to the purpose of this work to trace the alter 
 nate diminutions and partial restoration of these kindly 
 sentiments, or to detail the various modes, and numerous 
 instances in which the spirit of independence displayed it 
 self in their actions and principles. Those who are familiar 
 with the colonial annals, know how replete they are with 
 anecdotes of personal and public virtue and heroism^r how 
 they abound in the best examples of patient industry, and 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 29 
 
 grave sobriety of deportment, united to the liveliest sensibility 
 to noble actions and motives, and the keenest watchfulness in 
 defence of civil liberty. They must be studied attentively 
 by all who desire a just acquaintance with the facts of colonial 
 history, and the character of the colonists. The limits of the 
 present volume will not permit more than the general sketch, 
 made thus briefly of the principles and motives, and their 
 sources, to which the world owes the establishment of 
 American Liberty by the revolution. Still confining our 
 selves, though less strictly, to results rather than details of 
 fact, to the course of events bearing directly upon the 
 relations between Great Britain and her Colonies, rather 
 than to a mere narrative of consecutive facts, the French 
 war of- 1756, ending in 1763, at the Peace of Paris, will 
 occupy the ensuing chapter. In it will be found, many of 
 the proximate causes and provocations, which operating on 
 the American Colonies, hastened the separation of the two 
 countries. 
 
 C2 
 
3d HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 . THE Peace of Paris, which, after a century and a half of 
 warfare between Great Britain and France, for supremacy in 
 America, established completely the British ascendency, was 
 signed at Paris by the ministers of Great Britain, France, 
 Spain, and Portugal, on the 10th of February, 1763. France 
 lost by it all her ancient possessions in America, except 
 the town of New Orleans, and a few scattering settlements 
 on the Mississippi. England gained from France a renunci 
 ation and guarantee of Nova Scotia, (then called Acadie,) 
 Canada, and the islands in the river and Gulf of St. Lawrence ; 
 and from Spain a cession and guarantee of Florida, and all 
 Spanish claims and possessions in North America, east and 
 south-east of the Mississippi. The British American domin 
 ions, therefore, extended from the north-eastern extremity 
 of the continent to the Gulf of Mexico, and from the Missis 
 sippi to the Atlantic ; a mighty territory, acquired by immense 
 labour and after many expensive wars, which was destined 
 to be lost to the crown of Britain, in a few years, by its own 
 folly and cupidity. The new acquisitions were erected, by 
 proclamation, in October of the same year, into three 
 new governments, under the titles of Quebec, East Florida, 
 and West Florida. The policy of the English cabinet 
 towards the Colonies then took that decided tone, which 
 had occasionally appeared before, but had never been perse 
 vered in against their prompt remonstrances, while the 
 French were in such dangerous proximity. Relieved now 
 from this apprehension, and no longer requiring their aid to 
 maintain the ascendency of the British arms, they commenced 
 that system of government and taxation, which provoked the 
 resistance of America and separated the empire. 
 
 What added to the anxiety of Great Britain to strengthen 
 her power over the Colonies, was the great resources they 
 had displayed during that war. They had, in fact, made 
 prodigious exertions raised troops and money, and con 
 tinued to raise them, year after year, with unexpected spirit, 
 and far beyond their proportion of service, as part of the 
 British nation. One year with another, they kept twenty 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 31 
 
 five thousand men in the field, during the whole seven years. 
 When the elder Pitt, in 1758, called upon the colonial 
 governors for the largest levies the population would allow, 
 three colonies, Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Hamp 
 shire, voted him fifteen thousand men. In one day 20,000 
 sterling were subscribed by individuals in the town of Boston 
 alone, to encourage enlistment. Minot estimates the cost of 
 that campaign to the colonial treasury of Massachusetts, at 
 120,000, and to private persons, at 60,000 more. In one 
 year Massachusetts had in the field 7,000 troops, " a greater 
 levy," says Minot, "for a single province, than the three 
 kingdoms had made, collectively, since the revolution," 
 seventy years before. Such was the intrepidity of that 
 ancient and " unterrified" commonwealth the more com 
 mendable, as we shall see, because she was, at the same 
 time, stoutly contending for her privileges against the king s 
 prerogative. The other colonies showed a similar spirit. 
 There were seven thousand provincial troops in the campaign 
 under Winslow, in 1756. In the next year, the Earl of 
 Loudon, the commander-in-chief, made a requisition of four 
 thousand troops, which were supplied immediately from New 
 England. But eighteen hundred of the number were appor 
 tioned to Massachusetts, because she had already so many sol 
 diers in the field ; yet, when four additional companies were 
 called for in the next year, they too were furnished. Half of 
 the army of Amherst, that made the northern campaign, in 
 which Quebec was taken by Wolfe, was composed of pro 
 vincials. They were present and active at the capture of 
 Louisburgh they took the Island of Cape Breton they 
 conquered Forts Frontenac and Duquesne. We have the 
 testimony of the same Mr. Hartley, from whom we quoted 
 before, in favour of the vast importance of these services to 
 the issue of the war, by which Great Britain gained so much. 
 " The Americans," he said, " turned the success of the war 
 at both ends of the line. General Monckton took Beausejour 
 in Nova Scotia, with fifteen hundred provincial troops, and 
 about two hundred regulars. Gir William Johnson, in the 
 other part of America, changed the face of the war to success, 
 with a provincial army, which took Baron Dieskau prisoner. 
 But, Sir, the glories of the war under the united British and 
 American arms, are recent in every one s memory. Suffice 
 it to decide this question, that the Americans bore, even in 
 our judgment, more than their full proportion; that this 
 
3*2 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 House did annually vote them an acknowledgment of their 
 zeal and strenuous efforts and compensation for the EXCESS 
 of their zeal and expenses, above their due proportion." 
 
 A large continental force was at the reduction of Marti 
 nique, in 1762, and Spain having joined in the war, they 
 helped largely in the capture of Havana for England. By sea, 
 too, they were no less zealous. It is on record, that their own 
 ships were stripped of sailors to man the navy of Great Britain. 
 It was admitted, in debate, in the House of Commons, in 
 1775, that ten thousand American seamen were in the British 
 naval service, in the war of 1756. Four hundred armed 
 vessels issued from their ports against the commerce of 
 France and Spain. 
 
 For these services and exertions, which are cited as 
 evidence of their warm attachment of Great Britain, they 
 received tardy thanks and slower remuneration. It is com 
 puted that they had a just claim upon the British government 
 for 3,000,000 more than the sums voted as indemnity. 
 They bore, in fact, the burden of the conflict, by which an 
 immense territory was won for Great Britain, and a formida 
 ble rival finally discomfited. 
 
 The return of the government for these services and 
 sufferings would have chilled the warmest affections. It had 
 a strong effect, when subsequently mixed up with more 
 direct aggressions, in alienating the feelings of the Colonists. 
 The jealousy which had more than once been manifested 
 in England, against the growth of the Colonies, prc voked 
 by their political intrepidity, was aggravated into settled 
 prejudice by the strength and resources they had exhibited. 
 Instead of gratitude for the zeal and bravery by which a 
 peace so advantageous had been won, the peace itself had 
 opposers, because it relieved the Colonies from French hos 
 tility, and thus lessened their dependence on Great Britain. 
 While the negotiations were pending, a project was se 
 riously entertained, and defended in ministerial pamphlets, 
 to restore Canada to France in exchange for some of her 
 possessions elsewhere, for the avowed purpose of keeping the 
 Colonies in check by an enemy. It was on this occasion 
 that Dr. Franklin s celebrated Canada pamphlet was written 
 to expose the injustice and illiberality of such a treaty. The 
 royal proclamation which followed the peace, regulating the 
 new conquests, contained a provision aimed against the 
 further growth of the colonies westward. It forbade strictly 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 33 
 
 all settlements in the old colonies, beyond the heads of the 
 rivers that run eastwardly into the Atlantic. Consistent with 
 this same policy, selfish and ungrateful as it was, every 
 discouragement and prohibition was opposed to the formation 
 of inland settlements, with the express design of confining 
 the Colonies, as the Board of Trade, in a subsequent report, 
 officially stated, "within reach of the trade and commerce 
 of Great Britain." 
 
 Such was the temper with which the war of 1756 was 
 concluded* Its commencement had been signalized by a 
 similar line of policy, manifested in another mode. The 
 history of the Albany plan of Union, projected in 1754, and 
 which failed from the same unreasonable jealousy of Ame 
 rica, is worthy to be quoted here, both in pursuance of our 
 plan of bringing together the principal provocations which 
 led to American resistance, and the proximate causes which 
 disturbed the harmony between the two countries, and as 
 an interesting item of colonial history. 
 
 War with France had become inevitable, although not de 
 clared. Orders were accordingly dispatched from England for 
 the Colonies to hold themselves in readiness. These were ac 
 companied by a recommendation from the Board of Trade, to 
 form a confederation for joint defence, and an alliance with the 
 Indians. Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, recommended 
 a convention, which was accordingly held at Albany, and a 
 plan of union, drawn up by Benjamin Franklin, was adopted, 
 and, singularly enough, signed on the 4th of July. It proposed 
 to apply to parliament for an act to establish a general 
 government in the Colonies, to be administered by a Presi 
 dent General, appointed by the king, to possess the whole ex 
 ecutive power, with a veto power on all laws, and be assisted 
 by a Grand Council elected by the Colonies. They were to 
 have the joint power of declaring war and making peace ; 
 to conclude treaties with the Indian tribes, regulate trade 
 with them, and purchase their lands either in the name of 
 the Crown or of the Union ; to settle new colonies and make 
 laws concerning them, until erected into separate govern 
 ments ; to raise troops, build forts, fit out armed vessels, and 
 use other means for national defence. For these purposes 
 they were to be empowered to lay and collect taxes, &c. 
 
 The Colonies undertook, if this plan were accepted, to 
 defend themselves against the French, without any assistance 
 from Great Britain. Connecticut dissented in convention 
 
34 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 from the plan, as depriving the separate colonies of their 
 taxing power, and it was rejected by the king in council, as 
 an attempt to establish too much independence. The counter 
 project, drawn up by the ministry, and transmitted for the 
 consideration of the Colonies, was artfully devised to obtain 
 a general sanction by the Colonies themselves of the parlia 
 mentary right of taxation for revenue. It proposed a sort of 
 congress of the governors and some members of the councils 
 to act for all the Colonies, and to draw, in the first instance, 
 for the expenditures on the British treasury, reimbursable by 
 "a tax to be laid on the Colonies by act of parliament." 
 This would have been an unqualified surrender of the 
 revenue power to the discretion of men, for the most part, 
 appointed by the ministry; and it was ably exposed in 
 Dr. Franklin s celebrated letter to Governor Shirley. He 
 therein, after touching the constitutional difficulties, made 
 a bold and convincing summary of the benefits enjoyed 
 by Great Britain in her monopoly of American commerce 
 and manufactures benefits which he estimated to cost 
 America more for the gain of England, than any fair 
 proportion of the taxes of the United Kingdom. Public 
 attention was keenly awakened by the discussion in that 
 letter, which embodied, in a sententious manner, many argu 
 ments subsequently employed against British supremacy. 
 The projected plan failed on both sides, and Great Britain, 
 however reluctantly, was obliged to bring her own forces into 
 the field, and bear some portion of the cost. 
 
 Minor controversies between the royal and colonial autho 
 rities also constantly occurred during the war, that tended to 
 irritate and renew old irritations. Though not of importance 
 enough, considered separately, to have permanently affected 
 the relations of the two countries, yet taken in connexion 
 with circumstances immediately preceding, and followed up 
 by grosser aggravations, they were, in a subsequent review of 
 the conduct of Great Britain, believed to be the fruits and the 
 evidence of an inveterate prejudice against the Americans, 
 and a settled hostility against their principles. The royal 
 regulation concerning the relative rank of colonial officers and 
 the regular troops, created great disgust and dissatisfaction, 
 especially in Virginia, where, but for the magnanimity of the 
 Virginia officers, it would have totally broken up the cam 
 paign of 1756, under Generals Winslow, and Abercrombie, and 
 the Earl of London. In the subsequent year, a controversy 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 35 
 
 of great asperity was carried on between the Massachusetts 
 general court and the British commander-in-chief, Lord 
 Loudon. He undertook to insist upon their providing quar 
 ters for the British troops, pursuant to the acts of the British 
 parliament. The demand was at first complied with, warily, 
 and with the protestation that it was granted, not as a " matter 
 of right," but as a free-will advance of money on the 
 " national account." Upon a repetition of the claim, the 
 magistrates refused compliance, and were sustained by the 
 legislature, in the spirit and on the principles that afterwards 
 produced the revolution. They told him that the magistrates 
 were responsible to them, and bound only by the laws of the 
 colony of Massachusetts, and that the acts of parliament, in 
 question, were not binding in America. By their charter 
 they claimed all civil power, the enjoyment of which privi 
 leges they told him "was their support under all burdens." 
 The same year was distinguished by angry contests concern 
 ing the right of taxation, between the Governor and Assembly 
 of Pennsylvania. The agent in England, who managed the 
 controversy for the colony against the proprietaries, was 
 Benjamin Franklin ; and in that field of inquiry, involving 
 the principles of taxation and representation, his acute mind 
 was trained for the noble part which he was afterwards called 
 upon to sustain in the revolution. 
 
 Other colonies were similarly vexed ; but the dispute in 
 Massachusetts, in 1761, between the prerogative party, 
 headed by Governor Bernard and Lieutenant Governor (then 
 Chief Justice) Hutchinson, on the one side, and the people 
 of Boston on the other, concerning writs of assistance, is 
 deserving of more particular notice, by reason of the boldness 
 of the doctrines advanced on the colonial side, and their 
 influence on subsequent events. Opposition already existed 
 to the revenue laws, as administered, and the custom-house 
 officers, representing themselves to be obstructed in the per 
 formance of their duties, applied for writs of assistance, 
 according to the usage of the exchequer in England. The 
 material question arose, whether the practice of the English 
 Exchequer was obligatory on colonial courts, and thence the 
 argument turned upon the character of the process prayed for. 
 James Otis, who was Advocate General for the Admiralty, 
 resigned his office, to appear in behalf of the citizens of 
 Boston, in opposition to the claim. His speech has been 
 quoted by Ex-President, the first Adams, as a masterly 
 
36 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 exposition of colonial rights, under the charters, and of 
 human rights, independently of all charters, against all 
 assumptions of unjust power in every form, whether by force 
 of precedents, the usurpations of monarchy, or the decisions 
 of legal tribunals against the principles of liberty. He went 
 over the history of the charters, and those who founded the 
 colony "by the sweat of their brows; at the hazard and 
 sacrifice of their lives; without the smallest aid, assistance, 
 or comfort from the government of England, or from England 
 as a nation On the contrary, meeting with constant jealousy, 
 envy, and intrigue against their charter, their religion, and 
 all their privileges," and " reproached the nation, parliament, 
 and king with injustice, illiberality, ingratitude, and oppres 
 sion in their conduct." 
 
 His courageous argument and spirited invective carried 
 the point in favour of popular rights. The demand for the 
 writ was in effect defeated. If granted by the court at all, 
 which is an uncertain point, it never was formally announced, 
 and they certainly were never used. Mr. Adams, who heard 
 the oration of Otis, thought it the ablest he ever knew, and 
 ranked it among the principal preparatory events to the 
 revolution. He adds, "I do say, in the most solemn manner, 
 that Mr. Otis oration against writs of assistance breathed into 
 this nation the breath of life." 
 
 The records of those times furnish us with many similar 
 instances which we might quote, of harshness and unkind- 
 ness on the one side, and resentment and remonstrance on 
 the other ; of power occasionally assuming the port of tyranny, 
 and resistance rising almost to independence. They may 
 also be traced, fewer and less palpable in their effects, back 
 through the whole colonial history. We cite them here 
 partly as signs of the prevailing temper of the Colonies; but 
 chiefly to mark the disposition of the mother country towards 
 them, under circumstances calling for grateful indulgence 
 and support. At the very time when Americans were pouring 
 out their best blood in every part of the continent, for her 
 glory and advantage, in Canada, on the Ohio, in the West 
 Indies ; fighting her battles and conquering for her, posses 
 sions larger in extent than the whole United Kingdom ; she 
 was, without compunction, prosecuting, as fast as her own 
 share of these dangers gave her leisure, a scheme to deprive 
 them of rights earned by two centuries of patient industry 
 and indomitable courage. We have seen that in the peace 
 
AMERICAN REVOLtrTlON. 37 
 
 of 1763, she used the power that they had earned for her, in 
 a spirit of envy at their prosperity, and dread of their in 
 crease that she was near sacrificing an important conquest 
 to maintain m Canada an enemy to overawe them; and that 
 her first action in regulating these conquests, was designed 
 to repress their growth, by confining their enterprise to the 
 Atlantic coast, in the fear that they might else penetrate 
 into the interior, beyond the reach of her taxing power. 
 Dissatisfaction naturally prevailed, especially in the New 
 England colonies, who had done and suffered most. Had a new 
 system succeeded at that time, things might have relapsed into 
 their old state, as in cases of former difficulty. Perhaps, if due 
 honour had been paid to their military exploits, and soothing 
 expedients used to quiet the fears of parliamentary encroach 
 ment and British injustice, which had become general shortly 
 after the close of the war, no immediate danger to their 
 political connexion with England, would have followed. The 
 recollection of common toils, achievements, and victories, 
 during the war, added to the many other common sympathies 
 which existed, might, under the influence of generous treat 
 ment, and with cautious forbearance, have quieted the dissa 
 tisfaction and preserved, for many years, a close but gradually 
 relaxing connexion between England and America. 
 
 Unhappily for Great Britain, other counsels were adopted. 
 No pause was allowed in the prosecution of the design to 
 break the spirit and subvert the rights of the Colonies. New 
 and odious restrictions upon their commerce followed rapidly 
 after the peace. Their minds, already ill-disposed by other 
 vexations, were exasperated by the abuse of those powers 
 over the regulation of their commerce, which they conceded 
 to belong to the British parliament ; and in that temper a bold 
 usurpation was attempted of the power to tax for revenue 
 without their consent ; thus to deprive them of their char 
 tered rights and reduce them to unconditional slavery. 
 
 A historical and statistical view of the separate colonies 
 does not come within the scope of this work. Up to the war 
 of 1756, with the exception of the early New England 
 Confederation, they had acted, in all cases, as distinct 
 governments, united occasionally against a common enemy ; 
 and communicating with each other on subjects of common 
 interest, but without any political union. Each was in 
 dependent of the other, in fact though, from the causes 
 we have endeavoured to explain, all pursued nearly the same 
 D 
 
38 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 career, formed nearly the same opinions, social and political, 
 and established a like national character. The Albany plan 
 of Union first brought them together, to consult upon a joint 
 administration of their affairs, for common objects ; and though 
 that failed, the war which followed kept them united in 
 feelings and identified them more closely together. Thence 
 forward, they were called to act and to think to discuss, 
 remonstrate, and finally to resist, by arms, together. From 
 the war of 1756 to 1763, therefore, date, in point of fact, 
 the first movements of the Colonies towards a more intimate 
 union. We have dated, from the same period, their first 
 movements towards independence. External violence and 
 constitutional aggression impelled them, at once, to separate 
 sovereignty and united councils. Liberty and union sprang 
 into being together. They have been hitherto co-existent 
 and inseparable. Their mutual dependence is established by 
 experience, as a law of their nature; for while we have 
 a warrant in the character of our people and the nature 
 of their constitutions, that Union without liberty, which 
 would be a frightful despotism, can never exist under the 
 watchful jealousy of the states ; we know that liberty 
 without Union, would be a bye-word for anarchy and con 
 fusion the forerunner of border warfare and sanguinary 
 conflicts without number, to impoverish, degrade, corrupt, and 
 finally enslave all. 
 
 The Anglo-American Colonies were thirteen in number. 
 The four New England provinces were Massachusetts, in 
 cluding Maine, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode 
 Island. The other nine were New York, New Jersey, Penn 
 sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, 
 South Carolina, and Georgia. 
 
 The population was variously estimated. At the breaking 
 out of the war in 1776, it was little less than three millions. 
 In 1749, the whole white population is estimated, as nearly 
 as possible, from authorities of the time, to have been one 
 million and fixty-six thousand. No materials exist for a pre 
 cise census, at any one intervening period. Censuses of 
 separate colonies were made at different times, and documents 
 from various sources enable us to make an estimate ap 
 proaching to accuracy; that, at the beginning of the civil 
 troubles, in 1764, the white inhabitants of the Colonies were 
 not fewer in number than a million and three quarters, and 
 the blacks, from three to four hundred thousand. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 39 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE great accession of power and territory by Great Britain, 
 by the peace of 1763, had not been gained without the usual 
 concomitants of war lavish expenditures of money, in 
 creased taxation, and a rapidly accumulating debt. Sinclair 
 estimates the total charges of the war at more than one 
 hundred and eleven millions sterling, beyond the ordinary 
 charges of the peace establishment, which were about forty 
 millions more. The clamours of the nation against the weight 
 of the necessary taxes had had its effect in hastening the 
 conclusion of peace, on terms which, however favourable in 
 themselves, were affirmed by a party in England, at the head 
 of which was the elder Pitt, to be less than the successes of 
 the British arms entitled them to demand. The Earl of Bute, 
 as Prime Minister, had carried the war to its conclusion, and 
 obtained a large majority in favour of the treaty, in the month 
 of February. A few days afterwards, the supply bill for the 
 year came up, and after vehement opposition, was also 
 carried. On the 16th of April, Lord Bute unexpectedly 
 resigned, and was succeeded by Mr. George Grenville. No 
 other change of importance, either in the cabinet or its mea 
 sures took place. Parliament adjourned on the I A ^ 17fig 
 19th ; and on the death of the Earl of Egremont, | 
 in the recess, the Earl of Sandwich was made principal 
 Secretary of State, and the Earl of Hillsborough first Lord of 
 Trade and of the Plantations, which included the duties of 
 Secretary for the Colonies. 
 
 The king s speech, on the adjournment of parliament, 
 alluded plainly to the financial distresses of the nation, and 
 lamented the necessity that had existed for anticipating the 
 revenues, largely, and imposing new burdens upon the 
 people. 
 
 In this state of public affairs, the nation, loaded with debt, 
 discontented with the burden, and looking to the new 
 minister to lighten the pressure, it became the anxious study 
 of Mr. Grenville to devise means for recruiting the Treasury, 
 and removing, as far as practicable, the causes of popular 
 dissatisfaction. The new and flourishing field for taxation in 
 America, opened itself to his view. The war just ended, 
 
40 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 had been, according to the estimate put upon it by English 
 writers, undertaken for American objects. The defence of the 
 American frontier, and the repulse of an enemy who was 
 invading the American provinces, were hastily assumed as 
 merely colonial benefits, towards the cost of which t was 
 unjust that the Colonies should not pay their proportion in 
 debt and taxes. No consideration was given to the reflection;-, 
 that they had borne more than their proportion in the war, 
 both of men and money that they had no share in the large 
 conquests of territory which were gained to the empire that 
 the defence of a frontier is the business of the whole nation, 
 and that the immense profits of the colonial monopoly to 
 British commerce were a tax, heavy in proportion to their 
 ability, which they paid beyond the rest of the king s 
 subjects. The necessities of the British government required 
 relief, and its cupidity was tempted by the proofs they had 
 given of what they were capable of doing, and by the reports 
 of their wealth and enterprise ; and its pride was touched by 
 the tone of independence, manifested in all their actions and 
 habits. To Great Britain, therefore, the project of a revenue 
 from America, was, in the highest degree, pleasing. There 
 was the expectation of lucrative sources of revenue, and 
 of immediate relief from their own burdens there were 
 also the pride of dominion the haughtiness and self-confi 
 dence of vast military triumphs, and the firm belief that 
 thirteen disunited provinces, thinly spread over a great 
 territory, without soldiery or fleets, and strong only in their 
 industry and the energies of the individual inhabitants, would 
 not dare to stand up, seriously, in opposition to a great and 
 powerful nation, whose navies covered the seas ; whose 
 armies had just discomfited the combined forces of France 
 and Spain in both hemispheres, and were formidable to all 
 Europe. To tax America, was therefore likely to be a popular 
 measure, and although it did meet with opposition from a few, 
 in the beginning, it is not to be questioned, that Mr. Grenville 
 judged correctly of the sentiment of England in proposing 
 it ; and that the war undertaken to enforce it, was also, for a 
 while, a popular measure there. With respect to America, 
 however, it was a perilous experiment, as the event showed. 
 The minister, as if unaware of its magnitude, projected 
 and carried into operation, cotemporaneously with it, other 
 revenue measures, which exasperated the minds of the 
 Colonists against English authority. Before bringing forward 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 41 
 
 his grand plan of taxation, he endeavoured to improve the 
 state of the treasury, by enforcing the existing laws with 
 greater rigor. Peremptory regulations were issued against 
 smuggling, and for a vigorous execution of the navigation 
 acts. These were extended to America and the West Indies, 
 and they instantly roused the same excited feelings created by 
 the celebrated controversy at Boston, in 1761, on the subject 
 of writs of assistance. The acts laying duties on sugar and 
 molasses, imported into the Colonies, had existed since 1733, 
 in the reign of George II. The imposts, however, were so 
 high as to amount, virtually, to a prohibition ; and in conse 
 quence they had been evaded or openly violated, with little 
 interference by the British authorities. The trade was, in 
 fact, beneficial to all parties, except in the single item of the 
 revenue collected. We have alreadv seen the consequences 
 of former attempts to repress it, in 1761, accompanied by 
 applications to the colonial court for extraordinary writs, in 
 the nature of general search warrants, which were met by 
 the spirited opposition of the colony, and the bold denuncia 
 tion of Otis and others. During the recess of parliament, in 
 1763, and the succeeding session, the Admiralty undertook 
 to enforce the strict letter of the laws, and directed the com 
 manders of the public vessels, stationed on the coast, to act as 
 revenue officers to arrest, search, and confiscate all vessels 
 engaged in contraband commerce. 
 
 The most deplorable effects followed. The naval com 
 manders, unaccustomed to the service, without definite 
 instructions, and practically irresponsible, made seizures and 
 confiscations of all vessels employed in trade with the West 
 Indies ; and in effect annihilated it. They made the strictest 
 possible construction of the acts of navigation ; and not only 
 interrupted vexatiously and embarrassed all American trade, 
 lawful and unlawful, with the French and Spanish islands 
 and colonies, but nearly destroyed all intercourse with them. 
 This intercourse had been extremely profitable, and the 
 profits accrued to England no less than to America. Colonial 
 produce and British manufactures were exchanged for gold 
 and silver coin and bullion, cochineal, medicinal drugs, and 
 live stock. The entire commercial business of the Colonies 
 was thus threatened with sudden and disastrous confusion, 
 and universal alarm and distress prevailed. Their internal 
 currency was deranged by the stoppage of their supplies of 
 the precious metals; their means of remittance for British,: 
 
 D2 
 
42 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 manufactures were diminished, and their debts to British 
 merchants accumulated. These things were not submitted 
 to without strong remonstrances and repeated appeals to the 
 interest, no less than the justice, of Great Britain. Resolu 
 tions against the use of British manufactures became general, 
 and a feeling of hostility to imported goods grew up rapidly. 
 In the succeeding year, the amount of English merchandize 
 imported into the single city of Boston, was diminished to 
 the extent often thousand pounds sterling. A like decrease 
 took place in other towns and provinces, affording a proof as 
 well of the spirit of repugnance to the measures of the British 
 government, as of the necessities of the Colonies, deprived 
 of their customary business, and exhausted of their means of 
 remittance. The session of 1764 produced a change, called 
 for by the British merchants and manufacturers, by which a 
 part of the traffic between the Colonies and the West Indies, 
 that had been arbitrarily suppressed, was expressly autho 
 rized, but under such enormous duties, as made it impossible 
 to be carried on to advantage. At the same time, the 
 payment of the new duties was required to be made in 
 specie, at the British Treasury. To aggravate this injustice, 
 a bill was passed, nearly contemporaneously, suppressing the 
 bills of credit that had formed the currency of the Colonies, 
 and ordering them to be refused in payment for duties after 
 a certain day. Penalties, incurred for breaches of these 
 acts, were made recoverable in the courts of the particular 
 colony, or any other admiralty court in the Colonies, at the 
 option of the informer or prosecutor. By this tyrannical act, 
 defendants might be carried, at the pleasure of the govern 
 ment agents, from one end of the continent to the other, to 
 support their rights, and be deprived, according to the practice 
 in the admiralty, of the benefits of a jury trial. Complaints 
 and discontents of the Colonies against the general course of 
 Great Britain towards them, constantly increased. 
 
 At the same time that these commercial regulations, fol 
 lowing each other with rapidity in a few months, were 
 exasperating the Colonies, Mr. Grenville, as first commis 
 sioner of the treasury, was revolving in his mind his scheme 
 for raising revenue directly from America, by internal taxa 
 tion. Looking, at this distance of time, upon his measures, 
 they seem to have been destitute of common prudence and 
 sagacity ; or to have been devised in the insolence of power, 
 for the purpose of crushing the Colonies at once. By a 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 4# 
 
 harassing and oppressive exercise of constitutional powers, 
 never denied to the British government, he kept them in a state 
 of exasperation, and disposed to watch, with eager scrutiny, 
 every movement of parliament which related to them. The 
 molasses and sugar act, re-enacted in 1764, contained in its 
 preamble the first formal enactment, ever adopted, to raise 
 revenue by taxation from America. That enactment con 
 nected the whole series of commercial restrictions and 
 oppressions with the novel and already contested question of 
 taxation. All the motives for complaint and resentment 
 against Britain were thus united together. A grave consti 
 tutional argument was added to the subjects of controversy, 
 and all the elements of opposition, in all parts of the con 
 tinent, brought, by the arrogance or unskilfulness of the 
 minister, to bear together against him. To those abstract 
 principles of liberty, which were cherished with such fer 
 vency among them, he had contrived, in a few months, to 
 add all the provocations of anger and suffering of passion 
 and interest, to quicken their impatient apprehensions of 
 the new system of taxation he was about to impose upon 
 them. The evils growing out of the treasury restrictions and 
 the sugar act, were soon absorbed in the greater grievances 
 and more dangerous consequences threatened by the stamp 
 act, and the high-toned pretensions to absolute supremacy, 
 set up by these various measures. 
 
 The stamp-act project had been avowed some time before 
 the other measures, though it was not carried into effect 
 until some time afterwards. American taxation was an 
 essential part of Mr. Grenville s financial plans, for the 
 session of parliament, beginning on the 15th of November, 
 1763. It is plain that he had at first his doubts of the con 
 stitutional question, or of the policy of pressing so strong- 
 an expedient at once. Instead of imposing these taxes 
 as a regular method of raising revenue, he first gave 
 notice of his intention, then introduced declaratory resolu 
 tions upon the expediency, afterwards inserted it in the 
 preamble of a commercial act the sugar act and finally, 
 after eighteen months of this hesitating policy, made the 
 enactment, in the celebrated stamp act, in March, 1765 r 
 reciting the preamble of the sugar act as authority. This 
 policy shows, at once, the consciousness of Mr. Grenville, 
 that he was undertaking a task of importance and diffi 
 culty, and his determination to persevere. About the 
 
44 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 close of the year 1763, he informed the Agents of the 
 Colonies, in London, of his design of raising a revenue in 
 America, and proposed to them to delay bringing forward 
 any specific measure, in order to give the colonial legisla 
 tures the opportunity of proposing some plan acceptable to 
 themselves. He ingeniously intimated, as a proof of his 
 friendship to them, that by timely compliance with this hint, 
 they might establish it as a precedent, that they should 
 always be consulted on the subject of taxation. The propo 
 sition was artful, and had the alternative been accepted, 
 would have obtained an explicit acknowledgment of the dis 
 puted right. He offered them no choice in the principle, but 
 the right of taxation being assumed, he mentioned his prefer 
 ence for the stamps, leaving it to the Americans to select 
 any other object for taxation, or mode of furnishing the sum 
 required. It was promised, as an additional bait, that the sum 
 raised should be expended in America an indulgence 
 which but little sagacity was necessary to perceive to be 
 altogether illusory, since there could be no security, the 
 taxing power once admitted, that future sums, raised in the 
 same way, would not be disposed of at the pleasure of those 
 who had the right to receive them ; and because there was 
 no limit to the sums that might be expended in America for 
 British objects, against the will and adverse to the wishes 
 and principles of the Americans. The sum required by Mr. 
 Grenville was one hundred thousand pounds, to be used in 
 part, in the payment of ten thousand troops, to be quartered 
 m America. This feature of the plan, by no means aided 
 in reconciling the Americans to it, the presence of the 
 regular troops having been always a cause of contention ; and 
 the proposal to augment that force so largely in a time of 
 peace., wearing the appearance of a design to over-awe them. 
 History and the testimony of British writers has since given 
 us a further insight into the designs of the ministry of that 
 day, which were, unluckily for them, defeated by the prompt 
 spirit of the colonies. A grand scheme is said to have been in 
 agitation, for re-arranging the boundaries, and re-modeling 
 the governments of the provinces; reducing them to nearly 
 an equal size, and forming entirely new political institutions 
 to establish a standing force increase the salaries of the 
 governors and principal officers, and create new courts, 
 officers, judges, &c., all to be appointed and paid by the 
 crown, out of the proceeds of American taxation. An 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 45 
 
 American peerage is believed to have been part of this 
 splendid scheme, well devised for perpetuating the power of 
 a ministry, and enlarging the king s prerogative by the 
 enormous mass of patronage which it offered. The first step 
 was the power to tax, and the second, the raising of the 
 troops, both of which met with resistance in the sturdy 
 principles of America. 
 
 When Mr. Grenville s proposal, with these modifications, 
 was made to the agents in London, it did not appear to them 
 in the odious light in which it was recei.ved by their consti 
 tuents at home. Some of them, in the first instance, waited 
 upon the minister to return thanks for what seemed to them 
 an indulgence. They transmitted it to their several legisla 
 tures, where it met with universal and indignant rejection ; 
 not one of them acceded to its principle, in any shape. Two 
 offered to raise the proportion in the ancient way, and after 
 the usage of their predecessors. In the mean time, friends 
 of America in London, became active in labouring to avert 
 the danger. Towards the close of the session, in March, 
 1764, the minister, in pursuance of his plan, as 
 
 , * , * ro IT* ivitircn, Ii04. 
 
 communicated to the agents, brought forward his 
 budget of supplies for the year. The sugar bill was passed, 
 avowing in the preamble, the expediency of levying taxes 
 in America, for "defending, protecting, and securing the 
 British colonies and plantations in America," and the four 
 teenth resolution of the committee of ways and means, 
 recited, that towards defraying the same expenses, "it might 
 be proper to charge certain STAMP DUTIES in the said colonies 
 and plantations." This was brought in on the 10th of March, 
 and the execution postponed to the next session, W 7 ith the 
 express view of giving the colonies an opportunity of offering 
 the substitute suggested. 
 
 The popular and legislative movements, addresses, and 
 remonstrances, hereinafter described or quoted, will explain 
 sufficiently the constitutional grounds assumed in the colo 
 nies, in opposition to this claim of power, and resistance to 
 the acts in which it w T as afterwards contained. A few 
 historical items may be acceptable, to show how tenaciously 
 the same rights had been insisted upon by them in the earliest 
 times when they were too weak to resist oppression, and only 
 strong in sagacity and love of liberty. 
 
 The right of the British parliament to impose taxes for the 
 regulation of trade, had never been altogether denied, though 
 
46 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the use of the power had frequently produced murmurs and 
 irritation. The line of distinction between the two powers was 
 sometimes so indistinct, as frequently to give occasions for 
 doubt as to what was the leading object, and to unite apparently 
 in the same enactments, revenue and regulation. Sometimes 
 acts clearly commercial in their purport, were complained of 
 heavily, as levying taxes, and therefore unconstitutional, 
 because the Colonists were not represented in parliament. 
 No act, avowedly for revenue, had been ever passed ; and 
 regulations, altogether legitimate, were rejected frequently 
 because they were supposed to imply that right. Massachu 
 setts was the boldest in this controversy, and for a long series 
 of years refused obedience to the navigation acts of 1651 and 
 1660, which make the commercial code of Great Britain. 
 Her tenacious refusal to conform to these acts, under the 
 special requisition of king Charles II., and her persevering re 
 jection of the king s collector, Randolph, through a series of 
 years from 1677 to the revolution in 1688, form one of the 
 noblest passages in her history. She instructed her agents 
 to insist before the king, that (t the acts of navigation were 
 an invasion of the rights and privileges of the subjects of 
 his majesty in that colony, they not being represented in 
 parliament." The collector persisting, he was met with such 
 fierce opposition, that he was recalled, at his own represent 
 ation, " that he was in danger of being put to death, by virtue 
 of an ancient law, as a subverter of the constitution." Some 
 years subsequent, when James II. was making his boldest 
 approaches towards unlimited power in Europe and America, 
 and his governor, Andross, was making laws and levying 
 taxes at his pleasure, supported by the tyrannical example 
 of his master, the inhabitants of several towns in Massachu 
 setts refused to levy rates or raise taxes ; and the selectmen 
 of Ipswich, in spite of threatenings of fine and imprisonment, 
 both of which were inflicted upon them for their disobedience, 
 voted that " it is against the privilege of English subjects to 
 have money raised without their own consent in assembly or 
 parliament." This tone never varied, down to the latest 
 period of her colonial condition, in all circumstances and 
 under all administrations. In 1761, about the time of the 
 controversy about the writs of assistance, in Boston, Governor 
 Bernard had undertaken to equip a vessel belonging to the 
 colony, upon his own responsibility, for which he was 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 47 
 
 sharply reproved by the House of Assembly, in an address 
 containing the following spirited passages. 
 
 "Justice to ourselves and our constituents oblige us to 
 remonstrate against the method of making or increasing 
 establishments, by the governor and council. It is, in effect, 
 taking from the House their most darling privilege, the right 
 of originating all taxes." 
 
 "No necessity can be sufficient to justify a House of 
 Representatives in giving up such a privilege ; for it would 
 be of little consequence to the people, whether they were 
 subject to George or Louis, the king of Great Britain or the 
 French king, if both were arbitrary, as both would be, if both 
 could levy taxes without parliament." 
 
 It is worthy of mention, as an evidence of the kind of 
 paternal affection entertained by England towards her 
 children in the Colonies, when her interests were crossed 
 by them, that when Massachusetts refused to receive the 
 royal collector, in 1661-2, it was determined by the king 
 in council, that "no Mediterranean passes should be granted 
 to New England, to protect its vessels against the Turks, till it 
 is seen what dependence it will acknowledge in his majesty, 
 and whether his custom-house officers are received as in other 
 colonies." 
 
 The acquiescence of Massachusetts, even in the navigation 
 acts, was thus never cordial or perfect. From the beginning 
 she suspected the taxing power, which was concealed in them, 
 and resolutely protested against it. 
 
 Other provinces were not less firm and strenuous in up 
 holding the same privileges, in the most disheartening times. 
 Virginia, in the seventeenth year of her settlement, adopted a 
 set of laws, the oldest in colonial history, defining her rights 
 and claiming the privilege of raising her own taxes by her 
 own representation, as the birthright of Englishmen. Again, 
 in 1651, when she surrendered to the fleet of Cromwell, one 
 of the express stipulations in the articles of surrender was, 
 that "Virginia shall be free from all taxes, customs, and 
 impositions whatsoever ; and none shall be imposed on them, 
 without consent of the general assembly ; and neither forts 
 nor castles be erected, or garrisons maintained without their 
 own consent." Again, in 1676, she instructed her agents in 
 England to maintain, as an admitted right belonging to all 
 the Colonies, and an acknowledged historical fact, tha* 
 " neither his majesty nor any of his ancestors or predecessors 
 
48 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 had ever offered to impose any tax upon this plantation, 
 without the consent of their subjects; nor upon any other 
 plantation, however so much less deserving or considerable 
 to his crown." 
 
 In 1663, Rhode Island formally claimed it as one of her 
 chartered privileges, that no tax should be imposed upon the 
 colony but by the general assembly. 
 
 In 1687 the revenue officer in South Carolina informed 
 the Commissioners of the Customs, in England, that "he 
 despaired of succeeding in enforcing the revenue acts, as the 
 people denied the power of parliament to pass laws incon 
 sistent with their charter." 
 
 In the session of 1691-2, New York passed her celebrated 
 act of assembly, defining the right of representation, and 
 numerous other rights and privileges, in the nature of a 
 Declaration of Rights. It expressly enacted that no "aid, tax, 
 or talliage, whatsoever," should be laid upon the inhabitants 
 of the province, upon " any manner or pretence whatsoever," 
 but " by the act and consent of the governor in council and 
 representatives of the people in general assembly." 
 
 Connecticut, on numerous occasions, especially in her 
 resolutions in 1754, dissenting from the Albany plan of 
 Union, contended for the exclusive power of levying her 
 own taxes by her representatives, as a privilege by charter, 
 and as a natural right. 
 
 The original charter of Maryland vested expressly the 
 whole taxing power in "the freemen of the province, or a 
 majority of them," and a law enacted in 1650, declared 
 that "no subsidies, aids, customs, taxes, or impositions shall 
 be laid, assessed, levied, or imposed upon the freemen of this 
 province, their merchandize, goods, or chattels, without the 
 consent of the freemen thereof, or a majority of them in 
 general assembly." 
 
 These are a few of the early assertions, by the Colonies, 
 of the law, the practice under it, and the constitution, in 
 virtue of which they claimed exemption from taxation, 
 except in bodies wherein they were represented. Sometimes 
 these assertions ascended to lofty vindications of natural 
 rights, antecedent to all sanctions of human institution. No 
 formal denial of them was ever made before the declaratory 
 stamp resolutions and sugar act of 1764. Some of the 
 laws and declarations which we have quoted, were annulled 
 in England, but not upon the exclusive ground of their 
 

 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 49 
 
 repugnance in this respect to British rights. A general act 
 of parliament was passed in 1696, annulling all acts, laws, 
 and usages of " the plantations," " repugnant to any law of 
 the kingdom." But contemporary with it, the right of taxing 
 America was peremptorily denied; and we have the high 
 authority of Lord Camden, in his speech, in April, 1766, in 
 the British House of Lords, for the fact, that this doctrine 
 was not then considered new, illegal, or derogatory to the 
 rights of parliament. The colonial laws were annulled, not 
 on a claim of unlimited supremacy, but because they were 
 believed to interfere with commercial regulations. Some- 
 times, as remarked before, the two objects revenue and 
 taxation were in fact combined in one ; but in all cases, 
 before 1764, the primary object, to which the other was a 
 subordinate incident, was trade. Burke, in his speech on 
 American taxation, in 1774, after an elaborate analysis of the 
 acts of parliament, stated confidently, and he was sustained 
 by Lords Chatham and Camden, in the assertion, that before 
 1764 "no act avowedly for the purpose of revenue, and with 
 the ordinary title and recital, taken together, is to be found 
 upon the statute book. All before stood on commercial regula 
 tions and restraints." 
 
 Sir Robert Walpole entertained a similar view of the 
 Science of government, and the interests of commerce, in the 
 connexion between England and America, when he refused, 
 in. 1739, during the Spanish war, to try the experiment of 
 taxing the Colonies. " I will leave that," said he, "to some 
 one of my successors, who shall have more courage and less 
 regard for commerce than I have. 1 have always, during 
 my administration, thought it my duty to encourage the 
 commerce of the American Colonies. I have chosen to wink 
 at some irregularities in their traffic with Europe ; for in my 
 opinion, if by trade with foreign nations they gain 500,000 
 sterling, at the end of two years 250,000 of it will have 
 entered the royal coffers ; and that by the industry and 
 productions of England, who sells them an immense quantity 
 of manufactures. This is a mode of taxing them, more 
 conformable to their constitution, and to our own." And Lord 
 Chatham, in referring to the efforts to get up this taxing ques 
 tion, at an earlier day, when he was minister to George II., 
 during tiie French wars, uses the following pithy expression : 
 
 There were not wanting some, when I had the honour 
 E 
 
50 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to serve his majesty, to propose to me to burn my fingers with 
 an American stamp-act." 
 
 The theory of political connexion with Great Britain, 
 insisted on by the Colonies, as according with constitutional 
 principles, was that they were integral governments, de 
 pendent upon a common executive head of the empire, 
 the king of Great Britain, precisely as England itself; 
 that their colonial legislatures held the same relation to 
 the king as the English House of Commons, and were as 
 absolute in all matters of revenue, within the provinces, as 
 the Commons were for Great Britain. These rights were 
 placed, first, on the general birthright of Englishmen, not to 
 be taxed but by their representatives ; and secondly, on their 
 chartered rights which confirmed these privileges to them. 
 A third, and in fact the most powerful defence of this right, 
 and which was working in every man s mind, though few 
 spoke it out until oppression drove them from all faith in 
 charters and constitutions, was that which James Otis 
 employed with such boldness in his celebrated pamphlet, on 
 the rights of the Colonies, published in!764, against the daring 
 attempt at usurpation in the declaratory act preliminary to 
 the stamp act; a defence which went back to the original 
 rights of the settlers as men, independent of any grant from 
 human power. " Two or three innocent colony charters," said 
 he, "have been threatened W 7 ith destruction a hundred and 
 forty years past. A set of men in America, without honor or 
 love to their country, have been long grasping at powers which 
 they think unattainable, while these charters stand in their 
 way. But they will meet with insurmountable obstacles to 
 their project for enslaving the British Colonies, should these, 
 arising from provincial charters, be removed. * * Should 
 this ever be the case, there are, thank God, natural, inherent, 
 and inseparable rights, as men and citizens, that would 
 remain, after the so much wished-for catastrophe, and which, 
 whatever become of charters, can never be abolished, dejure, 
 if de facto, until the general conflagration." One of these 
 "natural, inherent, and inseparable" rights, was that of dis 
 posing of their own property, and assenting, personally or 
 by their representatives, to all taxes levied upon them. " If," 
 said the New Jersey colonists, about the year 1687, to the 
 Commissioners of the Duke of York, " we are excluded from 
 one English right of common assent to taxes, what security 
 have we for any thing we possess ? We can call nothing our 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 51 
 
 own, but are tenants at will, not only for the soil, but for all 
 our personal estates. This sort of conduct has destroyed 
 governments, but never raised one to any true greatness." 
 In theory, a general restraining power upon the Colonies was 
 conceded to Great Britain, in all things except the subject 
 of revenue. They contended that taxation was no part of the 
 supreme executive or legislative power, but that taxes are a 
 voluntary gift and grant of the people by their representa 
 tives. Sometimes, indeed, as in the case of Massachusetts, 
 in her controversy with queen Anne s governors, the assertion 
 was hazarded, that all the laws of parliament were bounded 
 by the four seas, and did not reach America. This assertion 
 was not, however, steadily sustained, and the supremacy of 
 parliament, in all cases except the granting of money and 
 laying of taxes, was in general conceded. But in no case 
 was the revenue power admitted. 
 
 The practice had also been invariably in accordance with 
 this theory. All sums applied by the Colonies to their own 
 political maintainance or the general service of the empire, 
 had been voluntary grants, levied in the colonial assemblies, 
 The king, through the governors, made his requisitions for 
 money or troops, and the Colonies granted or withheld at 
 pleasure. Their grants, however, were exceedingly liberal, 
 so as to leave no ground of complaint with the ancient system. 
 The change was not made because there was any reason to 
 believe that the Colonies would be deficient in zeal or ability 
 to vote sufficient supplies. Their contributions to the common 
 cause of the empire, had been acknowledged by repeated acts 
 of parliament, returning them thanks and voting them remu 
 neration for the excess of their generous efforts. Mr. Burke, 
 in his speech, before quoted, on American taxation, cited 
 from the Journals of the House of Commons, thirteen differ 
 ent votes, acknowledging the merits of the Colonies in that 
 particular four of them within the year 1763, the very year 
 in which the taxing scheme of Mr" Grenville was devised. 
 It was, therefore, a naked assertion of power, without any 
 pretence of necessity, and meant to establish a principle 
 repugnant to the conscientious convictions of the Colonists, 
 hostile to their rights, and destructive of their chartered 
 privileges, a principle which they affirmed would strip them 
 of every privilege of freemen, and reduce them to the condi 
 tion of a conquered and enslaved country. 
 
 The most specious argument on the side of Great Britain 
 
54 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The news reached America soon after the adjournment of 
 parliament. Instead of yielding to the artful suggestion of the 
 minister, and proposing another mode of apportioning the 
 taxes required, they fearlessly denied the whole claim of 
 power. Boston, where the first intelligence was received, 
 Ma 1764 *k ^ e l ea d At a town meeting, held in May, 
 the people, in a set of instructions to their repre 
 sentatives in the colonial legislature, drawn up by Samuel 
 Adams, directed them in energetic language, "to use con 
 stantly" their " power and influence to maintain the invalu 
 able rights and privileges of the province, as well those 
 which are derived by the royal charter," as those which, 
 being prior to and independent of it, they hold "essentially 
 as freeborn subjects of Great Britain." They affirm, in 
 regard to the principle of these acts " It annihilates our 
 chartered right to govern and tax ourselves. It strikes at our 
 British privileges, which, as we have never forfeited them, 
 we hold in common with our fellow subjects, who are natives 
 of Great Britain. If taxes are laid upon us in any shape, 
 without our having a legal representation where they are laid, 
 are we not reduced from the character of free subjects, to the 
 miserable state of tributary slaves ?" They proceeded to re 
 commend communications with the other provinces, that 
 "by the united application of all who are aggrieved, all may 
 happily obtain redress." 
 
 The House of Representatives responded to these move 
 ments of the people with a temper of equal promptness and 
 decision. They drew up a strong set of instructions to their 
 agent in London, who had offended them by not opposing these 
 acts, for which neglect he had assigned as a reason, that 
 he had not been directed by them, on the subject, and took 
 their silence for assent. They reproved him sharply for the 
 inference, and told him that "the silence of the province 
 should have been imputed to any cause, even to despair, 
 rather than have been construed into a tacit cession of 
 their rights ; or as an acknowledgment of a right in the 
 British parliament to impose taxes and duties on a people not 
 represented in the House of Commons." Their letter con 
 cluded with the declaration, "that the power to raise their 
 I own taxes is the great barrier to English liberty, 
 
 June. !!/> ii i n i i mi 
 
 | which, if once broken down, all is lost. They 
 further adopted resolves, that "the sole right of giving and 
 granting the money of the people of this province, is vested 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 55 
 
 in them or their representatives," and that the imposition 
 of duties or taxes by the parliament of Great Britain, upon a 
 people not represented in the House of Commons, is abso 
 lutely irreconcilable with their rights." A committee was 
 appointed to sit, during the recess of the House, to watch 
 over the rights of the people. 
 
 The Assembly of Connecticut almost contemporaneously 
 appointed a committee on the same subject, who, in con 
 nexion with Governor Fitch, drew up a powerful argument 
 in favor of colonial rights. 
 
 The House of Burgesses, in Virginia, met in November, 
 and was not less prompt in remonstrance. A special com 
 mittee was appointed to report addresses to the king, and to 
 both houses of parliament. These papers were drawn up by 
 Richard Henry Lee, and adopted by the House of Burgesses. 
 While they professed the warmest attachment to the king s 
 government and person, they reproved, in firm language, the 
 new doctrines of taxation, which had been introduced into 
 the administration, and insisted upon their natural and char 
 tered claim to be protected in their " ancient and inestimable 
 right of being governed by such laws, respecting their inter 
 nal polity and taxation, as are derived from their own con 
 sent, with the approbation of their sovereign or his substitute : 
 a right which, as men, and descendants of Britons, they have 
 ever quietly possessed, since first, by royal permission and 
 encouragement, they left the mother kingdom to extend its 
 commerce and dominion." This right, they asserted, they had 
 been invested with from the first establishment of a regular 
 government in the colony, and requisitions had been con 
 stantly made to them by their sovereigns, on all occasions 
 when the assistance of the colony was thought necessary to 
 preserve the British interest in America; "from whence they 
 must conclude, they cannot now be deprived of a right they 
 have so long enjoyed, and which they have never forfeited." 
 In fine, they maintained it to be a fundamental principle of the 
 British constitution, " without which freedom can nowhere 
 exist," that the people are not subject to any taxes but such 
 as are laid on them by their own consent, or by those who 
 are legally appointed to represent them : property must be 
 come too precarious for the genius of a free people, which can 
 be taken from them at the will of others, who cannot know 
 what taxes such people can bear, or the easiest mode of 
 raising them ; and who are not under that restraint, which 
 
56 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 is the greatest security against a burthensome taxation, when 
 the representatives themselves must be affected by every tax 
 imposed on the people." 
 
 The petitions and remonstrances of New York were re 
 markable for their ability and fearlessness. They were even 
 more bold than those of Massachusetts and Virginia, and 
 preceded the latter in point of time. After reciting the 
 uninterrupted usage of the colony, in raising by its own 
 representatives its own taxes, they insist that " an exemption 
 from the burden of all ungranted and involuntary taxes, is 
 the grand principle of every free state ; without such a right 
 vested in themselves, exclusive of all others, there can be no 
 liberty, no happiness, no security," and this, they add, not 
 upon any " privilege," but on a basis more honorable, solid, 
 and stable ; " they challenge it and glory in it as their right. 91 
 In conclusion they declare, they have no desire to derogate 
 from the power of the parliament of Great Britain ; " but they 
 cannot avoid deprecating the loss of such rights as they have 
 hitherto enjoyed : rights established in the first dawn of the 
 constitution; founded upon the most substantial reasons, 
 confirmed by invariable usage, conducive to the best ends ; 
 never abused to bad purposes, and with the loss of which, 
 liberty, property, and all the benefits of life, tumble into 
 insecurity and ruin: rights, the deprivation of which will 
 dispirit the people, abate their industry, discourage trade, 
 introduce discord, poverty, and slavery ; or, by depopulating 
 the Colonies, turn a vast, fertile, prosperous region into a 
 dreary wilderness, impoverish Great Britain, and shake the, 
 power and independence of the most opulent and flourishing 
 empire in the world." 
 
 Committees of Correspondence were also appointed to 
 confer with the other assemblies or committees on the subject 
 of "the impending dangers which threaten the Colonies, of 
 being taxed by laws to be passed in Great Britain." 
 
 The Assembly of Pennsylvania referred the subject to a 
 committee, who reported instructions to the provincial agent, 
 in England, to join with the o.ther colonies ; and maintaining, 
 in their own behalf, that the right of assessing their own taxes, 
 and freedom from impositions, " not granted by the repre 
 sentatives of the people," were secured to them by the 
 charter from Chales II. They did greater service to their 
 common country by sending Dr. Franklin, in November, as 
 their agent in England, to assist in repelling these dangerous 
 innovations. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 57 
 
 Most of the other colonies adopted some mode, by petition, 
 remonstrance, or address, to make known to the British par 
 liament, the like sentiments in opposition to the new scheme. 
 The policy already mentioned, of forbearing to use, and 
 declining to import, British merchandize, which was very 
 generally adopted at this period, strengthened, materially, the 
 party in Great Britain, already disposed, as well from their 
 general whig principles, as from their opposition to the exist 
 ing cabinet, to favor the cause of America. The manufac 
 turing and commercial classes were seriously affected by the 
 diminution of the American demand for their goods ; and the 
 effect was to create an interest adverse to perseverance in the 
 ministerial plan. Attention was attracted to the constitutional 
 question with greater earnestness ; and in the session of par 
 liament succeeding that in which these irritating measures had 
 passed without opposition and with little notice, a party was 
 found, small in numbers, indeed, but remarkable for splendor 
 of talent and eloquence, to resist them, first, as unjust, ungrate 
 ful, inexpedient, and dangerous; and finally, as tyrannical 
 usurpations. 
 
 The session of parliament commenced, after an unusually 
 long recess, on the 10th of January. During the winter the 
 colonial agents had made strenuous efforts to dissuade Mr. 
 Grenville from proceeding. A deputation, selected by them, 
 waited upon him to remonstrate personally with 
 him, and to assure him of the willingness of Ame 
 rica to contribute to the debt and expenses of the empire, 
 to the extent of their means, as they had always done upon 
 royal requisitions, they reserving the constitutional privilege 
 of granting the supplies, by their own votes, as in the case 
 of the Commons of Great Britain. They urged the strong 
 repugnance in America to the proposed tax, and desired a 
 suspension of the design. These representations availed 
 nothing with the minister. He declined receiving any pro 
 posal from the Colonies, short of an admission of the parlia 
 mentary right, and a substitute for the tax proposed, more 
 agreeable to themselves, which none of them were authorized 
 to make. He offered them the favor of being heard by 
 counsel, on the constitutional question, at the bar of the House 
 of Commons, which they unanimously declined ; because, 
 they said, the colonies were not defendants, amenable to 
 that jurisdiction they protested against it. The stamp act 
 
58 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 accordingly took its course, and was formally introduced into 
 the Commons by a report from the committee of ways and 
 means, in a series of resolutions, fifty-five in number, which 
 were agreed to by the House, on the 7th of February. Petitions 
 against it were presented from the colonies of Virginia, South 
 Carolina, and Connecticut. They were refused under a stand 
 ing rule of the House, that no petition can be received against 
 a money bill. The New York petition was expressed in such 
 strong language, that no member of the House could be 
 found to offer it. On the rejection of those from the three 
 colonies named the other petitions were withdrawn. The bill 
 accordingly passed by a large majority, about 250 to 50 ; was 
 carried through the House of Lords, without difficulty, on the 
 8th of March, and received the king s sanction on the 22d. 
 
 The discussions in the Commons, though the numbers 
 were disproportioned, was very animated. The ministerial 
 speakers were Mr. Grenville, and Charles Townsend, a bril 
 liant orator, just then in the prime of his faculties, and with a 
 growing reputation. Mr. Pitt was absent, confined to his bed 
 by sickness. The friends of the colonies were Col. Barre, 
 Alderman Beckford, Mr. Jackson, and Sir William Meredith. 
 Col. Barre and Alderman Beckford were the only speakers 
 who denied the right of Great Britain to tax the colonies for 
 revenue. The others relied on the danger, injustice, and 
 inexpediency. 
 
 In the course of the debate, Mr. Townsend ended a long 
 speech on the side of the minister, in the following words : 
 "And now will these Americans, children planted by our 
 care, nourished by our indulgence, till they are grown to a 
 degree of strength and opulence, and protected by our arms, 
 will they grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from 
 the heavy weight of that burden which we lie under?" 
 
 Col. Barre, a distinguished officer and member of parlia-* 
 ment, fired with a generous indignation, caught up these 
 words, and on the instant uttered that eloquent retort, which, 
 with his other efforts in behalf of American liberty, has 
 made his name dear to every American heart. 
 
 " They planted by your care! No, your oppression planted 
 them in America. They fled from a tyranny to a then un 
 cultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed 
 themselves to almost all the hardships to which human 
 nature is liable ; and among others to the cruelty of a savage 
 foe the most subtle, and I will take upon me to say, the most 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 59 
 
 formidable of any people upon the face of the earth ; and 
 yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met 
 all hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suf 
 fered in their own country, from the hands of those that 
 should have been their friends. 
 
 They nourished up by your indulgence! They grew up by 
 your neglect of them. As soon us you began to care about 
 them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule 
 them in one department and in another, who were, perhaps, 
 the deputies of deputies to some members of this House, sent 
 to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and 
 to prey upon them. Men whose behaviour on many occa 
 sions, has caused the blood of these sons of liberty to recoil 
 within them. Men who, promoted to the highest seats of 
 justice, some, who, to my knowledge, were glad, by going 
 to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of 
 a court of justice in their own. 
 
 They protected by your arms ! They have nobly taken up 
 arms in your defence, have exerted a valour, amidst their 
 constant and laborious industry, for the defence of a country 
 whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts 
 yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And believe 
 me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of 
 freedom which actuated that people at first will accompany 
 them still : but prudence forbids me to explain myself further. 
 God knows, I do not at this time speak from any motives of 
 party heat ; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my 
 heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and 
 experience the respectable body of this House may be, yet 
 I claim to know more of America than most of you, having 
 seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I 
 believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has, but 
 a people jealous of their liberties, arid who will vindicate 
 them, if ever they should be violated; but the subject is too 
 delicate I will say no more." 
 
 This gallant and vehement address produced a deep 
 silence, and was left unanswered. It produced no change 
 in the course of ministers, though the sensation it excited at 
 the time was great ; and it was long after remembered as a 
 prophetic warning of the consequences of ministerial rashness. 
 
 The preamble of this celebrated act purports to be a con 
 tinuation of the molasses act, and recites -that whereas, in 
 the previous session of parliament, "duties had been de- 
 
60 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 manded, continued, and appropriated towards defraying the 
 expenses of defending, protecting, and securing the British 
 colonies and plantations in America," and whereas, it is 
 necessary "to raise a farther revenue in America," therefore 
 the " Commons of Great Britain" &c. do "give and grant" 
 the enumerated stamp duties. The phraseology deserves 
 notice, as containing in its very terms, an argument against 
 the equity of the act. It is the Commons of Great Britain 
 giving away the property of the Commons of America. This 
 was strongly urged in an argument by Mr. Pitt, an extract 
 from which, though it was not delivered until the next year, 
 is introduced here, as a forcible comment on the title of this 
 extraordinary act 
 
 " This House represents the Commons of Great Britain. 
 When in this House we give and grant, therefore, we give 
 and grant what is our own, but can we give and grant the, 
 property of the Commons of Jlmerica 1 It is an absurdity in 
 terms. There is an idea in some, that the Colonies are 
 virtually represented in this House. I would fain know by 
 whom 1 The idea of virtual representation is the most con* 
 temptible that ever entered into the head of man : it does not 
 deserve a serious refutation. The Commons in America, 
 represented in their several Assemblies, have invariably 
 exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their 
 own money ; they would have been slaves if they had not 
 enjoyed it. At the same time the kingdom has ever pro 
 fessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The 
 Colonies acknowledge your authority in all things, with the 
 sole exception that you shall not take their money out of 
 their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the 
 line quam ultra citraque nequit consistere rectum" 
 
 With the stamp act, and during the same session, the 
 ministry, as if anticipating the necessity of supporting their 
 pretensions to supremacy by force, passed another act for 
 quartering troops in America, and requiring the inhabitants 
 to furnish them with quarters and supplies. As a proof of 
 the insolence of tyranny with which some of its provisions 
 were originally conceived, it may be stated, that in the 
 draught of the bill, a clause was inserted for quartering them 
 in private houses. This was rejected in the course of its 
 passage, but the fact remains as a powerful commentary upon 
 the extremes of violence to which the British ministers were 
 prepared to rush at once, before any proceedings were held 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 61 
 
 in America) to secure the subjection of the colonists to their 
 exactions. 
 
 The night after the passage of the stamp act, Franklin 
 wrote from London to his friend Charles Thompson, after 
 wards the Secretary of Congress "The Sun of Liberty is 
 set: the Americans must light up the lamps of industry and 
 economy." The heroism of the revolution spoke in Mr. 
 Thompson s pithy answer " Be assured we shall light up 
 torches of quite another sort." 
 
 The intelligence of the final passage of these acts, pro 
 duced, as was anticipated, a great sensation throughout Ame 
 rica. The gloomy apprehensions, which had prevailed so 
 widely under the recent policy of Great Britain, in regard to 
 the Colonies, was deepened into feelings approaching to des 
 peration. They saw in it a vital attack upon their liberty 
 and property, evidently in accordance with a system of hos 
 tility to the rights which they cherished most dearly, by a 
 powerful but unnatural parent, against whom they knew no 
 modes of defence, and entertained no hopes, even where they 
 ventured upon such contemplations for the future, of being 
 able to make any efficient resistance. Resentment, alarm, 
 indignation and doubt, were at first universal. That it was 
 impossible to submit quietly to such tyrannical pretensions 
 that, thenceforth, there was no security for any of their char 
 tered privileges, or natural rights, was obvious to every capa 
 city. The discussions of the preceding twelve months, in 
 which the doctrine of British supremacy had been sharply 
 discussed, in every form of argument, throughout the Colo 
 nies, had prepared the whole continent to understand the 
 nature of the principles involved in it, and see all their ten- 
 dencies. Few, however, were prepared for any precise line 
 of conduct; few thought of any concerted movement of re 
 sistance ; and force was, as yet, thought of by none. 
 
 On this occasion, as on that of the stamp resolutions, the 
 course of the ministry in postponing the operation of their 
 measures, favored the cause of the colonists. More than 
 twelve months notice of the intention to raise an American 
 revenue, had given them time to concentrate public opinion 
 against the principle ; and the deferring of the measure 
 itself after its enactment, until the ensuing November, afforded 
 them a like opportunity to recover from the first shock of 
 the infliction ; to unite public sentiment ; and take measures 
 in common for concerted action. 
 F 
 
62 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The House of Burgesses of Virginia was in session, when 
 the intelligence was received from England. They had, in 
 consequence, the distinguished honor of being the first public 
 body to proclaim the rights of America against the despotic 
 doctrines of the stamp act. To their bold attitude, and firm 
 language, is undoubtedly due much of the consistency of 
 action which marked the proceedings of the Colonies during 
 the ensuing year ; and they accordingly occupy a large space 
 among the immediate events preceding the revolution. In 
 estimating the value of these measures, and the reputation 
 of the distinguished patriots who acted in them, the first place 
 in honor is due to Patrick Henry, who moved, defended, 
 and carried them, with an overpowering eloquence, of which 
 tradition speaks in language of the loftiest enthusiasm. Mr. 
 Jefferson bore his testimony to this fact, in the emphatic de 
 claration, that "Henry gave the first impulse to the ball of the 
 revolution." 
 
 His resolutions were offered near the close of the session, 
 in the latter part of the month of May, without consultation 
 with more than two members. After a vehement, and 
 I what Mr. Jefferson termed a bloody debate, they 
 | were carried by a small majority. We transcribe 
 them below, as they were found sealed up in the handwri 
 ting of Mr. Henry, by his executors. Other copies, varying 
 from these, have been published, but they are believed to be 
 the resolutions as afterwards revised and modified by the timid 
 party in the House of Burgesses on the second day, after Mr. 
 Henry had gone home. The original resolutions, as moved 
 and carried, were these the fifth of which, it may be noted, 
 was that which, by its fearless denunciation of an act of par 
 liament, formally passed with all the sanctions of law, most 
 alarmed the irresolute, and the adherents to Britain. 
 
 " Resolved, That the first adventurers and settlers of this, 
 his majesty s colony and dominion, brought with them, and 
 transmitted to their posterity, and all other of his majesty s 
 subjects, since inhabiting in this his majesty s said colony, 
 all the privileges, franchises, and immunities, that have been 
 at any time held, enjoyed, and possessed, by the people of 
 Great Britain. 
 
 "Resolved, That by two royal charters, granted by King 
 James the First, the colonists aforesaid, are declared entitled 
 to all the priyileges, liberties, and immunities, of denizens 
 and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 63 
 
 they had been abiding and born within the realm of 
 England. 1 
 
 " Resolved, That the taxation of the people by themselves, 
 or by persons chosen by themselves to represent them, who 
 can only know what taxes the people are able to bear, and 
 the easiest mode of raising them, and are equally affected 
 by such taxes themselves, .is the distinguishing characteristic 
 of British freedom, and without which the ancient constitu 
 tion cannot subsist. 
 
 " Resolved, That his majesty s liege people of this most an 
 cient colony, have uninterruptedly enjoyed the right of being 
 thus governed by their own assembly in the article of their 
 taxes and internal police, and the same hath never been for 
 feited, or any other way given up, but hath been constantly 
 recognized by the King and people of Great Britain. 
 
 "Resolved, therefore, That the general assembly of this 
 colony have the sole right and power to lay taxes and impo 
 sitions upon the inhabitants of this colony; and that every 
 attempt to vest such power in any person or persons whatso 
 ever, other than the general assembly aforesaid, has a manifest 
 tendency to destroy British as well as American freedom." 
 
 Two other resolutions were offered by Mr. Henry, and re 
 jected as of too audacious a character, in the then estimate of 
 the Americans, to be admitted. They asserted that the peo 
 ple of the colony were " not bound to yield obedience to any 
 law or ordinance whatsoever," designed to impose taxation 
 upon them, other than the laws and ordinances of the general 
 assembly ; and that any person who "by writing or speak 
 ing" should maintain the contrary, should be deemed "an 
 enemy " to the colonies. Though these were disagreed to by 
 the House of Burgesses, they were circulated in manuscript 
 copies, and published in the papers of other colonies, as part 
 of the resolutions adopted. 
 
 It was in the heat of the discussion in the House of Bur 
 gesses, while denouncing in unmeasured terms the tyranny of 
 the British government, that Henry showed that celebrated 
 example of presence of mind and promptitude in debate. 
 Transported by the fervor of his zeal beyond the bounds of 
 prudence, he exclaimed, "Csesar had his Brutus, Charles 
 the First his Cromwell, and George the Third" "Treason, 
 treason, resounded from all parts of the house ; but, without 
 pausing or quailing for a moment, he continued, " may profit 
 bv their example. If this be treason, make your most of it." 
 
64 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 On the next day, in the absence of Henry, the vote was 
 re-considered, and the fifth resolution rescinded but the 
 whole went abroad together to stimulate the spirits, and rally 
 the resolution of the people, everywhere throughout Ame 
 rica. Other legislatures followed the example. That of Mas 
 sachusetts in particular, had moved with a kindred spirit, 
 before they received intelligence of the Virginia resolutions, 
 and had taken the further decisive step of proposing a con 
 sultation of all the colonies, in a congress of deputies, to meet 
 in the ensuing October, a few weeks previous to the day ap 
 pointed for the stamp act to go into operation. A circular let 
 ter was agreed upon, and addressed to the several speakers of 
 6th the legislatures of all the other colonies, and a com 
 mittee to represent Massachusetts selected forthwith. 
 South Carolina was the first to assent to the measure. Com 
 missioners were successively appointed from Rhode Island, 
 Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland. 
 Each of these provinces passed resolutions, and gave instruc 
 tions to their commissioners, avowing and insisting upon the 
 same doctrines, which were afterwards incorporated in the 
 proceedings of the illustrious stamp act congress. The as 
 semblies of Virginia and North Carolina had been prorogued, 
 and had, in consequence, no opportunity to act before the 
 time of meeting. Georgia and New Hampshire declined 
 sending agents, but gave assurances of their willingness to 
 join in the proposed petitions and remonstrances. The New- 
 York legislature had been prorogued ; but the committee of 
 correspondence, appointed the preceding year on the stamp 
 act resolutions, assumed the responsibility of attending on 
 behalf of the province and their authority was confirmed by 
 the next legislature. In Delaware, the assembly met before 
 the regular period, and unanimously selected three of their 
 own number to represent the colony. 
 
 While these proceedings were going on, under the sanc 
 tion of the colonial legislatures, the popular feeling against 
 the stamp act was continually growing more violent, and was 
 manifested in their primary meetings in the strongest terms, 
 and sometimes with disorderly acts. Town and county meet 
 ings were summoned in every colony; at which inflamma 
 tory speeches were made, and angry resolutions adopted. 
 Committees of correspondence were established. Associa 
 tions and clubs, for political discussion and mutual aid, were 
 formed and, in some cases, still more active means were 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 65 
 
 taken to manifest hostility to the act, and a]l that favored it; 
 the authorities were insulted, and hanged and burnt in effigy : 
 the persons and houses of the adherents to the act, molested ; 
 social relations with them, were in many places suspended 
 totally, or in part; and in all directions every measure was taken 
 to keep up and aggravate the popular discontent. The news 
 papers that at first had spoken cautiously and despondingly, 
 took up by degrees a bolder tone, and became zealous, dar 
 ing, and efficient ; urging the strongest measures with most 
 spirited language. Placards, handbills, pasquinades, and car 
 icatures, abounded ; and in a few months the effervescence 
 was universal pervading, with few exceptions, the whole 
 continent. A few of the popular movements, selected from 
 thousands with which the annals of those times abound, will 
 serve to show the temper of the colonies. The instructions 
 of the town of Plymouth to their representative in the gene 
 ral court, deserve, in an especial manner, to be recorded. 
 Plymouth was the first landing-place of the pilgrim settlers 
 of New England ; and speaking almost from the very rock 
 on which they first trod, when they brought the image of lib 
 erty from enslaved Europe to set it up for worship in the 
 wilderness, their descendants, assembled in town meeting, 
 thus addressed their agent, in a language of becoming digni 
 ty and lofty independence. " This place, sir, was at first the 
 asylum of liberty, and we hope, will ever be preserved sa 
 cred to it, though it was then no more than a barren wilder 
 ness, inhabited only by savage men and beasts. To this 
 place our fathers, (whose memories be revered,) possessed 
 of the principles of liberty in their purity, disdained slavery, 
 fled to enjoy those privileges, which they had an undoubted 
 right to, but were deprived, by the hands of violence and op 
 pression, in their native country. We, sir, their posterity, 
 the freeholders, and other inhabitants of this town, legally 
 assembled for that purpose ; possessed of the same senti 
 ments, and retaining the same ardor for liberty, think it our 
 indispensable duty, on this occasion, to express to you these 
 our sentiments of the stamp act, and its fatal consequences 
 to this country, and to enjoin upon you, as you regard not 
 only the welfare, but the very being of this people, that you, 
 (consistent with our allegiance to the King, and relation to 
 the government of Great Britain) disregarding all proposals 
 for that purpose, exert all your power and influence in op 
 position to the stamp act. at least till we hear the success of 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 our petitions for relief. We likewise, to avoid disgracing the 
 memories of our ancestors, as well as the reproaches of our 
 own consciences, and the curses of posterity, recommend it 
 to you, to obtain, if possible, in the honourable house of re 
 presentatives of this Province, a full and explicit assertion of 
 our rights, and to have the same entered on their public re 
 cords, that all generations yet to come, may be convinced, 
 that we have not only a just sense of our rights and liberties, 
 but that we never, with submission to Divine Providence, will 
 be slaves to any power on earth." 
 
 The resolutions of the people of Providence, were in like 
 tone of energy and determination. They adopted all the 
 Virginia resolutions, except the last ; for which they substi 
 tuted the stronger declarations, that had been considered 
 three months before, by the Virginia assembly, too bold for 
 them to assent to. They pronounced the stamp act not only 
 to be " unconstitutional, and to have a manifest tendency to 
 destroy British as well as American liberty," but that they 
 "were not bound to yield to any law or ordinance, designed 
 to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them, other 
 than the laws and ordinances of the general assembly." 
 The assembly adopted the whole of these popular resolutions, 
 and added another still more energetic, directing all officers 
 to proceed in the execution of their offices as usual, not 
 withstanding the stamp act ; and pledging the assembly to 
 "indemnify them, and keep them harmless," in such a course 
 of conduct. 
 
 One instance of the acrimony to which hostility against 
 the domestic favorers of Great Britain was carried, may be 
 furnished as an example of the rest. Many such may be 
 found in the records of the day. The people of Talbot coun 
 ty, in Maryland, resolved, in addition to a general expression 
 of hatred to the stamp act, that they would "detest, abhor, 
 and hold in contempt, all and every person and persons, who 
 shall merely accept of any employment or office relating to 
 the stamp act, or shall take any shelter or advantage of the 
 same, and all and every stamp-pimp, informer, and encour- 
 ager of the execution of the said act ;" and would have " no 
 communication with any such persons, unless it be to in 
 form them cf their vileness." 
 
 In some places the disaffection and excitement broke out 
 into tumultuous violence. In August, several riots occurred 
 in the town of Boston, in which much valuable property 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 67 
 
 was destroyed, notwithstanding the earnest efforts of the 
 great body of the citizens to discountenance and repress 
 them. The effigy of Oliver, the proposed distributer of 
 stamps, was publicly gibbeted in the streets of the town, on 
 an elm-tree, afterwards known as "Liberty Tree." His of 
 fice was torn down, his house mobbed, and great injury done 
 to his furniture. He was compelled to decline the appoint 
 ment, and forced, some time after, to repeat the pledge publicly 
 at the foot of the tree. The rabble, soon after, broke into 
 and plundered the houses of the collector of the Customs, 
 and Governor Hutchinson, the latter of which was destroy 
 ed, a large sum of money purloined or destroyed, and much 
 costly property, and many valuable papers lost. The peo 
 ple met, and took energetic measures to detect the perpetra 
 tors of these outrages offering large rewards for their appre 
 hension. 
 
 Later in the same month, a Gazette extraordinary was 
 published in the town of Providence, Rhode Island, with the 
 motto, in large letters, " Vox Populi, Vox Dei" and an in 
 scription beneath, " Where the spirit of the Lord is, there 
 is liberty. St. Paul." Riots followed effigies of the stamp 
 collectors, and those who favored Britain, were hung and 
 burnt and in Newport the house of -one of them destroyed, 
 in the popular fury. In New- York, the act was contemptu 
 ously cried about the streets, as "The folly of England, and 
 the ruin of America." The house of Lieutenant Governor 
 Golden was beset, his stable broken open, his carriage seized, 
 an effigy put in it, and paraded through the streets and the 
 whole ourrit together at the doors of the Government House. 
 The stamp distributor resigned, and the stamp papers were 
 seized and destroyed. 
 
 When the vessels carrying the stamp paper approached 
 Philadelphia, the vessels in the harbor hoisted flags at half 
 mast, and the bells were muffled and tolled, as for a public 
 calamity. The people exacted a pledge from the stamp dis 
 tributer, not to execute his office. The stamp distributor in 
 Maryland, fled from the demands of the people to New- 
 York, and thence to Long Island, but was followed up perse- 
 veringly, and forced to make his renunciation under oath be 
 fore a magistrate. In Connecticut and New Hampshire, the 
 stamp officers also resigned ; and everywhere, except in 
 South Carolina, the governors of the provinces were com 
 pelled to acquiesce in the necessity of the case, and for- 
 
66 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 our petitions for relief. We likewise, to avoid disgracing the 
 memories of our ancestors, as well as the reproaches of our 
 own consciences, and the curses of posterity, recommend it 
 to you, to obtain, if possible, in the honourable house of re 
 presentatives of this Province, a full and explicit assertion of 
 our rights, and to have the same entered on their public re 
 cords, that all generations yet to come, may be convinced, 
 that we have not only a just sense of our rights and liberties, 
 but that we never, with submission to Divine Providence, will 
 be slaves to any power on earth." 
 
 The resolutions of the people of Providence, were in like 
 tone of energy and determination. They adopted all the 
 Virginia resolutions, except the last ; for which they substi 
 tuted the stronger declarations, that had been considered 
 three months before, by the Virginia assembly, too bold for 
 them to assent to. They pronounced the stamp act not only 
 to be " unconstitutional, and to have a manifest tendency to 
 destroy British as well as American liberty," but that they 
 "were not bound to yield to any law or ordinance, designed 
 to impose any internal taxation whatsoever upon them, other 
 than the laws and ordinances of the general assembly." 
 The assembly adopted the whole of these popular resolutions, 
 and added another still more energetic, directing all officers 
 to proceed in the execution of their offices as usual, not 
 withstanding the stamp act ; and pledging the assembly to 
 "indemnify them, and keep them harmless," in such a course 
 of conduct. 
 
 One instance of the acrimony to which hostility against 
 the domestic favorers of Great Britain was carried, may be 
 furnished as an example of the rest. Many such may be 
 found in the records of the day. The people of Talbot coun 
 ty, in Maryland, resolved, in addition to a general expression 
 of hatred to the stamp act, that they would "detest, abhor, 
 and hold in contempt, all and every person and persons, who 
 shall merely accept of any employment or office relating to 
 the stamp act, or shall take any shelter or advantage of the 
 same, and all and every stamp-pimp, informer, and encour- 
 ager of the execution of the said act ;" and would have " no 
 communication with any such persons, unless it be to in 
 form them cf their vileness." 
 
 In some places the disaffection and excitement broke out 
 into tumultuous violence. In August, several riots occurred 
 in the town of Boston, in which much valuable property 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 67 
 
 was destroyed, notwithstanding the earnest efforts of the 
 great body of the citizens to discountenance and repress 
 them. The effigy of Oliver, the proposed distributer of 
 stamps, was publicly gibbeted in the streets of the town, on 
 an elm-tree, afterwards known as "Liberty Tree." His of 
 fice was torn down, his house mobbed, and great injury done 
 to his furniture. He was compelled to decline the appoint 
 ment, and forced, some time after, to repeat the pledge publicly 
 at the foot of the tree. The rabble, soon after, broke into 
 and plundered the houses of the collector of the Customs, 
 and Governor Hutchinson, the latter of which was destroy 
 ed, a large sum of money purloined or destroyed, and much 
 costly property, and many valuable papers lost. The peo 
 ple met, and took energetic measures to detect the perpetra 
 tors of these outrages offering large rewards for their appre 
 hension. 
 
 Later in the same month, a Gazette extraordinary was 
 published in the town of Providence, Rhode Island, with the 
 motto, in large letters, " Vox Populi, Vox Dei" and an in 
 scription beneath, " Where the spirit of the Lord is, there 
 is liberty. St. PauL" Riots followed effigies of the stamp 
 collectors, and those w r ho favored Britain, were hung and 
 burnt and in Newport the house of one of them destroyed, 
 in the popular fury. In New- York, the act was contemptu 
 ously cried about the streets, as "The folly of England, and 
 the ruin of America." The house of Lieutenant Governor 
 Golden was beset, his stable broken open, his carriage seized, 
 an effigy put in it, and paraded through the streets and the 
 whole ournt together at the doors of the Government House. 
 The stamp distributor resigned, and the stamp papers were 
 seized and destroyed. 
 
 When the vessels carrying the stamp paper approached 
 Philadelphia, the vessels in the harbor hoisted flags at half 
 mast, and the bells were muffled and tolled, as for a public 
 calamity. The people exacted a pledge from the stamp dis 
 tributer, not to execute his office. The stamp distributor in 
 Maryland, fled from the demands of the people to New- 
 York, and thence to Long Island, but was followed up perse- 
 veringly, and forced to make his renunciation under oath be 
 fore a magistrate. In Connecticut and New r Hampshire, the 
 stamp officers also resigned ; and everywhere, except in 
 South Carolina, the governors of the provinces were com 
 pelled to acquiesce in the necessity of the case, and for- 
 
68 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 bore insisting upon the law. From Massachusetts to Geor 
 gia, the measures of the people thus determined and excited, 
 made the enforcement of the stamp act totally impracticable, 
 before it went legally into operation. A person high in 
 office in New- York, wrote home to England in November of 
 that year : " Depend upon it, they (the Americans) will suf 
 fer no man to execute any law to raise internal taxes, unim- 
 posed by their own assemblies. None of the distributors 
 durst act ; and that man s heart must be fortified with ten 
 fold steel, who ventures to approve the doctrine, that parlia 
 ment has a right to give away the estates of the colonists, 
 witho-it their consent." 
 
 In the midst of these excitements, which were still in 
 creasing in violence, the stamp act congress met at New- 
 York on the second Tuesday in October. Nine colonies 
 were represented by twenty-eight deputies. There were, 
 from Massachusetts, James Otis, Oliver Partridge, and Timo 
 thy Ruggles ; from Rhode Island, Metcalf Bowler, and Henry 
 Ward ; from Connecticut, Eliphalet Dyer, David Rowland, 
 and William S. Johnson ; from New York, Robert R. Liv 
 ingston, John Cruger, Philip Livingston, William Bayard,, 
 and Leonard Lispenard ; from New Jersey, Robert Ogden, 
 Hendrick Fisher, and Joseph Berden ; from Pennsylvania, 
 John Dickinson, John Morton, and George Bryan ; from 
 Delaware, Thomas McKean, and Csesar Rodney ; from Ma 
 ryland, William Murdock, Edward Tilghman, and Thomas 
 Ringgokl ; and from South Carolina, Thomas Lynch, Chris 
 topher Gadsden, and John Rutledge. 
 
 It was voted that each colony be entitled to one voice, in 
 the determining of questions ; and Mr. Ruggles, of Massa 
 chusetts, was chosen to preside. 
 
 On the 19th of October, the declaration of rights and griev 
 ances was agreed to. It consisted of fourteen articles ; which, 
 re-affirmed, in substance, the doctrines previously contained 
 in the resolutions of the colonial assembly, that the colonists 
 were entitled to all the rights and liberties of natural born 
 subjects ; that it is inseparable from freedom, and the un 
 doubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed without their 
 own consent, or that of their representatives that the colo 
 nies were not, and could not, be represented in Great Bri 
 tain, but were only represented in the colonial legislatures ; 
 which alone possessed the right, and had exercised it to that 
 time exclusively, of raising money from them by internal 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 69 
 
 taxation ; that trial by jury, is the " inherent and invaluable 
 right" of every subject in the colonies and that the stamp 
 act, and other acts extending the jurisdiction of the admiral 
 ty courts beyond the ancient limits, had " a manifest tenden 
 cy to subvert the rights and liberties of the colonists." This 
 declaration was followed by three petitions, addressed seve 
 rally to the king and the two houses of parliament. They 
 were drawn up with singular ability and scholarship and, 
 considering the temper of the people, with great prudence 
 and moderation, but with inflexible zeal for the rights of 
 America. They were approved by all the members except 
 Mr. Ruggles, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Ogden, of New Jer 
 sey. The delegates from Connecticut arid South Carolina, 
 were not authorized to sign them, being under instructions to 
 report to their respective assemblies ; and the New- York com- . 
 missioners were entirely without powers. Six colonies, how 
 ever, signed ; and all the rest, whether represented or not, 
 afterwards approved of their measures adopted. Congress 
 completed its labors, and adjourned on 25th of October, one 
 week before the day appointed for the stamp act to take 
 effect. 
 
 When that fatal day arrived, so thoroughly had the popu 
 lar work been perfected, that no stamp paper 
 
 . , f S . A . TI i i u ii November, 1765. 
 
 was to be found m America. It had been all 
 destroyed, or re-shipped to England. There were no stamp 
 distributors to be found, all having thrown up their appoint 
 ments, or been coerced into declining to act. By the terms 
 of the act, therefore, no lawful business could be transacted 
 in America ; and, for some time, all business was suspended. 
 The courts were closed ; marriages ceased ; the publication of 
 newspapers was suspended ; no more clearances were taken 
 out for vessels ; transactions between commercial men stop 
 ped ; all engagements and associations of trade were arrested ; 
 and all the social and mercantile affairs of a continent, stag 
 nated at once. Such a remarkable state of things, could not 
 exist long. By degrees, things resumed their usual course ; 
 newspapers were issued ; licenses of all kinds granted ; law 
 and business papers, written on unstamped paper ; and the 
 whole machinery of society went on as before, without 
 regard to the act of parliament. 
 
 The first of November was, nevertheless, kept as a day of 
 mourning and humiliation. Shops were generally shut; the 
 vessels dressed themselves with flags at half mast, as for the 
 
70 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 death of public freedom ; bells were muffled and tolled as for 
 a funeral ; and, in the evening, bonfires were made, and ef 
 figies hung and burnt, and placards distributed, warning the 
 inhabitants against distributing or using stamped paper ; and 
 every thing done to manifest the determined hatred of the 
 people against the act, its authors and advocates. In New 
 Hampshire, these exhibitions of feeling were accompanied 
 by a curious emblematic ceremony. The bells were tolled 
 generally, as for the dead ; and the people invited to attend 
 the funeral of liberty. A coffin was prepared, with an in 
 scription, "LIBERTY AGED CXLV." ; dating from the land 
 ing at Plymouth in 1620 minute guns were fired and a 
 solemn oration pronounced over the deceased. It was then 
 announced, that signs of life remained ; the coffin was rais 
 ed ; the inscription changed to " Liberty REVIVED ;" and the 
 bells rung a merry peal, as a token of triumphs to come. 
 
 About the same time, the assqciation of the Sons of Liberty, 
 which had existed for some months, assumed an extent and 
 importance, which had vast influence on after events. It 
 was originally composed of citizens of Connecticut and New- 
 York ; the latter of whom, on the 7th of November, held a 
 meeting, at which it was determined to risk life and fortune 
 to resist the stamp act, and to form a system of co-operation 
 with the sons of liberty in other colonies. Notice was sent 
 first to the Connecticut association ; and articles of union be 
 tween the sons of liberty in two provinces, were soon after 
 agreed upon and signed. In these, after denouncing the 
 stamp act, as a flagrant outrage on the British constitution, 
 they most solemnly pledged themselves to march with their 
 whole force, whenever required, at their own proper cost and 
 expense, to the relief of all who should be in danger from 
 the stamp act or its abettors to be vigilant in watching for 
 the introduction of stamped paper, to consider all who were 
 caught in introducing it as betrayers of their country, and to 
 "bring them, if possible, to condign punishment, whatever may 
 be their rank to defend the liberty of the press in their respec 
 tive colonies from all violations or impediments on account 
 of the said act to save all judges, attornies, clerks and 
 others from fines, penalties, or any molestation whatever, who 
 shall proceed in their respective duties without regard to the 
 stamp act. And lastly, they pledged themselves to use their 
 utmost endeavors to bring about a similar union with all the 
 colonies on the continent. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 71 
 
 In pursuance of this plan, circular letters were addressed 
 to the sons of liberty in Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and 
 southwardly as far as South Carolina. Everywhere the 
 scheme was received with enthusiasm ; and, in a few weeks, 
 a grand colonial alliance of voluntary defenders of liberty, 
 was actively in operation throughout the continent. 
 
 A method of resistance, through the medium of associa 
 tions, still more efficient because retaliatory, attacking the 
 pecuniary interests of Great Britain, was adopted by the 
 merchants of New- York, Boston, and Philadelphia. They 
 entered into reciprocal engagements with each other, not 
 only to order no more goods from Great Britain until the act 
 was repealed, and to withdraw the orders already given, 
 which should not be executed by the 1st of January, but not to 
 receive on commission, nor permit the sale of English mer 
 chandize shipped after that date. This example was follow 
 ed by similar combinations in other cities, towns, and coun 
 ties and the same principle extended itself to individuals 
 and families, including many females. They denied them 
 selves the use of all foreign luxuries all imported articles of 
 dress forbade the killing of sheep, in order to secure a sup 
 ply of wool and became exclusively manufacturers, and 
 consumers of domestic goods. Lawyers too, entered exten 
 sively into mutual compacts, to prevent the bringing of any 
 suit for an inhabitant of England, against a colonist. 
 
 The whole face of affairs in America, thus changed from 
 despondence and submission, to firmness, angry preparation, 
 and resolute determination not to submit to the acts of par 
 liament, levying taxes. 
 
 Accounts of these proceedings were regularly transmitted 
 to England, where they were received with resentment and 
 alarm. In the mean time, important changes had taken 
 place in the ministry ; brought about, in some degree, by the 
 distress which began to be felt there, from the non-importa 
 tion and non-consumption associations of the Americans, 
 which contributed to the unpopularity of Mr. Grenville s ad 
 ministration. It was finally overthrown in July; and after 
 an effort to bring Mr. Pitt into power, which failed, from his 
 disagreement with Lord Temple, a new ministry was form 
 ed, at the head of which was placed the marquis of Rock- 
 ingham, with the duke of Grafton, and General Conway, as 
 Secretaries of State the latter for the colonies. This ap 
 pointment was very agreeable to the Americans, Col. Con- 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 way having been an ardent opponent to the whole train ot 
 measures against them, ending with the sugar and stamp 
 acts. The new ministry, however, had a difficult part. They 
 did not command the confidence of Mr. Pitt and the liberal 
 party, at the head of which that statesman stood in the coun 
 try ; and were certain of the exasperated opposition of the 
 high prerogative party, and the friends of the late ministry, 
 to every proposal in favor of the Americans. On one side, 
 they were met with intelligence of alarming disturbances 
 and disaffection in America, bordering upon rebellion, and 
 goaded into a vindication of the laws of the country and, 
 on the other, were assailed with loud complaints by the 
 manufacturing and trading classes of England, of the ruin 
 which threatened them from a perseverance in this policy. 
 By the resolute refusal of the American merchants to take 
 any more British merchandize, the largest market for it was 
 suddenly lost ; manufactures were at a stand ; the chief 
 sources of commerce were cut off; the laboring population 
 were thrown, to a great extent, out of employment ; the 
 price of provisions was raised, and the currency deranged by 
 the failure of the customary remittances from the colonies. 
 In this posture of affairs, the ministry managed adroitly, 
 until the ensuing session of parliament sending soothing let 
 ters to the principal men in the colonies and, without 
 pledging themselves to any question of principle, under 
 taking, in general terms, to redress their grievances. Parlia 
 ment met in December ; and, early in the session, American 
 affairs were brought before them for discussion and decision. 
 The American papers, relating to the origin, progress, and 
 I tendency, of the disturbances in the colonies, 
 I were laid before the House of Commons, on the 
 14th of January ; and the 28th assigned for taking them into 
 consideration. During the progress of the inquiry, Dr. Frank 
 lin was examined at the bar of the house, and his answers 
 produced a great impression. To the question, " Do you 
 think the Americans would submit to the stamp duty, if it 
 was moderated ?" he answered, " Never, unless compelled 
 by force of arms." When asked, what was the temper of 
 America towards Great Britain, before the year 1763? he 
 replied, "The best in the world. They submitted willingly 
 to the government of the crown ; and paid in their courts 
 obedience to the acts of parliament. Numerous as the peo 
 ple are in the several old provinces, they cost you nothing 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 73 
 
 In forts, citadels, garrisons, and armies, to keep them in sub 
 jection. They were governed by this country, at the ex 
 pense only of a little pen, ink, and paper they were led by 
 a thread. They had not only a respect, but an affection for 
 Great Britain for its laws, its customs and manners, and 
 even for its fondness for its fashions, which greatly increased 
 the commerce." It was asked of him, What is their temper 
 now ? to which he answered frankly, "Very much alter 
 ed. He gave it as his judgment of the opinion of the 
 Americans, on the nature of the acts in question, that "every 
 assembly on the continent, and every member in every 
 assembly, concurred in denying the right. 
 
 The policy of the ministry was soon after settled. They 
 resolved to pursue a middle course to repeal the stamp act 
 and at the same time assert the power ; to give up the tax on 
 the ground of inexpediency and difficulty, but declare the 
 absolute right of parliament to bind the colonies. This policy 
 was introduced in the form of resolutions ; the declarator} reso 
 lutions being first brought in, and the resolution to repeal fol 
 lowing a few days after. Parties shifted on the debate. Mr. 
 Grenvjlle, and those who acted with him, supported the 
 declaration, and resisted the repeal; and Pitt, Lord Camden, 
 Col. Barre, and their friends, sustained the repeal, and deny- 
 ed vehemently the whole power in question. In the course 
 of the debate, Mr. Grenville replying, with some severity, to 
 a speech of Mr. Pitt, said, "The seditious spirit of the 
 colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house ; ; and con 
 cluded with charging the Americans with " breaking out, al 
 most into open rebellion." Mr. Pitt s reply was noble, and 
 is known almost by heart by every American. " Sir, (said 
 he, addressing the speaker.) a charge is brought against gen 
 tlemen sitting in this house, for giving birth to sedition in 
 America. The freedom with which they have spoken their 
 sentiments against this unhappy ad, is imputed to them as a 
 crime ; but the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a 
 liberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to exercise ; 
 it is a liberty, by which the gentleman who calumniates it, 
 might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his 
 project. We are told America is obstinate America is al 
 most in open rebellion. Sir, I rejoice thai America has resist 
 ed; three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of lib 
 erty, as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been 
 fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I came not 
 
 G 
 
74 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 here armed at all points with law cases and acts of parlia 
 ment, with the statute book doubled down in dog s ears to 
 defend the cause of liberty ; * * * but for the defence of 
 liberty upon a general, constitutional principle it is a ground 
 on which I dare meet any man. * * The honorable 
 gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not these 
 bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom ? If 
 they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am 
 no courtier of America I maintain that parliament has a 
 right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power 
 over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. The honorable 
 gentleman tells us, he understands not the difference between 
 internal and external taxation ; but surely there is a plain 
 distinction, between taxes levied for the purpose of raising a 
 revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of commerce. 
 When, said the honorable gentleman, were the colonies 
 emancipated ? At what time, say I in answer, were they 
 made slaves ? The Americans have been wronged they 
 have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you pun 
 ish them for the madness you have occasioned ? No : let 
 this country be the first to resume its prudence and temper ; 
 I will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part, ani 
 mosity and resentment will cease." He concluded an im 
 passioned speech, by expressing his deliberate judgment, 
 that the stamp act ought " to be repealed, absolutely, totally, 
 and immediately." 
 
 The declaratory act was finally carried in the House of 
 Commons, by a vote of 275 to 167 and the repealing act by 
 a vote of 250 to 122. Both went to the House of Lords ; 
 and, after vehement debate, were finally carried there, and 
 received the royal assent on the 18th March. Lord Camden 
 distinguished himself on the occasion, by the ardor of his 
 zeal for American liberty. 
 
 The repeal of the stamp act, was placed upon the ground 
 that its continuance would be detrimental to British com 
 merce and the declaratory act affirmed, that "Parliament 
 could bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever;" and that 
 "votes and resolutions of assemblies in America, derogatory 
 to the rights and power of the British Parliament, were null 
 and void." 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 75 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE repeal of the stamp act, produced great rejoicings in 
 America. It was considered a virtual triumph over the doc 
 trine of parliamentary supremacy, by the signal defeat of the 
 measures in which it had been for the first time practically 
 declared. The energy and determination of the colonies, had 
 driven the British government from their chosen position 
 and this was just cause for congratulation. Accordingly, the 
 repeal was celebrated with bonfires and illuminations. Mas 
 sachusetts voted her thanks to the king, the duke of Grafton, 
 and Mr. Pitt and the house of burgesses of Virginia, pass 
 ed a bill for erecting a statue to the king, and an obelisk to 
 commemorate those who had been most active in behalf of 
 America, in the British parliament. Other events, however, 
 soon cooled this warmth of gratitude ; and the succeeding 
 house of burgesses postponed the project indefinitely. 
 
 The passage of the declaratory act, simultaneously with the 
 repealing act, was a sufficient warning that Great Britain had 
 only consented to a truce in her war against American rights. 
 In the temper of the colonies, it must have been foreseen by 
 them, that though they might very properly exult in the 
 defeat of the measures of Great Britain, they could not cor 
 dially return to the same state of confidence and affection 
 towards her, while the principle against which they had con 
 tended so strenuously as a tyrannical innovation, remained 
 incorporated in her statutes by the same act which abandoned 
 its enforcement for the time. The immediate danger of col 
 lision was passed ; but it had so passed, as to leave materials 
 for perpetual dissension, and the disposition to instant re 
 sistance, on any future attempt at internal taxation. The re 
 peal itself was thus, by the declaratory act, made inoperative 
 for permanent conciliation ; and other immediate measures 
 were calculated to weaken its effects yet further. The re 
 strictions upon trade, and the treasury regulations, were still 
 in force ; the courts of admiralty still retained their extraor 
 dinary jurisdiction, so oppressive and unpopular among the 
 people, especially on account of the suspension of jury trials ; 
 and the bills restraining the paper circulation of the colonies, 
 
76 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 were unrepealed. In addition to these latent sources of dis- 
 s cord, the first acts of the royal authorities, in regard to the stamp 
 act repeal, tended to revive one of those quarrels with the 
 general assembly of Massachusetts, which had so powerful 
 an influence on the colonial cause. The whole stamp act 
 controversy, had sharpened the jealousy of the Americans 
 against all British pretensions, and had enlightened the pub 
 lic mind by the ablest disquisitions in every branch of all the 
 questions of constitutional, chartered, and original rights. 
 
 Secretary Conway s circular letter to the Governor, dated 
 March 31st, expressed the disposition of the government to 
 forget and forgive the "unjustifiable marks of undutiful dis 
 position," which had been shown in the colonies ; and re 
 commended the colonial assemblies to make compensation to 
 those who had suffered in New- York and Boston, during the 
 disturbances of the preceding year. 
 
 In laying this communication before the assembly of Mas- 
 I sachusetts, Governor Bernard arrogantly styled it 
 I a requisition ; and told them, that the authority 
 by which it was introduced, should " preclude all disputation 
 about it." The stern independence of the assembly, met at 
 once this attempt to impose the recommendations of the king, 
 as obligatory upon them ; and they returned him an answer 
 to his speech, conceived in the very temper of the stamp act 
 resistance. They delayed granting the compensation until 
 December ; and then only granted it on terms highly offen 
 sive to the government. A declaratory resolution accompa 
 nied the act of relief, protesting that it was done from a grate 
 ful regard to the king s recommendation, and from deference 
 to the " opinion of the illustrious patrons of the colonies in 
 Great Britain," without any interpretation of the recommen 
 dation into a requisition, " with full persuasion that the 
 sufferers had no just claim or demand on the province ;" and 
 that it should not be drawn into a precedent. The same act 
 granted full " pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to all offend 
 ers in the late times" a proceeding which so displeased the 
 ministry, that the whole act was disallowed. The compen 
 sation to the sufferers was, however, paid. 
 
 New- York made provision for the same class of persons, 
 but dissensions arose immediately both there, and in other 
 colonies, especially Massachusetts, on the subject of furnish 
 ing supplies for the soldiery quartered among them. The 
 demand was made upon them "in pursuance of the act ofpar* 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 77 
 
 liament" passed contemporaneously with the stamp act, for 
 more necessaries than had been usual under former requisi 
 tions. The extent of the claim, and the form in which it 
 was made, revived the taxing question. New-York refused, 
 peremptorily, to comply with the act and one of the conse 
 quences was, a bill passed in the next session, for suspend 
 ing the legislative power of that assembly, until they should 
 consent to carry the mutiny act, as it was called, into 
 effect. 
 
 Some time previous to that event, and in the summer of 
 1766, the Rockingham ministry had been dissolved, and a 
 new cabinet brought in under Mr. Pitt, who was created 
 Earl of Chatham. These changes took place in July. Lord 
 Shelburne re-entered the administration as one of the Secre 
 taries of State with Gen. Con way and Charles Townshend, 
 a man of brilliant and versatile genius, but capricious and 
 unstable, was made Chancellor of the Exchequer. The 
 duke of Grafton was placed at the head of the Treasury, and 
 Lord Camden was made Lord Chancellor. This is the che 
 quered administration, afterwards so humorously described 
 by Burke, in his review of the life and character of Chat 
 ham. The scheme of taxing America was, with some art 
 ful modifications, while Lord Chatham was confined by sick 
 ness in the country, revived under the influence of Mr. Town 
 shend, who had been goaded in some degree into the exper 
 iment, by the taunts of the ex-minister Grenville. Previous 
 to this final measure, the new ministry were called upon to 
 meet the state of affairs in the colonies, arising from the op 
 position to the act for quartering soldiers. The assembly of 
 New York were punished for their refusal to comply with 
 the act, by the suspension of their legislative Ju] 
 privileges ; which arbitrary measure, while it re 
 duced New York to submission, roused a general feeling of 
 resentment and alarm throughout America. It was well de 
 scribed by Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, as a flaming 
 sword, hung over the heads of the other colonies. 
 
 Another act, passed at the same time, was also regarded 
 with similar dread and dislike. By it, a board of trade was 
 established in the colonies, independent of colonial regula 
 tions, as a permanent body of administrators of the revenue, 
 to administer such reg-ulations as the king or council might 
 make, as to American commerce. The sensitive jealousy of 
 the people of Boston, saw in this new board, part of a system 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of embarrassment to their trade, and hostility to their prin 
 ciples. 
 
 But the most important act, was that of Mr. Townshend, 
 for imposing duties on glass, tea, paper, and painter s colors, 
 imported from Great Britain into the colonies which was 
 passed with little opposition to take effect on the 20th of 
 November. Professing, in the body of the act, and the form 
 of the exaction, to be a regulation of commerce, it declared 
 in the preamble, that it was <: expedient to raise a revenuein 
 America, and to make a more certain and adequate provision 
 for defraying the charge of the administration of justice, and 
 the support of the civil government of the provinces, and for 
 defraying the expenses of defending, protecting, and secu 
 ring them." This included, palpably, some of the most odi 
 ous designs with which the Grenville ministry had been 
 charged especially that of making a new civil list in the 
 colonies, dependent upon ministerial patronage solely, and to 
 be paid out of the proceeds of colonial taxation. 
 
 These three acts all passed towards the close of the ses 
 sion and were approved by the king on the same day. Be 
 fore their effect could be known, their author, Mr. 
 Charles Townshend, died suddenly of a putrid fever, 
 succeeded by. Lord North. A new office was cre- 
 
 July 1767, 
 Septem r. 
 
 and was 
 
 ated of Secretary of State for the colonies ; and Lord Hills- 
 borough, who had performed the duties as first Lord of Trade 
 and Plantations under Mr. Grenville s ministry, was appointed 
 to the place. The earl of Chatham continued unable to at 
 tend to business, and some months afterwards resigned his 
 office, in which he was succeeded by the Earl of Bristol. 
 
 The excitement in America, on the receipt of the intelli 
 gence of these bills, was scarcely less than on the passage of 
 the stamp act, two years before. The whole effect of the 
 repeal of that ill-judged measure, in quieting the public feel 
 ing, was totally destroyed. The colonial assemblies prompt 
 ly commenced another and equally spirited series of resolu 
 tions, memorials, remonstrances, petitions, and protests, 
 against the powers set up, and the oppression practised. Sym 
 pathy for the persecuted state of the province of New York, 
 overpowered any timid apprehensions of encountering the 
 like arbitrary suspension of their functions; and they ac 
 cordingly expressed a generous zeal for her violated rights. 
 
 The first popular measures, were the same that had been 
 found so effective in the former contest. Resolutions against 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 79 
 
 the use and importation of British fabrics, commenced at 
 Boston in October, and were concurred in, shortly after 
 wards, by New York and Philadelphia, and most of the prin 
 cipal towns engaged in commerce. The terms of the agree 
 ment, were to encourage the growth and consumption of do 
 mestic articles, and to discourage the introduction into the 
 country of any thing whatever from Great Britain, not abso 
 lutely necessary. Early in the next session of the general 
 court, the house of representatives of Massachu- I Ja ^ ? 17Cg 
 setts took the lead in protesting against all these | 
 measures, including the yet unrepealed and offensive sugar 
 act, which had been lost sight of, in the victory over the 
 stamp act. The subtle distinction, by which the new duties 
 had been made to differ from the stamp duties, in being 
 external taxes combining regulations of trade with revenue, 
 instead of internal duties solely for revenue, was met and 
 exposed boldly. It is the glory, said they, of this con 
 stitution, that it hath its foundation in the law of God and 
 nature. It is an essential natural right, that a man shall quiet 
 ly enjoy, and have the sole disposal of his own property. 
 This natural and constitutional right is so familiar to Ameri 
 can subjects, that it would be difficult, if possible, to convince 
 them, that any necessity can render it just, equitable, and 
 reasonable, in the nature of things, that parliament should 
 impose duties, subsidies, talliage, and taxes, internal or ex 
 ternal, for the sole purpose of revenue. They declared the 
 act laying duty on tea, as well as the stamp act and the su 
 gar act, to be, both in form and substance, as much revenue 
 acts, as the land tax, customs, and excises of England. They 
 warmly reprobated the act establishing a permanent commis 
 sion of the customs of America, and stigmatized the suspen 
 sion of the New York Legislature as an alarming act to the 
 rest of the colonies from which political death and annihi 
 lation were to be apprehended. 
 
 A circular was adopted to the other colonies, set- I 
 
 ,. f ., ,, j i . February. 
 
 ting lorth these views, and asking co-operation. 
 
 Pennsylvania had nearly, contemporaneously, passed simi 
 lar resolutions ; and on the receipt of the circular of Massa 
 chusetts, it was entered upon their minutes with great una 
 nimity. The house of burgesses, in Virginia, in particular, 
 applauded the course of Massachusetts, and proclaimed the 
 same principles and opinions in relation to all these acts, in 
 language of determined boldness, as "replete with every 
 
80 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 mischief, and utterly subversive of all that is dear and 
 valuable." 
 
 In Great Britain, the circular, and other proceedings of 
 Massachusetts, were received with alarm and resentment. 
 They were viewed as preparatory to another congress, and 
 a united opposition and, in consequence, the earl of Hills- 
 borough addressed a letter to Governor Bernard, directing 
 him to require of the house of representatives, in his ma 
 jesty s name, to rescind the resolution which gave birth to 
 the circular letter of the speaker, and to declare their disap 
 probation of, and dissent to, that rash and hasty proceeding." 
 He was further directed, if the house refused, to dissolve 
 them, and report to the king, that measures might be taken 
 for the future, to prevent "a conduct of so extraordinary 
 and unconstitutional a nature." A circular was addressed, at 
 the same time, to the governors of the other colonies, instruct 
 ing them to prevent the several assemblies from taking 
 notice of the Massachusetts circular; or, if the assemblies 
 proved refractory, to dissolve them. 
 
 Governor Bernard laid the directions of the minister be 
 fore the house, at their meeting in June. Their spirit rose 
 with the occasion; and they passed a nearly unanimous 
 vote, not to rescind, as they had been ordered ; and re-affirm 
 ed the same opinions in still more energetic language add 
 ing, as another ground of complaint, the attempt to restrain 
 their right of deliberation. They expressed their surprise, 
 that they should be called upon to rescind a resolution of a 
 former legislature a resolution that had been executed, and 
 consequently only existed, as a historical fact. But, they 
 added, if by rescinding, the government required them to ex 
 press their disapprobation of that resolution, "we have only 
 to inform you, that we have voted not to rescind ; and that 
 on a division on the question, there were 92 nays and 17 
 yeas " a piece of information, intended to reprove the let 
 ters he had written to England, charging the passage of the 
 resolution to "unfair" practices. The governor dissolved 
 them but not before the same committee who had drawn 
 up this reply, had drawn a petition to the king to recall the 
 governor, which was adopted by the house. The ministerial 
 circular to the other provinces, met a similar fate. 
 
 The assembly of Maryland, in reply to Governor Sharpe s 
 message, told him, with firmness, that they would not be de 
 terred from joining in constitutional measures for common 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 81 
 
 objects, with the legislatures of the other colonies. " We shall 
 not be intimidated," say they, " by a few sounding expres 
 sions, from doing what we think to be right." 
 
 Other colonies adopted similar resolutions. Virginia, in 
 her memorial, protested that she would not " consent to 
 anti-constitutional powers ;" and Georgia pronounced the Mas 
 sachusetts resolutions complained of, to be not of a danger 
 ous and factious tendency, as Lord Hillsborough had termed 
 them but, "on the contrary, tending to a justifiable union 
 of subjects aggrieved, in lawful and laudable endeavors to 
 obtain redress." New- York, in addition to language equally 
 decided, appointed a committee of correspondence. 
 
 In the mean time, the excitement in the town of Boston 
 against the new board of customs, had risen to a great height, 
 and produced a violent conflict between them, in the latter 
 part of May. At the requisition of Governor Bernard, who 
 complained of the refractory spirit of the Bostonians, it had 
 been determined to station a military force among them; and, 
 for that purpose, General Gage was ordered to quarter a regi 
 ment of the regular troops, in that town. Before they arriv 
 ed, however, the seizure of the sloop Liberty, belonging to 
 John Hancock, for a violation of the odious revenue laws-, 
 had produced a great ferment in the town, and resulted in 
 riotous proceedings ; during which, the collector, comptrol 
 ler, and inspector of the customs, were roughly handled by 
 the populace, and their houses assaulted. They were final 
 ly compelled to take refuge, first on board of the Romney 
 man-of-war, and then in Castle William. The dissatisfac 
 tion of the people was increased, by the impressment of 
 American seamen, by officers of the Romney. The disturb 
 ances in the city, together with the attacks upon the reve 
 nue officers, were brought before the legislature who ex 
 pressed their disapprobation of the disorders, and directed 
 prosecutions to be commenced against the persons principal 
 ly concerned in it. At the same time they denounced the 
 conduct of the revenue officers as haughty, tyrannical, and 
 insulting. 
 
 The legislature being dissolved, the governor refused to 
 convene another, without the express commands of the 
 king. About the first of September, a rumor began to pre 
 vail of the expected arrival of troops, to compel the obedience 
 of the town to the acts of parliament. The inhabitants im 
 mediately held a town meeting, and asked information of the 
 
82 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 governor of the truth of this rumor. Receiving an evasive 
 answer, they passed resolutions, at "the peril of their lives 
 and fortune," to maintain their rights and, affecting to an 
 ticipate a French war, voted that all the inhabitants should 
 observe the law of the province, which required them to be 
 provided "with a well-finished fire-lock, musket, accoutre 
 ments, and ammunition " a significant sign of their resolu 
 tion to be prepared for all extremities. On the refusal of the 
 governor to summon a legislature, they voted to invite the 
 rest of the towns to a convention, to be held in a few weeks 
 afterwards, to consult upon measures "for his majesty s ser 
 vice, and the safety of the province." Ninety-six of the 
 ninety-seven townships concurred, and the convention ac 
 cordingly met on the 22d September. Their proceedings 
 were marked by much moderation ; and after a session of five 
 days, they adjourned, having disclaimed any legislative au 
 thority made professions of loyalty adopted petitions and 
 remonstrances, in which they complained of being grievous 
 ly misrepresented to the king and recommended forbear 
 ance, good order, and the preservation of the peace. 
 
 A few days after their adjournment, the troops disembark 
 ed with great parade. The fleet of men-of-war and 
 frigates which brought them, drew up in warlike 
 order; and two regiments, instead of one, were landed under 
 cover of the guns, as if invading an enemy s country. The 
 selectmen being applied to, to provide quarters for the sol 
 diers, peremptorily refused and Fanueil Hall was, by order 
 of the governor, opened to them. This building also 
 contained the courts and public offices. It was immedi 
 ately put into the condition of a garrison. Two field-pieces 
 were placed immediately in front. Guards were stationed at 
 the door soldiers were constantly marching and counter 
 marching and the sentries challenged the inhabitants as 
 they passed. The sabbath, so religiously observed in Mas 
 sachusetts, was profaned by drillings and parades, the march 
 ing of troops, and the sound of martial music. The resent 
 ment of the people was, for a while, checked in its manifes 
 tations, by this display of force, and by the want of their 
 house of representatives, which had been dissolved, and 
 could not legally meet, except on the summons of the gov 
 ernor, until the next May. But their indignation was only 
 suppressed, not quelled. Bickerings and collisions be 
 tween the soldiery and the populace occurred daily, to exa,s- 
 
 Oct. 17C8. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 83 
 
 perate the temper of the colonies more keenly against, not 
 only thepe measures of the British government, but against 
 British authority altogether. Out of this military occupation 
 of the town of Boston, sprang some of the most exciting and 
 dangerous collisions that preceded the revolution. 
 
 Before these proceedings were known in Great Britain, the 
 Earl of Chatham, who had not, for a long time, been able to 
 attend to business, had withdrawn from the ministry and 
 Lord Shelburne had given way to Lord Weymouth. 
 
 When parliament met in November, American affairs were 
 immediately brought before them ; and on the ]5th of De 
 cember, the house of lords passed a number of resolutions, 
 censuring the conduct of the legislature and people of Mas 
 sachusetts in the severest terms approving the measures al 
 ready taken by the ministry to suppress these attacks, upon 
 the authority of his majesty and praying his majesty to di 
 rect the governor of Massachusetts, "to take the most effec 
 tual methods for procuring the fullest information, touching 
 all treasons or misprisions of treasons, committed within the 
 government, since the 3Qth day of December 1767 ; and to 
 transmit the same, together with the names of the persons 
 who were most active in the commission of such offences, to 
 one of the Secretaries of State, in order that his majesty 
 might issue a special commission, for inquiring of, hearing 
 and determining, the said offences within the realm of Great 
 Britain, pursuant to the provisions of the statute of the 35th 
 of King Henry the 8th." 
 
 The house of commons concurred in these resolutions 
 without opposition ; and thus the three branches of the Brit 
 ish government, solemnly approved of the whole 
 train of measures pursued by the ministry at home, 
 and the royal governors in the colonies, to enforce the taxing 
 power against every resistance and remonstrance. 
 
 But, in the interim, the combinations in America against 
 the importation of British merchandize, had produced the 
 same effect in England as when they had been employed to 
 defeat the stamp act. The trade, commerce, manufactures, 
 navigation, and revenue of the kingdom, suffered materially ; 
 and the bad policy of irritating the Americans, had become 
 obvious to the authors of the mischief. To retreat from the 
 stand, taken in favor of the British claims, was neither practi 
 cable, had they been so disposed, consistent with the tem 
 per of parliament and the state of parties nor did it accord 
 
84 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 with their own feelings and doctrines. Few friends of Amer 
 ica, on the constitutional point, were yet to be found ; and 
 most of those who opposed ministers, rested upon the inex 
 pediency of exercising these powers at that time, and in such 
 a mode. The cabinet accordingly pursued nearly the same 
 policy as had been adopted, with such little success, in the 
 repeal of the stamp act. Accompanying the resolutions, 
 so hostile to the colony of Massachusetts for her zeal in the 
 cause of America, and so subversive of the liberties of all 
 Americans, by making them subject to transportation to Eng 
 land for trial upon the king s suit, was a circular letter, en 
 gaging to make certain concessions and alterations in the 
 acts complained of; which, it was thought, would make them 
 more acceptable. A repeal of all the taxes, except that on 
 tea, was offered. That tax, notwithstanding its trifling amount, 
 was to be retained, in the nature of a declaratory act ; and, 
 it was believed, that this union of rigor and concession, would 
 vindicate the power of Great Britain, and secure the acquies 
 cence of the colonies. 
 
 The expectation was totally disappointed. The conflicts 
 of four years, against the principle of taxation, under such 
 constantly reiterated assaults upon their liberties in other 
 forms, had embittered the feelings of the colonists towards 
 Great Britain, and imbued them with a thorough distrust of 
 all the acts and policy of the British government. The con 
 ciliatory promise was altogether disregarded; and the provi 
 sion for the trial of accused persons, under the act of Henry 
 VIII. became a new subject for alarm, angry suspicion, 
 remonstrance, and resentment. 
 
 The Massachusetts legislature was not in session ; but the 
 house of burgesses of Virginia, promptly led the way in de 
 nouncing the acts aimed against a sister colony, as an assault 
 upon the common liberty. Early in May they re-asserted 
 their sole and exclusive right to raise taxes; and declared 
 that all trials for " treason, misprisions of treason, or for any 
 felony or crime whatever, committed in the colony, ought to 
 be before the courts of the colony ;" and that " sending them 
 beyond the seas" to be tried, is highly derogatory to the 
 rights of British subjects." The governor, Lord Botetourt, 
 informed of these proceedings, and highly incensed, appear 
 ed unexpectedly in the. house, on the next day, and ad 
 dressed them in these words: "Mr. Speaker, and gentlemen 
 of the house of representatives, I have heard of your resolves, 
 
REVOLUTION. 85 
 
 nd atlgur ill of their effects ; you have made it my duty to 
 dissolve you, and you are accordingly dissolved." The 
 members instantly met in an unofficial capacity ; and choos 
 ing Peyton Randolph, the late speaker, moderator, entered 
 into a written engagement not to import any of the taxed ar 
 ticles; and included in the prohibition other articles, the di 
 minution of the consumption of which might affect the inter* 
 ests of Great Britain. Maryland, Delaware, and New- York, 
 adopted similar resolutions ; and the assembly of the last 
 mentioned province ordered those of Virginia to be entered 
 at large on the journals. Those of North Carolina were 
 so strong, that Governor Tryon dissolved the assembly. 
 South Carolina not only joined in these views, but openly 
 disobeyed the act for quartering troops. 
 
 The non-importation agreements became general it might 
 almost be said universal. Those signed by the Virginia bur 
 gesses, were rapidly circulated ; and signatures of a vast num 
 ber of individuals, were speedily obtained. A non-importa 
 tion confederacy was extended throughout the provinces, and 
 committees organized for superintending and enforcing the 
 execution of the compact. Georgia and Rhode Island, were 
 the last to come into the league ; and such was the temper 
 with which their refusal was regarded, that some places of 
 considerable magnitude Charleston, in South Carolina, for 
 example discontinued all intercourse with them until they 
 joined, Georgia in September, and Rhode Island in October. 
 
 While the other colonies were thus generously and firmly 
 espousing the cause of American rights, vitally assailed in 
 the oppressive measures put in force against Massachusetts, 
 that undaunted commonwealth was gallantly waging a direct 
 controversy with the royal governor, backed by a British 
 fleet and army. When the general court met in May, their 
 first measure was to demand from the governor the immedi 
 ate removal of the land forces out of the city, and sea forces 
 from the port, during the session of the assembly ; for the 
 reason, as they expressed it, that "an armament by sea and 
 land, investing the metropolis, and a military guard, with 
 cannon pointed at the door of the state house, are inconsist 
 ent with that dignity and freedom, with which they had a 
 right to deliberate, consult, and determine." Upon his re 
 fusal, they peremptorily refused to proceed to business, until 
 he adjourned them to Cambridge. Notwithstanding their re 
 peated denials of his power to adjourn them to any place out 
 
 H 
 
October. 
 
 86 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of Boston, they proceeded to discuss the subject of their 
 rights ; and, concurring in the Virginia resolutions, with 
 respect to the transporting of Americans to Great Britain for 
 trial, they added an energetic declaration, that the establish 
 ment of "a standing army in the colony in time of peace, 
 without the consent of the general assembly, is an invasion 
 of the natural rights of the people," as well as those which 
 they claimed by " magna charta, the bill of rights, and the 
 charter of the province." 
 
 Towards the close of the session, the governor made a re 
 quisition upon them, to provide funds for paying for the 
 quartering of the troops. After repeated demands on his 
 part, they passed some high-toned resolves ; concluding with 
 resolving, that they never would make any such provision as 
 he asked for ; as they could not do it consistently with their 
 own honor, or their duty to their constituents. The gov- 
 Jul 12 ernor accordingly prorogued them to the 10th of the 
 next January; and on the 1st August, he sailed for 
 Europe, having been ordered home by the ministry ; and 
 was succeeded in the government of the province by lieuten 
 ant governor Hutchinson. 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the people of Boston, at a 
 town meeting, took into consideration the circular 
 letter of Lord Hillsborough, of which mention has been be 
 fore made in this chapter, offering a repeal of all the duties 
 in dispute, under the last revenue act, except the tea duty. 
 They resolved that such a measure " would not be satisfacto 
 ry ; that it would not relieve trade from its burdens, much 
 less remove the grounds of discontent, which prevailed 
 throughout the continent, upon HIGHER PRINCIPLES." "In 
 short," they continued, "the grievances which lie heavy 
 upon us we shall never think redressed, till every act passed by 
 the British parliament, for the express purpose of raising a 
 revenue upon us without our consent, is repealed till the 
 American Board of Commissioners of the Customs is dissolved ; 
 the troops recalled; and things are restored to the state they 
 were in before the late extraordinary measures of adminis 
 tration took place." 
 
 The letter of the merchants of Philadelphia, to their cor 
 respondents in London, dated 2oth of November, 1769, de 
 scribes most faithfully and strongly the temper of the times, 
 and the points in dispute. Some extracts follow : 
 
 " We are very sensible that the prosperity of the colonies 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 87 
 
 depends upon their union and connexion with Great Britain. 
 In this sentiment all the Americans concur ; yet they cannot 
 bring themselves to think, that for this reason they ought to 
 be divested of liberty and property. Yet this must be the 
 case, if the parliament can make laws to bind the colonies in 
 all cases whatever can levy taxes upon them without their 
 consent, dispose of the revenues thus raised without their 
 consent, multiply officers at pleasure, and assign them fees 
 to be paid without, nay contrary to and in direct violation of 
 acts of assembly regularly passed by the colonies and approv 
 ed by the crown ; can enlarge the power of admiralty courts, 
 divert the usual channels of justice, deprive the colonists of 
 trials by jury of their own countrymen ; in short, break down 
 the barriers which their forefathers have erected against arbi 
 trary power, and enforce their edicts by fleets and armies. 
 To such a system of government the Americans cannot tame 
 ly submit ; not from an impatience of subordination, a spirit 
 of independence, or want of loyalty to their king; for in a 
 quiet submission to just government, in zeal, affection, and 
 attachment to their king, the people of the colonies dare to 
 vie with any of the best of their fellow subjects ; but from an 
 innate love of liberty and the British constitution." * * * 
 
 " For this reason we think ourselves obliged to inform you, 
 that though the merchants have confined their agreements to 
 the repeal of the act laying a duty on tea, paper, glass, &c. 
 yet nothing less than a repeal of all the revenue acts, and 
 putting things on the same footing they were before the late 
 innovations, can or will satisfy the minds of the people. The 
 fleets and armies may overawe our towns ; admiralty courts 
 and boards of commissions, with their swarms of underlings, 
 may, by a rigorous execution of severe unconstitutional acts, 
 ruin our commerce, and render America of little use to the 
 people of Britain ; but while every farmer is a freeholder, the 
 spirit of liberty will prevail ; and every attempt to divest them 
 of the privileges of freemen, must be attended with conse 
 quences injurious to the colonies and the mother country." 
 
 On the other hand, the British government were actuated 
 by a most unwise policy in determining obstinately to adhere 
 to the principle of taxation, and not to remove any of the 
 other causes of discontent. Deceived by the representations 
 of their agents and officers in America, they thought the dis 
 orders which had taken place, were the work of a few fac 
 tious leaders ; and that relief from the burden of taxation, 
 
88 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 would quiet the great mass of the people, leaving the promi 
 nent agitators to be dealt with by the law. 
 
 Accordingly, on the meeting of parliament in January, 
 this imbecile plan was carried into effect. The duke of 
 Grafton, having resigned his office of first lord of the treasu 
 ry, Lord North, chancellor of the exchequer, succeeded him,, 
 and became the head of the administration. | 
 Lord Chatham, who had unexpectedly recovered | 
 his health, in part, attended in the house of lords, and made 
 several ineffectual efforts, in conjunction with the marquis ol 
 Buckingham, to have all the grievances of America taken 
 into consideration, and redressed. He admitted the excesses 
 that had been committed there : "but," said he, "such is my 
 partiality to America, that I am disposed to make allowance 
 even for these excesses. The discontents of three millions 
 of people, deserve consideration : the foundation of those 
 discontents ought to be removed." Lord North was obsti 
 nate ; and a large majority of parliament sustained him. A 
 partial measure of redress, totally inadequate to the claims of 
 the colonies, was introduced on the 5th of March, the very 
 day on which the Boston massacre took place in another hemi 
 sphere ; and was adopted in April. The duties imposed by 
 the act of 1767 were all taken off, except the insignificant 
 duty on tea, left to maintain the doctrine of supremacy. 
 
 No permanent effect favorable to the interests of Great 
 Britain, was produced by this measure. Lord North, in sup 
 porting it, had declared, that to temporize with the right was 
 to yield it ; and that "a total repeal " could not be thought of, 
 until America was "prostrate at the feet" of the British par 
 liament. So the Americans estimated it very generally ; and 
 the retention of the tea duty, met with no less spirited oppo 
 sition from the colonial legislatures, than the whole act had 
 done before. The non-importation agreements were in part 
 relinquished, chiefly from the defection of the province of 
 New York; but the combination against the purchase and 
 use of tea, was continued. 
 
 Before the knowledge of the repeal reached America, 
 a riot of an alarming nature had occurred in the town of Bos 
 ton ; in which the soldiery had fired on and killed some of 
 the citizens. On the 2d of March, a slight affray had taken 
 place between some of the regular troops and some rope- 
 makers, in which the soldiers were worsted. Party feeling was 
 roused ; and on the evening of the 5th, a crowd of citizens 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 89 
 
 attacked the city guard, and pelted them with stones and 
 snow balls, till the word was given to " fire " in return ; when 
 eight pieces were discharged ; three citizens were killed, 
 and several severely wounded. The crowd immediately 
 dispersed in all directions to raise the city ; the bells were 
 rung, alarm spread everywhere, drums beat, and the cry " to 
 arms," was raised. Theexcitement soon brought an immense 
 crowd together, who menaced the soldiers with destruction, and 
 were with difficulty appeased by the promises of Governor 
 Hutchinson, that justice should be done in the morning. 
 They accordingly re-assembled under the lead of Samuel 
 Adams and Royal Tyler, to the number of many thousands ; 
 and a long and angry conference was held with the gover 
 nor. They insisted upon the instant removal of the troops 
 from the town ; and, for twenty hours, they bore with the 
 prevarications and evasions of the governor, who denied his 
 po\ver over the military, and declined giving the order for 
 removal, even when the commanding officer expressed his 
 willingness to acquiesce in the wishes of the people. The 
 stern resolution and persevering boldness of Samuel Adams, 
 who warned the governor of the consequences of the refusal, 
 and put them entirely upon his responsibility, succeeded in 
 extorting the order without violence, and the troops were 
 removed. 
 
 Captain Preston and his company were arrested, and tried 
 for murder, by the colonial courts. It is one of the finest 
 traits of revolutionary virtue, love of justice and order, and 
 obedience to the law, that these soldiers, tried in the 
 midst of a community so exasperated against the military 
 in general, and provoked by daily insults and conflicts, 
 were zealously and eloquently defended on universal princi 
 ples of law and equity, by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, 
 two of the most eminent American patriots ; and six of them 
 acquitted by a conscientious, unprejudiced, and magnanimous 
 jury. Two of the soldiers were convicted of manslaughter. 
 
 The Boston massaci e, as it continues to be called, produced 
 a great sensation throughout the colonies, and nearly pro 
 duced similar riots with the military in other places. The 
 slain were buried together, with much public solemnity; and 
 annual orations were delivered, to commemorate the disas 
 trous event. 
 
 Although it resulted in the acquittal of the chief per 
 sons accused, it served to aggravate the hostility of the 
 
IKl HISTORY OF THE 
 
 people towards the military; of which numerous proofs 
 were given almost daily. Not long afterwards, Governor 
 Hutchinson, who had taken no measures to relieve the alarm 
 of the people in respect to the tragical affair, sent a special 
 message to complain of some petty obstructions to the custom 
 house officers at Gloucester. The answer of the house was 
 in the loftiest strain of indignant eloquence. "The in 
 stance," said they, "which your honor recommends to our 
 attention, admitting it to be true, cannot be more threatening 
 to government, than those enormities which have been 
 known to be committed by the soldiery of late, and have 
 strangely escaped punishment, though repeated in defiance 
 of the laws and authority of government. A military force, 
 posted among the people without their express consent, is 
 itself one of the greatest grievances, and threatens the total 
 subversion of a free constitution; much more, if designed to 
 execute a system of corrupt and arbitrary power, and even to 
 exterminate the liberties of the country. The bill of rights, 
 passed immediately after the revolution of 1688, expressly de 
 clares, that the keeping of a standing army within the king 
 dom, in time of peace, without the consent of the parliament, 
 is against law ; and we take this occasion to say, that the keep 
 ing of a standing army within this province, in a time of peace, 
 without the consent of the general assembly, is against law." 
 "Such a standing army must be designed to subjugate the 
 people to arbitrary measures. It is a most violent infraction 
 of their natural and constitutional rights. It is an UNLAWFUL 
 ASSEMBLY of all others the most dangerous and alarming 
 and every instance of its restraining the liberty of any indi 
 vidual, is a crime which infinitely exceeds what the law in 
 tends by a riot. Surely, then, your honor cannot think that 
 this house can descend to a consideration of matters compa 
 ratively trifling, w r hile the capital of the province has so lately 
 been in a state of actual imprisonment, and the government 
 is under duress." 
 
 After tracing the disorders and dissensions to "unconstitu 
 tional acts," and the sentence of the laws under the terror 
 of arms, they conclude : 
 
 " We yet entertain a hope, that the military power, so 
 grievous to the people, will soon be removed from the pro 
 vince. Till then, we have nothing to expect, but that tyran 
 ny and confusion will prevail, in defiance of the laws of the 
 land, and the just and constitutional authoritjr of government. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 91 
 
 These quotations are made more at large, because for the 
 next two years the chief permanent sources of collision be 
 tween the royal authorities and the colonists, arose from 
 these military occupations, which the Americans insisted 
 upon were tyrannical and unconstitutional. Out of them grew 
 perpetual conflicts and quarrels between the citizens and the 
 soldiery. 
 
 The Massachusetts assembly had a constant dispute with 
 the governor, concerning their place of meeting he 
 having convened J;hem at Cambridge while they reso 
 lutely insisted upon their constitutional right to meet at Bos 
 ton ; and yielded only from the necessities of public business. 
 No tax bill was passed during the year 1771 ; the governor 
 having informed them that he had his majesty s command, 
 " not to give his assent to an 3^ act subjecting the commission 
 ers of the customs and other officers of the crown, to be 
 taxed by the usual assessors, for the profits of their commis 
 sions and that they must therefore so qualify their tax bill." 
 The house in reply told him, " they knew of no commis 
 sioners of his majesty s custo?ns, nor of any revenue his majesty 
 had a right to establish in North America. We know and 
 feel (said they,) a tribute levied and extorted from those, 
 who, if they have property, have a right to the absolute dis 
 posal of it." 
 
 Throughout the colonies, the non-importation agreements 
 were continued ; and were the only measures of opposition 
 to the British claims, employed during the year 1771. Angry 
 complaints, increasing bitterness of feeling, and a more 
 general sentiment of repugnance to Great Britain, were the 
 chief results of the weak and tyrannical policy of Great 
 Britain. In 1772, a new grievance was imposed upon the 
 colony of Massachusetts, by a royal regulation, making pro 
 vision for the support of the governor, independent of the. 
 colonial assembly ; which the house of representatives, con 
 vened for the first time since their removal to Cambridge, at 
 Boston, resolved to be an "infraction of the rights of the 
 inhabitants, granted by the royal charter." This was con 
 sidered so alarming a measure so fraught with danger to the 
 liberties of the people, by making their executive and judi 
 cial officers dependent entirely upon the crown, j , 
 and beyond the reach of the people that it led, j 
 under the active exertions of Samuel Adams, and Joseph 
 Warren, to the formation of committees of correspondence, 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 in most of the towns of the colony which plan formed the 
 germ of that continental union of counsels, which carried the 
 colonies forward together to the declaration of Independence. 
 The appointment of these committees, created a long and 
 able controversy between the Governor and the House of 
 "Representatives ; in which it was plainly to be seen, that the 
 coercive measures of the British government, so far from 
 breaking the spirit, or lessening the demands of the Ameri 
 cans, had only served to elevate both. The House of Repre 
 sentatives unhesitatingly concluded, that parliament had no 
 claim to bind the colonies in any case whatsoever. " If," 
 said they, "there have been any late instances of submission 
 to acts of parliament, it has been, in our opinion, rather from 
 inconsideration, or reluctance at the idea of contending with 
 the parent state, than from a conviction or acknowledgment 
 of the supreme legislative authority of parliament." 
 
 In June of that same year, the opposition of Rhode Island 
 to the revenue acts was manifested in a daring manner. The 
 British armed schooner Gaspee in pursuing a packet sloop that 
 had refused to lower her colors as a salute, run aground. A 
 party of the citizens of Providence, headed by John Brown, 
 a wealthy merchant, boarded the schooner at night, and 
 burnt her, with all her stores. The British government 
 offered a reward of five hundred pounds sterling for the per 
 petrators, and appointed a commissioner to try them, but no 
 evidence could be obtained. Another tyrannical act was the 
 consequence. Burning the royal stores was made felony, 
 for which the culprit could be tried in any county in Great 
 Britain. 
 
 Active resistance and remonstrance for the years 1771 
 and 1772 w r ere confined to New England, and chiefly to 
 Massachusetts. The ill-omened presence of the troops 
 quartered there, and the particular sufferings of a commercial 
 people under the restrictions upon trade, threw them 
 in advance of the other colonies during that time, in the 
 great struggle of rights. The spring of 1773 was signalized 
 by a union of interests and action in all the colonies by the 
 establishment of standing committees of correspondence. 
 The plan was formed, and proposed, nearly at the same time 
 in Virginia and Massachusetts, by Richard Henry Lee and 
 Samuel Adams. The resolutions of Virginia were introduced 
 on the 12th of March, 1773, by Dabney Carr, a 
 
 March, 1773. 
 
 member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 93 
 
 After reciting the prevalence of rumors of proceedings 
 tending to deprive them of their "ancient, legal and consti 
 tutional rights ;" and reciting further, that the affairs of 
 Virginia, were very frequently connected with those of Great 
 Britain and the other colonies, rendering a " communication 
 of sentiment" necessary to " remove the uneasiness and quiet 
 the minds of the people," they appointed a committee of 
 eleven to obtain intelligence of all proceedings in England 
 relative to America, and maintain a communication with the 
 other provinces concerning them : and particularly to inquire 
 into the recent act constituting the court of inquiry in Rhode 
 Island, with power to transport Americans to Great Britain 
 for trial. These were accompanied by a proposition to the 
 other colonies, to join in the same measure. 
 
 So nearly contemporaneous were the resolutions of Massa 
 chusetts that, in the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, the messengers 
 who carried the intelligence crossed each other on the road. 
 Thence forward the proceedings of the colonists assumed a con 
 sistency and uniformity of activity eminently favourable to 
 success, and highty instrumental in producing the revolution. 
 Occasions were not wanting for calling these committees into 
 immediate duty. The first subject after the organization was 
 a contested question between the assembly of Massachusetts 
 and the governor, concerning the salaries of the judges he 
 refusing to approve a grant they had made for that purpose, 
 on the allegation that the king had taken the support of the 
 colonial judiciary into his own hands. The assembly remon 
 strated, and four of the judges disclaimed the governor s 
 views ; the fifth, however, adhered, and they voted to 
 impeach him, which the governor refused to sanction, and 
 the impeachment accordingly failed but the controversy 
 formed an agitating subject of discussion throughout the 
 country. The attempt to make the judges dependent upon 
 the ministry was considered a violent assault upon the liber 
 ties of the colony. 
 
 But another circumstance occurred shortly after, which 
 carried the hostility of the people of Massachusetts against 
 the governor, to a height of greater exasperation. This was 
 the publication of certain private letters, written by him and 
 lieutenant-governor Oliver, to England, during the years 
 1768 and 1769, on the subject of American affairs. They 
 recommended violent measures to reduce the colonies, 
 especially Massachusetts, to subjection, and represented the 
 
94 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 views and characters of the patriots in the blackest colors 
 Their advice seems to have been powerful in England ; and 
 many of the measures adopted there, hostile to the colonies, 
 were in accordance with their suggestions. They went even 
 farther than the ministry had yet gone, in urging alterations 
 or suspensions of the charters the institution of a privileged 
 order of nobility the enactment of severe penal laws, and 
 the execution of some of the "principal incendiaries." 
 These letters were obtained in England by Dr. Franklin, and 
 confidentially transmitted to some of his friends at Boston for 
 their information. They were of so alarming a tenor that 
 they were brought before the House of Repre 
 sentatives, sitting with closed doors, by Samuel 
 Adams, and afterwards ordered, by them, to be published in 
 self-defence. When they were read in secret session, the 
 House unanimously voted that their tendency was " to over 
 throw the constitution of this government, and to introduce 
 arbitrary power into the province." They next adopted a 
 petition to the king, " to remove the governor Hutchinson, 
 and the lieutenant-governor Oliver for ever from the govern 
 ment of the province." In favor of this petition, there were 
 eighty-two out of ninety-four voices. 
 
 Dr. Franklin was instructed to present this petition to Lord 
 Dartmouth, who had succeeded Lord Hillsborough as secre 
 tary to the colonies, in the autumn of the preceding year. 
 By him it was laid before the king in council, where Dr. 
 Franklin was summoned to support it. It was on that occa 
 sion that Mr. Wedderburn afterwards Lord Loughborough 
 as counsel in opposition to the petition, poured out that 
 memorable volley of insult and vituperation, upon Dr. 
 Franklin, as the alledged author of the disturbances in Ame 
 rica. The philosophic patience with which this was borne 
 by the venerable Franklin, is reported to have given way in 
 but one significant whisper to the attorney general, " I will 
 make your master a little king for this." 
 
 The petition was dismissed, and the odious officers left in 
 command of the discontented province. 
 
 At this critical juncture, the British ministry, with the aiji 
 of the East India Company, undertook to effect, by policy, 
 what had in the stamp act, and other acts of that nature, 
 been previously attempted by open measures, accompanied 
 by coercion. The TEA duty had been reserved as a mere 
 assertion of supremacy being too trifling in amount to be 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION 95 
 
 regarded for the sake of revenue. The Americans had, 
 nowever, by their non-importation agreements, effectually 
 resisted its collection for several years. It was now con 
 trived, by concert between the British government and 
 the Directory of the East India Company, that tea should be 
 introduced into America, at very low prices, by a relaxation 
 of the duties in England, still retaining the duty on importa 
 tion into America. A naked question of principle, on tax 
 ation, was thus presented and it remained to be seen, 
 whether the colonies would, without the allegation of oppres 
 sive taxation, encounter the whole force of the mother 
 country. It was an insidious plan ; but the virtue and energy 
 of the Americans foiled it most signally. Three pence a 
 pound upon tea, accompanied with drawbacks of duty at the 
 place of exportation more than compensating for the tax, 
 was in itself insignificant as a burden ; but the principle of 
 tyranny was strong in it, and resistance was as instantaneous 
 and unyielding, as though it had been an act of confiscation. 
 The non-importation agreements, so faithfully observed, 
 had deprived the East India Company of an extensive market 
 for their tea. The exports from Great-Britain had diminished, 
 until it was computed that at least seventeen millions of pounds 
 of tea had accumulated in the company s warehouses. 
 Anxious to reduce this quantity, and secure some portion of 
 their commercial profits, the company at first urged the 
 repeal of the tea duty, levied in America. This being 
 refused, a compromise was agreed upon, by which they 
 were authorized to export their tea from England duty free, 
 paying the tax in the colonies ; by which means the price 
 would have been lower in America than on the repeal of the 
 American duty, without the drawback at home. Vast quan 
 tities were accordingly freighted to America, and agents 
 appointed to dispose of it, on the faith that no obstruction 
 would be offered . The shipments were principally to New York, 
 Philadelphia, Charleston, and Boston. 
 
 There was not, however, a moment s hesitation in Ame 
 rica, on the question. The first tidings of the scheme pro 
 duced a universal determination to defeat it. The com 
 mittees of correspondence became active, and mutual pledges 
 were soon obtained from every port, that the tea should not 
 be landed. These were easily redeemed in Philadelphia and 
 New York, at which places the consignees were intimidated, 
 and the sale of the tea prevented, or the ships com- 
 
96 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 pelled to return without breaking bulk " and they sailed 
 up the Thames," in the language of John Adams, "to 
 proclaim to all the nation that New York and Penn 
 sylvania would not be enslaved." In Charleston it was 
 landed, indeed, but the agents were not permitted to offer it 
 for sale, and it was in consequence stored in cellars, where 
 it finally perished. In Boston, however, the inveterate 
 obstinacy of Governor Hutchinson, and of the board of cus 
 toms under his direction, prevented so peaceable a termina 
 tion of the affair. The courage of the town-people was mom 
 than equal to his obstinacy ; and town-meeting after town 
 meeting was held to reiterate their firm resolution that the 
 tea should not be landed, nor duty paid, and that they would 
 maintain this position at the "risk of life and property." 
 Still the authorities refused to give clearances, and Admiral 
 Montague, who commanded on the station, was directed to 
 prevent all vessels, except coasters, from passing out, without 
 a written permit from the governor. Night after night the 
 Bostonians kept guard upon the wharves, to obstruct any 
 attempt to land privately ; and in this state of excitement 
 the controversy continued till the middle of December. The 
 __ patriot leaders, the Adamses, Otis and Quincy, 
 and the rest, were indefatigable in stimulating the 
 people to perseverance, and finally urged the daring feat of 
 destroying the tea. On the 19th of that month, all things 
 were prepared, and a messenger was despatched to the 
 governor for his final reply. During his absence, Josiah 
 Quincy warned them of the consequences of the contem 
 plated act, while he roused their courage in the following 
 nervous style : 
 
 "It is not," said he, "Mr. Moderator, the spirit that 
 vapours within these walls that must stand us in stead. The 
 exertions of this day will call forth events, which will make 
 a very different spirit necessary for our salvation. Whoever 
 supposes, that shouts and hosannas will terminate the trials 
 of the day. entertains a childish fancy. We must be grossly 
 ignorant of the importance and value of the prize for which 
 we contend ; we must be equally ignorant of the power of 
 those who have combined against us ; we must be blind to 
 that malice, inveteracy, and insatiable revenge, which actu 
 ate our enemies, public and private, abroad and in our 
 bosom, to hope that we shall end this controversy without 
 the sharpest the sharpest conflicts to flatter ourselves 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 97 
 
 that popular resolves, popular harangues, popular acclama 
 tions, and popular vapour, will vanquish our foes. Let us 
 consider the issue. Let us look to the end. Let us weigh 
 and consider, before we advance to those measures which 
 must bring on the most trying and terrible struggle this coun 
 try ever saw." 
 
 Their actions answered promptly this spirit-stirring appeal. 
 When it was announced that the governor had refused the 
 pass, they dissolved the meeting, and shortly afterwards, 
 several parties of men, some of them disguised as Mohawk 
 Indians, boarded the ships, in the presence of thousands of 
 spectators who lined the wharves, broke open the chests of 
 tea, and emptied their contents into the bay. They then 
 dispersed, peaceably, to their homes. 
 
 The destruction of the tea, formed a new and momentous 
 crisis in the relations between America and Great Britain. 
 It was the first open exercise of popular force against the 
 authority of acts of parliament ; a bold step towards resistance 
 by force of arms to the British claims of supremacy. The 
 timid were struck with dismay at the effects they anticipated, and 
 few knew how to look steadily upon the future. Indepen 
 dence did not, as yet, form any consistent part of the designs, 
 even of the leading patriots, and with the vast majority the 
 return to a peaceful enjoyment of their rights under the 
 British constitution, as they construed it to apply to America, 
 was the most of their hopes. Not to submit to anything 
 less, was the general determination ; and the ardor of the 
 mass, and the confident zeal of heroic leaders, hurried the 
 whole people onward to joint resolution, common objects, 
 and finally to one single aim that of complete emancipation 
 from unrelenting tyranny. The events which followed in 
 rapid succession, soon left no alternative, but unyielding 
 resistance or unlimited submission. 
 
 I 
 i 
 
March 7,1774. 
 
 98 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PARLIAMENT met in January, but American affairs were not 
 mentioned in the King s speech at the opening of the session. 
 A special message was laid before both Houses in 
 March, informing them "of the unwarrantable 
 practices carried on in North America, and particularly of the 
 violent and outrageous proceedings at Boston, with a view of 
 obstructing the commerce of the kingdom, and upon grounds 
 and pretences, immediately subversive of its constitution." 
 In presenting these papers, the minister spoke vehemently 
 of inflicting "punishment" on this "daring and criminal 
 conduct," and vindicating the " dignity of the crown;" - 
 threats which were re-echoed by the addresses of both 
 Houses. The measures which followed, showed the vindic 
 tive temper of parliament, and their determination to remove 
 every obstruction of law, constitutions, charters, natural 
 and vested rights, and common equity, in order to punish 
 the audacity of the Bostonians, and the offending colony. 
 
 Three bills were introduced, and carried with little show 
 of opposition almost by acclamation. 
 
 The First known in history as the Boston Port Bill, pro 
 vided "for the immediate removal of the officers con 
 cerned in the collection of customs from Boston, and to dis 
 continue the landing and discharging, lading and shipping of 
 goods, wares, and merchandize, at Boston, or within the 
 harbour thereof, " after the ensuing first June ; to continue 
 during his Majesty s pleasure. It also levied a fine, for the 
 indemnification of the East India Company, and all others 
 who had been injured in the "late riots." The board of 
 customs was removed to the town of Salem. 
 
 The Second subverted the whole constitution and charter 
 of the province, that all power out of the hands of the peo 
 ple, to vest it absolutely in the crown deprived the lower 
 house of their agency in the selection of counsellors, and of 
 the privilege of appointing sheriffs, judges, and magistrates, 
 both which it gave to the governor;, and further suppressed 
 all town-meetings, not sanctioned by his permission. 
 
 The Third Bill "for the impartial administration of jus- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 99 
 
 tice, in Massachusetts Bay ;" authorized the removal to Eng 
 land, for trial, of any person indicted for murder, in the 
 colonies, on the allegation that the act was committed in aid 
 ing the civil authorities in the execution of the laws ; a pro 
 vision designed for the protection of soldiers, whom it might 
 be found necessary to employ in shooting the Americans. 
 
 Protests against these acts were entered on the journals of 
 the House of Lords by eleven peers, as dangerous, unjust, 
 and unconstitutional. The Earl of Chatham was unable to 
 attend the House until they had been passed, but took occa 
 sion to raise a warning voice against them, on a subsequent 
 agitation of the matter. 
 
 " I condemn," said he, " in the severest manner, the tur 
 bulent and unwarrantable conduct of the Americans, in some 
 instances, particularly in the late riots at Boston ; but, my 
 lords, the mode which has been pursued to bring them 
 back to a sense of their duty, is so diametrically opposite to 
 every principle of sound policy, as to excite my utmost 
 astonishment. You have involved the guilty and the inno 
 cent in one common punishment, and avenge the crime of 
 a few lawless depredators upon the whole body of the 
 inhabitants." 
 
 " My lords, it has always been my fixed and unalterable 
 opinion, and I will carry it with me to the grave, that this 
 country had no right under heaven, to tax America. It is 
 contrary to all the principles of justice and civil policy : it is 
 contrary to that essential, unalterable right in nature, ingrafted 
 into the British Constitution as a fundamental law, that what 
 a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which 
 he may freely give, but which cannot be taken away from 
 him, without his consent. Pass, then, my lords, instead of 
 these harsh and severe edicts, an amnesty over their errors : 
 by measures of lenity and affection allure them to their duty ; 
 act the part of a generous and forgiving parent. A period 
 may arrive, when this parent may stand in need of every 
 assistance she can receive from a grateful and affectionate 
 offspring." 
 
 Colonel Barre failed not to enforce the same views, but in 
 vain. The ministry were doomed to slight every counsel in 
 which safety for British interests could have been found. 
 
 The Port Bill passed in March, the other bills in May ; 
 and in the latter month, General Gage, the commander-in- 
 chief of the royal forces in North America, arrived in Bos- 
 
100 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ton, with a commission to supersede Mr. Hutchinson as 
 governor of the province. He was received personally with 
 courtesy, by the people ; but the measures he was appointed 
 to enforce, were met by unflinching opposition. A meeting 
 was instantly held, to consider the Port Bill, then the only 
 one received, at which it was 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the opinion of this town, that if the 
 other colonies come into a joint resolution to stop all importa 
 tion from and exportation to Great Britain, and every part of 
 the West Indies, till the act be repealed, the same will prove 
 the salvation of North America and her liberties; and that 
 the impolicy, injustice, inhumanity, and cruelty of the act, 
 exceed all our powers of expression. We therefore leave 
 it to the just censure of others, and appeal to God and the 
 world." * 
 
 Virginia again nobly came to the succor of Massachusetts in 
 her adversity. The house of burgesses appointed the 1st of 
 June, the day on which the Port Bill was to go into effect, as a 
 day of " fasting, humiliation, and prayer," in consideration of 
 the " hostile invasion of the city of Boston, in our sister colony 
 of Massachusetts" "devoutly to implore the divine interposi 
 tion for averting the heavy calamity which threatens tiestruc- 
 
 n * our c ^ v ^ ri * 8 an ^ tne ev ^ s f CIV1 ^ war > 
 
 Ma 07 
 
 I to give us one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, 
 
 by all just and proper means, every injury to American 
 rights." 
 
 Governor Dunmore resenting this proceeding, dissolved 
 the assembly, who instantly reassembled to the number of 
 eighty-nine, and formed themselves into a non-importing 
 association, including in their agreements, one not to use any 
 East India productions whatever except spices and salt-petre, 
 until the wrongs of America were redressed. The Port Bill 
 they pronounced a "most dangerous attempt to destroy the 
 liberty and rights of all North America." They concluded 
 with proposing a " general Congress" of the colonies, "to 
 deliberate on those general measures which the united inter 
 ests of America may, from time to time, require." 
 
 The Massachusetts assembly, which met by adjournment at 
 Salem, on the Tth of June, voted to send deputies to a general 
 Congress, at Philadelphia, on the first Monday of Septem 
 ber ; and by degrees, the same measure was adopted in every 
 colony except Georgia. When Governor Gage learned what 
 the House of Representatives were doing on this occasion, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 101 
 
 he sent to dissolve them; but they, with equal alertness, 
 being informed of his design, closed their doors. Samuel 
 Adams secured the key ; and they finished their proceedings, 
 while the proclamation of dissolution was read upon the 
 stairs. Every where in assenting to these movements, the live 
 liest sympathy was expressed for the dangers and distresses 
 of the devoted people of Boston, and the suffering colony 
 of Massachusetts. Pennsylvania, in addition, resolved to break 
 off all commercial intercourse whatever with every town, 
 city, colony, or individual, which should fail to go thoroughly 
 with the cause of liberty. The several assemblies and con 
 ventions of the colonies were instructed by popular meetings, 
 and in every form by which the public will could be ex 
 pressed, to go to the last extremity in support of Massa 
 chusetts. 
 
 The day on which the Port Bill was appointed to go into 
 operation was observed, generally, according to the recom 
 mendation of Virginia, as a day of fasting and prayer. Busi 
 ness was arrested, houses were closed, and a deep sorrow 
 manifested everywhere, for the sufferings of the patriotic 
 Bostonians, and the threatened subversion of colonial liber 
 ties. The character of that atrocious bill cannot be more 
 briefly described than it was by Josiah Quincy, in his cele 
 brated essay. We copy the passage as one illustrating the 
 common estimation of the act which pervaded the resolutions 
 and addresses with which the whole continent abounded. 
 
 "The Boston Port Bill, condemns a whole town unheard, 
 nay, uncited to answer; involves thousands in ruin and 
 misery, without the suggestion of any crime by them com 
 mitted ; and it is so constituted, that enormous pains and 
 penalties must ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect 
 obedience to its injunction. The destruction of the tea, 
 which took place without any illegal procedure of the town, is 
 the only alleged ground, consigning thousands of its inhabit 
 ants to ruin, misery, and despair. Those charged with the 
 most aggravated crimes, are not punishable till arraigned 
 before disinterested judges ; heard in their own defence, and 
 found guilty of the charge. But here a whole people are 
 accused, prosecuted by, they know not whom ; tried, they 
 know not where ; proved guilty, they know not how ; and 
 sentenced to suffer inevitable ruin. Their hard fate cannot 
 be avoided by the most servile submission, the most implicit 
 obedience to the statute. The first intimation of it was on 
 
 I 2 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the 10th of May, and it took place on the 1st of June ; thence 
 to continue in full force, till it shall sufficiently appear to his 
 majesty, that full satisfaction has been made, &c. So short 
 a space is given for staying the torrent of threatened evils, 
 that the subject, although exerting his utmost energy, must 
 be overwhelmed, and driven to madness, by terms of deli 
 verance, and deny relief till his ruin is inevitable." 
 
 This description of the effects upon the city thus inhumanly 
 condemned to ruin, was not exaggerated. The deepest distress 
 pervaded all classes. Capital could no longer be used, and labor 
 had no more employment. The common necessaries of life were 
 hardly within the reach of the opulent, and the poor became 
 suddenly destitute almost of food. Animated by the spirit 
 of liberty, they, however, bore these inflictions with inflex 
 ible constancy. Contributions for their relief soon poured iri 
 from all parts. Corporate bodies, town-meetings, popular 
 assemblages, individual charity and sympathy sent them aid, 
 encouragement, and applause. The inhabitants of Marble- 
 head tendered the Boston merchants the use of their harbor, 
 wharves, warehouses, and their own personal attendance, 
 free of charge ; and the people of Salem, whither it had been 
 thought that the course of trade would turn, magnanimously 
 refused to accept the boon, and concluded a generous remon 
 strance, with the protestation, " We must be dead to every 
 idea of justice, lost to all feelings of humanity, could we 
 indulge one thought to seize on wealth, and raise our for 
 tunes on the ruins of our suffering neighbours." 
 
 The evils of the Port Bill extended themselves through 
 out the colony, spreading general distress upon a large and 
 populous province, in punishment of an untried offence, 
 which amounted, in the worst sense, to an act of trespass 
 against the property of the East India Company, by some 
 unknown offenders. 
 
 One great benefit to the general cause, however, sprung 
 out of it, which counterbalanced the partial evils, intense as 
 they were in their effects. The feelings of all America were 
 aroused to a pitch of uncontrollable resentment, and they 
 perceived the futility of expecting any relenting in the 
 course of British oppression, unless extorted by the united 
 resistance of the colonies. 
 
 Just after the dissolution of the Massachusetts Assembly, 
 the two additional acts, for "the better regulating the go- 
 verament of Massachusetts Bay," and for the " impartial 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 103 
 
 administration of justice ;" reached America, and added 
 new fuel to the flame of discontent. Additional force arrived, 
 and was quartered in the town ; and Governor Gage pro 
 ceeded, against the remonstrances and protests of the people 
 and authorities of the town, to fortify Boston Neck, the only 
 entrance into the city, since the suspension of all access 
 by water, under the infamous Port act. 
 
 On the 5th of September, the first Congress of the united 
 colonies met at Philadelphia. A more august assemblage in 
 the weight of character of the members, the ex- I 
 
 . i il fecpt. l/74t 
 
 citing causes, and momentous questions which J 
 brought them together, the subsequent distinction acquired 
 by the leading men who composed it, a distinction unsur 
 passed by that of any other names in history, and in the vast 
 consequences to America and to the world, which flowed 
 from their wisdom, virtue, and courage, never met before or 
 since, in any country or nation. Thirteen colonies were repre 
 sented. Their names, and those of their delegates, follow: 
 
 Massachusetts Thomas Gushing, James Bowdoin, Robert 
 Treat Paine, Samuel Adams, and John Adams. 
 
 New Hampshire John Sullivan, and Nathaniel Folsom. 
 
 Connecticut Eliphalet Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Silas 
 Deane. 
 
 Rhode Island Stephen Hopkins and Samuel Ward. 
 
 New York Isaac Low, John Alsop, John Jay, James Du- 
 ane, William Floyd, Henry Weisner, and Samuel Bocrum. 
 
 Pennsylvania John Dickinson, Thomas Mifflin, Joseph 
 Galloway, Charles Humphreys, Edward Biddle, John Mor 
 ton, and George Ross. 
 
 New Jersey James Kinsey, William Livingston, Stephen 
 Crane, and Richard Smith. 
 
 Delaware Caesar Rodney, Thomas M Kean, and George 
 Read. 
 
 Maryland Matthew Tilghman, Thomas Johnson, William 
 Paca, and Samuel Chase. 
 
 Virginia Peyton Randolph, Richard Henry Lee, George 
 Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Bland, Benjamin Har 
 rison, and Edward Pendleton. 
 
 North Carolina William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and 
 R. Caswell. 
 
 South Carolina Henry Middleton, Thomas Lynch, Chris 
 topher Gadsden, John Rutledge, and Edward Rutledge. 
 
 The Congress organized themselves by the appointment of 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Peyton Randolph, of Virginia, as President, and Charles 
 Thompson, of Pennsylvania, Secretary. The leading orators 
 were Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 
 and John Adams, of Massachusetts. The business was 
 opened by Patrick Henry, who had already acquired a repu 
 tation co-extensive with the continent, for extraordinary 
 eloquence, great courage, ability, and energy, and invincible 
 patriotism. 
 
 It was settled that each colony should have only one vote 
 in determining questions, and committees were appointed 
 to state the rights of the colonies, and the wrongs they had 
 suffered, by the acts of parliament since 1763 ; to prepare 
 petitions to the king, to the people of Great Britain, to the 
 people of Canada, and to the several colonies. Resolutions, 
 which had been adopted by the people of Suffolk county, in 
 Massachusetts, remarkable for energy and boldness, were 
 taken up at an early day, and unanimously approved. Among 
 those resolutions was one recommending all collectors of 
 taxes, and other officers having public moneys in their hands, 
 to retain the same until the civil government of the province 
 should be placed on a " constitutional foundation," or it 
 should be otherwise ordered by a "Provincial Congress." 
 Congress, among the first of their acts, "thoroughly" com 
 mended these resolves, as the counsels of "wisdom and for 
 titude." 
 
 On the 8th of October, resolutions were adopted still more 
 explicitly commending the course of Massachusetts, and 
 pledging the rest of the provinces to adhere to her, through 
 out, in her conflict with "wicked ministers." Two of these 
 were in the following terms : 
 
 Resolved, That this Congress do approve of the opposition 
 made by the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay, to the 
 execution of the late acts of Parliament; and if the same 
 shall be attempted to be carried into execution by force, in 
 such case all America ought to support them in their oppo 
 sition. 
 
 Resolved, unanimously, That every person or persons who 
 soever, who shall take, accept, or act under any commission 
 or authority, in any W 7 ise derived from the act passed in the 
 last session of Parliament, changing the form of government 
 and violating the charter of the province of Massachusetts 
 Bay, ought to be held in detestation and abhorrence by all good 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 105 
 
 men, and considered as the wicked tools of that despotism, 
 which is preparing to destroy those rights, which God, nature, 
 and compact have given to America." 
 
 On the 14th, a declaration of rights was adopted, asserting 
 the liberties and privileges of the colonies, by nature, com 
 pact, and under the British constitution ; and reciting the 
 several acts of the British parliament, which were considered 
 as infringing them. They were those which we have endea 
 vored to trace succinctly in this volume the acts of 1764-5-6, 
 and 7, for imposing duties for revenue, beginning with 
 the molasses act, and ending with the tea tax ; for extending 
 the power of the admiralty courts, and for suspending the trial 
 by jury ; the act of 1772, arising out of the Gaspee affair, 
 creating a new criminal offence, and depriving American 
 citizens of the right of trial by a jury of the vicinage, and 
 making them liable to transportation to any part of Great 
 Britain for trial; and the three acts passed at the preceding 
 session (of 1774) ; the Boston port bill, the bill for altering 
 the charter of Massachusetts, and the bill for the administra 
 tion of justice. The Quebec act passed at the same time, 
 which was designed to repress the growth of the colonies, by 
 extending the limits of Canada, and setting up adverse insti 
 tutions and interests there, was included in the list; as was 
 also the act for quartering soldiers in America. A distinct reso 
 lution was passed, that "the keeping of a standing army in. 
 several of these colonies in time of peace, without the con 
 sent of the legislature of the colony in which such army was 
 kept, is against law." 
 
 As the most effectual means of enforcing the attention 
 of the people of Great Britain to these demands, the Congress 
 entered into a general non-importation agreement for them 
 selves and their constituents. By this they bound them 
 selves, and those whom they represented, to cease, after the 
 ensuing December, all importations whatsoever from Great 
 Britain or Ireland, directly or indirectly ; all East India tea 
 from any part of the world ; most of the productions of the 
 West Indian islands, and other numerous articles from places 
 through which Great Britain might be benefited. To this 
 was added an agreement, to take effect instantly, not to use 
 any goods upon which duties were claimed, or had been, or 
 should be, paid; and a third to export nothing whatever 
 to Great Britain, Ireland, or the West Indies, after the 10th 
 of September, 1775, in case the acts complained of should 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 not be repealed before that date. Efficient measures were 
 taken for organizing committees in every county, city, and 
 town, to see that this agreement was enforced, by every 
 species of popular influence. 
 
 The addresses which accompanied these measures cannot 
 be read without the highest admiration of the courage, 
 genius, patriotism, and eloquence of the authors. They are 
 documents from which to extract is to mutilate, and of which 
 no detached fragment can give an adequate idea. They 
 should be read and studied by Americans in all generations, 
 as models of elevated style, dignity of remonstrance, and lofty 
 purity of principle. When they were brought before the 
 British House of Lords, Lord Chatham passed upon them 
 this noble eulogium "For myself, I must declare and 
 avow, that in all my reading and observation and history 
 has been my favorite study I have read Thucydides and 
 have studied and admired the master states of the world 
 that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom 
 of conclusion, no nation, or body of men, can stand in pre 
 ference to the general congress at Philadelphia." 
 
 The address to the people of Great Britain contained the 
 following announcement of the alternatives to which the 
 colonies looked. " If you are determined that your minis 
 ters shall wantonly sport with the rights of marfkind; if 
 neither the voice of justice, the dictates of law, the princi 
 ples of the constitution, nor the suggestions of humanity, can 
 restrain your hands from shedding human blood, in such an 
 impious cause, we must then tell you that we will never 
 submit to be hewers of wood, or drawers of water, for any 
 ministry or nation in the world." 
 
 " Place us in the same circumstances in which we were 
 at the close of the late war, and our former harmony will be 
 restored. 
 
 " But lest the same supineness, and the same inattention 
 to our common interest, which you have for several years 
 shown, should continue, we think it necessary to anticipate 
 the consequences." 
 
 In the address to the " people of the colonies," they 
 udvise them to be prepared for the worst, and for every 
 contingency. 
 
 After a session of eight weeks, Congress dissolved them 
 selves, having previously given it as their opinion, that 
 another Congress should be held on the 10th of the next 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 107 
 
 May, unless previous redress should have been Dec 
 obtained ; and recommending to all the colonies 
 to choose deputies as soon as possible to be prepared for 
 every event. 
 
 A majority of the members of this Congress believed that 
 these measures, especially the non-importation, and non- 
 exportation agreements, would procure them a peaceable 
 redress. Patrick Henry was, however, of a different opinion, 
 and boldly avowed that force must finally be resorted to 
 to defend the rights of America ; and prophesied that, with 
 the aid of France and Spain, America would finally 
 triumph. 
 
 The legislatures, or their substitutes the provincial con 
 ventions, which had in the mean time sprung into authority, 
 very generally, throughout the colonies, approved of these 
 proceedings. New York, which had fallen under the influ 
 ence of the Tories, was alone excepted. The people every 
 where sanctioned and obeyed their recommendations with 
 as much order as though clothed with all the sanctions of 
 regular government. 
 
 The general court of Massachusetts had been convoked 
 by Governor Gage, for the 4th of October, and was dissolved by 
 proclamation on the 5th. They met, however, organ 
 ized themselves into a Provincial Convention, and elected 
 John Hancock president. After adjournment, in defiance 
 of the governor, they met again at Cambridge on the 17th, 
 and appointed committees of " Safety," and of " Supplies;" 
 the first of which, was to call out the militia of the province 
 for its defence. They voted to raise 12,000 militia enlist 
 one-fourth of the militia, to be ready at a moment s warning, 
 thence called minute men ; and appointed three general offi 
 cers JedediahPreble, Artemas Ward, and Colonel Pome- 
 roy. They gave information to the other New England 
 colonies, asking their aid, to make up an army of 20,000 
 men. They were emboldened to these measures by the 
 alacrity with which the people had risen spontaneously, on 
 a rumor, circulated in September, that the governor 
 had ordered an attack upon Boston, and that the fleet was 
 actually bombarding the town. Within two days, 30,000 
 volunteers were in arms, on their way to Boston, before it 
 was ascertained that the rumor was unfounded. 
 
 Similar preparations were made in other colonies, with a 
 like spirit, but less in extent. 
 
108 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 In the mean time, a new parliament had met in Great 
 Britain. The king s speech was threatening towards 
 America, avowing his determination to sustain " the supreme 
 authority of the legislature, over all the dominions of the 
 crown." The American papers were laid before Parlia 
 ment, in January. Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, then in 
 Ja } London, after several interviews with the minis 
 
 try, became convinced that none other than 
 coercive measures would be adopted, and wrote home "I 
 look to my countrymen with the feelings of one who verily 
 believes that they must yet seal their faith and constancy to 
 their liberties with blood." Events soon confirmed his 
 judgment. 
 
 Lord Chatham magnanimously took the lead in opposition 
 to the ministers, and moved an address to the king, for the 
 removal of the troops from Boston. In one of the fine pas 
 sages with which his speech abounded, he told the ministry : 
 "Resistance to your acts was necessary, and therefore just ; 
 and your vain declarations of the omnipotence of Parliament, 
 and your imperious doctrines of the necessity of submission, 
 will be equally impotent to convince or enslave America." 
 
 " You may, no doubt," said he, " destroy their cities ; you 
 may cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps the con 
 veniences of life ; but, my lords, they will still despise your 
 power, for they have yet remaining their woods and their 
 liberty." 
 
 The motion was lost by a considerable majority, as was 
 a subsequent bill which he introduced, with the view of 
 settling the general question. 
 
 The petition of Congress was, after debate, refused a 
 hearing, as proceeding from an illegal assembly, and on the 
 9th of February the Houses joined in an address 
 to his majesty, declaring that rebellion actually 
 existed in the colony of Massachusetts, requesting him to 
 use every means to enforce obedience ; and pledging him 
 their support, with their lives and property. The address 
 was followed by a ministerial act, which soon passed, 
 restraining the trade of the four New England colonies, as 
 the most obstinate and refractory, with Great Britain, Ire 
 land, and the British West Indies, and totally prohibiting 
 their fisheries. These provisions were afterwards extended 
 to all the colonies represented in the Congress, except 
 New York and North Carolina. An addition to the king s 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 109 
 
 forces, by sea and land, was demanded ; in the midst of 
 which, Lord North unexpectedly brought forth a series of 
 propositions for conciliation, induced, probably, by I 
 the petitions of the British merchants, upon whom | 
 the suspension of trade in America had fallen heavily. 
 The scheme was substantially a stipulation, that if the colo 
 nies would consent to tax themselves to the amount required, 
 disposable by Parliament, and engage to support, besides, 
 their own civil administrations, Parliament would forbear, 
 during the time of such agreement, to exercise the taxing 
 power, except for the regulation of commerce. Plans of 
 conciliation were offered by Mr. Burke, and Mr. Hartley, 
 both of which failed, and Lord North s proposition was 
 finally adopted by a large vote, against the wishes of some 
 of his friends, who were obstinate enough to think it too 
 indulgent. Parliament soon after adjourned, and several 
 ships of the line, and ten thousand troops, were dispatched 
 to aid in repressing the rebellion apprehended. 
 
 In America, the approaching conflict became daily more 
 evident. Boston, as the head-quarters of the army, was par 
 ticularly exposed to collisions with them ; and in anticipation, 
 every exertion was made to procure arms and ammunition. 
 Cannon, cannon balls, powder, muskets, and military stores, 
 were constantly introduced into the city by every artifice, 
 and in every disguise. In New Hampshire, a number of 
 armed people seized on the powder in the royal caslle of 
 William and Mary. Colonel Leslie, who had been dis 
 patched by Governor Gage, to seize some cannon at Salem, 
 was obstructed by the citizens, until the cannon were 
 removed beyond his reach, and he returned without succeed 
 ing in his object ; and, in New York, a riotous combat took 
 place between the populace and the troops, in which the 
 latter were beaten. In Virginia, the convention adopted 
 spirited resolutions, for arming and disciplining the militia, 
 and procuring the necessary supplies. 
 
 In March, the Massachusetts Congress met at Concord, 
 where the committees of Safety and Supplies had 
 collected a large quantity of stores and ammunition. A 
 part of their stores had been seized at Boston Neck ; and in 
 April, the Governor, having received intelligence of the 
 proceedings of Parliament, made an effort to seize the whole 
 stock an attempt which produced the battle of Concord, 
 the first bloodshed of the revolutionary war, where the 
 
 K 
 
110 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 king s troops were openly opposed by the colonists. It is 
 the first of a new stage of events, in which resistance by 
 arms, against unconstitutional oppression, took the place of 
 remonstrances, petitions, and protests ; but still without 
 renunciation of allegiance to the British crown. 
 
 A party of men, under the command of Lieutenant Colo 
 nel Smith, and Major Pitcairn, were dispatched, by General 
 I Gage, on this expedition. The reported object 
 | was the seizure of Samuel Adams and John 
 Hancock, whose active labors in the patriotic cause had 
 made them peculiarly odious to the British party ; but the 
 real object was understood. At Lexington, on the road, 
 they found a party of about seventy militia, commanded by 
 Captain Parker, on parade, with a number of spectators 
 of the village, on the green. Notwithstanding the precau 
 tions of the British officers to prevent the spread of the 
 intelligence, the march of the troops had been made known 
 by expresses, signal guns, and the ringing of church bells. 
 
 They reached Lexington about five o clock in the morn 
 ing, when Major Pitcairn, seeing the militia gathered, rode 
 up, with drawn sword, calling out " Disperse, ye rebels ; 
 throw down your arms and disperse." They hesitated, upon 
 which he discharged his pistol, and ordered his corps, the 
 advanced guard of the detachment, to fire. They gave a 
 general discharge, by which eight Americans were killed, 
 and several wounded. The rest dispersed ; but the soldiery 
 kept up their fire, when some of the militia returned it. 
 
 Thence the party proceeded to Concord ; and the militia, 
 who had assembled there, being too few to oppose them, 
 retired. A great part of the stores had been removed, and the 
 detachment executed their orders by destroying what remain 
 ed, including a number of barrels of flour. The militia had, in 
 themean time reassembled; and on a movement made by them 
 with apparent design to cross the bridge, into the town, then 
 in possession of the British, they were fired on, and two Ame 
 ricans killed. The fire was promptly returned, and the troops 
 repulsed, with loss of several killed, wounded, and poisoners. 
 The whole country was up in arms instantly, and the British 
 forces, on commencing their retreat, found themselves 
 attacked on every side, by straggling shooters, and parties 
 of volunteers. Every wall, fence, house, and tree, contri 
 buted to shelter some exasperated New Englander; and a 
 perpetual fire was kept up in this manner, until the 
 
AMERICAS REVOLUTION. Ill 
 
 detachment reached Lexington. A reinforcement, headed 
 by Lord Percv, amounting to nine hundred men, with two 
 pieces of artillery, there met them, and the united forces 
 moved rapidly towards Boston, harassed by the provincial 
 fire, and committing devastation along their route ; burning 
 houses, shooting unarmed countrymen, and destroving stock. 
 After a march of forty miles they encamped at Bunker Hill, 
 for the night, under the protection of the men-of-war, and 
 the next day passed over to Boston. In these actions, the 
 loss of the British was two hundred and ninety-three ; and 
 of the provincials, only ninety-three. 
 
 The results were of the greatest moment. The blow had 
 been struck, by which open war was commenced, under cir 
 cumstances that roused the universal indignation of the Ame 
 ricans, while the issue invigorated their spirits. They had 
 rallied in great numbers at the signal of strife, and driven in 
 the regulars with loss, after baffling the object of their expe 
 dition. Wherever the tidings of the battle were carried, 
 enthusiasm rose, addresses, pledges, congratulations, and 
 triumph, overpowered all apprehensions of the consequences, 
 and the whole continent was animated with one spirit of 
 determination. 
 
 The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts took instant 
 measures, both to arm the province for defence, and to 
 justify the conduct of the militia, to the authorities of Great 
 Britain. They dispatched to England an account of the 
 battle of Lexington, with depositions to prove the aggres 
 sions committed by the troops. With it they sent an 
 address to the people of Great Britain, which, after assuring 
 them of continued loyalty to the king, avowed a determina 
 tion "not tamely to submit to the persecution and tyranny 
 of his evil ministry." They added, emphaticallv {J Appeal 
 ing to heaven for the justice of our cause, we determine to 
 die or be free." Dr. Franklin was the agent sent to 
 Great Britain. The House proceeded to put the colony in 
 ? ot defence. They resolved to raise an armv of 
 thirteen thousand men, and requested the neighboring colo 
 nies to make the amount up to thirty thousand. They 
 directed the treasurer to borrow 100.000 for the use of the 
 province, and declared the citizens absolved from their obli 
 gations of obedience to Governor Ga^e. 
 
 Volunteers offered themselves in such numbers, that they 
 could not be received for want of means to subsist them*, 
 
112 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and in a short time, the king s forces, amounting to nearly 
 ten thousand men, were hemmed in by a superior force of 
 provincials. General Ward was appointed commander-in- 
 chief, and Heath, Prescott, Thomas, and Putnam, generals. 
 Putnam was at his plough when the account of the battle 
 was brought him ; and without finishing the furrow, or re- 
 entering his house, put himself at the head of a party of his 
 neighbors, and started for the army. Arnold, subsequently 
 so infamous in his treachery, was among the first to reach 
 Boston, having raised a company in New Haven, and forced 
 a march to the spot of action within ten days after the fight 
 at Lexington. 
 
 The example of Gage, in endeavoring to seize the colo 
 nial stores, was improved by the Americans, in numerous 
 places. The New Jersey people seized upon the royal 
 treasury; and the people of Baltimore and Charleston 
 possessed themselves of the stands of arms belonging to the 
 troops. At Williamsburg, in Virginia, Governor Dunmore 
 had seized upon a quantity of powder in the magazine ; and 
 when the return was demanded, gave evasive answers. 
 Patrick Henry, not trusting to his faith, summoned the 
 people to arms ; and, at the head of five thousand volunteers, 
 extorted payment from his excellency, and w r as in return, 
 proclaimed as an outlaw an idle ceremony which only 
 made the governor s weakness more conspicuous. 
 
 A party of Connecticut and New Hampshire militia 
 promptly formed the plan of seizing the important fortresses 
 of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. They were commanded 
 by Colonels Ethan Allen, and Benedict Arnold. By forced 
 marches they surprised Ticonderoga ; and the two officers 
 entering abreast, at day-break, demanded of the astonished 
 commander the surrender of the fort. " By w r hose autho 
 rity?" demanded he. "In the name of the great Jehovah, 
 and of the Continental Congress," was the prompt answer of 
 Allen, and the fort was surrendered unconditionally. Crown 
 Point was also secured without the- loss of a man. 
 
 Generals Howe, Burgoyne, and Clinton, arrived in Bos 
 ton, from England, with reinforcements, in the latter part 
 of May ; and General Gage, emboldened by their aid, pro- 
 
 I claimed martial law throughout the province, and 
 issued a proclamation, offering free pardon to all 
 ould lay down their arms, and return to the duties 
 of peacable subjects, except SAMUEL ADAMS and JOHN 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 113 
 
 HANCOCK, " whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to 
 admit of any other consideration than that of condign punish 
 ment." This proclamation only strengthened the union of 
 the colonists, and elevated these proscribed patriots to a 
 higher position in the confidence of their countrymen. The 
 proudest peer in Europe might exult in a patent for ances 
 tral honors, so honorable in the eyes of posterity as this tes 
 timony from the enemy, of the unflinching public virtue of 
 Hancock and AdanrKs. 
 
 Adams, in particular, was the object of special dread to the 
 adherents of Great Britain. " This man," said Mr. Gallo 
 way, one of the Tories, who joined the enemy and went to 
 Britain, and afterwards published a work there: "this 
 man eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and 
 is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object It was he 
 who, by superior application, managed at once the factions 
 in Congress at Philadelphia, and the factions in New Eng 
 land." 
 
 When Governor Hutchinson, in the beginning of these 
 disturbances, was asked why he did not quiet Adams by the 
 use of his patronage, he answered "Such is the obstinacy and 
 inflexible disposition of this man, that he never can be con 
 ciliated by any offices or gift whatever." Under Governor 
 Gage, the attempt was renewed through a certain Colonel 
 Fenton, just after the military occupation of Boston, to 
 detach him from the American cause, by large offers, and 
 with apparently friendly solicitation and advice to reconcile 
 himself to the king. His answer is a noble specimen of 
 revolutionary patriotism and intrepidity. " I trust I have 
 long since made my peace with the King of kings. No 
 personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the 
 righteous cause of my country. Tell Governor Gage, it is 
 the advice of Samuel Adams to him, no longer to insult the 
 feelings of an exasperated people." 
 
 In the mean time the general Congress had met at 
 Philadelphia, on the 10th of May. The members were, 
 with few exceptions, the same as in the first Congress; 
 but under the exigencies of the times, they had been, by 
 the instructions of their constituents, invested with larger 
 powers, and they soon assumed, without any express direc 
 tion, but with full consent of the people, most of the. 
 attributes of delegated sovereignty. On the exception of 
 John Hancock, by Governor Gage, out of his proclamation 
 K 2 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of amnesty, the Congress manifested their disregard of the 
 menace, and their confidence in the man, by electing him 
 president, in the place of Mr. Randolph, who was called 
 home on business. 
 
 The Congress opened its labors by proposing and sending 
 addresses and appeals to the king and people of Great 
 Britain, and then proceeded to prepare for every alterna 
 tive, by organizing the defence of the colonies. They voted 
 to raise an army of twenty thousand men appointed the 
 general officers, and emitted bills of credit to the amount of 
 three millions of dollars, pledging the TWELVE UNITED COLO 
 NIES, Georgia not having yet joined the confederation, for the 
 redemption of the debt. On the 5th of June, on motion of 
 Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, GEORGE WASHINGTON was 
 unanimously appointed commander-in-chief, and accepted 
 the appointment in the following address, marked with that 
 unaffected modesty, which clothed with such a gentle grace, 
 his great qualities and unrivalled virtues. 
 
 " Though I am truly sensible of the high honor done me 
 in this appointment, yet I feel great distress, from a consci 
 ousness, that my abilities and military experience may not 
 be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as 
 the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous 
 duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and 
 for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept 
 my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of 
 their approbation. But, lest some unlucky event should 
 happen unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be 
 remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this 
 day declare, with the utmost sincerity. I do not think myself 
 equal to the command I am honored with. I beg leave, Sir, 
 to assure the Congress, that as no pecuniary consideration 
 could have tempted me te accept this arduous employment, 
 at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not 
 wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact 
 account of my expenses those, I doubt not, they will dis 
 charge, and that is all I desire." 
 
 At the same time, Artemas Ward, Charles Lee, Philip 
 Schuyler, and Israel Putnam, were appointed majors-gene 
 ral; and Horatio Gates, adjutant-general. 
 
 Two days afterwards, in another quarter, was fought the 
 fnemorable battle of Bunker Hill; a battle, the memory of 
 which is dear to the hearts of Americans, as one of the first 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 115 
 
 and most glorious among those early conflicts in which the 
 strength of a young and untried people, struggling for liberty, 
 was measured with the veteran and disciplined forces of a 
 gigantic and insolent oppressor. 
 
 The arrival of the British generals, Howe, Clinton, and 
 Burgoyne, led the Americans, at Boston, to believe that 
 strong offensive demonstrations would soon be made against 
 them. In order to command the access to the city, they 
 determined to make entrenchments, and station a force upon 
 Bunker Hill, a large eminence, just at the entrance of the 
 peninsula of Charlestown, and so situated as to command the 
 entrance to both rivers. On the night of the 16th of June, 
 a detachment of a thousand men, under Major Prescott, and 
 accompanied by General Putnam, was dispatched to occupy 
 the hill, and throw up the necessary works. By some 
 error, Breed s Hill, another eminence nearer the town, and 
 overlooking it within cannon shot, was marked out, and the 
 provincials labored with such silence and diligence, that by 
 dawn of day, to the astonishment of the British fleet, which 
 lay in sight, they had thrown up a redoubt nearly eight rods 
 square. They continued to labor at it, notwithstanding an 
 incessant fire from the ships of war, and a battery of six 
 guns, on Copp s Hill, until they had erected a breast-work 
 from the redoubt to the bottom of the Hill, towards the 
 Mystic. Without stopping to return a single gun, and with 
 out being relieved by the American army, they persevered, 
 under a murderous discharge from the sea and from the hill, 
 until their defences were completed. In the course of the 
 day, they were reinforced by a detachment of five hundred 
 men, under Stark, Warren, and Pomeroy, and orders were 
 given to extend the works, so as to protect the flank, on the 
 side of the Mystic river; which was done by running two 
 parallel lines of rail fences, filling the intervals with hay. 
 
 Orders were given, by the British general, to drive them 
 from this position, and Generals Howe and Pigot, with a 
 force of infantry and grenadiers, amounting to three 
 thousand men, with a powerful park of artillery, 
 advanced in two lines the former to attack the flank, and 
 the latter the redoubt in front. The attack was begun by a 
 heavy cannonading, and the troops marched slowly to 
 observe its effects. At the same time, the barbarous order 
 was given to set fire to Charlestown, containing four hundred 
 houses, which was quickly in flames ; and thus a small force 
 
116 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of young and untrained soldiers were waiting, under the 
 fire of a tremendous battery of guns, illuminated by the 
 glare of a burning village, the approach of a veteran force 
 of double their number. Their coolness was admirable. 
 The order of Putnam, not to fire till they could distin 
 guish the whites of the eyes of the advancing force, was scru 
 pulously obeyed ; and the enemy were permitted to approach 
 within about sixty yards, when a deadly fire of small arms 
 was opened upon them with such effect, that whole ranks 
 were mowed down ; and the line, wavering for a moment, 
 broke and gave way, falling precipitately back to the land 
 ing place. They rallied, and again advanced, and were 
 again beaten back by the same destructive and incessant 
 stream of fire. General Clinton, who had come to the aid 
 of his brother generals, rallied them again, and led them a 
 third time to the charge, which at length proved successful. 
 Powder began to fail in the redoubt, and the cannon from 
 the fleet had taken a position which raked it through and 
 through. Under the fire from ships, batteries, and field 
 artillery, and attacked by a superior force on three sides at 
 once, at the point of the bayonet, and without bayonets or 
 powder themselves, the provincials slowly evacuated the 
 fort, not without obstinate resistance, some of them persist 
 ing to fight with the butts of their guns. 
 
 The attempt to take the position in flank, was met in the 
 same way, and with the same undaunted spirit. The Ame 
 ricans maintained their position, under every disadvantage, 
 covering the retreat of the main body, and then made their 
 own retreat over Charlestown -Neck, with inconsiderable 
 loss, though exposed to the fire of the Glasgow man-of-war, 
 and several floating batteries. The Americans entrenched 
 themselves on Prospect Hill, a few miles farther on the way 
 to Cambridge, and still maintained their command of the 
 entrance to Boston. 
 
 The British loss was one thousand and fifty-four the 
 Americans, four hundred andilfty- three. Among these, was the 
 lamented Joseph Warren, who had been one of the earliest, 
 ablest, most zealous, and energetic friends of liberty, and 
 whose virtues and talents had given him the highest rank as 
 a patriot in the estimation of his countrymen. Every honor 
 which affectionate gratitude and regret could devise was 
 paid to his memory. 
 
 The general result of the battle, in a military point of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 117 
 
 view, was disastrous to the British forces. The continental 
 troops were inspirited by the proofs of courage, and capacity 
 to cope with the regulars, which had been shown by a raw 
 and undisciplined militia, and drew up a line of force, which 
 completely hemmed the British army within the town of 
 Boston. On the 3d of July, General Washington arrived at 
 Cambridge from Philadelphia, to take command. On his 
 way, he had been received everywhere with honors and 
 congratulations, to w r hich he gave replies, expressing his 
 earnest desire to bring the controversy with Great Britain 
 to a speedy and amicable conclusion. 
 
 The force which he found amounted to about fourteen 
 thousand men, which was soon after augmented to about 
 fifteen thousand five hundred, by the arrival of some rifle 
 regiments from the south. They were re-arranged, and 
 divided into three commands ; the right under General 
 Ward, at Roxbury ; the left under General Lee, at Prospect 
 Hill ; and the centre at Cambridge, under the commander- 
 in-chief. The lines of communication by posts extended 
 over a space of more than ten miles, and parties were sta 
 tioned in small towns in the neighborhood. Commissions, 
 granted by Congress, to eight brigadiers, were issued. They 
 were Pomeroy, Heath, and John Thomas, of Massachusetts ; 
 Montgomery, of New York ; Wooster and Spencer, of Con 
 necticut ; Sullivan, of New Hampshire ; and Greene, of 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 The army thus organized, had little else to rely upon for > 
 success than the enthusiasm which brought them together. 
 The task of bringing them into the forms of discipline was 
 one of great difficulty, and occupied the w T hole time and 
 anxious attention of the commander-in-chief. Their zeal, 
 and independence of habits, rendered them better fitted to 
 partizan expeditions, requiring gallantry and enterprise, 
 than to the orderly and obedient duties of regular forces, 
 engaged in one common object, under a single commander. 
 They were, moreover insufficiently armed, and without 
 the necessary tools and experience to erect properly the 
 necessary fortifications. Their powder was very deficient 
 in quantity so much so, that at one time there was not 
 enough in the whole camp to have enabled them to repel 
 an assault. This immediate want was soon supplied by a 
 quantity sent from Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Add to 
 these embarrassments the total want of preparation, both 
 
 
118 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 with regard to money, provisions, and clothing, and the 
 undefined and conflicting nature of the powers exercised 
 under colonial authority, and by the direction of Congress, 
 and it will readily be seen that the position of the com- 
 mander-in-chief, as well as that of his army, was by no 
 means encouraging. When the heat of immediate ex 
 citement passed off, and all the privations and difficulties 
 growing out of these deficiencies pressed upon them fully; 
 the effects were, for a while, dispiriting, particularly as they 
 had looked for a short campaign, and a speedy settlement 
 of the controversy. For a season, however, keen resent 
 ment, and a resolute determination to expel the British 
 army from the province, kept these raw, undisciplined, and 
 unprovided soldiers together, so strongly, as to overawe the 
 forces of General Gage. Those forces amounted to about 
 eight thousand men ; which, with the aid of the shipping, 
 might be concentred at any point of the American lines. 
 The attempt, however, was not made; and, during the 
 autumn, the blockading forces continued to make approaches 
 nearer to the British line. Arms and ammunition were 
 provided, with great industry and perseverance, and voy 
 ages, made for that purpose, with great success, even to the 
 coast of Africa. Privateers were commissioned, and Cap 
 tain Manly, the first naval officer created by Congress, in the 
 privateer Lee, captured a British ordnance ship, laden with 
 military stores, singularly adapted to the precise wants of 
 the American army. Other ships similarly laden, soon 
 after fell into the hands of the colonial privateers. 
 
 Following the advice of Congress, the colonies had 
 assumed a practical independence of British authority, and 
 either formed provisional conventions for administering 
 their political affairs ; or, as in the cases of Connecticut and 
 Rhode Island, acted on the same principles under their 
 ancient forms and charters. 
 
 Everywhere the tidings of the battles of Lexington and 
 Bunker Hill, stirred up a like determination to resist and 
 annoy where they could not expel the British authorities. 
 The militia were enrolled and armed in Maryland, Virginia, 
 and the two Carolinas. In July, Georgia had finally acceded 
 to the confederation, which then took the name of "the 
 Thirteen United Colonies," and resistance became popular 
 there. The south proper, sent several companies of riflemen, 
 at once, to the army at Boston, and Pennsylvania and New 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 119 
 
 Jersey contributed numerous recruits. In New York, a 
 party of patriots seized and carried away the cannon from 
 the battery, notwithstanding repeated broadsides fired upon 
 them by the Asia, a seventy-four gun ship, and soon after 
 broke into the printing-office of the notorious tory newspa 
 per, published by Rivington, and destroyed the press. A vo 
 lunteer party of twelve men fitted out a vessel from Charles 
 ton, South Carolina, to obtain a supply of powder, and near 
 St. Augustine, in Florida, met with a British vessel, 
 manned by twelve grenadiers, which they captured, and 
 found in it fifteen thousand pounds of powder, which they 
 landed safely at Beaufort. In Virginia, such were the mani 
 festations of public excitement, that the governor, Lord 
 Dunmore, took refuge, with his family, on board the Fowey 
 man-of-war, near Yorktown. He summoned the House of 
 Burgesses to attend him there ; but instead of obeying, they 
 considered his movements as an abdication of the govern 
 ment, appointed committees of safety, made ordinances for 
 regulating the militia, raised a force of two regiments, and 
 appointed Patrick Henry commander-in-chief. A predatory 
 warfare was thereupon commenced by Lord Dunmore, with 
 the ships and boats under his command, along the James 
 and York rivers. In one of these, a tender of the Otter 
 sloop-of-war was burned by the provincials, in revenge for 
 which Lord Dunmore proclaimed martial law. and declared 
 all the slaves who should join his majesty s standard to be 
 free. Collecting a force of regulars, and runaway slaves, to 
 the number of about seven hundred, he ordered an attempt 
 to surprise the Virginia forces, collected for defence, at 
 Great Bridge, under the command of Colonel Woodford. 
 The governor s party was routed in the conflict, and hastily 
 retired to their shipping. At the close of the year, Lord 
 Dunmore finished his barbarous career there by burning the 
 town of Norfolk. The people of Delaware sunk Chevaux de 
 Prize, in their river, to obstruct the approach cf an enemy. 
 
 At Gloucester, in New England, the militia seized upon 
 three boats and their crews, belonging to the Falcon sloop- 
 of-war, which had been sent out to capture an American 
 schooner. The town was bombarded, in retaliation, by the 
 frigate, and in company with another frigate, the Rose, and 
 two armed schooners, she ravaged the whole coast, cannon 
 ading unprotected villages, and wantonly destroying the 
 houses and property of the inhabitants. Bristol, in Rhode 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Island, and Falmouth, (now Portland) in Maine, were 
 totally burnt. 
 
 Thus, in a few weeks after the battle of Bunker Hill, the 
 resentments, upon both sides, had broken out into open 
 hostilities ; war, in fact, existed in most of the colonies, and 
 blood had been shed in many conflicts. The design of 
 complete independence was, however, not yet avowed in 
 any place of authority or influence. Public meetings, and 
 provincial conventions, congresses and committees, continued 
 to profess attachment to the British constitution, and deny 
 all intention of dissolving their political connexion with 
 Great Britain. They avowed only a desire to be restored 
 to the same state, in regard to the mother country, in which 
 they were before the year 1763. The people of Mecklen 
 burg county, in North Carolina, were a remarkable excep 
 tion to this general accordance on a topic which could not, 
 even at that day, have been absent from the thoughts of 
 many of the public men in the colonies. Delegates from 
 the militia companies in that county met in May, 1775, 
 before the battle of Bunker Hill ; and after reciting the 
 inhuman shedding of innocent blood of American 
 patriots at Lexington, voted to absolve themselves from all 
 allegiance to the British crown, and abjure all political 
 connexion, contract, or association with a nation which had 
 wantonly trampled on their rights and liberties. The fol 
 lowing was the concluding resolution : 
 
 Resolved, That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and 
 independent people, are and of right ought to be a sovereign 
 and self-governing association, under the control of no power 
 other than that of God and the General Congress ; to the 
 maintenance of which independence we solemnly pledge 
 to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our for 
 tunes, and our most sacred honor. 
 
 This bold declaration met with no general response at that 
 period, and the people generally, while they were deter 
 mined to resist, by arms, the execution of the tyrannical 
 acts, looked forward to a final repeal of them by the British 
 parliament, and a disavowal of the power. 
 
 These were popular movements, and occurred at different 
 periods, within the summer and autumn of 1775. The 
 Continental Congress, in the mean time, was efficiently 
 engaged, in endeavoring to combine the forces and senti 
 ments of all into a united resistance to Great Britain in the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1 
 
 execution of her acts, and a united effort to get them recalled. 
 In addition to the peaceful measures already mentioned, 
 they resolved that "exportation to all parts of British 
 America which had not adopted their association, should 
 immediately cease ;" that "no bill of exchange, draught, 
 or order," of any British officer should be received or nego 
 tiated, no money supplied them, and no vessel be permitted 
 to carry any military stores for British use, to any part of 
 North America. 
 
 These resolutions were retaliatory for the British acts 
 restraining American trade. 
 
 They established a General Post Office Department, and 
 appointed Dr. Franklin postmaster-general, an office which 
 he had held under the crown. 
 
 Finally, on the 6th of July they adopted a de- I 
 
 i i- .. c ^1 XL f r - A July 1775. 
 
 claration, setting forth, in the form of a manifesto, | 
 the causes of their taking up arms, the extent of their 
 demands, their own injuries, and the tyrannical and uncon 
 stitutional methods taken by the ministry to reduce them to 
 obedience. It was a paper drawn up with signal modera 
 tion, firmness, and ability. After giving a historical account 
 of the successive pretensions set up by the parliament to 
 supremacy over the colonies, after the peace of 1763, the 
 declaration alleges " Parliament, assuming a new pow r er 
 over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such 
 decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending 
 this power, as to leave no doubts concerning the effects of 
 acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and 
 grant our money without our consent, though we have ever 
 exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property. 
 Statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of 
 Courts of Admiralty and Vice-Admiralty beyond their 
 ancient limits, for depriving us of the accustomed and ines 
 timable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life 
 and property ; for suspending the legislature of one of the 
 colonies ; for interdicting all commerce of another ; and for 
 altering fundamentally the form of government established 
 by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature, 
 solemnly confirmed by the crown ; for exempting the mur 
 derers of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from 
 punishment ; for erecting in a neighboring province, acquired 
 by the joint arms of Great Britain and America, a despotism 
 dangerous to our very existence ; and for quartering soldiers 
 
 L 
 
122 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 upon the colonists in times of profound peace. It has also 
 been resolved in parliament, that colonists, charged with 
 committing certain offences, shall be transported to England 
 to be tried. 
 
 "But should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By 
 one statute it is declared that parliament can c of right make 
 laws to bind us in all cases whatever. What is to defend 
 us against so enormous, so unlimited a power ?" 
 
 The declaration next recounts the fruitless petitions, 
 appeals, and remonstrances of the colonies, the inhuman 
 outrages, and slaughters committed on the inhabitants of 
 Massachusetts, under the orders of Governor Gage, by the 
 royal forces, his proclamation of martial law, the burning of 
 Charlestown, &c. 3 and concludes thus : 
 
 " We are reduced to the alternative of choosing an uncon 
 ditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or 
 resistance by force. The latter is our choice. We have 
 counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful 
 as voluntary slavery. Honour, justice, and humanity forbid 
 us tamely to surrender that freedom, which we received from 
 our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have 
 a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy 
 and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretch 
 edness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail 
 hereditary bondage upon them. 
 
 "Our cause is just: our union is perfect: our internal 
 resources are great, and if necessary, foreign assistance is 
 undoubtedly attainable. We gratefully acknowledge, as 
 signal instances of the divine favor towards us, that his pro 
 vidence would not permit us to be called into this severe con 
 troversy, until we were grown up into our present strength, 
 had been previously exercised in warlike operations, and 
 possessed the means of defending ourselves. With hearts 
 fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly 
 before God and the world declare, that, exerting the utmost 
 energy of those powers which our beneficent Creator has 
 graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been com 
 pelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of 
 every hazard, with unabated firmness and perseverance, 
 employ for the preservation of our liberties, being with one 
 mind resolved to die freemen rather than live like slaves. 
 
 "Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our 
 friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 123 
 
 assure them, that we mean not to dissolve the union, which 
 has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and Which 
 we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity has not yet 
 driven us into that desperate measure, or induced to excite 
 any other nation to war against them. We have not raised 
 armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great 
 Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not 
 for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the 
 remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked 
 enemies, without any imputation or suspicion of offence. 
 They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet 
 proffer no milder condition than servitude or death. 
 
 " In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that 
 is our birth-right, and which we ever enjoyed until the 
 late violation of it, for the protection of our property, acquired 
 solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and our 
 selves ; against violence actually offered, we have taken up 
 arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease 
 on the part of our aggressors, and all danger of their being 
 renewed shall be removed, and not before. 
 
 " With an humble confidence in the mercies of the 
 supreme and impartial Ruler of the universe, we most 
 devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily 
 through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to 
 reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve 
 the empire from the calamities of civil war." 
 
 The proposition of Lord North, for conciliation, was taken 
 into consideration, and rejected with great unanimity, as 
 illusory in all its promises, and " altogether unsatisfactory ;" 
 because it proposed only a " suspension of the mode, not a 
 renunciation of the pretended right to tax;" because it did 
 " not repeal the several acts of parliament for restraining 
 the trade and altering the form of government of one of 
 the colonies;" and because it did not explicitly "renounce" 
 the power of suspending the colonial legislatures, and that 
 of legislating " in all cases whatever." The Committee, 
 consisting of Dr. Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, 
 and Richard Henry Lee, concluded their report by invoking 
 the reflection of the whole world, upon the cruel and deceit 
 ful character of the British plan. " When," say they, "these 
 things are laid together and attentively considered, can the 
 world be deceived into an opinion, that we are unreasonable, 
 or can it hesitate to believe us that nothing but our own 
 
124 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death, or 
 abject submission ?" 
 
 A second petition to the king, and addresses to the inhabit 
 ants of Great Britain, to the Irish people, and to the au 
 thorities of Jamaica, were also adopted. Addresses were also 
 made to the Indians. Congress then adjourned to meet 
 again in September. 
 
 The petition to the king was intrusted to the care of Mr. 
 Penn and Arthur Lee, who presented it to Lord Dartmouth 
 on the 1st of September. After a few days delay, they were 
 coldly informed that no answer would be given; an insulting 
 treatment of the humble remonstrances of United America, 
 which served to convince the most timid of the necessity 
 of persevering in their preparations to decide the controversy 
 by arms, if they would not submit to unlimited tyranny. 
 
 Congress re-assembled in September, and a few weeks 
 afterwards, General Gage sailed for England, leaving the com 
 mand of the British forces to General Howe. 
 
 More and more vigorous measures were constantly re 
 quired, till by degrees Congress were compelled to assume 
 all the functions of a regular government, which were, in 
 general, acquiesced in from the necessity of the case, or 
 by express enactment of the several provincial conventions 
 acting in behalf of the individual colonies. It was found 
 necessary to take strong measures against domestic enemies, 
 and Congress authorized the arrest of such persons " going 
 at large, who might endanger the safety of the colonies, or 
 the liberties of America." They determined to carry on their 
 own deliberations in secret, denouncing expulsion, with the 
 stigma of being an enemy to the liberties of America, upon 
 every person who should violate the order. 
 
 The main army of the Americans continued to blockade 
 the royal forces in the town of Boston. Congress had, how 
 ever, unfortunately adopted the plan of short enlistments; 
 and a few months of inactivity in camp, under circumstan 
 ces of want and comparative privation, had diminished the 
 military ardor of new levies. A task of great difficulty was 
 before the new commander-in-chief. His appeals, address 
 es, remonstrances, and invocations, addressed to the interests, 
 feelings, and patriotism of Congress, were earnest and unre 
 mitting. 
 
 Few of those whose time had already expired had re- 
 enlisted in October, and the term of none extended beyond 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 1*25 
 
 the 1st of January following. Congress made liberal offers,, 
 and General Washington summoned the neighbouring colonies 
 to send their militia to the aid of the general cause, which 
 requisitions were complied with readily. The new troops 
 arrived in considerable numbers, and the army was gradu 
 ally re-modelled ; but not to any efficient extent, until the 
 month of February 1776. With all these efforts, on the 
 last day of December, the whole force enlisted did not 
 amount to ten thousand men. The lines were sometimes in 
 a state almost defenceless, but fortunately no attack was 
 made upon them by the enemy. No sufficient reason has 
 been assigned for this neglect of General Howe, which was 
 of the highest importance to the American cause. " It is 
 not," said General Washington in his communications to 
 Congress, " in the page of history to furnish a case like ours. 
 To maintain a post, within musket-shot of the enemy for 
 six months together, without ammunition, and at the same 
 time disband one army and recruit another, within that dis 
 tance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, 
 than ever was attempted." 
 
 The policy of short enlistments, which produced so much 
 difficulty here, and was the occasion of infinite mischief 
 during the whole war, was partly forced upon Congress by 
 necessity, and partly the result of a jealous dread of the 
 expense and danger of a permanent standing army. They 
 did not at first calculate upon a protracted contest, and were 
 destitute of means for future payments; and a confidence 
 was entertained that draughts upon the militia would be 
 readily answered, to any extent required for the defence of 
 colonial liberty. How frequently these calculations were 
 disappointed, will be seen in the subsequent events of the war. 
 
 Such as we have described, was, at the end of the year, 
 the condition of affairs in Massachusetts, and especially in 
 the neighbourhood of Boston. General Washington was em 
 ployed with indefatigable industry in keeping his forces to 
 gether and bringing them into a state of discipline and 
 preparation, in order to make a successful attack upon the town. 
 General Howe with the English troops, was cooped up within 
 the town; and by the activity of the American cruisers, au 
 thorized by Congress, his supplies, as well of subsistence as 
 of military stores, were diminished until his situation became 
 one of great difficulty. Neither army felt the disposition, 
 nor made any demonstration, towards an attack upon the other. 
 L 2 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Connected with these operations of the main army was 
 the expedition against Canada, ordered by Congress in 
 September. It was a bold step of hostility against the mother 
 country, which was considered at the time, by some of the 
 fast friends of American rights, to be a departure from the 
 legitimate objects for which they had taken up arms, and 
 an aggression upon the territories of Great Britain, not war 
 ranted by the state of the controversy. The defence of the 
 measure is, the universal conviction, that General Carleton, 
 who commanded in Canada, was instructed by the British 
 government, and provided with ample means, to prepare an 
 expedition to co-operate with the forces of General Howe, in 
 subduing the colonies. They were informed that munitions 
 of war, money, and troops, were to be concentrated there for 
 an invasion of the Anglo-American colonies ; and they knew 
 that large and unusual powers had been conferred upon the 
 new governor. His talents and popularity were great, and 
 they had reason to fear his influence in reconciling the Ca 
 nadians to the measures of the British government, with 
 some of which they had been discontented, as well as to dread 
 the military strength he could bring against them. The cap 
 ture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, already mentioned, 
 opened the way for an expedition ; and Colonel Arnold, who, 
 with Colonel Ethan Allen, had seized upon those posts, was 
 earnest in pressing upon Congress the policy of invading 
 Canada. They finally acquiesced ; and late in the season 
 two detachments were dispatched on this duty, one under 
 the command of Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, by 
 the customary route through Lake Champlain, to the St. 
 Lawrence, and the other under Colonel Arnold by the river 
 Kennebec in Maine, and by forced marches through the 
 wilderness. 
 
 The first detachment, consisting of a body of New England 
 troops, about 1100 in number, arrived at Ticonderoga, and 
 proceeded down the lake, early in September. General 
 Schuyler, who had been left at Albany, to negotiate with the 
 Mohawk Indians, in order to secure the rear of the march, 
 joined them at Cape la Motte. From that place they moved 
 to the ISLE AUX Noix, from which place they issued a proc 
 lamation to the Canadians, and soon after effect 
 ed a landing at St. John s, the first British post, 
 J 15 miles North of Ticonderoga. After a slight skirmish 
 with the Indians, the fort was found too strong for assault, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 127 
 
 and it was resolved in a council of war, to retreat twelve 
 miles to the Isle aux Nois, erect fortifications and sink 
 chevaux-de-frise, to interrupt the navigation of the river 
 Sorel in which the fort was situated, and to prevent the com 
 munication with the shipping which Governor Carleton had 
 prepared. General Schuyler soon after returned to Albany, 
 and General Montgomery was left in the sole command, to 
 prosecute the siege of the fort. This was much retarded 
 from want of ammunition. By the reduction of Fort Cham- 
 bly, at a distance of six miles from St. Johns, he obtained a 
 large supply of powder, and Governor Carleton, being repuls 
 ed in his attempts to cross the river to relieve the fort, it 
 surrendered on the 3d of November. During this siege, 
 Col. Ethan Allen, with extraordinary rashness, and in diso 
 bedience of orders, forced his way to Montreal, with only 
 eighty men, was surrounded, defeated, captured, and sent to 
 England in irons. 
 
 After the reduction of St. Johns, the American forces 
 occupied and fortified the mouth of the Sorel, and advanced 
 rapidly on Montreal. The British forces, incapable of defend 
 ing the town, repaired on board the shipping, and endea 
 voured to escape down the river. They were stopped and 
 captured at the point of the Sorel, and General Prescott, and 
 many other officers, and eleven sail of vessels, with ammu 
 nition, provisions, &c. fell into the hands of the victors. 
 Montreal was soon occupied by General Montgomery, whose 
 conduct on the occasion was distinguished by the | Nov 
 utmost dignity, courtesy and humanity. Governor | 
 Carleton escaped in a boat, by an unfrequented way through 
 Trois Rivieres, and arrived in Quebec. Montgomery, after 
 leaving some troops to keep possession of Montreal, pushed 
 on to Quebec, before which he arrived on the 1st of December. 
 
 The other detachment, under the command of Colonel 
 Arnold, consisting originally of about twelve hundred men. 
 had, with amazing difficulty and the severest toils and hard 
 ships, penetrated through the province of Maine, a distance 
 of five hundred miles, by a route totally unexplored before, 
 through a forest wilderness. Part of the troops turned back, 
 discouraged by the want of provisions, and those who con 
 tinued, to the number of seven hundred, encountered terri 
 ble fatigues and privations, being reduced to eat their shoes 
 and baggage-leather. On the eighth of November, they 
 arrived on the River St. Lawrence, opposite to Quebec, to 
 
128 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the great dismay of the citizens, to whom the sight of an 
 enemy in that direction was totally unexpected. Arnold, 
 by reason of the treachery of his scouts, was disappointed 
 in the means of crossing the river, and thus lost all the ad 
 vantages of the panic which his first arrival had created. 
 The presence of Governor Carleton re-assured the inhabit 
 ants, and solid preparations for defence were made, which 
 it was not in the power of the invaders to interrupt. After 
 vainly summoning the town to surrender, to which no an 
 swer was returned, Arnold was compelled to wait for the 
 arrival of the forces under Montgomery. 
 
 Early in December, the whole American force assembled 
 before Quebec, but under circumstances materially altered. 
 Their fortune had changed, dissensions broke out among the 
 officers, their money failed, provisions were difficult to be 
 obtained, the winter set in with extreme severity, and their 
 numbers had been reduced to about half that of those that 
 garrisoned the town. Eight hundred men were all that 
 he could muster fit for duty, while General Carleton s forces 
 exceeded fifteen hundred, 450 of whom were seamen be 
 longing to the king s ships, and the merchant vessels in 
 the harbor. Under these disadvantages they maintained the 
 siege with occasional bombardments, until the 31st of De 
 cember, on the morning of which, a general assault was 
 made, in which the American forces were repulsed, and 
 Genl. Montgomery killed. 
 
 This ill-starred attack was planned, by General Montgom 
 ery, to take place in four different places, two of which, 
 under the command of Colonel Livingston and Major Brown, 
 were to be made against St. John s Gate, and Cape Dia 
 mond, respectively, as feints to distract the enemy, while 
 himself and Colonel Arnold conducted the principal attacks 
 against the lower town. The assault commenced during a 
 heavy snow-storm, but by mistake in giving the signal, the 
 garrison was alarmed, and prepared to receive them. Mont 
 gomery carried the first barrier, and was advancing at the 
 head of his troops towards the second, when a discharge of 
 grape-shot from a cannon, cut him down, with many officers 
 arid soldiers around him. The men were so dispirited with 
 the fall of their gallant and beloved commander, that the 
 second in command, Colonel Campbell, thought proper to order 
 a retreat. Arnold, on his side, carried a two gun battery, in 
 which action he was wounded, and compelled to retire from the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 129 
 
 field. His men pushed on and carried a second barrier, 
 when, unsupported by the other detachments, and hemmed 
 in by superior numbers, they were compelled to surrender. 
 The issue was, in consequence, a total defeat of the assail 
 ants. Their loss, independent of their heroic chief, one of 
 the severest losses which America sustained during the cam 
 paign, was about one hundred men killed, and three hun 
 dred prisoners. It is an honorable trait, to be recorded of 
 Genl. Carleton, that he emulated the noble conduct of his 
 deceased antagonist, in using his triumph generously, and 
 treating his prisoners with courtesy and indulgence. 
 
 Arnold drew off the remainder of his troops, and retired 
 about three miles from the city. He entrenched himself in 
 quarters for the winter, fortifying himself with his gallant 
 little army, in such a manner, that the enemy did not un 
 dertake to molest him. 
 
 Having thus brought the narrative of civil and military 
 affairs in America, to the close of the year 1775, it is neces 
 sary, in order to understand their relations to Great Britain, 
 at that period, to revert to the course of the British Parlia 
 ment, on the intelligence of the proceedings of the first 
 session of the Continental Congress 3 of that year. 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE session of parliament commenced about the close of 
 the month of October. The king s speech gave the situa 
 tion of American affairs, as the reason for convoking the 
 House at so .early a day. The conduct of the Americans 
 was stigmatized as "treason, revolt, and rebellion;" their 
 opinions were pronounced to be " repugnant to the true con 
 stitution of the colonies," and to their " subordinate relation 
 to Great Britain;" they were accused of "aiming at estab 
 lishing an independent empire ;" and a determination was 
 expressed "to put a speedy end to these disorders, by the 
 most decisive exertions." He added, that " the most friendly 
 offers of foreign service had been made." 
 
 The whole speech was warlike in tone, breathing nothing 
 but vengeance against America. The answers of both 
 houses contained the same sentiments, and avowed the 
 same determinations, notwithstanding the vehement oppo 
 sition of some of the most able and upright statesmen. The 
 project of employing foreign troops to subdue the colonies, 
 was especially reprobated, as sanguinary, vindictive and 
 unconstitutional. The Duke of Richmond, with nineteen 
 other peers, made a protest upon the journal of the House 
 of Lords. General Conway and the Duke of Grafton, sece 
 ded from the administration, and Lord George Sackville 
 Germaine was made secretary for the colonies in place of 
 Lord Dartmouth. 
 
 Propositions were made, and repeated in various forms, 
 for opening the way to a conciliation with America, and all 
 voted down by large ministerial majorities. 
 
 Mr. Penn was, on motion of the duke of Richmond, ex 
 amined at the bar of the House in regard to the 
 dispositions and views of the Americans. On the 
 conclusion of the examination, the duke moved that the 
 petition of the continental congress, the same to which the 
 king had refused an answer, was "ground for a conciliation of 
 the unhappy differences subsisting between Great Britain 
 and America." This was negatived by a large majority. 
 A subsequent motion by the duke of Grafton, shared a like 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 131 
 
 fate. Mr. Burke brought forward a scheme of conciliation, 
 and supported it eloquently, but unavailingly, in an elaborate 
 speech. Mr. Fox failed in a like effort. Mr. Hartley intro 
 duced a series of resolutions, for a suspension of hostilities, 
 to restore the charter of Massachusetts, and to repeal all the 
 laws complained of, enacted since 1763. They were reject 
 ed without debate. By these repeated defeats of every sug 
 gestion, tending towards concession, it was established be 
 yond question, that the ruling party were determined on 
 subjugating the colonies by force of arms. The means pro 
 vided, were conceived in a similar spirit of resolute and 
 unflinching hostility to America. 
 
 The first step was a prohibitory law, interdicting all trade 
 and intercourse with the Thirteen United Colonies. By it all 
 property of Americans, whether of ships or goods on the 
 high seas, or in harbor, was declared forfeited to captors, 
 being of his majesty s ships of war, and the crews were to 
 be impressed on board of the ships of war. An exception 
 was made, in favor of such colonies, and parts of colonies, 
 as should return to a state of obedience, and a commission was 
 authorized for determining the claims of applicants for this 
 relaxation of rigor. 
 
 This tyrannical and inhuman law, was followed by ener 
 getic measures to prosecute the war of conquest to extinguish 
 the rebellion. The king laid before parliament, treaties 
 which he had alreadv negotiated with the land- 
 
 r- TT /-< 1 ,1 TV i c- T- -i Feb. 24, 1/76. 
 
 grave ot Hesse Cassel, the Duke ot .Brunswick, 
 and the hereditary prince of Hesse Cassel, for the hiring 
 of foreign mercenaries to carry on the American war. The 
 debates to which the discussion of this Hessian treaty gave 
 rise, necessarily took a wide and exciting range. Among 
 the arguments which were used to show the impolicy and 
 inhumanity of employing these foreign mercenaries, it was 
 contended that it would be counselling the Colonies to enter 
 into foreign alliances ; because they might, instead of hiring 
 foreign troops, obtain upon better terms the assistance of 
 those European powers from which Great Britain had most 
 to fear. On the other hand, the treaties were strenuously 
 defended by the ministers on the strong plea of necessity. 
 They spoke lightly of the expenses which would attend the 
 employment of these troops, as they did not doubt that the 
 war with America would be finished in one campaign, or 
 at most in two. The idea that the war would be prolonged 
 
132 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 to a more distant period, they thought " so totally improba 
 ble as not to merit consideration." Such were the sanguine 
 calculations of those who directed the public affairs of Great 
 Britain. Seventeen thousand troops were engaged by these 
 treaties, and nearly a million sterling voted to defray the ex 
 traordinary military expenses of the year. Twenty-five 
 thousand English troops were also ordered on the same ser 
 vice, and a large fleet stationed on the coast to co-operate. 
 These, with the troops already in America, and reinforce 
 ments from Canada, would, it was estimated, amount to 
 55,000 men, abundantly supplied with munitions, provisions, 
 arms, and ammunition, a force, strong enough, in the opin 
 ion of the ministry, to crush America at a blow. 
 
 One more effort, to make reconciliation still possible, was 
 made, by the opposition. The duke of Grafton moved for 
 an address to the king, praying that his majesty I ^ 
 would be pleased to issue a proclamation, de- | 
 claring that "if the Colonies, before or after the arrival of the 
 troops destined for America, shall present a petition to the 
 commander-in-chief, or to the commissioners to be appoint 
 ed under the late act, setting forth what they consider to 
 be their just rights and real grievances, that in such case 
 his majesty will consent to a suspension of arms ; and that 
 he has authority from his parliament to assure them that 
 their petition shall be received; considered, and answered." 
 
 This failed, and parliament, soon after, adjourned. 
 
 The two brothers, Admiral and General Howe, were ap 
 pointed commissioners under the prohibitory act, with power 
 to grant pardons and re-establish peace upon submission. 
 Sir Peter Parker and Lord Cornwallis had already embarked, 
 with part of the corps designed for American service, and 
 Admiral Hotham and Generals Burgoyne and Phillips, soon 
 after followed. 
 
 War on an extensive scale, and with an apparently irre 
 sistible force, now threatened the devoted colonies. The ar 
 mies and fleets that kept Europe in awe, and had in a recent 
 war humbled the joint power of France and Spain in both 
 hemispheres, were directed against a few plantations, with 
 out revenues, soldiery, military experience, fortresses, or 
 ships; without a common government to concentrate, with 
 the sanctions of legitimate authority, the strength and re 
 sources which they actually possessed, embarassed by their 
 anomalous relations towards their assailants, acknowledging 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 133 
 
 the general authority of Great Britain while they were re 
 sisting her with arms, and perplexed by contrariety of opin 
 ions and uncertainty of aim among themselves. The con 
 test was apparently so unequal, that the British ministry 
 may be excused for their error of judgment, in expecting 
 an immediate subjugation of their refractory subjects. They 
 could not anticipate the strength of the spirit of liberty which 
 actuated the mass of the American people, and which made 
 them bear up under such obstacles and perils against over 
 whelming odds, until defeats, disasters, and sufferings, taught 
 them the way to victory. 
 
 Tidings of the king s speech, at the opening of the ses 
 sion, and of the immediate proceedings in relation to the peti 
 tion of Congress, were received in America with deep re 
 sentment. The army before Boston was particularly exas 
 perated, and the feeling was improved by the officers, and 
 by congress, to stimulate them to more vigorous measures 
 against the town of Boston before the arrival of the expect 
 ed reinforcements to the British army. The speech was 
 publicly burned in the camp, and the flag which had pre 
 viously been plain red, was changed to thirteen stripes, em 
 blematic of the union of the colonies. Differences of opin 
 ion had prevailed between General Washington, and the 
 council of officers, on the subject of making a general assault, 
 arising out of the deficiency of powder, and the unsettled 
 condition of the troops. On the 14th of February, his pro 
 posal to risk the attack, was overruled ; but the new levies 
 having arrived shortly after, with a large force of New Eng 
 land militia, and a supply of ammunition, it was determined 
 to take advantage of the enthusiasm and resentment of the 
 soldiers, to expel the enemy from Boston. 
 
 The first object was to get possession of Dorchester Heights, 
 which commanded the town and the harbor. Two days be 
 fore the main attempt was made, a brisk cannon- I 
 
 j. rn , T, March 24, 
 
 ading was opened upon r/iipp s I 1 arm, m another | 
 direction, to divert the attention of the British from the 
 real object. The feint succeeded, and on the evening of 
 the 4th of March, a party of 2000 Americans under the 
 command of General Thomas, provided with the necessary 
 boats, crossed over to the heights, in silence, and worked 
 with such secrecy and expedition, that on the morning of 
 the 5th, they had erected breastworks sufficient for their 
 wn defence, in prosecuting their labours, and had already 
 M 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 mounted a battery of bombs and 24-pounders. The British 
 admiral announced to General Howe, that the fleet could 
 not remain in the harbor, unless the Americans were dis 
 lodged from the heights. An expedition was planned, and 
 three thousand men detailed - for the purpose. A violent 
 storm rose, which prevented their embarkation during the 
 day, and scattered the boats, and on the next morning it 
 was found that the provincials had worked so diligently in 
 extending and strengthening their works, as to make the 
 attempt to force them hopeless. Their position commanded 
 the whole town and harbour, and no resource was left to 
 General Howe, but immediate evacuation. An informal nego 
 tiation was opened with General Washington, through the 
 selectmen of the town, but without the signature of General 
 Howe, proposing, that if the retreat of the British army were 
 unmolested, they would retire without injury to the town. 
 The proposition was not positively acceded to, but the engage 
 ment was tacitly complied with by the American forces* 
 All firing upon the town ceased. Accordingly on the 17th 
 March I * ne British * ro P s > amounting to more than seven 
 I thousand soldiers and a large accompanying mul 
 titude, in one hundred and fifty vessels of various sizes and 
 descriptions, evacuated the town, which was immediately 
 occupied by the triumphant provincials. Ten days had 
 been employed in the embarkation, and numerous riots 
 and disorders occurred among the citizens, as well as 
 with the soldiery. Houses were pillaged, and violence and 
 robbery were common, notwithstanding the efforts of the 
 general to. prevent them. Fifteen hundred families, adhe-. 
 rents to Great Britain, accompanied the retreat, and added 
 greatly to the confusion and distress of the scene. The 
 embarkation was hastened by the erection of fortifications 
 in several prominent positions, which threatened to hem in 
 the British forces beyond the possibility of escape. When 
 they at last sailed out of the harbor, they were in a strait, 
 ened condition for the necessaries of life, food, fuel, and 
 clothing for such a multitude. They were compelled to 
 leave behind a considerable quantity of military stores. They 
 demolished the fortifications of Castle William, and spiked 
 the guns, and after being detained by contrary winds for 
 some days in the roads, sailed for Halifax, where they 
 waited for the reinforcements from England. A naval force 
 was left on the station to warn the expected British store ves- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 135 
 
 sels of the evacuation of the city, and protect them. Seve 
 ral of them however, fell into the hands of the Americans. 
 
 As a measure of precaution, General Washington directed 
 General Sullivan at New York, to be on his guard, apprehend 
 ing that General Howe might direct his course to that city, 
 which was in a defenceless state. General Clinton had already 
 been detached by General Howe, to operate in the south, and 
 Washington, uncertain of the precise plan of operations of 
 the enemy, and apprehending New York to be the point of 
 destination, had sent General Charles Lee to counteract the 
 movement. As soon as Howe s forces left Boston, he sent 
 additional forces to New York. 
 
 The entry of the provincial army into Boston, was hailed 
 with great triumphs and rejoicing there and throughout the 
 colonies. Congress passed a vote of public thanks to the 
 commander-in-chief and the soldiery, and ordered a gold 
 medal to be struck in honor of the achievement. 
 
 The loyalists who had adhered to the enemy were prose 
 cuted, and their property confiscated and sold for the bene 
 fit of the Treasury. The town was put into a state of de 
 fence, and garrisoned, and a few weeks afterwards, the 
 commander-in-chief, with the main body of the 
 army, marched for New York, where they arriv 
 ed on the 1st of April. General Lee, with a force of Con 
 necticut militia, amounting to twelve hundred men, had 
 succeeded in reaching that city, just at the moment when 
 the fleet, with the forces of Clinton, appeared off Sandy Hook. 
 The British plan was thus frustrated, and Clinton sailed for 
 the south. The occupation of the city by Lee, met with 
 violent opposition and remonstrance from the royalists there, 
 who were strong in numbers and influence. The committee 
 of safety sent to urge him not to enter, because the enemy 
 had threatened that the ships of war would fire the town. 
 " Tell them," was the answer of Lee, " that if they set one 
 house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain a 
 hundred of their friends by the neck, and make the house 
 their funeral pile," a threat which brought down the arro 
 gant tone of the king s party, and the patriots were left un 
 molested. Lee, after putting up works for defending the 
 city, until the arrival of Washington, and administering, with 
 characteristic energy and decision, a test oath to the citizens, 
 set off with his forces, to follow the southern progress of 
 Clinton. Soon after, the commander-in-chief established 
 
 April. 
 
136 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 his head-quarters in New York, with the greater part of the 
 army, from Boston, strengthened by recruits of the militia 
 of New York and New Jersey. 
 
 Before tracing the momentous civil and political events, 
 which followed shortly after, it is proper, for a true under 
 standing of the whole position, resources, and prospects of 
 the colonies, at the moment when they hazarded the Decla 
 ration of Independence, to follow the fortune of the contem 
 poraneous military expeditions, in Canada by the Americans, 
 and against the southern colonies by the British. 
 
 Arnold, with his diminished and suffering troops, amount 
 ing to about seven hundred men, had, after the death of 
 Montgomery, successfully maintained himself, and cut off 
 the communications of the garrison of Quebec, until rein 
 forced by detachments under the command of Generals 
 Wooster and Thomas from Boston. The whole force in May, 
 amounted, nominally, to three thousand men, but the small 
 pox prevailed among them with great violence, and reduced 
 their effective strength to less than one thousand. An at 
 tempt was made to fire the town, with the design of storm 
 ing it in the midst of the confusion ; but it miscarried, and 
 the American forces, weakened by sickness, which con 
 stantly increased among them, and exhausted by toils in the 
 midst of an enemy s country, were farther dispirited by 
 intelligence of the near approach of a considerable body of 
 English troops, to relieve the town. The progress of the 
 war had not encouraged the Canadians or Indians to take 
 part with the colonies, and the arrival of a very superior 
 force threatened to place the besieging army in a very criti 
 cal position. 
 
 Early in May the van of the British troops arrived, consist 
 ing of two companies of regulars, and a large 
 body of marines. The vessels that brought them 
 had forced their way with great difficulty through the ice. 
 Governor Carleton, with eight hundred men, belonging to 
 the garrison, having formed a junction with the reinforce 
 ment, marched instantly to attack the American camp; but 
 the Americans had anticipated the movement, and com 
 menced a precipitate retreat the day before, leaving behind 
 them their stores, part of their baggage and some of the 
 sick. These latter were treated with great kindness and 
 humanity ; proclamation was made, promising protection 
 and aid to such of them, as might be concealed through 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 137 
 
 fear, and all were generously fed and clothed, and sent 
 safely home a line of policy which strengthened very much 
 the British interests in Canada. In a few weeks the British 
 forces were augmented by successive arrivals of English, 
 and some Brunswick troops, to the number of thirteen thou 
 sand men, under Generals Burgoyne, Phillips, and Reidesel. 
 The Americans had retreated, without stopping, to the Sorel, 
 where they were reinfor.ced by several battalions, intrench 
 ed themselves, and threw up works for defence. General 
 Thomas died there of the small-pox, and the command 
 devolved first upon Arnold, and then upon General Sullivan. 
 After an ineffectual attempt to surprise the main body of 
 the enemy at Trois Rivieres, it was found necessary to evacu 
 ate the whole province of Canada. The pursuit was divided 
 into two columns ; but the retreating army, though inferior 
 in numbers, and under such serious disadvantages, baffled 
 their pursuers completely. Sullivan retreated by the Sorel, 
 and Arnold evacuated Montreal twenty-four hours before the 
 enemy entered it. The army re-united at St. Johns, under 
 the command of Sullivan, and having burnt the magazine, 
 barracks, and batteaux, retired under the cannon of Crown 
 Point, whither the enemy were unable to follow. The re 
 treat was considered a masterly effort of military genius, 
 and Congress voted their thanks to General Sullivan and 
 his army, for their courage, fortitude, and skill. 
 
 Gen. Gates was soon after appointed to the northern com 
 mand : and having collected a force of twelve thousand men, 
 took up a position at Ticonderoga, which he fortified, and with 
 the naval command of Lake Champlain, was able to check 
 the immediate advance of the enemy in that direction. 
 
 The disasters of the Canada campaign were compensa 
 ted, in part, to the general cause of the colonies, by the more 
 fortunate issue of their defences in the southern colonies. 
 In North Carolina, the royal governor, Martin, who had 
 been obliged, at the beginning of the year, like Lord Dun- 
 more of Virginia, to abandon the province, and take refuge 
 on board of a man-of-war, continued to exercise his office, 
 and encourage the assembling of soldiers, in behalf of the 
 loyal cause. A large number, from sixteen to seventeen 
 hundred, principally Scotch emigrants, collected under the 
 command of one McDonald, expecting the arrival of the 
 British forces under Lord Cornwallis, and Sir Peter Parker, 
 designed for the southern campaign, and of General Clinton, 
 Mfc 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 wjio was on his way south from Boston. The provincial 
 governor, Moore, collected some militia to oppose them, and 
 stationed them, to the number of a thousand men, at Moore s 
 Creek Bridge. The royalists hastily attacked them at that 
 post, and as hastily retreated, with the loss of their arms, 
 amounting to fifteen hundred rifles, several hundred muskets, 
 numerous waggons, a quantity of ammunition, and about 
 seventy men killed. The Americans had but two men wound 
 ed. The attack was rash, and the flight a cowardly rout ; 
 the results were, the total loss of the province to the roy 
 alists, and the defeat of that portion of the British plan of 
 the campaign. General Clinton arrived about the same time, 
 in the Cape Fear, and Governor Martin embarked, with others 
 of the royal adherents in North Carolina, to share in the 
 enterprise against Charleston, now the main object of attack. 
 A junction of the British forces was made at that point ; the 
 fleet, under the command of Sir Peter Parker, consisted of two 
 fifty gun ships, four frigates of twenty-eight guns each, two 
 armed vessels of twenty and twenty-two guns, a sloop and 
 gun boat. The land forces were 2500, in number. This arma 
 ment crossed Charleston bar on the 4th of June, and 
 June,i77 anc hored about three miles from Sullivan s Island, 
 upon which fortifications had been erected, commanding 
 the channel leading to the town. The fort was built of 
 Palmetto wood, mounted twenty-six guns, 32 s and 16 s, 
 and was garrisoned by a regiment of 375 regulars and a few 
 militia, under the command of Colonel William Moultrie. 
 Long Island, separated on the east from Sullivan s Island, was 
 protected by a party of militia, to prevent the landing of the 
 British troops to assault the fort on the land side. The 
 militia of the colony had obeyed the summons of the pro 
 vincial authorities, and about six thousand of them garri 
 soned the city. Every preparation within the power of the 
 colonies had been made, to meet the expected attack. Lee, 
 who had so promptly met Clinton in New York, had pushed 
 on with extraordinary celerity, and again anticipated him 
 at Charleston. The fleet experienced considerable difficulty 
 and damage in crossing the bar, and on the eighteenth of 
 June, after vainly summoning by proclamation the people 
 to return to their allegiance to the British crown, and offer 
 ing them pardon on submission, the attempt was made to 
 reduce the fort. The two fifty gun ships, the Bristol and 
 the Experiment, with two frigates, formed a line, and com- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 139 
 
 menced a tremendous fire upon the works. The other three 
 vessels were stranded and could not come into action, and 
 one of them, the Acteon, was lost, and burnt on the succeed 
 ing morning. The fire of the ships was returned with 
 amazing spirit and intrepidity by the Americans, and with 
 such great effect, that the Bristol was soon very nearly dis 
 abled, and dreadful slaughter was made in all the attacking 
 vessels. The shot from the fort struck with a precision, 
 which excited the admiration even of the enemy, and was 
 kept up until their whole ammunition was expended. The 
 British thought the fort silenced, but a supply of powder was 
 soon furnished from the town, and the fire hotly maintained 
 during the whole day, and until nine o clock in the evening, 
 when darkness put an end to the combat on both sides. 
 During the night the British ships, excepting the Acteon, 
 which was ashore, slipped their cables and dropped two 
 miles down the river. They had been severely handled ; 
 the total loss of men killed and wounded was 225, including 
 Admiral Parker, slightly, and Lord William Campbell, recent 
 governor, mortally wounded. The Americans lost only ten 
 men killed, and twenty-two wounded. 
 
 During the hottest of the fight, the flag of the fort was 
 carried away by a shot, when Serjeant Jasper leaped down 
 to the beach, in the face of the cannonading, and after re 
 covering the flag, climbed up and fixed it again on the battle 
 ment. For this heroic action, he afterwards received a 
 sword from Governor Rutledge, which he gratefully ac 
 cepted, and the offer of a commission which he modestly 
 declined. 
 
 No serious attempt was made by the British to attack the 
 fort on the land side. A few troops were disembarked, on 
 Long Island, but being opposed by Colonel Thompson s corps, 
 they remained inactive. 
 
 Not long afterwards, the fleet abandoned the expedition, 
 and returned to New York, to wait the arrival of General 
 Howe, from Halifax. 
 
 Congress and the people, expressed the highest admira 
 tion of the defence of Charleston, especially that of the 
 fort, which has ever since borne the name of its intrepid 
 defender, and is called Fort Moultrie. Congress passed a 
 special vote of thanks to General Lee, and Colonels Moul 
 trie and Thompson, for their gallant and successful defence. 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Its permanent effects were, the entire derangement of 
 the British military plans, and the security of the whole 
 Southern States from invasion for more than two years. Its 
 present influence was highly encouraging to the spirit of 
 the colonies, affording them just cause for triumph over an 
 adversary of superior force, and as a victory counterbalanc 
 ing the loss of their previous conquests in Canada. 
 
 General Howe, having waited for nearly two months, at 
 Halifax, with the troops he had withdrawn from Boston, 
 in expectation of the arrival of his brother, and the addi 
 tional troops from England, at last sailed without them, and 
 arrived in the latter part of June, off Sandy Hook. Admi 
 ral Howe soon followed with a large part of the reinforce 
 ment, and a powerful force was thus concentrated upon 
 New York, then in the possession of Washington. The 
 city, and Long and Staten Islands, were found fortified and 
 defended with artillery. General Howe was joined by Tryon, 
 late governor of the province, and a small number of refu 
 gees. On Staten Island a regiment of the inhabitants was 
 embodied as a royal militia, and the British general was led 
 to believe, that a large part of the people would readily join 
 the royal standard. 
 
 Additional troops arrived soon after, and a well appointed 
 and numerous fleet and army collected before the city, 
 the possession of which was considered a most important 
 point for the subjugation of the middle colonies. 
 
 The gathering of these formidable armaments did, how 
 ever, only precipitate the final measure, which consummated 
 the Revolution. In the constitution of human nature, the 
 political separation of the two countries must have happened 
 at some period not very remote ; but violent measures were 
 required to break asunder suddenly and completely the nu 
 merous ties of affection, kindred, and interest, of common 
 ancestry, common language, the same literature, learning, 
 and the arts, which would have retained a mutual depend 
 ence and relation, long after all political necessity for union, 
 had ceased. The arbitrary pretensions of the Parliament 
 had now for twelve years, alarmed the colonists for the 
 safety of their most essential rights, and taught them to 
 look with jealousy and distrust upon all the constituted au 
 thorities of the mother country. Of late years these pre 
 tensions had been enforced with a haughty obstinacy and 
 insulting disregard of the feelings and opinions of Ameri- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 141 
 
 cans, which could not fail to wound deeply the pride, and 
 exasperate the sensibilities of a people, remarkable for ele 
 vation and independence of character ; and the actual means 
 employed for that purpose, had been marked by atrocious 
 brutality, by the most wanton disregard of laws, constitu 
 tions, the plainest dictates of justice and the claims of 
 ordinary humanity, and by an evident determination to crush, 
 with the strong arm of military power, the complaints, as 
 well as the rights and privileges of America. . To this had 
 now succeeded twelve months of open hostilities, a state of 
 notorious war in which the king s troops were resisted at all 
 points, his officers deposed and driven out of the country, 
 his fortresses taken, his ships captured, and every energy 
 exerted to subvert altogether his power in America, as too 
 tyrannical to be endured. At this point, Independence had 
 become a fact, which needed only a declaration by compe 
 tent authority, to be universally admitted among the colo 
 nies. To continue further professions of obedience to a 
 king against whom they were defending their dearest rights, 
 at the hazard of every thing, would have been not only a 
 gross hypocrisy, inconsistent with manliness of character, 
 and firmness of principle, but would have been a political 
 blunder, decidedly injurious to their prospects of success, 
 and their hopes of aid in the struggle before them. They 
 saw that a return to a cordial union with Great Britain, had 
 become impossible under any circumstances; that violence, 
 injustice, and wantonness of power on the one hand, and 
 long continued dread, jealousy, anger, and finally hatred on 
 the other, had made it vain to expect that harmony could 
 ever be restored permanently, even with the most unlimited 
 concessions by Great Britain. The recent acts of Parlia 
 ment, and the concentration in America of such a vast force 
 of English troops and foreign mercenaries, convinced them 
 that no terms could be obtained short of submission without 
 condition to foreign conquest, and a surrender of all they 
 had been contending for as most precious, into the hands 
 of triumphant conquerors. 
 
 Nothing therefore remained but to assume in the eyes of 
 the world, that Independence, which their position in the 
 controversy seemed so imperiously to require as a measure 
 of honor and safety, and which existed in fact, in every 
 colony that had subverted the king s powers, and assumed 
 the functions of government. It was moreover considered 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 indispensable, in order to secure the aid of other European 
 nations, in the struggle against England. The general dis 
 like of continental Europe to the predominance of the 
 power of Great Britain, gave just ground to anticipate their 
 co-operation, sooner or later, in a war to deprive her of such 
 immense possessions. Besides these merely political views, 
 looking to the humbling of a powerful and dreaded rival, it 
 was considered that commercial considerations would influ 
 ence them to the same course. The great and growing 
 trade of the American colonies, that had been monopolized 
 by Great Britain, was a prize to the mercantile interests of 
 other states, for which large efforts and sacrifices would be 
 made. These calculations could not, however, be made in 
 favor of dependent provinces, struggling in rebellion against 
 acknowledged authority. Treaties could be entered into, 
 and aid, of men or money, asked for sufficient to give force 
 and dignity to the contest, only as independent states ; and 
 hence the policy of severing at once, by a formal act, all 
 dependence upon Great Britain, and assuming an attitude 
 of sovereignty. 
 
 Reasonings of this nature, gradually ripened the minds 
 of the colonies, to the great revolutionary measure of inde 
 pendence. The course of events brought it on by a moral 
 and political necessity. As the non-importation agreements 
 of 1773-4, were followed by the assumption of arms in 1775, 
 so the commencement of hostilities produced the declaration 
 of independence. The public mind, under the constant 
 excitement of wrongs and sufferings from the unnatural mother 
 country, and heated and at the same time enlightened by 
 the acute discussions, and impassioned appeals of able men 
 in behalf of liberty and resistance, was prepared to take the 
 final step. During the winter and spring of 1776, the press 
 teemed with gazettes, pamphlets, and judicial charges, 
 enforcing the necessity and urging the wisdom of indepen 
 dence. Eminent individuals in all the colonies, devoted 
 their time and talents to the dissemination of the same prin 
 ciples. The pamphlet of Thomas Paine, entitled " Common 
 Sense," had a wonderful effect, in diffusing plain and prac 
 tical views of the question, expressed in a sententious and 
 popular style. The charge of Judge Wm. H. Drayton of 
 South Carolina, was remarkable for its boldness and effect. 
 After drawing a contrast between the British government, 
 and such a one as the colonists could erect for themselves, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 143 
 
 and portraying in indignant terms the tyranny of Great 
 Britian, he summed up thus emphatically : " In short I think 
 it my duty to declare in the awful seat of justice and before 
 Almighty God, that in my opinion, the Americans can have 
 no safety but by the Divine favour, their own virtue, and 
 their being so prudent as not to leave it in the power 
 of the British rulers to injure them. Indeed, the ruinous 
 and deadly injuries received on our side; and the jealousies 
 entertained and which, in the nature of things, must 
 daily increase against us, on the other; demonstrate to 
 a mind, in the least given to reflection upon the rise and 
 fall of empires, that true reconcilement never can exist 
 between Great Britain and America, the latter being in sub 
 jection to the former. The Almighty created America to 
 be independent of Britain. Let us beware of the impiety of 
 being backward to act as instruments in the Almighty hand, 
 now extended to accomplish his purpose ; and by the com 
 pletion of which alone America, in the nature of human 
 affairs, can be secure against the craft and insidious designs 
 of her enemies, who think her prosperity and power already 
 by far too great. In a word, our piety and political safety 
 are so blended, that to refuse our labors in this divine work, 
 is to refuse to be a great, a free, a pious, and a happy 
 people ! 
 
 Soon after the prohibitory act reached America, congress 
 made still further advances towards independence, by grant 
 ing letters of marque and reprisal against the ships I 
 and goods of the inhabitants of Great Britain, and | 
 opening the ports to all the world, except those of Great 
 Britain. In the same month, Silas Deane was sent as se 
 cret agent to the court of France, with instructions to ascer 
 tain the disposition of that court; " whether if the colonies 
 should be forced to form themselves into an independent 
 state, France would probably acknowledge them as such, 
 receive their ambassadors, enter into any treaty or alliance 
 with them for commerce, or defence, or both ?" A few weeks 
 later, they took a preliminary step of great importance, 
 which plainly showed the design of a speedy declaration. 
 In examining the advance of congress in this matter, it 
 must be borne in mind that they acted by the implied con 
 sent of the colonies, ana with authority which had no sanc 
 tion but the acquiescence of the provincial conventions, or 
 legislatures, many of which existed by the same tacit suf- 
 
144 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ferance without formal organization. The colonies were 
 integral communities, independent of each other, and con 
 sequently, in all matters concerning their political exist 
 ence, and forms of government and relations with each other 
 or foreign nations, Congress only acted by the consent of 
 each, express or implied. Its functions were in effect only 
 advisory, though they had been universally recognized, under 
 the emergencies of the times, as binding upon the good faith 
 of the several provinces. In a step of such an extraordina 
 ry kind, as the assumption of independence, it is obvious 
 that their power extended no further than the declaration of 
 a fact, that each of those who joined in the assertion of the 
 independence of all, was at the time absolutely independent 
 in itself. Congress had on several occasions been applied 
 to for advice, in regard to the internal administration of the 
 separate colonies. In the fall of 1775, on the subversion of 
 the royal governments, several of the provincial conventions, 
 following the example of Massachusetts, had asked the coun 
 sel of congress as to the form of government proper to be 
 adopted, and had received directions recommending popular 
 representation and elective administrations ; " during the 
 continuance of the dispute with the parent country." At 
 that time a considerable portion of the country, and some 
 leading members of congress, thought even this limited as 
 sumption of the functions of government, too openly hostile to 
 British authority, and prematurely leading to revolution. With 
 scarcely an exception during the summer and autumn of that 
 year, the provincial assemblies and conventions, disclaimed 
 for themselves and for their constituents, the design of separa 
 ting from Great Britain. Great changes of opinion, and infi 
 nitely more zeal and boldness in the avowal of opinions pre 
 viously entertained, were brought about by the course of 
 affairs during the parliamentary session of 1776 in Great 
 Britain, and the campaigns arrayed against America for the 
 same year, to conquer and enslave British colonies with the 
 aid of hired soldiery from Germany. 
 
 In May, 1776, congress, following the advance of public 
 opinion, recommended, without opposition of any moment, 
 Ma 10 I an "^finite extension of the same power in the 
 I provincial governments, the suggestion of which 
 provisionally and for an interim, had only six months before 
 alarmed the loyalty of the colonists. They advised the peo 
 ple not to consider themselves any longer as holding or 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 145 
 
 exercising any powers from Great Britain, but " to adopt such 
 government as should in the opinion of the representatives 
 of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of 
 their constituents in particular, and of America in general." 
 By the preamble to this resolution, finally adopted five days 
 afterwards, it was declared " irreconcilable with Ma 
 reason and good conscience" for the colonists to 
 take the oaths for the support of government under the 
 crown of Great Britain. They proclaimed the necessity of 
 suppressing " the exercise of every kind of authority under 
 the crown," and all power should be exerted "under the 
 authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation 
 of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the 
 defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the 
 hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." 
 
 About the same time, the colonial assemblies began to 
 move in the great question, and give official sanction to 
 what had become the general sentiment of America. North 
 Carolina, on the 22d of April, made the first public act of 
 any colonial assembly in favour of the measure, by instruct 
 ing her delegates in congress " to concur with those in the 
 other colonies in declaring independency " a phrase which 
 implies a general agitation of the question, and the expec 
 tation that it would shortly be brought before congress. 
 
 On the 14th of May, the general assembly of Massachu 
 setts desired the people at the ensuing election of represen 
 tatives, to give them instructions on the subject of indepen 
 dence ; and on the 23d, the inhabitants of Boston, whose 
 opinions reflect those of the whole colony, instructed their 
 representatives that their delegates in congress be advised 
 that the inhabitants of that colony with their lives and the 
 remnants of their fortunes, would most cheerfully support 
 them in the measure " of declaring independence. 
 
 On the 15th of May, the provincial convention of Vir 
 ginia unanimously instructed their delegates in congress, to 
 propose to that body, to declare the United Colonies, "free 
 and independent states ; absolved from all allegiance or depen 
 dence upon the crown, or parliament of Great Britain." At 
 the same time, without waiting for the declaration, they as 
 sumed the independence of Virginia, and appointed a com 
 mittee to draw up a bill of rights, and form a constitution. 
 
 The assembly of Rhode Island, in the same month, adopt 
 ed an oath of allegiance to the colony, and instructed their 
 
 N 
 
June 7. 
 
 146 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 delegates in congress to join in all measures which might be 
 agreed on in congress, for the advancement of the interests, 
 safety, and dignity of the colonies. 
 
 South Carolina and Georgia, with the colonies just men 
 tioned, had taken active measures to procure a declaration 
 of independence, before it was brought forward formally in 
 that body. Pennsylvania and Maryland had declared against 
 it, and the other delegates were without instructions ; when, 
 on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, 
 offered a resolution, declaring that " the United 
 Colonies are, and ought to be, free and independent States ; 
 that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, 
 and that all political connexion between them, and the state 
 of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." 
 
 This resolution, so mighty in its character, and the vast 
 importance of all its bearings, was debated for several days 
 with extraordinary earnestness, eloquence, and ability. Mr. 
 Lee, and John Adams, w T ere the most distinguished in sup 
 porting the motion, and Mr. John Dickinson of Pennsylva 
 nia in opposing it. These were among the most able and 
 eminent men the revolution had produced, and the full 
 strength of their faculties was brought forth on so solemn 
 and momentous an occasion. On the 10th the resolution 
 was adopted in a committee by a bare majority of the colo 
 nies, and the final consideration was postponed to the first 
 of July, to give time for greater deliberation, and for instruc 
 tions from the colonial legislatures. A committee was ap 
 pointed to draw up the declaration, consisting of Thomas 
 Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and 
 Robert R. Livingston. 
 
 In the interim, the friends of independence were ardent 
 and indefatigable in their labours to procure the co-opera 
 tion of such colonies as had not yet taken measures to ex 
 press their concurrence, and to procure the assent of the 
 colonies that hesitated or had refused. 
 
 On the 8th, the New York delegates wrote for instruc 
 tions, but the provincial assembly not feeling themselves 
 authorized to act, referred them in reply, to the people, who 
 were desired to give instructions, at the election of legis 
 lators. 
 
 On the 15th, the New Hampshire assembly unanimously 
 instructed their delegates to concur, and on the same day, a 
 similar instruction was given by the Connecticut assembly, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 who had specially convened for the purpose. On the 21st, 
 new delegates were chosen from New Jersey, and instructed 
 if they should deem it expedient, " to join in declaring the 
 United Colonies independent." 
 
 In the same month the assembly of Pennsylvania with 
 drew their former instructions against independence, but did 
 not expressly authorize concurrence. They took measures 
 for obtaining an expression of the opinion of the people of 
 the province ; and a convention composed of committees from 
 the counties, met at Philadelphia, on the 24th of June. This 
 convention, without binding the delegates to a vote in favour 
 of independence, voted to allow them a discretion, and 
 expressed their own willingness to concur with the other 
 colonies. 
 
 The delegates from Maryland had voted against Mr. Lee s 
 motion, on instructions, and against their own personal wishes. 
 They made strenuous efforts to procure a reversal of their 
 instructions, and chiefly through the perseverance of Sam 
 uel Chase, a new convention was held on the 28th of June, 
 and resolutions adopted empowering their representatives to 
 concur with the other colonies, in the proposed declaration. 
 These were sent express to Philadelphia, and reached there 
 on the day appointed for the final determination of the 
 question. 
 
 On the 1st of July, the debate was resumed, and contin 
 ued for three days, and after deliberate discussion, was assent 
 ed to by all the colonies, except Delaware and Pennsylva 
 nia. Thomas M Kean and George Read were the del 
 egates from Delaware present, and they were divided, 
 M Kean in favour of the declaration, and Read against it. 
 The third delegate, Mr. Rodney, was absent during the dis 
 cussion, but was sent for express, by his colleague M Kean, 
 a distance of eighty miles. He obeyed the call with such 
 alacrity as to reach Philadelphia in time to determine the 
 vote of Delaware on the side of independence. His haste, 
 and the disordered condition in which he appeared in con 
 gress to give his vote, gave rise to the revolutionary toast of 
 " Rodney in Boots ;" which became popular among the whigs 
 of the day. 
 
 Several delegates were present from Pennsylvania, four of 
 whom voted against the resolution, and three in its favour. 
 On the final vote, however, two of the opponents, Morris 
 and Dickinson, withdrew, and the three affirmative votes, 
 
148 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Franklin, Wilson, and Morton, formed a majority against 
 the remaining negatives, Willing and Humphrey, and turned 
 the vote of the province. 
 
 These happy changes having been effected, the declara- 
 Juiy 4, I tion prepared by the special committee, came 
 1776. I U p f or fj na [ disposition, and on the 4th of July, 
 received the assent of every colony. The committee ap 
 pointed on the llth to prepare a declaration, had agreed 
 to make separate drafts, in order that all might be com 
 pared together, and a final declaration drawn up from them 
 by the whole committee. That prepared by Mr. Jefferson, the 
 chairman, was first read, and received with such admiration, 
 that the other members declined producing their own, and 
 unanimously adopted it, with but trifling verbal alterations. 
 On the FOURTH, it received the assent of the thirteen colo 
 nies, in congress assembled after a few amendments : in 
 the following words: 
 
 " A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States 
 of America, in Congress assembled. 
 
 " When in the course of human events, it becomes neces 
 sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have 
 connected them with another, and to assume among the 
 powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which 
 the laws of nature and nature s God entitle them, a de 
 cent respect to the opinions of mankind requires, that they 
 should declare the cause which compel them to the sepa 
 ration. 
 
 " We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are 
 created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, 
 governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any 
 form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is 
 the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to insti 
 tute a new government, laying its foundation on such prin 
 ciples, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them 
 shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. 
 Prudence indeed will dictate, that governments long estab 
 lished, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; 
 and accordingly, all experience hath shown, that mankind are 
 more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to 
 right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 149 
 
 accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpa 
 tions, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design 
 to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, 
 it is their duty to throw off such government, and to provide 
 new guards for their future security. Such has been the 
 patient sufferance of these Colonies, and such is now the 
 necessity which constrains them to alter their former sys 
 tems of government. The history of the present King ot 
 Great Britain, is a history of repeated injuries and usur 
 pations ; all having in direct object the establishment of an 
 absolute tyranny over these states : to prove this, let facts be 
 exhibited to a candid world. 
 
 " He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome 
 and necessary for the public good. 
 
 "He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi 
 ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their ope 
 rations till his assent should be obtained ; and when so sus 
 pended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. 
 
 " He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommodation 
 of large districts of people, unless those people would relin 
 quish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right 
 inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 " He has called together legislative bodies at places unusu 
 al, uncomfortable, and distant from the depositories of their 
 public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into 
 compliance with his measures. 
 
 " He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
 opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the right of 
 the people. 
 
 " He has refused, for a long time after such dissolution, to 
 cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, 
 incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at 
 large for their exercise, the state remaining in the mean 
 time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, 
 and convulsions within. 
 
 " He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these 
 states ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturaliza 
 tion of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their 
 migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appro 
 priations of lands. 
 
 "He has obstructed the administration of justice, by re 
 fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 " He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
 
150 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
 
 salaries. 
 
 "He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent 
 
 hither swarms of officers, to harass our people and eat out 
 
 their substance. 
 
 "He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, 
 
 without the consent of our legislatures. 
 
 "He has affected to render the military independent of and 
 
 superior to, the civil power. 
 
 " He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic 
 
 tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our 
 
 laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation : 
 " For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 " For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment 
 
 for any murders which they should commit on the inhabit 
 
 ants of these states : 
 
 " For cutting off our trade, with all parts of the world : 
 
 " For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 
 
 " For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of trial by 
 
 " For transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended 
 offences : 
 
 " For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh 
 bouring Province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern 
 ment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at once 
 an example and fit instrument for introducing the same abso 
 lute rule into these colonies : 
 
 " For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valua 
 ble laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our gov 
 ernments : 
 
 "For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring 
 themselves invested in power to legislate for us, in all cases 
 whatsoever. 
 
 " He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
 of his protection, and waging war against us. 
 
 " He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our 
 towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 "He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign 
 mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolution and 
 tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty and 
 perfidy, scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 
 totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 
 
 " He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 151 
 
 the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
 the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall them 
 selves by their hands. 
 
 " He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
 has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers 
 the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare 
 is, an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes, and con 
 ditions. 
 
 "In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned 
 for redress, in the most humble terms : our repeated petitions 
 have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, 
 whose character is thus marked by every act which may 
 define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 
 
 "Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British 
 brethren. We have warned them from time to time, of at 
 tempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrantable 
 jurisdiction over us ; we have reminded them of the cir 
 cumstances of our emigration and settlement here ; we have 
 appealed to their native justice and magnanimity ; and we 
 have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to 
 disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt 
 our connexions and correspondence. They too have been 
 deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We must 
 therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our 
 seperation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind 
 enemies in war, in peace friends. 
 
 " We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
 of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the 
 Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten 
 tions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people, 
 of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, that these 
 United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, Free and 
 Independent States ; that they are absolved from all alle 
 giance to the British Crown ; and that all political con 
 nexion between them and the state of Great Britain, is and 
 ought to be totally dissolved ; and that, as free and inde 
 pendent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude 
 peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all 
 other acts and things which independent states may of right 
 do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm 
 reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually 
 pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred 
 honour." 
 
152 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Copies of this declaration were immediately transmitted 
 to all the states, and received with enthusiasm, and pro 
 claimed with every demonstration of joy. Five days after 
 its adoption, the legislature of New York, that had not pre 
 viously acted, unanimously resolved, that the reasons of 
 Congress for declaring Independence, were " cogent and 
 unanswerable." At Philadelphia, when it was solemnly 
 promulgated on the eighth, the artillery fired salutes, the 
 bells rang a peal of triumph, and bonfires blazed all over the 
 city. At New York it was on the eleventh, by order of 
 General Washington, read to the head of every brigade in 
 the army, amidst universal acclamations. The leaden statue 
 of king George the Third, that had stood before the govern 
 ment house, was torn down, dragged through the streets, 
 and converted into musket-balls. In Baltimore the like 
 enthusiasm prevailed, and the populace marched an effigy 
 of the king through the streets, and then burnt it. In Boston 
 the most extravagant demonstrations were made, of almost 
 delirious exultation. Salutes of thirteen guns were fired 
 from every place, and by every company that possessed the 
 means. All the authorities, civil and military, with a vast 
 concourse of people, were collected together in King-street, 
 and the Declaration read from the balcony of the State 
 House, amidst deafening shouts and the roar of artillery. 
 The name of King-street was changed to State-street, on the 
 spot, and in the evening, the royal emblems throughout the 
 town, crowns, sceptres, lions, &c. were torn down and burnt 
 in triumph. In Virginia the like ardor prevailed ; and the 
 whole country hailed the Declaration as an act of liberation 
 from slavery, and a victory over the institutions of despotism. 
 
 We cannot better illustrate these feelings than by an 
 extract from a private letter, written on tne morning of the 
 vote in favour of Independence, by John Jldams, to his wife, 
 published many years afterwards. It shows the warmth of 
 temperament which pervaded the patriot bosoms of that day ; 
 the sagacity with which coming evils were foreseen, and 
 courageous confidence with which they were defied. 
 
 "The day is past. The second day of July, 1776, will be 
 a memorable epocha in the history of America. I am apt to 
 believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations, 
 as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commem 
 orated, as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion 
 to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 153 
 
 shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations, 
 from one end of the continent to the other, from this time 
 forward for ever. 
 
 " You will think me transported with enthusiasm ; but I am 
 not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, 
 that it will cost us to maintain this declaration, and support 
 and defend these states. Yet, through all the gloom, I can 
 see the rays of light and glory ; I can see that the end is 
 more than worth all the means, and that posterity will 
 triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we 
 shall not." 
 
 It was not, however, possible, in the nature of human 
 affairs, that so complete a revolution could be made with 
 perfect unanimity. Many individuals, from various reasons, 
 refused to acquiesce in the decision of the mass of the 
 people, and continued to acknowledge and adhere to British 
 authority. Persons of this description were called Tories 
 and enemies to their country ; and were so unpopular, that 
 in many instances they were illegally siezed and violently 
 abused by the people. Before the declaration of independ 
 ence, Congress had been compelled to interfere in their 
 behalf, and pass resolutions to protect them from disturb 
 ances, except when taken in an overt-act of hostility to 
 American liberty, or under circumstances of strong pre 
 sumption. The resolution, already alluded to, declaring the 
 Americans absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, 
 passed in June, recognised the obligation of allegiance to 
 the separate colonies, from all persons residing within the 
 same ; and therefore liable only to the colonial tribunals for 
 violations of this duty. On the 24th, these principles were 
 followed up more specifically by a declaration that " all 
 persons abiding within any of the United Colonies, and 
 deriving protection from the laws of the same, owed alle 
 giance to the said laws, and were members of said colony." 
 And further, that all persons, members of any colony, who 
 should levy war against any of the said colonies, or adhere 
 to its enemies, "within the same, 9 were "guilty of treason 
 against such colony." It was further recommended to the 
 legislatures of the several colonies, to provide laws for the 
 punishment of such " treasons. 11 No more explicit avowal 
 of the separate sovereignty of the individual colonies, in 
 fact, before the joint declaration, could be advanced. After 
 the declaration, the states, or most of them, on the same or 
 
154 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 similar suggestions, confiscated the estates of Tories, and 
 adherents to Great Britain, and passed special laws inflicting 
 severe punishments on all acts of hostility, and the punish 
 ment of death for treason. 
 
 The disasters to the arms of America, which followed the 
 declaration of independence, increased the number of mal 
 contents, and weakened the force of the country. The mass 
 of the inhabitants, however, stood firm in the cause ; and the 
 consistency and courage of Congress, with the unequalled 
 virtues of the Commander-in-chief, who held the destinies 
 of the country in his hand for a long and critical period, 
 sustained and invigorated the popular determination to a 
 final triumph over foreign and domestic enemies. 
 
 In its proper place, hereafter, we shall trace the history 
 of the Confederation among the colonies, which took its rise 
 out of the new state of separate sovereignty, in which the 
 declaration of independence placed them. So obvious was 
 the necessity of some such compact, that on the I2th of 
 June, the next day after that in which the resolution in 
 favour of independence passed the committee of the whole, 
 Congress determined to appoint a committee to prepare and 
 digest a form of Confederation ; and on the 13th the com 
 mittee was selected, consisting of Mr. Bartlett, of New 
 Hampshire, Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts, Stephen 
 Hopkins, of Rhode Island, Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, 
 R. R. Livingston, of New York. John Dickinson, of Penn 
 sylvania, Thomas M Kean, of Delaware, Mercer, of Mary 
 land, Nelson, of Virginia, Hewes. of North Carolina, Rut- 
 ledge, of South Carolina, and Gwinnett, of Georgia. This 
 committee reported a plan of Confederacy on the 12th of 
 July. After discussions and amendments, an amended draft 
 was reported late in August, and the whole subject then laid 
 over until April of the next year, and was not finally adopted 
 until November, 1777, under which date, a review of its 
 progress and details more properly belongs. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 155 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 THE position of American affairs, at the date of the decla 
 ration of independence, was not encouraging. The repulse, 
 of Clinton from Charleston was a gallant action, but did not 
 counterbalance the reverses in Canada. A very powerful 
 force by sea and land was concentrating on the city of New 
 York, where the means for defence were very inadequate. 
 Admiral Howe joined his brother at Staten Island on the 
 ]2th July. About the same time, General Clinton arrived 
 with the troops which had attacked Charleston, and Admiral 
 Hotham with a strong reinforcement under his escort. The 
 army, in a short time, amounted to 24,000 of the best troops 
 in Europe, to whom several regiments of Hessian infantry 
 were expected to be added ; making the aggregate not less 
 than 35,000 men. 
 
 To oppose these, the American General had a force, con 
 sisting chiefly of undisciplined and badly provided militia, 
 amounting in number to about seventeen thousand men. 
 Deducting for invalids and those without means for going 
 into active service, the effective force, at no time previous 
 to the battle of Long Island, was greater than fourteen thou 
 sand. These were necessarily divided into detachments and 
 parties on New York, Long and Governor s Islands, and 
 Paulus Hook, upon the Jersey shore of the Hudson, opposite 
 the city, a space extending over fifteen miles. 
 
 While waiting for reinforcements, Admiral and General 
 Howe, who were commissioners under the late act of the 
 British parliament, undertook, in their civil capacity, to 
 open negotiations for a re-union between the countries. The 
 declaration of independence probably hastened their anxiety 
 to improve what they thought would be the alarms of the 
 timid, on the first promulgation of so bold a measure. 
 
 In the month of June, while on the coast of Massachusetts, 
 Lord Howe had issued circulars to the royal governors of 
 the provinces for distribution, explaining the commission 
 wdth which he and his colleagues were charged. These 
 were to grant " general or particular pardons to all those 
 who, though they had deviated from their allegiance, were 
 
156 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 willing to return to their duty." Congress, on the receipt 
 of these and subsequent documents of a like character, took 
 the bold step of ordering them to be published and circulated 
 for the purpose of showing the insulting nature of the powers 
 and the absence of all concession to the rights that had been 
 so strenuously claimed. The reason assigned in the resolu 
 tion for publication was, that the good people of the United 
 States "might see the terms, with the expectation of which 
 the insidious court of Great Britain had endeavoured to 
 amuse and disarm them;" and that "the few, who still 
 remained suspended by a hope founded either in the justice 
 or moderation of their late king, might now at length be 
 convinced that the valor alone of their country could save 
 its liberties." 
 
 A more direct attempt at negotiation was made on the 
 Jui 14 I 14th, by a flag of truce, which brought a letter 
 I from General Howe, addressed simply to George 
 Washington, Esq. without official designation. This was 
 refused, not, as General Washington informed Congress, upon 
 a mere point of personal punctilio, but because, in a " pub 
 lic point of view," it was due to his " country and appoint 
 ment," to insist upon respect to the Commander-in-chief 
 of the American forces. Congress applauded his course, 
 and directed by resolution, that no letter nor communication 
 from the enemy should be received by any officer whatever, 
 unless directed to him properly in his official capacity. 
 
 A second letter, brought by Adjutant-general Patterson, 
 addressed to " George Washington, &c. &c. &c." was in like 
 manner declined. To the remark that these et ceteras implied 
 every thing, and were not liable to the previous objection, 
 Washington replied, that they also implied any thing; and 
 he should in consequence refuse to receive all communica 
 tion not explicitly acknowledging his public capacity. Gen. 
 Patterson concluded a long conference, managed on both 
 sides with great dignity and courtesy, by remarking, that 
 the commissioners had " great powers," and would be happy 
 to effect an accommodation. "Their powers," rejoined 
 Washington, " are only to grant pardons. They who have 
 committed no fault, want no pardon." This peremptory 
 rejection of the views with which the royal commissioners 
 came charged, closed their attempts to negotiate upon the 
 ground of pardon. A correspondence was afterwards opened 
 between the two generals, with regard to the treatment of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 157 
 
 prisoners, on both sides, in which the proper direction was 
 scrupulously given, according to the claims made by General 
 Washington. 
 
 The British forces were in the mean time by no means 
 idle. On the 12th, two of their ships had forced their way 
 up the Hudson, and taken a position near Tarrytown. The 
 military in the counties along the shore, were directed to 
 oppose them, under the command of the American General 
 Clinton. An attempt was made to dislodge them, with some 
 American ships and gallies, but without success. The con 
 tinual arrival of fresh troops strengthened the invading force ; 
 and on the close of the attempt at negotiation, it was resolved 
 to make a bold, and it was hoped, final movement against 
 the American position. 
 
 Within the camp of Washington, the difficulties and 
 embarrassments were of the most distressing and sometimes 
 threatening nature. The militia, upon which he was com 
 pelled to rely, had not learned the necessary habits of 
 military subordination: they were sometimes exceedingly 
 turbulent, and generally very ill provided with arms, ammu 
 nition, food ; and for a while, a feud of an alarming character, 
 raged between the eastern troops on the one side, and the 
 southern and middle troops on the other, which required all 
 the firmness and sagacity of the general to appease. A plot 
 was detected, the seat of which was in the interior of New 
 York, for betraying the patriots to the British, which was 
 quelled by the exertions of General Schuyler. Dissensions 
 sprung up between the officers, about precedence of rank; 
 and, to crown all the evils of necessity, insubordination, 
 disaffection, and want, which afflicted the raw recruits pes 
 tilence was added. The small-pox attacked them virulently, 
 and before the 1st of August, one-third of the army was on 
 the sick list. The reinforcements called for by the general, 
 at the time, came in slowly and with all the same deficien 
 cies. The exertions of Washington, aided by Congress, were 
 most persevering, indefatigable, and sagacious. With such 
 means, he contrived to keep the enemy in check for more than 
 a month ; and, for a while, baffled the plans of a force three 
 times his own in magnitude, of well disciplined and well 
 supplied soldiery. On the 22d of July, Congress authorized 
 an exchange of prisoners, rank for rank ; at the same time 
 recognising the right of each state to make exchanges for 
 itself, of prisoners taken under its own authority : and on the 
 
 
 
158 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 same day voted to emit five millions of dollars in bills of credit. 
 On the 9th of August, resolutions were adopted for encou 
 raging the Hessians and other foreigners in the British ser 
 vice to desert, in the phrase adopted, "to quit that iniquitous 
 service." 
 
 Being in daily expectation of an attack from the English 
 forces, General Washington had been anxiously preparing 
 for it at every point, by which it was thought they would 
 approach. The charge of the American defences on Long 
 Island had been given originally to General Greene, one of 
 the best officers in the service, and who distinguished himself 
 so highly in the course of the Avar. Upon his falling sick, 
 the command devolved upon General Sullivan. The attack 
 which was made on the 27th, was directed against the works 
 constructed under the direction of General Greene, enclosing 
 the village of Brooklyn, which is on the side of Long Island 
 opposite the city of New York. They extended from the 
 Wallabout Bay, on the left, above the city, across the penin 
 sula, to the Red Hook, below the city, where the passage 
 called the Narrows communicates between the Bay of New 
 York and the ocean. Within the Narrows lies Governor s 
 Island, which was also fortified. The village of Brooklyn, 
 lying within these lines, was occupied by the American force 
 under General Sullivan. Between them and the opposite 
 parts of the Island, where the enemy could land, was a range 
 of hills, commencing at the Narrows, and extending easterly 
 for about six miles, and terminating near Jamaica. These 
 hills were thickly wooded. Three roads passed through them, 
 accessible to soldiery : one near the Narrows, a second by the 
 village of Flatbush, and a third called the Bedford road. 
 Another road from the south side of the Island avoided the 
 hills entirely, by passing around the eastern extremity, called 
 the Jamaica road. The passes through the hills had been 
 carefully guarded by corps of eight hundred men each, and 
 Colonel Miles, with a battalion of riflemen, was stationed to 
 watch the Jamaica road, and keep open a communication 
 between the passes. 
 
 The British forces had landed on the 22d, and on the 
 
 I evening of the 26th of August, the Hessians, under 
 
 [-command of Gen. De Hiester, occupied the village 
 
 of Flatbush. This formed the centre of the British force in 
 
 the battle of the next day. General Grant commanded the 
 
 left, towards the Narrows, and General Clinton, with Lords 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 159 
 
 Cornwallis and Percy, led the right, which was the main 
 point of attack, along the Jamaica road. The British plan 
 was to make brisk attacks with their left and centre, upon 
 the opposing American lines, to direct their attention from 
 the chief object, which was to turn the American left, and 
 take their whole force in flank by surprise. The plan suc 
 ceeded. General Grant, who commanded the British left, 
 advanced upon the American forces, who instantly fled ; 
 and a few of them were with difficulty rallied until Lord 
 Sterling had collected about fifteen hundred men, with whom 
 he made a stand, about two miles from the camp. About 
 da}dight, the Hessians from Flatbush advanced, simulta 
 neously, with Gen. Grant s division, and the whole American 
 forces were soon hotly and resolutely engaged with them. 
 General Washington had reinforced the troops at Brooklyn, 
 and given the command there to General Putnam, who, under 
 the persuasion that the body of the enemy were advancing by 
 these routes, sent succors to Lord Sterling and Gen. Sullivan. 
 
 General Clinton and his force had in the mean time gained 
 their object. In the preceding night he had marched for the 
 Jamaica defile, and before day surprised the Americans, 
 who were stationed to wait the approach of the enemy, 
 seized the pass, and having occupied the heights, descended 
 in the morning into the plains on the side of Brooklyn. 
 Having thus turned the American position two miles in the 
 rear of the detachment of Colonel Miles, he fell upon their 
 left, which was engaged with the Hessians. The sound of 
 the cannon was the first intelligence they had of this fatal 
 disaster, and they immediately broke and endeavoured to 
 reach the camp. In this they were intercepted by General 
 Clinton, and driven back upon the Hessians ; and thus 
 several times they were charged with great fury on both 
 sides, and finally hemmed in by the English and Hessians, 
 advancing in opposite directions. Some regiments, concen 
 trating themselves, made a desperate charge, and cutting 
 their way through the enemy with great loss, reached the 
 camp. The broken troops still maintained some skirmishing 
 fights, along the hills and ravines, but the American left and 
 centre were totally routed. 
 
 The right under Lord Sterling continued to maintain a 
 resolute conflict with the British left, for six hours, until the 
 victorious troops under Clinton had traversed their rear and 
 surrounded them. A gallant charge was made by Sterling, 
 
160 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 in person, at the head of the Maryland regiment, which 
 behaved with extraordinary courage, and were nearly all 
 cut to pieces. The charge had nearly succeeded in routing 
 Cornwallis in person, when overwhelming succors arrived, 
 and the brave detachment were either cut to pieces or made 
 prisoners. A retreat had been ordered, and this spirited 
 assault gave opportunity for a large proportion of the troops 
 to escape. The loss was however great; many were drowned 
 in attempting to cross the creek in their rear, and not a few 
 were stilled in the mud. 
 
 In the heat of the action, Washington passed over to 
 Brooklyn, to aid in rallying the soldiers, but the defeat was 
 irreparable. He was compelled to witness the slaughter of 
 his best troops, without the possibility of saving them, or 
 remedying the disasters of the day. The enemy pursued 
 the routed Americans to the lines at Brooklyn, but did not 
 attempt an assault. On the next day, determining to carry 
 the works by regular approaches, ground was broke within 
 a few hundred yards of a redoubt. 
 
 General Washington was anxious for an assault upon his 
 entrenchments by the British. The greater part of his troops 
 had been transported to the Island, and he knew how much 
 better they could be depended upon for the repulse of an 
 assault, and the defence of fortifications, than for manoeuvres 
 in the open field. But he was no less sensible that his position 
 could not be kept against a regular siege by an enemy so 
 superior in numbers, and well provided with all the mate 
 rials and tools. Heavy rains continued to fall, and his men 
 were without tents and shelter. The fleet of the enemy too, 
 had made movements indicating a design to force a passage 
 up the East river, and thus cut off the communication with 
 the city of New York. Had such a plan succeeded, the 
 situation of the army would have been desperate. An im 
 mediate retreat from the Island was thereupon determined 
 on, and was accordingly executed on the evening of the 
 29th, with extraordinary secrecy and celerity, and complete 
 success. The embarcation commenced soon after dark, at 
 09 I * wo P om ts, under the direction of Gen. M Dougal and 
 I Col. Knox. The precise object of the expedition was 
 carefully concealed from the troops themselves ; and in the 
 space of thirteen hours, an army of nine thousand men, with 
 all their field artillery, tents, baggage, and camp equipage, 
 were conveyed over the East river to the city of New York, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 161 
 
 a river nearly a mile wide, without the knowledge or suspi 
 cion of the British, who were at work not more than five 
 hundred yards distant. The commencement of the embar- 
 cation had been unpropitious : the state of the tide and the 
 prevalence of a strong northeast wind, made their sail-boats 
 useless, and the number of row-boats was totally inadequate. 
 About eleven o clock, with the change of tide, the wind 
 changed to the southeast, which made the communication 
 easy and rapid. Very luckily, towards morning, a thick fog, 
 an unusual appearance, sprung up and covered the shores, 
 under the protection of which, the retreat was carried on 
 undiscovered by the enemy, for some hours after the dawn 
 of day. By a mistake in the transmission of orders, the 
 American lines were totally evacuated for three quarters of 
 an hour before the embarcation was complete ; but the 
 British, though actually at work at a short distance, did not 
 perceive it; and General Mifflin returned and re-occupied 
 them until every thing except some heavy pieces of ord 
 nance was removed, and then got off sale with his own 
 detachment. When the fog finally cleared off, the last boat 
 load of the rear guard were seen crossing the river, out of the 
 reach of the enemy s fire. 
 
 The consequences of the battle of Long Island, and the 
 retreat, were very dispiriting to the American general, and 
 cast a most gloomy cloud over American affairs. The troops 
 lost confidence in themselves and distrusted their officers. 
 They became desponding, intractable sometimes almost 
 mutinous, and deserted in great numbers. Whole companies 
 and sometimes regiments abandoned the army en rnasse. 
 General Washington became early impressed with the con 
 viction that the city could not be maintained, and the move 
 ments of the enemy strengthened him daily in this belief. 
 They were making approaches by their ships up both rivers, 
 and it was doubtful whether their intention was to assault 
 the x nes, or to land at Kingsbridge, where the island of 
 New York is connected with the main land, and thus en 
 close the Americans. To guard against the imminent danger, 
 the stores, not of pressing necessity, were removed to Dobbs 
 Ferry, beyond Kingsbridge, and about twenty-six miles 
 from New York; and on the 7th of September, a council of 
 war was held to deliberate upon the expediency I 
 
 of the retreat. A majority decided against that 
 measure, and voted to carry on a war of posts, in order, if 
 02 
 
162 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 ^possible, to detain the enemy during the remainder of the 
 campaign, in the struggle to possess York Island. The ques 
 tion was seriously agitated, whether, if compelled to abandon 
 the city, it would not be proper to burn it, in order to 
 deprive the enemy of all advantage in possessing it. On the 
 12th, a second council of war determined in favour of im 
 mediate evacuation. This was hastened by the landing of a 
 considerable force at Kipp s Bay, a day or two afterwards, 
 and a defeat which the Americans sustained there. 
 
 General Howe landed a detachment, under cover of seve 
 ral men-of-war, on the east side of New York Island, on the 
 15th September, about three miles above the city, between 
 South Bay and Kipp s Bay. Works had been erected to oppose 
 them, and troops stationed there sufficient to oppose the land 
 ing, until reinforcements could arrive ; but at the first ap 
 proach of the British, the works were shamefully abandoned 
 without the firing of a single gun in defence. Two brigades 
 had been sent to support them ; and Washington followed in 
 person, to retrieve the disasters and animate the troops. His 
 efforts were in vain he met the whole party in precipitate 
 and cowardly flight from an inconsiderable number of the 
 enemy; and neither exhortations, entreaties, menaces, nor 
 violence, could induce them to rally. He threatened and 
 expostulated ; and, with an excitement unusual in his steady 
 and well-tempered mind, attempted to cut down some of the 
 most eager in flight ; and finally, losing his self-possession, 
 hazarded his own person in front of the pursuing enemy, 
 and was scarcely restrained from rashly throwing away his 
 own life in a desperate attempt to check the dastardly flight 
 of his soldiers. He was led unwillingly off of the field by 
 his aids and confidential friends, in great distress of mind. 
 On this only occasion, in his whole public career, did he 
 suffer his feelings to overcome the firmness of his temper. 
 
 In consequence of this failure, the evacuation of the city 
 was made in haste. It was accomplished with little l-jr,s of 
 men ; but most of the heavy artillery and some stores were 
 s e t 16 unavoidably left behind, and the city was imme 
 diately occupied by General Howe. The forces 
 which had retreated from Kipp s Bay, took up their position 
 at Harlsem, where the rear guard, under General Putnam, 
 joined them, from the city, having eluded the British by 
 avoiding the main road, and directing their march along the 
 banks of the North river. The new British position extended 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 163 
 
 across the island, at Bloomingdale, about five miles north of 
 the city. The encampment was flanked on each extreme 
 by the North and East rivers, and covered by ships of \va^ 
 The Americans were posted in their greatest strength at 
 Kingsbridge, which secured their communications with the 
 country. M Gowan s Pass and Morris Heights were also 
 fortified ; and a camp fortified and garrisoned at Harlasm 
 Heights, within a mile and a half of the enemy. The day 
 after the retreat from New York, a skirmish took place 
 between advanced parties of the armies, in which the Ame 
 ricans behaved with great intrepidity, and gained a decided 
 advantage over the enemy. The troops engaged were rangers 
 under the command of Colonel Knowlton, of Connecticut, 
 and three Virginia companies under Major Leitch. Both of 
 these officers fell mortally wounded ; but their soldiers gal 
 lantly continued the attack, and drove a superior force of the 
 enemy from their position, with considerable loss. The 
 benefit of this affair was great in inspiriting the army, and 
 reviving their confidence in themselves. 
 
 The royal commissioners, Admiral and General Howe, 
 foiled in their attempt at negotiation with the authorities 
 of the new States, commenced addressing themselves directly 
 to the people, promising in behalf of the king, a revision 
 of all the regulations in trade, and a general reconside 
 ration of all acts by which the Americans might think 
 themselves aggrieved. Under two successive proclamations 
 of this kind, a number of timid citizens of New York, 
 impelled perhaps by the gloomy state of the affairs of 
 Independence, signed declarations of allegiance, and pre 
 sented petitions praying to be received into his majesty s 
 peace and protection. Congress, to counteract this tendency, 
 established an American Oath of Allegiance, requiring of 
 every officer to acknowledge the thirteen United States as 
 "free, independent, and sovereign States, and to abjure all 
 allegiance or obedience to the king of Great Britain." 
 Other royal proclamations fdtlowed, charging and command 
 ing all persons assembled in arms against his majesty s 
 government to disperse, and return to their dwellings; and 
 ordering all conventions and congresses to desist from their 
 treasonable proceedings, and relinquish their "usurped au 
 thority." Full pardons were promised to all who should 
 subscribe the declaration of allegiance within thirty days; 
 under advantage of which many Americans, in the imme- 
 
164 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 diate vicinity of the British troops, and among them Galloway 
 and Allen, who were members of congress in 1774, abandoned 
 their country and joined the British standard. Counter proc 
 lamations were issued by Washington, under the directions 
 of Congress, granting liberty to those who preferred "the 
 interest and protection of Great Britain to the freedom and 
 happiness of their country," to withdraw within the enemy s 
 lines, but demanding the surrender of all British protections 
 within thirty days, at head quarters, under penalty of being 
 considered "common enemies of the American states." 
 
 The line was most rigidly drawn between the friends and 
 enemies of Independence ; and the determination of Con 
 gress and the Commander-in-chief grew more resolute as 
 the war grew more adverse. 
 
 The two armies continued without change of position for 
 some weeks : from the 15th of September, when the city was 
 occupied by the British, till the middle of October. The ardu 
 ous and embarrassing duties of the field were not the 
 most trying of the difficulties which engaged the time and 
 attention of Washington. The deplorable situation of the 
 army, which was constantly on the point of dissolution from 
 defect of organization, and want of almost every necessary, 
 was a distressing subject of representation to Congress in his 
 daily letters and remonstrances. The time for which enlist 
 ments had been made, was rapidly passing, and the mis 
 fortunes of the campaign had discouraged many even of the 
 most ardent. The imprudence with which Congress had 
 relied upon the enthusiasm of the people, to re^fill the ranks at 
 short periods, combined with the expectation of a speedy end 
 to the conflict, an expectation which was now weakened if 
 ^not totally destroyed, had left them the prospect of being 
 deserted by the army precisely at the moment when affairs 
 were most gloomy, and a united effort was most necessary. 
 The mischiefs of this temporizing plan at last forced the con 
 viction upon Congress, that the cause of American liberty 
 must be despaired of unless a permanent force could be 
 depended upon, till the end of the war. At last, on the 16th 
 of September, they passed a resolution for the formation of a 
 regular army, to be enlisted to serve during the war. This 
 was afterwards modified so as to admit of engagements for 
 three years or during the war. The inadequacy of the pay 
 and emoluments, which had formed an anxious subject of 
 representation by Washington, was taken into consideration, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 165 
 
 and a scale adopted more likely to give the service an honor 
 able and efficient character. A bounty of twenty dollars to 
 privates and non-commissioned officers was agreed upon ; 
 and grants of land to officers and soldiers who served out the 
 whole enlistment, promised in the following proportions: 
 Five hundred acres to a Colonel ; four hundred and fifty to 
 a Lieutenant Colonel; four hundred to a Major; three hun 
 dred to a Captain ; two hundred to a Lieutenant; one hun 
 dred and fifty to an Ensign ; and one hundred to non-com 
 missioned officers and privates. The appointment of all, 
 except general officers, and the filling of vacancies was left 
 to the state governments. Each state was to provide arms, 
 and clothing, and every necessary for its quota, to be deducted 
 from the pay of the soldiers. The army was to consist 
 of eighty-eight battalions, furnished thus : New Hamp 
 shire, three battalions ; Massachusetts Bay, fifteen ; Rhode 
 Island, two; Connecticut, eight; New York, four; New 
 Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, twelve ; Delaware, one ; Mary 
 land, eight; Virginia, fifteen; North Carolina, nine; South 
 Carolina, six: Georgia, one. 
 
 These vigorous measures were, in the end, of material 
 advantage ; but the effect could not be immediate. They 
 were not adopted till late in the year, and in the interval 
 the deepest distress prevailed in every department of public 
 service. The winter was approaching, and the few necessaries 
 and clothing of the soldiery were not only meager in quantity 
 and kind, but totally unfitted for the rigors of the season. 
 
 The dignity and firmness of Congress, under these adverse 
 circumstances, was equally sustained in a contemporary cor 
 respondence with Lord Howe, on the subject of an accommo 
 dation of the difficulties, opened by him immediately after the 
 battle of Long Island. General Sullivan, who had been taken 
 prisoner, was paroled by the British general, and entrusted 
 with a verbal message to Congress to the effect, that he 
 could not treat with them in that character then ; that he was 
 extremely anxious to come to some accommodation speedily, 
 while, as yet, no decisive advantage had been gained by 
 either party, and it could not be said that either had been 
 conquered into acquiescence or submission ; that he would 
 hold a conference with any of their members as private gen 
 tlemen : that he was, with the admiral, fully authorized to 
 settle all differences in an honorable manner ; that, were they 
 to treat, many things which the Americans had not yet asked, 
 
166 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 might and ought to be granted ; and if upon a conference 
 there appeared any probable ground of accommodation, that 
 the authority of Congress would be afterwards acknowledged 
 to render the treaty complete. General Sullivan communicated 
 this message to Congress, on the 2d of September, and was 
 directed to reduce it to writing. At the same time, tidings 
 of the disastrous result of the battle and the retreat of the 
 army were officially communicated: but Congress stood fast 
 ge t 5 in their determination. Three days afterwards they 
 directed General Sullivan to communicate to Lord 
 Howe their reply that " Congress, being the representatives 
 of the free and independent states of America, they cannot 
 with propriety send any of their members to confer with his 
 lordship in their private characters ; but that, ever desirous 
 of establishing a peace on reasonable terms, they will send a 
 committee of their body to know whether he has any autho 
 rity to treat with persons authorized by Congress, for that 
 purpose, in behalf of America, and what that authority is; 
 and to hear such propositions as he shall think fit to make 
 concerning the same." 
 
 Doctor Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, 
 were appointed the commissioners, and they accordingly 
 met Lord Howe by appointment, at Staten Island, a few 
 a ^ er *^ ne conference was conducted with 
 
 s 11 
 
 perfect courtesy and dignity by both parties, and 
 
 ended, as was expected, by the American envoys, without 
 any approach to an accommodation. In their report to Con 
 gress they stated, that it did not appear that his lordship s 
 commission contained any other authority than that contain 
 ed in the act of parliament, which was merely a power to 
 grant pardons and offer amnesty on submission. They 
 concluded with expressing the opinion, that " any expecta 
 tion from the effort of such a power would have been too 
 uncertain and precarious to be relied upon by America, even 
 had she continued in her state of dependence." Howe put an 
 end to the conference by expressing a regard for the Ameri 
 cans, and the extreme pain he should suffer, in being compel 
 led to inflict upon them the calamities of war. Doctor Frank 
 lin replied by thanking him for his civility, and promising him 
 in return, " that the Americans would show their gratitude 
 by endeavoring to lessen, as much as possible, all the ^pain 
 he might feel on their account, by exerting their utmost 
 abilities to take good care of themselves." Congress approved 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 167 
 
 of the conduct and language of their delegates ; and the 
 issue of the conference, was beneficial to the general cause. 
 The firmness of the leaders of the revolution was tried and 
 found immovable. The final concessions of the British 
 were made, and instantly rejected, as totally inadequate to 
 the universal demands of the country in the most disheart 
 ening circumstances. The magnanimous determination, not 
 to negotiate for worse terms after defeat, than had been de 
 manded before the battle, raised the moral character of the 
 contest and of the actors, and infused a loftier spirit into 
 the public councils. 
 
 In the month of October, the military affairs of the States 
 assumed a still more gloomy aspect, from the increase of 
 the British force, by the arrival of the additional Hessian 
 regiments. The army of Howe then amounted to about thirty- 
 seven thousand men, and he soon after resolved upon more 
 active measures to compel the Americans to abandon their 
 fortified camp. He. prudently determined not to try an as 
 sault upon their position ; but having bv means of his fleet, 
 and his great superiority in numbers, the command of both 
 rivers, he adopted the plan of transporting part of his army 
 above Kingsbridge and forming an encampment in the 
 rear of the American lines. Had this plan succeeded, Wash 
 ington would have been completely cut off from all com 
 munication with the country, and forced to fight a general 
 battle at an immense disadvantage. Having fortified Gow- 
 an s hill, and lefl a strong force, consisting of English and 
 Hessian troops, under the command of Lord Percy, for the 
 defence of New York, Howe dispatched three frigates up the 
 North river, to interrupt the American communications with 
 New Jersey. They forced their way without much injury, 
 past the American forts Lee and Washington, and without im 
 pediment from the cheveaux-de-frise that had been sunk in the 
 river. The great body of his troops were then embarked in flat 
 bottom boats, on the East river, and passing through I 
 Hurlgate were landed at Throgg s Neck, in West- | ( 
 Chester county, near the village of Westchester. He delayed 
 there till the 18th, in recruiting his troops, and repairing the 
 roads and bridges, which had been broken up by the Americans. 
 This movement produced an immediate change in the position 
 of the American army. General Lee had arrived in the camp, 
 and at a council of war, held on the 16th, he urged the evac 
 uation of the whole island at once, and the retreat of the 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 army to Westchester. Lee also advised the evacuation of 
 Fort Washington, and Washington was inclined to the same 
 opinion ; but the advice of General Greene prevailed, and it 
 was determined to leave that garrison, consisting of three 
 thousand men, to withstand and retard the operations of 
 the enemy, and aid, in conjunction with Fort Lee, on the 
 Jersey side, in keeping the navigation of the river open for 
 the transportation of supplies. With the exception of these 
 forts, the whole force was accordingly withdrawn from the 
 island of New York, and extended along the North river, 
 towards White Plains, its left always reaching beyond the. 
 British right. During this change, Washington continually 
 presented a front to the enemy, who had commenced their 
 advance towards New Rochelle, on the 18th, thus protecting 
 his rear, along which the sick, the baggage, cannon, ammu 
 nition, and stores, were transported in comparative safety. 
 
 His line then presented a chain of small, entrenched and 
 unconnected camps, occupying successively every height 
 and rising ground, from Valentine s Hill, about a mile from 
 Kingsbridge, on the right, extending almost to White Plains 
 on the left. 
 
 Numerous skirmishes took place, between small parties of 
 the troops, until the 25th, on which day General Howe 
 advanced his whole force, taking a strong position on 
 | the river Bronx, and made demonstrations of a 
 | design to attack the American camp. He threw 
 forward a large corps of English and Hessians under Gene 
 ral Leslie, and Colonels Don op, and Rahl, to drive a force 
 of sixteen hundred men under General McDougal, from a 
 commanding eminence on the opposite side of the river, 
 and thus open a way for an assault on the centre and right 
 of the main body. The defence was maintained with great 
 spirit, but finally the American were overpowered and driven 
 in with great loss. The day was however so far spent in 
 the struggle, that General Howe could not follow up the 
 attack. He kept his army under arms in front of the Amer 
 ican lines, ready to renew the fight in the morning. Dur 
 ing the night Washington changed his front, his left keep 
 ing their post, while the right fell back, and entrenched 
 themselves on a range of hills, in a position too strong to be 
 assailed. The British general thought it necessary to wait 
 for a reinforcement from New York, before he prosecuted 
 his march, and drew off his forces towards Dobb s Ferry. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 169 
 
 A heavy rain which fell a day or two afterwards, further 
 postponed his designs. On the first of November, he had 
 made his preparations for an attack, aiming evidently to 
 secure the high grounds in the American rear. But 
 the night previous, Washington, who had anticipated this 
 movement, secured his baggage and stores, and suddenly 
 changed his camp again, taking up a very strong ground at 
 North Castle, about five miles from White Plains. On the 
 following morning the English took possession of the Amer 
 ican camp ; and finding it impossible to force the Americans 
 to fight a general battle, except upon the most unequal terms, 
 General Howe, a few days afterwards, discontinued his pur 
 suit, and turned his forces against the fortressess still in the 
 occupation of the Americans in the neighbourhood of New 
 York. The principal of these was Fort Washington, on the 
 New York side of the North river, against which the first 
 efforts were directed. The fate of this post was looked to 
 with great anxiety by General Washington. To General 
 Greene, to whom the command of that portion of the army 
 had been committed, he gave discretionary powers, advising 
 him to evacuate the fort in case he should find it not in a 
 situation to sustain an assault. Greene thought the fort tena 
 ble, and retreat to the opposite bank of the river, to Fort Lee, 
 practicable, in case of extremity, and determined to sustain 
 the attack. The anxiety of Washington increased, and leav 
 ing General Lee in command of the eastern militia, on the 
 left bank of the Hudson, and securing the strong positions 
 at Peekskill and on Croton river, he crossed to New Jersey 
 with the main body of the army, and went to join the camp 
 of General Greene at Fort Lee. He called upon the gover 
 nor of New Jersey to hold the militia in readiness, and 
 directed the removal of the stores and heavy baggage to a 
 safe distance. These precautions were hardly taken, before 
 the English army was concentrated towards the fort, and on 
 the 15th, it was invested, and the garrison, under the com 
 mand of Colonel Magaw, summoned to surrender. On his 
 refusal, w T ith a declaration of his resolution to | NQV 
 resist to the last extremity, the besiegers proceed- | 
 ed to the assault in four divisions. The first in the north was 
 commanded by General Kniphausen, and was composed of 
 Hessians ; the second, on the eastern side, was made by 
 two battalions of guards, supported by Lord Cornwallis, with 
 a body of grenadiers and the thirty-third regiment. These 
 
 P 
 
170 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 two parties crossed Haerlem creek, in boats, and landed on 
 the American right The third attack, meant as a feint, was 
 conducted by Lieutenant Colonel Stirling, with the forty 
 second. The fourth division was under Lord Percy, with 
 his reinforcements from the south of the island. Each party 
 was supported by a powerful and well served artillery. 
 
 Soon after daybreak the next morning the firing com 
 menced, and continued during a great part of the day. The 
 Hessian division, moving down from Kingsbridge, penetrated 
 in two columns, the first of which ascended the hill circuit- 
 ously, and having forced the American outworks, formed 
 within a hundred yards of the covered way in front. The 
 other column climbed the hill in a direct line, through a wood, 
 occupied by Colonel Rawling s regiment of riflemen, and 
 after hard fighting and some severe repulses, drove in the 
 American defenders into the fort. Lord Percy assaulted 
 the works on the south, and while he was engaged with the 
 first line of defence, the third division had succeeded in 
 forcing a landing against a heavy cannonading, and pene 
 trated with great difficulty against an obstinate defence, into 
 the second line, thus intercepting the American force, and 
 making numerous prisoners, On all sides the American out 
 works were forced, and the whole garrison driven within the 
 walls of the fort, or under the guns. The British general 
 again summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender. Finding the 
 post no longer tenable against such a superior force, he sur 
 rendered himself and the garrison prisoners of war, and gave 
 up the Fort. The number of prisoners was stated by Wash 
 ington in his offical account at 2000. The British account 
 made it 2600. The difference is accounted for on the sup 
 position that Washington only included the regular troops. 
 Much censure was cast upon the Commandant for his mode 
 of defence, and his precipitation in yielding. Notice was 
 sent him by Washington to hold out until evening, when 
 measures would be taken to bring him off, but the negotia 
 tions had proceeded too far to allow of retracting, had the 
 situation of the garrison rendered it possible. The Ameri 
 can general has also been censured, for not ordering the eva 
 cuation of the Fort, as soon as it had been rendered useless 
 by the occupation of the country above by the enemy. 
 The error in Washington was not in misunderstanding the 
 proper military movements, but in allowing his own judg 
 ment to be overruled by others. He was opposed to the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 171 
 
 plan of maintaining the fort, recommended to the council of 
 war, and carried by Greene, but yielded to the majority. 
 
 The immediate abandonment of Fort Lee became neces 
 sary, and orders were issued for the removal of the stores and 
 ammunition. But Lord Cornwallis crossed the river above 
 so promptly with a large force amounting to 6000 | 
 men, that an instant retreat was ordered, with the | 
 loss of stores, ammunition, tents, and camp equipage, to a 
 very large amount The Americans retired precipitately 
 behind the Hackensack river, with daily diminishing forces. 
 The losses at Forts Washington and Lee had had a most 
 disheartening effect, and the troops deserted or abandoned 
 their commander, in large numbers daily. Not more than 
 three thousand could be mustered on commencing the re 
 treat through Jersey, and they were miserably clothed, des 
 titute of provisions, pay, tents, ammunition, and of the greater 
 number the term of service was nearly up, and no persua 
 sions could prevail upon them to re-enlist. The troops of 
 the Northern army under General Schuyler were ordered to 
 join, but the term of service expired before they reached 
 the encampment, and few remained. Earnest calls were 
 made on the States for quotas of militia, but ineffectually. 
 General Armstrong was dispatched to the interior of Pennsyl 
 vania, General Mifflin to Philadelphia, and Colonel Read to 
 the interior of New Jersey, to procure reinforcements, and per 
 emptory and repeated orders were dispatched to Gen. Lee, 
 who had been left in New York, to cross the Hudson and. 
 join Washington with his troops. He delaved obeying, and 
 at last, after entering New Jersey, carelessly taking up his 
 quarters at a distance from his soldiers, he was surprised and 
 taken prisoner by a party of British dragoons. This how 
 ever did not take place till the 13th of December, after 
 Washington had crossed the Delaware, where General Sulli 
 van led the detachment to join the Commander-in-chief. 
 
 The retreat through the Jerseys to the crossing of the 
 Delaware was the most disastrous period of the war. A 
 scanty, destitute, desponding and diminishing force, scarcely 
 amounting to three thousand at the highest, was pushed by 
 a triumphant, well disciplined, and abundantly supplied 
 army of thirty thousand. As the British advanced, the Ameri 
 cans retreated towards the Delaware, occasionally making 
 a stand to show a front to the enemy and retard his advance. 
 It frequently happened, that as the rear of the Americans 
 
172 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 left a village on one side, the advance guard of the British 
 entered it at the other. The last proclamation of the Howes 
 appeared during this gloomy retreat, and produced consid 
 erable defection on the line of march. To add to the em 
 barrassments of the American general, an insurrection broke 
 out in Monmouth county, which required the aid of a party 
 of his troops to repress it. The only encouraging circum 
 stance, in the distressing time, was the arrival of some rein 
 forcements from Philadelphia, with which he kept the Brit 
 ish in check for a short time, and pressed forward upon 
 Princeton, to give an opportunity for conveying his sick, 
 stores, and baggage, such as were left him, across the Dela 
 ware. 
 
 Affairs prospered no better with the Americans in other 
 quarters. 
 
 On the very day that Washington crossed the Delaware, 
 General Clinton, with two brigades of British and two of 
 Hessian troops, and the squadron under Sir Peter Parker, took 
 possession of Newport in Rhode Island, and blockaded Com 
 modore Hopkins, with his squadron and a number of pri 
 vateers, in Providence. The chief object of this movement 
 was to prevent the New England states from reinforcing 
 Washington. It had that effect six thousand troops 
 under General Lincoln, which were already on the march, 
 were detained to watch the enemy at home. Another ob 
 ject was to interrupt the privateering business ; this also w r as 
 effected. But such inconsiderable objects were purchased 
 too dearly. From three to five thousand of the best British 
 troops were kept in a state of inactivity for nearly three years. 
 
 By the approach of the British army, the deliberations of 
 Congress were disturbed, and on the 12th of December they 
 adjourned from Philadelphia to Baltimore, w r here they met 
 on the 20th. Before their adjournment they vested General 
 Washington with almost unlimited powers, " to order and 
 direct all things relating to the department, and to the opera 
 tions of war." They especially authorized him to levy six 
 teen additional battalions of infantry, three regiments of 
 artillery, three thousand light-horse, and a corps of engineers, 
 to appoint officers., establish their pay, to call the militia 
 into service, and, in short, gave to him the absolute direction 
 of military affairs for six months. The other proceedings of 
 Congress, will be noticed after bringing up to this date, the 
 military events of the Northern frontier, where the British 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 173 
 
 General Carleton had in the early part of the season, expel 
 led the Americans under Arnold from Canada, and driven 
 them into Ticonderoga on Lake Champlain. 
 
 General Gates, who assumed the command, fortified the 
 post, and garrisoned it with about twelve thousand men. 
 
 The command of the Lakes George and Champlain was 
 of the highest importance, for from that point to New York, 
 a chain of British communications would effectually sepa 
 rate the Eastern and Middle States, and enable the royal 
 troops to overrun either at pleasure, without the possibility 
 of their co-operating for defence. The evacuation of Crown 
 Point by the main body, leaving only a garrison there, and 
 the selection of Ticonderoga as the point upon which to fall 
 back, had been disapproved of by several American officers, 
 and did not meet with Washington s approbation. In con 
 formity with the design of maintaining the naval superiority 
 on the Lake, General Gates with vast labor collected a fleet 
 of sixteen vessels, consisting of one sloop, three schooners, 
 one cutter, three gallies and eight barges or gondolas, the 
 whole carrying fifty -six guns, eighty-six swivels, and four 
 hundred men. The command was given to Colonel Arnold. 
 The plans of the British were no less energetically pursued, and 
 their means were more ample than those of the Americans. 
 They did not pursue the Americans beyond Crown Point, 
 but bent all their efforts to acquire such a preponderance of 
 naval force, that they could drive them at once from their 
 positions, force their way to Albany, and form a complete 
 junction with Lord Howe s army at New York. In less 
 than three months a powerful fleet was constructed and 
 equipped. The materials for some of the largest vessels were 
 brought from England, and time and great labour were 
 required to put them into a state for use. Gondolas, boats 
 and batteaux, and vessels of larger size, containing materi 
 als, muniments, and stores, were dragged up the rapids, and 
 
 October. 
 
 als, muniments, and stores, were dragged up me rapi 
 about the first of October, a large British squadron | 
 was afloat on Lake Champlain. It consisted of the j 
 Inflexible, a ship carrying eighteen twelves, two schooners, 
 the Carlton and the Maria, carrying twelve and fourteen 
 guns, a flat-bottomed boat carrying twelve guns besides 
 howitzers, a gondola carrying seven nine pounders, twenty 
 gunboats carrying each a brass field piece, from nine to 
 twenty-four pounders ; some large boats acting as tenders, 
 with each a carriage gun, and a large number of small vessels 
 
174 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 prepared for the transportation of the army and stores. This 
 fleet was navigated by seven hundred prime seamen; of 
 whom two hundred were volunteers from the transports ; was 
 commanded by Captain Pringle, an experienced and gallant 
 officer ; and the guns were served by detachments from the 
 artillery corps. 
 
 The American force was inferior in number, but could 
 not avoid an action, which commenced under favorable 
 Oct circumstances on the llth of October. The wind 
 
 was unfavorable to the British, and the Inflexible 
 and other vessels of force could not be brought into action. 
 The combat was thus rendered more equal, and continued 
 with great fierceness for four hours. The principal damage 
 to the Americans was the loss of a schooner and a gondola 
 Two of the British gondolas were sunk, one blown up, and 
 the rest suffered severely. The commander finding it 
 impossible to bring his whole strength advantageously into 
 action, drew off his vessels at night, preparing to make a 
 general attack the next day, if the wind should prove more 
 favorable. Arnold, during the night, which was dark and 
 foggy, by a bold and well executed manoeuvre, run through 
 the enemy s line, and by morning had escaped, with his 
 whole fleet, out of sight. The wind freshened in that direc 
 tion and Captain Pringle made sail with all speed, and after 
 several days chase, overtook the Americans before they had 
 reached Crown Point, and brought them to action again. 
 Some of the American vessels, by superiority of sailing 
 escaped to Ticonderoga, but two gallies and five gondolas 
 maintained the fight with an intrepidity approaching to 
 desperation. One of the gallies having struck, Arnold 
 conceived a gallant movement, and carried it into execution 
 with singular courage, promptness and address. Deter 
 mined that the enemy should not possess his vessels, nor 
 capture the crews, he run his galley, followed by the gon 
 dolas, on shore, in such a situation that he could land the men, 
 and blow up the vessels. The enterprise was perilous, but 
 was completely successful. Paying a romantic attention to a 
 point of honor, he resolved not to strike his flag, nor permit 
 it to be struck, by the British, and never abandoned his 
 galley till she was completely in flames. With the remnant 
 <5f his force he reached Ticonderoga, Crown Point was aban 
 doned to the enemy, and the American naval force 
 having been reduced to two gallies, two schooners, one 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 175 
 
 sloop, and a gondola, the British were undisputed masters 
 of the Lake. A change in the wind prevented their advance 
 to the works at Ticonderoga, for eight days, which interval 
 was busily employed by Generals Gates and Schuyler in 
 strengthening the defences. Having taken possession of 
 Crown Point, General Carleton advanced a part of his fleet, 
 and put his land forces in motion on both sides of the Lake, 
 apparently with a view of besieging the post. The garrison 
 were deficient in ammunition and supplies, and by no means 
 in a condition to resist a vigorous siege by a superior force, 
 for any great length of time, but happily these circumstances 
 were unknown in their full extent to the enemy, and the 
 lateness of the season, and the apparent strength of the 
 works, induced General Carleton, after reconnoitering them, 
 to re-embark his army and return to Canada, where he went 
 into winter quarters. 
 
 When the commanders w r ere assured that there was no 
 danger of any further attack from the Canada side, they 
 despatched a large reinforcement to General Washing 
 ton, then retreating before Lords Howe and Cornwallis, 
 through the Jerseys. Very few of these troops reached 
 their destination, having abandoned their officers by the 
 way ; and General St. Clair, with the officers and some 
 scanty followers, were all that ever appeared in the camp of 
 Washington. 
 
 Thus disheartening were the prospects of American free 
 dom, in the middle of December 1776. The British forces 
 had occupied nearly the whole of two powerful States, and 
 had pursued a harassed, barefooted, destitute, almost dis 
 banded, and daily diminishing army, from spot to spot, 
 until a short pause w,as made on the banks of the Delaware, 
 from the difficulty which was found in transporting the pur 
 suing army over. On that day a return of the American 
 forces made to Congress, showed that Washington could not 
 muster more than thirty-three hundred men. After crossing, 
 their numbers were little more than two thousand, and of 
 these, the rapid deductions bv desertion, and the expiration of 
 the term of enlistment, left him an average force not exceed 
 ing sixteen hundred. Indeed, one of his official letters, dated 
 the &4th of December, rated his whole strength at fourteen 
 or fifteen hundred, hourly diminishing. 
 
 At this gloomy period, when defection was busy every 
 where, and defeat seemed to menace the arms of the new 
 
176 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 States in all directions, and before the eyes of the most 
 zealous patriots no hope remained, but of a long, danger 
 ous, doubtful, and bloody contest, the courage of Congress and 
 the Commander-in-chief, never quailed. Counting on the 
 necessity of further retreats and suffering in the midst of 
 this wretched campaign, Washington asked of Colonel Reed, 
 whether the upper counties of Pennsylvania would support 
 their cause, if they were compelled to fall back so far. The 
 Colonel doubted whether, if the lower counties were sub 
 dued, the upper parts of the state would hold out. The 
 reply of Washington was memorable : We must then retire 
 to Augusta County in Virginia ; numbers will be obliged to 
 repair to us for safety, and we must try what we can do in 
 carrying on a predatory war. If overpowered there, we 
 must cross the Alleghanys. 
 
 Congress were fired with a similar determination. On the 
 t tenth of December, they made an animated appeal to the 
 States, betraying no symptoms of despair ; they spoke 
 in terms of ardor of the ultimate success of the glorious 
 struggle, and urged a manly fortitude in resisting the influ 
 ence of temporary distresses, and a zeal commensurate with 
 the inestimable rights and liberties at stake. An address 
 adopted by the New York Convention, at that critical 
 period, was admirably calculated to produce effect upon the 
 minds of the people of other states. The enemy was 
 within their borders ; their rich capital was occupied by 
 his armies ; another army was prepared on their Northern 
 frontier, and their slender troops w r ere flying from the over 
 whelming force, which was gathering around them. In this 
 posture, the JNew York patriots called upon their fellow-citi 
 zens, by every thing they held dear in life, to support their 
 rights and save their country. With lofty reliance on the 
 certainty of ultimate triumph, they recalled the noble con 
 duct of the ancient Romans, under adverse fortune. They 
 said : " After the armies of Rome had been repeatedly de 
 feated by Hannibal, that imperial city was besieged by this 
 brave and experienced general, at the head of a numerous 
 and victorious army. But so far were her glorious citizens 
 from being discouraged by the loss of so many battles, and 
 of all their country, so confident of their own virtue and of 
 the protection of heaven, that the very land upon which the 
 Carthageniaris were encamped was sold at public auction 
 for more than the usual price. " 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 177 
 
 11 These heroic citizens disdained to receive his protection 
 or regard his proclamations. They remembered thattheir 
 ancestors left them free, ancestors who had bled in rescuing 
 their country from the tyranny of kings. They invoked 
 the protection of the Supreme Being; they bravely defended 
 their city with undaunted resolution, they repelled the 
 enemy, and recovered their country. " The author of the 
 address was John Jay. It was not only approved of by a 
 special vote of Congress, but ordered to be translated into 
 the German language, and circulated at the expense of the 
 United States. 
 
 After the removal to Baltimore, and the conferring of the 
 unlimited powers already mentioned upon Washington, 
 Congress adopted other means for recruiting the army, by 
 offering bounties and rewards, and to provide pecuniary re 
 sources, by large paper emissions, pledging the faith of the 
 United States for its redemption. Hard measures, ill-advised 
 and of mischievous consequences, were soon adopted, to sus 
 tain the credit of this paper, and prevent its depreciation. 
 This part of the civil history of the day belongs however to 
 another part of the subject. 
 
 On no occasion, and by no set of men, in authority in 
 this depressed condition, was the idea suggested, of accept 
 ing peace, by making any conditions whatever with Great 
 Britain. In the discussions which frequently occupied 
 Congress, on the subject of obtaining French assistance, it 
 was several times proposed to offer France, as a compensa 
 tion for her aid in establishing Independence, a monopoly 
 of commerce, such as Great Britain had enjoyed. This 
 was refused, and all modifications, offering her peculiar ad 
 vantages of trade, also refused, upon the principal ground 
 that it would endanger the union of the people in favor of 
 independence, by destroying the force of the chief argu 
 ments against British supremacy. A stronger inducement 
 for French aid, and one more consonant with the principles 
 of the Revolution, was thought to be, the determination 
 to abide by their Declaration at all hazards, and to convince 
 the French court of the impossibility of their returning under 
 British subjection. The occasion of the publication in Eng 
 land of some intercepted despatches sent to American agents 
 at European courts, was embraced by the American Con 
 gress to reiterate, in a formal resolution, passed in the worst 
 and darkest times, that they would listen to no terms of 
 
178 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 union with Great Britain, that should deprive other nations of 
 a free trade in American ports. 
 
 The most energetic measures were at the same time pro 
 secuted to secure foreign alliances, a narrative of which be 
 longs with more propriety, to that of a subsequent period, 
 when by successful negotiations, France had been induced 
 to furnish them aid. 
 
 The interval of inaction, after the crossing of the Dela 
 ware on the 12th of December, improved by the energy of 
 Congress and the Commander-in-chief, was of vital impor 
 tance to the American cause. What might have been the 
 issue had General Howe felt less confident of final triumph 
 and less contempt for an exhausted and flying enemy, and 
 pushed on resolutely to complete the war at once, it is im 
 possible to conjecture. He certainly had it in his power 
 to strike a blow which would have materially changed the 
 course of events. But, pausing to shelter his troops from 
 the rigors of the season in winter-quarters, and believing 
 the foe hopelessly routed and incapable of action, he extend 
 ed his forces along the left bank of the Delaware ; and, not 
 apprehending any molestation, kept negligent watch of the 
 motions of Washington. . Colonel Rhal, a Hessian officer 
 of merit, with a corps of Hessian infantry and English dra 
 goons amounting to about fourteen hundred men, were sta 
 tioned at Trenton and Bordentown ; a few miles below was 
 occupied by Colonel Donop with another Hessian brigade ; 
 and still lower down and within twenty miles of Philadel 
 phia, was another corps of Hessians and English. 
 
 The combined efforts of the civil and military authorities 
 had, in the interval, brought considerable reinforcements to 
 the army of Washington. The Pennsylvania militia came 
 into the field ; the corps of Lee, which on the capture of that 
 officer was commanded by Sullivan, joined him, and detach 
 ments from New York, under the orders of General Heath, soon 
 came to his aid. About Christmas the army, with these rein 
 forcements, amounted to about seven thousand effective men, 
 when Washington conceived a bold plan of action, which 
 changed the face of the war, and in a few days crowned 
 the American arms with a series of successes and victories that 
 roused and inspirited the people. Observing the scattered 
 and loosely guarded positions of the British quarters, he 
 determined to make a sudden and daring effort for the pre 
 servation of Philadelphia, and the recovery of New Jersey, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 179 
 
 by surprising and sweeping at a stroke all the British 
 cantonments upon the Delaware. 
 
 The night of the 25th of December was selected for the 
 execution of this scheme. A part of his forces, under the 
 command of General Irvine, were directed to cross at Tren 
 ton Ferry, below the town, to secure the bridge, and inter 
 cept the retreat of the enemy in that direction ; General 
 Cadwallader was directed to cross at Bristol and carry the 
 post at Burlington. The Commander-in-chief led the main 
 body, of twenty-four hundred men, across the river at 
 McKenkey s Ferry, nine miles above Trenton, to make 
 the principal attack. 
 
 The night of the twenty-fifth proved to be intensely cold. 
 The Delaware was covered and obstructed with I _ 
 
 , , c T/C ii I Dec. aimi. 
 
 ice, and the passage was one of extreme difficulty, | 
 peril and suffering. The divisions under Irvine and Cad 
 wallader, after the most strenuous efforts, were unable to 
 cross, and abandoned their parts of this enterprise. Wash 
 ington succeeded, but was delayed much beyond his calcu 
 lations. He had expected to reach Trenton by the dawn 
 of day, but it was not until four o clock that his artillery 
 was brought over and the line of march formed, at a distance 
 of nine miles from the enemy s camp. Advancing in two 
 bodies, one by the river road to the west side of the town, 
 and the other by the Pennington road to the northern 
 extremity, the expedition passed on rapidly, with orders to 
 drive in the piquet guards on the instant of arrival, and 
 attack the town. Washington accompanied the Pennington 
 corps, and about eight o clock both parties made a nearly 
 simultaneous assault upon the surprised Hessians. Colonel 
 Rhal behaved with great gallantry, and rallied his men for 
 the defence of the post, but at the first fire he fell mortally 
 wounded ; the Hessian artillery was almost immediately 
 seized, and the troops, after a random attempt to resist, 
 endeavoured to escape towards Princeton. Washington, 
 anticipating this movement, had thrown a part of his troops 
 before them in that direction, and being thus hemmed in by 
 the victorious Americans, about two thirds of them surren 
 dered. A part, consisting of some Hessians and a troop of 
 British lighthorse, fled by the Bordentown road ; and in 
 consequence of the failure of Cadwallader s division in 
 crossing the river, escaped. Twenty-three officers and 
 eight hundred and eighty-six men laid down their arms, and 
 
180 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the whole artillery, ammunition, and four stands of colors, 
 were taken. Twenty of the Hessians were killed, and 
 counting those who had hidden themselves in the houses and 
 were afterwards captured, about one thousand prisoners. 
 Of the Americans, two privates were killed and two frozen 
 to death ; one officer, Colonel Washington, .afterwards so 
 distinguished in the southern campaign, and several privates, 
 wounded. 
 
 Not choosing to hazard the fruits of this brilliant victory, 
 by further advance in the face of the very superior force which 
 it was in the power of the British general to concentrate 
 against him, Washington safely recrossed the Delaware. 
 Had the other parts of the plan succeeded, the whole of the 
 British posts on the Delaware would have shared the fate 
 of Trenton. 
 
 The British general, startled at this daring feat, resolved, 
 though in the depth of winter, to recommence operations. 
 Lord Comwallis, who was at New York preparing to carry 
 to England intelligence of the total subjugation of the 
 Americans, hastily returned to New Jersey, and he and 
 General Howe, soon threw a powerful force upon Princeton. 
 
 After two or three days rest, having secured his prisoners, 
 Washington again passed into New Jersey, and with about 
 five thousand men, posted himself again at Trenton. He 
 pushed forward a small detachment at Maidenhead, half 
 way between Trenton and Princeton, to watch the enemy. 
 Jan. 2J, I On the next morning, the 2d of January, Corn- 
 
 1777 - I wallis advanced, and at about 4 P. M. encoun 
 tered the troops of Washington, who were drawn up behind 
 Assumpink Creek. A cannonading was commenced between 
 the parties, and several efforts made to force the passes of 
 the creek, which were too strongly guarded, and night put 
 an end to the skirmishing. 
 
 The situation of Washington was now exceedingly criti 
 cal; with a superior army in front he knew defeat to be 
 certain in a pitched battle ; and to retreat over the Delaware 
 encumbered by floating ice, difficult and dangerous. To 
 fight was to lose all the benefits of the late victories, upon the 
 spirits, as well as upon the fortunes, of the Americans ; and 
 a retreat, besides the peril, was little less disheartening. 
 With his usual sagacity and boldness, he struck out 
 another extraordinary scheme, which was accomplished with 
 consummate skill, and followed by the happiest results. It 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 181 
 
 was determined in council silently to quit their present posi 
 tion, and by a circuitous route to gain the enemy s rear at 
 Princeton, and thus assume vigorous offensive operations, at 
 the enemy s weakest point. Both armies were crowded 
 within the village of Trenton, separated only by a narrow- 
 creek, and the British were sanguine that the whole Amer 
 ican army was in their power beyond escape. 
 
 As soon as night fell, Washington s measures were silently 
 and swiftly taken. The fires were renewed and ordered to 
 be diligently kept up through the night. Guards were 
 posted at the bridge and passes, and ordered to go their 
 rounds; the baggage was removed to Burlington ; and about 
 one o clock in the morning, the whole army, unperceived, 
 took up their line of march for the enemy s rear. 
 
 By one of those fortunate events, upon which the success of 
 the best laid plans frequently depends, a sudden and favor 
 able change in the weather took place in the night. The 
 wind veered unexpectedly to the north-west, and the roads, 
 that had been almost impassable with mud, and broken up by 
 rains and thaws, were frozen so hard that the artillery was 
 conveyed as easily as upon a solid pavement, and the troops 
 marched with swiftness and comfort. In the morning the 
 British general found himself out-manoeuvred ; and instead 
 of arming for an easy victory, was forced to break up his 
 camp and retreat towards Princeton, to save his stores from 
 capture. 
 
 The whole army of Washington approached Princeton 
 about daybreak. Near the town they encountered three 
 regiments under Colonel Mawhood, forming the I j an 3dj 
 British advance, who were marching to join | 1777 - 
 Cornwallis at Trenton. General Mercer, with the Phil 
 adelphia militia, engaged them; but being charged with 
 bayonets, they gave way, and General Mercer was mortally 
 wounded. The moment was critical, and the destruction 
 of the enterprise, with all the hopes of the army, imminent, 
 when Washington rallied the troops in person, dashing into 
 the open space between the armies, and exposing himself 
 to the fire of both sides, fortunately without receiving a 
 wound. The enemy were soon routed, a considerable 
 number fell, but the colonel, with great bravery, cut his way 
 with a few followers through the surrounding battalions, and 
 escaped towards Pennington. The rear, which had not 
 been engaged, saved themselves and retreated to Brunswick. 
 
 Q 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The Americans took three hundred prisoners, with but littk 
 loss. Among the killed was General Mercer, highly esteem 
 ed and deeply regretted by the victors ; and Colonel James 
 Monroe, afterwards the fifth President of the United States, 
 was wounded. 
 
 Washington had scarcely occupied Princeton, and secured 
 his prisoners, before he was compelled to retreat to avoid 
 the fresh forces of Cornwallis, who, comprehending the 
 design of Washington, had retraced his steps and hurried on 
 towards Brunswick. The American army had now been 
 eighteen hours under arms ; some of them had been two 
 days, all of them one day, without rest, undergoing severe la 
 bor, and were nearly exhausted by fatigue and want of sleep. 
 They were accordingly prudently drawn off into a secure 
 position in Upper Jersey, and encamped for the present at 
 Morristown. Cornwallis, without pursuing them continued his 
 march to Brunswick. Washington did not long remain inac 
 tive. Having refreshed his troops and received an increase 
 of infantry, he re-entered the field, and overrun almost the 
 whole of New Jersey to the Raritan, made himself master of 
 many important points, and crossing the river, captured 
 Newark, Eiizabethtown, and Woodbridge, fortifying his 
 positions and choosing his camps so strongly and with such 
 judgment, that he could not be dislodged. In these expedi 
 tions he was aided by risings of the people in all parts 
 of New Jersey, who during the ascendancy of the British 
 had been treated with harshness, insult, and cruelty. The 
 exasperation produced, especially by the conduct of the 
 Hessians, broke forth in every direction, as soon as the Amer 
 ican arms prevailed. Those who had before favored the 
 royal cause, or sought a timid neutrality, were driven by 
 the atrocities with which the steps of the British army had 
 , been marked, to make a common cause, and aid in expelling 
 - them from the country. Ambuscades were frequent, armed 
 parties of farmers were constantly on the watch, and a uni 
 versal hatred of the invader, stimulated even the most feeble 
 to do something towards harassing their march, cutting off 
 their stragglers, embarrassing their means of communication, 
 and carrying information to the American camp. So suc 
 cessful were these enterprises, that when General Wash 
 ington retired into secure quarters for the winter, on the 
 6th of January, the army that at Christmas were undis 
 puted masters of the whole State, were cooped up in two 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 183 
 
 posts, New Brunswick and Amboy, with no means of com 
 munication with New York except by sea, and straitened 
 for forage, while Washington was safely entrenched at Mor- 
 ristown, having in a few weeks, with such scanty means, 
 saved Philadelphia, protected Pennsylvania, reconquered 
 New Jersey, infused ardor and enthusiasm into the hearts 
 of his countrymen, and established for himself and country 
 a reputation that attracted the attention of Europe. 
 
 Congress returned to Philadelphia in security, and testi 
 fied their increased confidence in Washington, by making 
 him the sole responsible director of the war, and formally 
 releasing him from all obligations to be guided by councils 
 of war. 
 
184 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE American Congress, while thus exerting themselves 
 to repel invasion at home, had turned their earnest attention 
 to the policy of securing foreign aid. Some months before 
 the declaration of independence, communications had been 
 opened by means of secret committees, with leading persons 
 on the continent, to sound the disposition of those courts 
 which were most hostile to Great Britain to take part with 
 the Colonies, in the event of a war. In November 1775, a 
 committee, consisting of Mr. Harrison, Dr. Franklin, Messrs. 
 Johnson, Dickinson, and Jay, were appointed by resolution 
 for this purpose. A letter written by Dr. Franklin shortly 
 after, to a gentleman in Holland, asks with anevidentantici- 
 pation of independence, whether, if the colonies should be 
 " obliged to break off all connexion with Great Britain," 
 and declare themselves, " an independent people," there 
 was any state or power in Europe, would be willing to enter 
 into an alliance with them for the benefit of their commerce. 
 The passage of the violent acts of Parliament of the next 
 session, stimulated the committee to fresh efforts ; and 
 accordingly Silas Deane, a member of Congress from 
 Connecticut, w r as commissioned by them to the French 
 court, with instructions, dated March 2d, 1776, signed by 
 Franklin, Jay, Harrison, Dickinson, and Robert Morris, in 
 the place of Mr. Johnson. He arrived in Paris about the 
 first of July, and opened a communication with the French 
 minister, Count de Vergennes, and pursuant to his instructions 
 applied for immediate aid, in supplies of clothing and arms 
 for 25,000 men, or in case they would not grant in that 
 form, for permission to make purchases on credit. He was 
 also directed to ascertain the disposition of the French court, 
 on the subject of a treaty of alliance, if the Colonies should 
 declare themselves independent. 
 
 The British ministry, aware of these movements, sent Lord 
 Stormont express to Paris to watch the movements of the 
 American envoy, who was not openly countenanced by 
 the French court, though his interviews were frequent in 
 private. Personally Mr. Deane w^s assured of the protection 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 185 
 
 of the police, and a free intercourse between the ports of 
 France and America was at once promised him. He was also 
 assured that all obstructions to the purchase and shipment of 
 warlike stores, would be removed. The British government 
 went so far as to demand that Deane should be given up to 
 them as a rebel, which was refused. 
 
 Before Deane s arrival in France, a voluntary offer had 
 been made to the Americans, through their agent in Lon 
 don, Arthur Lee of Virginia, by one Beaumarchais, to advance 
 them supplies to the amount of a million of livres. The 
 loan or gift, for the nature of the transaction remains still a 
 mystery, was afterwards completed at Paris, by Mr. Deane, 
 and the supplies furnished by the way of Cape Francois 
 under fictitious names, and apparently as a commercial spe 
 culation. The profound secrecy with which the transaction 
 was managed, with a design that the government of France 
 should appear to take no part in it, has never been fully ex 
 plained; and for a long time the heirs of Beaumarchais made 
 an individual claim against the American government for a 
 repayment of this million, as though it had been the private 
 advance of their ancestor. 
 
 The remonstrances of the British minister, Lord Stormont, 
 were politely listened to, but evaded. Vessels laden with 
 warlike stores were detained on his representation, but 
 afterwards suffered to depart ; and when these shipments 
 were complained of, in a tone more menacing than was 
 agreeable to the French court, the Count de Vergennes 
 inquired significantly whether a declaration of war was 
 meant ? which produced an alteration in the manner of 
 remonstrance. 
 
 The indulgences extended to the American agents in 
 France, in procuring supplies, were liberally construed and 
 diligently improved. During the year 1776, the feeling in 
 favor of America, originally encouraged through a desire of 
 crippling the power of Great Britain, increased among the 
 French people ; and practices, beyond the letter of the 
 grants of the government, and contrary in fact, to the exist 
 ing engagements with England, were connived at and encour 
 aged. Arms and munitions of war were not only allowed 
 to be purchased and sent to America, but were actually 
 furnished covertly from the public arsenals. Their ports gave 
 as great facilities, as could be done without committing the 
 government, to American privateers, and especially in the 
 
166 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 West-Indies, ready harbors and markets were found for their 
 
 ?rizes, of which great numbers were captured during the year 
 776. These naval enterprises were of the greatest conse 
 quence to the Americans, and had been prosecuted with much 
 spirit and perseverance. Authority had been granted by 
 Congress in November 1775, for capturing vessels laden with 
 military stores or reinforcements, which was in March 1776, 
 extended to permit the general arming of privateers against 
 the commerce of the enemies of the united colonies. Under 
 this permission American privateers swarmed on the seas, 
 to the coasts of Great Britain, and especially in the West 
 Indies, and proved successful in making captures of many 
 valuable vessels. The value of their prizes in that year 
 has been estimated as high as six millions of dollars. They 
 were sold principally in the French ports, and instances not 
 unfrequently occurred of privateers fitted out against British 
 commerce altogether from French ports, under the Ameri 
 can flag. 
 
 During Mr. Deane s agency in Paris, with the co-operation 
 of Arthur Lee, in London, to induce the French court to 
 take active measures for assisting the Colonies, the Declara 
 tion of Independence was made, and one of the first diplo 
 matic measures of the new States was to prepare a plan for 
 obtaining foreign alliances. Before the Declaration was finally 
 adopted, and on the same day on which it was agreed to in 
 committee of the whole, the llth of June, a committee was 
 appointed to report on this matter, consisting of Mr. Dickin 
 son, Dr. Franklin, John Adams, Mr. Harrison, and Robert 
 Morris. Richard Henry Lee and James Wilson were after 
 wards added ; and on the 17th of September they reported a 
 plan of foreign alliance, which Congress adopted. Dr. Frank 
 lin, Silas Deane, and Thomas Jefferson were appointed 
 commissioners to France. For Mr. Jefferson, who could 
 not leave home, Arthur Lee was substituted. The mission 
 was designed to be kept a profound secret, and their instruc 
 tions were special, and included authority to make appli 
 cation and offer inducements for Spanish aid. Dr. Franklin 
 sailed on the mission, and with Mr. Lee, who was at the time 
 of his appointment in London, joined Mr. Deane, in Paris, 
 in December. 
 
 The gloomy prospect of affairs in America, as the cam 
 paign advanced, produced stronger efforts in Congress to 
 obtain aid from abroad. On the 30th of December, reso- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 187 
 
 lutions were adopted to send agents to other courts of Europe, 
 and to strengthen their application to France and Spain. 
 William Lee was appointed to Vienna and Berlin ; Ralph 
 Izard to the Duke of Tuscany, and Dr. Franklin specially 
 to Spain. Arthur Lee was afterwards substituted for Dr. 
 Franklin to Spain. The additional instructions to their 
 agents in France, reiterated the determination of the States, 
 never to return to subjection to Great Britain, an apprehen 
 sion of which naturally deterred the other powers of Europe 
 from entering into negotiations with them, and made liberal 
 offers of territorial and commercial favors, in return for open 
 or covert aid. 
 
 Before the arrival of these new propositions, the great 
 talents, high reputation, and extraordinary personal popular 
 ity of Dr. Franklin had been successful in increasing the 
 general enthusiasm which began to be felt in behalf of the 
 Americans. The court and the people, the halls of science 
 and the saloons of fashion, became equally charmed with 
 the character, wit, and simplicity of manners of the Ameri 
 can envoy ; and in addition to inducements arising out of 
 reasons of state, and national rivalry, his mission and his 
 country grew personally in favor. The government was not 
 ready to acknowledge the States openly or form treaties with 
 them as an independent nation ; but in all other respects, it 
 was willing to give them efficient aid. A paper signed by 
 the king was read to the commissioners early in January 
 1777, by Monsieur Gerard, secretary to Count Vergennes, 
 in which he explained his disposition to serve them, ex 
 pressed his doubts of the fitness of the time, or the condition of 
 his own affairs to give them countenance, or form a close alli 
 ance with them, and gave them as an earnest of his good 
 wishes, two millions of livres, payable quarterly, to be aug 
 mented, as the state of his finances would permit. The 
 new propositions received in the beginning of the year, 
 though they strengthened the confidence of the French in 
 the stability of the American purposes, were not sufficient to 
 induce them to depart from this line of policy. They were 
 uncertain of the course which events would take, of the 
 final resolution of Congress against all reconciliation with 
 Britain in any form, and were in particular very sceptical as 
 to the harmony of the States among themselves, and their 
 capacity, if successful, to form a permanent union, and 
 responsible government. Though lending succors in vari- 
 
188 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 ous ways, by loans, gifts, supplies of arms, provisions, cloth 
 ing and ammunition, to the American commissioners and 
 agents, and receiving them individually with every demon 
 stration of favor and sympathy, France avoided all formal 
 recognition of American Independence, or official inter 
 course with the United States, and preserved a nominal 
 neutrality between the belligerents during the whole of the 
 year 1777. 
 
 The popular sympathy of the French nation, happily out 
 stripped the calculating policy of their rulers. Volunteers 
 offered themselves to bear arms in the cause of liberty, and 
 among them, were numerous persons of merit and distinc 
 tion, who could only have been actuated by a generous 
 gallantry and noble zeal for free principles. The most emi 
 nent was the young Marquis de La Fayette, a nobleman, 
 who enjoyed, by his high rank, large wealth, numerous 
 connexions among the noblest and wealthiest, and the rare 
 felicity of his domestic relations, every inducement to give 
 himself up to a career of enjoyment in his own country, 
 but who, fired with a virtuous indignation against tyranny, 
 and zeal for human happiness, abandoned all the delights 
 and endearments of home, and embarked his fortune 
 and his life in the cause of American liberty, when its 
 prospects were darkest. His proffers of service were made 
 at an early period, but were not warmly encouraged by the 
 agents of America, in consequence of the uncertain condition 
 of the affairs of the new Colonies, and their want of means 
 to offer suitable inducements. When news of the disas 
 trous battle of Long Island, following so immediately after 
 the Declaration of Independence, reached France, and the 
 apparent desperation of American affairs was communicated 
 to him, it only elicited the noble comment, " If your country 
 is indeed reduced to such extremity, this is the moment at 
 which my departure to join her armies will render her the 
 most efficient service. " He accordingly fitted out a vessel 
 at his own expense, and in the spring of 1777, arrived in 
 America, where he was received with the liveliest joy, and 
 adopted into the family of Washington, who became tenderly 
 attached to him. Congress soon after appointed him a Ma 
 jor General in their armies. 
 
 Contemporary with these movements in France, by which 
 efficient succor was given to the Americans, the British 
 parliament was in session, and the subject of American affairs 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 189 
 
 was brought before them, both by the king in his speech at 
 the opening of the session in October, and by members of 
 the opposition afterwards. The ministerial majority for per 
 severance in the war, was overwhelming. Addresses moved 
 as echoes to the speech, and calling for the subjugation of 
 the rebels, were carried, and conciliatory amendments rejected 
 .in the House of Commons, by a vote of 242 to 87, and in 
 the House of Peers by a vote of 91 to 26. The opposition 
 in the lower House was led by Lord John Cavendish, and in 
 the Upper by the Marquis of Rockingham. Fourteen peers 
 joined in a protest on the journal, which contained the fol 
 lowing passages : 
 
 "A -wise and provident use of the late advantages, might 
 be productive of happy effects, as the means of establishing 
 a permanent connexion between Great Britain and her 
 Colonies, on principles of liberty and terms of mutual 
 benefit," but "we should look w r ith shame and horror on 
 any events that would bow them to any abject or uncon 
 ditional submission to any pov/er whatsoever; annihilate 
 their liberties, and subdue them to servile principles 
 and passive habits by the mere force of foreign mercenary 
 arms. " 
 
 The proclamation issued by the Howes in America as 
 commissioners under the act of the previous session, was 
 brought before the House ; and though censured as illegal, 
 a motion was made to proceed, on the faith of the promises 
 of the ministry expressed in it, to go into a revisal of the 
 acts of parliament complained of in America. This being 
 rejected, the minority avowing their despair of checking 
 the ruinous policy of the administration, seceded from the 
 House, and left the ministers entirely unopposed. A few of 
 them rallied in February, to oppose another tyrannical mea 
 sure, introduced by Lord North, to suspend the Habeas Cor 
 pus act, "to enable his majesty to secure and detain persons 
 charged with or suspected of the crime of high treason com 
 mitted in America, or on the high seas, or the crime of 
 piracy. " They succeeded in modifying some of the clauses, 
 but their opposition to the principle was vain. The session 
 was protracted till the month of June, but no further effort 
 made on American affairs. They were left to the fortune 
 of war, and the tender mercies of the German mercenaries, 
 hired by the king of Great Britain, to subdue the revolted 
 colonists into renewed affection for Great Britain. 
 
190 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Washington, in the early part of the year, after closing his 
 campaign by the recovery of New Jersey from the enemy 
 and retiring into winter quarters at Morristown, passed some 
 months of extreme embarrassment and severe labors in pre 
 paring for the period of action. The army having suffered 
 severely by the small-pox, he directed them to be inoculated, 
 and both regular soldiers, and recruits as they arrived, went 
 through the operation successfully. During the season when 
 they were laboring under the effects of this precautionary 
 measure, the whole camp was almost, if not quite defenceless : 
 not more than a comparative handful of men were fit for 
 any duty. Indeed, the extreme weakness of the forces 
 under Washington s command, during the winter, at Morris- 
 tow^, was such, that a strong effort by the British army 
 could not have failed to drive them completely out of Jersey. 
 The recruiting service went on but slowly, even after the 
 favorable change produced by the victories at Trenton and 
 Princeton. The battalions voted by Congress in December, 
 were none of them filled up ; and as the times of enlistment 
 expired, the soldiers rarely consented to re-enter the service. 
 The utmost force that could be mustered during the month 
 of February, was fifteen hundred men ; and there were times 
 when, from the causes just mentioned, there were not four 
 hundred of all descriptions, fit for duty. In March, the 
 general reported to Congress, that his whole force in Jersey, 
 including the militia, was only three thousand, one third 
 only of whom were regular troops, and that the time of ser 
 vice of the militia would expire within the month. Towards 
 the latter part of the month the numbers had increased 
 nominally to near five thousand. At the same time the 
 British army, under General Howe, exceeded twenty-seven- 
 thousand. Congress, which re-assembled at Philadelphia on 
 the 27th February, were invoked earnestly and repeatedly 
 by the Commander-in-chief to do something effectual for 
 improving the state of the army. They passed some resolves 
 with this object, among which was one to raise three artillery 
 regiments, to be put under the command of General Knox, 
 another to raise three thousand cavalry, and a third to estab 
 lish a corps of engineers. At the head of the engineer corps, 
 was placed General Du Portail, a distinguished French officer. 
 These regulations gradually produced beneficial consequen 
 ces upon the organization of the army, though not of much 
 instant importance. Much difficulty was produced by the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 191 
 
 anomalous nature of the authority by which the various 
 military bodies were brought together under the direction 
 of Congress. A union in fact existed among the States, but 
 only by consent, no articles of agreement having been 
 adopted, and every State having an absolute independence 
 of the others. The States alone had power to compel obedi 
 ence, and their regulations, both as to bounty and to pay, 
 were various and discordant. When their several quotas 
 were raised and brought together under the control of a 
 body so utterly powerless in fact, as the continental Con 
 gress, jealousies, discords, and confusion, inevitably ensued. 
 Particular States, looking to their own position, and appre 
 hensions of the enemy, called for a diversion of the general 
 force, to their own defence, or raised state battalions, to be 
 at their own separate disposal. These mischiefs were earnestly 
 combatted by the efforts and representations of Congress and 
 the Commander-in-chief, and before the opening of the 
 campaign they were in part removed. The army arrange 
 ments were made more uniform, and the discipline brought 
 into greater method. An evil still greater and beyond the 
 power of Congress to remedy, was the alarming depreciation 
 of the continental bills of credit, issued on the public faith 
 by Congress, to a very large amount. Not being based upon 
 any specie fund; with no provision for redemption at any 
 time, except the remote and now almost hopeless contingency 
 of the establishment of Independence, the formation of a solid 
 government, and the restoration and increase of the national 
 commerce, nothing could give them currency among the 
 people. Unwise and arbitrary enactments, to force them 
 into circulation at par, or even to limit their depreciation, 
 failed, as ought to have been expected. The disorder in the 
 finances could not be repaired by any expedients within the 
 means of Congress, and continued to increase. This fruit 
 ful source of distress to the army, and the government 
 during the war, had already exhibited part of its mischiev 
 ous effects upon the American cause, in the winter of 1776, 
 and 1777. 
 
 Another source of trouble and vexation, was the disputes 
 between the English and American generals on the treat 
 ment of prisoners. These had commenced with the earliest 
 hostilities in Massachusetts. General Gage considered the 
 Americans as revolted subjects, in arms against their sover 
 eign, and as such not entitled to the treatment of prisoners 
 
192 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 of war. Without distinction of rank, he confined them in 
 prisons \^ith malefactors, under the general designation of re 
 bels. This brought on, first, remonstrances from Washington, 
 repeated in terms of indignation, and demanding for American 
 prisoners the respect due to their rank, conformable to mili 
 tary usage ; and finally, on the harsh and insolent refusal of 
 General Gage, retaliation upon British officers and soldiers. 
 This barbarous system of mutual injustice, was relaxed 
 on the arrival of General Howe, who admitted the captured 
 Americans to the privileges of lawful enemies. Washington, 
 to whom the necessity of acting harshly in self-defence had 
 given great pain, immediately withdrew his own orders, and 
 restored the British prisoners to the same privileges in return. 
 Complaints, however, constantly occurred of the abuse of 
 American prisoners, and communications passed between 
 the commanding generals on that subject. After the cap 
 ture of General Lee in December, the circumstances of his 
 case, and the treatment he received, aggravated the irritation 
 which had been mutually felt, and reproduced the harsher sys 
 tem of retaliation. Lee had been an officer in the British ser 
 vice, and it was alledged that he had joined the Americans 
 before the resignation of his British commission had beenactu- 
 laly accepted. For this reason, Sir William Howe undertook to 
 consider him as excluded from the terms of exchange agreed 
 upon, and treated him as a deserter taken in arms. He re 
 fused to parole him, and peremptorily rejected the offer of 
 Congress to give six general officers in exchange for Lee. 
 On this refusal, Congress ordered that the officers selected 
 should be closely confined, and receive in every respect the 
 same treatment as Lee. This order was carried into effect 
 strictly, not by the Commander-in-chief, but the State execu 
 tives, in whose custody the designated officers were. They 
 were the British Colonel Arbuthnot, and five Hessian field 
 officers. The order for retaliation thus enforced, was con 
 trary to the advice and remonstrances of General Washing 
 ton, whose letters to Congress earnestly deprecated it as 
 cruel and impolitic. They persisted nevertheless, and 
 no favors were extended to the captives, until Howe 
 consented to exchange General Lee. In the interval, the 
 exchange of prisoners was totally suspended. The course of 
 the war threw a great number of Americans into the hands 
 of the enemy, and their treatment, especially at New York, 
 is one of the blackest stains upon the arms of England in 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 193 
 
 that conflict, so fruitful in disgraces to her. The sick and the 
 well, the maimed and the wounded, with the healthy and the 
 strong, were promiscuously crowded together, in churches 
 converted into prisons, in common jails, or in prison-ships, 
 without supplies, without medicines, food, or fuel, adequate to 
 their sustenance, and subjected, in addition, to cruel scoffs, 
 and brutal outrages from the soldiery. Want, neglect, close 
 confinement in filth and an impure atmosphere, at an incle 
 ment season, engendered mortal Diseases, and hundreds upon 
 hundreds perished miserably witriiif atfew weeks. The sur 
 vivors were enfeebled by disease and hunger, and wounded 
 in every manly feeling by insults and brutal stripes. In the 
 midst of these sufferings, the royal officers were strenuou .-j 
 in efforts to seduce them into the British service, making 
 liberal promises for recruits, and punishing rejection of their 
 dishonorable proposals by ignominious beatings and increased 
 inhumanity. These efforts were totally fruitless. None 
 listened to the tempter, and all the horrors of the dungeon, 
 the perils of disease, and death itself, were magnanimously 
 preferred to an abandonment of the cause of their coun 
 try. The offers of Washington to provide for the wants 
 of these victims, were declined by General Howe; and 
 even the request to send an agent, to examine into and 
 relieve their condition, was rejected. After an obstinate 
 and protracted controversy, the exchange was effected, 
 and the survivors restored to their country. The wretched 
 state in which they were sent into the American lines after 
 the conclusion of the arrangements for exchange in the 
 spring, testified strongly to the hardships they had endured. 
 All of them were sickly and debilitated, and many fainted 
 and died, before they reached head-quarters. A more hu 
 mane treatment of prisoners ensued, but not for a long time 
 afterwards was a regular system of exchange re-established. 
 In these discussions and negotiations, the winter passed 
 away, and spring advanced without any decided movement 
 on the part of the British army, and with constant efforts 
 on the part of the American general to cover the feeble 
 ness of his actual position, and the poverty of his numbers, 
 from the knowledge of the enemy, and to collect stores and 
 augment his forces as rapidly as possible. In the month of 
 May, his encampment at Morristown was so weakly manned, 
 as appears by the official letters of Washington, that his safety 
 consisted in the false information received by his opponents. 
 K 
 
194 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Magazines of stores were in the mean time prepared, on the 
 east side of the North river, in the hilly country above Peeks- 
 kill, called Courtlandt s manor, and the arrival from France 
 of a stock of munitions of war, supplied some of the most 
 pressing deficencies. A vessel of twenty-four guns reached 
 Portsmouth with about ten thousand stand of arms, and one 
 thousand barrels of powder, and ten thousand stands of arms 
 were received in another quarter. The successive arrivals 
 of recruits augmented the army of Washington to more than 
 seven thousand men, with which he begun the campaign at 
 the close of the month of May. 
 
 Before the regular campaign was opened between the two 
 armies, several skirmishes had occured, of importance in the 
 progress of events. 
 
 General Lincoln was stationed at Boundbrook, with about 
 five hundred men. Cornwallis, who was quartered at Bruns- 
 \ riii? I w * c k> conceived the idea of surprising this body, 
 I and with this view marched upon them suddenly 
 on the morning of the 13th of April, in two columns, of a 
 thousand men each, advancing upon both sides of the Rari- 
 tan river. They reached within a hundred paces of the 
 American quarters before they were discovered, and Lin 
 coln himself with difficulty rejoined his troops who were 
 already engaged. He succeeded in making his retreat and 
 bringing off his men, with the loss of about sixty : but his 
 papers, stores, and three pieces of artillery, fell into the hands 
 of the enemy. 
 
 An attack was made, at nearly the same time, by a body 
 of troops despatched by Howe, against the town of Peekskill. 
 This place is situated about fifty miles from New York, 
 on the east side of the Hudson river, and is a kind of 
 port to the hilly country in which the American stores had 
 been collected. There were several magazines of the kind, 
 in the town itself. A powerful armament was sent up the 
 river in transports, and the American troops who garrisoned 
 the place, seeing defence impossible, set fire to the stores, 
 and abandoned the place. The loss was severe, but the En 
 glish, after landing and taking possession, returned without 
 delay to New Jersey. 
 
 A similar enterprise, but more important in its consequen 
 ces, was undertaken by the English a few days afterwards, 
 against the town of Danbury, which is situated near the line 
 of New York, in the county of Fairfield, in Connecticut. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 195 
 
 There was there a large depot of stores and provisions, of 
 great value to the Americans, which it was the object of 
 the British expedition to capture or destroy. There were 
 also believed to be numerous loyalists, or tories, in that 
 part of the country, from whom aid and recruits were ex 
 pected. The command was given to General Try on, late 
 royal governor of New York. Landing at Saugatuck, on 
 Long Island sound, between Norwalk and Fairfield, | A rfl 25 
 on the evening of the 25th of April, with two thou- | 
 sand men, he reached Danbury without meeting resist 
 ance, on the next day. The slender garrison which was 
 stationed there, under Colonel Huntingdon, retreated at 
 his approach, to a stronger position in the rear. After destroy 
 ing the stores, without receiving any of the expected co-ope 
 ration from the loyalists, the British commenced their return, 
 but not with the same security. The country around them had 
 begun to rally, and the militia collected themselves at Read 
 ing, impatient to check the insulting progress of the enemy. 
 Arnold, who was in the neighborhood on recruiting service, 
 hastened to join them, and old General Wooster, now in his 
 seventieth year, summoned reinforcements and marched 
 with alacrity to join them. The force collected amounted to 
 about six hundred men ; the English retreated by the way of 
 Ridgefield ; but before they reached there, the Americans 
 had divided their forces, one party under Wooster, hanging 
 upon the rear to harass them, whilst Arnold, with the larger 
 division, pushed on to Ridgefield to intercept them. In the 
 pursuit, the veteran Wooster, while leading his men on, with 
 all the gallantry of youth, received a mortal wound. Arnold 
 reached Ridgefield by great exertions, about midnight ; and 
 his men, augmented to about five hundred in number, threw 
 up barricadoes across the streets, manned the houses with 
 soldiers, and determined to make a stand. A hot action en 
 sued, but the great superiority of the British in number, 
 enabled them to out-flank the American position, and force 
 them to retreat. Tryon remained all night at Ridgefield, and 
 committed numerous outrages, burning and wantonly destroy 
 ing private property, as well as a church, in which some 
 public stores were placed. The next morning, he pursued 
 his march to Norwalk, along the east bank of the I 
 Saugatuck river, pursued and harassed by Arnold, | 
 who kept the west side, until both parties reached Saugatuck 
 bridge. There a sharp conflict was kept up for a quarter of 
 
196 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 an hour, but the English forced their way by hard fighting", 
 to their shipping, and embarked under a galling fire from 
 Arnold s militia. The American stores destroyed in this 
 expedition, were a heavy loss to them. They had about 
 sixty men killed and wounded, while the loss of the British 
 was five hundred. 
 
 General Wooster died of his wounds on the 2d of May. 
 Congress passed resolutions expressive of gratitude for his 
 services and character, and decreed a monument to be erect 
 ed to his memory. Arnold, whose horse was shot under 
 him in the fight, received from Congress the present of a horse 
 fully caparisoned, and was promoted to the rank of major 
 general. 
 
 One of the most encouraging results of this expedition, 
 was the defeat of the anticipations of the enemy of finding 
 friends and efficient supporters among the natives. None de 
 clared themselves for the British, and the outrages committed 
 by the invaders, roused the whole population to resentment- 
 
 Not long afterwards, a daring expedition was planned and 
 successfully accomplished, by a party of American militia, 
 against a depot of British stores. Magazines of forage, and 
 provisions, had been collected at Sagg harbor, a port on the 
 east end of Long Island, under the protection of a detach 
 ment of infantry, and an armed sloop. The navigation was 
 believed to be entirely commanded by the English vessels. 
 Colonel Meigs of Connecticut crossed the sound one night 
 with a party of Connecticut militia, 170 in number, in whale- 
 boats, and reached the Harborbefore day. He surprised the 
 guards, at the point of the bayonet, burned a dozen brigs 
 and sloops, totally destroyed every thing on shore which 
 the enemy had collected, and returned safely with nume 
 rous prisoners to Guilford. This brilliant affair took ulace on 
 the 23d of May. 
 
 The main operations of both armies were, in the mean time, 
 suspended for an unusual length of time. The British army 
 delayed commencing any offensive operations, and that of 
 Washington profited very much by the season of inaction. 
 They were gradually reinforced, by recruits and militia, and 
 their policy was to wait the development of the plans of 
 the enemy, and make provision for encountering him in any 
 direction, against which he might decide on moving. Gene 
 ral Burgoyne was already in Canada, with a powerful army, 
 and it was obvious to Washington, that General Howe would 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 197 
 
 cither attempt to seize on the passes of the North river, and 
 thus co-operate directly with Burgoyne, or leaving that for 
 future movements, would follow up at first the attempts of 
 the previous campaign, and march upon Philadelphia. As 
 a precaution against both these movements, he determined 
 to open the campaign by descending from his position at 
 JVlorristown. and post his army on the high ground north of 
 the Brunswick road to Philadelphia, extending his left to 
 wards the river and stationing a considerable force at Peeks- 
 kill. By this management his forces could be readily con 
 centrated at either point; for the defence of Philadelphia, or 
 to protect the forts and passes of the river. On the 
 25th of May, he formed his new camp at Mid- 
 dlebrook, about ten miles from Brunswick, a position natu 
 rally very strong, which he fortified with careful entrench 
 ments. His troops, exclusive of artillery and cavalry, were 
 about eight thousand three hundred men, of whom more 
 than two thousand were sick. 
 
 The real design of General Howe, was the recovery of 
 New Jersey, and the capture of Philadelphia. This is gen 
 erally charged upon him as a military fault. The army of 
 Burgoyne, about to descend from Canada, was the chief reli 
 ance of the British ministry, for subduing America. A 
 junction with the army in New York, with the command 
 of the Hudson and the lakes, would have separated the 
 States, and, with the aid of the force already in Rhode Island, 
 given the whole of New England into the power of the 
 British army. Instead of entering zealously and at once 
 into this plan, General Howe delayed some time, in the 
 effort to draw General Washington into action, and finally 
 postponed his co-operation with the northern army, for an at 
 tack upon Philadelphia. He perhaps hoped so thoroughly to 
 subdue Pennsylvania and New Jersey by this enterprise, as to 
 be able to make a clear field for the approach of General Bur 
 goyne. The calculations failed as signally below, as the 
 main expedition above. Philadelphia fell, but neither Con 
 gress nor the people were subdued nor terrified ; and when 
 Burgoyne descended the Hudson, it was not as a flushed 
 conqueror, but as a captive to the despised republicans. 
 
 On the night of the 14th of June, General Howe made 
 a bold effort to entice Washington from his camp, and bring 
 on an action. The whole army, with the exception of two 
 thousand soldiers, who were left to protect the baggage and 
 
198 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 bridge equipage, at Brunswick, marched out in two columns, 
 and advanced to Somerset court-house, with the apparent 
 design to cross the Delaware. Washington was too wary to 
 believe, that they would be rash enough to cross in front of 
 a formidable opposition, and with an army in the rear, and 
 did not fail to remark, that the bridges prepared to cross with, 
 had been left behind. When the enemy approached, with 
 out leaving his strong position, he drew up his army in or 
 der of battle, and kept them under arms all night. The New 
 Jersey militia assembled with alacrity ; and Howe, finding 
 his scheme frustrated, retreated to Brunswick on the 19th, 
 and gathered all his forces towards that point. Washing 
 ton, relieved of his present fears for the river passages, 
 ordered down a part of his force at Peekskill, and strength 
 ened himself at Middlebrook. The movements of the Brit 
 ish to and fro, were marked with devastation and cruelty. 
 They burned, ravaged and destroyed, without respect to 
 property, or persons. 
 
 The rapid advance on the 14th having failed in its object, the 
 British general tried another feint, and a few days afterwards 
 made as rapid a retreat to Amboy. His baggage having be en 
 sent across to Staten Island, he threw a bridge over the chan 
 nel, and several detachments passed over, as though it had 
 been his final intention to abandon New Jersey, and march 
 upon Philadelphia. Washington despatched strong parties to 
 pursue and harass his march, commanded by Generals Greene, 
 Maxwell, and Sullivan, and Colonel Morgan, and in order to 
 follow up the retreating army, left his camp at Middlebrook, 
 and with his whole army took up a new position at Quibble- 
 town, six or seven miles nearer to Amboy. General Howe 
 promptly endeavoured to take advantage of the success of 
 k* s manoeuvre. On the night of the 25th of June, 
 he suddenly recalled his troops from the island, 
 and advanced swiftly towards the Americans. Washing 
 ton, with equal rapidity, retraced his own movements. Recall 
 ing his advance, he resumed his position on the heights, and 
 the British only succeeded in engaging the brigade under 
 the command of Lord Sterling. That, after maintaining a 
 hot action, retreated with little loss, and the British forces, 
 foiled again, withdrew to Amboy on the 27th, and three 
 days afterwards passed finally over to Staten Island, 
 leaving General Washington in undisturbed pos 
 session of New Jersey. The fleet under the command of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 199 
 
 Admiral Howe, was lying at Sandy Hook, on the opposite 
 side of the island. The destination of their fleet and army 
 from this point, was a subject of great anxiety to all America. 
 They had it in their power, having the command of the sea, 
 to land at any point of the country, and the Hudson, Phila 
 delphia, Charleston, and Boston, were alternately looked to 
 as the objects of the expedition. A sudden movement to the 
 north side of Staten Island, led Washington to believe that 
 the Hudson was the point; and he accordingly reinforced the 
 northern army, changed his camp to the old position at Mor- 
 ristown, and strengthened the river forts and garrisons. This 
 uncertainty continued for a long time, the various changes of 
 position made by Howe being considered for the most part 
 as feints to conceal a real purpose. Washington becoming 
 more convinced that Philadelphia was the object*, turned as 
 much of his care in that direction as was consistent with 
 prudence. The Pennsylvania militia were called out, to ren 
 dezvous at Chester, and those of New Jersey were summon 
 ed at Gloucester. At last, on the 23d of July, the British fleet 
 sailed from Sandy Hook. It consisted of more than j u i y 23, 
 three hundred vessels, and carried thirty-six British 1777 - 
 and Hessian battalions, including light infantry and grena 
 diers, with a powerful corps of artillery, amounting in all to 
 about eighteen thousand men. The rest of the army, seven 
 teen battalions, was left under the command of Sir Henry 
 Clinton, for the protection of New York. The fleet was re 
 ported to steer southwardly, and the same doubt as to their 
 object, continued to harass the public mind, and perplex 
 the Commander-in-chief. A letter was intercepted, which 
 stated New Hampshire to be the point, but so convinced was 
 Washington that it was intended to mislead, that he instantly 
 marched to the south. He halted for a while on the Dela 
 ware, hesitating to believe that Howe could absolutely aban 
 don the Hudson, where he was expected to aid the Northern 
 army. On the 31st, the fleet came in sight of the capes of 
 the Delaware, but from some change of plan, instead of en 
 tering, put to sea again, and were not heard of for weeks. 
 This increased the uncertainty and anxiety of the American 
 army, which marched and counter-marched through New 
 Jersey according to the various reports that were received, 
 until all doubts were dispelled by intelligence of the arri 
 val of the British fleet in the Chesapeake, and the disem 
 barkation of the army at Turkey point, at the mouth of the 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Elk river, in Maryland. General Washington 
 instantly marched his whole army through Phila 
 delphia, to oppose them. He had a considerable nominal 
 force, but his effective strength did not exceed eleven 
 thousand. On the 3d of September, the armies approached 
 each other, and Washington, after manoeuvring several days 
 to avoid being out-flanked by a superior force, finally fell 
 back to the left bank of the Brandywine river, at Chadd s 
 ford, where he made a stand to dispute the passage with the 
 enemy. Congress and the people called upon the general 
 to risk a battle there, for the defence of Philadelphia. 
 
 The discipline of the army had been much improved dur 
 ing their stay in New Jersey, by the French officers, who 
 had joined it, either as volunteers in the cause of liberty, or 
 on the invitation of Silas Deane, the American envoy at 
 Paris. Some of these were veteran and skillful soldiers, 
 whose experience in European warfare, and knowledge 
 of military tactics, was- of much value to the new levies of 
 the States. He who added most lustre to the French name, 
 not by military knowledge, but by his personal virtue?, the" 
 splendor of his individual character, and the enthusiastic 
 disinterestedness with which he had embraced the Ameri 
 can service, was the young Marquis de La Fayette. At 
 the age of nineteen, h^ had risked every thing to join a sink 
 ing cause, escaped with difficulty from France, from a court 
 circle the gayest in Europe, a fortune beyond his wishes, 
 a home endeared by a newly wedded and fondly loved wife, 
 against the commands of his sovereign, and though chased by 
 cruisers to arrest and bring him back, brought his sword and 
 his arm to the service of liberty. His arrival inspirited Con 
 gress and the people, by the proofs of ardent sympathy which 
 it displayed, and the hopes of "efficient succor from abroad 
 which it encouraged. At the Brandywine, he occupied a 
 distinguished post in the army. \ 
 
 The landing of Howe in the Chesapeake, made manifest 
 to Washington that the British forces were not acting under 
 a common head, and for a joint plan of operation. They 
 were, in fact, divided into three independent bodies, two of 
 which at least, those under Burgoyne and Howe, aimed at 
 distinct objects, tending only remotely to a union. Bur 
 goyne in the north was pushing on with rapidity, and in 
 apparent triumph, from Crown Point towards Albany : Sir 
 Henry Clinton, with a large force, was inactive at New York; 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 201 
 
 and Sir William Howe was pursuing a separate purpose in 
 the middle States. The campaign of Burgoyne will be 
 narrated presently, in a connected form. We shall here 
 pursue the fortunes of the army which, on the llth of Sep 
 tember 1777, was approaching the Brandywine river, to force 
 its way to Philadelphia. 
 
 One anecdote of an enterprise, which occurred some time 
 before in the north, deserves to be recorded here, though not 
 strictly in the order of the narrative. Though not of much 
 real importance, it produced a great exultation to the Ameri 
 cans, and was exceedingly mortifying to the British. The 
 British force at Rhode Island, consisting of seven battalions 
 and a considerable fleet, was commanded by General Pres- 
 cott, who, being so superior in force to any that could be 
 brought against him, kept negligent guard. Aware of this, 
 and anxious to retaliate for the capture of General Lee, a 
 party of Americans, under the command of Colonel Barton, 
 to the number of about forty, formed a plan of surprising the 
 general in his quarters, and carrying him off. Embarking 
 by night in whale-boats, and cautiously rowing between the 
 enemy s ships, they landed on the coast between Newport 
 and Bristol Ferry, and having silently reached the lodgings 
 of Prescott, arrested him in bed, and conducted him safely 
 through his own troops and fleet -back to the main land. 
 Congress voted their thanks, and presented a sword to Colo 
 nel Barton, for this daring feat. 
 
 The battle of the Brandywine was hazarded by Washing 
 ton more in compliance with the public call for decisive ac 
 tion, and the impatience of delay, than in accordance with 
 his own judgment. His army was inferior in numbers and 
 discipline, and he might easily have assumed a position 
 among the hills too strong to be forced, which would have 
 retarded the royal troops, and forced them to waste the sea 
 son to little purpose. But delay had dissatisfied both 
 Congress and the public expectation, and it was determined 
 to try the fortune of battle. 
 
 The army of Sir William Howe advanced, at day-break 
 on the morning of the llth of September, in two 
 columns against the American position. The first, 
 under the Hessian General Kniphausen, was directed against 
 Chadd s ford, with the design of forcing a passage at that point. 
 The main point of attack was, however, not there. This 
 column, which was the right, was instructed to delay making 
 
202 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 a final effort, until the other column had succeeded in its 
 manoeuvres. The left column, led by Generals Howe and 
 Cornwallis, was composed of two- thirds of the whole strength 
 of the British army. It was decided to make a considerable 
 circuit towards the left, and crossing the forks of the Brandy- 
 wine above, to descend against the American right, at the 
 same time that the column at Chadd s ford should make a 
 brisk charge in front. Washington, on being advised of the 
 separation of the columns, immediately conceived the bold 
 design, of leaving Generals Sullivan and Sterling to keep 
 Howe and Cornwallis in check, and crossing the ford 
 himself with the bulk of his force, to attack Kniphausen. 
 While issuing his orders for this movement, information was 
 brought him by Colonel Bland of Virginia, contradicting the 
 first intelligence, and declaring the movement of the second 
 column to be only a feint to divide the American strength, 
 and that it had already commenced its return to join the 
 Germans at Chadd s ford. In the uncertainty produced by 
 these confused accounts, the order was countermanded, and 
 the Americans continued their defence of the ford, under 
 the expectation that Kniphausen would soon attempt to force 
 a passage, supported by the whole British strength. At two 
 o clock, he had not made the attempt, and all doubt of the 
 course of the left column was dissipated by intelligence that 
 Generals Howe and Cornwallis had crossed the forks of the 
 Brandywine, and were in full march down the north side of 
 the river, against the American right. An immediate change 
 of plan was ordered by Washington. Wayne was left to dis 
 pute the passage of the ford with Kniphausen, who was 
 about making his concerted charge ; Sullivan was ordered to 
 inarch a division to the right, to oppose the advancing column, 
 and General Greene, with his corps, was posted in the centre, 
 as a reserve, to succor either party, as the circumstances might 
 require. It was four o clock before Sullivan reached ground 
 upon which he could form, and before his right was properly 
 in order, the enemy, under Cornwallis, attacked that side of 
 his force, which instantly gave way, and the disorder spread 
 irretrievably until the whole division was routed. As soon 
 as the firing was heard in this direction, Washington in per 
 son, with General Greene and his corps, hastened to the aid 
 of Sullivan, but arrived only in time to check the career of 
 the enemy and cover the retreat of the flying troops. A 
 Virginia brigade under General Weedon, Colonel Marshall s 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 203 
 
 Virginia regiment, and Colonel Stewart s Pennsylvania regi 
 ment, displayed the most determined spirit, and kept up the 
 action with Cornwallis till night put a stop to it, and Gene 
 ral Greene drew off his troops in safety. Wayne had been 
 compelled to give way before Kniphausen, and the day 
 terminated in the success of all the leading plans of the 
 enemy. The whole American army re treated < to Chester 
 that same night, and soon after to Philadelphia. Their loss 
 was computed at three hundred killed, six hundred wounded, 
 and nearly five hundred prisoners ; they also lost ten field- 
 pieces and a howitzer. The British loss was much less, not 
 amounting to five hundred in all, of which the slain were 
 about one hundred. 
 
 The French officers behaved with gallantry, and were of 
 great service to the Americans. One of them, the Baron St. 
 Ovary, was made prisoner ; and the Marquis La Fayette, while 
 rallying his troops with spirit and activity, was wounded in 
 the leg, but refusecUo quit the field. Count Pulaski, a noble 
 Pole, who had distinguished himself at home, led on the 
 light-horse with undaunted gallantry, and Congress testified 
 their sense of his merit, by promoting him to the rank of 
 brigadier, arid giving him the command of the cavalry. 
 
 The British followed up their successes the next day, by 
 seizing upon Wilmington, on the Delaware. 
 
 The loss of the battle did not produce the dispiriting effect 
 upon Congress or the army, which might have been anti 
 cipated. The coolness and courage with which many of 
 the regiments had behaved, rather tended to beget a higher 
 tone of confidence. Measures were taken to prevent any 
 depression among the people, and to reinforce the army, and 
 to manifest a feeling of perfect security. Fifteen hundred 
 troops were sent from Peekskill ; large detachments of mili 
 tia summoned from New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and a 
 brigade of the regular line under General Small wood, from 
 Alexandria, to strengthen the army of Washington. The 
 commander-in-chief was authorized to impress all horses, 
 wagons, and provisions, necessary for the army. The general 
 orders which he issued spoke in terms of commendation of 
 the behavior of the army in the late engagement, and promised 
 them success in another battle. Having allowed them to rest a 
 day in the environs of German tow r n, he resolved to try an 
 other general action, before yielding Philadelphia to the ene 
 my With this determination he recrossed the Schuylkill on 
 
204 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 isth I ^ e ^k ^ September, and marched to face the 
 I British army, which was advancing upon Philadel 
 phia by the Lancaster road. He took up a position at the 
 Warren tavern, about twenty-three miles from Philadelphia, 
 with the double object of covering his stores which were 
 deposited at Reading, and waiting to give the enemy battle. 
 The next morning the advance guards of the armies com 
 menced an engagement which lasted only a few moments. 
 A violent storm came on, which separated the combatants ; 
 the rain fell in such quantities and with such force, for the 
 whole of that day and the next, that both parties were obliged 
 to remain inactive, and the consequences compelled the 
 American army to retreat immediately. It was found that 
 their ammunition was damaged, and the gun-locks and car 
 tridge-boxes, from defective construction were unfit for use. On 
 the 18th, Washington filed off towards Reading, the enemy 
 being unable, from the effects of the same storm, to pursue 
 him. He ascended the Schuylkill, crossed it to obtain a 
 supply of ammunition, and on the 19th, recrossed it at Par 
 ker s ferry, and took up a position, on Parkyomy 
 
 Sept. 19th. - J .. f ,-, r n /. ,. ,i / J 
 
 creek, fortifying the passes and fronting the advanc 
 ing enemy, with the determination of risking a battle. 
 
 A severe disaster occurred at this time to the republican 
 forces. On recrossing the Schuylkill, Washington had de 
 tached General Wayne with 1500 men, to join the corps of 
 Smallwood, and harass the rear of the enemy, with instruc 
 tions to conceal his movements. While encamped near 
 the Paoli tavern, his position was discovered, and he him 
 self surprised by a British detachment under General Grey 
 The out-posts and picquets were forced without noise, on the 
 night of the 20th of September, and before the soldiers could 
 form, a murderous slaughter commenced. When they did 
 form, under a fierce attack, it was unfortunately in front of 
 their fires, which exposed them to the charge of the British, 
 and three hundred of them were bayonetted, with the loss of 
 only eight of the enemy. Wayne, with great exertions, suc 
 ceeded in rallying some of his soldiers and covering the 
 retreat of the survivors. 
 
 Howe could now safely push forward towards Philadelphia, 
 Washington was before him, with an inferior army and with 
 two most important points to defend. He could not protect 
 the extensive magazines of provisions and military stores, 
 established at Reading, without exposing the capital, almost 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 205 
 
 undefended, to be taken by a movement of the British army 
 to the right, and crossing the Schuylkill. He could only 
 hope to save Philadelphia, by interposing his army at once 
 between General Howe and the capital, abandoning his 
 stores, and risking a final and probably a fatal battle. The 
 soldiers were fatigued and worn out, by constant marchings 
 and counter-marchings, since the landing of the British at the 
 Elk, on the 26th of August. Since the defeat of Brandy- 
 win^, they had been exposed to heavy rains, without cover 
 ing, destitute of stores, and scantily supplied in all things, 
 and had crossed and recrossed several large streams, almost 
 daily. To hazard both the capital, the army, and the stores, 
 in a single action, under such circumstances, was decided 
 by Washington, to be too rash a scheme to be risked, although 
 the calls of the citizens of Philadelphia for another battle 
 were loud and urgent. He determined to abandon the city : 
 and on a movement of the British on the west bank of the 
 Schuylkill towards Reading, the American army retreated 
 rapidly up the stream to Pottsgrove, leaving the lower road 
 open to the enemy. On the night of the 23d of September, 
 the whole British army was on the left bank of the Schuyl 
 kill, between Washington and the capital, and three days 
 afterwards, General Cornw T allis, without opposition, took pos 
 session of the city of Philadelphia with part of his I 
 
 mi . c j.u i r-i. Sept. 26. 
 
 troops. The rest 01 the army was leit in posi- j 
 
 tion at Germantown. Four regiments were posted in the 
 
 city. 
 
 Congress, on the retreat of Washington from the Warren 
 tavern on the 18th, considering themselves insecure in Phi 
 ladelphia, had adjourned immediately to Lancaster. The 
 public archives and stores were removed to the same place. 
 On the fall of Philadelphia, they retired to Yorktown. Before 
 removing, they invested Washington with the same dicta 
 torial powers, as had been granted after the reverses in New 
 Jersey. Some of the leading citizens in Philadelphia, chiefly 
 Quakers, who were disaffected to the American cause, were 
 arrested and sent to Virginia, as a measure of precaution. 
 
 On the occupation of the city by the enemy, Washington 
 led his army, consisting of about eleven thousand men, eight 
 thousand regulars., and three thousand militia, along the left 
 bank of the Schuylkill ; and encamped them at Schippack 
 creek, about eleven miles from Germantown. 
 
 The British fleet, which had landed the army in the Ches- 
 S 
 
206 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 apeake, were now ordered round into the Delaware. Foresee 
 ing this, the Americans had taken early steps to obstruct the 
 navigation of the river, so that the vessels could not pass up. 
 Cheveaux de Frise were sunk in the river, and forts erected 
 on Mud Island, at Red Bank, opposite on the Jersey shore, 
 and at Billing s Point, on the same shore below. Mud Island 
 is about seven miles below Philadelphia. In the channel 
 between Mud Island and Red Bank, double rows of Cheveaux 
 de Frise were sunk, consisting of large pieces of timber 
 strongly clamped, and pointed with iron. These were pro 
 tected by galleys, floating batteries, and armed ships. 
 
 The fort on Mud Island was called Fort Mifflin, and that 
 upon Red Bank, Fort Mercer. 
 
 It was important to Sir William Howe, to destroy these 
 works, and open a communication between the fleet and the 
 army. The American army, lying above, would effect 
 ually obstruct all supplies by land ; and unless means of access 
 by water could be furnished to the fleet below, he would have 
 been compelled to evacuate the city. Two regiments were 
 accordingly despatched by General Howe to dislodge the 
 Americans from Billing s Point, which was done without 
 much difficulty. The garrison spiked the guns, and aban 
 doned the works on the advance of the enemy. A part of 
 the fleet was thus enabled to advance, and with great labor 
 finally cleared out a narrow passage through the Cheveaux 
 de Frise for the shipping. This being done, a third regiment 
 was sent to Chester, to convoy a quantity of provisions to 
 the camp, the whole under the command of Colonel Ster 
 ling. These three regiments, and the four battalions in 
 Philadelphia, being separated from the main body, Washing 
 ton determined to surprise the army of Howe at German- 
 town ; and accordingly moved down rapidly from his camp 
 at Schippack creek, on the evening of the 3d of October, 
 and reached Germantown early on the 4th. His army had 
 been strengthened by a reinforcement from Peekskill, and a 
 body of Maryland militia. 
 
 The British lines crossed the valley of Germantown at right 
 angles near its centre ; its flanks were strongly 
 guarded, and one of them, the left, rested upon the 
 Schuylkill. The American army was divided into several 
 columns, which made simultaneous attacks by different roads, 
 upon the enemy s positions, and at first success seemed cer 
 tain. About sunrise, General Sullivan drove in the British 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 207 
 
 piquets on the British left, and Greene was equally success 
 ful on the right. Several brigades penetrated the town, and 
 victory appeared to be decided in favor of the Americans. 
 The fortune of the day was changed by an unlooked for 
 event. Colonel Musgrave, a British officer, in retreating be 
 fore the division of Sullivan, threw himself, with his com 
 panies of light troops, into a stone house, called Chew s house, 
 and made a most gallant and persevering defence. Every 
 attempt to dislodge him proved ineffectual. The Ameri 
 can line was checked, and thrown into disorder. A fog 
 which had risen increased the confusion, and gave the enemy 
 time to rally. The spirit of the troops flagged, and in the 
 midst of a career of apparent victory, they were thus check 
 ed and finally began to retreat. All efforts to rally them 
 were unavailing and Washington, seeing the battle lost, drew 
 off his troops, just as Cornwallis came up with a squadron of 
 horse, to the succor of the British. The pursuit continued 
 for some miles, but the Americans saved all their artillery. 
 Their loss was about two hundred killed, among whom was 
 General Nash of North Carolina, six hundred wounded, and 
 several hundred prisoners. Of the British, the killedwere 
 about one hundred in number, and the wounded four hun 
 dred. 
 
 The American army retreated about twenty miles to 
 Parkyomy creek, and being reinforced by 1500 militia, re 
 turned to their old camp at Scihppack. Congress by a vote 
 approved of the plan of attack, and returned thanks to the 
 officers and soldiers, for their conduct at the battle of Ger- 
 mantown. 
 
 General Howe immediately broke up his encampment at 
 German town, and moved his whole force into the city. Pro 
 visions began to grow scarce, and he, found it necessary to 
 turn his whole attention to the opening of the navigation of 
 the Delaware. Washington strengthened the garrisons at forts 
 Miffiin and Mercer, called upon the government of New 
 Jersey to turn out the militia to form a camp to support 
 them, commanded all the roads leading to the city by his 
 detachments, and under the authority of Congress proclaim 
 ed martial law against all citizens who should furnish the 
 enemy with supplies. Thus situated, General Howe found, 
 as Franklin sarcastically remarked, that " instead of taking 
 Philadelphia, Philadelphia had taken him." 
 
208 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The main body of the American army took post at White 
 Marsh, about fifteen miles from the city. 
 
 No change of position was made by either army, nor ac 
 tion of moment undertaken on either side, until the 22d of 
 the month ; previous to which the campaign in the North 
 had concluded triumphantly, by the total defeat of the Brit 
 ish, and the capture of Burgoyne and his army. To pursue 
 a connected narrative of the events of 1777 in that quarter, 
 it will be necessary to go back several months in the order of 
 time, to the beginning of the campaign in the North. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 209 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 GENERAL Burgoyne, who had served in Canada in the cam 
 paign of 1776, under General Carleton, arrived at Quebec in 
 the beginning of the month of May, 1777, and was followed 
 by a large regular force from- England, designed to make a 
 descent upon the United States through Lake Champlain, 
 and effect a junction with Sir William Howe at New York. 
 This plan had always found favor wilh the ministry, and 
 had been earnestly pressed upon them by Burgoyne on his 
 return from America. His representations strengthened 
 their opinion, that the most effectual means of subduing the 
 revolutionary spirit, was to separate the States ; so that New 
 England, which was thought to be the principal seat of dis 
 turbance, would be cut off from communication with the 
 rest of the country, and reduced to obedience. It was de 
 termined, therefore, to provide a powerful army, well ap 
 pointed in every respect, to make success certain. Bur 
 goyne, whose personal solicitations had done much to 
 hasten and arrange the expedition, was made commander-in- 
 chief, to the prejudice of Sir Guy Carleton, the governor 
 of Canada, whose popularity as a man of talents and energy, 
 was very high, and who had contributed so efficiently to the 
 recovery of the provinces the year before. Carleton, dis 
 satisfied with being superseded, asked leave to resign, but 
 with honorable magnanimity exerted the utmost zeal and ac 
 tivity in forwarding the objects of the expedition. The 
 regular corps of the army, consisting of British and Hessians, 
 amounted to about seven ihousand men, exclusive of the ar 
 tillery corps. The brass train sent out for the service, was 
 esteemed the finest and best appointed, ever allotted to a 
 force of that magnitude. To these was added a detachment 
 of 700 rangers, under Colonel St. Leger, destined to make 
 an incursion into the Mohawk country to seize Fort Stanwix, 
 otherwise called fort Schuyler. It was also ordered that two 
 thousand Canadians, consisting of hatchmen and other work 
 men, should join the army, to aid in forcing a way through the 
 woods. Seamen were collected for manning the necessary 
 vessels to command the Lake, and convey the trooos dowa 
 S 2 
 
210 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 the Hudson. Other parties were collected to scour the coun 
 try on the frontier, and occupy the intermediate posts, amount 
 ing to at least three thousand men. Every aid, of arms, 
 munitions of war, provisions, clothing, and baggage of all 
 descriptions, was amply provided, and sanguine calculations 
 were made that by this army the rebellion would be put down 
 at once. 
 
 The generals who accompanied Burgoyne, were eminen* 
 and veteran officers. Among the principal were General 
 Philips of the artillery, and generals Reidesel and Specht, 
 Germans, and the British generals Frazer, Powell, and 
 Hamilton. 
 
 The Americans, on the other hand, had paid early atten 
 tion to their defence, in that quarter. They had construct 
 ed an additional fort, on the opposite side of the strait on 
 which Ticonderoga stands, which they called Mount In 
 dependence. The obstruction of the navigation was a great 
 point, and they sunk cassoons in the channel, so as to serve 
 also as a bridge of communication between the forts, and to 
 prevent the British from drawing their small craft over land 
 into Lake George, they also obstructed the navigation of that 
 lake. Fort Schuyler was fortified, and other forts erected 
 along the Mohawk river. Requisitions were made for thir 
 teen thousand six hundred men for the security of the dis 
 trict, and the adjacent States were called upon to fill up their 
 militia in readiness for an active campaign. General Schuy 
 ler was appointed to the command of the northern campaign 
 at an early date, thus superseding General Gates, a nomina 
 tion which produced no little dissatisfaction at the time. 
 He took the command on the 3d of June, and despatched 
 General St. Glair immediately to Ticonderoga. Burgoyne s 
 plan of the campaign was two-fold. He, with the main 
 army, was to proceed by Champlain and the Hudson, to 
 Albany, and Colonel St. Leger, with a second detachment 
 of about two thousand troops, was directed to ascend the St. 
 Lawrence, and by the Oswego and Fort Stanwix, join the 
 general at Albany. Thence both were to proceed by the 
 Hudson to New York. 
 
 The preparations being completed, on the most elaborate 
 and careful scale, Burgoyne moved forward, and in the be 
 ginning of the last week in June, arrived in the 
 h * neighborhood of Crown Point. He held a confer 
 ence at the river Bouquet with his Indian allies, many of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 211 
 
 which had been engaged, by the influence of governor Carle- 
 ton. He addressed them in terms of energy, to excite them 
 to take part with the royal forces, and endeavored to impress 
 upon them the necessity of regarding the laws of civilized 
 warfare, in their mode of combat, and the treatment of their 
 captives. Having fully secured the co-operation of the In 
 dians, he endeavored to improve the advantage their alliance 
 gave him, in intimidating the Americans. On the | 
 29th of June, he issued a proclamation, with the | 
 design of spreading terror among them, magnifying the force 
 of the armies and fleets prepared to crush the revolted colo 
 nies, and insisting upon the numbers and ferocity of their In 
 dian allies. Promises of favor and support were held out to 
 such as should aid in establishing the government of the king, 
 and all the horrors of war and devastation threatened against 
 those who should persist in rebellion. Thousands of Indians, 
 he admonished them, were ready at his bidding, to be let 
 loose against, "the hardened enemies of Great Britain and 
 America." This proclamation justly provoked some animad 
 version in England, and was strongly censured in both houses 
 of parliament. In the United States it kindled a general in 
 dignation at the atrocity of its sentiments, mingled with 
 derision at its pompous denunciations. The temper of the 
 people was too stern for such intimidations, and his gran 
 diloquent threats of Indian massacres, served to inflame 
 resentment, and stimulate resistance. 
 
 All preparations being made, Burgoyne advanced towards 
 Ticonderoga ; there he expected to meet with a vigorous op 
 position. The natural strength of the post, and its great im 
 portance as the key to the navigation of the lakes, com 
 manding the entrance to the interior of New York, justified 
 him in believing that a strong effort would be made to pre 
 serve the fort, and check his advance. But the garrison 
 under General St. Clair, was totally inadequate to its defence. 
 Their numbers did not exceed three thousand men, badly 
 armed, particularly in the essential article of bayonets, in 
 which they were almost totally deficient.. The militia which 
 had been called for to reinforce them, had not arrived, and 
 no rational expectation was entertained of a successful de 
 fence, unless the enemy should undertake to carry the place, 
 by a general assault, in which the bravery of the Americans 
 might have foiled them, by a gallant and fortunate repulse. 
 Burgoyne, however, acted with more caution ; and having 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 landed his troops on the 15th of July, advanced regularly on 
 both sides of the lake, while his fleet kept the centre. Ticon- 
 deroga and Mount Independence were both invested, and in 
 a few days nearly surrounded by the enemy s works. They 
 had also established themselves at Sugar-loaf hill, or Moun+ 
 Defiance, as it was also called, an eminence which overlooked 
 both posts, but which the Americans had not been able to 
 fortify or man for their defence. All the American works 
 were now fully exposed to the fire of the enemy, and a bom 
 bardment from all points simultaneously, was to be hourly 
 expected, when General St. Clair called a council of war to 
 j I Determine whether it would be better to withdraw 
 
 I all the troops within Mount Independence, and de 
 fend that post to the last extremity, or abandon the whole. 
 It was unanimously recommended to him to retreat, as soon 
 as possible, which was accordingly undertaken with prompti 
 tude and secrecy, that same night. The garrison, divided into 
 two bodies, the first under St. Clair, and the second command 
 ed by Colonel Francis, took up their route for Castleton, by 
 the way of Hubbardstown, along the right bank of the lake. 
 The baggage, stores, and sick, were embarked in batteaux, 
 and despatched under the convoy of five galleys, and escorted 
 by a detachment, commanded by Colonel Long, to Skenes- 
 borough, or Whitehall, on Lake George. A storm which rose 
 towards morning embarrassed the movements of all these 
 parties, and the accidental firing of a house, gave notice to 
 the enemy of what was going on. The land detachments 
 had pushed forward with rapidity, before the pursuit was 
 fully commenced, and it was found necessary to clear the 
 obstructions in the channel before the British fleet could get 
 into motion, to follow Colonel Long and his convoy. Bur- 
 goyne himself accompanied the fleet, which, favored by winds 
 and superior sailing, overtook the Americans near the Skenes- 
 borough falls, and soon overpowered them. Two of the 
 batteaux were captured and several destroyed in the battle, 
 upon which Colonel Long destroyed the others, with all the 
 stores, provisions, and baggage, together with the works and 
 mills, of the place, and hastily retreated to Fort Anne. 
 
 The divisions which left the fort by the land route, were 
 pursued by a corps of British troops under General Frazer, 
 and one of German under General Reidesel. On the 
 seventh, they overtook the American forces com 
 manded by Colonel Francis, at Hubbardstown ; and after an 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 213 
 
 obstinately contested action, routed them with considerable 
 loss. Among the killed was Colonel Francis, and the killed, 
 wounded, and missing, many of whom perished for want in 
 the woods, were not far from one thousand in number. The 
 British lost one hundred and eighty. General St. Clair, with 
 his own division, learning these several disasters, instead of 
 proceeding, as had been his design, to Fort Anne, where 
 Colonel Long w r ith his corps had taken refuge, turned off into 
 the woods, and having collected as many as possible of the 
 fugitives from the defeat at Hubbardstown, proceeded across 
 the country to Fort Edward on the Hudson, to unite with 
 General Schmyler, whose head-quarters were there. Colonel 
 Long after resisting gallantly the attack of several British regi 
 ments sent against his post, set it on fire, and withdrew to 
 Fort Edward. 
 
 St. Clair joined General Schuyler on the 12th July. After 
 his arrival, the whole American force, including the fugitives 
 that came in, and the recruits that had been collected at 
 Fort Edward, was about 4400 men, including the militia, with 
 out supplies, arms, or ammunition. The Americans had lost 
 in the late reverses, one hundred and ninety-eight pieces of 
 artillery, and a vast amount of warlike stores and provi 
 sions, especially flour, that had been necessarily abandoned 
 in their flight. They had, moreover, lost confidence, and a 
 general terror fell upon the country. The power and successes 
 of the enemy were portrayed in exaggerated terms. Indeed, 
 a comparison of the scanty remnants of a northern army as 
 sembled at Fort Edward, with the victorious troops of Bur- 
 goyne, gave but too strong causes for gloomy apprehensions. 
 The popular discontent vented itself in loud censures of 
 the conduct of General St. Clair, in abandoning Ticonderoga, 
 and of General Schuyler, for the whole arrangement of the 
 campaign. An inquiry into their conduct subsequently order 
 ed by Congress, terminated after a long delay in their ac 
 quittal of all misconduct ; but the confidence of the army 
 and the people, was withdrawn from them, at the most criti 
 cal period. It is evident, from a review of the whole case, 
 that the actual condition of the garrison was not sufficiently 
 known to Congress, and its strength very much overrated. 
 If blame is to be attached to St. Clair at all, it is now agreed, 
 that it should be not for abandoning the fort at last, but for 
 holding out so long. But at the time murmurs were loud 
 against the whole direction of the army, and this distrust in the 
 
214 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 officers retarded very much the progress of the recruiting ser 
 vice. Fort George, which had remained in possession of the 
 Americans, was evacuated, and shortly after, it was found im 
 possible to retain Fort Edward. On the 22d, the whole army 
 retired to Moses creek, and on the 30th, retreated still fur 
 ther to Saratoga, and still unable to make an efficient stand, 
 OQ continued their retreat to Stillwater, at which place 
 
 they finally encamped on the 20th of August. 
 Burgoyne, in the interim had employed his army in a la 
 borious effort to open a direct communication across the 
 country, from Whitehall to Fort Edward on the Hudson, 
 through the woods. The distance is comparatively small, 
 but the nature of the country was such, as to make the pas 
 sage almost impracticable to a large body of men, and Gene 
 ral Schuyler had been active in increasing the difficulties by 
 every means in his power. The bridges over the streams, 
 of which there had been a great number, were broken up, 
 and the defiles through which the paths usually ran, were 
 obstructed by large trees, which he had caused to be cut 
 down, so as to fall, across the way and lengthwise, and thus 
 interlock their branches to present an almost insurmountable 
 barrier. In this toilsome undertaking the British were com 
 pelled to construct not less than forty bridges, one of whi^h 
 was a log- work two miles long, across a morass. A party 
 which had been left at Ticonderoga was equally active in 
 conveying gunboats, provisions, and batteaux over land to 
 Lake George. On the advance of the British towards Fort 
 Edward, by this route, which place they reached on the 
 30th of July, and the consequent abandonment of Fort George, 
 and the retreat of the army of the Americans, the route 
 from Ticonderoga was left open, and the rest of the trans 
 portation required for the army, was carried on from Fort 
 George to the navigable waters of the Hudson, a distance 
 of eighteen miles across the country. So difficult was even 
 this route, though preferable to that by Whitehall, that a 
 fortnight had elapsed from the thirtieth of July to the fif 
 teenth of August before provisions for only four days con 
 sumption had been collected ; and not ten batteaux had been 
 afloat on the river. Heavy rains obstructed the works, and 
 it was found impossible to procure supplies for daily use, ex 
 cept what were brought from Ticonderoga. The effect of the 
 progress of the army, triumphant thus far, began to be 
 weakened. The joy with which the possession of the Hud- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 215 
 
 son was hailed, was succeeded by embarrassment and anx 
 iety even without an opposing force ; and the delay gave 
 the Americans time to rally. 
 
 Proclamations had been issued by both sides. Burgoyne 
 announced, in the language of a conqueror, the victories ol 
 the English, and the approaching subjugation of all America, 
 and called upon the inhabitants to send deputations to give 
 in their adhesion to the regal cause. Schuyler reiterated the 
 determination of the States to hold out to the last, invok 
 ing the perseverance of the people in the good cause, by 
 every consideration of duty, interest, and patriotism. 
 
 He availed himself skilfully of every day s delay to abate 
 the panic which had at first overwhelmed the people, to re 
 kindle their courage, and rouse them to arms. In this he was 
 most effectually aided, by the conduct of the British and 
 their allies, Germans and Indians. The barbarities practised 
 in New Jersey arose fresh in their recollections, and the 
 cruelties committed by the Indians in Burgoyne s army, 
 whom he found it impossible to restrain, contributed to make 
 the royal cause odious, and inflame the resentment of Amer 
 icans. When the republican army began to retreat down 
 the Hudson, the spirit of the country began to rise again. 
 A new army seemed to spring out of the woods and moun 
 tains. All around the march of the enemy, parties of militia 
 poured from every hill and valley to harass them with par- 
 tizan attacks, and cut off their supplies. As the regular force 
 of Schuyler, wasted by toils and defeats, diminished, it was re 
 cruited by increased numbers of fresh and spirited yeomanry. 
 Washington reinforced them with several regiments from 
 Peekskill, commanded by Arnold, and, without waiting the 
 order of Congress, called out the militia of New England, 
 and placed them under the command of General Lincoln. 
 Morgan, with his riflemen, was detached for the land ser 
 vice, so that, by the middle of August, the army amounted 
 to about thirteen thousand men, and the militia were ripe 
 every where for co-operation. The Polish hero, Kosciusko, 
 was in the army, as chief engineer. 
 
 The second division of Burgoyne s forces, under Colonel St. 
 Leger, had been, as stated above, appointed to ascend the St 
 Lawrence, from Quebec, and penetrating through the Mohawk 
 country, to intercept the Americans at the junction of the Mo 
 hawk and Hudson, and unite with the main army there. He 
 nad succeeded in reaching Fort Schuyler, to which he laid 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 siege, with his regular force, and a large party of Indians, com 
 manded by Sir John Johnson, the whole amounting to abou+ 
 2,000 men. General Herkimer raised a party of the neigh- 
 I boring militia, and pushed on to the relief of the 
 I garrison, but unfortunately allowed himself to be led 
 into an English ambuscade, in which he was defeated and 
 slain, with the loss of one hundred and sixty of his men, killed. 
 The militia defended themselves with great resolution andob 
 stinacy. Few of them would have escaped, but for a vigorous 
 and gallant sortie from the fort, led by Colonel Willett, which 
 suddenly attacked the camp of the besiegers, killed a great 
 many, drove numbers into the woods, and, having seized a 
 large quantity of baggage, and besieging tools, returned to 
 the fort in triumph, and without loss. This diversion ena 
 bled the remainder of Herkimer s detachment to save them 
 selves by retreat. In these combats the Indians behaved 
 with such ferocity and insubordination, as to alarm the Brit- 
 :sh officers, not only for the reputation of their arms, but for 
 the fidelity of their savage allies. Distrust grew up between 
 them, and acts of violence against each other shortly after 
 occurred, to increase the mutual dislike. St. Leger availed 
 himself of the immediate terror produced by this defeat to 
 demand the surrender of the fortress from Colonel Ganse- 
 voort, the commander. He employed every art of intimida 
 tion to increase the impression produced by the violence and 
 cruelty of the Indians, and represented himself as unable to 
 restrain them, if the defence should be continued longer. 
 The immediate massacre of the garrison, and of every man, 
 woman, and child in the Mohawk country, was set forth as the 
 unavoidable consequence of opposition to the Indians. The 
 answer of Colonel Gansevoort was simple. The United States 
 had entrusted him with the charge of the garrison, and "he 
 was determined to defend it to the last extremity against all 
 enemies whatsoever, without any concern for the conse 
 quences of doing his duty." Colonel Willett, who had led 
 the successful sortie, performed, in company with another 
 officer, another daring feat, in order to obtain succor for the 
 beleagured fortress. They passed, by night, through the midst 
 of the British camp, escaped the sagacity even of the In 
 dians, and made their w r ay, for a distance of fifty miles, 
 through pathless woods and morasses, to give notice .of the 
 danger of the garrison. Information reached General Schuyler 
 on the 27th July, and Arnold was immediately despatched 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 Vith eight hundred men, and a few militia who could be pre 
 vailed upon to join him, to FortSchuyler. Their numbers were 
 inferior to those of St. Leger, and Arnold accordingly had re 
 course to a stratagem, to terrify the Indians in St. Leger s 
 camp, which completely succeeded. An emissary, Cuyler by 
 name, was sent among the Indians, as a deserter, with in 
 structions to magnify the numbers of the Americans, who 
 were approaching. This finesse was aided by the discontent 
 already existing among them, and their disappointment at the 
 protracted defence of the fort. A part of them hastily de 
 camped, and the rest threatened to follow, unless a retreat 
 was instantly ordered. The siege, which had been continued 
 for eighteen days, was precipitately raised, before Arnold s 
 arrival, and in such disorder that most of the artillery, stores, 
 tents, and baggage, fell into the hands of the garrison. In 
 the retreat, the Indians quarrelled with their allies, and rob 
 bed them. A violent quarrel broke out between the com 
 manding officers, St. Leger and Johnson, which was with 
 difficulty appeased. 
 
 Whilst the contest for the possession of Fort Schuyler was 
 going on, an action was fought at Bennington, I Au 
 which gave trie first decisive turn to the current of | 
 events that had been hitherto so adverse to the American 
 cause in the North. Burgoyne, desirous of aiding the ad 
 vance of St. Leger s forces, thought to occupy the attention 
 of the American army by a sudden and rapid advance down 
 the Hudson. They were between him and Albany, in con 
 siderable strength. If he could engage them in front, so as 
 to prevent them from succoring Fort Schuyler, they might be 
 assailed in flank by the other division descending the Mo 
 hawk, and forced either to risk a general battle or to retire 
 into New England. The difficulty of maintaining a commu 
 nication with Fort Edward and Fort George, whence all his 
 supplies were drawn, presented an obstacle to his rapid 
 movement. This he determined to remove by seizing upon 
 a quantity of stores which the Americans had collected at 
 Bennington, in Vermont, distant about twenty miles from the 
 Hudson. The magazines were guarded only by parties of 
 militia, and the intermediate country was represented to be 
 favorably disposed to the royalists. A plan was formed to 
 capture those stores, and, the army being thus supplied 
 to push on boldly against the republican camp. 
 
 The detachment ordered on this service consisted of about 
 T 
 
218 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 five hundred men, chiefly Hessians and Canadians, with 
 about one hundred Indians, under the command of Lieuten 
 ant-Colonel Baum, a German officer of distinction. To sup 
 port him, a Brunswick regiment of grenadiers and light-in 
 fantry, under Colonel Breyman, were directed to follow and 
 take post at Batten Hill. Baum advanced with considerable 
 difficulty on account of the badness of the roads, but with lit 
 tle hostile opposition, until he approached the town of Ben- 
 nington, where he found an unexpected force prepared to 
 oppose him. Colonel Stark, with a party of New Hampshire 
 militia, was on his way to the American camp, when intelli 
 gence of the expedition of Baum was brought him. He hast 
 ened to collect the neighboring militia to repulse him. Baum, 
 after some skirmishing with part of the American force, find 
 ing them too numerous for him, encamped upon advantageous 
 ground, on Walloon Creek, about four miles from Benning- 
 ton, and sent for reinforcements. A storm of rain retarded as 
 well the operations of Colonel Stark, as the advance of the 
 expected succors, for two days. On the 16th 3 
 Stark, having been strengthened by the arrival 
 of some militia, determined upon attacking the Hessians 
 in their entrenchments before a junction could be form 
 ed with Breyman s regiment. He divided his force into 
 several divisions, and charged the enemy in front, flank, and 
 rear, at nearly the same time, with great impetuosity. 
 Baum made a gallant resistance : after his artillery had 
 been captured, and his ammunition expended, he led on the 
 Hessians, sword in hand ; and was only conquered by the 
 repeated and overwhelming charges of Stark s militia. The 
 Americans fought with extraordinary spirit, and their firing 
 was compared, in the official account of the battle, to " one 
 uninterrupted peal of thunder." The corps of Breyman 
 arrived on the field immediately after the discomfiture of 
 Baum s division, and while the Americans were dispersed in 
 pursuit, not expecting another engagement. They rallied to 
 attack this new enemy, and a sharp contest recommenced, 
 about four in the afternoon. The battle was soon decided in 
 favour of the Americans, by the charge of Colonel Warner, 
 at the head of a regiment of the line ; and the Germans gave 
 way, and were pursued until dark, with the loss of their bag 
 gage, artillery, and arms. The royalists lost in these two 
 battles, about seven hundred men, the greater part prisoners. 
 The American loss was about seventy. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 219 
 
 The fruits of this battle were of the highest value, inde 
 pendent of the mere loss of men to the enemy, considerable 
 as that was. It was the first victory which had been gained 
 by the armies of the United States in the campaign. In 
 every direction they had been retreating before superior 
 forces, and manoeuvring to avoid the enemy ever since the 
 month of March. In the southern department Washington 
 had carefully avoided an engagement with Howe, and from 
 the first appearance of Burgoyne before Ticonderoga, nothing 
 but defeat had befallen the arms of America. The battle of 
 Bennington changed the face of affairs, and reanimated the 
 courage of the militia. They had met a highly disciplined 
 corps in the open field, and defeated them by hard fighting, 
 and had taken by assault a camp entrenched strongly and 
 defended by regulars. As a military achievement, it was 
 just ground for general exultation. It restored confidence, 
 gratified national pride, and kindled military enthusiasm by 
 the trophies of victory which it furnished. On the British 
 this effect was reversed. Defeat produced mortification if 
 not absolute depression. The direct effects of the loss, in 
 the condition and prospects of the army, were severe, and, 
 as the event showed, of fatel importance. It deranged the 
 entire plan of the campaign, arrested the advance movement 
 which had been contemplated, and compelled the army to 
 halt, inactive, in an enemy s country, until the necessary 
 supplies could be brought from Fort George. The delay was 
 a loss to them of nearly a month, from the sixteenth of 
 August to the thirteenth of September, within which period 
 the Americans, flushed with the triumphs of Bennington and 
 Fort Schuyler, were recruiting their forces, and gathering 
 all things necessary for following up those successes vigor 
 ously. 
 
 Congress, on the 4th of August, had superseded General. 
 Schuyler, and on the 21st General Gates arrived and as 
 sumed the command. The army was then encamped at 
 Vanshaick s Island, and Burgoyne occupying his camp on 
 the left bank of the Hudson, was employed in transporting 
 supplies from the lakes. Soon after the arrival of Gates, the 
 army received the reinforcements already mentioned, in 
 cluding Morgan s celebrated corps of riflemen, and the New 
 York militia, raised by the indefatigable activity of George 
 Clinton. 
 
 A daring enterprise was undertaken, about the same time, 
 
220 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 by a party of New England militia, who penetrated across 
 the country, in the rear of the British, seized on a number 
 of posts on the lake, and actually laid siege to Ticonderoga, 
 but, from a deficiency of artillery, were compelled to retire. 
 This gallant corps was under the direction of General Lin 
 coln. 
 
 The indignation of the Americans was aggravated by an 
 atrocious act of murder, committed by some of the Indian 
 allies of Burgoyne, on the person of an amiable and accom 
 plished young lady. Miss M Crea, of Fort Edward, the 
 daughter of an American loyalist, was betrothed to a British 
 officer, in the army of Burgoyne, and on the approach of the 
 army the impatient lover sent a party of Indians to conduct 
 his bride to the British camp. She consented to accompany 
 them, but, on the road, her savage guides quarrelled about 
 the reward that had been promised them, and, exasperated 
 by mutual contradictions, ended the dispute by ferociously 
 murdering the innocent victim. So horrible an incident, 
 under circumstances appealing so strongly to the sympathies, 
 roused a universal cry of detestation against the employ 
 ment of Indians in civilized warfare, and stimulated the 
 Americans to deeper resentment against the army in which 
 such allies were employed. Burgoyne answered the indig 
 nant representations of Gates by arresting the murderers, 
 but subsequently pardoned them, as an act of policy, not 
 the less reprobating the inhuman act. This policy did not 
 succeed in retaining the aid of the Indians. Already dis 
 satisfied with delay and inaction, and disappointed of the 
 plunder they had expected, they resented the attempt to re 
 strain them further, and deserted in great numbers. The 
 Canadians were not more faithful, and in a few weeks he 
 found that all the force he could rely upon was the British 
 and Hessian regulars. Finally, having supplied himself with 
 thirty days provisions from the magazines in his 
 rear, he took the bold step of breaking up his line 
 of intercourse with Canada, and crossed the river to the leftj 
 bank with his whole force. Four days after he encamped at 
 Saratoga, in front of the army of Gates, which lay encamp 
 ed near Stillwater, about three miles below. 
 
 This movement separated him from his communications 
 with the supplies in his rear, and threw him at once upon 
 the resources of his army, to force their way through to 
 Albany, and form a junction with the forces of Sir Henry 
 
 Sept. 13th. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 221 
 
 Clinton from below. The event showed that he had miscal 
 culated his own strength and that of his opponents, and that 
 the plan of co-operation between the two armies had not 
 been thoroughly understood. The expedition from New 
 York failed in the most essential points, and from the day of 
 the crossing of the Hudson the fate of his army was deter 
 mined, and a few weeks saw it surrounded and captured by 
 the republican forces, over whom he had promised himself 
 an easy victory. 
 
 On the nineteenth, the battle of Stillwater was fought by 
 the two armies, with great obstinacy and courage. I 
 
 A 1,1 T ji i ii ,1 i- 11 Sept.l9th. 
 
 Although there was no decisive result on the field, | 
 it had all the effects of a victory to the Americans. They, for 
 the first time in the campaign, met the British regulars in a 
 pitched battle, arid maintained their ground w r ith unexpect 
 ed firmness and success. The conflict began between 
 scouting parties, and continued irregularly for an hour and a 
 half, each being gradually reinforced until both armies were 
 engaged, and a hot and prolonged firing was kept up for 
 three hours. The British and Americans were alternately 
 driven back, but rallied again with determined courage, 
 and each party seemed resolute in maintaining their posi 
 tion at all hazards. The British had the advantage of several 
 pieces of artillery, which were taken and recovered several 
 times during the action. Night put an end to the prolonged 
 battle, without positive defeat on either side. But, as the 
 enemy fought to force the position of the Americans, and did 
 not succeed while the latter remained where they were in 
 the morning, the fruits of a victory were evidently theirs, 
 independently of the vast moral effect of having arrested the 
 progress of Burgoyne in a regular battle. The Indians and 
 Canadians, in particular, who had remained with the Brit 
 ish, were disheartened, and deserted in increasing num 
 bers. The actual loss of that army, in killed and wounded, 
 was about five hundred ; of the Americans, three hundred 
 and twenty. Arnold distinguished himself in this battle by 
 his daring and almost desperate bravery. An unfortunate 
 dispute occurred not long afterwards between him and Gen 
 eral Gates, which produced such resentment that he threw 
 up his command. The cause of offence was the assumption 
 by Gates of the direction of a part of the army, which Ar 
 nold thought subject exclusively to his own direction. This 
 was one of the first of the dissensions which provoked the 
 T 2 
 
222 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 excitable temper of Arnold, and led, among other and baser 
 causes, to his subsequent betrayal of his country. 
 
 After the battle of Stillwater, Burgoyne encamped near 
 the former position, entrenching himself for the purpose of 
 waiting the expected co-operation of Clinton, from New 
 York. Gates followed his example, fortifying his lines, en 
 couraging his army by frequent skirmishes with the enemy, 
 and increasing their numbers constantly by the numerous 
 bodies of militia, which flocked to him now that the pros 
 pect of success became so flattering. General Lincoln 
 brought two thousand men of the best New England troops, 
 and, on the retirement of Arnold, succeeded to his com 
 mand. On the 4th of October, the American army was 
 eleven thousand strong, of whom at least seven thousand 
 were effective men, and the British little exceeded four 
 thousand. Burgoyne had but three weeks provisions in store, 
 and a return to Ticonderoga would occupy at least eight 
 days, under the most favourable train of events. He had 
 therefore but a fortnight in which to expect the co-operation 
 of Clinton, to force his way against the American aVmy, or 
 to commence a retreat. Such, in a few days, had been the 
 change of prospects in an army which had set out so tri 
 umphantly only a month before. 
 
 In the middle of September Burgoyne received a com 
 munication from Clinton, promising a tardy and inefficient 
 expedition, compared to what had been expected, to move up 
 the North River, in order to occupy the army of Gates by an 
 assault from below, and thus aid the Northern army. Replies 
 were instantly despatched, stating the condition of the army, 
 and informing Clinton that the provisions in store would 
 not enable it to hold out beyond the 12th of October. It was 
 therefore all important that an early movement should be 
 made to relieve it. In the beginning of October it became 
 necessary to reduce the soldiers rations, and news from be 
 low was looked for with intense anxiety. No intelligence 
 being received, he determined upon making a stronger ef 
 fort than he had heretofore ventured on and, on the after 
 noon of the seventh, made an attack, which brought on the 
 decisive battle of Saratoga. 
 
 Burgoyne himself, aided by Generals Phillips, Reidesel, 
 and Fraser, led a picked column of fifteen hundred men 
 against the American left. His left flank was commanded 
 by Major Ackland, and his right- by the Earl of Balcarras. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 223 
 
 The battle was opened by the Americans simultaneously 
 against the right and left wings, with extraordinary impet 
 uosity. General Poor, with the New Hampshire militia, at 
 tacked the left ; and Morgan, with his riflemen, poured in 
 his irresistible charge upon the right, which, after a gallant 
 resistance, was compelled to give way. In the meantime 
 the Americans had extended their assault along the whole 
 line of Germans, and pushed forward a detachment to inter 
 cept them in their retreat. The battle was obstinate and 
 bloody, but did not last long. In less than an hour the Brit 
 ish left gave way before the repeated assaults of the Ameri 
 cans, and the whole line, attacked in front and driven back 
 upon both flanks, was compelled to retire in confusion. 
 The assailants followed them up, and a part of the lines were 
 forced by a regiment of which Arnold had assumed the com 
 mand. During the whole fight he performed feats of cour 
 age and audacity, almost frantic dashing into the midst of 
 the enemy, fighting single-handed, and leading on troops in 
 every part of the field. The fighting did not terminate till 
 nightfa ll, and the British army rested, with the loss of four 
 hundred killed and wounded, among whom were several of 
 their best officers. They lost besides, eight field pieces, 
 some tents, carts, and a considerable quantity of baggage. 
 The American killed and wounded did not exceed eighty. 
 
 The British General Fraser was mortally wounded in the 
 action. His obsequies were performed at the close of the 
 next day, with great solemnity, in the darkness of night, 
 amidst the blaze and roar of the American cannon, the balls 
 dashing the earth in the faces of the mourners over the 
 corpse. Gates was, at the time, unaware of the nature of 
 the ceremony. 
 
 On the night after the battle, Burgoyne, perceiving his posi 
 tion no longer tenable against the approaches of the enemy, 
 determined upon a change of ground, which he effected suc 
 cessfully and without loss, taking up a stronger position. The 
 Americans instantly occupied his abandoned camp. He wait 
 ed under arms the whole of the next day, in expectation of a re 
 newed battle ; but nothing but a few skirmishings took place. 
 In one of these General Lincoln was dangerously wounded. 
 General Gates was not inclined to risk the fruits of so de 
 cisive an action, by making an attack at disadvantage. He 
 preferred dispatching detachments to occupy the fords of 
 the river, to obstruct the retreat of Burgoyne in that direction, 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and another strong force to reach beyond his right flank, and 
 thus surround him. The British general, hastily abandoning 
 his hospital to the humanity of the Americans, put his army 
 immediately in motion, .and retreated to Saratoga, six miles 
 up the river, by a night march. On this march, his soldiers 
 burnt and destroyed the houses and other property on their 
 way. Gates followed them step by step, cautiously, with 
 out giving him any opportunity of battle. He hastened to 
 occupy Fort Edward, in order to secure the passage of the 
 river there. On the 10th and llth, the two armies were near 
 each other, and some skirmishes took place between them 
 at Fishkill creek. The Americans were, however, in such 
 force there, as to destroy all hope of being able to cross, 
 and Burgoyne accordingly determined, as his last hope, to 
 abandon his artillery, baggage, carriages, and encumbrances 
 of every kind, except provisions to be carried on the backs 
 of the soldiers, and, by a rapid night march up the river, to 
 cross above Fort Edward, and force a passage to Fort George. 
 His scouts, sent out to reconnoitre, reported the roads to be 
 almost impracticable, and further information of the precau 
 tions taken by the Americans, compelled him to abandon 
 even this forlorn expedition. Abandoned by his Indian and 
 Canadian allies, his troops worn out with toil and fighting, 
 destitute of supplies, their numbers reduced from ten thou 
 sand, healthv and effective men, to less than five thousand, 
 and surrounded by an army three times their number, and 
 too secure of triumph to risk the chance of a battle, Bur 
 goyne was forced to relinquish all hope of extricating him 
 self, and depend, as his only chance, upon the aid of Clinton 
 from below, and that within a few days. That feeble hope was 
 vain. Clinton, whose tardiness in the whole campaign is 
 inexplicable, never moved up the river till the 5th of October. 
 His force wa-s about three thousand men, and his first enter 
 prise was against Fort Montgomery, which commands the 
 passage of the river, at the entrance of the Highlands. The 
 strength of the works was towards the river, which Sir 
 Henry Clinton avoided, by landing his men at Stoney Point, 
 below, and marching them to attack the land side of the fort. 
 He had made several feints of landing in other places, but 
 his true design was foreseen, and the fort manned as strongly 
 as possible, under the direction of Governor George Clin 
 ton, and his brother, General James Clinton. The resistance 
 was bravely maintained until dark, w r hen the British entered 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 225 
 
 the fort, with fixed bayonets. The defenders fought Qct ^ 
 their way out of the fort, and under the cover 
 of the night escaped, with little loss. Sir Henry Clinton, at 
 the same time, took possession of Fort Clinton, and then 
 employed himself at his leisure in removing the obstructions 
 to the navigation, which had been constructed by the Amer 
 icans. With a free navigation before him, instead of pro 
 ceeding to the assistance of Burgoyne, then in great strait, 
 and anxiously looking for succor, he lost his time, and dis 
 graced his arms by ravaging and plundering the country. 
 Tryon, with one party, totally destroyed a settlement, called 
 Continental Village ; and another division of the force, un 
 der Sir James Wallace, devastated the property and farm 
 houses on both sides of the river, without compunction and 
 wantonly. On the thirteenth of October, General Vaughan 
 landed at Esopus, or Kingston, a fine and flourishing village, 
 on the west bank of the Hudson, and laid it in ruins ; not a 
 house was left standing. Every thing upon which their 
 vengeance could be wreaked, was burnt or destroyed. Their 
 acts were well calculated to excite keenly the resentment of 
 the Americans, against the authors of such savage barbari 
 ties ; but General Gates was too wise to be tempted to weak 
 en his force by detaching any portion of it against the ma 
 rauders. He suffered them to exhaust their time in injuring 
 private individuals and plundering private property, while 
 he pressed more closely upon the devoted army, so com 
 pletely hemmed in by the republican forces. He wrote an 
 indignant letter to Vaughan, after Burgoyne s surrender, 
 which contained the following threat: " Abler generals and 
 older officers than you can pretend to be, are now, by the 
 fortune of war, in my hands. Their fortune may one day be 
 yours, when, sir, it may not be in the power of any thing 
 human, to save you from the just revenge of an injured peo 
 ple." Why this course was pursued, and a week lost in 
 these predatory excursions, when a vigorous march would 
 have brought them within reach of Burgoyne, and perhaps 
 afforded him a chance for escape, has never been explained 
 to the credit of the sagacity or courage of the British general. 
 
 On the day that Esopus was burnt, Burgoyne 
 took an account of his provisions, and found no 
 more on hand than would suffice for three days subsistence. 
 Retreat was cut off, to fight was hopeless, no succor was 
 approaching, every moment made his condition more des- 
 
 Oct. 13th. 
 
226 HISTORY OF THE , 
 
 perate. His men were compelled to lie on their arms, day 
 and night, harassed with the continued apprehensions of 
 assault. Every part of his camp was exposed to uninter 
 rupted cannonading, and even rifle and grapeshot reached 
 the lines. A council of war was accordingly summoned, 
 and so closely were they beset that bullets whistled by the 
 tent in which the council was held. It was determined to 
 open a treaty with the American general ; and after several 
 days of negotiation and conference, a convention was agreed 
 Oct nth u P on on * ne fifteenth, and on the seventeenth was 
 regularly signed, by which the whole British army 
 surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Intelligence of 
 the approach of Clinton was received by Burgoyne during 1 
 the negotiations, but they had advanced so far, that had he 
 been inclined to expect succor confidently, he could not 
 have receded honourably. It is also related in Wilkinson s 
 Memoirs, that before the convention was absolutely signed, 
 part of the American force left the carnp and returned home, 
 and the rest, believing the treaty concluded, gave them 
 selves up to carelessness and indolence, so as to give serious 
 apprehensions of the event, had Burgoyne refused to pro 
 ceed, and tried the issue of an attack. In fact, he addressed 
 a note to General Gates suspending the treaty, on the ground 
 of information he had received, that the superiority of num 
 bers on the part of the Americans, which was the basis of 
 the treaty, no longer existed, and requiring satisfaction on 
 this head. The decision of the American general in refus 
 ing the request peremptorily, and demanding an immediate 
 conclusion of the treaty, or an immediate renewal of hos 
 tilities, prevented the evil consequences. One hour was 
 given to determine the cessation of arms, or conclude the 
 capitulation ; within which time the articles were fully rati 
 fied. The British council of war alleged that they consented 
 principally because they thought themselves bound in good 
 faith not to retract at that point. 
 
 The principal articles of the treaty, which by stipulation 
 between the commanding officers was entitled a Convention, 
 instead of a Capitulation, were : that the army should march 
 out of their camp with all the honors of war, and leave their 
 artillery and arms in a designated spot; that they should be 
 allowed embarkation and passage to Europe, from Boston, 
 on engaging not to serve in America during the war that 
 they should be kept together, especially the officers, with 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 227 
 
 the men; roll calling, and other military duties, to be al 
 lowed them. The officers were to be admitted to parole, 
 and to retain their side arms. All private property and bag 
 gage was to be passed without molestation or inspection, and 
 public property given up on honour. Every description of 
 persons attached to the camp was included in the capitula 
 tion ; the Canadians to be returned to their own country, 
 liable to the same conditions. 
 
 These terms were honorable to the moderation and 
 magnanimity of the American general, especially as at the 
 time he was in possession of tidings of the atrocious con 
 duct of the British on the Hudson. His delicacy was also 
 strongly marked on the occasion of the delivery of the arms 
 of the captives on the day of the surrender. A small party 
 was appointed to receive them, and the rest of the Ameri 
 can army retired within the lines. Every possible attention 
 was paid to the sick and wounded, and to the comfort and 
 support of the whole army. The whole conduct of the 
 Americans was marked with a tenderness and generosity 
 which called forth the unqualified acknowledgments of the 
 enemy. Burgoyne in person was treated with a courtesy 
 which touched .his feelings deeply at the time. At Al 
 bany he was lodged as an honored guest, with the family 
 of General Schuyler, whose mansion and estate at Saratoga 
 had been destroyed by Burgoyne s order. In Boston he was 
 entertained with the same hospitality in the house of General 
 Heath. 
 
 On the day of the surrender, the American army amount 
 ed to about fifteen thousand men, of whom ten thousand 
 were regulars, that of Burgoyne, to 5791, of whom 2412 
 were Germans, and 3379 English. Among the spoils were 
 the train of brass artillery, containing forty-two pieces ; four 
 thousand six hundred muskets, and an immense quantity of 
 warlike stores. 
 
 Immediately after the surrender of Burgoyne, Gates march 
 ed down the Hudson to stop the devastations of Clinton and 
 Vaughan. They immediately withdrew to New York ; and, 
 at the same time, Ticonderoga, and all the forts on the 
 American frontier, were abandoned by the British and oc 
 cupied by the Patriots. In a short time, the whole Northern 
 department was freed from the enemy, and reinforcements 
 were despatched to Washington. 
 
 The tidings of the capture of Burgoyne s army circulated 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 rapidly, and was received with unbounded exultation. As 
 a presage of future victories, it was invaluable to the mili 
 tary spirit of the people, and was hailed with transports of 
 joy as a certain pledge of the speedy establishment of Inde 
 pendence. It was also justly esteemed as giving such an 
 assurance of success as would not fail to secure foreign al 
 liances and European acknowledgments of the United 
 States as an independent power. 
 
 The thanks of Congress were voted to General Gates and 
 his army, and gold medals ordered to be struck to comme 
 morate the glorious event. 
 
 The manner in which the Convention of Saratoga was 
 subsequently observed is a disputed point in history, in 
 which charges of bad faith are mutually made by each na 
 tion against the other. A brief notice of the leading facts 
 will show that there were faults on both sides, and that if an 
 unusual distrust of the intentions of the British was display 
 ed by Congress, the true cause, if not altogether satisfactory 
 at least defensible, is to be found in the earlier breaches of 
 humanity, and violations of military usage, practised on 
 American prisoners by Gage in Massachusetts, and Howe 
 in New York and New Jersey. It is certain that the patriots 
 who first fell into the hands of the British were held to be 
 rebels, and denied the ordinary privileges of lawful prison 
 ers of war. When this rigid system was relaxed so as to ac 
 knowledge their title to such treatment, they fared little better. 
 They were refused almost every courtesy ; kept in harsh, 
 and sometimes barbarous, confinement ; and in numerous in 
 stances made the victims of atrocious personal ill usage and 
 persecution. The subject of an exchange of prisoners was, 
 as mentioned before, one of dispute and recrimination 
 between the commanding generals, and of resentment to 
 Congress, from the delays, denials, and equivocations of 
 General Howe. In the midst of these rankling causes for 
 suspicion and anger, the Convention of Saratoga threw a 
 preponderating number of British prisoners into the power 
 of Congress. It is not possible that they should not have 
 desired to keep that vast number rigidly to the terms of 
 capitulation, and employ the victory so as to enforce the 
 claims of their own captive countrymen, and looked with 
 extreme sensitiveness upon any indication of willingness 
 on the part of any portion of them to violate the terms. It 
 is moreover rational, if not magnanimous, that they should 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 229 
 
 suspect a repetition of what they had experienced before, 
 and perhaps too natural, that they should improve the 
 pretexts which the conduct of any portion of the prisoners 
 gave them, to sustain them in taking strong precautionary 
 measures. 
 
 On the arrival of the captured army at Boston, the sol 
 diers were lodged in barracks, provided by the authorities ; 
 but from the unpopularity of the officers, it was difficult to 
 obtain suitable quarters for them. They complained to Bur- 
 goyne, who remonstrated with General Gates, complaining 
 that it was a breach of the treaty stipulations. This was fol 
 lowed by a request to change the place of embarkation from 
 Boston to New York or Rhode Island, both being then in 
 the possession of the British. In the course of the corres 
 pondence, Burgoyne used the expression that " the public 
 faith pledged at Saratoga had been broken by the United 
 States." Congress, who had previously sought, too eagerly, 
 to find specific breaches of the Convention on the part of 
 the prisoners, from all which the testimony of Gates acquit 
 ted them, saw in this declaration, and the proposal, plausi 
 ble ground, perhaps a sufficient one, for arresting all further 
 compliance with the Convention, until formally ratified by 
 the British government. They argued, that any subsequent 
 breach by the English, in re-enlisting in America, contrary 
 to their agreement, could be justified on the plea of notice, 
 or by the repetition of the same allegations, and they thought 
 they found evidence that such a design was meditated in 
 the proposed change of the place of embarkation. Burgoyne 
 remonstrated in vain against this determination, retracted 
 and explained his words, and offered every possible pledge 
 to abide by the Convention, but Congress was inexorable. 
 The troops were detained, and he finally sailed to England 
 without them, on his individual parole. The imprudence 
 of Burgoyne alone gave Congress a plausible defence for 
 this act, but it is certain that no such use could have been 
 made of it, had not the conduct of the British generals in 
 America given too much reason for the distrust and resent 
 ment manifested on the occasion. 
 
 The army of Washington had not received reinforce- 
 ments from the North till the latter part of October. The 
 works on the Delaware, guarding the passage, occupied the 
 attention of both armies. Admiral Howe having succeeded 
 in removing the obstructions at Billing s Port, after the 
 
230 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 evacuation of the fort by the Americans, a joint attack by 
 sea and land was planned against Forts Mercer arid Mifflin. 
 Fort Mifflin was commanded by Colonel Samuel Smith of 
 Maryland, and Fort Mercer by Colonel Greene. The Augusta, 
 a sixty-four gun ship, and the Merlin, a frigate, with several 
 o t 2d I sma ^ er vessels, moved up to assault Fort Mifflin, 
 I on Mud Island, while Colonel Donop, with 1200 
 Germans, crossed into New Jersey, to attack Fort Mercer. 
 The land assault was impetuous. Colonel Greene s force 
 was about 500, not enough to man the outworks fully. They 
 were in consequence slightly defended, and the entire 
 strength of the garrison was reserved for the defence of the 
 inner entrenchments. Colonel Donop, meeting with little 
 opposition, poured in his Germans with great confidence and 
 bravery, but was met with such a deadly, uninterrupted 
 fire, that he fell, mortally wounded ; his second in command 
 shared the same fate, and the third was compelled, notwith 
 standing the bravery of his men, to draw them off and re 
 treat, with prodigious loss. Four hundred of them were, 
 killed or wounded, while the garrison lost about thirty only, 
 
 Fort Mifflin in the mean time sustained an incessant 
 bombardment from the shipping. The gallant garrison main 
 tained their post under a shower of bombs and cannon balls, 
 until the ebb of the tide left the Augusta and the Merlin 
 aground, where they were burnt. 
 
 These brilliant actions only saved the forts for a while, 
 The fort on Mud Island became the immediate point of the 
 future operations of the enemy, and its defence is one of 
 the most distinguished feats of determined courage exhibited 
 during the war. From the latter part of September, up to 
 the date of the general attack, the numbers under the com 
 mand of Colonel Smith had not amounted to three hundred. 
 Reinforced then, he had about four hundred, with whom he 
 defended the fort against daily assaults by land and water, 
 until the llth of November. By that time the enemy had 
 succeeded in getting possession of such positions on the 
 heights of Province Island above, as made the fort entirely 
 untenable. Colonel Smith was wounded in a bombardmenl 
 of his post from that quarter, and forced to withdraw, and 
 on the 15th, the garrison retired to Fort Mercer, on Red 
 Bank, and the English occupied the deserted post. A strong 
 division was sent, under the command of Cornwallis, against 
 Red Bank, on the approach of which the garrison evac- 
 

 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 231 
 
 uated it, and Cornwallis took possession and demolished its 
 defences. 
 
 The capture of the forts left the American vessels de 
 fenceless, and the crews accordingly abandoned and burnt 
 them. The impediments to navigation sunk in the river 
 were next removed in part, by the British, and with diffi 
 culty, and the passage was opened for transports and provision^ 
 from the fleet, to reach the army in Philadelphia. 
 
 The troops of Washington, reinforced by divisions frorr 
 the victorious army of the North, now amounted to about 
 twelve thousand regulars, and three thousand militia. With 
 these he was encamped at White Marsh, whence numerous 
 attempts were made by Howe to draw him out, for the pur 
 pose of giving battle, but in vain. He could not be in 
 duced to risk his army in a general battle, except on his 
 own position, and Howe, foiled in his manoeuvres, returned 
 to Philadelphia to winter-quarters. 
 
 Washington, as soon as he became satisfied that the Brit 
 ish had desisted from offensive operations, also went into 
 winter-quarters at Valley Forge, about sixteen miles from the 
 city. 
 
 Thus terminated the second campaign of Great Britain 
 against her revolted colonies. Two powerful armies, com 
 manded by experienced generals, and abundantly provided 
 with every thing, had succeeded in nothing but capturing 
 the cities of Philadelphia and New York, and ravaging the 
 property of many private individuals throughout the coun 
 try. One army had been lost totally, and the other, though 
 master of the capital of the country, was in effect straitened 
 within very narrow limits, and exercised no power over the 
 people. The country was not only unsubdued, but unterri- 
 fied, and more sanguine of their ability to maintain their In 
 dependence, and warmed with sterner and more unanimous 
 determinations to yield nothing to the invader. Besides 
 their own higher hopes and confidence in themselves, 
 supported by the issue of the two years battles, they 
 had a near prospect of foreign assistance to sustain their 
 claims. 
 
 The sufferings of the memorable winter at Valley Forge, 
 sufferings which tried the constancy and exhibited in a no 
 ble light the heroic patience and patriotism of the soldiery 
 of the Revolution, form the next subject in the order of 
 time in the military history of the war. 
 
232 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Before following up that narrative, it is necessary to re 
 cur to some of the political matters that had engaged the 
 attention of Congress, and to the contemporaneous move 
 ments in Europe, connected with American affairs. 
 
 CHAPTER XJ. 
 
 A FRUITFUL source of embarrassment to American affairs 
 in every department, military and civil, was the want of a 
 stable government. Not only were the armies of 1776 and 
 1777 raised, clothed, and directed ; the political and foreign 
 relations of the country managed, and vast sums of money 
 raised and expended and prodigious debts incurred, without 
 any regular form of government or binding authority from 
 the separate States, but without any definite system among 
 their acting representatives in Congress. The delegates from 
 the several States, by virtue of the general powers and in 
 structions of each, exercised at discretion all the functions of 
 legitimate government. The only sanction to this exercise 
 was the implied assent of their separate constituencies, each 
 of which was a distinct sovereignty. The States had not de 
 fined the powers which they designed to delegate, nor had 
 Congress established a system of powers for themselves. All 
 action grew out of the necessities of each occasion, and the 
 acquiescence of the people was presumed to what was con 
 sidered necessary. The evil of such unlimited discretion 
 was enormous. It weakened all confidence in- public en 
 gagements, while it gave constant occasion for jealousies 
 and suspicion among the people of the States, no less than 
 among their representatives. These evils were foreseen at 
 a very early day by the leading patriots, and plans were 
 suggested for removing them by the adoption of a joint sys 
 tem of government. Union was urged as indispensable to 
 strengthen and sustain Independence, and secure unanimity 
 in the support of that measure. Dr. Franklin proposed a 
 plan of Confederation in the summer of 1775, but Congress 
 were not then ready for so decided a movement of resist 
 ance. In the succeeding year, when the ties of connexion 
 with Great Britain were about to be broken, the project of 
 
AMERICAN * RE VOLUTION. 233 
 
 & union of the States was revived contemporaneously with 
 the determination to assert the independence of the States. 
 But one day intervened between the adoption of the resolu 
 tion on Independence in Committee, and the selection of a 
 special committee to prepare a form of Confederation. Their 
 names have already been quoted. Their report was made 
 on the 12th of July. Delays and difficulties occurred, as 
 well from differences of opinion and dissensions among the 
 States, as from the pressure of immediate danger from the 
 common enemy. The plan was resumed in April 1777, and, 
 after long discussion and repeated postponements, was finally 
 adopted by Congress, on the 15th of November, in that year. 
 
 John Hancock having resigned a few weeks before, 
 Henry Laurens of South Carolina, was then President of 
 Congress. 
 
 The " Articles of Confederation" established a union be 
 tween the thirteen States, under the style of the "United 
 States of America." It was resolved to be a " firm league 
 of friendship" among them, " for their defence, the security 
 of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, bind 
 ing themselves to assist each other against all force offered 
 to, or attacks made upon, them, or any of them, on account 
 of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence what 
 ever." Each State was to retain its sovereignty, freedom, 
 and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right 
 not expressly delegated to the United States. Delegates 
 were to be appointed by each State, not less than two or 
 more than seven in number; each State to maintain its del 
 egates ; and to recall them at pleasure. In the determining of 
 questions, the vote to be taken by States. No State was to 
 enter into any treaty, agreement, or alliance, with a foreign 
 nation, nor with any other State, or States, without the con 
 sent of Congress. 
 
 The States were prohibited from laying imposts or duties, 
 to interfere with any treaty stipulations of the United States, 
 in pursuance of propositions made to the courts of France 
 and Spain. No vessels of war were to be kept up by them 
 in time of peace, except such as Congress might deem ne 
 cessary for the defence of the State, or its trade ; nor keep 
 up forces, except to garrison their forts : nor engage in war, 
 except in case of actual invasion, or such imminent danger 
 as not to admit of delay till the assembling of Congress. 
 Every State was required to keep up a well-regulated and 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, with a 
 proper quantity of military stores, ammunition, artillery, 
 &c. All the officers of land forces raised by the States, un 
 der the rank of colonel, were to be filled by the States. 
 
 All the charges of war, and other expenses incurred 
 for the common defence and general welfare, were to be 
 defrayed out of a common treasury, supplied by the States 
 in proportion to the value of all land within each State, grant 
 ed to or surveyed for any person, as such land, and the 
 buildings and improvements thereon shall be estimated, ac 
 cording to such mode as the United States might direct ; 
 the proportion of the taxes of each State to be levied by the 
 duration and authority of the State legislatures, within the 
 time agreed upon by Congress. 
 
 The specially delegated and exclusive powers of Con 
 gress were : to determine on peace and war, except in case 
 of invasion, or imminent danger of invasion ; to send and 
 receive ambassadors ; make treaties and alliances, with the 
 exception that no commercial treaty should be made restrain 
 ing the States from imposing such duties on foreigners as 
 their own people are subject to, or from prohibiting exporta 
 tion or importation. Congress were to decide on captures by 
 sea and land ; prescribe the rules for distributing prizes ; 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal ; and establish courts for 
 the adjudication of prizes, and the trial of crimes and felo 
 nies committed on the high seas. Congress was made the 
 final judge between the States, in all cases of disputed 
 boundaries, " or any other cause whatever;" and the mode 
 of decision was minutely prescribed, with the proviso, that 
 no State should be deprived of territory for the benefit of the 
 United States. 
 
 Congress were to have the sole right to regulate the alloy 
 and value of the coin struck by their own authority, or that 
 of the States ; to fix a general standard of weights and mea 
 sures ; regulate trade and manage affairs with the In 
 dians, not members of the States, "provided the legislative 
 right of any State, within its own limits, be not infringed or 
 violated ;" establish and regulate post-offices ; and appoint all 
 officers of the land forces, except regimental officers, and all 
 naval officers. 
 
 Congress were further authorized to appoint a committee, 
 to sit in the recess, to be denominated " Jl Committee of the 
 States." consisting of one delegate from each State ; to ap- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 235 
 
 point other committees and necessary civil officers for man 
 aging the general affairs of the United States, under their 
 direction ; to appoint a President of Congress, provided no 
 person was allowed to serve more than one year in any 
 time of three years ; to ascertain the sums of money neces 
 sary to be raised for the service of the United States, and 
 appropriate the same ; to borrow money and emit bills on 
 the credit of the United States, rendering an account half 
 yearly to every State ; to build and equip a navy ; agree on 
 the number of land forces, and make requisitions for them 
 upon the State legislatures, the United States .to bear the 
 expense of raising, equipping, arming, and clothing them. 
 
 The United States were expressly restrained from en 
 gaging in war ; granting letters of marque and reprisal in 
 time of peace ; entering into treaties and alliances, coining 
 money or regulating its value, ascertaining or fixing the 
 sums necessary for the use of the United States, emit 
 ting bills, borrowing money or appropriating it, agreeing on 
 the number of land or sea forces, or appointing a com- 
 mander-in-chief. unless nine States should assent to the 
 same. All other questions, except that of adjournment from 
 day to day, required the votes of a majority of States. 
 
 The " Committee of the States," or any nine of them, 
 might, in the recess of Congress, execute such powers as 
 Congress, with the consent of nine States, should invest 
 them with ; provided no power be delegated which, in Con 
 gress, required the assent of nine States. 
 
 It was further provided, that all bills of credit emitted, 
 moneys borrowed, and debts contracted under the authority 
 of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in 
 pursuance of the new Confederation, should be deemed and 
 considered as a charge against the United States, for which 
 the public faith was hereby solemnly pledged. 
 
 Every State stipulated to abide by the determination of 
 the United States, in Congress assembled, on all questions 
 which by the Confederation are submitted to them ; the arti 
 cles of the Confederation to be inviolably observed by every 
 state, and the union to be perpetual ; no alteration at any 
 time thereafter to be made in any of them, unless such al 
 teration be agreed to in a Congress of the United States, and 
 afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every State. 
 
 Canada, according to the Confederation, and joining in 
 the measures of the United States, might be permitted into 
 
236 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Union, but no other colony to be admitted into the same 
 unless such admission be agreed to by nine States. 
 
 This plan being finally agreed to in Congress, was trans 
 mitted to the State legislatures, with a circular letter, en 
 treating their early consideration of it, as a " Confederacy 
 for securing the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of 
 the United States." " It will," says the letter, "confound 
 our foreign enemies, defeat the flagitious practices of the 
 disaffected, strengthen and confirm our friends, support our 
 public credit, restore the value of our money, enable us to 
 maintain our fleets and armies, and add weight and respect 
 to our councils at home, and to our treaties abroad. In short, 
 this salutary measure can no longer be deferred. It seems 
 essential to our very existence as a free people ; and with 
 out it we may soon be constrained to bid adieu to indepen 
 dence, to liberty, and safety : blessings which, from the jus 
 tice of our cause and the favor of our Almighty Creator 
 visibly manifested in our protection, we have reason to ex 
 pect, if, in humble dependence on his divine Providence, 
 we strenuously exert the means which are placed in our 
 power." 
 
 It will be perceived that these " articles" contain little 
 more than a form of agreement or league between States 
 entirely distinct and independent, and that there was pro 
 vided in them no means for enforcing the decision of Con 
 gress, or cariying its resolutions into effect, other than by the 
 free action of each State in its separate capacity, acting 
 through its legislature, representing its citizens. The Con 
 federation vested no power in the new government to act 
 upon the people of the States, except through requisitions 
 upon State authorities. Adopted by Congress in November, 
 "the articles" were not considered as binding conclusively 
 until they had been approved of, and ratified by, the legis 
 latures of all the states ; which was not accomplished in fact 
 until the year 1781. The delays and controversies which 
 postponed the ratification so long, did not however prevent 
 the States from acting, so far as the conduct of the war was 
 concerned, under an admission that the stipulations were to 
 be fulfilled in good faith. Their most important bearing upon 
 the history of this era of the revolution, is in the rule of 
 action and specifications of powers which they established 
 for Congress. If the States did not immediately and for 
 mally sanction all the features of the plan, it, nevertheless, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 237 
 
 was obligatory upon the body who adopted it, and derived 
 their authority from it, and became to them a written Con 
 stitution, prescribing and limiting their functions. 
 
 Though not strictly in the order of time, it may be added 
 here, that these articles of confederation were ratified by 
 all the States, except New Jersey, Delaware, and Mary 
 land, before June, 1778. New Jersey ratified in November 
 of that year, after a vain effort to procure some important 
 modifications; Delaware did not assent until the 22d of 
 February, 1779. Maryland, who had, with Delaware, in 
 sisted on an amendment, securing the Western lands for 
 the benefit of all the States, adhered to her resolution much 
 longer, and carried on an intermediate controversy with Vir 
 ginia on the subject. She, however, never delayed in her 
 exertions in support of the war, and finally acceded to the 
 Confederation in March, 1781. She protested that her con 
 sent was given because " the common enemy" was encour 
 aged by her refusal, and because her " friend and illus 
 trious ally (France) believed her accession would greatly 
 benefit the common cause." She declared at the same time, 
 that " by ratifying the articles of Confederation, she did not 
 relinquish, or intend to relinquish, her interest with the 
 other confederated States to the Western territory." 
 
 The necessity of adopting some system of action in Congress 
 had been forced upon them in the summer of 1777, by the 
 confusion which prevailed throughout the public service. The 
 want of system had not only endangered the organization of 
 the army, upon which the defence of the country relied, but 
 had contributed essentially to impose upon Congress the adop 
 tion of that unwise financial policy, and those harsh expe 
 dients which affected the currency so fatally. The depart 
 ments of the Commissary General and the Quarter-Master 
 General were not well organized, and what they could have 
 effected in the procuring of supplies was obstructed by the 
 pernicious interference of Congress in the regulation of 
 prices. The depreciation of the bills of credit, which had 
 been profusely emitted during the first years of the war, was 
 alarming, and the remedies proposed were false in principle 
 and most unjust in effect. The three millions that had been 
 issued in 1775 had been increased, by successive emissions, 
 until the amount reached to near a hundred millions, for 
 which the faith of the States was pledged ; but no means 
 were provided for its redemption, or to give a prospect of 
 
238 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 eventual security to the holders. Without commerce, with 
 state governments but imperfectly organized, and no common 
 government for the whole, it would have been imprudent to 
 call for taxes, even had there been a superintending authority 
 to prescribe and collect them ; foreign trade was totally ex 
 tinct, and Congress had no other resource but unlimited 
 promises, contingent not only upon the successful issue of 
 the w r ar, but the subsequent formation of an efficient govern 
 ment, and the untried ability of the country in times of 
 peace and independence. Depreciation of this paper was 
 the unavoidable consequence. It was seriously felt in the 
 beginning of 1777. To counteract it, Congress, in January, 
 provided a law, making the bills a tender in payment in all 
 public and private business, and declaring the refusal to receive 
 it as such, to be the extinguishment of the debt. Whoever 
 refused to receive it at par, in exchange for any articles of 
 property whatever, was denounced as an enemy to his 
 country. These wild and dangerous measures only served 
 to accelerate the mischief by enhancing prices enormous 
 ly, and Congress accordingly, proceeding in the same coer 
 cive measures, and attributing to hostile feelings, or the de 
 sire to speculate on the public distress, what was the real 
 effect of their own measures, and the impoverished state of 
 the country, resorted to still stronger and indefensible expe 
 dients. They procured the establishment in the States of 
 laws regulating the price of labor, and of all exchangeable 
 commodities. If any persons refused to sell, the purchasing 
 commissaries were authorized to seize upon all surplus beyond 
 a given quantity, at the prices so fixed. This arbitrary sys 
 tem drove every thing out of the public market. Citizens 
 secreted their effects and intermitted their industry, and 
 the public embarrassments increased instead of diminishing. 
 An exhausted country was goaded by such palpable wrong, 
 and by the unerring instincts of self-preservation, to ob 
 struct the furnishing of what was absolutely required by 
 the public necessities. In November, 1778, about the time 
 of the adoption of the articles of Confederation, an effort was 
 made to alter the system of finance, by raising the necessary 
 sums from the States in the form of taxes. Five millions 
 were apportioned among them, to be raised within the year; 
 the amount to be funded until the final settlement, at an in 
 terest of six per cent. But the expedient succeeded badly. 
 Little attention was paid to the regulation, and the old sys- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 239 
 
 tern continued to produce public distress and embarrass 
 ment, and private suffering and injury, until the end of the 
 war. 
 
 These depreciations of the currency aggravated the defi 
 cient arrangement and mal-administration of the army de 
 partments charged with supplying the soldiers with arms and 
 provisions. The want of subordination and accountability 
 was the chief evil, and produced perpetual confusion. The 
 remonstrances of Washington were frequent and urgent, 
 against the existing modes of transacting business, until 
 Congress, towards the close of the year, deputed a commit 
 tee to examine into the subject, at head-quarters. The re 
 sult of the interview was the reorganization, early in the 
 next year, of the departments of Commissary General and 
 Quarter-Master General. General Greene was made Quarter- 
 Master General, and Colonel Wadsworth Commissary Gen 
 eral. The deputies who had before been appointed by Con 
 gress, and made accountable only to them, were put under 
 the control of the heads of department. This reform was 
 followed by rapid improvements in the management of those 
 branches of the public service ; but unhappily the effect was 
 not felt until after the army had suffered the extreme priva 
 tions of that terrible winter at Valley Forge. 
 
 At the same time the just complaints of the officers of the 
 army, which had been repeatedly pressed upon Congress, 
 received some attention. Oppressed with want, overwhelm 
 ed with debt, and unable from the degraded currency and 
 their scanty pay, to preserve a decent exterior, or provide 
 the common comforts of existence, they had, time after time, 
 called for a more liberal and permanent provision. Many of 
 them had resigned, and more threatened to do so, unless 
 their grievances were redressed. A tardy and ungracious 
 grant of half-pay for life was voted to them, which, by sub 
 sequent resolutions, was restricted to seven years from the 
 end of the war. It served for a while to lessen the com 
 plaints of the officers, though it was far from affording them 
 substantial relief or permanent satisfaction. On the last day 
 of the year, Congress voted a gratuity of one month s extra 
 pay to the officers and soldiers in the army of Washington, 
 as a reward for the patience, fidelity, and zeal with which 
 they had borne up under the dangers and fatigues of the 
 campaign. 
 
 But a greater calamity than depreciated credit, discon- 
 
240 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 tented officers, a disordered and exhausted army, and an 
 impoverished people, threatened the American cause, at the 
 close of the year 1777. Machinations were on foot among 
 powerful and popular leaders in Congress and in the army, 
 for displacing Washington from the command and elevating 
 General Gates to that station. The brilliant result of the 
 Northern campaign, and the glorious victory of Saratoga, 
 were contrasted with the reverses in New York, New Jer 
 sey, and Pennsylvania, since the commencement of the 
 war, to the disparagement of the military reputation of 
 Washington. Anonymous and vague charges were soon 
 followed by loud murmurs and open accusations among the 
 partizans of the discontented ; letters were freely circulated 
 impeaching the integrity and ability of Washington ; and 
 pieces published in the newspapers, expressing dissatisfac 
 tion at his mode of conducting the war, and calling for his 
 removal and the substitution of Gates. Some of the State 
 legislatures joined in the movement. That of Pennsylvania 
 addressed a remonstrance to Congress against his conduct 
 of the campaign, when he retired into winter-quarters. 
 Generals Mifflin and Conway, and probably Gates himself, 
 were parties to these intrigues. Before their aim was fully 
 discovered, they had succeeded in establishing a board of 
 war, of which Gates and Mifflin were members, which un 
 dertook to act in opposition to the commander-in-chief. 
 Conway obtained the appointment of Inspector-general of the 
 army ; and the opponents of Washington for a while seemed 
 to have assumed the lead in public affairs, and superseded 
 him in the confidence of his country. Under their direction, 
 and contrary to his remonstrances, they projected anew ex 
 pedition into Canada, of which they assigned the lead to 
 the Marquis La Fayette. On his arrival at Albany, where 
 he was directed to take command, he found nothing pre 
 pared for the expedition. On his complaint to Congress, 
 he was recalled and the scheme abandoned. The develop 
 ment of these plans showed how widely the conspirators had 
 mistaken public sentiment, if they had hoped to be sustained 
 in their projected removal of Washington. The indignation 
 became so great, even among the troops under the imme 
 diate command of Gates, that it was with difficulty appeased. 
 The principal intriguers were forced to withdraw from pub 
 lic view, to save themselves from the resentment of the sol 
 diers. Conway resigned his commission, and subsequently 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 241 
 
 fought a duel with General Cadwalader, in which he was 
 wounded, as he believed, mortally ; he wrote a penitential let 
 ter to Washington, expressing his grief for the injury he had 
 attempted to do. "You are," said he, " in my eyes, the 
 great and good man may you long enjoy the love, venera 
 tion, and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have 
 asserted by your virtues." The resignation of Conway en 
 abled Washington to fill that office with his friend, Baron 
 Steuben, a Prussian officer of great capacity, who had serv 
 ed in the army of the Great Frederick. 
 
 During the progress of these intrigues, Washington was fully 
 advised of all that was designed and attempted against him. 
 His private letters and public communications, spoke the 
 same magnanimous and moderate spirit, which confer more 
 true lustre on his character than his splendid military genius. 
 Even when Congress seemed almost ready to abandon him to 
 the fury of his detractors, he never for a moment forgot the 
 calm dignity of conscious rectitude, never was betrayed into 
 a word or an act of petulance or irritability, and never relaxed 
 the devotion of his entire faculties to the service of his country. 
 Although deeply wounded in his feelings, he stifled his re 
 sentments, and forbore to use the means of exculpation in his 
 own hands, lest the disclosure might injure the common cause. 
 As the crisis showed him maintaining his serenity in the midst 
 of trials, so his triumph in the discomfiture of his enemies was 
 signalized by delicate forbearance and generous forgiveness 
 of injuries. The vindication of his own character and the 
 recognition in so unequivocal a manner of his claims to the 
 admiration and affection of his country, touching as they 
 must have been to his feelings, were secondary in his esti 
 mation to the great benefits of restored confidence and re 
 united counsels to the liberties of America. 
 
 Never were united counsels, mutual forbearance, and un 
 tiring energy more required than for the management of 
 American affairs during that winter. None of the reforms in 
 the army, dictated by necessity, began to relieve the embar 
 rassments of the Commander-in-chief, or diminish mate 
 rially the sufferings of the army, until some months of 
 their encampment at Valley Forge had passed. A faithful 
 picture of all they endured there by hunger and 17?g 
 cold, in want of the most common necessaries of 
 clothing, of forage, food, and tents, would display a scene not 
 more striking for its unparalleled hardships, than for the con- 
 
242 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 stancy and heroism with which they were sustained. With* 
 out shoes, their march to Valley Forge might have been 
 tracked by their bloody steps on the frozen ground. Desti 
 tute of tents, they felled trees and built themselves huts, to 
 protect them from the inclemency of the weather. At times 
 they were without food for days, and with no certain pros 
 pect of supply ; depending for escape from the horrors of 
 famine upon the chance returns of parties sent out to levy 
 contributions by force upon the neighboring country. The 
 scarcity of fuel, and even straw for beds, was so great, that 
 hundreds slept on the bare earth, half clad, and without 
 blankets, protecting themselves from freezing only by hud 
 dling together, to preserve the animal warmth of their 
 bodies. Fevers and other diseases, the natural product of 
 want, fatigue, and the filth generated by crowded and humid 
 huts, were added to the other afflictions, and deepened them 
 into horror. The hospitals were filled with patients that had 
 sickened from want to die of neglect. The medical depart 
 ment was even more deficient than the other branches of 
 the service: for the want of proper medicines, diet, and 
 food, was aggravated by the coarse cupidity and brutal neg 
 lect of the medical attendants. The hospitals became terrors 
 to the well, and the invalids preferred dying in the open air 
 to perishing in an atmosphere of pestilence among the 
 expiringand the unburied dead. Frightful indeed to the con 
 templation is the record of the sufferings at Valley Forge, and 
 above all things glorious to the army and the cause in which 
 they suffered, the memory of their patience, their patri 
 otic resignation, their heroic firmness in endurance. The 
 hundreds upon hundreds that perished unrepiningly in keep 
 ing the faith they had pledged to their country, victims to 
 the false policy of the government, the mismanagement of 
 their officers, and the necessities of an almost exhausted na 
 tion, are entitled even to a deeper sentiment of veneration 
 and gratitude than their more fortunate fellows who died in 
 the field of battle. Nothing of temporary excitement sus 
 tained them ; no evanescent enthusiasm buoyed them up 
 with sudden ardour ; they struggled and died in silence, un 
 complaining and unknown to fame, invigorated solely by 
 their love of liberty and the consciousness of performing a 
 sacred duty. 
 
 Of the seventeen thousand men who went into camp on 
 the 19th of December, the number of effective men in 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 243 
 
 February was only about five thousand. Nearly four thou 
 sand (3989) were unfit for duty from nakedness. 
 
 General Washington, with the most indefatigable perse 
 verance, labored to remedy these grievances and supply the 
 most pressing wants. He exercised the powers given him 
 by Congress in seizing forcibly upon the provisions within 
 reach of the camp, on such terms as the law prescribed, to 
 preserve the army from dissolution ; and when that resource 
 was exhausted, he made earnest and finally successful appeals 
 to the New England States. Towards spring supplies were 
 furnished with more regularity and in greater quantities, 
 and as the season advanced, the condition of the army be 
 gan to improve. The public affairs of the States began at 
 this period to realize some of the benefits of the victory over 
 Burgoyne, in determining the European rivals of Great 
 Britain to take open part with the Americans in sustaining 
 their independence. The secret aid given by the court of 
 France, and the service of numerous distinguished French 
 men in the American army, have already been related. The 
 capture of Burgoyne, and the advance towards a stable 
 form of government in the adoption of the articles of Con 
 federation, satisfied the French king of the determination of 
 the Americans, as well as their capacity, to resist the power 
 of Great Britain, and of the expediency of affording them 
 countenance and succor. 
 
 During the year the conduct of France had afforded suf 
 ficient indications to the world of her desire to engage in 
 the war on a favorable opportunity. As the fortunes of the 
 Americans varied, her connivance at practices favorable to 
 them, and hostile to British commerce, was more or less 
 open, but always unequivocally inclining to the new States 
 When pressed by the British ministry lor explanations, she 
 evaded the demand, or complied in form, without exacting 
 obedience to the orders which, in order to save the appearance 
 of neutrality, she was obliged to issue. In compliance with the 
 remonstrance of Lord Stormoni, an order was obtained for all 
 American privateers and their prizes to quit the ports of the 
 kingdom; but expedients for delay were allowed with such 
 success, that not one of them obeyed the order. Instructions 
 were privately given to the revenue-officers to afford coun 
 tenance and protection to French subjects trading with 
 America. These, and other more substantial acts of favor, 
 in gifts, loans of money and arms, were notorious to the 
 
244 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 British government during the year, but they were not in a 
 situation to show resentment by a declaration of war, and they 
 held out to the public the opinion that no danger of French 
 hostility was to be apprehended. 
 
 The American Commissioners at the French court did not 
 cease to press, with the strongest arguments and importu 
 nities, for a formal treaty of alliance, and an open recog 
 nition of the Independence of the United States. After 
 alternately advancing and receding with the fluctuations of 
 the fortune of war, the events of the autumn determined the 
 French to accede to the requests of the Commissioners, and 
 accordingly on the 19th of December, M. Gerard signified 
 to them, on behalf of the king, that " France would not 
 only acknowledge, but support with all her power, the Inde 
 pendence of the United States, and would conclude with 
 them a treaty of amity and commerce." He added, that no 
 advantage would be taken of the distressed situation of the 
 United States, but such terms would be made as if they were 
 established in sovereignty and power. The negotiations 
 which followed ended on the sixth of February, 17T8, in the 
 formal conclusion of a treaty of amity between the United 
 States of America and His Most Christian Majesty Louis 
 XVI. ; acknowledging the Independence of the States, and 
 regulating the commercial intercourse between them ; and 
 shortly after, of a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, 
 to take effect as soon as war should be declared by England 
 against France. The war was made inevitable, not only by 
 the recognition of American Independence, but by the es 
 tablishment in the new treaties of principles in respect to 
 neutral rights and blockades, opposed to those uniformly 
 maintained by the British government. In anticipation of 
 hostilities, it was stipulated that the two powers should assist 
 each other with their whole strength ; and would not lay 
 down arms without mutual consent, nor conclude peace un 
 til the Independence of the United States was acknowledged 
 oy treatv. It was agreed, that if the provinces of Great 
 Britain on the Continent, or the Bermuda Islands, should 
 be conquered, they should belong to the United States, and 
 all the West India Islands to France. France guaranteed to 
 the United States their liberty, sovereignty, and indepen 
 dence ; and the United States guaranteed to France her pre 
 sent possessions in America, and such as might be obtained 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 245 
 
 by conquest during the war. A secret article reserved to 
 Spain the right of becoming party to these " Treaties." 
 
 These treaties were signed by M. Gerard on the part of 
 the French king, and Benjamin Franklin, Silas Deane, and 
 Arthur Lee, on the part of the United States. They were 
 formally communicated to the British government by the 
 French ambassador, the Marquis de Noailles, on the 13th 
 of March, and arrived in the United States on the 2d of May. 
 
 Before proceeding with the narrative of events in Amer 
 ica after this propitious turn in the affairs of the States, 
 it will be necessary to review the opposite effects of the 
 campaign of 1777 on Great Britain, and the consequent 
 measures of that government. 
 
 The first successes of Burgoyne had raised the spirits of 
 the ministerial party to the highest pitch of exultation. The 
 conquest of America was considered as certain, and the 
 prophecies and denunciations with which the ministerial 
 policy had been met by the opposition, were held up to ridi 
 cule. The news of the repulse at Bennington did not mate 
 rially affect their sanguine calculations, and when the Par 
 liament opened on the 20th of November, the king s speech 
 was composed of confident annunciations of success, and 
 promises of moderation towards " the deluded and un 
 happy multitude," who were about to be subdued by his 
 armies into a renewal of their allegiance. Addresses were 
 moved in reply to the speech, full of panegyric, and pro 
 fessing unbounded confidence in the royal and ministerial 
 wisdom. The minority s.till struggled, but in vain, to stay 
 the course of violent measures, and procure the cessation of 
 hostilities, and an amicable settlement of the disputes while 
 their armies were victorious, and concession would be mag 
 nanimous. The Marquis of Granby and Lord John Caven 
 dish in the House of Commons, and the Earl of Chatham in 
 the House of Lords, spoke earnestly and ably, but vainly, in 
 favor of peace. The warlike policy of the ministers w r as sus 
 tained by triumphant votes in both houses. A vehement 
 attack was made by Lord Chatham, in the course of the de 
 bate, on the conduct of the Northern campaign, in the em 
 ployment of the Indian allies. His denunciations of this 
 barbarous practice were clothed in language of the most 
 sublime eloquence and indignation. It was but feebly an 
 swered ; the tyrant s plea of convenience, and the coward s 
 plea of custom, being the only defences which the ministers 
 
246 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 offered. The debate closed with an overwhelming majority 
 against all change in the policy of government. The next 
 day reversed the aspect of parties, and brought deep humi 
 liation and disappointment to those who were, a few hours 
 before, insolent with triumph and flushed with victories. 
 The dispatches from America brought intelligence of the 
 disasters of the Northern campaign, and the defeat and sur 
 render of the army of Burgoyne. Lord North is reported to 
 have shed tears of shame and mortification, and the minis 
 terial advocates shrunk before the invectives and sarcasms 
 of the opposition. Lord Chatham, holding up a paper to the 
 House, told them "he had the king s speech in his hand, 
 and a deep sense of the public calamity in his heart." That 
 speech, he said, " contained a most unfaithful picture of pub 
 lic affairs; it had a specious outside, was full of hopes, while 
 every thing within was full of danger." He went on to 
 arraign the whole course of the administration, and moved 
 for papers and orders relating to the campaign from Canada. 
 His motions failed, but the ministry were not yet prepared 
 to meet the adverse current with firmness, or by any settled 
 system of policy. They limited themselves to devising mea 
 sures for repairing the finances of the country, and filling up 
 the losses in the army. Notwithstanding the universal con 
 sternation with which the intelligence of the defeats in 
 America were received, the national spirit of the English 
 prompted them to make liberal exertions to support public 
 credit. Large voluntary contributions of men and money 
 were made to the government ; and after the recess of the 
 holidays, Lord North came forward with a new and unex 
 pected proposition for conciliation. On the 17th 
 of February he introduced it in a speech, the 
 tenor of which surprised a large portion of his own sup 
 porters, while it manifested to the opposition a total aban 
 donment of the principles upon which the war had been 
 commenced. All the pretensions to parliamentary supre 
 macy in taxation, the appointment of officers, and the inter 
 nal government of the Colonies, against which they had 
 taken up arms, were waived, and greater actual indepen 
 dence offered them than the boldest among them had claim 
 ed in their Colonial condition. After confessing the disap 
 pointment of all his expectations in the various measures he 
 had proposed for raising revenue in America, and executing 
 the laws there, he offered his scheme of reconciliation. Had 
 
 Feb. 1778. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 247 
 
 there been any lingering willingness among the Americans 
 to return to a political connexion with Great Britain on any 
 terms, those proposed by Lord North could not well have 
 been rejected. The relation established by them between 
 the countries would have been rather a federal union of 
 States, under a common executive, than the dependence of 
 Colonies on a parent State. 
 
 The first act was entitled " An act for removing all doubts 
 and apprehensions concerning taxation in any of the Colo 
 nies, provinces, and plantations in North America and the 
 West Indies," and for repealing the tea act. The second act 
 restored the charter of Massachusetts; and the third, author 
 ized the king " to appoint Commissioners, with sufficient 
 power to treat, consult, and agree upon the means of quiet 
 ing the disorders now subsisting in certain of the colonies, 
 plantations, and provinces in North America." 
 
 By the first act it was enacted, that "the king and par 
 liament of Great Britain would not impose any duty, tax, or 
 assessment whatever, payable in any of his Majesty s colo 
 nies, provinces, and plantations in North America or the 
 West Indies, except only such duties as it might be expe 
 dient to enforce for the regulation of commerce" the produce 
 of such duties to be applied to the use of the colonies, as 
 other duties levied by the Colonial legislatures. The act 
 appointing Commissioners authorized them " to treat, con 
 sult, and agree with such body or bodies politic and corpo 
 rate, or with such assembly or assemblies of men, or any 
 person or persons whatsoever," in the Colonies, in relation 
 to all complaints or grievances, and concerning " any aid 
 or contribution" to be furnished by the Colonies, or any of 
 them, to the common defence. 
 
 To carry these powers into effect, it was further enacted, 
 that the king might authorize them to proclaim a cessation 
 of hostilities for any time and on any terms ; to suspend at 
 discretion all acts of Parliament passed since the 10th of 
 February, 1763; to grant pardons, and appoint governors 
 for such Colonies as might be reconciled. 
 
 This act was to remain in force until June, 1779. Thus, 
 after fifteen years of controversy, three yea rs of open war. 
 the expenditure of fifteen millions sterling, and the loss of a 
 great army, the ministry conceded at once all that had been 
 in dispute. They humbled themselves still further by stipu 
 lating that the renunciation of American Independence should 
 
248 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 be waived until the conclusion of a satisfactory arrange 
 ment, to be ratified by Parliament; and that if the Colonies 
 refused all contribution in any form to the public service, it 
 should not be insisted on as a sine qua non. The haste of the 
 ministers to see the effect of these measures was such, that 
 the bills, before their final passage, were despatched to 
 America, and placed in the hands of General Howe, for use 
 among the Americans, before the arrival of the French 
 treaties. 
 
 The bills were pressed forward through Parliament with 
 eagerness, and, excepting the act relating to the Massachu 
 setts charter, supported by all parties. The opposition, with 
 Fox and Burke at their head, were not sparing in sarcasms 
 on the imbecility and versatility of the minister, who had 
 tried every expedient to carry his point; and failing in all, 
 had changed his positions so entirely, and yet claimed the 
 credit of firmness and consistency. Fox charged the pacific 
 dispositions of Lord North to his knowledge that France had 
 already acknowledged the Independence of America by 
 treaty ; a fact which he avowed to be true, though not yet 
 publicly known. The assertions of Fox were faintly con 
 troverted by the administration, and the two important bills 
 were passed, and received the royal sanction in the begin 
 ning of March. The king appointed as Commissioners, the 
 Earl of Carlisle, Mr. Eden, and Governor Johnston, with the 
 commanders of the land and sea forces in America. These 
 were Admiral Lord Howe, and Sir Henry Clinton, who, on 
 the resignation and return of Sir William Howe, succeeded 
 him in the command of the army, in the spring of 1778. 
 Lord Carlisle, and his colleagues in England, sailed on the 
 21st of April for America, and arrived at Philadelphia in the 
 beginning of June. Before they sailed the prospects of their 
 mission were clouded by the official intelligence received of 
 the aiiiance between France and America, concluded in 
 February, of which Mr. Fox had spoken in the House of 
 Commons. The note of the French ambassador was dated 
 on the eleventh of March, and six days afterwards was laid 
 I before Parliament by the kins:, with a special mes- 
 
 March 17. n. , c *i ^ . 
 
 I sage, announcing the event, informing them that 
 he had recalled his minister from the French court, and 
 declaring his determination to use the whole force and re 
 sources of his kingdom, if necessary, to repel every insult 
 and attack. Both houses responded with spirit, roused into 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 249 
 
 new indignation by this formidable combination. The re 
 sponses were not however unanimous. A strong effort was 
 made by the Duke of Richmond in the House of I 
 Lords to put an end to the war, by withdrawing the | 
 troops from North America, contending that the immediate 
 recognition of American Independence was to be preferred to 
 the prosecution of the war, under such adverse circumstances. 
 The motion failed. It is chiefly memorable in history as the 
 last public appearance of the venerable and illustrious Chat 
 ham, in the House of Peers, and for the melancholy interest 
 w T hich belongs to his dying effort there. Though long a prey 
 to incurable infirmities, by which he had been confined to his 
 own house, he resolved to attend at his place in Parliament, 
 to oppose with his last strength, if needed, the dismember 
 ment of the British empire, by the recognition of American 
 Independence. Supported into the house by his friends, he 
 listened with eager impatience to the speech of the Duke ot 
 Richmond, and tasked his whole bodily powers for a vehe 
 ment and impassioned reply. His concluding words, im 
 pressive in themselves, are more affecting as the last words 
 of a great genius and an undoubted patriot; one who ex 
 pired in giving utterance to fervent sentiments in behalf of 
 the honor and glory of his own country. " My lords," said 
 he, " I rejoice that the grave has not yet closed upon me 
 that I am still alive to lift up my voice against an acknow 
 ledgment of the sovereignty of America, against the dismem 
 berment of this ancient and noble monarchy. Pressed down 
 as I am by the load of infirmity, I am little able to assist my 
 country in this most perilous conjuncture : but, my lords, 
 while I have sense and memory, I never will consent to tar 
 nish the lustre of this nation by an ignominious surrender of 
 its rights and fairest possessions. Shall a people so lately the 
 terror of the world, now fall prostrate before the House of 
 Bourbonl It is impossible. I am not, I confess, well inform 
 ed of the resources of this kingdom, but I trust it has still 
 sufficient to maintain its just rights, though I know them 
 not. Any state, my lords, is better than despair. Let us at 
 least make an effort and, if we must fall, let us fall like 
 men." 
 
 The Duke of Richmond replied with profound respect to 
 the appeal made by Lord Chatham, and asked him to point 
 out the means by which America could be made to re 
 nounce her Independence. When he concluded, Lord 
 
&50 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Chatham eagerly attempted to rise, as though struggling to 
 give utterance to some powerful emotion, but nature sank 
 in the effort. He fell back in convulsions. The House 
 adjourned immediately. The Earl lingered for a few weeks, 
 and finally expired, on the llth of May, in the seventieth 
 year of his age. 
 
 On the failure of the motion of the Duke of Richmond, the 
 only hope of an immediate termination of the war was in the 
 success of the Commissioners, who were forthwith despatched 
 to America. The manner in which the bills had been received 
 in America before their final passage, augured ill of the dis 
 position of Congress to listen to any terms. Governor Tryon, 
 who had received them about the middle of April, instantly 
 transmitted them to General Washington, and to the governors 
 of several States. At the same time copies were industriously 
 circulated to try their effect upon the minds of the people. 
 Washington immediately forwarded those he had received to 
 Congress, who were then in session, at Yorktown. He accom 
 panied them with letters, pointing out the mischiefs to the 
 cause of Independence, which he apprehended from them. 
 The course adopted in that body on the occasion, is one of 
 the most admirable incidents in the political history of the 
 Revolution. It displays a serene dignity of deportment in the 
 most trying circumstances, and a resolute determination 
 which nothing could affect, to maintain to the last the 
 sovereignty of the States. They were yet unapprized of the 
 French alliance, and without ground for anticipating any 
 speedy aid from that quarter. No despatches had been re 
 ceived from their envoys for more than a year, and at home 
 their distresses were still unmitigated. They had little ex 
 cept hope to encourage them, and here was a prospect of 
 obtaining by the concession of their Independence, all they 
 had desired as Colonies, and more than they had ever asked. 
 But without wavering, they rejected the proposal, and with 
 a frankness which showed their confidence in the virtue 
 and energy of the people, ordered the documents to be pub 
 lished and spread before the world, accompanied by the 
 report of a committee, consisting of Messrs. Morris, Drayton, 
 
 ii 22d I anc ^ Dana. After animadverting with severity on 
 I the bills, the report stigmatizes them as " the se 
 quel of that insidious plan, which, from the days of the Stamp 
 Act down to the present time, hath involved the country in 
 contention and bloodshed." They distrusted the faith of the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 251 
 
 British government, and maintained, " as in other cases so 
 in this," " although circumstances may force them to re 
 cede from their unjustifiable claims," there could be no doubt 
 but they would, " as heretofore, upon the first favorable op 
 portunity, again display that lust of domination which hath 
 rent in twain the mighty empire of Britain." The Commit 
 tee reported and Congress declared, that the United States 
 could not with propriety hold any conference or treaty with 
 any Commissioners on the part of Great Britain ; unless they 
 should, as a preliminary, either withdraw their fleets and 
 armies, or in positive and express terms acknowledge the 
 Independence of the States. 
 
 In about two weeks after this peremptory rejection of the 
 British proposition, the French treaties negotiated I 
 in February, arrived in America, and were ratified | 
 on tht fourth of May, with joyful and grateful feelings. Con 
 gratulations and exultations resounded throughout America. 
 Great and immediate results were anticipated from the co 
 operation of the French fleets and armies, and Independence 
 was considered to be established beyond danger. Congress 
 issued on the occasion a circular address, drawn up by Mr. 
 Chase, of Maryland, to the people of the United States, and 
 directed it to be read from the pulpit by the ministers of all 
 denominations, congratulating them that "the God of bat 
 tles, in whom was their trust, had conducted them through 
 the paths of danger and distress to the threshold of se 
 curity." It called upon them to persevere with strenu 
 ous, unremitted exertions, with the confidence that by the 
 favour of Heaven, " the peace and the happiness of these 
 sovereign, free, and independent States, founded on the 
 virtue of their citizens, shall increase, extend and endure, 
 until the Almighty shall blot out all the empires of the 
 earth." 
 
 Soon after, Congress received M. Gerard, the French 
 Ambassador, with great public ceremony and distinction. 
 The American Envoys had been received with like public 
 honors by the French court, in March, and in the course 
 of another month, Dr. Franklin was appointed Minister 
 Plenipotentiary from the United States to France. 
 
 It was under such unpropitious circumstances that the 
 British Commissioners undertook to negotiate with Con 
 gress, on the basis of Lord North s conciliatory propositions. 
 They were charged with the task of obtaining from the 
 
252 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Americans, strengthened by French alliance, terms which had 
 been peremptorily rejected when they were alone and unaid 
 ed. In these altered relations a very difficult task was before 
 the Commissioners, and they accordingly manifested an eager 
 desire to extend the powers of their commission, and con 
 cede as largely as possible to all the claims of the Americans 
 short of an acknowledgment of their Independence. Imme 
 diately on their arrival, they applied to Washington for a 
 passport to their secretary, Dr. Ferguson, to be permitted to 
 make* communications personally to Congress. This was re- 
 I fused. They then forwarded letters, by the ordinary 
 
 June 4th. .1 j.r , r T *j 
 
 j post, covering their commissions, the acts oi Lord 
 North, and a series of propositions for conciliation. These were 
 of the most comprehensive description, offering to proclaim 
 a cessation of hostilities by sea and land ; to agree to a free 
 dom of trade to any extent required by the joint interests of 
 the two countries; to renounce the right of keeping military 
 forces without the consent of the Congress or particular as 
 semblies ; to establish a union, by a reciprocal right of re 
 presentation; to provide means for raising the credit of 
 American paper, and paying their debts ; in short, to use 
 the words of the Commissioners, "to establish the power of 
 the respective legislatures for each particular State to settle 
 its ow 7 n revenue, its civil arid military establishment, and to 
 exercise a perfect freedom of legislation and internal gov 
 ernment; so that the British States throughout North America, 
 acting with us in peace and war under one common sover 
 eign, may have the irrevocable enjoyment of every privi 
 lege that is short of a total separation of interests, or consist 
 ent with that union of force, on which the safety of our 
 common religion and liberty depends." 
 
 These offers came too late. A war of three }^ears dura 
 tion had totally extinguished the affection which prevailed 
 with such unanimity, at the commencement of the quarrel. 
 Nothing but an unconditional acknowledgment of the sover 
 eignty of the States would be listened to ; and so the Presi 
 dent of Congress was instructed to reply. Some insinuations 
 against the good faith of the French in their interference in 
 the quarrel, which the Commissioners had introduced into 
 their letter, excited so much indignation among some of the 
 members, that a motion was made to suspend the reading of 
 the papers, and refuse to notice them further. That motion 
 was finally postponed, and a Committee, consisting of R. H. 
 
AMEHICAN REVOLUTION. 253 
 
 Lee, Samuel Adams, W. H. Drayton, Governeur Morris, and 
 Mr. Witherspoon, reported an answer, to be transmitted by 
 President Laurens. It treated their assumption, that " the 
 people of the States are still subjects of Great Britain," as 
 " wholly inadmissible," but informed the Commissioners that 
 they were willing to negotiate a treaty of peace and com 
 merce, whenever the king of Great Britain should manifest 
 a sincere disposition for that purpose. It adds : " The only 
 solid proof of that disposition will be, an explicit acknow 
 ledgment of the Independence of the States, or the with 
 drawing of his fleets and armies." 
 
 To this firm annunciation the Commissioners made a re 
 ply, insisting that they had conceded a degree of indepen 
 dence sufficient to justify Congress in treating with them. 
 They went on to question Congress as to the extent of its 
 own powers, and how these were derived from the States. 
 Of this no other notice was taken by Congress except to de 
 clare, that as neither branch of their proposition, the acknow 
 ledgment of Independence nor the withdrawal of the Brit 
 ish forces, had been assented to, the negotiation was closed. 
 
 Foiled in their open efforts, the Commissioners, or one of 
 them at least, endeavoured to compass the same ends by 
 private influence, and the use of liberal promises to indi 
 viduals supposed to have influence in the American coun 
 cils. Governor Johnston, whose personal acquaintance with 
 Americans was large, made himself notorious in these in 
 trigues and attempts at bribery. He wrote private letters to 
 Mr. Laurens, to Robert Morris, Mr. Dana, and Mr. Reed, in 
 all of which intimations were given of the great gain which 
 would accrue, by the favor of the British government, to 
 those who should be instrumental in reconciling the two 
 countries. To General Reed a direct offer was made through 
 a lady, a mutual friend, that for his influence he might have 
 10,000/., and the best office in the Colonies in the gift of 
 the Crown. "I am not worth purchasing," was the prompt 
 reply of the incorruptible patriot, "but such as I am, the 
 king of England is not rich enough to do it." 
 
 These letters and offers being laid before Congress, were 
 considered by them as attempts to bribe their members, and 
 pronounced to be such an indignity as to prevent them from 
 holding any intercourse with Governor Johnston. Their 
 declaration produced an angry rejoinder from him, and dis- 
 
254 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 claimers of all participation in his plans from the other Com 
 missioners. 
 
 Finding Congress inflexiblej the Commissioners addressed 
 themselves to the people directly, by publishing a manifesto 
 and proclamation. They denounced the obstinacy of Con 
 gress, and the ambitious designs of France, in unmeasured 
 terms, and, losing the tone of conciliation, threatened the 
 extremities of war against the allies of France, the natural 
 enemy of Britain. It was declared, that if the British Colonies 
 were to become the dependencies of France, self-preserva 
 tion would dictate that they should be made of "as little 
 avail as possible." These papers they circulated under cover 
 of flags of truce. 
 
 Congress met these inflammatory attempts by declaring, 
 that whoever might circulate them should forfeit the protec 
 tion of the flag ; and then, boldly relying on the integrity of 
 the people, published them themselves. They issued a 
 counter manifesto, repelling with indignation the threats of 
 devastation, and declaring, " if our enemies persist in their 
 present career of barbarity, we will take such exemplary 
 vengeance as will deter others from a like conduct." " We 
 appeal," they said, " to that God who searcheth the hearts 
 of men, for the rectitude of our intentions ; and in his holy 
 presence declare, that as we are not moved by any light or 
 hasty suggestions of anger or revenge, so, through every 
 possible change of fortune, will adhere to this our determi 
 nation." 
 
 In the Commissioners proclamation, dated in October, 
 forty days had been limited for the granting of pardons to 
 such as should return to their allegiance. After the expira 
 tion of the term, without any applications for favor, they 
 returned to England, leaving the conflict to be determined 
 by the fortune of war. 
 
 The military events of the year were by no means com 
 mensurate in importance with these civil and political occur 
 rences, nor did they answer the expectations of either party. 
 The sanguine calculations of the Americans, on the decisive 
 co-operation of the French, ended in disappointment; while, 
 on the other hand, the British, with all their increased ex 
 ertions, made no progress in reconquering their revolted 
 Colonies. Both sides were slow in taking the field. 
 The American forces remained in their encampment at 
 Valley Forge ; and the British, first under General Howe, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 255 
 
 / , 
 
 and subsequently under Sir Henry Clinton, occupied Phi 
 ladelphia. No other enterprises were undertaken than 
 some successful predatory excursions into the neighbor 
 hood, for the purpose of obtaining supplies, or the less de 
 fensible object of destroying property. Four store houses, 
 with a large amount of goods, were burnt at Bordentown, 
 and on the same occasion, they destroyed a large number of 
 American vessels, including two frigates, nine ships, six pri 
 vateer sloops, twenty-three brigs, besides sloops and schoon 
 ers. Great ravages were also committed in Rhode Island, 
 by the British forces there. They burnt the church and 
 seven dwelling houses in Warren ; the church, and about 
 twenty houses in Bristol, and destroyed a great number of 
 vessels and stores. 
 
 The regular operations of the field were not opened, by 
 the main army on either side, until summer. 
 
256 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE campaign of 1778, arranged at Paris between the 
 French and American Commissioners, had for its object the 
 blockade of the forces of General Howe in Philadelphia. 
 Washington, with a recruited army, commanding the passes 
 of New Jersey, was expected to hold the land forces in 
 check, while a powerful French fleet, despatched before the 
 British could reinforce or succor Admiral Howe, should 
 blockade him effectually in the Delaware. The British fleet 
 consisted of six sixty-four-gun ships, three of fifty, two of 
 forty, with some frigates and sloops. Count D Estaing, with 
 a French fleet, comprising twelve ships of the line, one car 
 rying ninety guns, one eighty, and six seventy-fours, with 
 three frigates, sailed from Toulon, on the 18th of April, and 
 arrived off the Delaware in the beginning of July. He was 
 too late by a few days for the success of the meditated 
 blow. The British ministry had already anticipated such a 
 scheme, and directed a concentration of the whole force in 
 America, at the city and harbour of New York. The Com 
 missioners for conciliation carried out the order to the 
 brothers Howe, to evacuate Philadelphia, and remove the 
 fleet from the Delaware. Admiral Howe had left the Capes 
 of the Delaware, and arrived safely within Sandy Hook, 
 only about a week before Count D Estaing, who had been 
 detained by contrary winds, reached the coast. A reinforce 
 ment of twelve ships of the line was ordered to join the 
 British fleet at New York, under the command of Admiral 
 Byron, appointed to take the place of Admiral Howe, who 
 had asked leave to return. 
 
 The army also executed the same orders, but not without 
 obstruction. It was for some time uncertain whether Sir 
 Henry Clinton would retreat through New Jersey, or em 
 bark on board of the fleet with his army. The difficulty of 
 embarkation, and the danger of meeting with the French 
 fleet, determined him to take the land route, and accord 
 ingly on the eighteenth of June, he put his whole 
 
 if i -i -ni- i j i j June 18th. 
 
 army in motion, evacuated Philadelphia, and com 
 menced hiis retreat to New York. His force was rather over 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 257 
 
 ten thousand men. The quantity of baggage and provi 
 sions, which he carried with him, was enormous. The line 
 of march is stated to have extended over ten miles, and its 
 advance was very slow. In seven days they marched only 
 forty miles. 
 
 Washington, whose numbers exceeded those of Clinton, 
 had narrowly watched his movements. He detached 
 General Maxwell s brigade, to take post at Mount Holly, 
 and co-operate with the Jersey militia, in harassing and re 
 tarding the march of Clinton. On the day Clinton abandon 
 ed the city, Washington put his own army in motion, and 
 followed cautiously, keeping on the high lands, and thus re 
 taining the power to engage the enemy or not at pleasure. 
 The Commander-in-chief was anxious to try a general en 
 gagement, but of the council of war, consisting of seven 
 teen generals, only two, Wayne and Cadwalader, concurred 
 in the opinion fully. Morgan and Cadwalader were des 
 patched to harass the enemy in flank and rear. 
 
 On halting at Princeton, the American general learned 
 that Clinton had turned oif from the direct road to New 
 York, across the Raritan, and had taken a lower route by 
 Monmouth, to Sandy Hook. He again summoned a coun 
 cil of war, who decided a second time against risking a bat 
 tle. Notwithstanding this decision, the movements of Clin 
 ton on the next day determined Washington not to permit 
 him to reach the secure heights of Middleton without a 
 battle. 
 
 On the 27th he threw forward a body of troops, under 
 the command of La Fayette, to attack the rear of the British, 
 while he should advance with the main body. Clinton sent 
 forward his baggage, under a sufficient escort, and with the 
 bulk of his army remained to check the attack of La Fayette. 
 Lee, with two brigades, was despatched to reinforce La Fay 
 ette, and, being the senior officer, took the command. Clin 
 ton encamped that night in a strong position, at Monmouth 
 Court House. Lee rested at Englishtown, seven miles dis 
 tant. On the next morning, as soon as the British I T 28|h 
 army was in motion, Lee was ordered to attack | 
 their rear, " unless there should be powerful reasons to the 
 contrary." He was advised that the main body would 
 march up in time to support him. He made his disposi 
 tions accordingly, and advanced slowly towards Monmouth, 
 when he ascertained that the British were marching to 
 Y 2 
 
258 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 meet him. Clinton had sent forward his baggage, and or 
 dered Cornwallis to meet the meditated attack. The move 
 ments of the Americans induced the enemy to think that 
 their design was to intercept the baggage, and Cornwallis 
 was directed to charge them, which he did with a superior 
 force. The corps of La Fayette, which was on the advance, 
 was driven back, and Lee, uncertain of the extent of the 
 force brought against him, and thinking the ground unfavora 
 ble, repassed a morass which was in his rear, with a view of 
 gaining a more favorable position. Part of his troops, under 
 General Scott, mistook the order, and continued to retreat, 
 and Lee was compelled to follow, the enemy pursuing him 
 briskly. Washington, who was pushing forward rapidly to 
 support him, unapprised of these movements, met the ad 
 vance in this disorder, and, both surprised and vexed, ad 
 dressed General Lee with warmth, disapproving of ther retreat 
 in sharp terms. He formed the troops in order, restoring 
 the command to Lee, who, notwithstanding the altercation > 
 consented to act, and returned to the main body. Lee sus 
 tained the attack of Cornwallis with bravery and resolution, 
 and, when forced off the ground, retreated in good order, 
 and formed again at Englishtown. Washington, having 
 gained time by this check to the British advance, renewed 
 the attack, and a general battle ensued, which lasted till 
 night, in one of the hottest days of summer. Darkness put 
 an end to the combat, without advantage to either party. 
 The Americans rested on their arms, intending to resume 
 the battle on the morning, but Clinton, at midnight, silently 
 decamped with his whole force, and by morning was be 
 yond pursuit. 
 
 Washington desisted from any attempts to interrupt them, 
 and marched his army leisurely to cover the passes of the 
 Hudson. Clinton reached Sandy Hook on the 5th of July, 
 and embarked immediately for New York. 
 
 In the battle of Monmouth the British loss was about three 
 hundred, found upon the field. The Americans lost eight 
 officers and sixty-one privates, killed ; and one hundred and 
 sixty, wounded. Many of both armies died without a 
 wound, from excessive heat and fatigue. The Americans 
 made about one hundred prisoners, and it is estimated that a 
 thousand privates, chiefly Germans, deserted from the 
 enemy during the march through New Jersey. 
 
 Washington, though in the excitement of the occasion he 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 259 
 
 had used strong language to General Lee, on the day of ac 
 tion, disapproving of his retreat, had nevertheless continued 
 him in command, and showed no disposition to proceed fur 
 ther. But Lee was too deeply irritated to submit quietly to 
 the reprimand, and on the next day addressed two haughty 
 and offensive letters to the Commander-in-chief. The issue 
 of the correspondence was the arrest of Lee, and his trial by 
 court-martial upon three charges : 1. For disobedience of 
 orders, in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, 
 agreeably to repeated instructions. 2. For misbehaviour be 
 fore the enemy, on the same day, by making an unneces 
 sary, disorderly, and shameful retreat. 3. For disrespect to 
 the Commander-in-chief in two letters. 
 
 The high colouring of the second charge was made on the 
 representations of Generals Wayne and Scott, but on the 
 trial it-was shown that they had misapprehended him. Lord 
 Sterling presided at the court-martial. They found Lee guilty 
 of all the charges, but softened down the language of the 
 second, and found him only guilty of making an unnecessary 
 and in some instances a disorderly retreat. They sentenced 
 him to be suspended from command for one year. Congress 
 finally approved the sentence. It is impossible to deny, 
 on a review of the case of Lee, at this day, that he was 
 harshly dealt with by the court, and that it is difficult to find 
 just cause for their judgment. The excitement against him 
 in the army, and the inconvenience to the service, which 
 might have been produced by his unpopularity, probably 
 swayed their minds, and deprived the country of the services 
 of an able and gallant, if a rash and irritable, officer. 
 
 Soon after Sir Henry Clinton reached New York, the 
 French fleet appeared off the harbor. Disappointed in the 
 escape of Admiral Howe with the British fleet from the Dela 
 ware, Count D Estaing had followed them along the coast, 
 and, on the llth of July, made a display before Sandy Hook, 
 as though about to force his way into the bay of New York, 
 to attack the fleet. He found it impracticable to work his 
 large ships over the bar, and in consequence remained be 
 fore the port, blockading the British fleet, till the"22d of 
 July. A great number of English vessels fell into his 
 hands. On the 22d he sailed with his whole fleet I 
 for Newport, Rhode Island, to co-operate with a j 
 land expedition sent against the British at that place. Again 
 the British had a fortunate escape in his movements. The 
 
260 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 fleet of Byron, sent out to reinforce Howe, met with storms 
 and adverse winds, and had been separated. Within eight 
 days after D Estaing s departure, five or six of this squad 
 ron arrived in a damaged condition, separately, at Sandy 
 Hook, and must have fallen into his power had he re 
 mained on that station. He arrived off Newport on the 
 29th of July. 
 
 Rhode Island had been in the possession of the British 
 since 1776, and it was now planned by the American gen 
 eral to make a concerted attack by sea and land, with the 
 hope of capturing the whole army in garrison there. The 
 British general was Sir Robert Pigot, and the force under 
 his command, by reinforcements from New York, had been 
 augmented to six thousand. 
 
 The American land forces were put under the command 
 of General Sullivan, and amounted to ten thousand men. 
 Generals Greene and La Fayette subsequently joined him, 
 and the army took post at Tiverton, relying upon the co 
 operation of D Estaing in the capture of Newport. The 
 AU 9th I nm * n of August was fixed for the action, and Sul- 
 I livan made the necessary dispositions of his force. 
 On the day previous, signals were made that the British 
 fleet from New York, reinforced by a part of Byron s squad 
 ron, had arrived off the harbor. The position of the French 
 fleet was unassailable, and they might have persevered, 
 with little prospect of failure, in the attack upon the town. 
 The admiral, however, eager to engage the enemy by sea, 
 abandoned the harbor on the eleventh, and stood out with 
 his whole force in search of Howe. The two fleets ma 
 noeuvred for two days, in order to get the advantage in po 
 sition, and on the 15th met and drew up in order of battle. 
 At the moment they were about to engage, a severe storm 
 separated them. The gale continued to increase in vio 
 lence for two days ; the ships of both sides were dispersed, 
 some of them damaged and disabled, and forced to put 
 back into port to refit the British to New York, and the 
 French to Newport, where they arrived on the 20th. Sulli 
 van, in the mean time, had crossed over to the island, and 
 made his approaches towards Newport, relying on the as 
 sistance of D Estaing. He had already made considerable 
 progress in the siege, when he was disappointed, and all his 
 views frustrated, by the determination of the French admi 
 ral to abandon the enterprise and repair to Boston to repair 
 
Aug.28lh. 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 201 
 
 damages. Notwithstanding the remonstrance of the Amer 
 ican officers, this design was carried immediately I 
 into effect, and on the 22d, the whole French | 
 fleet departed, leaving the harbor open to the British. Ex 
 posed to an attack from New York, and deserted by his al 
 lies in the most critical moment, Sullivan soon found it 
 impossible to continue the siege. His militia, dis 
 heartened at the change of prospect, left him in 
 large numbers, and after delaying about a week, he was 
 compelled to order a retreat. This was effected with skill. 
 The Americans succeeded in getting some hours start of 
 the enemy, and had reached a strong position on the north 
 part of the island, when they were attacked by a pursuing 
 party, and a sharp engagement ensued, in which the Amer 
 icans succeeded in repulsing the enemy. The American 
 loss was 211, and the British 260. Aware of the near ap 
 proach of Sir Henry Clinton with a strong reinforcement, 
 Sullivan saw the necessity of retreating with rapidity, which 
 he effected on the 30th, with a skill and prudence which 
 have been much applauded. On the next day, gg t 
 Clinton, with four thousand men, arrived at New 
 port from New York, but Sullivan was beyond pursuit. 
 
 Howe, after refitting his fleet in New York, sailed to in 
 tercept D Estaing on his way to Boston, but failed. He ac 
 cordingly returned to New York, where his fleet was further 
 strengthened by the arrival of several more ships belonging 
 to Admiral Byron s squadron. He resigned the command, 
 ad interim, to Admiral Gambier, and returned to England. 
 On the sixteenth, Admiral Byron arrived, and assumed the 
 command. 
 
 The French fleet was received at Boston with great cool 
 ness by the Americans. The irritations that had already 
 been produced between the French and American offi 
 cers at Newport, were renewed and aggravated. Among 
 the populace the disappointment caused by the failures 
 of the French in the Delaware, at New York, and at Rhode 
 Island, broke out into insult, and ended, in some instances, 
 in outrage. Much was done by General Washington and 
 La Fayette to soothe their angry feelings and restore equa 
 nimity and confidence, and their efforts were partially suc 
 cessful. The manly and forbearing conduct of Count D Es 
 taing, aided materially in restoring harmony. He addressed 
 some spirited letters to Congress, and offered to march his 
 
262 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 troops by land to the aid of Sullivan. The faults complained 
 of in the management of the fleet are attributed less to any 
 want of zeal and capacity in Count D Estaing, than to his 
 inexperience, and his dependence on the judgment of his 
 officers, who sometimes overruled his own opinion. 
 
 The remaining operations of tfye year, on both sides, can 
 be summed. up briefly. Admiral Byron, having got his 
 whole force in order, sailed for Boston to watch the motions 
 of the French, but encountering another violent storm, was 
 driven off the coast, and his ships sustained so much dam 
 age as to be forced to take shelter in Rhode Island. Count 
 D Estaing embraced the opportunity, and sailed for the West 
 Indies, on the 3d of November. On the same day, Admiral 
 Hotham, with part of the English fleet, sailed in the same 
 direction from, Sandy Hook, and was followed in December 
 by the whole British fleet. The scene of the conflict be 
 tween the fleets of the two European parties to the war, 
 was thus transferred to the South, and at the same time the 
 contest on land took the same direction. 
 
 A few days after the departure of the French fleet, Gen 
 eral Gates arrived at Boston, and took command of the 
 Northern army. 
 
 Active operations in the North closed with the retreat of 
 Sullivan from Rhode Island. In the Middle States no im 
 portant movement was made after the battle of Monmouth. 
 A few detached enterprises on both sides were undertaken, 
 some of which require notice. 
 
 On the return of Clinton to New York, in the beginning 
 of September, he despatched General Grey to Buzzard s 
 Bay, in New England, to destroy the American privateers 
 that resorted there. He accomplished that object, burning 
 about seventy sail of shipping, with magazines, warehouses, 
 ropewalks, and the wharves on both sides of the river at 
 Bedford and Fairhaven. Thence he proceeded to Martha s 
 Vineyard, and captured and carried off a large quantity of 
 live stock. 
 
 A stronger expedition was next organized against Egg 
 Harbor, on the Jersey coast. This was a general resort for 
 American privateers and their prizes. Lord Cornwallis and 
 General Kniphausen took up a position in New Jersey and 
 on the Hudson, to interpose between the camp of Washing 
 ton in the Highlands and the coast, while their frigates and 
 some light vessels, with a British regiment, sailed directly 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 263 
 
 for the harbor. The Americans, apprized of the expedition, 
 had sent most of their vessels to sea, and removed others up 
 the river. The British, disappointed in their principal ob 
 ject, marched in pursuit, burnt several vessels, chiefly British 
 prizes, and proceeded to destroy and ravage all the property 
 within their reach. On their return they surprised the light- 
 infantry belonging to Pulaski s corps, in their sleep, and 
 killed about fifty of them, including some distinguished offi 
 cers. Another savage massacre was committed on another 
 American regiment, by a part of Cornwallis s division, on 
 the same service. They were a party of light-dragoons, 
 commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Baylor; who had taken 
 up their lodgings hi a barn, near Tappaun, on the Hudson. 
 The outpost of the militia, having abandoned their ground 
 without giving information to Colonel Baylor, a British de 
 tachment, under General Grey, was enabled to advance 
 silently and surprise the patrol, whom they cut off, without 
 alarming the Americans. They then rushed in upon the 
 sleeping dragoons, and without mercy, or regard for re 
 peated cries for quarter, bayonetted more than half of 
 them upon the spot. Sixty-seven out of one hundred and 
 four w r ere killed or wounded, and those w r ho were spared 
 saved their lives by the humanity of one of the captains, in 
 disobedience of the commands of his superior. The massacre 
 was the topic of general indignation, and depositions estab 
 lishing the facts, collected by Governor Livingston of New 
 Jersey, were spread before the world as proofs of the bar 
 barous practices of the British. * 
 
 Bloody and cruel as were these slaughters, and justly a 
 stain on the character of the English general, they fall into 
 insignificance compared with the atrocities committed in 
 the same year by the Indians and tories in the British ser 
 vice. The massacre at Wyoming was marked with an ac 
 cumulation of horrors that make the blood freeze in recall 
 ing them. This settlement consisted of eight townships, 
 forty miles square, on the Susquehanna river, cultivated by 
 emigrants from Connecticut, who had made it one of the 
 most beautiful and flourishing places in America. A rich 
 and fertile garden embosomed in the forest, with a peaceful 
 and industrious people, in a secluded part of the country, it 
 might have been hoped that devastation would not reach so 
 far, and that war, if not party discord, would spare so delightful 
 and romantic a scene. On the declaration of Independence 
 
264 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the mass of the inhabitants united with their countrymen in 
 supporting that measure, and furnished a thousand men to 
 the American army. The loyalists and tories, however, 
 were numerous, and no where did they exhibit a more 
 ferocious spirit. Several of them having been arrested for 
 trial, their party formed a secret league with the Indians, 
 commanded by a tory refugee, named John Butler, and a 
 half-blood, named Brandt, to obtain vengeance on the de 
 voted settlement. Deceitful professions and artful manoeu 
 vres were practised to lull the victims into security, until all 
 was prepared, and in the month of July, a force of about 
 seventeen hundred Indians and tories invaded the unsus 
 pecting community. Four forts constituted its defences, 
 and about 500 men were all the force that had remained. 
 The rest were with the American army. Two of the forts 
 fell into their hands, one by the treachery of the tories, and 
 the other by storm. Here they spared the women and 
 children, but butchered the male prisoners without excep 
 tion. The third fort, called Kingston, was next surrounded. 
 Here the old men, the sick, the children, and the females, 
 all who were incapable of bearing arms, were collected. A 
 great part of the defenders, four hundred in number, with 
 unaccountable credulity, were lured out of the fort to parley 
 with the enemy, and betrayed into an ambush, where all 
 but sixty were massacred on the spot by the Indians, or tor 
 tured to death as prisoners. The feeble remnants of the gar 
 rison were appalled on the return of the exulting savages, 
 by having two hundred reeking scalps of their murdered 
 kinsmen thrown among them. To the flag of truce, begging 
 for terms of surrender, the besiegers gave but one inhuman 
 word in reply, the hatchet! When they were forced at last 
 to give up at discretion, the barbarians enclosed men, 
 women, and children in the barracks, and setting fire to 
 them, mocked at the agonies of their victims, expiring in 
 the flames. The last fort offered no resistance, and shared 
 the same fate. The whole settlement was then ravaged 
 and desolated by fire and sword by the furious victors, 
 sparing neither house nor field, nor brute beast, that belong 
 ed to a republican. The enormities they perpetrated, chiefly 
 under the guidance with fire and encouragement of renegade 
 Americans, exceed the imagination and defy description. 
 A blacker record of human depravity, a more revolting pic 
 ture of human suffering, is not to be found in the annals of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 265 
 
 civilized nations. The wars of the most savage and igno 
 rant tribes never presented more cold-blooded and remorse 
 less barbarity, than the massacre of Wyoming stamped upon 
 the conduct of the tories of the Revolution. 
 
 A retaliatory expedition was undertaken in October, by 
 Colonel William Butler, of Schoharie, New York, into the 
 district occupied by these Indians and the tories. They 
 ravaged the country on both sides of the Susquehanna, and 
 between that river and the Delaware, and punished severely 
 such of the barbarians and renegade whites as fell into their 
 
 Eower. The tory Butler, in revenge, invaded Cherry Val- 
 jy, in the month of November, and re-enacted the barbari 
 ties of Wyoming. 
 
 These excursions for plunder and devastation were the 
 only military events requiring notice, which took place in 
 the Middle States during the remainder of the year 1778. 
 Washington withdrew his forces to a commanding station at 
 White Plains, and early in the season led them to winter- 
 quarters, at Middlebrook in New Jersey. Sir Henry Clinton 
 was in safe quarters in the city of New York. It is not a 
 little remarkable, that the relative position of the two armies 
 did not vary much from that at the close of 1776. The fact 
 is noted by Washington, in one of his letters, in the follow 
 ing impressive terms: "It is not a little pleasing, nor less 
 wonderful to contemplate, that after two years manoeuvring, 
 and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are 
 brought back to the very point they set out from, and the 
 offending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use 
 of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of Pro 
 vidence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be 
 worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked 
 that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations." The 
 British general, knowing his superiority of force, and avail 
 ing himself of his command of the coast by means of the 
 fleet, towards the close of the year despatched an expedi 
 tion to Georgia. The South was made the theatre of a win 
 ter campaign. On the 27th of November, Colonel Camp 
 bell, with two thousand men, including the New York 
 tory companies, convoyed by ships of war, commanded 
 by Commodore Hyde Parker, sailed from New York for 
 Savannah, and at the same time orders were dispatched to 
 General Prevost, who was at the head of the British forces 
 in East Florida, to advance into Georgia to co-operate with 
 
 Z 
 
266 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Campbell, and take the command of the joint expedition. 
 The squadron was detained about three weeks at sea, and 
 finally entered the Tybee river late in the ensuing month. 
 De 29th I O n * ne ^ tn f December, the troops effected a 
 I landing, about twelve miles up the river Savan 
 nah, and three miles below the city. 
 
 The American force for the defence of the place was un 
 der the command of General Robert Howe, and consisted of 
 about six hundred continentals, and a few hundred militia. 
 His numbers were much reduced by an unsuccessful expe 
 dition into Florida, from which he had just returned. The 
 position which he chose for the repulse of the British, was 
 naturally strong, and could have been defended but for the 
 accidental discovery of a path which led through a morass 
 to the American rear. By this, which was unknown to the 
 Americans, a detachment of British infantry, with the New 
 York volunteers, gained, unobserved, the rear of General 
 Howe s little army, and by a simultaneous attack broke them 
 up instantly, and drove them into and through the city of 
 Savannah, with the loss of all their artillery, one hundred 
 killed, and four hundred and fifty prisoners. The defeated 
 and scattered troops made the best of their way into South 
 Carolina, and the capital of Georgia was quietly occupied 
 by the enemy. General Prevost, following his instructions, 
 marched his troops from East Florida, and after many days 
 of difficult and painful travelling through the wilderness, 
 entered the State of Georgia, captured the fort of Sunbury, 
 and marched into Savannah to take the command. The 
 whole State submitted without further effort, and the royal 
 government was in a short time established completely. 
 Colonel Campbell acted with much policy, forbearance and 
 dignity, and did more for the British interest, during the 
 time in which he held command, than any British officer 
 who served in America during the war. Georgia is the only 
 State in the Union in which, after the declaration of Inde 
 pendence, the legislature was peaceably convened under the 
 authority of the Crown of Great Britain. 
 
 Congress appointed Lincoln to the command of the South 
 ern department, and on the 4th of December he arrived at 
 Charleston. There were no troops ready for him, and it was 
 not till the beginning of January that he was able, with the 
 remnant of Howe s force, to muster 1,400 men, with which 
 he established himself at Perrysburgh, on the Savannah 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 267 
 
 river, about fifteen miles from General Prevost. He had 
 neither field pieces, arms, tents, nor ammunition. Towards 
 the end of that month, the North Carolina militia, under 
 General Ashe, increased his numbers to about 3,000. 
 
 At the close of the year 1778, the British had made no 
 progress in subduing America. They had ravaged and laid 
 waste a wide extent of territory, inflicting much distress upon 
 individuals, but beyond the possession of New York, New 
 port, and Savannah, they had no foothold in the country. The 
 subjugation of the State of Georgia, mentioned above, in or 
 der not to break unnecessarily the current of the narrative, 
 was not made until the beginning of 1779. After three years 
 of warfare, Great Britain was no stronger than at first, and 
 had expended thousands of lives and millions of money, and 
 brought upon herself open war with one of the most potent 
 nations in Europe, and the ill-concealed hostility of another. 
 A long, bloody, and expensive struggle was yet before her, 
 with but faint prospect of recovering her revolted Colonies. 
 
 These considerations, on the other hand, afforded substan 
 tial reasons for hope and confidence to the Americans. But 
 the issue of the campaign was a grievous disappointment to 
 the sanguine hopes to which its commencement had given 
 rise, and the internal condition in which it left them was 
 real cause for gloom and alarm. The alliance with France 
 had been hailed with exultation as decisive of the success of 
 Independence, and from the strong force which it brought to 
 the succor of the States great results had been predicted. 
 The first unhappy effect of these calculations was an abate 
 ment of the zeal for action on their own behalf, which had 
 marked their unassisted exertions, and an over confident 
 reliance upon the arms of the French. A feeling, if not of 
 reluctance, of indifference to the public service, was indulged 
 in by the mass of those from whom the armies were to be 
 recruited, and by whom the means of restoring the finances 
 and consolidating the institutions of the country were to be 
 furnished. The immediate pressure being as they thought 
 removed, their minds turned more to the repairing of their 
 own means than to a vigorous and united effort for expelling 
 the British fleets and armies. This languor continued to af 
 fect the operations of the States for the whole of the next 
 year, and produced deplorable consequences. These de 
 lusive expectations were only suspended, not destroyed, by 
 the unfortunate issue of the several French expeditions 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 undertaken during the year. Irritation was felt and strongly 
 expressed against the manner in which the French fleet had 
 been employed, its inefficiency before Sandy Hook and at 
 Newport, and its departure from the coast to prosecute the 
 French interests in the West Indies. Such severe disappoint 
 ments, together with the abatement of the popular ardor, 
 produced serious alarms in the minds of the leading patriots, 
 and required their most energetic efforts to counteract the 
 injurious consequences. The consequences were carried 
 into all the relations of civil government, and all the politi 
 cal concerns of the country, no less than into the condition 
 and efficiency of the army. The currency continued to de 
 preciate without the possibility of a remedy. The finances 
 of Congress were in a state of confusion and embarrassment 
 that threatened an early dissolution of that body, for the 
 want of the means to keep them together ; their credit was 
 totally exhausted, and party spirit, state jealousies, and per 
 sonal rivalries distracted their councils. In all the moral 
 characteristics of the contest, in union, self-reliance, and 
 energy, the cause of Independence had rather retrograded 
 than been advanced by the French alliance. 
 
 It was about this epoch that, stimulated by the French 
 minister and admiral, a project was meditated for the con 
 quest of Canada. The object was very desirable to the 
 French, and was urged earnestly upon Congress. They were 
 inclined to the expedition, and without communicating fully 
 with Washington, they had conceived a general plan for the 
 conquest of all the British posts, by the simultaneous attacks 
 of the different American detachments on the Northern fron 
 tier, aided by a French fleet and army, operating in the 
 St. Lawrence. The extravagance of the plan was zealously 
 exposed by Washington, and with final success, although it 
 was reluctantly given up. He showed it to be impossible 
 to provide the proper force, and dangerous to the safety of 
 the States, from which their defence must be withdrawn in 
 order to gather even a respectable army in the North. Pri 
 vately he urged political considerations of weight, dissuad 
 ing Congress from engaging all their available strength in an 
 expedition which promised so little comparative benefit to 
 themselves, but which was of such great prospective value 
 to France. The expedition was laid aside on the report of 
 a committee of Congress, based upon the views of the Com 
 mander-in-chief. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 269 
 
 Late in the autumn of 1778, General Lafayette obtained 
 leave to return to France, on a visit, principally with the 
 design of procuring by his personal influence additional aid 
 from the French court to the United States. 
 
 Mr. Laurens resigned the Presidency of Congress, and 
 was succeeded by John Jay. 
 
 In England Parliament met on the 26th of November. 
 The king s speech, without speaking directly of the Ameri 
 can affairs, complained in strong language of the conduct of 
 France as an " unprovoked aggression." The popular hos 
 tility towards the French nation appeared to give a new 
 spirit to the war, and ministers were more warmly support 
 ed in their line of policy. The opposition confined them 
 selves to attacks upon the manner of conducting the late 
 campaigns, and the tardy and inefficient preparations that 
 had been made. The conduct of Commissioner Johnstone 
 was arraigned severely. The employment of Indians in the 
 British army was strongly reprobated, and motions made for 
 a public censure upon the threatening manifesto with which 
 the Commissioners had closed their labors in America. Mr. 
 Johnstone defended the proclamation, owned and justified 
 it as avowing a war of desolation to be right and expe 
 dient against such a refractory and rebellious people. 
 Ministers defended it on other grounds, rejecting the ex 
 treme interpretation of Johnstone, and the vote of censure 
 was refused. The conduct of ministers was brought 
 under review by an inquiry instituted at the re 
 quest of General Howe, who, in his place in Parliament, 
 accused the secretary of maladministration in relation to 
 America. Lord Cornwallis, General Grey, and other offi 
 cers, were examined at the bar. Burgoyne, who had been 
 in vain demanding an inquiry into his own conduct, took 
 the opportunity of renewing it, and that was also granted. 
 Numerous witnesses were examined on his behalf, and most 
 of the session consumed in the investigation. The Com 
 mittee came to no decision in either case, but the testimony 
 clearly convicted the ministry of great ignorance of the 
 geography and condition of America, as well as of the mili 
 tary means proper for prosecuting the war. The session was 
 protracted to late in the summer of 1779. Before they ad 
 journed, another enemy had been joined to the confederacy 
 against Great Britain, by the manifesto of the king of Spain, 
 Z2 
 
 1779. 
 
270 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 which was considered a declaration of war, and as sucfe 
 communicated by message on the 17th of June. 
 
 In the French treaties with the United States a secret 
 article had reserved to the king of Spain, a right to be 
 come a party. That monarch had interests of his own on 
 the American continent, which made him reluctant to aid 
 the Americans, however much he might desire to cripple 
 the power of England. As a security for his own possessions, 
 and as a remuneration for his co-operation, he required a 
 preliminary relinquishment by the United States of all 
 claims to the territory west of the Alleghany Mountains, 
 and the recognition of his exclusive right to the navigation 
 of the Mississippi. He was displeased with the French 
 treaties for not making stipulations of this kind, and declined 
 becoming a party to them. He however offered his media 
 tion between France and Great Britain, with the under 
 standing that the United States were to be included in the 
 terms agreed upon. The mediation was listened to un 
 doubtedly with a view to procrastination by Great Britain, 
 to prevent the junction of Spain with France in the war 
 against her. A correspondence was instituted, which was 
 kept up for eight months, and was finally concluded by the 
 offer of an ultimatum by the Spanish court, in which was in 
 cluded a stipulation that the American provinces should be 
 treated with as " independent in fact." The court of London 
 rejected the proposition on the 4th of May, 1779. This re 
 sult was expected by the court of Spain. In anticipation of 
 the refusal, they had, in April preceding, formed a secret 
 treaty with France, engaging to declare war. A manifesto 
 to that effect, setting forth various causes of complaint against 
 England, was delivered to the British secretary by the 
 Spanish ambassador, on the 16th of June, and responded to 
 immediately by the king and parliament. A new militia 
 bill was introduced; increased supplies voted, with little op 
 position ; and the army and navy largely augmented. Sev 
 enty thousand seamen were voted for the home service, and 
 about thirty thousand soldiers in addition to those already in 
 America, computed to amount, foreigners included, to forty 
 thousand more. The sums of money voted for the services 
 of the year amounted to 15,072,654/. 
 
 The British court, during the pendency of the negotiations 
 which added Spain to the number of her open enemies, was 
 not inactive in endeavoring to detach the Americans from 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 271 
 
 their new alliances by separate proposals, offering liberal 
 terms of reconciliation. In the winter of 1778-79, David 
 Hartley, an eminent whig member of Parliament, went to 
 Paris, with the privity of Lord North, to confer with Dr. 
 Franklin. The great point to which his labors were directed, 
 was to obtain the consent of America to treat separately for 
 peace. His own preliminary propositions made to Dr. 
 Franklin, in April, contained a postulatum, that America 
 should be " released, free, and unengaged from any treaties 
 with foreign powers, which may tend to embarrass or defeat 
 the proposed negotiation." The " great stumbling-block in 
 the way of reconciliation," as Hartley expressly told Frank 
 lin, was the connexion with France. If, as was probably de 
 signed, the British ministry expected any admission which 
 might be employed to create distrust in the court of France 
 against the good faith of America, the sequel deceived them. 
 France had more than once shown an apprehension that the 
 States might consider themselves at liberty to make a sepa 
 rate peace. On the 1st of January they made such a repre 
 sentation to Congress through their ambassador, as to draw 
 forth a solemn declaration, unanimously adopted, that "as 
 neither France nor the United States might of right, so these 
 United States will not conclude either truce or peace with 
 the -common enemy without the formal consent of their 
 ally first obtained." Dr. Franklin wisely and firmly ad 
 hered to the same line of policy, in his reply to Hartley 
 " America," he said, "has no desire of being free from her 
 engagements to France. The chief is, that of continuing 
 the war in conjunction with her, and not making a separate 
 peace ; and this is an obligation not in the power of America 
 to dissolve, being an obligation of gratitude and justice to 
 wards a nation which is engaged in a war on her account 
 and for her protection, and would be for ever binding, 
 whether such an article existed or not in the treaty ; and 
 though it did not exist, an honest American would cut his 
 right hand off sooner than sign an agreement with England 
 contrary to the spirit of it." Of course the negotiation pro 
 ceeded no further. 
 
 The time employed in these official negotiations relative 
 to the Spanish mediation, was further employed in discus 
 sions between the French court and Congress, in which 
 some of the secret motives of France and Spain, in aiding 
 America, were developed. In the debates of Congress, 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 springing out of the important questions of interest and ter 
 ritory presented to them, are to be seen the first strongly 
 marked party divisions respecting the navigation of the Mis 
 sissippi and the Eastern fisheries, which afterwards pro 
 duced so much discord and jealousy. These points attracted 
 the early attention of France and Spain, and there is little 
 question that, besides their general hostility to Great Britain, 
 those powers had their own separate views of gain. France 
 was especially eager for a participation, if not an exclusive 
 right, in the Newfoundland fisheries, to be conquered from 
 Britain and secured by the gratitude of the States. Her 
 views upon Canada have been already alluded to. She was 
 also anxious to further the plans of the other branch of the 
 Bourbon family upon Florida and the Mississippi. Spain 
 looked upon the possession of the Floridas, and the control 
 of the navigation of the Mississippi, as her prize in the war 
 against Britain. The French court entered into the alliance 
 with the new States without having obtained any stipulation 
 for these concessions. The time was critical, and her assent 
 was given with the design of urging the same claims as an 
 ally, generous and able to help them in their adversity, and 
 entitled to liberal concessions of territory and privileges. 
 The mediation offered by Spain, and the negotiations for her 
 co-operation in the war, afforded an occasion for pressing 
 these views, and making as profitable a bargain as possible 
 with the Americans. The announcement by M. Gerard of 
 the offered mediation, was accompanied by some suggestions 
 to Congress of the necessity of moderation in the terms, 
 upon which they would be willing to conclude peace, in case 
 the mediation should be successful. He intimated the pro 
 priety of not insisting upon a formal and explicit acknow 
 ledgment of Independence ; advising them to be content 
 with a tacit recognition. He laid much stress upon the 
 value of Spanish aid, enlarged upon the extent of the con 
 cessions which ought to be made to secure it, and finally re 
 commended terms of peace to be offered embracing these 
 several points, limiting the territory of the United States 
 east of the Alleghany, abandoning the fisheries, and adopting 
 such an implied sovereignty as the Swiss Cantons enjoy. 
 Congress were willing to grant much for the value of the 
 expected alliance, but they were too sagacious not to see, 
 that Spain would not be governed in her course by any re 
 gard for American liberty, or sympathy for republicanism, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 273 
 
 but by political calculations and the hereditary hostility of 
 the Bourbons against England. In settling the conditions 
 to be insisted upon, under the proposed mediation, and to 
 secure the Spanish alliance, warm and long continued de 
 bates took place, in which the States were differently sway 
 ed, according to their geographical position. The East were 
 zealous for never yielding the fisheries, and the West insist 
 ed, as a sine qua non, on the navigation of the Mississippi. 
 These discussions were protracted until the mediation was 
 finally rejected by the court of Great Britain ; but the same 
 arguments continued to be pressed upon Congress by M. 
 Gerard, to induce them to offer to His Catholic Majesty 
 " proper terms" to " reconcile him perfectly to the Ameri 
 can interests." These " proper terms," were the same pre 
 viously advocated. It should not be forgotten, in reciting 
 these intrigues, that when the French minister was, in July, 
 recommending the United States to make large concessions 
 to induce Spain to go to war with England, a treaty was 
 actually in existence between France and Spain, concluded 
 in the preceding April, for making the war, independent of 
 any American interests. Congress became strengthened in 
 the belief that Spain would, at all events, for her own. 
 quarrels, join with France, and still held off, declining to 
 accede to the French proposals. In a short time the war 
 actually broke out in Europe and America. The object of 
 all these intrigues was, however, not abandoned. Spain, by 
 joining in the war, did not accede to the treaties between 
 the United States and France. The same arguments were 
 used to persuade Congress to pay highly for a treaty with 
 Spain directly, of alliance, amity, and commerce. The ut 
 most concession which Congress would make, was to offer 
 the Floridas with a guarantee the fisheries and the Missis 
 sippi they would not yield. Spain resented this obstinacy, 
 and, though engaged in the war against the common enemy, 
 did not acknowledge the Independence of the United States, 
 nor receive nor send ambassadors. 
 
 To prevail upon her to do so, and to negotiate a treaty of 
 amity and commerce, John Jay, at the time of his election 
 President of Congress, was appointed a minister to Spain. 
 At the same time John Adams was chosen minister for the 
 same object, to negotiate a like treaty with Great Britain. 
 The increase of the hostile combination against Great Britain, 
 led to the impression that the war would soon end. Samuel 
 
274 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Huntingdon, of Connecticut, succeeded Mr. Jay as Presi 
 dent of Congress. 
 
 M. Gerard returned to France, and in the month of No 
 vember, the Chevalier de la Luzerne was received by Con 
 gress as the French Minister Plenipotentiary. 
 
 Immediately after the Spanish declaration* of war, the joint 
 fleets of France and Spain, under the command of Count 
 D Orvilliers, consisting of sixty-five ships of the line, and 
 numerous frigates, entered the British channel, and spread 
 consternation along the coasts. They retired, however, with 
 out undertaking any enterprise of moment. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 275 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 THE military operations during the year 1779, were 
 carried on in three separate quarters. The fleets J779 
 of France and England contended for supe 
 riority in the West Indies ; Sir Henry Clinton, at New 
 York, employed the troops under his command in harassing 
 the country, to prevent Washington from detaching any 
 aid to the South ; and General Prevost, in Georgia, prose 
 cuted the duty assigned to him of reducing Georgia and 
 South Carolina. 
 
 The course of events in the West Indies does not bear 
 materially upon the affairs of the American Revolution. It 
 was a struggle by France chiefly for her own benefit, and 
 served to retard that direct co-operation with the republican 
 forces which had been expected from her. It had one great 
 advantage of occupying a large part of the British fleet at a 
 distance from the coast of the States. The French force in 
 the West India Islands, in December, 1778, was under the 
 command of the Marquis of Bouille. By a sudden attack, he 
 made himself master of Dominica. The British fleet was 
 commanded by Admiral Barrington. It was reinforced by 
 Commodore Hotham, with a division, having a land force of 
 5,000 men on board, under the command of General Grant, 
 with which an attack was made upon St. Lucie. D Estaing 
 arrived with the French fleet from Boston to strengthen 
 Bouille. He made an attempt to relieve St. Lucie, which 
 failed, and that island surrendered to the British. Admiral 
 Byron, with the rest of the squadron, soon arrived, giving 
 the British a preponderance of force, with which they kept 
 D Estaing blocked for several months at Fort Royal. Both 
 sides received further reinforcements ; the English by a 
 squadron under Commodore Rowley, and the French by one 
 under the Count de Grasse. 
 
 In the month of June, Admiral Byron having sailed to 
 convoy a fleet of merchant ships, the French commenced 
 offensive measures, and captured St. Vincents and Grenada, 
 which, with Dominica, also in the power of the French, 
 left the British only Tobago of all their acquisitions in the 
 
276 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 West Indies by the treaty of 1763. An indecisive action 
 between the fleets of the two nations, in the month of July, 
 terminated the operations of D Estaing in that quarter. The 
 season of hurricanes was approaching, and the remonstrances 
 and applications which he received from the United States, 
 induced him to sail northwardly again ; and on the 1st of 
 September, he appeared on the coast of Georgia with twenty 
 ships of the line. His subsequent operations there are con 
 nected with the Southern campaign in the States, to be 
 hereafter narrated. 
 
 In the North the war on both sides had been carried on 
 languidly. The dissensions in Congress, the spirit of specu 
 lation which pervaded all classes, in consequence of the 
 depreciation of paper arid the indisposition to make any 
 efforts or sacrifices for the common cause, and the delusive 
 reliance upon the arms of France for securing Independence, 
 produced such an apathy in making the necessary prepara 
 tions for action in the field, that, notwithstanding the earn 
 est, repeated entreaties of the Commander-in-chief, no 
 recruits were voted until late in January, and the requisi 
 tions upon the States for their several quotas, were not made 
 until March. When the army was about to take the field, 
 alarming difficulties sprung up among the officers, running 
 into acts of violence, which threatened the total dissolution of 
 the army. The depreciation of the continental money had 
 become so great, that the pay of the officers would not af 
 ford them even the necessaries of life, and in May, the offi 
 cers of the Jersey brigade formally threatened to throw up 
 their commissions, unless better provision were made for 
 their support. It required all the patient sagacity, firmness, 
 and personal popularity of Washington to prevent this catas 
 trophe, and prevail upon the dissatisfied officers to delay 
 their resolutions, and bear still longer with the hardships 
 and injustice of which they complained with so much rea 
 son. They marched according to orders. The representa 
 tions of Washington brought the subject strongly before the 
 State legislature, and measures of relief were proposed, 
 which had the effect of keeping them in the service. The 
 disposable American force at this time was about 
 
 sixteen thousand men, that of Sir Henry* Clinton 
 
 May, 1779. 
 
 was nearly seventeen thousand. By means of the naval 
 force under his control, he could transport them with little 
 obstruction to any part of the coast, and make incursions at 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 277 
 
 pleasure in any direction without being effectually opposed. 
 The station at West Point, and the passes of the Highlands, 
 in which the American stores were deposited, were of such 
 primary importance that Washington dared not risk their 
 safety by detaching any considerable part of his army for 
 the defence of other places. His only enterprise of the kind 
 distant from the Highlands, was one under General Sullivan, 
 sent against the Indians on the Northern frontier, which suc 
 ceeded in destroying a number of their towns. Clinton 
 availed himself of his superiority, and spent the season in 
 committing ravages upon the coast and sending out expedi 
 tions to distress and plunder the country, as though it was 
 his object to accomplish the threats of the Commissioners to 
 make the Colonies worth as little as possible to their new 
 allies. The first, under Commodore Sir George Collier and 
 General Matthews, was directed to the Chesapeake. It 
 reached Hampton Roads on the 10th of May. Hav 
 ing taken possession of Norfolk, they sent parties 
 in various directions, and destroyed public and private pro 
 perty to an enormous amount, at Portsmouth, Norfolk, Suf 
 folk, Gosport, and the neighboring towns and villages. One 
 hundred and thirty vessels, and a prodigious quantity of 
 naval stores and provisions were destroyed, and three thou 
 sand hogsheads of tobacco burnt in Elizabethtown. Private 
 houses were not spared, and in Suffolk hardly a dwelling 
 escaped the flames. In about two weeks the marauders 
 re-embarked and returned to New York. 
 
 A second expedition was planned against the American 
 fortresses in the Highlands of the Hudson. General Clinton, 
 convoyed by Collier, embarked on this service, in the latter 
 part of May, with a large force. King s Ferry is the great 
 highway between the Eastern and Southern States. The 
 possession of it by the British would compel the Americans 
 to make a wide and difficult circuit, and would be an im 
 portant step towards the conquest of West Point. Stoney 
 Point overlooks and commands the ferry on the west side, 
 and Verplank s Point on the east. Both were fortified. The 
 former was evacuated on the approach of Clinton, but his 
 movements were so rapid that the garrison on Verplank s 
 Point were obliged to surrender themselves prison- I 
 ers of war, after a short and spirited resistance. | 
 After fortifying and garrisoning these forts, Sir Henry re 
 turned to the city. 
 
 * 2 A 
 
278 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 The British commerce on Long Island Sound was sorely 
 harassed by numerous privateers, fitted out in the convenient 
 harbors and bays of Connecticut. The supplies intended for 
 the New York market were intercepted and captured. These 
 enterprises were made the ostensible motive for a predatory 
 expedition upon the coasts of Connecticut, which was carried 
 on with a spirit of barbarity and rapine disgraceful to the arms 
 of any civilized people. Governor Tryon and General Garth, 
 
 I with 2,600 men, were employed in this service. 
 
 j Garth landed at New Haven on the 5th of July. This 
 town was plundered, and an immense amount of property 
 destroyed. After perpetrating every species of violence and 
 enormity, except firing the town, in which they were frus 
 trated by their apprehensions of a body of militia collected 
 to oppose them, they suddenly re-embarked. Tryon enacted 
 the same horrible scenes at East Haven, which he burnt, 
 and being pursued by the exasperated militia, retreated to 
 Jui 7th ki g ships. Two days afterwards, he landed at 
 Fairfield, a flourishing town, in the county of the 
 same name, on the coast, between fifty and sixty miles from 
 New York. Here, after plundering every house, and de 
 stroying all the property within the town he ended by 
 burning the town, and laying waste every thing he could 
 reach for two miles round. Again embarking, pursued by 
 the militia, he relanded at Norwalk, about ten miles be 
 low, where he burned and plundered the town, and destroyed 
 a quantity of shipping, including whaleboats and cruisers. 
 He was proceeding thus from place to place, desolating the 
 coast, when he was recalled by Clinton. Particular accounts 
 were furnished Congress of the devastations committed at 
 Norwalk and Fairfield. Besides the vessels destroyed, there 
 were burnt at the former place two houses of public worship, 
 eighty dwelling houses, sixty-seven barns, twenty-two stores, 
 seventeen shops, and four mills : at Fairfield, two houses of 
 public worship, eighty-two dwelling houses, fifty-five barns, 
 and thirty stores. So far was Governor Tryon from feeling 
 compunction at these barbarities, that he boasted of his 
 clemency, and maintained that the existence of a single 
 house on the coast was a monument of the king s mercy. 
 
 The recall of Tryon was hastened by a bold and success 
 ful movement made in the Highlands by the Americans 
 against Stoney Point. It had been impossible for Washing 
 ton to divide his army for the succor of the defenceless 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 279 
 
 coast invaded by the British. The safety of West Point 
 required all his energy and activity. He pushed forward 
 his lines nearly to the British, and determined by a brilliant 
 enterprise to alarm the enemy and force him to recall his 
 troops. Stoney Point and Verplank s Point had been strongly 
 fortified and manned by the British. General Wayne, with 
 a strong detachment of American infantry, set out on an ex 
 pedition against Stoney Point on the 15th of July. At the same 
 time, a force under General Howe proceeded against Ver 
 plank s Point. Wayne arrived before Stoney Point in the even 
 ing, and after reconnoitering the works, divided his men into 
 two columns, with directions to assault the fort at opposite 
 points, and without firing, to depend entirely upon the bayo 
 net. The charge was made with irresistible ardor. The 
 assailants forced their way across a morass, overflowed by 
 the tide, in the face of a tremendous fire of musketry and 
 grapeshot, until both columns met in the middle of the fort. 
 Wayne received a severe wound in the head in leading on 
 his column. The victors took 543 prisoners, fifteen pieces 
 of cannon, flags, arms, and a large amount of military stores. 
 The Americans lost ninety-eight, killed and wounded. The 
 enterprise against the opposite point failed. Clinton, hearing 
 of the fall of the fortress, moved up the river with a large 
 force, and Washington, unable to spare a sufficient garrison 
 for the post, removed the artillery and stores, and having 
 demolished the works, evacuated them. Congress passed 
 high encomiums on the gallantry of Wayne and his troops 
 in storming the fort, and voted him a gold medal in honor 
 of the victory. 
 
 Clinton ordered the works to be repaired, and having gar 
 risoned them strongly, returned to New York again. 
 
 About the same time, Major Lee, with a party of Virginia 
 and Maryland troops, surprised the British garrison at Powles 
 Hook, opposite New York, and with the loss only of six or 
 seven of his own men, succeeded in capturing one hundred 
 and sixty-one of the enemy. 
 
 These advantages were counterbalanced in part by the 
 failure of an attack made by the State of Massachusetts 
 against the British post at Penobscot, in Maine. A fort had 
 been erected there, in June, by Colonel M Leane, under the 
 direction of Sir Henry Clinton, and garrisoned with 650 men. 
 The people of Massachusetts, alarmed at this movement, pre 
 pared an expedition of land and naval force, under Captain 
 
Jan. 1779. 
 
 280 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Salstonstall and General Lovel. Thirty-seven vessels, of 
 different sizes, appeared before the fort, on the 25th of July, 
 Jui 28th I anc ^ P rocee ded_ to make preparations for assault. 
 I On the 28th, a British squadron from New York, 
 commanded by Commodore Collier, consisting of a sixty- 
 four-gun ship and live frigates, arrived to the relief of trie- 
 garrison. The American flotilla was attacked and dispersed, 
 seventeen or eighteen of the armed vessels taken or destroy 
 ed. Most of the sailors and soldiers who escaped, made their 
 way back by land, through the woods. 
 
 No other military events worth narrating occurred in the 
 Northern or Middle States during the remainder of the year. 
 The scene of active operations was in the South, to the 
 events in which quarter of the Union, commencing with 
 the year, the narrative must recur. 
 
 Early in January the British General Prevost was in pos 
 session of the capital of Georgia, and the whole 
 State offered him no resistance. His next object 
 was to form a connexion with the interior, where great 
 numbers were represented to be royalists favorable to the 
 British interest, and to invade South Carolina, and capture 
 the city of Charleston. An expedition which he planned 
 against Port Royal, was repulsed by the Carolinians, under 
 Moultrie, the same who distinguished himself by the de 
 fence of the fort in Charleston harbor, against the fleet of 
 Admiral Parker, in 1776. Lincoln, with the American troops, 
 occupied numerous posts along the north bank of the Savan 
 nah river. 
 
 Colonel Campbell, in order to support and succor the 
 royalists, moved up the river, and occupied Augusta. From 
 that place he despatched parties to aid the king s friends, 
 as the tories styled themselves. A large number of this class 
 rose in arms, and putting themselves under the command of 
 Colonel Boyd, marched to join the British, committing great 
 devastations and cruelties on their way. This roused the 
 resentment of their countrymen, and a party of Carolinian 
 militia, commanded by Colonel Pickens, collected and at 
 tacked them, just before they reached the British posts. The 
 tories were totally routed, and many prisoners taken. Sev- 
 I enty-six of them were condemned to death as trai- 
 | tors, under the State law, but five only were 
 executed. The British forces soon after evacuated Augusta, 
 and retreated down the river to Hudson s Ferry. Lincoln 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 281 
 
 had stationed General Ashe, with 1,500 Carolina militia and 
 a few regulars, opposite to Augusta, on the Carolina side of 
 the river, and on the retreat of Campbell from Augusta, 
 directed Ashe to cross the river, foUow the enemy, and take 
 post at Briar s Creek. He did so, but kept such careless watch 
 as to allow himself to be surprised and totally routed by an 
 inferior force . Colonel Perkins marched against him, and hav 
 ing succeeded in deceiving Lincoln as to his designs, by a cir 
 cuitous march reached the rear of Ashe s position, and killed, 
 captured, or dispersed his whole force. The regulars, under 
 General Elbert, made a gallant but fruitless resistance, but 
 the militia were panic-struck, and fled without attempting to 
 make a stand. Not more than four hundred of these re 
 turned to the camp of Lincoln. The loss in arms and am 
 munition was also great. The disaster cost the American 
 army one-fourth of their strength at once, and reduced them 
 to inaction. The subjugation of Georgia was complete, and 
 General Prevost was left uninterrupted in his plans for re 
 establishing the British authority, and collecting the means 
 for invading Charleston. 
 
 The continued successes of the British since their landing- 
 in Georgia, and the entire subjugation of that State, alarmed 
 and roused the people of South Carolina. Active exertions 
 were made to prepare the means of defence. John Rutledge, 
 a distinguished patriot, was chosen governor by almost a 
 unanimous vote, and invested with extraordinary powers^ 
 which he used promptly and vigorously. The militia were 
 called out with such success, that by the middle of April 
 General Lincoln found himself at the head of 5,000 men. 
 The British having withdrawn from the upper posts on the 
 south side of the river Savannah, Lincoln left General 
 Moultrie with a part of the army to preserve the 
 lines of defence, and marching up the north side 
 of the river, crossed at Augusta into Georgia. 
 
 Prevost, who was in large force in Savannah, availed him 
 self of this division of the American forces, and, while Lin 
 coln was distant a hundred and fifty miles, crossed the river, 
 near the mouth, into Carolina, and moved against Moultrie. 
 The Americans, unable to maintain their position, retired, 
 and were followed by the enemy. A skirmish took place at 
 Coosawatchie bridge, in which Colonel Laurens was wound 
 ed, his troops suffered considerably, and were finally re 
 pulsed. Moultrie conducted his retreat with ability, but 
 2A2 
 
 April 23d. 
 
282 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 under disadvantages from the want of cavalry and the 
 numerous desertions which occurred among his troops. 
 Anxious for the fate of their private property, instead of 
 rallying for the public cause, they went off home, in alarm 
 and consternation. Prevost delayed several days on his 
 march, receiving encouragement from the tories, and as 
 surances of the defenceless state of Charleston. Following 
 the retreating Americans in this dilatory manner, 
 he appeared before Charleston on the llth of 
 May. 
 
 Lincoln, in the interim, continued his route down the 
 south side of the river, towards Savannah, believing Pre 
 vost s march to be a feint to divert him from that city. He 
 contented himself with despatching three hundred conti 
 nentals to Charleston, who, by a rapid march of fifty miles a 
 day for four days, reached that place as soon as Moultrie, 
 and before the British crossed the Ashley river. A further 
 reinforcement of five hundred men was sent by Governor 
 Rutledge, and the Pulaski legion was soon after added. 
 Lincoln himself, as soon as he was convinced that the Brit 
 ish intended seriously to attack Charleston, turned to the 
 left, recrossed the river, and marched to the relief of the 
 city. 
 
 On the morning of the 12th, Prevost summoned the gar 
 rison to surrender. Their numbers were about 3,300, and 
 their chief hope was to hold out until the arrival of Lincoln. 
 To gain time therefore w r as essential, and the whole of that 
 day and the next was consumed in the exchange of flags 
 and negotiating for terms. The garrison offered to consent 
 to a neutrality, leaving the question of the Independence 
 of South Carolina to be determined by final treaty between 
 Great Britain and the United States, an offer which was re 
 fused by General Prevost. The garrison expected an imme 
 diate assault, instead of which, on the 14th, the British 
 abandoned their design, recrossed the Ashley 
 
 May 14th. . i j " ., . , n J 
 
 river, and encamped on the islands near the sea, 
 to avoid being intercepted by Lincoln, who was rapidly 
 approaching. The same day Lincoln reached Dorchester. 
 The two armies remained in their encampments, watching 
 each other s movements, until the middle of June. On the 
 20th, a sharp action was fought at Stono Ferry. This pass 
 had been fortified, defended with artillery, and garrisoned 
 by a force of six hundred men, under Colonel Maitland. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 283 
 
 Lincoln arranged a plan of attack, which failed in part by 
 the mismanagement of one of the divisions and the neglect 
 of orders in another. The attacking force was about 1,200, 
 which was beaten off, after an obstinate battle, with the loss 
 of about three hundred killed. After this action, Prevost 
 retired to Savannah, leaving Colonel Maitland, with part of 
 the army, at Beaufort, on the Island of Port Royal. Lincoln 
 and the continental forces retired to Sheldon, in the vicinity 
 of Beaufort. The intense heat of the season prevented any fur 
 ther active operations by either army for several months, and 
 in the interval earnest applications were made to D Estaing 
 in the West Indies to join his forces with the American for 
 the recovery of the ground lost in the South. 
 
 This incursion of the British into Carolina was marked 
 by more than customary w r antonness of desolation ; planta 
 tions and private dwellings were ravaged and burnt, with no 
 other object than mischief and revenge. An immense 
 amount of property was plundered and carried away, and not 
 less than three thousand slaves were lost to the planters. A 
 great proportion of these outrages were committed by the 
 tories or American loyalists. 
 
 The arrival of the French fleet with 6,000 troops, on the 
 1st of September, renewed the war, under pro- I a 
 
 . L rpn I bept. JSt. 
 
 pitious circumstances. 1 he Americans were san- | 
 guine of immediate success. The first events encouraged 
 those anticipations. A British fifty gun ship, three frigates, 
 and several transports, laden with provisions, were captured. 
 Savannah was the immediate object of the joint armaments, 
 and the land and sea forces were directed to concentrate at 
 that point, to capture the army of Prevost. Lincoln broke 
 up his camp and marched down to the south bank of the 
 river, and crossed on the 9th. The militia were called out, 
 and obeyed with unusual alacrity. D Estaing landed three 
 thousand of his men at Beaulieu, on the 13th, and three days 
 afterwards the united army appeared before the q 
 city. D Estaing had arrived by sea before the land 
 troops, and summoned the city to surrender. Prevost endea 
 vored successfully to procure delay by protracting negotia 
 tions. A truce was inconsiderately granted, at the termina 
 tion of which he announced his determination to defend 
 himself to the last extremity. The interval had been indus 
 triously employed in strengthening his defences. On 
 the first intelligence of the arrival of the French, he 
 
284 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 had recalled his detachments, and ordered all the British 
 troops in Georgia to concentrate in Savannah. During the 
 time allowed for the truce, Colonel Maitland brought safely 
 into the city the division of veteran corps that had been sta 
 tioned under his charge at Beaufort. The combined forces 
 then undertook a regular siege of the city, the prepara 
 tions for which occupied several days. The garrison, on 
 their side, laboured constantly to strengthen their works. 
 On the 4th of October the fire of the besiegers was opened, 
 from batteries mounting nearly a hundred pieces, and kept 
 up for five days, without producing any sensible effects upon 
 the works of the city. During the bombardment the houses 
 of the city suffered much, and Prevost applied to the Ameri 
 can and French generals, for permission to remove the 
 women and children to a safe place on the river, to abide 
 the event of the siege. This was refused, on the alleged 
 ground that the British intended by the proposal only a 
 finesse to withdraw the booty they had gained in Carolina. 
 The besiegers insisted upon the necessity of immediate sur 
 render. The refusal is only defensible as an act of mistaken 
 policy, as a breach of courtesy and humanity it cannot be 
 sustained. 
 
 The unexpected delay placed the Count D Estaing in an 
 embarrassing predicament. His officers represented the 
 season as unfavorable for the continuance of so valuable a 
 fleet on the coast, and he had good reason, to apprehend an 
 attack from the British fleets, which had had time to unite, was 
 superior to his own, and would have the advantage of posi 
 tion. Precious time had been lost, and he became convinced 
 of the necessity of immediately deciding the siege by a gen 
 eral assault, or by raising it altogether. The alternative was 
 proposed to Lincoln, who preferred making the assault, 
 which was accordingly attempted on the 9th of October by 
 the combined forces. The attacking columns were led by 
 D Estaing and Lincoln in person against the right of the 
 enemy. They were to be sustained by a division under 
 Count Dillon, which lost the way, and failed to co-operate 
 in the attack. The defence was conducted with gallantry, 
 and the battle was nearly an hour obstinate and bloody. 
 The American army was at last driven offw r ith considerable 
 loss. The French killed and wounded \vas 637, the con 
 tinentals, about 240. D Estaing was wounded slightly and 
 Count Pulaski mortally. The British loss was not over 170. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 285 
 
 Great credit was given to General Prevost, Colonel Maitland, 
 and the engineer, Major Moncrief, for their gallant and suc 
 cessful defence of Savannah. 
 
 The repulse from Savannah was immediately followed by 
 the separation of the French and American forces, and the 
 abandonment of the enterprise. Lincoln retreated 
 into South Carolina, and D Estaing re-embarked 
 his troops and sailed for the West Indies. The fleet had the 
 misfortune to meet with a storm, which dispersed them. 
 Part of them, with the Count D Estaing himself, soon after 
 arrived in Europe. 
 
 With this retreat ended the Southern campaign of 1779. 
 The results were unfavorable to the American cause. The 
 failure before Savannah, and the departure of their French 
 allies, without having afforded any decisive aid to the States, 
 produced great disappointment and mortification. The 
 enemy, however, had been forced to confine himself to the 
 coast, and the upper parts of the State were less subject to 
 his control than at the commencement of the campaign. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, apprehending an attack from the 
 French on his position in New York, recalled the troops that 
 had been so long inactive in Rhode Island. The I 
 evacuation was made with such precipitation, that j 
 a quantity of munitions of war, artillery, &c. were left to the 
 Americans. By keeping the British flag flying, the republi 
 cans succeeded in decoying several vessels belonging to the 
 enemy into the port, and captured them. 
 
 The naval enterprises of the Americans, though not on a 
 scale of magnitude, were numerous and successful, in making 
 prizes of British merchantmen, and harassing the commerce 
 of Britain, even on her own coasts. Paul Jones, an adven 
 turous sailor, in a privateer under the orders of Congress, 
 swept the Irish Channel, made several landings, and spread 
 alarm among the inhabitants along the Scotch and Irish 
 coasts. In September he appeared with a small fleet, fitted 
 out from French ports, before the town of Leith. He was 
 prevented from burning the shipping in that place, as had 
 been his purpose, by adverse winds, until the defences 
 were made too strong. Sailing thence, he fell in with a 
 British force, when a most daring, obstinate, and bloody 
 naval combat ensued. Jones s ship, the Bon Homme Richard, 
 of 40 guns, engaged the British ship Serapis, Captain Pear 
 son, of 44 guns, and a hot firing commenced at half past 
 
286 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 seven, and continued for an hour, within musket shot. The 
 ships then becoming entangled, Jones ordered them to be 
 lashed together, in which situation, with the muzzles of the 
 guns touching each other s sides, the fight was maintained 
 with incredible fury for two hours. The carnage was horri 
 ble, yet neither thought of yielding ; the Serapis was on fire 
 not fewer than ten times, and on one occasion both frigates 
 were on fire at once, raking each other at the same time 
 with terrible effect. The quarter-deck of the Serapis Avas 
 left without a man by the blowing up of a hand-grenade, 
 which communicated itself to a quantity of cartridges. One 
 of Jones s squadron approached to aid him, and continued for 
 a while to fire broadsides, which injured, indiscriminately, 
 friends and foes. At half past ten, the Serapis struck her 
 colors, and was taken possession of by Jones. His own ship 
 was so shattered that the crew were compelled to leave her 
 and take refuge on board the Serapis. Shortly afterwards 
 she went down. The Pallas, another of Jones s squadron, 
 had engaged and captured the Countess of Scarborough. 
 Paul Jones, with his prizes, arrived safely in Holland. 
 The British ambassador, Sir Joseph Yorke, presented a me 
 morial to the States General, demanding the surrender of 
 Jones as a pirate. This was refused by them on the ground 
 that they desired not to interfere with the question of Ameri 
 can Independence, but they could not refuse the shelter of 
 their ports to vessels arriving in distress, as was the case 
 with the squadron of Jones. The answ r er was highly dis 
 pleasing to the British court, and stimulated their enmity 
 against the Dutch. 
 
 In the West and Southwest of the States, the British arms 
 were unfortunate in 1779. Colonel Clarke of Virginia, early 
 in the season, with a small force, penetrated the wilderness 
 across the Western frontier, into the heart of the Indian 
 country, and captured the British post on the Wabash. He 
 thus disconcerted an expedition which had been planned 
 against Virginia, and broke up the alliance between the Brit 
 ish and several tribes of Indians. Spain, in the mean time, 
 carried on a TJ ar on her own account, captured West Florida, 
 and expelled the British entirely from the Mississippi. On 
 the other hand, they lost Omoa, in which the British found 
 plunder to the amount of 640.000 pounds sterling. 
 
 A French squadron, under M. de Lauzun, captured the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 287 
 
 British posts and factories on the Senegal and Gambia, and 
 their other settlements on the coast of Africa. 
 
 Against such a formidable combination of enemies, in all 
 quarters, the British nation made prodigious exertions, and 
 displayed astonishing resources. Her fleets were manned 
 and supplied at a vast expense ; the spirit of her people fur 
 nished means to an unexpected magnitude, and bore up 
 against depressions and increased difficulties with a courage 
 that demands high admiration. Ministers, though the public 
 confidence in their system of policy had declined, gathered 
 temporary strength from the public necessities, and com 
 manded that support as the head of a nation assailed by 
 powerful and inveterate enemies, which would not have 
 been given to the line of policy by which they had pro 
 duced so much of the mischief. On the opening of Parlia 
 ment, in November, the result of every effort made by the 
 minority, opposed to the war and the administration, indi 
 cated the growth of this disinclination to the wars, and dis 
 trust of the capacity of the ministers, and at the same time 
 showed the resolution to supply abundantly, even lavishly, 
 all the means for upholding the naval and military forces in 
 every quarter. To the customary addresses in reply to the 
 king s speech, Lord John Cavendish in the House of Com 
 mons, and the Marquis of Rockingham in the House of 
 Lords, moved amendments, proposing no new line of policy, 
 but censuring ministers, and asking for their removal from 
 office. Both were lost by large majorities. This was followed 
 up throughout the country by associations and petitions 
 against the war ; and the feeling growing stronger, a simul 
 taneous movement was made in behalf of economical re 
 form, in such a manner as to alarm the government and king, 
 and nearly succeeded by the powerful efforts of Fox, Burke, 
 and Dunning, in Parliament, in procuring a change of min 
 istry. As the session advanced, and the public burdens be 
 came more evident, the national enthusiasm against the 
 French and Spanish coalition, was made less available for 
 upholding Lord North. On one occasion, on the celebrated 
 motion of Dunning that " the influence of the crown had 
 increased, is increasing, and ought to be diminished," the 
 ministry were left in a minority. But they rallied, and be 
 ing aided by the occurrence of the " No Popery" riots under 
 Lord George Gordon, which alarmed the wavering, and 
 brought over many to the side of the government, were by 
 
288 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the end of the session completely re-established in power* 
 Parliament did not adjourn till the middle of 1780. Before 
 adjournment they voted for the service of the year 1780, 
 eighty-jive thousand seamen, including marines, and thirty- 
 jive thousand troops, exclusive of those already abroad. For 
 the service of the year, the House of Commons granted 
 21,196,496/. 
 
 In America the public exertions presented a striking and 
 melancholy contrast to the energy and resources of Britain. 
 The several causes of distress and embarrassment, so fre 
 quently alluded to, were at a fearful height towards the 
 close of 1779 and the beginning of 1780. No effectual mea 
 sures were taken to establish a permanent army. The officers 
 generally remained, but the privates were to be annually 
 recruited. The inefficiency of Congress, and the delays of 
 the States, invariably left the Commander-in-chief without 
 a respectable force at the opening of the campaign, and then 
 sent him, at different periods, raw and undisciplined troops. 
 The commissariat department fell into total discredit from 
 the injudicious regulations of Congress, the annihilation of 
 the public credit, and the manifold evils of the currency. 
 -No magazines of supplies could be provided for winter, and 
 scarcely current provisions for the active season. The ab 
 surd measures for regulating prices by law were continued, 
 and urged by Congress on the States with renewed perti 
 nacity, after their bad effects were demonstrated by expe 
 rience ; and, it is painful to add, that large numbers of men 
 of influence, including members of Congress, disgraced 
 themselves by employing these for purposes of speculation 
 and private gain. The national treasury was empty. The 
 requisitions for money upon the States were complied with 
 so slowty and scantily, as to be of little avail. Two hundred 
 millions of paper money were in circulation, and no means 
 provided for redemption, and no prospect for the future. 
 Congress, in the middle of the year, had pledged the faith 
 of the nation, in the most solemn manner, not to exceed this 
 sum. A stratagem of the British government enhanced the 
 confusion of this currency. Vast quantities of forged paper, 
 closely imitating the genuine, were sent from England, and 
 scattered throughout the country. This mean device aggra 
 vated the popular distrust, in the States, of the paper bills, 
 and reduced their value still further. The aggregate of bills 
 issued was, on the 1st of January, 1780, a little more than 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 289 
 
 203,000,000 of dollars. This prodigious amount had been 
 thrown into circulation in about four years and a half, the 
 date of the first emission being May, 1775. The amount 
 issued in these years were thus: in 1776, $20,064,464; 
 in 1777, $26,426>33; in 1778, $66,965,269; and in 1779, 
 $149,703,856. These estimates are furnished by the register 
 of the treasury in 1790. The bills passed at their nominal value 
 until the issues exceeded nine millions. The depreciation 
 was afterwards very great, and increased with the quantity 
 put forth. In January, 1777, they were at a discount in 
 Philadelphia of about twenty per cent. ; before the close of 
 the year, they were down to seventy-five per cent, discount. 
 In December, 1778, they were worth about one-sixth of 
 their nominal value. The fall throughout the year 1779, 
 induced by the desperate state of the public finances, the 
 immense issues, and the rage for speculation, was rapid and 
 enormous. Paper dollars in January were to specie as about 
 eight to one; in the summer, they fluctuated between 
 eighteen and twenty-four for one ; and in December, they 
 had fallen to more than forty for one. These rates are the 
 Philadelphia prices ; in other parts of the country, the value 
 was different, and in general lower. 
 
 A detailed history of continental money in all its vascilla- 
 tions and mischievous influences upon the morals, character, 
 and fate of the revolution, would be a work fit for the study 
 of the philosopher, and abounding with lessons of wisdom to 
 nations. The mere money cost of the revolution was en 
 hanced prodigiously by the wastefulness and expensive- 
 ness of those financial trickeries ; and the whole was ex 
 torted, not from the nation, but by a sort of forced loans 
 from individuals, and those, too, the patriots, for the tories 
 shunned it from the beginning, except as an object of 
 speculation. Every man in whose hands these bills depre 
 ciated, was in effect taxed so much for the war expenses, 
 against his will and without law. The acts of compulsion, 
 passed by Congress and the States, made this injustice more 
 flagrant, and did not diminish, but the rather aggravated, 
 the mischief. The ruin of credit, the suspension of all faith 
 in business contracts, the discouragement to industry, the 
 impoverishment of the innocent, and the robbing of labor 
 of its earnings, did more to exhaust the available resources 
 of the country than even the ravages of the enemy. The 
 feverish excitements, the aversion to business, the spirit of 
 2B 
 
290 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 gambling and speculation, with all their train of demoral 
 izing consequences, which sprung out of such an unnatural 
 condition, were even more fatal in their effects. At this 
 period of the war the States and the people, Congress and 
 the army, every branch of public service, and the condition 
 of the mass of the people, show how terribly they suffered un 
 der the distresses of the public finances and ruinous state of 
 the currency, and the miserable legislation of Congress. 
 The soldiers were paid in this worthless money, which 
 would not produce them the necessaries of life, except at 
 exorbitant rates. Three months pay would not purchase a 
 pair of shoes. Their wants were, in consequence, extreme 
 during the whole of this winter. Before the month of 
 January expired, the soldiers, which had been encamped at 
 Morristown and at West Point, were totally destitute of 
 food. The stores were exhausted, and neither meat nor 
 flour could be distributed for some days. They were driven 
 by hunger to plunder the neighboring inhabitants, and 
 the Commander-in-chief was compelled to make a military 
 requisition upon New Jersey, apportioning to each county a 
 certain quantity of provisions, to be furnished within six 
 days. To the honor of the patriotic people of New Jersey, 
 it is to be recorded, that the full quantity was promptly and 
 seasonably furnished. 
 
 Notwithstanding the solemn pledge of Congress not to 
 extend their issues of paper beyond two hundred millions of 
 dollars, the increased wants of the army, and the failures of 
 the States to comply with the requisitions made upon them, 
 increased the amount, by the 1st of March, 1780, to more 
 than three hundred millions. The expectation previously 
 held out that the bills would be redeemed at their nominal 
 amount was formally abandoned, and the States were re 
 quired to bring them in for redemption at forty for one. 
 Before this expedient was resorted to, Congress called upon 
 the States to supply specific articles of provision and forage, 
 but that scheme was found impracticable. The commutation 
 experiment was then tried, and the old emission of bills was 
 made receivable for taxes, at forty for one ; and to be re 
 issued, to the extent of one-twentieth of their previous 
 amount, under the guarantee of the individual States. Four- 
 tenths of these were made subject to the orders of Congress, 
 and six-tenths to that of the States. This financial experi 
 ment failed. The States did not comply with the conditions, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 291 
 
 and but a small amount of paper was brought in. The new 
 issues altogether amounted to little more than two millions. 
 
 The next resort was to press for loans from their European 
 allies, and in some cases, late in the year, so urgent were 
 their necessities, they drew bills upon their ministers in 
 Europe with no assurance of payment. 
 
 The history of continental money after this period is short, 
 and may be summarily despatched here. The issues con 
 tinued through 1780, though in diminished quantities, be 
 cause worthless, until they amounted finally, in the beginning 
 of 1781, to $357,476,545 of the old emission, and $2,070,485 
 of the new. The depreciation went on, until in May, 1781, 
 they were sold at two hundred to five hundred for one. On 
 the 31st of May, they ceased to circulate as money, and 
 were bought up on speculation from five hundred for one, 
 up to one thousand to fifteen hundred for one. So died the 
 continental paper, quietly in the hands of the possessors. 
 
 Under such unfavorable internal auspices opened I 
 the year 1780. The hardships of the Northern j 
 army in their quarters at Morristown and West Point, were 
 hardly less severe than those of the season at Valley Forge. 
 The winter was one of extraordinary rigor. The frosts were 
 so excessive, that New York bay and the rivers were frozen 
 so hard that large armies, with the heaviest artillery, might 
 have passed over safely. The city was, in consequence, 
 assailable ; but the deficiency of the American army in the 
 requisite numbers, as well as in all things necessary for suc 
 cess, rendered it impossible for Washington to profit by the 
 opportunity. The military establishment voted by Congress 
 was 35,211 men, but few of them were in the field. 
 Through the spring the efforts of the Commander-in-chief, 
 his continued representations and pressing entreaties to 
 Congress, and his appeals to the executives of the several 
 states to act with energy, and prepare a proper force for ac 
 tive service, produced but tardy effects. In the beginning 
 of April, the dissatisfaction of the army assumed a more 
 alarming aspect, and threatened a mutiny. On one occa 
 sion the officers of some of the state lines, in a body, joined 
 in giving notice, that on a certain day, they would resign 
 their commissions, unless proper provision was made for 
 them. They were by the personal exertions, prudence, and 
 firmness of Washington, induced to forego their determina 
 tion and continue in the service. In May two Connecticut 
 
292 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 regiments paraded under arms, announcing their determina 
 tion to obtain subsistence by force. The mutiny was quelled 
 by the activity of the officers, and the ringleaders secured. 
 All that Congress could do for relief, was to renew their 
 resolutions, promising compensation for all past services, 
 and engaging to make good the losses caused by the depre 
 ciation of continental money. 
 
 Operations in the field were suspended in the North 
 during this season, in consequence of the transfer of the 
 scene of action to the Carolinas. Sir Henry Clinton had 
 sailed with the bulk of his army to the South, and left Gen 
 eral Knyphausen, with a strong garrison, to maintain the 
 posts in New York. The rumours of disaffection among 
 the Americans induced General Knyphausen to believe 
 I them ripe for a revolt, and he accordingly moved 
 
 June 6th. . / AT T -,v ^ ,1 b , 
 
 I over into New Jersey, with rive thousand men, on 
 the 6th of June. After advancing to Springfield, he found 
 himself disappointed in his expectations ; and if, as is 
 thought, he designed attacking the camp of Washington, he 
 nevertheless gave up the enterprise precipitately. The mili 
 tia turned out in considerable numbers, and contested the 
 way with the royal forces with obstinacy and courage. Af 
 ter committing characteristic enormities, burning houses, 
 ravaging private property, and slaughtering the defenceless, 
 the army retired to Elizabethtown, in New Jersey, opposite 
 to Staten Island, where they remained until the return of 
 Clinton from his successful Southern campaign. On his arrival 
 no expedition of importance followed. Another incursion was 
 made into New Jersey, in which Springfield was burnt. 
 
 In May the Marquis La Fayette returned from France, 
 the bearer of the welcome tidings that a French fleet and 
 army was about to follow him. His presence, and the 
 cheering intelligence he brought, reanimated the feelings 
 of the people, and stimulated Congress and the American 
 general to fresh exertions, to be prepared to co-operate 
 vigorously with their allies. Congress had pledged them 
 selves to the French minister to bring a large force into the 
 field, and the animating prospect of efficient succor, seconded 
 by the reviving zeal of the people, encouraged the Com 
 mander-in-chief to believe that the pledge might be fulfilled. 
 The disasters of the Southern campaign seemed not to have 
 depressed the hopes of the Americans ; and notwithstanding 
 the fall of Charleston, and the subjugation of the Carolinas 
 
July 10th. 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 293 
 
 they took the arrival of the French fleet as a certain omen 
 of victory. Contributions and subscriptions for the common 
 cause were freely made, and the ladies of Philadelphia, 
 associated themselves for the purpose of ministering to the 
 necessities of the army, and, after subscribing with gen 
 erous profusion from their own means, personally solicited 
 the aid of others with much success. 
 
 On the tenth of July the French succors arrived 
 at Newport, Rhode Island. The fleet, under the 
 command of the Chevalier de Ternay, consisted of two ships 
 of eighty guns, one of seventy-four, four of sixty-four, two 
 frigates of forty, and a cutter of twenty, with bombs, and a 
 large number of transports. The land forces w r ere com 
 manded by the Count de Rochambeau, and amounted to 
 6,000 men. The public congratulations to the foreign offi 
 cers were warm ; the town was illuminated on the occasion, 
 and every demonstration of joy and welcome paid them by 
 the American functionaries, civil and military. Washington 
 took immediate measures for forming a joint plan of opera 
 tions, the object of which was New York. 
 
 But before recounting the further events in the North, it 
 will be proper to vevert to the more active scene of military 
 operations in the South. The order of time has not been 
 strictly observed, in order to enable us to throw together in 
 a connected series the history of the campaign in the South 
 ern States. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, with 7,000 troops, convoyed I 
 by Admiral Arbuthnot, who had been sent out | 
 with a considerable fleet to America, in the summer of 
 1779, sailed from New York in December, and arrived, 
 after a tedious and tempestuous passage, in the Tybee 
 river, about the middle of January. The success of Gen 
 eral Prevost in Georgia, and the general opinion enter 
 tained of the loyalty of a large portion of the Carolinians, 
 induced him to believe the re-establishment of the royal 
 authority would be less difficult in these provinces than it 
 had been proved to be in the Northern and Middle States. 
 Collecting his forces at Savannah, Clinton sailed on the 
 10th of February for Charleston, the flrst object of his expe 
 dition. He ordered twelve hundred of the troops of General 
 Prevost, at Savannah, to follow him by land, arid despatched 
 orders to Knyphausen, at New York, to forward him sup 
 plies and reinforcements. 
 
 2B 2 
 
294 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 He took possession of John and James Islands and Stono 
 Ferry, and in a short time was within a few miles of Charles 
 ton, with only the waters of the Ashley river between him 
 and the city. Having received his reinforcements, his army 
 amounted to 9,000 men, and on the 1st of April he com 
 menced the siege in regular form. 
 
 Lincoln, with the remnants of the American army of 
 1779, had wintered at Sheldon. On the approach of Clin 
 ton s army, he retired into the city, and undertook its de 
 fence. The legislature was in session, and again, as in a 
 previous emergency, invested Governor Rutledge with dic 
 tatorial powers ; authorizing him " to do every thing neces 
 sary for the public good," except taking away the life of a 
 citizen without legal trial. Armed with this authority, he 
 made energetic calls upon the militia, but with little success. 
 Notwithstanding the capital was in such imminent danger, 
 scarcely two hundred obeyed the call. He next issued a 
 proclamation, requiring every enrolled inhabitant of the 
 town to repair to the garrison to do military duty, under a 
 penalty of having his property confiscated. This had no 
 better effect than solicitation. With all the exertions of 
 Lincoln and Rutledge, the whole strength of the town, when 
 Clinton crossed the Ashley, was less than three thousand , 
 of whom, a thousand w r ere North Carolina militia, and the 
 rest continental regulars. Lincoln was indefatigable in 
 strengthening the works. Several armed vessels that had 
 been sent by Congress to aid them, under the command of 
 Commodore Whipple, finding the passage of the bar inde 
 fensible, took their position at Fort Moultrie, but finally 
 retired up the river, and the sailors were landed to aid in 
 working the land batteries. The ships were sunk to obstruct 
 the navigation. The lines were extended, and every possi 
 ble preparation made for a vigorous and determined, though 
 not a hopeful, resistance. The British Admiral, taking ad 
 vantage of a favorable wind and tide, passed Fort Moultrie 
 without receiving much damage from the fire, and anchored 
 within the harbor, in the month of April. The next day, 
 Sir Henry Clinton, having completed the first parallel, in 
 his regular approaches to the city, summoned the garrison 
 to surrender. Lee, who yet anticipated relief, answered 
 resolutely, that it was his intention to defend himself to the 
 last. The British batteries were accordingly opened upon 
 the city, and a continued bombardment was kept up, under 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 295 
 
 cover of which the works were pushed forward. The com 
 munication with the country, by which troops and succor 
 might reach them, or as would perhaps have been the safer 
 policy, through which a retreat could have been made, was 
 still practicable by the Cooper river. At a place called 
 Monk s Corner, a small corps of Americans, under General 
 Huger, had collected, and promised to form a rallying point 
 for the militia, to keep the British in check, and possibly 
 succor the city. Clinton despatched a detachment of four 
 teen hundred men, commanded by Webster, Tarleton, and 
 Fergusson, the last two celebrated partizan officers, against 
 the position. Their superiority in number, aided by the neg 
 ligence of the Americans, enabled them to put the whole 
 party to flight, and capture a large store of arms, clothing, 
 and ammunition. Fort Moultrie surrendered on the 7th of 
 May; and thus the city was beleagured on every side, and 
 no avenue of escape left open. The British on the 8th of 
 May completed the third parallel, which brought them to 
 the very edge of the city, and made an immediate assault by 
 storm inevitable. He again summoned the garrison to sur 
 render ; Lincoln accepted the conditions offered his troops, 
 but, at the entreaty of the citizens, desired to make better 
 terms for non-combatants and the militia. These were re 
 fused by Clinton, and hostilities were carried on with such 
 an incessant firing from the British batteries, that, on the 
 eleventh, the citizens themselves petitioned Lincoln to ac 
 cept of the terms offered on the eighth, and the British gen 
 eral acquiescing, the capitulation was immediately signed. 
 The next day the enemy took possession. The Ma mh 
 terms granted were favorable. The British com 
 manders had strong expectations of reconciling the province 
 to their royal master, and did not exercise their strength 
 harshly. The American loss during the siege w r as 102 killed 
 and 157 wounded; that of the enemy, 70 killed and 189 
 wounded. The number of prisoners, including adult citizens 
 and militia, was about 5,000, but the regular force did not 
 exceed 2,500. The proportion of officers was unusually 
 large men who came to the defence of the city, without 
 being able to bring their troops with them. There were 
 included in the capitulation, one major-general, six briga 
 diers, twentv -three colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and one 
 hundred and sixty-eight captains and lieutenants, besides 
 ensigns. No less than four hundred pieces of artillery, of 
 
296 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 which three hundred and eleven were in the city, fell into 
 the hands of the British. 
 
 Clinton followed up the reduction of the capital by send 
 ing out expeditions against the American posts in the interior, 
 to secure the submission of the whole State. Ninety-Six and 
 Augusta were the objects of two of them ; the third, a large 
 force, under Cornwallis, was destined to scour the country, 
 between the Cooper and the Santee rivers, rouse the loyal 
 ists, and intercept the retreat of the American militia, who 
 had marched from North Carolina towards Charleston, but 
 failed to reach there before the surrender. These were 
 commanded by Colonel Buford. On the intelligence of the 
 fall of Charleston, they retreated by forced marches towards 
 North Carolina, with a rapidity which made it apparently 
 impossible to overtake them. Colonel Tarleton was detached 
 by Cornwallis, with a strong corps of cavalry and mounted 
 infantry in pursuit. By pushing on with unexampled 
 celerity, Tarleton overtook the Americans at Waxsaw, and 
 I after a short encounter, routed the party, and cap- 
 I tured their artillery, baggage, colors, indeed every 
 thing. The carnage was terrible. The Americans, inferior 
 in number, made but a feeble and brief resistance, and cried 
 for quarter. This was refused, and the infuriated enemy 
 continued to cut down and massacre without mercy, until 
 tired with slaughter. One hundred and eight were killed, 
 one hundred and fifty wounded, and fifty-three prisoners ; 
 the loss of the victors were only seven killed and twelve 
 wounded. Tarleton s quarter" became afterwards a by 
 word, to express deliberate cruelty. The other detachment, 
 on hearing of the slaughter at Waxsaw, retired into North 
 Carolina, and Tarleton rejoined Cornwallis, who had ad 
 vanced to Camden. 
 
 South Carolina was now fully in the power of the British 
 The capital and principal posts -were garrisoned with British 
 soldiers, and no American force remained within her bor 
 ders. Clinton, thinking the subjugation complete, and trust 
 ing to the promises of the loyalists, who were really numer 
 ous, and the professions of the greater multitudes, who, 
 through dissimulation or fear, professed acquiescence in the 
 king s government and a return to allegiance, wrote home 
 that South Carolina was English again, and that there were 
 few of the inhabitants who were not prisoners to, or in arm 
 with, the British forces. He prepared to return to New 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 297 
 
 York as a victor; but before his departure proceeded to re 
 organize the civil government on the basis of a recovered 
 British colony. Shortly after the surrender of Charleston, 
 he issued a proclamation, threatening severe penal- I Ma wd 
 ties and the confiscation of their estates, against all | 
 who should obstruct the re-establishment of the king s 
 authority, or " hinder the king s faithful subjects from join 
 ing his forces, or performing those duties their allegiance 
 required." Another proclamation, by Clinton and I 
 Arbuthnot, as Commissioners of Peace, extended | 
 to the inhabitants, with few exceptions, "pardon for their 
 past treasonable offences," and a restoration to their rights 
 and immunities as British subjects, " exempt from taxation, 
 except by their own legislatures." The silent acquiescence 
 of the mass of the people in these proceedings, an acquies 
 cence which flowed from a dread of the further calamities 
 of war, and the hopelessness of making any effectual resist 
 ance against so powerful an enemy, was assumed by the 
 British general as conclusive proof of the extinction of the 
 revolutionary feeling, and the willingness of the people to 
 resume the character of British subjects. Acting under this 
 impression as to the majority, and with a wanton disregard 
 of the feelings of the few who were yet openly faithful to 
 Congress, he proceeded to demand of the people the services 
 of British subjects. He issued a proclamation, declaring it 
 to be " proper for all persons to take an active part in set 
 tling and securing his majesty s government;" discharging 
 all those citizens who had given their parole as prisoners, re 
 quiring of them all the "duties" of citizens, and affirming 
 that such of them as refused to return to their allegiance, 
 should be considered and treated as " enemies and rebels." 
 That no further doubt of his course might remain, he re 
 quired all persons to be in readiness to bear arms for the 
 king those who had families for a home militia, those who 
 had none to serve with the royal militia, for six months out 
 of twelve. It was granted as a favor that they should not be 
 called on to serve out of the two Carolinas and Georgia. 
 These arbitrary proclamations left the inhabitants no re 
 source, but to arm in behalf of Great Britain, or flee from 
 the State. To obstruct even this choice of evils, it was soon 
 after forbidden to make any transfer of property, but with 
 the license of the Commander-in-chief. 
 
 In the beginning of June, Clinton left the command of 
 
298 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Southern forces to Earl Cornwallis, then at Camden, and 
 returned with a large body of troops to New York, where he 
 joined General Knyphausen, as already mentioned. But his 
 harsh policy had left a very different state of feeling from 
 that upon which he had calculated so strongly. The multi 
 tude were exasperated, and ready to fly to arms at the first 
 prospect of relief. In a little while it became evident that 
 the forced quiet of the Carolinians was full of danger to the 
 British troops. Feigned submission was hardly less fatal, 
 because it disarmed vigilance, than open opposition. The 
 more determined whigs gathered together, in corps, carry 
 ing on an indefatigable warfare against tories and enemies. 
 Generals Sumpter and Marion distinguished themselves by 
 their enterprise and gallantry in carrying on these partizan 
 expeditions. The tories retaliated where they could; and, 
 especially in North Carolina, exhibited impatient zeal to 
 join tbe enemy. Collisions between republicans and loyal 
 ists one party struggling to aid the British in keeping the 
 country under subjection, and the other struggling to harass 
 the traitors and retard the operations of the enemy made 
 the frontiers a scene of perpetual alarm, and kept the country 
 in a state of restless and feverish excitement. 
 
 In July, Sumpter, who was in North Carolina, at the head 
 of a small corps of exiled South Carolinians, made a dashing 
 attack upon a detachment of the royal forces, near the fron 
 tier, and routed them, with heavy loss. His numbers were 
 rapidly increased by volunteers ; and, a few days afterwards, 
 he made another attack upon the British, entrenched at 
 Rocky Mount, but, for the want of ammunition, was unable 
 to make any impression. Foiled here, he turned rapidly 
 against a detachment composed of the Prince of Wales 
 regiment, and a large body of tories from North Carolina, 
 and scattered them with prodigious loss. Nine only, out of 
 two hundred and seventy-eight of the regulars, survived, 
 and the tories were dispersed. These gallant and successful 
 enterprises raised the spirits of the whigs, and like parties, 
 under independent leaders, started up in other parts of the 
 State, keeping the field to harass the royal militia and regu 
 lars wherever they could, and when retreating before supe 
 rior force they easily eluded pursuit. These actions served 
 to reanimate the spirits of the native Carolinians, while, in 
 the mean time, a continental force was advancing to relieve 
 them, through the Middle States. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 299 
 
 With much difficulty Congress had been enabled to fur 
 nish, late in the season, a body of regular force to operate in 
 the South. They consisted of the Maryland and Delaware 
 lines, about two thousand in number. They landed in Pe- 
 tersburgh in April, and marched to Hillsborough, North 
 Carolina, under the command of Major-general the Baron 
 de Kalb. The militia of North Carolina, commanded by 
 General Caswell, and those of Virginia, by General Stephens, 
 prepared to join him. The animation which the presence 
 of these troops inspired, augured well of the success of the 
 campaign ; and the appointment of General Gates to the 
 chief command strengthened this confidence. Great results 
 were anticipated from the tried valor and skill of the hero 
 of Saratoga. The strength of the army, when he I 
 joined it at Deep Run, was more than three thousand [ 
 men. Advancing into South Carolina, he issued a procla 
 mation, inviting the inhabitants to take up arms, and promis 
 ing pardon to all who had been coerced into taking the 
 British oaths, except such as had committed depredations 
 against the lives and property of citizens. The proclamation 
 brought multitudes to his standard. In more than one in 
 stance, whole companies that had been levied in the province 
 for the king s service, went over to Gates, carrying their 
 arms, and sometimes their officers with them. Lord Rawdon, 
 who was then in command at Camden, on receiving tidings 
 of the approach of Gates, drew in his posts, and concen 
 trated his force at that place. Cornwallis himself hastened 
 from Charleston, and arrived at Camden on the fourteenth 
 of August. 
 
 Gates had, however, committed a capital error, as the 
 event showed, in his choice of routes from Hillsborough to 
 the vicinity of Camden. The council of war had advised 
 De Kalb to make a detour through the well cultivated set 
 tlements of the Waxhaws ; but Gates, on taking command, 
 decided on pursuing the direct route, considering it to be 
 his policy, while his numbers were superior, to reach the 
 British position by the shortest road. This unfortunately led 
 through pine barrens, sand hills, and swamps; and, during 
 the march, provisions failed. The troops were reduced to 
 feed on the lean cattle they could pick up in the woods, 
 and for some days had no other food than green corn and 
 peaches. From the unhealthiness of the season and climate, 
 added to this meager and unwholesome diet, violent disease?. 
 
300 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 broke out among them, threatening the total destruction 
 or dispersion of the army. The symptoms of insubordination 
 that at first appeared, were easily quelled by the prudence 
 of the officers ; -and the sufferings of the soldiers were borne 
 with great patience and good humor. On the 13th of August 
 they reached Clermont, about twelve miles from Camden, 
 in a state of extreme exhaustion. The next day they were 
 strengthened by General Stephens s Virginia brigade. 
 
 Intelligence having been received from Sumpter, who 
 was encamped beyond the Wateree river, that a convoy of 
 provisions was on the way from Ninety-Six to Camden, 
 Gates sent Colonel Woodford, with four hundred men of the 
 Maryland line to aid in surprising it. Thus weakened, his 
 troops were about 3,660 ; of whom 970, infantry and cavalry, 
 were continentals, the rest militia. Cornwallis had but 
 seventeen hundred infantry and three hundred cavalry. On 
 ,_ 1 the night of the 15th, Cornwallis put his army in 
 
 Aug. 15th. I .. , , ,, . r .i_ i 
 
 I motion, to attack the Americans in their camp, and 
 Gates was advancing to take up a position nearer to Cam 
 den. The vanguards of both armies met in the night and 
 engaged. The skirmish dispirited the Americans, who were 
 repulsed, and their line thrown into disorder for a while. 
 Some cross firing took place during the night, and in the 
 morning a general engagement commenced between the two 
 armies. The fate of the battle was in effect decided at the 
 first onset. The Virginia and Carolina militia, who formed 
 the left wing, on being ordered to advance to support the 
 artillery, wavered. The British, seeing their hesitation, 
 charged them with fixed bayonets, upon which, panic 
 struck, they threw down their arms and fled from the field. 
 No efforts could rally them, and the whole force of the 
 enemy was turned against the Maryland and Delaware 
 regiments, who formed the right. These sustained the fight 
 gallantly. Colonel Howard, with his regiment, who were 
 in the van, several times drove in the enemy, who were 
 then commanded by Lord Rawdon. For some time they had 
 clearly the best of the action, and, had the left behaved well, 
 must have gained a victory. They were at last charged in 
 the flank by Tarleton s cavalry, surrounded, overpowered, 
 and driven from the field in complete route. They were 
 pursued for upwards of twenty miles. The loss was terrible 
 in every respect. All the American artillery, field pieces, 
 ammunition wagons, and much of the baggage, was lost. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 301 
 
 The killed, wounded, and captured, were not less than two 
 thousand. General De Kalb was mortally wounded ; General 
 Rutherford was wounded and taken prisoner; and so total 
 was the defeat, that few officers who escaped could find 
 their respective commands. The British reported their loss 
 at three hundred and twenty-four. 
 
 Sumpter, who had succeeded in his expedition against 
 the convoy, on hearing of the defeat of Gates, retreated, as 
 he thought, to a safe distance. On the eighteenth, Au igth 
 he was overtaken by Tarleton s cavalry, at Fishing 
 Creek, surprised, and his troops routed with great s aughter. 
 One hundred and fifty of his men were killed, three hundred 
 taken prisoners, and his baggage and artillery captured. He, 
 with about three hundred and fifty men, were fortunate 
 enough to escape by dispersing themselves. 
 
 Gates, with the shattered remnants of his army, arrived at 
 Charlotte, eighty miles from Camden, on the nineteenth ; 
 and hearing of Sumpter s defeat retired further to Salisbury ; 
 and again, after a few days, to Hillsborough, a hundred and 
 eighty miles from the field of action. 
 
 Cornwallis did not pursue the fugitive Americans, after 
 withdrawing his troops from the action at Camden. The 
 complete dispersion of the continental army, left the country 
 totally in his power, and he proceeded to use his triumph 
 rigorously. His first care was to inflict vengeance upon all 
 those who had taken arms against the king, after receiving 
 protections. Orders were given to hang every militiaman, 
 who, having been enrolled under the king s proclamation, 
 had joined the Americans, and a number were actually- 
 executed. He appointed commissioners to confiscate their 
 estates. Some of the most respectable inhabitants were 
 confined in prison-ships, or sent away from their families to 
 St. Augustine. Having enforced these rigorous measures, 
 to break the spirit of the people, and received supplies and 
 reinforcements from Charleston, on the 16th of September, 
 he set out towards North Carolina. Marion kept the field 
 with his corps, occasionally making rapid excursions against 
 the tories or straggling parties of the British, and suddenly 
 retiring into the mountains. Sumpter. soon after, gathered 
 his forces together, and resumed the like enterprises in the 
 eastern part of the State. They did most valuable service to 
 the American cause, especially in keeping the tories in 
 check. 
 
 2C 
 
302 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Proceeding with caution, for the panic created by the de 
 feat of Gates had now worn off, and the people were alert to 
 harass and obstruct his march, Cornwallis arrived at Charlotte 
 about the last of September, where he prepared to establish 
 a post. Colonels Tarleton and Fergusson, two eminent par 
 ti zan officers, were sent out to scour the country on each 
 side. Fergusson, the first in point of time, marked his path 
 with traces of such cruelty and devastation, as to kindle a 
 furious resentment, which brought on his ruin. Having 
 penetrated towards Georgia, to co-operate with some royalist 
 troops there, the militia collected to intercept his return, and 
 arming themselves with such weapons as they could find, 
 attacked him in the post which he had taken on King s 
 Mountain. The fight w r as bloody and obstinate. 
 Fergusson w r as slain, and three hundred of his men 
 killed or wounded. His second in command surrendered 
 the survivors prisoners. Eight hundred prisoners were 
 taken, and amongst the spoil were fifteen hundred stand of 
 arms. The American loss was about twenty. Cornwallis, 
 who was leisurely marching towards Salisbury, on hearing 
 of Fergusson s fate, commenced a retreat, and, late in Octo 
 ber, established himself at Winnsborough. Tarleton under 
 took to cut off Sumpter s troop, which was encamped at 
 Blackstock Hill, but was repulsed in his attack. Sumpter 
 was, how r ever, obliged to retreat, not being strong enough to 
 encounter the reinforcements expected by Tarleton. 
 
 These successful actions roused the hopes of the Ameri 
 cans. The army had been materially strengthened at Hills- 
 borough by the arrival of succors from Virginia, by Morgan s 
 celebrated rifle corps, and the cavalry under Colonels Wash 
 ington and White. On the 8th of September they advanced 
 to Salisbury, where intelligence was received of the removal 
 of General Gates, and the substitution of General Greene in 
 the command of the Southern army. Gates, with admirable 
 | philosophy, redoubled his efforts to improve the 
 | discipline and condition of the army, and on the 
 arrival of Greene, in December, received him with cordiality 
 and friendship. 
 
 The American army established itself for the remainder 
 of the year at Charlotte Greene, unable to cope with the 
 superior force of Cornwallis in the field, determined upon 
 recruiting his army, and, avoiding a general action, to harass 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 303 
 
 and reduce his enemy by partizan warfare, with the assist 
 ance of the volunteer bands which abounded in the States. 
 
 Soon after Cornwallis had posted himself at Winnsborough 
 he received a reinforcement from New York, under the 
 command of General Leslie, amounting to fifteen hundred 
 men. Leslie had been sent with a larger force to ravage the 
 Virginia coasts, and had accordingly landed there for that 
 purpose. On the defeat of Fergusson he was summoned tojoir. 
 Cornwallis, and immediately proceeded to Charleston. Leav 
 ing a portion of his force there, he marched the bulk of his 
 detachment to Winnsborough. 
 
 No further military actions took place in the South until the 
 beginning of the year 1781, that require notice. At that time in 
 Virginia, a British force committed wide and wanton ravages, 
 under the command of Benedict Arnold ; the same who, at 
 the commencement of the year, was a General in the Amer 
 ican army, and of whom such frequent mention has been 
 made as one of the earliest to take up arms for liberty, and 
 one of the ablest and most gallant soldiers in her cause. The 
 motives of this extraordinary change, and the circumstances 
 of perfidy and ingratitude under which it was made, belong 
 to the history of the military events in the North, contempo 
 raneous with the Southern campaigns we have been de 
 scribing. 
 
 The leading object of Washington, in all his plans of ac 
 tion, was the possession of New York. In the absence of Sir 
 Henry Clinton, with so large a part of the British army, it was 
 his intention that the expected French fleet should blockade 
 the harbor, while the land forces should attack Knyphausen, 
 in the city. The force which Clinton brought with him from 
 South Carolina, augmented the garrison to at least eleven 
 thousand fine troops, and rendered that part of the plan, in 
 the condition of the American army, almost hopeless. Admiral 
 Arbuthnot had returned with Sir Henry, and, not long after, 
 Admiral Graves arrived from England, with six sail of the line. 
 These gave the English a decided superiority by sea, so that 
 the plans of Washington were frustrated in both respects. 
 The British undertook to avail themselves of this superiority, 
 and projected an attack by land and sea on the French fleet 
 and army at Newport. The fleet, under Admiral Graves, 
 sailed for Rhode Island, and six thousand of the best troops, 
 under Clinton in person, were landed at Huntington Bay. 
 The French were found to be strongly entrenched, and by 
 
301 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 sea they were unassailable. The militia turned out with 
 alacrity, and in great numbers, to defend them ; and dissen 
 sions broke out between the two hostile commanders, Clin 
 ton and Graves. The enterprise was accordingly abandoned, 
 and Sir Henry hastened back to New York, alarmed at 
 the intelligence that Washington had seized the opportunity 
 of his absence, crossed the river, and marched down to 
 wards King s Bridge, making demonstrations against the 
 city. Washington retired when Clinton returned, and re- 
 crossing into New Jersey, took up a position at Orange- 
 town and fortified Dobbs Ferry. Just at this juncture, the 
 commissary department failed altogether to furnish supplies, 
 and the commander was compelled to open his magazines 
 at West Point, and order out parties to forage on the suffer 
 ing inhabitants. This, when the army was on the eve of 
 moving actively against the enemy and looking for the co 
 operation of the second French armament, was peculiarly 
 trying to the Commander-in-chief. Tidings soon after ar 
 rived that the additional French succors designed for America 
 were blockaded in the harbor of Brest by a British squadron, 
 and would not arrive until the next season. In the midst of 
 these successive disappointments and disasters, the discovery 
 was made that treason was busy in the camp, and that one 
 of the bravest and oldest officers in the armies of Liberty had 
 sold himself and his country for gold to the enemy. Wash 
 ington was at Hartford, Connecticut, arranging a system of 
 combined action with the French commanders, 
 when Arnold was detected in a correspondence 
 with the British, in which he had contracted to make his trea 
 son profitable by delivering West Point into the hands of 
 Sir Henry Clinton, receiving in return a British commis 
 sion and ten thousand pounds in money. West Point was 
 the most important post in the possession of the Ameri 
 cans. As a military position, it commands the naviga 
 tion of the Hudson river, and is the key to the communi 
 cation between the Southern and Eastern States. It had 
 accordingly been fortified with great care and expense, and 
 was the repository of the most valuable stores of the army ; 
 and, at the time of Arnold s defection, it was the resting 
 point upon which the fate of the American army turned. 
 Had it fallen into the hands of the enemy, no sagacity nor 
 courage could have saved the whole of the army in the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 305 
 
 Middle States from being cut to pieces or captured in de 
 tail. The possession of the States of New York and New 
 Jersey, the command of the great channels of intercourse 
 between the States, a complete division of the remnants 
 of the republican forces, and an efficient concentration 
 of those of Great Britain must have been the fruits of this 
 treason had it been successful. What might have been the 
 effects upon the progress of the war it is difficult to imagine. 
 The blow would undoubtedly have been most severe and 
 disastrous. The value of the prize to the British induced 
 them to enter eagerly into negotiation with the traitor, and 
 offer a munificent price for the treachery. 
 
 The motives which operated upon Arnold are easily 
 traced. Cupidity and revenge were the passions that in 
 fluenced him, and they easily overcame all compunctious 
 feelings in a mind so ill-regulated as his, and debased by 
 long self-indulgence in habits of dissipation and extravagance. 
 Daring in the field, a hardy and venturous soldier, and a 
 tried and skilful officer, he was immoral in his private habits, 
 haughty in his deportment, and lavish in his expenditures, 
 beyond any means within his reach. The wounds he had 
 received at Quebec and Saratoga induced him to retire from 
 active service, and he became commandant of Philadelphia 
 when the British evacuated that place in 1778. There he 
 made himself unpopular by his manners and luxurious style 
 of living, and involved himself hopelessly in debt. To re 
 trieve his fortunes he entered largely into various specula 
 tions which failed, and openly trafficked in frauds on the 
 military departments till complaints were formally lodged 
 against him, and Congress brought him to court martial for 
 the offences. His accounts were proved to be fraudulent, 
 and he was sentenced, with uncommon lenity, to be only 
 reprimanded by the Commander-in-chief. Debt, disappoint 
 ment, and shame rankled in his breast, and to gratify his 
 passions and relieve himself from his pecuniary embarrass 
 ments, he entered into a negotiation with General Clinton. 
 Artfully disguising his purpose, he applied for active em 
 ployment, and when the command of the left wing was 
 offered him, on the march towards New York, he declined 
 it, and asked for the command of West Point, which was 
 accordingly bestowed upon him. The correspondence al 
 ready opened with the British through Major Andre, Adju 
 tant-general of the British army, under the fictitious names 
 2C 2 
 
306 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 of Gustavus and Anderson, now approached the consumma 
 tion of the treason. The British sloop of war Vulture was 
 brought as near the American works as practicable, in order 
 to facilitate the communication. A personal interview being 
 Se t sist Deemed necessary, on the night of the 21st of Sep 
 tember, Andre was landed from the Vulture, and 
 had an interview with Arnold on the beach, to arrange 
 finally the plan of operations. The disposition of the Ameri 
 can troops, by which they were to fall into the power of 
 Clinton, was settled, and full drawings and details furnished 
 of the works, defences, and every thing appertaining to the 
 post. Day dawned before the conference was ended, and 
 Andre s return was prevented. During the day the Vulture 
 was compelled by the fire of some artillery to drop down the 
 river, and he could not be put on board again. No other 
 resource was left him than to return to New York by land. 
 Changing his uniform for a common dress, he was provided 
 with a horse and a passport, under the name of John Anderson. 
 He succeeded in passing safely the American outposts, and 
 had nearly reached the British lines when he was stopped 
 by three American militiamen. Seizing his bridle they de 
 manded his business. Surprised out of his caution, thinking 
 himself safe so near the British posts, instead of showing his 
 pass he asked, hastily, "Where do you belong?" " Below," 
 was the reply, meaning New York. "So do I," w r as the 
 rash and fatal rejoinder of Andre, and he avowed himself a 
 British officer, on urgent business. They instantly arrested 
 him, notwithstanding his pressing intreaties and large bribes, 
 on discovering his mistake. They rejected his purse and his 
 watch, as well as the most liberal promises of reward, if 
 they would accompany him to the city. Inflexible in their 
 fidelity to their country, they proceeded to search him, and 
 found the treasonable papers, in the hand writing of Arnold, 
 concealed in his boot. They carried him to Lieutenant-colonel 
 Jameson, who commanded the outposts at West Point, where 
 Andre was permitted to address a note to Arnold, informing 
 him of the arrest of Anderson. The traitor took the alarm 
 and escaped on board of the Vulture, leaving the penalty of 
 his guilt to be paid by the unfortunate Andre. Washington 
 had been informed by express of the discovery, and arrived 
 at West Point too late to secure Arnold. A board of general 
 officers was detailed, of which General Greene was Presi 
 dent, to determine the character in which the prisoner was 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 307 
 
 to be considered, and the punishment to be inflicted. No 
 witnesses were examined. The statements of Andre were 
 frankly and ingenuously made, admitting all the facts not 
 implicating others, but contending that it was against his 
 will that he had been brought within the American lines. 
 The board unanimously reported " that he ought to be con 
 sidered as a spy, and that agreeably to the laws and usages 
 of nations, he ought to suffer death." The report was made 
 on the 29th of September, and communicated to Sir Henry 
 Clinton by Washington, as a final answer to the earnest re 
 monstrances and entreaties of that officer in behalf of his 
 friend and brother soldier. Few men were ever so generally 
 admired and esteemed as Andre appears to have been by the 
 British army. Young, handsome, amiable, gallant, and 
 accomplished, he was popular among all classes of the army, 
 and the firmness and graceful dignity of his conduct under 
 these trying circumstances, won for him the sympathy and 
 regard of his enemies. As a last effort to save him, Clinton 
 proposed a conference between general officers, and Greene 
 was despatched by Washington to meet with the British 
 general, Robertson. The arguments were still unavailing. 
 An absurd and threatening letter from Arnold had no effect. 
 Threats of retaliation were equally fruitless. Washington 
 was satisfied that the interests of his country, and duty to the 
 army, required the execution of the sentence, and painful 
 though it was to his generous feelings, he resisted all over 
 tures and entreaties. The prayer of Andre to be spared the 
 shame of dying on the gallows, and to suffer death by being 
 shot, was referred to the board, and by their counsel, against 
 the pleadings of their sensibilities in behalf of the unhappy 
 sufferer, it was refused. On the 2d of October he I 
 was executed according to his sentence, meeting | 
 his fate with a fortitude and composure which fitted well 
 with the tenor of his life and character. 
 
 Arnold received the reward of his apostacy, and the 
 execrations of those who paid him the price for which they 
 had contracted. He was created a brigadier, received 
 10,000/., and immediately issued an address, justifying his 
 course as the result of patriotism, and calling upon the 
 American people, to look on Congress as their worst ene 
 mies, and flock to the standard of his majesty, where they 
 would receive the honors and pay due to their services. 
 
308 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Washington took no notice of this address, or his letters, but 
 sent him his family and baggage. 
 
 Arnold s invitations, though enforced by the most liberal 
 offers of pay, had no effect in inducing the continental sol 
 diers to follow him. Though at no season of the war did 
 more distress exist among them, not a man of them accom 
 panied or sympathized with the traitor. On the contrary, it 
 is a fact deserving notice, that the ordinary desertions ceased 
 altogether at this period. 
 
 The three patriotic militiamen, John Paulding, David Wil 
 liams, and Isaac Van Vert, the captors of Andre, received 
 the public thanks of Congress for their "virtuous and pa 
 triotic conduct." A pension was settled on each of them for 
 life, and a silver medal presented to them, on one side of 
 which was the motto, " Fidelity," and on the other, " Vincit 
 amor patriae." 
 
 The approach of winter enabled Washington to carry his 
 few and weak troops securely into winter quarters. He oc 
 cupied the same position as during the preceding season. 
 Sir Henry Clinton embraced the opportunity of detaching 
 succors to Cornwallis, in the South, under General Leslie, 
 the arrival of which has been already noticed in the account 
 of the Southern campaign. 
 
 To relate the condition of the American army in their win 
 ter encampment would be to recapitulate the wants, suffer 
 ings, and labors of every preceding winter. Pay, clothing, 
 fuel, food, shelter, were at all times deficient; and new causes 
 of discontent added insubordination and mutiny to the 
 other vexations and difficulties of the Commander-in-chief. 
 The soldiers had good cause to complain. There was abun 
 dance in the land ; the harvests had been plenty, and ample 
 resources for maintaining and provisioning the army were in 
 the country, while from the want of system and energy in 
 the government the soldiers were almost perishing for lack 
 of necessaries. The new system of raising troops adopted 
 by Congress, by which the States supplied and paid their 
 own quotas, produced gross inequalities, which bore heavily 
 on the old troops. Some of the new recruits were paid in 
 gold, while those who had been long in the service could get 
 neither gold nor the almost worthless paper payment. Dis 
 putes rose about the term of enlistment. They who had 
 enlisted for three years, " or during the war," insisted on 
 their right to a release at the end of three years, while 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 309 
 
 Congress construed the term to extend to the whole war, at 
 the option of the States. These and other causes I j a n. ist, 
 of dissatisfaction grew to such violence that on the J 
 first day of the year the Pennsylvania line, to the number 
 of more than thirteen hundred, revolted, and turned out 
 with arms in their hands, declaring their determination to 
 march to Congress and demand redress. Every effort to 
 appease them failed. Some lives were lost in the attempt 
 to bring them into order. La Fayette tried his popularity by 
 imploring them to pause and return to their duty, but they 
 would not listen. Wayne, to whom they were much at 
 tached, went boldly among them, and menaced them with 
 punishment. They answered him firmly; protested they 
 were not going to the enemy ; and when in the ardor of his 
 exhortations he cocked his pistol, a hundred bayonets were 
 pointed at him. He was forced to desist, and the mutineers 
 marched to Princeton. 
 
 Sir Henry Clinton, informed of these disorders, thought 
 to entice the insurgents into the British service. He sent 
 emissaries among them, with tempting offers. Indignant at 
 this attempt upon their fidelity, they seized the British 
 agents and delivered them to General Wayne. Two of them 
 were afterwards executed as spies. The revolters committed 
 no depredations, except seizing upon food ; to prevent the 
 recurrence of which, General Wayne forwarded provisions 
 for their use. A committee of Congress, and a deputation 
 from the Pennsylvania authorities, met them at Princeton, 
 and by liberal concessions, overlooking their mutinous con 
 duct, relieving their necessities in part, and promising com 
 plete indemnity for their losses, succeeded in satisfying 
 them. Part of them were discharged, and the rest received 
 furloughs for forty days. They all received an immediate 
 supply of clothing and necessaries, and the revolt was thus 
 happily quelled. It deserves to be mentioned that these 
 mutineers, while negotiating with Congress with arms in 
 their hands, absolutely refused to receive the reward which 
 President Reed offered them for apprehending the British 
 emissaries. Their necessities forced them, they said, to de 
 mand justice from their own government, but they desired 
 no reward for doing their duty to their country against her 
 enemies. 
 
 The civil government had been left to manage these dis 
 turbances ; but, in a few days, another revolt broke out in 
 
310 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the Jersey brigade, nearer to the head-quarters of Washing 
 ton, which he deemed it necessary to quell by vigorous 
 measures. The mutineers in this case were mostly foreign 
 ers, and relying on the fidelity of the New England troops, 
 he despatched General Howe to quell the revolt. The ring 
 leaders were seized, and two or three of them executed. 
 The rest returned to their duty. 
 
 These mutinies were indeed alarming symptoms of a 
 crisis in the administration of public affairs. The errors of 
 system, which had unhappily prevailed so long, had reached 
 a point where it was clearly impossible that they should 
 continue without total ruin to the cause of liberty. For 
 tunately some of the most fatal of them had exhausted them 
 selves, and the recuperative energies of the people had 
 gathered the means, under a better system, of repairing 
 some of the mischiefs of others. Paper money had nearly 
 perished in its own excess, and this resource failing, Con < 
 gress and the people were compelled to choose between 
 providing some efficient mode to sustain the army, and pay 
 the expenses of the government, and disbanding atonce. The 
 emergency called forth the energies of the leading patriots, 
 and the invigorated spirit of the nation seconded them. Com 
 merce had begun to revive, especially with the West Indies ; 
 industry prospered ; the cultivation of the soil had been re 
 sumed, and money became much more plenty among the 
 people. In the latter part of 1780, Congress issued circular 
 letters to the States, calling upon them earnestly for vigorous 
 efforts, and in Congress the ablest men were zealous in de 
 vising at last some effectual mode of restoring public credit, 
 and making the improved condition of the people available 
 for the public wants. This was a point of extreme difficulty. 
 The pernicious effects of former errors, the miserable condi 
 tion of the finances, the breach of faith in regard to the vast 
 amount of continental bills afloat, and the irresponsibility of 
 Congress as a political body, presented almost insuperable 
 difficulties. The patriotism of the people went before the 
 authority of Congress, and spontaneous exertions to aid the 
 common cause by subscriptions and individual enterprise, 
 showed that the torpor which prevailed during the year 
 1779 and the beginning of 1780 had given place to a new 
 zeal. The savage mode of conducting the war in the South, 
 adopted by the British after the return of Clinton to New 
 York, contributed to stimulate the Americans to action, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 311 
 
 under the influence of feelings of resentment. The arrival of 
 the French succors in the summer, with the expectation ot 
 large additional aid, gave them hopes of speedily bringing 
 the war to a termination. The militia came at the call of 
 the States with greater alacrity. Capitalists subscribed to 
 replenish the treasury. The society of ladies of Philadelphia, 
 at the head of which was the wife of Washington, collected 
 large sums to be applied for paying bounty to recruits and 
 augmenting their pay. Their example was followed in other 
 States, and its influence on the popular enthusiasm was 
 great. The revolt of the Philadelphia and New Jersey troops 
 hastened these exertions, and awakened a strong sympathy 
 for the suffering condition of the army. The amount of three 
 months pay in specie was raised, and forwarded to them, 
 and received with joy and gratitude. The close of the year, 
 which saw the civil affairs of Congress in the worst possible 
 state, and the army in a condition of destitution and dis 
 memberment, was marked by a renewal among the people 
 of the ardor and enterprise of the early stages of the revolu 
 tion. This happy improvement in the dispositions and 
 means of the people was not long in producing a beneficial 
 effect upon the action of Congress ; but the penalty of for 
 mer mismanagement could not be escaped, and it was slowly 
 that public measures, even sustained by public sentiment, 
 could be made to reach and remove the sources of the pub 
 lic embarrassments in conducting the war. Energy and per 
 severance succeeded in triumphing over some of the 
 weightiest difficulties, and preparing the means for an 
 efficient campaign for the ensuing year, in anticipation of 
 the French aid which had promised to be added to that 
 brought by Rochambeau. Taxation was resorted to, and 
 acquiesced in readily. Urgent instructions were sent to 
 foreign ministers to press for loans and subsidies from their 
 allies in Europe, and a special minister, Colonel John Lau- 
 rens, was sent to aid in the negotiation. At home, the States 
 made unusual exertions, and brought a much larger number 
 of men than had been customary into the field at an earlier 
 season. For the supplies a system of State requisition was 
 adopted, by which regularity was established during the 
 next campaign. The New England States sent a Conven 
 tion to Providence, by whose agency the articles apportioned 
 to them were furnished monthly, and in proper quantities. 
 The requisitions for the important article of flour were made 
 
HISTORY OF THE 
 
 on the States of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. 
 The first only could be depended upon, in consequence of 
 the exhausted condition of the others, from the depredations 
 of the enemy and the necessary impressments by the Ameri 
 can army. The State authorities committed the collection 
 of this article to Robert Morris, to whom, under a new 
 financial system, the treasury concerns of the United States 
 had been entrusted. He assumed the collection of the 
 taxes, and contracted to furnish the flour. His personal 
 credit and large means were freely used to sustain the gov 
 ernment, and the supplies were duly furnished. In the 
 course of the year the Bank of North America, established 
 under his care, is believed to have had a beneficial influence 
 upon the currency and on public credit. 
 
 Foreign pecuniary aid was at last obtained in a substan 
 tial form, in time to facilitate the operations of the eventful 
 campaign of 1781. Franklin obtained from the French king 
 a gift of six millions of livres, and a loan of ten millions. 
 The efforts of Mr. Adams to obtain a loan in Holland were 
 ineffectual, until the French king engaged to guarantee the 
 repayment. Ten millions of livres were raised there. These 
 sums, partly in specie and partly in clothing and arms, 
 served essentially to maintain the armies by which the bril 
 liant and decisive campaign of 1781 was fought. 
 
 Spain refused all pecuniary aid, though solicited earnestly 
 by the American minister, Mr. Jay, except upon such terms 
 as manifested a disposition to take ungenerous advantage 
 of the pecuniary difficulties of the Americans. The Spanish 
 court had not acceded to the treaties between France and 
 the United States, nor acknowledged the Independence of 
 the latter. Their minister was, therefore, not recognized, 
 and was subjected to numerous mortifications and embarrass 
 ments. The bills drawn upon him by Congress would have 
 been dishonoured, although the Spanish minister had un 
 dertaken to assist him, but for the aid of Dr. Franklin at 
 Paris. The Spanish court would furnish the money only in 
 return for an acknowledgment of the right of Spain to the 
 Mississippi, and the territory west of the Alleghanys, a 
 claim which Mr. Jay firmly resisted. No terms could be 
 agreed upon satisfactory to either party, and the negotiation 
 was not completed until its final transfer to Paris at the close 
 of the war. 
 
 Holland at the time of the loan, was at open war with 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 313 
 
 England. The relations between the States General and the 
 United States are intimately connected with the causes of 
 the rupture between the former and Great Britain. Jealousy 
 of the great naval superiority of Britain, and distaste of the 
 arrogance with which that superiority was asserted, were 
 permanent causes of coolness between the two countries. 
 The peculiar commercial character of the Dutch made them 
 regard with repugnance the vexatious interruptions to trade, 
 caused by the system of maritime laws with regard to neu 
 tral rights, maintained by the British government, and en 
 forced by her powerful navy. It has been seen that they 
 gave encouragement to American privateers, and refused to 
 interfere when the British minister, Yorke, demanded the 
 surrender of Paul Jones, when that officer carried the cap 
 tured Serapis into the Texel. The refusal was offensive to 
 the British ministry, and they evidently sought an opportu 
 nity for coming to an open rupture, which was as carefully 
 avoided by the Dutch. In the beginning of the year 1780, 
 a British fleet arrested a convoy of Dutch merchantmen, 
 laden with military stores, under the protection of a Dutch 
 man-of-war, commanded by Admiral Byland. On his re 
 fusal to permit the search for contraband, the British com 
 mander took possession of the whole, and carried them into 
 Spithead. Even this did not drive the States General into 
 the expected declaration of war. They had too many valua 
 ble merchant vessels abroad to be risked against the immense 
 navy of England, and they preferred remonstrances and 
 negotiation. The armed neutrality of that year, of which the 
 empress of Russia put herself at the head, showed the wary 
 Hollanders, that that powerful European combination would 
 enforce the doctrines of neutral rights involved in their dis 
 putes with England, without the hazard of a war on their 
 own account. This celebrated alliance originated in a de 
 claration by the court of Russia, made on the 26th of Febru 
 ary, 1780, and agreed to during that summer by France, 
 Spain, Holland, Denmark, and Sweden, affirming a code of 
 neutral rights, different from that maintained by England, 
 and pledging the parties to make common cause in support 
 ing it. The declaration asserted, that neutral ships should 
 freely navigate even from port to port on the coasts of belli 
 gerents, except to places actually besieged or blockaded, and 
 with a proviso, that they do not carry contraband articles. 
 "Contraband" was defined to mean only "warlike stores 
 
314 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 and ammunition." This was a coalition against the British 
 interests and doctrines too formidable to be resisted at once. 
 An evasive answer was given by the British court, and they 
 persevered in their efforts to force the Dutch into a war. 
 The opportunity was afforded them by ah authentic dis 
 covery of the negotiations privately carried on between 
 functionaries of the States General and the American Com 
 missioners. In the summer of 1778, William Lee, the En 
 voy of the United States to Berlin, on his way to that court, 
 had an interview with one of the principal merchants of Am 
 sterdam in relation to a commercial intercourse between the 
 two countries. In September the plan of a treaty for that 
 purpose was agreed upon and approved by Van Berkel, the 
 chief magistrate, or grand pensionary, as was his title, of the 
 city of Amsterdam. Congress, in the summer of 1780, sent 
 Henry Laurens of South Carolina, on a diplomatic commis 
 sion to Holland, to conclude the treaty. The packet 
 Mercury, in which he sailed, was captured off the banks of 
 Newfoundland by the British frigate Vestal. Mr. Laurens 
 threw his despatches overboard, but they were recovered by 
 the activity of a sailor, and the papers transmitted to the 
 British ministry. Mr. Laurens was committed to the towe: 
 on a charge of high treason, and an instant demand made 
 upon the Dutch government for the punishment of " Van 
 Berkel and his accomplices, as disturbers of the public peace 
 and violators of the rights of nations." No answer was 
 given by the Dutch, and the demand was almost imme 
 diately followed by a declaration of war by the king of Great 
 Britain agaifist the United Provinces of Holland. Both 
 houses of parliament voted addresses to the king, approving 
 of the declaration. 
 
 To sustain themselves against such numerous enemies, the 
 British nation made amazing exertions. No opposition was 
 offered in parliament to the voting of immense sums for the 
 service of the coming year, and the raising of prodigious 
 armaments by sea and land. Ninety-one thousand seamen, 
 and, including foreign troops, " about eighty thousand land 
 troops were voted. The whole amount granted for the pub 
 lic service was 2 C 2,458,337/. Against these numeroushostile 
 fleets and armies, England displayed a constancy of courage 
 and extent of resources which demand unqualified admira 
 tion. In both hemispheres she kept hef v e,nemies at bay; 
 foiled the French and Spanish fleets, baldly challenged the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 315 
 
 Dutch, carried on a contest with her revolted Colonies, and 
 maintained with brilliant success expensive and momentous 
 warfare against the native princes in India. If her conduct 
 had been haughty and tyrannical in her prosperity, her 
 trials brought forth a heroic resolution, and roused her to 
 efforts of almost unexampled strength. 
 
 The main object of France and Spain during the year 
 1780, had been to humble the maritime power of Britain. 
 The West Indies was the theatre of their combined opera 
 tions, and vast armaments on both sides were employed 
 there with alternate success. Naval battles of great magni 
 tude were fought in the European seas without any decisive 
 issue, and with little direct influence on the American war. 
 But the occupation of the immense navies of Great Britain 
 against her European enemies, was indirectly the gain of 
 the Americans. 
 
 The memorable defence of Gibraltar by the English Gen 
 eral Elliot against a long and persevering siege, a defence 
 which is considered one of the most gallant in the annals of 
 war, was protracted through this year. 
 
 The French Admiral De Ternay died in December, at 
 Newport, and was succeeded by the Count D Estouches. 
 The French troops and fleet remained inactive a long time 
 in Rhode Island. Their first active service was in the com 
 mencement of the next year. We have already seen that 
 the traitor Arnold signalized his zeal in behalf of his new 
 service, by taking the command of an expedition fitted out 
 from New York, to make a descent upon the coast of Vir 
 ginia. This was part of the energetic policy resolved upon 
 by the enemy for carrying on the war in America. It had 
 determined to act vigorously on several points at once, and 
 to carry on operations simultaneously in New York, Virginia, 
 North and South Carolina. Arnold was appointed, at the 
 head of sixteen hundred men, aided by a number of armed 
 vessels, to invade Virginia, and prevent that State from send 
 ing succors to the Southern army under Greene. He landed 
 in the beginning of January below Richmond, in jan.sth, 
 James river, and in two days marched to that town, 178L 
 burnt and plundered it. With all the flaming zeal of a new 
 proselyte to Great Britain, the apostate general outdid in 
 ferocity the devastations of his predecessors in the service. 
 He made numerous excursions through the country, and in 
 every place marked his path with the same cruelty and 
 
March 10. 
 
 316 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 wantonness. Returning to the coast, he gave indications of 
 establishing a permanent post at Portsmouth. Washington, 
 to arrest this career of havoc, dispatched La Fayette to Vir 
 ginia, with twelve hundred American infantry, and proposed 
 to the French Admiral to send a part of the French fleet to 
 intercept the retreat of the British by sea, and capture their 
 vessels. The proposal was gladly embraced, and on the 8th 
 of March the fleet sailed for the Chesapeake, with a large 
 addition of land forces to co-operate with La Fayette. A 
 detachment of the squadron had been sent before, which 
 succeeded in capturing a forty-four gun ship and some 
 smaller vessels. The British Admiral Arbuthnot followed 
 the French, and the fleets, in about a week, came in contact 
 off the Capes of Virginia. An action took place, 
 which was indecisive as a battle, no ship being 
 taken on either side, but the fruits of the victory belonged 
 to the British. The French were forced to abandon their 
 design, and return to Newport, and Clinton reinforced Ar 
 nold strongly. General Phillips landed at Portsmouth on the 
 20th, and took the command. The troops he brought with 
 him augmented the British force in Virginia to 3,500, and 
 they immediately renewed the predatory enterprises by 
 which Arnold had made himself so infamous. On these 
 excursions he ravaged both sides of the James river, cap 
 tured and plundered Williamsburgh, City Point, and Peters- 
 burgh, where an ineffectual opposition was attempted by the 
 militia, commanded by Governor Nelson and Baron Steu- 
 ben. General La Fayette, who had been recalled as far as 
 the head of the Elk river, marched back to the reinforce 
 ment of the militia, and checked the further advance of 
 Phillips. The approach of Cornwallis from the South re 
 called Phillips from his partizan warfare, and he marched to 
 join that commander at Petersburgh. On the 13th of May 
 General Phillips died, and on the 20th the junction with 
 Cornwallis took place. La Fayette, who had displayed 
 indefatigable zeal and celerity in watching and harassing the 
 forces of Phillips, fell back to the other side of the river, and 
 encamped below Richmond. 
 
 Here was the scene of the final military struggle between 
 Great Britain and the United States. La Fayette was first 
 on the field, and gallantly maintained the fortunes of America 
 with inferior forces against Cornwallis. But, before narrating 
 the events of the memorable conflict in Virginia, it is nece-s- 
 
AMERICAN RE.VOLUTION. 317 
 
 sary to review the progress of the war in other quarters, 
 which finally brought the main strength of both parties to 
 decide the question of American Independence near the 
 Capes of Virginia. The first and most prominent in interest 
 is the brilliant career of Greene in the Southern States. 
 With an inferior force of badly armed and scantily supplied 
 soldiery, notwithstanding repeated defeats and repulses, by 
 his genius, constancy, and courage, he triumphed over the 
 enemies of his country, and in a series of skilful and gal 
 lant actions, recovered the Carolinas, and established the 
 revolution in the Southern States. 
 
318 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE defeat of General Gates at the battle of Camden, dis 
 astrous as it truly was to the American arms, elated the 
 British to an extravagant pitch. South Carolina was thought 
 to be totally subjugated, and preparations were made by 
 Cornwallis to proceed in his career of victory to the inva 
 sion of North Carolina. The reverse sustained in the battle 
 of King s Mountain, and the defeat and death of Fergusson 
 there, had checked his career for the present, to be resumed 
 as soon as he could repress and punish the manifestations of 
 patriotic feeling, which had broken out among the people 
 into symptoms of revolt on the approach of Gates, and after 
 wards on the fall of Fergusson. With the tories of North 
 Carolina he held constant communication, and relied upon 
 liberal aid from them as soon as he should cross into that 
 State. Impatient under the suspension of his advance, he 
 prosecuted the system of administration he had chosen to 
 secure the future submissiveness of South Carolina. This 
 had been marked by peculiarly harsh and barbarous mea 
 sures, and they were now prosecuted with greater severity. 
 Carolina became for a season a field of wide proscription 
 and confiscation. General orders were issued to all the 
 British posts to hang, summarily, all those taken in arms for 
 the Americans, who had been drafted into the royal militia 
 by the arbitrary proclamations issued after the surrender of 
 Charleston, and to seize on the property of all who submit 
 ted at first, but took part with their country on the " inva 
 sion" of Gates. At Charleston, Camden, Ninety-Six, Au 
 gusta, and other places, multitudes were gibbetted, without 
 compunction, for fighting the battles of their native land. 
 Arrests, sequestrations, transportation, became common ex 
 pedients, and terror was the instrument by which the loyalty 
 of the State was to be secured. We have already seen the 
 partial effects of such a policy. It created an infinite num 
 ber of secret enemies, ready to take up arms with tenfold 
 fury, whenever the pressure of superior force should be 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 319 
 
 removed, and it stimulated to greater audacity the partizan 
 corps of independent bands of whigs, who roamed through 
 out the State, beating up the British quarters, harassing their 
 posts, cutting off tories and stragglers, and doing all the mis 
 chief in their power to the dominant force. Cornwallis, 
 however, did not estimate these consequences very highly, 
 and being reinforced by the troops under Leslie, late in De 
 cember resumed his intention of marching to conquer North 
 Carolina. 
 
 General Greene had taken up a position with the main 
 body of his little army, on the eastern branch of the Pedee 
 river, nearly opposite Cheraw Hill ; and the remainder of 
 his force, under Morgan and Pickens, were stationed at the 
 confluence of Broad and Pacolet rivers. The whole force 
 very little exceeded two thousand men. With these inferior 
 numbers he took the field, at the opening of the year. Unable 
 to cope in regular battle with Cornwallis, he determined to 
 carry on the war of detachments, and harass the British in 
 detail. 
 
 Colonel Lee, with his legion, joined him, and w r as imme 
 diately sent to the support of Marion, who, as usual, was 
 engaged in a partizan enterprise against some of the enemy s 
 posts. So rapid were Marion s movements, that it was some 
 times difficult even for his friends to find him. Lee and Ma 
 rion, with their joint forces, surprised Georgetown, and cap 
 tured Colonel Campbell. 
 
 The advance of Cornwallis into North Carolina, in the 
 position of the American forces, would have left Morgan in 
 his rear. To dislodge and disperse that detachment, he ac 
 cordingly sent Tarleton, with his celebrated legion, amount 
 ing to eleven hundred men, and advanced with his main 
 army in a northwesterly direction, between the Catawba 
 and the Broad rivers, to intercept the retreat of the Ameri 
 cans, when they should retire before Tarleton. Leslie 
 moved in a parallel direction, on the eastern side of the 
 Catawba, leaving Greene and his corps on the right, held 
 in check by the garrisons at the British posts. Tarleton s 
 orders were to come up with Morgan, and "push him to 
 the utmost." With his characteristic impetuosity he pressed 
 forward, but Morgan, advised of the superiority of troops, 
 especially cavalry, brought against him, abandoned his post, 
 on the 16th of January, and retired up the country, only a 
 few hours before Tarleton arrived. Tarleton, without 
 
#20 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 pausing to rest, followed up the pursuit during the night, 
 and earl} the next morning overtook the Americans at the 
 Cowpens, where they had halted for refreshment and re 
 pose. Morgan had determined to risk a battle at once, rather 
 than exhaust his men by the effort to escape from an enemy 
 so remarkable for the celerity of his movements. Making a 
 skilful arrangement of his troops, he waited the charge of 
 the enemy upon ground which afforded Tarleton the free 
 use of his celebrated cavalry. The first line, composed of 
 militia, was directed to check the enemy s advance and fall 
 back. The second line was composed of continental infantry, 
 under Colonel John Eager Howard, and in the rear the 
 regular cavalry and a party of. mounted militia were sta 
 tioned as a corps de reserve, under Colonel Washington. 
 The British cavalry outnumbered the American three to 
 one; the infantry were superior and they had two field 
 pieces. 
 
 Confident of an easy victory, Tarleton dashed onward, 
 Jan. i7th, I without allowing his troops time to recover from 
 178L I their fatigue, and not even pausing to form 
 his line carefully. They charged the militia impetuously, 
 with a battalion of infantry, supported by dragoons. These 
 were met by a steady fire. The first line giving way, they 
 pressed rapidly agajnst the second. The resistance here 
 was so obstinate that Tarleton brought up his whole reserve 
 to strike a final blow. Colonel Howard, on this increase of 
 force against him, determined to change his order of battle. 
 His directions being misunderstood, a retreat was com 
 menced, and continued for a short distance. The mistake 
 proved fortunate. Tarleton hurried on in disorderly pur 
 suit, when Howard, rallying the infantry, faced about, arid 
 received the pursuers with a deadly and continuous fire, 
 which threw them into confusion. Following this advan 
 tage, while the enemy were surprised and wavering, the 
 order was given to charge bayonets. It was obeyed with 
 alacrity, and the day was instantly decided. Colonel Wash 
 ington, at the same time, charged the enemy s cavalry, and 
 routed them, and a general flight of the British commenced, 
 and was continued without a rally, until the fugitives reach 
 ed the camp of Cornwallis. The loss of the British was un 
 exampled, considering the numbers engaged. One hundred 
 were killed, two hundred wounded, and five hundred pri 
 soners. The artillery, standards, eight hundred muskets, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 321 
 
 and a hundred horses were among the fruits of the victory 
 to the Americans. They lost only twelve killed and about 
 sixty wounded. Morgan displayed extraordinary activity and 
 courage during the day, moving about the field, giving his 
 orders and mingling in the contest, wherever it was hottest. 
 Colonels Howard and Washington exhibited admirable skill 
 and daring, and the masterly movement of the former won the 
 battle. As a military achievement, few events in the revo 
 lutionary war were more brilliant than the battle of the Cow- 
 pens. In its results it was not less important. It was the 
 turning of the tide of fortune in favor of the Americans, 
 heretofore driven before superior force, and the commence 
 ment of that flow of success, which, w r ith few ebbings, soon 
 swept over the South, and drove the enemy, out of the 
 country. 
 
 The intelligence of Tarleton s defeat disconcerted the 
 plans of Cornwallis. He resolved to intercept the march of 
 Morgan, and compel him to restore his prisoners and tro 
 phies. Morgan, who was aware of the necessity of a speedy 
 retreat into Virginia, in order to save himself and secure the 
 fruits of his splendid victory, made all haste to escane. A 
 military race then commenced, of a dubious and exciting 
 character. Morgan and Cornwallis were about equally dis 
 tant from the fords of the Catawba, in different directions, 
 and the struggle was which should arrive there first. The 
 march of the Americans was excessively toilsome and pain 
 ful. On the 29th, twelve days after the battle, Morgan 
 arrived at the fords, and had safely crossed them only two 
 hours before the van of the enemy appeared on the opposite 
 banks. It was then too dark to cross that night, and Cornwallis 
 encamped on the banks of the river. During the night a 
 heavy fall of rain raised a swell in the river, and made it 
 impassable for two days. In the interim, Greene, w r ho had 
 ordered his own detachment to retire towards Virginia, and 
 ridden with but two or three attendants a hundred and forty 
 miles, joined Morgan on the 31st. 
 
 When the waters of the Catawba subsided, Cornwallis 
 crossed, and the pursuit recommenced. A slight but unsuc 
 cessful attempt was made to obstruct his passage. Both 
 armies hurried on to the Yadkin. Greene, this time, was 
 pressed so closely that Cornwallis reached him before the 
 whole of his army had been ferried over. The van I 
 of the British engaged a portion of the rear guard | 
 
322 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 of the Americans, and part of the baggage of the retreating 
 army was abandoned. Agaki Cornwall s encamped with 
 only a river between his army and Greene, expecting to 
 overtake and engage him in the morning. Another fortunate 
 rise in the waters retarded him. The Yadkin was made im 
 passable by the swell, and Cornwallis was compelled to 
 march up the stream to cross at the shallow fords nearer the 
 source. He traversed this circuitous route with great rapidity. 
 Greene, not delaying his course, pushed on to Guilford 
 Court House, where he formed a junction with the re 
 mainder of his army, that had retired from the Pedee, 
 under the command of General Huger. The combined 
 forces were still inferior to the army of Cornwallis, and the 
 pursuit was continued. The Americans retreated as rapidly 
 as possible towards Virginia, and so vigorously did Corn 
 wallis force his marches, that a third timfe he reached the 
 banks of a river just as the rear guard of Greene had crossed 
 safely to the other side. The Americans marched forty miles 
 I on t ^ ie ^ ast ^ ^ ^ s extraorcu nary race, and on 
 I the 14th of February were securely ferried over the 
 river Dan, into Virginia. Here they were within reach of 
 reinforcements of Virginia militia, and continentals, under 
 Steuben and La Fayette. Cornwallis would venture no fur 
 ther, but, abandoning the chase, turned slowly south, and 
 established himself at Hillsborough. He there occupied him 
 self with encouraging the tories to take up arms, and enrol 
 themselves under the royal standard ; but his invitations and 
 proclamations were not so successful as he expected. A con 
 siderable number joined him, and many more were well 
 disposed, but confidence in the ascendency of the royal 
 forces was by no means re-established. The successful 
 retreat of Greene, and the bold front he continued to as 
 sume with so inferior a force, had a beneficial effect in pre 
 venting any large rising of the royalists. The American 
 general, strengthened by a body of Virginians, resolved to 
 take more decided measures for reassuring the republicans and 
 intimidating the tories, and on the 22d of February, 
 boldly recrossed the Dan with his whole army, 
 to assume the offensive. Tarleton, with a corps of four hun 
 dred and fifty men, had been despatched into the district of 
 country between the Haw and Deep rivers, to give counte 
 nance to the royalists there. Lee, with his legion, and 
 Pickens, with a party of militia, were sent to oppose him. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 323 
 
 Three hundred and fifty of the lories met this detachment, 
 and, mistaking them for the British, welcomed them with 
 protestations of loyalty, and cries of " God save the king." 
 They were soon undeceived by a furious attack ; between 
 t^o and three hundred of them were killed, and the rest 
 dispersed. Tarleton was within a mile of the field of action ; 
 and instantly be,gan his retreat to Hillsborough. On his 
 march he fell in with another party of tories, going to join 
 the British army, and taking them for republican militia, 
 cut down a number of them before they could explain their 
 true destination. These events discouraged the loyalists, and 
 put an end to the recruiting service of the British army. 
 Many who were ready to enlist, turned back, and irresolu 
 tion and fear took the place of the ardor which they had at 
 first exhibited, and on the faith of which Cornwallis had 
 calculated upon the speedy conquest of North Carolina. 
 
 The indefatigable Greene manoauvred for several weeks 
 within a few miles of Cornwallis, waiting for reinforcements, 
 and harassing the British detachments, without venturing to 
 give battle. For seven days he lay within ten miles of the 
 British camp, and all Cornwallis s skill and enterprise could 
 not obtain intelligence of his movements and position time 
 enough to profit by it. He changed his camp with such 
 celerity and secresy, that every day presented a new front, 
 of which his adversary was unapprised and could not take 
 advantage. At length, being strengthened by two brigades 
 of North Carolina and one of Virginia militia, and about four 
 hundred continental regulars, his numbers were increased 
 to about 4,400, and he no longer avoided an engagement. 
 Cornwallis, although he had less than three thousand troops, 
 confiding in their courage and discipline, readily embraced 
 the opportunity, and the armies met at Guilford, on the 
 morning of the 15th of March. 
 
 The Americans waited the attack of the British, I 
 drawn up in three lines, about a mile from Guilford | 
 Court House. The North Carolina militia were in front, the 
 Virginia militia formed the second line, and the last was 
 composed of the continental regulars, commanded by Gen 
 eral Huger and Colonel Williams. The flanks were covered 
 by the cavalry and riflemen. The battle commenced at half 
 past one. At the first fire, the greater part of the North 
 Carolina militia threw down their arms and took to flight. 
 The Virginia militia stood their ground firmly, until out- 
 
324 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 manoeuvred by the enemy and charged with bayonets, when 
 they gave way. The whole of the British force, infantry 
 and cavalry, then pressed upon the continental line, and 
 forced them from the field, after an obstinate fight, in which 
 they were nearly surrounded. A general retreat was sound 
 ed, and made without disorder. Greene halted at Reedy 
 Fork, about three miles from the field, and, having collected 
 most of the stragglers, retired to the iron works, on Trouble 
 some Creek, about ten miles further. The loss in killed 
 and wounded was about four hundred, of whom three hun 
 dred were continentals. The numbers were further dimin 
 ished by the dispersion of the militia, many of whom returned 
 to their homes. Generals Huger and Stevens were wound 
 ed. Four pieces of artillery and ten ammunition wagons 
 were lost. 
 
 The British loss was larger, compared with their numbers. 
 Their killed and wounded exceeded five hundred, among 
 whom were several valuable officers. 
 
 The fruits of the battle of Guilford to the victors on the 
 field, were all the effects of complete defeat. The vanquish 
 ed were ready to resume the offensive, and the conquerors ; 
 after issuing a proclamation, announcing their triumph, and 
 offering pardon to all who should submit to their clemency 
 left part of their wounded in the power of their adversaries, 
 and retired towards Wilmington. 
 
 Greene, with unwearied perseverance, followed Corn- 
 wallis cautiously, hanging on his rear and harassing his 
 march. Wilmington had been occupied by a British corps, 
 commanded by Major Craig, sent from Charleston, in 
 North Carolina, for the purpose of furnishing supplies to 
 the army. The militia of the State were too active to permit 
 this communication, and the hilly character of the coun 
 try along the Cape Fear river, assisted them materially. 
 Cornwallis was therefore obliged to retreat to Wilmington, to 
 avail himself of the supplies collected there, and to refresh 
 his army. He reached that place on the seventh 
 of April. Greene followed him only to Deep 
 river, one of the upper branches of the Cape Fear river. 
 After halting there awhile, at Ramony s mills, to give his ex 
 hausted troops time for repose, instead of pursuing Cornwal 
 lis towards the coast, he took the daring measure of defiling 
 by forced marches, to the right, re-entered South Caro 
 lina, and encamped within a short distance of Camden, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 325 
 
 \vhere Lrfrd Rawdon was posted, with about nine hundred 
 men. The British troops in South Carolina were scattered 
 in posts and cantonments ; the bulk of the army was absent, 
 under Cornwallis ; and this movement by Greene, gave the 
 Americans the appearance of being the invaders, while the 
 British march to Wilmington had the air of a retreat. The 
 patriots were reassured, and the spirits of the people rose. 
 During the marchings of both armies in North Carolina, the 
 South Carolinian whigs had not been inactive. Sumpter 
 and Marion, at the head of their gallant followers, kept the 
 field, and made rapid excursions against the British posts, 
 interrupting their convoys, assaulting and harassing their 
 detachments, and keeping their outposts in constant alarm. 
 After Greene s arrival, Lee, with his active legion, co 
 operated essentially in their partizan expeditions. The force 
 which Greene brought with him, when he adopted the 
 measure of penetrating into South Carolina, was small, and 
 the British were complete masters of the State, occupying a 
 chain of fortified posts, from the eastern to the western ex 
 tremity of the State. Sumpter had been commissioned to 
 raise a brigade for the regular service, and the aid of the 
 militia was relied upon for the campaign. It was I 
 on the 20th of April that Greene arrived in the j 
 neighborhood of Camden, and pitched his camp at Log 7 
 town, within a mile of Lord Rawdon. Before following him 
 in his remarkable career of gallantry, perseverance, and 
 final victory, we must trace the progress of Cornwallis 
 northward. He had kept up a correspondence with Gen 
 eral Phillips in Virginia. The general plan of the British 
 campaign in America looked to a junction of the royal forces 
 in the South, those of Cornwallis from the conquest of the 
 Carolinas, with the army from New York, under Arnold and 
 Phillips, after overrunning and subduing Virginia. From the 
 day of the defeat of the Cowpens, difficulties seemed to 
 grow constantly in the way of the advance of Cornw r allis. 
 The Carolina courage revived, and, though no important bat 
 tle had been won by the republicans, the fortune of war had 
 essentially diminished the confidence of their enemies. On 
 retiring to Wilmington, the proper plan of operations be 
 came a serious subject of debate. The return to South 
 Carolina would take him through a barren country, and 
 confine his exertions to a defeat of Greene, and the preser 
 vation of South Carolina. Besides, the strong garrisons 
 2E 
 
326 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 posted there might be considered able to resist the Ameri 
 cans, until the united British army could be brought to sus 
 tain them. It was not, however, by any means certain, 
 when Cornwallis made these calculations, that Greene had 
 resolved to confine his attention to the recovery of South 
 Carolina. It was not unreasonable to expect that he would 
 follow the royal forces into Virginia, and endeavor to 
 co-operate with La Fayette and Steuben. At all events, 
 whatever ground might be lost in the Carolinas could not 
 be great, and the recovery would be easy by a large and 
 victorious army, flushed with the conquest of one of the 
 most powerful States of the Union. The effect of a vigorous 
 blow in such a quarter, on such an extensive field, was 
 looked to as highly important in impressing upon the Amer 
 icans a sense of the irresistible power of the British arms, 
 rousing the loyalists to united action, and extinguishing the 
 hopes of the republicans by a complete conquest of the 
 South. These considerations prevailed with the council of 
 war and the commander, and it was resolved to march into 
 Virginia, and join General Phillips at Petersburg!!. Carolina 
 was left to the fortune of war. The command was entrusted 
 to Lord Rawdon, a young officer of great bravery and merit, 
 the same who afterwards distinguished himself as Earl of 
 Moira, and became celebrated in India as Marquis of Hast 
 ings. 
 
 After delaying about three weeks at Wilmington, making 
 preparations for the march, Cornwallis led his army near the 
 coast, northward, with very little obstruction from the dis 
 persed inhabitants, and a few light skirmishes with the mi 
 litia. At Halifax, where he arrived by the shortest route, 
 he captured some American stores, with little loss, and cross 
 ing successively the large and rapid rivers that flow into the 
 Roanoke and Albemarle Sound, unopposed, he reached Pe- 
 I tersburgh in less than a month. On the 20th he 
 I formed a junction with the troops of Phillips, who 
 had died a few days before. This army was subsequently 
 strengthened by a considerable detachment from New York, 
 and at the same time intelligence was received of the sail 
 ing of several Irish regiments from Cork, for Charleston. 
 The news from Lord Rawdon, at that date, was encouraging, 
 and the prospects of Cornwallis were, in every respect, bril 
 liant. No force in Virginia was competent to resist him. 
 His conquests in Carolina were, to all appearances, secure, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 327 
 
 and he commenced his operations sanguine in the expecta 
 tion of completing his own glory, and accomplishing the 
 designs of his country by extinguishing the American re 
 bellion. The ensuing movements in a few months, by which 
 these prospects were reversed, his army cooped tip in a 
 narrow peninsula, and himself and them made captives to 
 an overwhelming force, brought by active and skilful ma 
 noeuvres against him, close the most important era in the 
 battles of the revolution. The great drama was soon brought 
 to a catastrophe, and the final battle of liberty fought and 
 won against apparently hopeless odds. 
 
 On the arrival of Cornwallis in Virginia, the small army 
 to whom its defence was intrusted, consisted of but little 
 more than three thousand men, of whom not one thousand 
 were regulars, the rest were mere militia. The Marquis La 
 Fayette commanded them, and, taught in the school of 
 Washington, he so tempered his natural genius and national 
 ardor of character with caution and circumspection, moved 
 with such celerity and manoeuvred with such skill, that he 
 sustained himself and his weak forces with astonishing con 
 stancy and success, and baffled superior numbers and disci 
 pline, and veteran experience. 
 
 Detailed narrative of these important operations must be 
 preceded by the equally brilliant and successful campaign 
 of Greene in South Carolina. 
 
 The principal British posts in South Carolina were con 
 nected by forts, garrisoned by small detachments, and the 
 communications were kept up by strong patroles of cavalry. 
 When Greene advanced against Camden, the partizan corps 
 were directed to operate against the forts and break up the 
 lines of communication. Weakened by the detachments he 
 had sent on that service, he was not able either to assault or 
 invest the post of Camden. He therefore encamped at a 
 place called Hobkirk s Hill, in the expectation of alluring 
 Lord Rawdon out of his entrenchments, or forcing him, from 
 the interruption of his supplies from below, to venture a bat 
 tle. The British general was not averse to the encounter, 
 and prudently determined to bring it on at once, before the 
 army of Greene was re-enforced. Sumpter s corps had not 
 arrived, and Lee and Marion were engaged in investing 
 Fort Watson, lower down on the Wateree, towards Charles 
 ton. On the 25th of April, Lord Rawdon advanced I 
 with his whole force to the attack of Greene s pn 
 
328 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 position at Hobkirk s Hill. He hoped to find the American 
 army unprepared, because they had but the day before re 
 turned from a position they had taken at Sandhill Creek, 
 to be in a more direct road of communication with Marion 
 and Lee. He found the Americans prepared for him, with 
 numbers somewhat greater than his own. The British w r ere 
 about nine hundred, and the Americans about twelve hun 
 dred, of whom more than three hundred were militia. The 
 attack of the British van was sustained by the Maryland and 
 Virginia troops until the army formed, and by degrees the 
 whole line were engaged with the main body of the British. 
 The action was warmly sustained on both sides, and victory 
 inclined to the Americans so strongly, that Greene despatch 
 ed Colonel Washington with his cavalry to intercept the 
 enemy s retreat. At this critical moment the two right com 
 panies, having lost their officers, were thrown into confusion, 
 and fell back against orders. The attempt to rally increased 
 the disorder ; the British seized the opportunity and rushed 
 forward ; panic seized the whole regiment, and Greene was 
 compelled to order a general retreat. This was effected in 
 good order. He carried off his artillery safely, most of the 
 wounded, and some prisoners. The pursuit of the enemy 
 did not continue far, and the Americans encamped on the 
 next day at Ridgeley s mill, about five miles from Camden. 
 The killed, wounded, and missing, of both sides, were nearly 
 equal in number. The British had, as in the case of the 
 battle of Guilford, the empty honors of victory their ad 
 versaries all the substantial fruits. Rawdon was again shut 
 up, with diminished forces, in Camden ; and Greene, with 
 the partizan detachments co-operating with him, watched 
 the passes by which succor and supplies were expected 
 I from Charleston. On the 7th of May, a re-enforce- 
 I ment from the Pedee, commanded by Colonel 
 Watson, reached Lord Rawdon, and he immediately march 
 ed out to compel Greene to risk another battle. Here he was 
 foiled again. The American general, confident that the gar 
 rison could not maintain their position long without supplies, 
 on the advance of Watson retired from his camp near Cam 
 den, and moved to the high hills behind Sawney s Creek. 
 Rawdon, finding his design impracticable, retraced his steps 
 to Camden. The fall of Fort Watson, which had surrendered 
 to Lee and Marion on the twenty -third, and the breaking of 
 his line of communications, reduced him to the necessity of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 329 
 
 May 10th. 
 
 abandoning 4 Caraden. On the 10th of May he de 
 stroyed the works, mills, some public buildings, 
 and part of his own baggage, evacuated the fort, and retired 
 with his troops beyond the Santee river. On the day he 
 arrived at Nelson s Ferry, the fort at Motte s surrendered to 
 Sumpter. Besides Motte s and Watson, the other forts in 
 vested by the Americans, successively fell. Sumpter took 
 Orangeburgh on the llth of May ; Lee took Granby on the 
 15th ; and, about the same time, Marion took Georgetown. 
 The loss of men in these forts did not exceed eight hundred, 
 but the gain to the Americans was the recovery of the coun 
 try and the breaking up of the British chain. Lord Raw- 
 don, on receiving the unwelcome news, retired still further, 
 to Eutaw Springs. By this movement he abandoned the 
 upper country to the, whigs, and concentrated the British 
 force below the Santee river. The spirit of the counhy 
 rose, and animated exertions were made by the friends of 
 Independence, and with success, to rouse the inhabitants to 
 co-operate with the American army. 
 
 As soon as Rawdon evacuated Camden, Greene broke up 
 his camp at Sawney s Creek, and marched to Fort Granby, 
 on the Congavee river, one of the principal southern branches 
 of the Santee. From that place he despatched Lee to join 
 Pickens, in the neighbourhood of Augusta, on the Savannah 
 river; and, after reposing for a few days, marched with "his 
 army to reduce the post of Ninety-Six. These were the 
 only important posts left to the British of their line of de 
 fence across the whole province. On his way to join Gen. 
 Pickens, Lee, with a part of his legion, made a forced march 
 of seventy-five miles in three days, and captured a quantity 
 of stores, ammunition, and two companies of the garrison, at 
 Silver Bluff, twelve miles below Augusta. Forming a junc 
 tion with the forces of Pickens on the same day, they pro 
 ceeded to invest Augusta. The defence was obstinate and 
 skilful. The garrison held out until June, when 
 resistance became useless, and about three hundred 
 of them surrendered. 
 
 General Greene was not so successful in his own enter 
 prise. He commenced the siege of Ninety-Six on the 22d 
 of May, and broke ground to besiege it in form on the 25th. 
 The place was one of great natural strength, fortified with 
 care, and garrisoned by five hundred and sixty men, com 
 manded by Colon*.! Cruger. Greene s forces exceeded nine 
 
 O T? O 
 JU ?6 
 
 Jurre 5th. 
 
330 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 hundred, and his military works were constructed under the 
 superintendence of the celebrated Pole, Kosciusko. The 
 siege was vigorously pressed ; the works had been pushed 
 near to the walls, and, reinforced by Lee on the 8th of June, 
 the besiegers were confident of the speedy surrender of the 
 fort. At this critical period, intelligence was received that 
 Lord Rawdon had been strengthened by the newly arrived 
 regiments from Ireland, and was advancing rapidly to relieve 
 the post. No alternative was left for Greene but to raise the 
 siege at once, or carry the fort by assault. The assault was 
 determined on, and made: but though the assailants 
 behaved with great bravery, and continued the 
 attack under a galling fire against an equally brave defence 
 for a considerable time, they were beaten off, and the 
 whole army raised the siege and retreated before the ap 
 proach of Rawdon. In this unsuccessful enterprise, three 
 weeks were consumed, and one hundred and eighty-five 
 men lost, out of the diminished American army. The failure 
 was a deep disappointment to the Americans : the fruits of 
 their labors were torn from them in the very moment of 
 victory. The little army was chased by Lord Rawdon, first 
 over the Saluda, and then beyond the Ennoree river. Find 
 ing it impossible to overtake them, the British general return 
 ed, drew off part of the force from Ninety-Six, made prepa 
 rations to evacuate it altogether, and established himself for 
 the present on the Congaree. He gave orders for Colonel 
 Cruger to join him there, and sent for reinforcements from 
 Charleston. 
 
 The American General was, however, though repulsed 
 and defeated, neither disheartened nor irresolute. Some of 
 his more desponding officers, seeing the accumulating force 
 about to be brought against them, advised a retreat into Vir 
 ginia. His answer was prompt, he "would recover South 
 Carolina or perish in the attempt." He learned that Colonel 
 Cruger had been detained at Ninety-Six, and, sending 
 Pickens to watch that detachment, he called in his light 
 troops, summoned the militia under Sumpter and Marion, 
 and, to the astonishment of the British general, within two 
 days of his arrival on the banks of the Congaree, Greene 
 was before him with recruited numbers, ready for battle 
 again. This elasticity of mind, and prompt facility of re 
 sources, fitted the American general peculiarly for the con 
 test in which he was engaged. If Rawdon concentrated his 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 331 
 
 forces, the republican inhabitants rose to aid in reducing his 
 posts and expelling the tories: if he dispersed them they 
 were in danger of being cut off in detail, and Greene always 
 seemed to increase in audacity and determination after defeat. 
 The British general, though flushed with a recent victory, 
 declined the action which was offered him, and shortly after 
 returned to Orangeburgh. The union of the British forces 
 there made them too strong to be assailed, and the main 
 body of the American army retired to the heights beyond 
 the Santee. The policy adopted here, was the same that 
 had proved so successful at Camden. Partizan expeditions, 
 under active officers, were sent out continually to interrupt 
 the communications between Orangeburgh and Charleston. 
 Sumpter and Marion, and Lee s legion, did excellent service, 
 captured convoys, broke up posts, made prisoners, and harass 
 ed detachments with which they were not strong enough 
 to engage. 
 
 Lord Rawdon soon after returned to England, and was 
 succeeded in the military command of the province by 
 Colonel Stuart. Before his departure, however, he stainea 
 his otherwise gallant reputation with an act of lawless se 
 verity and unrelenting cruelty, in the execution, without 
 trial, as a traitor, of a distinguished American officer and 
 gentleman. On the capture of Charleston by Cornwallis, 
 Colonel Isaac Hayne was among those who tendered his 
 parole, and was offered the alternative of going to prison, or 
 becoming a British subject. His family were ill with the 
 small-pox, and needed his tenderest attentions. He accord 
 ingly made the requisite declaration of allegiance, stipulating 
 with the British general, and receiving the assurance that 
 he should not be called upon to bear arms in the royal ser 
 vice, and returned to his plantation. In breach of this stipu 
 lation he was repeatedly summoned to bear arms, and con 
 stantly refused. When the British were driven from the 
 country between the Edisto and Stono Ferry, where his 
 residence was, he considered the inability to protect as a 
 discharge of the obligation to obey, and repaired to the 
 American camp. He was chosen colonel of a regiment, and 
 in an action with the British, was taken prisoner. Without 
 the formality of a trial, he was summarily ordered to execu 
 tion, on the mere report of a court of inquiry. The petitions 
 of the inhabitants of Charleston, in mass, for his life, the 
 prayers of children, the remonstrances of many loyalists, 
 
332 HISTORY. OF THE 
 
 were in vain. The ruthless order was carried into effect. 
 Colonel Hayne was hanged on the 4th of August," display 
 ing, in his last moments, the serenity and fortitude of a mar 
 tyred patriot. 
 
 The odium of this execution fell upon the whole British 
 interest. Tories and few States had a greater proportion 
 than South Carolina could not defend it, and it infuriated the 
 whigs. Greene, from his camp on the Santee hills, issued 
 an indignant proclamation, threatening vengeance and re 
 taliation, and the excited feeling stimulated the army to 
 active efforts. Making a circuitous march of seventy miles. 
 to cross the Wateree and Congaree rivers, the Americans, 
 strengthened by Pickens, Henderson, and Marion, with their 
 divisions, marched down the south side of the Congaree, to 
 wards the enemy. The British retired as Greene approach 
 ed, and took up a position at Eutaw Springs, forty miles 
 below, and about sixty miles north of Charleston. Here 
 they made a stand, and the battle of Eutaw, by which the 
 war in South Carolina was closed, was fought on the 8th of 
 September.. 
 
 The American army, two thousand strong, advanced 
 early in the morning of that day, to attack the 
 
 Sept. 8th. r .y i. . mi i v 
 
 British m their camp. They moved in two lines 
 the first composed of the North and South Carolina militia, 
 commanded by Marion and Pickens, and the second, of the 
 regulars, commanded by General Sumner and Colonels 
 Campbell and Williams. Lee, with his legion and the 
 South Carolina State troops, covered the flanks, and Wash 
 ington, with his cavalry, was a corps of reserve. The enemy 
 received therrj. in two lines, drawn up obliquely across the 
 road, on the heights, and well defended by artillery. The 
 Americans continued to fire and advance with intrepidity, 
 against the discharge of the artillery, until the contending 
 ranks met, almost hand to hand. Both sides fought firmly 
 and resolutely. The order given by Williams and Campbell 
 to the American regulars to charge with trailed arms, was 
 promptly obeyed, and the attack bore down all before them. 
 Lee, with his cavalry, turned the left flank, and Washington 
 fell fiercely upon the right. The British line was broken 
 and the new troops among them fled precipitately. The 
 veteran corps received the assailants firmly, and an obstinate 
 and most bloody struggle was maintained for some time, 
 hand to hand, till, overpowered, the whole British force was 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 333 
 
 driven off the field. The Americans pursued hotly, and 
 took five hundred prisoners. The battle appeared com 
 pletely won, when the English regulars took post in a large 
 brick house, and a picketted garden. Some of them rallied 
 in some thick shrubbery. In these advantageous positions 
 they made a resolute defence, and all efforts to dislodge 
 them, even with the aid of six pieces of artillery, were in 
 vain. The cavalry were repulsed at all points in their at 
 tempts to penetrate the garden and the wood, and Colonel 
 Washington was wounded and taken prisoner. The fire from 
 the house produced a dreadful carnage. The rest of the 
 English had time to rally and advance, upon which General 
 Greene, unwilling to repeat the desperate attack upon the 
 posts thus firmly defended, drew off his army, and retired 
 to the ground he had occupied in the morning. He carried 
 with him his wounded and the prisoners. The British re 
 mained on the field, but, on the next evening, withdrew to 
 Monk s Corner. 
 
 This battle was one of the most sanguinary fought during 
 the Revolutionary war, considering the numbers engaged. 
 On both sides, the most resolute valor was displayed. The 
 ranks were for some time mingled together, and the officers 
 fought hand to hand. The American loss was five hundred 
 and fourteen killed, wounded, and missing ; the British re 
 ported theirs at six hundred and ninety-three. General 
 Greene estimated it much higher. Colonel Stuart, in re 
 treating, left a thousand stand of arms upon the field. 
 
 The battle of Eutaw Springs closed the Revolutionary war 
 in South Carolina. The British, after delaying awhile, re 
 tired to Charleston, abandoning the state to the mastery of 
 the republicans, without further effort, except a few ravaging 
 and plundering expeditions, which only injured individual 
 property. Greene established posts to keep the enemy in 
 check, and thenceforth the power of Great Britain was not 
 acknowledged beyond Charleston Neck. Congress passed 
 the highest encomiums upon the general and army who had 
 won the battle of Eutaw, and, as a most fitting token of 
 the estimate they placed on the genius and services of 
 Greene, presented him, in the name of the nation, with one 
 of the captured standards, and a gold medal struck in honor 
 of the victory. 
 
 The conduct and issue of the campaign, of which that 
 victory was the consummation, are justly esteemed among 
 
334 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the most brilliant in the military history of the war. The 
 American general entered the State with a beaten, dispirit 
 ed, and almost destitute army, and he found the country in 
 the possession of a superior force, entrenched in a strong 
 chain of well garrisoned and fortified posts. He broke 
 through them, captured them in detail, drove the detach 
 ments, one by one, before him, and, though several times 
 foiled and repulsed in the field, found such resources in the 
 energy of his character and the fertility of his genius, that 
 he was always formidable when defeated, and persevered till 
 he closed the campaign, by cooping up the enemy in a 
 single city, and restoring three States to the American 
 Union. Savannah and Charleston were the only foothold 
 left to the British, who had, in April, been masters of 
 Georgia and South Carolina, and held North Carolina at 
 their mercy. Well did Nathaniel Greene, the Rhode Island 
 blacksmith, merit the title which he received of the Liberator 
 of the South. 
 
 Virginia, in the mean time, was the theatre of important 
 operations, all tending to the final issue of the war. Corn- 
 wallis, on his junction with the army of Phillips at Peters 
 burg, on the 20th of May, subsequently strengthened from 
 New York, commenced offensive Operations to subdue Vir 
 ginia. La Fayette, with his little army, was posted beyond 
 the James river. Baron Steuben had not been able to join 
 him, and the reinforcements, under -Way ne, composed of 
 the Pennsylvania militia, were not arrived. As Cornwallis 
 advanced, La Fayette could do no more than watch him at 
 a careful distance. Neither the celerity of movements, nor 
 the military artifices of the British general, could draw the 
 wary Frenchman into a battle with such odds. By a series 
 of masterly ma%euvres, he disappointed all the efforts of 
 Cornwallis to intercept him, and formed a junction with 
 General Wayne at Raccoon Ford. In the interim, two de 
 tachments were sent out by the enemy against important 
 places in possession of the Americans, one under Colonel 
 Simcoe, to seize a quantity of stores, which were at Point 
 of Fork, at the confluence of Rivanna and Flavanna rivers, 
 guarded by Baron Steuben, with four to five hundred new 
 levies. and the other under Tarleton, to Charlotteville, to 
 capture the governor and legislature of the State. Both 
 succeeded in part. Steuben carried off his men and part of 
 his stores in safety, the rest fell into the hands of the enemy. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 335 
 
 Tarleton reached Charlotte ville with such despatch, that 
 Governor Jefferson escaped with some difficulty. Several 
 members of the House of Delegates were made prisoners, 
 and stores to a considerable amount were destroyed. In 
 these expeditions, all the stores and tobacco on the route 
 were also destroyed ; the granaries of private individuals 
 were included in the general devastation, and immense 
 quantities of private property laid waste. 
 
 The American stores deposited at Richmond had been re 
 moved for safety to Albemarle Court House. By the delays 
 incident to the junction of La Fayette with Wayne, Corn- 
 Avallis had been enabled to get nearer to this depot than the 
 American army. Both armies were anxious to push towards 
 this point, and Cornwallis was sanguine in the belief that he 
 should be able to intercept La Fayette, on the road by which 
 the latter must march to reach Albemarle. He accordingly 
 held back the detachments designed for the expedition, and 
 waited for the Americans at Jefferson s plantation. La 
 Fayette had the address to escape the toils. In the night he 
 caused an old road, that had fallen into disuse, to be opened 
 and cleared, and, on the next day, June the 18th, to the 
 mortification of Cornwallis, the Americans were strongly 
 interposed between him and the Court House. Unable to- 
 advance, he fell back upon Richmond. La Fayette followed 
 him guardedly, and, having been reinforced by Baron Steu- 
 ben and his levies, Colonel Clarke, with his riflemen, and 
 the militia of the neighborhood, he made a show of in 
 clination to give battle. Cornwallis took no advantage of the 
 offer, but, after delaying a few days at Richmond, retired 
 again towards the coast with his whole army, continuing, 
 as he went, to destroy indiscriminately public and private 
 property. More than two thousand hogsheads of tobacco 
 alone were burnt in this march. He entered Williamsburg 
 on the 25th June. There he remained until the 4th July ; on 
 that day, having received orders to take a position by which 
 he could reinforce the Commander-in-chief at New York, 
 then apprehending an attack upon that city by the combined 
 forces of Washington and Rochambeau, he broke up his 
 camp at Williamsburg and retired towards Portsmouth. 
 Nothing but light skirmishings between the armies occurred 
 at Williamsburg. On the march to Portsmouth, a smart ac 
 tion took place at the James river. La Fayette thought the 
 main body of the enemy had crossed the river, and ad- 
 
336 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 vanced to attack the rearguard. He unexpectedly found 
 8th himself engaged- with the main body, and was 
 obliged to draw off his men from the unequal con 
 test with some loss. The river was crossed safely on the 9th, 
 but, on examination, Portsmouth was pronounced not to be 
 a proper station for the joint force, and, by the advice of 
 engineers, Yorktown and Gloucester Point were selected as 
 the best positions. After destroying the works at Portsmouth 
 Au <>3d I ^ e w ^^ e British army moved to those stations, on 
 I the 23d of August, and Cornwallis applied himself 
 to fortify them in the strongest manner. His immediate haste 
 to reach the coast had been caused by an order from Sir Henry 
 Clinton to send three thousand of his troops to New York, 
 an order which was countermanded on his arrival there, an 
 equal number of German troops having arrived in the mean 
 time from Europe, to strengthen the army of Clinton. The 
 army of Cornwallis, on entering Yorktown, consisted of from 
 eight tornine thousand, principally veteran troops. 
 
 On intelligence of this disposition of the British force, La 
 Fayette took post in the county of New Kent. 
 
 The adverse armies, so unequal in number and equip 
 ments, remained in this position for some weeks. In that 
 interval military combinations were brought to bear together, 
 by which the scale was made to predominate on the other 
 side. Skill and fortune happily timed the arrival of the 
 French fleet from the West Indies, the junction with it of 
 the French fleet from Newport, and the successful issue of 
 the manoeuvres of Washington to deceive Clinton and pre 
 vent him from succoring Cornwallis, or obstructing the march 
 of the American army from the Hudson to Virginia, so as 
 to concentrate resistless armaments by sea and land at this 
 point, and surround and capture this powerful and flourishing 
 army. 
 
 These combinations were directed by the genius of Wash 
 ington. The campaign in the North had originally been 
 aimed at New York. All the military operations of Wash 
 ington and Rochambeau tended to that point. The posses 
 sion of the city was a great prize, for ^rhich the American 
 general was willing to risk much. The despatches brought 
 from France by the Count de Barras, who had been ap 
 pointed to succeed De Ternay as admiral, gave intelligence 
 of the sailing of the Count de Grasse, with a large French 
 squadron, destined, after performing a certain service in the 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 337 
 
 West Indies, to proceed to America to co-operate with 
 Washington. This determined the plan of operations. De 
 Grasse was expected in the month of August. The allied 
 generals, in a conference held at Wethersfield, agreed to lay 
 siege to New York, in concert with the expected fleet. A 
 junction was accordingly formed early in the month of July, 
 between the troops of Washington, and the French troops 
 from Newport. The Americans marched down from their 
 encampment at Peekskill, and united with the French un 
 der Rochambeau, at Dobbs Ferry. The Commander-in-chief 
 proceeded to prepare for active operations, which he hoped 
 to commence by the middle of July, or the first of August. 
 But the tardiness of the recruiting service again arrested his 
 movements, and other obstacles intervened. The garrison 
 of Clinton, reinforced by the late arrivals from Europe, 
 counted ten thousand men, while the Americans did not 
 exceed five thousand regulars, with about an equal number 
 of militia, upon whom little reliance could be placed in a 
 siege. The French troops and fleet made the numbers 
 up to a very respectable force, but by no means such as 
 could make the event certain. The chief reliance was 
 on the assistance of Count de Grasse, and his immense 
 armament, consisting of twenty-five ships of the line, and 
 three thousand soldiers. About the middle of August intel 
 ligence was received that De Grasse had sailed from the 
 West Indies, and that his destination was the Chesapeake. 
 An entire change of plan was the result, and the whole skill 
 and energy of the Commander-in-chief were exercised in 
 directing the movements of the several distinct and dif 
 ferent armaments, so as to concentrate them at once against 
 Yorktown, where Cornwallis was encamped ; and at the 
 same time so to mask his designs as to prevent Sir Henry 
 Clinton from uniting his forces with those of Cornwallis. 
 His plans were wisely taken and ably executed. Circum 
 stances beyond the control of any calculations favored the 
 enterprise, and distant bodies of men and squadrons, sepa 
 rated thousands of miles, moved with the precision of a 
 chessboard. 
 
 The show of making an attack upon New York was still 
 kept up by labored demonstrations in various quarters. Re 
 ports of the expected arrival of De Grasse to besiege the 
 city were industriously spread. Letters confirming this 
 were written to be intercepted. The British works were 
 
338 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 reconnoitred constantly, and plans taken even under the 
 fire of batteries by the American engineers. Some of the 
 French troops were advanced to the opposite side of Staten 
 Island, as though to communicate with and aid the besieging 
 ships. Batteries were established, and other preparations of a 
 permanent kind made, so as to impress Clinton with the con 
 viction that a joint and general attack was to be made upon 
 -the city. Having thus completely baffled the sagacity of the 
 British commander-in-chief, Washington waited anxiously 
 for the time at which he computed De Grasse would reach 
 the Chesapeake. He then left his camp, and turning sud 
 denly South, crossed the Croton and the Hudson, 
 
 Aug. 19,th. 111 n i i XT T i 
 
 and pushed on rapidly through New Jersey, when 
 he paused for further intelligence of the fleet. The report 
 had been carefully encouraged that this movement was but a 
 feint to draw the British into the open field, and, still de 
 ceived, Clinton lost the opportunity of arresting or molesting 
 the progress of the allied army. Washington, receiving in 
 telligence of the near approach of De Grasse, no longer 
 hesitated, but crossing the Delaware pushed on with rapidity 
 through Pennsylvania, and reached the Elk river, at 
 the head of the Chesapeake, on the 25th of August. 
 As soon as the bewildered English general was persuaded of 
 the real purpose of this march, instead of promptly rein 
 forcing Cornwallis, he thought to recall the Americans, or 
 profit by their absence, by striking a blow at the defenceless 
 coast of Connecticut. Arnold was placed at the head of this 
 marauding detachment, a fit instrument for such deeds of 
 violence and rapine. When Cornwallis took command of 
 the combined troops at Petersburg, in May, Arnold had 
 obtained leave to return to New York, and now seized the 
 opportunity of heading a plundering expedition into his na 
 tive state. New London was the point aimed at. It was taken, 
 sacked, and pillaged. The defences consisted of a fort on 
 the Groton side, garrisoned by Lieutenant-colonel Ledyard, 
 and one hundred and sixty men. The party which assaulted 
 this fort was commanded by an officer named Eyre. The gar 
 rison was overpowered after an obstinate resistance, in which 
 Eyre and his second in command were killed. Ledyard 
 finally surrendered his sword to Major Bromfield, who in 
 stantly plunged it in the heart of the prisoner, and the 
 bloody example was followed so mercilessly, that nearly 
 every man of the garrison was butchered. The Groton 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 339 
 
 Massacre is another horrible stain on the British arms, and 
 was fitly perpetrated under the lead of Arnold. He ravaged 
 and laid waste the town in the spirit of a fiend, and return 
 ed to New York, loaded with curses and imprecations from 
 a plundered and outraged community of his own early rela 
 tions and friends. 
 
 This barbarous inroad did not serve the purpose of Clin 
 ton in checking the southern advance of Washington, or 
 prevailing on him to weaken his troops by detaching any 
 part of them to the defence of Connecticut. Without delay 
 the allied armies pushed forward to Virginia, cheer- | A ^ 2gth 
 ed by the intelligence that the Count de Grass had | 
 entered the Chesapeake with his squadron ; and blocking up 
 the mouth of the bay and the York and James rivers, had 
 effectually cut off all communication with New York. Three 
 thousand French troops, commanded by the Marquis de St. 
 Simon, were landed from the fleet, and joined La Fayette 
 in his camp, then at Williamsburg. By this reinforcement 
 the danger of a sudden attack upon him by the superior 
 force of Cornwallis, was happily removed. The American 
 Commander-in-chief, with the French general Rochambeau, 
 having provided for the transportation of the army down the 
 Chesapeake, pushed on in person, and reached I 
 Williamsburg on the fourteenth of September, j 
 The plan of operation was immediately settled at an inter 
 view on board the French flag ship, the Ville de Paris. 
 The whole body of French and American troops I 
 united at Williamsburg on the twenty-fifth of Sep- | 
 tember, where they were joined by a detachment of Vir 
 ginia militia, commanded by Governor Nelson. A few days 
 of repose were allowed, when the siege ofYorktown was com 
 menced. 
 
 The other branches of the American plan of action, suc 
 ceeded not less perfectly, and with equal fortune. The 
 French fleet at Newport had been also ordered to rendez 
 vous at the mouth of the Chesapeake, and join that of De 
 Grasse. Count de Barras accordingly sailed with five ships 
 of the line, and numerous transports, laden with arms, am 
 munition, and implements for the siege, in which the army 
 before Yorktown was deficient. But danger was in the way 
 of Barras. Admiral Graves, with a much superior British 
 force, was at New York, and Admiral Rodney, informed of 
 the movements of De Grasse, but not believing that the 
 
340 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 whole French fleet would accompany him, had sent Sir 
 Samuel Hood, with fourteen line of battle ships, to the 
 American coast. Hood arrived at the Capes of Virginia be 
 fore de Grasse, and finding no enemy there, pursued his 
 way to New York, and joined Admiral Graves, who, as 
 senior officer, took command, and sailed to intercept de 
 Barras, and engage de Grasse. On the twenty-fourth of Sep- 
 ge t 24 I tember he came in sight of the French squadron, 
 ] at anchor in the Chesapeake, and though inferior 
 in the number of ships, offered them battle. The French 
 admiral slipped his cables and stood out to sea. His policy 
 was to employ the British fleet, in manoeuvring for battle, 
 without coming to a decisive action, until the convoy of De 
 Barras could safely enter. The scheme succeeded. A par 
 tial battle took place, and, for four or five days, the two 
 fleets were in sight of each other; the French gradually 
 withdrawing from the coast, but avoiding a general engage 
 ment. Meanwhile, De Barras, who had stood far off to sea, 
 and made a wide circuit to avoid the British fleet, passed 
 safely into the bay, and De Grasse, having achieved his object, 
 knowing that delay was fatal to the British, and, acting upon 
 the plan of caution urged upon him by Washington, returned 
 to the Chesapeake and re-anchored in his former position. 
 Admiral Graves found the French fleet too strong to be at 
 tacked, and, his own damaged in the action; he accordingly 
 returned to New York, leaving Cornwallis to his fate. The 
 transports thus fortunately brought into the Chesapeake, 
 were employed in bringing down the army of Washington 
 from the Elk, and the artillery and tools which they brought 
 were all important in the prosecution of the siege. 
 
 The grand combination of fleets and armies in the Chesa 
 peake was thus complete. The joint land forces amounted 
 to about seventeen thousand men, of whom thirteen thousand 
 were regulars. The fleet was composed of twenty-nine sail 
 of line of battle ships. There was no hope of escape for 
 Cornwallis but in speedy succor from New York, and he 
 pressed for it urgently, at the same time that he prepared to 
 hold out as long as possible. He had chosen his position on 
 the south side of York river, and strongly fortified it, as well 
 as Gloucester Point, on the opposite side of the river. Arm 
 ed ships on the river, and batteries on the shore, defended 
 the communications between their posts. The works at 
 Yorktown, consisting of a range redoubts and field-works, 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 341 
 
 were guarded by the main body of the army. Tarleton with 
 about six hundred men occupied Gloucester. 
 
 Every preparation being made, the allied armies | 
 moved down on the 28th of September to invest | 
 Yorktown. They drove in the British piquets and patroles, 
 and encamped on the grounds assigned to them. On the 
 north side of the river, the investiture of Gloucester Point 
 was placed under the direction of the French General Choi- 
 sie, with the French legion, under the Duke de Lauzun and 
 General Weedon s brigade of militia. 
 
 On the evening of the next day, Cornwallis committed 
 what by military men has been considered the capital error, 
 of withdrawing his men from the outposts, and retiring 
 within the fortifications of the town. His reasons for this 
 act met with opposition among his own officers, and cer 
 tainly were, based upon a too sanguine reliance on the pro 
 mises of Clinton. On the 29th, intelligence was brought 
 him, that the fleet at New York had been strengthened by 
 the arrival of Admiral Digby from England, with several 
 ships of the line, and also by a ship and frigates from Rod 
 ney, in the West Indies. He was assured that a squadron 
 of twenty-three .ships of the line, with five thousand men, 
 would sail to his relief from New York, by the fifth of Oc 
 tober. These assurances prevailed upon him to husband his 
 own strength by not attempting to defend his outworks in 
 detail. He thus narrowed the space of action for his troops, 
 and limited most materially the time upon which he might 
 calculate to protract the siege. He put his fate upon the 
 literal compliance of Clinton with these assurances within 
 the period assigned. On his withdrawal the allies I 
 advanced, and occupied the ground he had aban- | 
 doned. No attempt was made, as the British general had 
 desired, to carry the place by assault. A fortunate defence 
 might have saved him. The allies were resolved to risk 
 nothing ; the great prize was secure within their hands, and 
 they wisely abstained from trusting any thing to the chance 
 of battle, their enemy s only hope. They proceeded with 
 their works in regular form. Their artillery and I 
 stores were brought up, and on the night of the j 
 sixth of October they broke ground, within a few hundred 
 yards of the British lines, without serious obstruction. The 
 besieged labored hard to strengthen their own works, and 
 their artillery was actively plied. The batteries were 
 2F2 
 
342 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 opened from the lines of the besiegers on the ninth 
 and tenth of October, and kept up a brisk and con 
 tinued fire upon the town. Some of their shells passed into 
 the harbour, and a frigate of 44 guns and a transport ship 
 were burnt. 
 
 On the tenth, tidings were received from Clinton, which 
 redoubled the anxieties of Cornwallis. The sailing of the 
 promised succors had been unavoidably postponed to the 
 12th. Doubts were intimated, whether from unforseen casual 
 ties, they might not be even later in setting out. Clinton 
 inquired further whether the besieged could not hold out till 
 the middle "of November, in which case he would make a 
 diversion in their favour by land, and march to Philadelphia. 
 This disheartening message destroyed the hopes of the 
 beleagured army. Some of Cornwallis s officers renewed 
 the advice given at the commencement of the siege, that he 
 should cross to Gloucester Point; and, keeping a check 
 against pursuit by a strong rear guard, force his way to 
 Philadelphia. This was a desperate proposal, and was de 
 clined. Cornwallis retained a feeble lingering expectation 
 that his commander at New York would still be able to send 
 him succors, ana resolved to defend himself to the last. 
 
 The allied forces continued to advance their works with 
 indefatigable industry. In carrying on their second parallel, 
 it became necessary to reduce two of the redoubts, advanced 
 on the left of the British, which annoyed the working parties. 
 To excite a national emulation, the attack of one was en 
 trusted to an American detachment, commanded 
 by La Fayette, and of the other to a French de 
 tachment, commanded by the Baron de Viomenel. Both of 
 the redoubts were gallantly carried at the point of the bayo 
 net ; and immediately included within the American parallel. 
 No effort was made to retake them. 
 
 The British general perceived that the completion of this 
 
 parallel would make instant destruction to his remaining 
 
 works, inevitable. To retard it, he projected a sortie in the 
 
 evening of the 15th. A detachment, commanded by Colonel 
 
 I Abercrombie, penetrated into the American lines, 
 
 j captured two redoubts, and spiked a number of 
 
 cannon. They were repulsed and driven in by the Viscount 
 
 de Noailles, and the cannon restored to service. The next 
 
 day the batteries were finished and mounted. Nearly a 
 
 hundred pieces of heavy ordnance were brought to bear on 
 
Oct. 17th. 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 343 
 
 the British works with such effect, that the walls were shat 
 tered, the ditches filled with the ruins, the fortifica 
 tions dismounted, and the whole town made so 
 utterly defenceless as not to be able to show a gun in defence. 
 This incessant and terrible cannonading left Cornwal|is no 
 alternative but immediate submission or escape. Hopeless 
 as was the latter effort, he determined to risk it ; and on 
 the night of the 16th, commenced crossing to Gloucester 
 Point, with the design of pushing at once against General 
 Choisie, siezing his stores and horses, and while the body 
 of the American army was detained south of the river by 
 the want of boats to cross, pressing into the interior, aiming 
 for Philadelphia and New York. One part of his army had 
 been ferried over on this bold and desperate plan, when a 
 violent storm arose, dispersed his boats and prostrated his 
 last hope. The surrender of the post became inevitable, 
 particularly as morning disclosed several new batteries which 
 had been opened from the American lines. Submitting to 
 necessity, he asked a suspension of arms for twenty- 
 four hours. Two hours were granted for the pur 
 pose of receiving the proposals, on which the besieged were 
 willing to capitulate ; and those being such as to satisfy 
 Washington of the speedy settlement of the terms, the truce 
 was continued. On the next day, Viscount de Noailles, and 
 Colonel Laurens, on the part of the allies, and Colonel I 
 Dundas and Major Ross, on the part of Cornwallis, | 
 adjusted the articles, to be submitted to the Commanding 
 Generals. Washington transmitted them to Cornwallis on 
 the morning of the 19th, with a letter expressing his expec 
 tation that they would be signed by eleven o clock, and the 
 garrison be delivered by two P. M. All the efforts of the 
 British General to obtain terms for the American loyalists 
 failed. Washington referred their fate exclusively to the 
 civil authorities. The request that the captured soldiers 
 might be returned to Europe on their parole, not to serve in 
 America during the war, was also declined, because it would 
 leave them at liberty to serve in garrisons at home. The 
 most that was yielded on that point was, that Cornwallis 
 might dispatch a sloop of war, the Bonetta, to New York, 
 without search, carrying such persons as he should designate, 
 he being accountable for the vessel as a prize, and the num 
 ber of persons as prisoners of war. Many of the Tories who 
 were most obnoxious to popular resentment, availed them- 
 
344 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 selves of this opportunity. The capitulation was accordingly 
 signed, and at the time appointed, the posts of Yorktown and 
 Oct i9th Gloucester were surrendered to the army of Wash 
 ington, and the shipping in the harbour to the fleet 
 of De Grasse. The same formalities were observed in the 
 surrender of the troops as had been prescribed by Cornwallis 
 to Lincoln, on the surrender of Charleston. To make the 
 parallel more close, Lincoln was appointed to receive the 
 submission. Cornwallis avoided the embarrassing interview 
 by constituting General O Hara his representative. 
 
 The number of prisoners, exclusive of seamen, was 7,073, 
 of whom 3,000 were unfit for duty sick, or wounded. The 
 British loss during the siege in killed, wounded, and missing, 
 was reported at 553: of the Allies about 300. A large 
 quantity of cannon, chiefly brass, fell into the hands of the 
 Americans ; two frigates and twenty transports, with their 
 crews, into the hands of the French. 
 
 On the same day that Cornwallis surrendered, Sir Henry 
 Clinton sailed from New York with a large armament of 
 land and sea forces ; the former of which amounted to 7,000 
 men, and arrived before the Chesapeake on the 24th. The 
 succour came too late, and he immediately returned to New 
 York. 
 
 The victorious Allies separated soon after the surrender. 
 De Grasse was under orders from his government to return 
 to the West Indies. Count Rochambeau and his troops were 
 cantoned in Virginia. The Pennsylvania and Maryland 
 brigades were put under the command of General St. Clair, 
 and dispatched to the south to the army of Greene, and the 
 remainder of the American force, commanded by General 
 Lincoln, returned to New York, and resumed their position 
 in the Highlands of the Hudson. Washington repaired to 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 The victory over Cornwallis was in effect the conclusion 
 of the war. It prostrated the British power upon the con 
 tinent, and recovered the whole country to the Union. 
 Thenceforth the enemy was confined to a few posts on the 
 coast, the cities of New York, Charleston, and Savannah, and 
 reduced to merely defensive measures. Their hold on the 
 States was for ever gone. Hostilities were protracted lan 
 guidly through another season; but the capture of a second 
 British army, of such magnitude, and under a general of so 
 much ability and reputation, confirmed the Independence of 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 345 
 
 the States beyond further dispute, and annihilated every 
 British hope of regaining the colonies by war. 
 
 The victory was therefore hailed with great rejoicings and 
 triumphal celebrations, from one end of the continent to the 
 other. On the day after the capitulation, General Washington 
 ordered all those who were under arrest to be pardoned 
 and set at liberty ; and announced the performance of divine 
 service on the 21st, in the different brigades and divisions, 
 recommending that "all the troops do assist at it with serious 
 deportment, and that sensibility of heart which the surprising 
 and particular interposition of Providence in our favour, 
 claims." Congress, on receiving the official intelligence, 
 went in procession " to return thanks to Almighty God for 
 the signal success of the American arms," and appointed the 
 13th of December as a day of public thanksgiving and prayer. 
 
 Thanks were solemnly voted to the General-in-chief, the 
 Commanders of the French fleet and army, and to the Allies 
 generally. It was resolved to erect a marble column at York- 
 town, bearing appropriate emblems of the allied powers, and 
 the victory. Two stands of colours were presented to Wash 
 ington, and two field pieces to Rochambeau. 
 
 From the states, cities, corporate bodies, and various public 
 institutions, affectionate congratulatory addresses were pre 
 sented in great numbers to the illustrious Commander-in- 
 chief. 
 
 La Fayette, soon after the surrender of Cornwallis, ob 
 tained leave to return to his native country. Coming to 
 America in her deepest adversity, and having borne a 
 conspicuous part in her trials and reverses, he left her, 
 finally, after a victory in which he shared some of the 
 highest honours, and which secured the liberties of his 
 adopted country beyond the power of her enemies. His 
 zeal for the cause of American Independence, his eminent 
 services in the field and in the cabinet, received, at the time, 
 warm acknowledgments from Congress and a grateful people : 
 and have made him, through a long life of usefulness and 
 glory in another hemisphere, the object of enthusiastic ad 
 miration and affection, to their descendants through three 
 generations. 
 
 Thus closed in triumph the year 1781. It opened in 
 gloom, and terminated under brightened auspices : such as 
 gave assurance of returning peace, and renewed promises 
 of the blessings of established institutions and well regulated 
 
346 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 liberty, wealth and increase, order and law. of which the 
 Independence that was now won was to be the fruitful parent. 
 The prosecution of these advantages at home and abroad, 
 so as to assume a proper attitude in the domestic preparations 
 for defence, and to give dignity and efficiency to the rela 
 tions of the United States with foreign nations, occupied the 
 immediate attention of Congress and the Commander-in- 
 chief. The negotiations in Europe, soon manifested the 
 general conviction of all the continental courts of the firm 
 establishment of American sovereignty. Great Britain 
 yielded her pretensions reluctantly at first, but policy soon 
 taught her the usefulness of making her concessions as 
 prompt and liberal as possible. A condensed view of the 
 dispositions of the European belligerents to each other, and 
 of each towards America, will show against what intrigues 
 and diplomatic Subtleties, the American negotiators con 
 tended successfully, to secure the fruits of the victory of 
 " 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 347 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE war between Great Britain and her ancient colonies, 
 had now continued for six years ; and, in its progress, enemy 
 after enemy had been added to the combination against her, 
 until she might be said to be contending with the open or 
 secret hostility of all Europe. Her fleets and armies were 
 making successful head against France, Spain, and Holland, 
 while a more extensive confederacy of all the maritime 
 States, except Portugal, were under the countenance of the 
 formidable Empress of Russia, prepared to attack her naval 
 superiority with their joint fleets. These hostile demonstra 
 tions were all subsequent to the American Revolution, and 
 had their origin in that momentous event. It was not that 
 revolutionary governments had found real favour in the 
 eyes of these nations, or that any real sympathy was felt, 
 beyond the bosoms of a few gallant individuals, for the 
 oppressions or principles of the colonies. It was that the 
 occasion was favourable for weakening the power of Britain, 
 which, since the peace of 1763, had been the object of 
 universal dread and jealousy. France and Spain, in par 
 ticular, besides the ancient hostility of the House of Bourbon 
 to England, and their national dislike of the English, had lost 
 by the preceding wars, a vast extent of territory, and numer 
 ous valuable islands. Pride and interest had been deeply 
 wounded. The immense fleets of Britain rode triumphantly, 
 and, it may be added, with offensive arrogance in every sea, 
 and gave her commerce a superiority which provoked the 
 secret dislike of every maritime power. Until the rupture 
 with the colonies, so unwisely aggravated by the weak, and 
 at the same time overbearing, policy of the ministry, the 
 power of Britain was universally conceded ; and though 
 the object of suspicion and dread, met with no serious or 
 concerted hostility. Nothing but opportunity, however, was 
 necessary to de velope the secret anxiety of her ancie.nt rivals 
 and enemies, to check her aspiring ambition, and diminish 
 her overshadowing superiority. That opportunity was af 
 forded by the civil dissensions between her and her American 
 provinces; a portion of her empire regarded with particular 
 
348 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 interest, not only from its intrinsic value as a great and grow 
 ing country, but from its peculiar situation with regard to the 
 possessions of other nations, especially the French and Span 
 ish dependencies. The progress of the rupture was watched 
 with the keenest anxiety, but with an evident desire to cripple 
 the power of England, as much as possible, with as little 
 encouragement to the principles and views of the Americans 
 as was compatible with this leading purpose. It has been 
 seen, in the course of this narrative, that state policy retarded 
 all public expressions of favour to the American cause, even 
 in France, the most zealous and interested rival of England, 
 until they became necessary to her own particular views. 
 Two years of obstinate warfare, amidst sufferings and re 
 verses of most disastrous omen, had not obtained for the 
 Americans the countenance of the French government, 
 until the capture of Burgoyne, on the one hand, and the 
 altered tone of the British ministry on the other, displayed 
 two alternatives as to the issue of the conflict, either of which 
 would have baffled the wishes of France. A reconciliation 
 with the parent country on terms of liberal compromise, or 
 the achievement of independence, without French succor, 
 would have placed the Americans entirely out of the reach of 
 French influence. The result was the alliance of February, 
 
 1778, and the French war against England. The private 
 views of France were postponed to the emergency of the 
 crisis, but immediately renewed. Spain was made the agent 
 for putting forward the same pretensions, as the price of her 
 alliance, which had been advanced by France in her nego 
 tiations. Independence, which had been fully recognised 
 by the French, was to be reduced in all other foreign recog 
 nitions, and made as little valuable as possible to the Ameri 
 cans, by limiting their territory within the narrowest possible 
 limits. The proffered mediation of the Spanish Court, in 
 
 1779, disclosed a concert of action on these points, between 
 the two courts. Their intrigues to deprive the United States 
 of the Eastern Fisheries, and the Western Territory, so as 
 "to coop us up," in the language of Franklin, "within the 
 Alleghanies," were prosecuted with pertinacity, and only 
 foiled in the end by the steady firmness and sagacity of the 
 American negotiators. The refusal of Congress to make 
 these sacrifices was so displeasing to the Spanish Court, that 
 they declined acceding to the treaties between France and 
 the United States ; and, though waging war against Great 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 349 
 
 Britain, in common with the Allies, neither acknowledged 
 the independence of the States, nor furnished them aid. On 
 the contrary, when applied to by Mr. Jay for assistance in 
 discharging the bills drawn upon him by Congress, they 
 demanded as a condition the acknowledgment of these 
 claims. Upon these selfish views they insisted to the last, 
 and stubbornly refused to acknowledge the New States, 
 except at a cost to which they would, in no event consent. 
 
 As the other European nations joined in the general con 
 federacy against Britain, the same disposition to limit the 
 extent and power of the United States was constantly mani 
 fested. The armed neutrality of 1780, was followed by 
 another proffer of mediation between the belligerents. The 
 Empress of Russia, the head of that coalition, offered herself 
 as the mediatrix, and the Emperor of Germany was asso 
 ciated in the mediation. The offer was accepted by the 
 belligerents in Europe, and Vienna appointed for the meeting 
 of the Congress. The views of France were communicated 
 to Congress in May, 1781, by the Chevalier de la Luzerne ; 
 and his communications manifested the continued eagerness 
 of his court to have entire control of these American ques 
 tions. The result of his representations to Congress had an 
 important bearing on the final negotiations of peace at Paris, 
 in 1782, to be related hereafter. The mediation failed, 
 because of the refusal of Great Britain to admit of the repre 
 sentation of the United States at the Congress, in any other 
 character than that of revolted subjects ; in which opinion 
 the imperial courts sided with the British cabinet. The 
 Marquis De Verac, French Minister at Petersburgh, made 
 known the determination of the courts to Francis Dana, the 
 American Envoy at Petersburgh, in September, 1781. "The 
 mediating powers understand," said he, " that your deputies 
 shall treat simply with the British ministers, as they have 
 already treated in America with the Commissioners of Great 
 Britain, in 1778 that the conclusion of their negotiations 
 shall teach the other powers upon what footing they are to 
 be regarded, and that their public character shall be acknow 
 ledged without difficulty, from the moment when the English 
 themselves shall no longer oppose it." 
 
 The appointment of Mr. Dana to Petersburgh, had given 
 displeasure to the Empress, who declined receiving or re 
 cognizing him. Mr. Adams, to whom the principal share in 
 these negotiations had been committed, peremptorily insisted, 
 
350 HISTORY OP THE 
 
 from the first, upon a preliminary admission of American 
 Independence, by the Congress, and as peremptorily refused 
 to appear there in any other character than as the Minister 
 of a free and sovereign people. Thus terminated, in 1781, 
 this second European mediation. All parties except France, 
 who was committed by her treaties, insisted on treating the 
 Americans as lawful colonies of Great Britain, depending on 
 her consent for their admission into the rank of independent 
 nations. 
 
 The Dutch, though by their commercial pursuits and 
 their form of government, most disposed to form connexions 
 with America, were, if not equally reluctant, not more 
 prompt in their co-operation than the Spaniards. War was 
 proclaimed by Great Britain against Holland, on the 20th of 
 December, 1780. Mr. Adams, who, on the capture of Mr. 
 Laurens, had proceeded to Holland, to complete the pend 
 ing negotiations, was unable, for a long time, to obtain a 
 decisive answer. In April, 1781, he drew up a memorial 
 to the States General, representing the condition and views 
 of the American States, and the high inducements which 
 existed for forming a political connexion between them and 
 the Provinces of Holland. This memorial the States General 
 declined receiving in an official manner, but the substance 
 was communicated to the Provinces for decision. No answer 
 was returned. Mr. Adams repeated his application in August, 
 and at the suggestion of the French minister, proposed a 
 triple alliance between France, Holland, and the United 
 States, all then at war w r ith England, of which the acknow 
 ledgment of the independence of the States by Holland was 
 to be a preliminary condition ; and one of the articles was to be 
 a joint stipulation not to lav down arms until it should be also 
 acknowledged by Great Britain. The States General were 
 still unprepared for this step, and their hesitation continued 
 during the whole year. Not until the favourable change in 
 America, by the campaign of 1781, the victories of Greene, 
 and the capture of Cornwallis, was known in Europe, and 
 the movements of party in England manifested .an admis 
 sion of the hopelessness of recovering America, did even 
 the Dutch add their public recognition of the American 
 Independence to that of France. 
 
 Such was the relation of the American States to their 
 associates in the war, at the period of the surrender of York- 
 town. One month before, Great Britain had haughtily re- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 351 
 
 fused to allow of any interference by other powers between 
 her and her " rebel subjects." That pretension had been 
 admitted by all the European powers, not at open war with 
 her, and was heartily discountenanced by none, except 
 France. In the condition of their affairs, it was undoubtedly 
 believed, that while they could not be conquered, nor per 
 suaded to return to a connexion with Great Britain, they 
 would be content with a limited territory and such a quasi 
 independence as the Swiss cantons enjoyed. The great 
 point of dismembering the British Empire being gained, each 
 of her rivals looked to securing his peculiar share of the 
 spoils. The imposing position which the triumph at York- 
 town enabled the Americans to assume, changed this aspect 
 essentially. We shall shortly see, that with the prospect of 
 peace which immediately followed, the acuteness of the 
 American diplomatists enabled them to foil the intrigues of 
 their allies, while the successes of their arms by bringing 
 the British to terms, enabled them to use for their own 
 benefit, the same national rivalries which had influenced the 
 policy of the Bourbons. English jealousies of France and 
 Spain were successfully employed to prevent any aggran 
 disement of these powers, at the expense of the new States. 
 These important changes in the relative position of the bel 
 ligerent parties, followed soon after the victory at Yorktown. 
 The immediate effects upon the British, by which their 
 subsequent policy was shaped, were the weakening of the 
 ministry of Lord North, its final overthrow, and the forma 
 tion of a new administration upon the avowed principle of 
 hostility to any further prosecution of the American war. 
 
 A new parliament was opened on the 27th of November, 
 just after the intelligence of the defeat and capture of Corn- 
 wallis had been received in London. The King s Speech 
 showed no symptom of faltering in the determination to 
 carry on hostilities for the recovery of America ; and the 
 "unfortunate" fate of the "army in Virginia" w r as an 
 nounced as giving additional proof of the necessity for "a 
 further vigorous, animated, and united exertion." The plan 
 of opposition was not yet settled in the new House, and the 
 customary vote of thanks was adopted. The downfall of the 
 ministry was, however, nigh ; and the first attack was made 
 on the 12th of December. A motion, introduced by Sir 
 James Lowther, proposing to declare that " the war in North 
 America had been hitherto ineffectual to the purposes for 
 
352 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 which it was undertaken, and that perseverance would be 
 unavailing and also injurious to the country, by weakening 
 her power to resist her ancient and confederated enemies," 
 was lost by a vote of 220 to 179, showing a considerable 
 defection in the ministerial ranks. In the course of the 
 debate, the Prime Minister announced that it was no longer 
 in the contemplation of government to prosecute the war 
 internally in America, but to concentrate the forces in a few 
 ports to assist the operations of the fleets. The debate was 
 renewed with acrimony several days afterwards, on the dis 
 cussion of the military estimates. General Conway, Mr. 
 Fox, Burke, and Wm. Pitt, the second son of the late Earl 
 of Chatham, distinguished themselves by the force of their 
 language in denouncing the ministerial course towards 
 America. The opposition daily gained strength, and during 
 the recess of the holidays, a general plan of attack upon the 
 administration was arranged. These efforts were now se 
 conded by addresses and petitions from the city of London, 
 and other important places. Before the struggle was recom 
 menced, the American Secretary, Lord George Germaine, 
 resigned his office, and was created a peer, by the title of 
 Viscount Sackville. He was succeeded by Welbore Ellis, 
 Esq., and it was further determined to send out Sir Guy 
 Carleton, to supersede Sir Henry Clinton as Commander- 
 in-chief in America. 
 
 On the 23d January, Fox opened the concerted assault 
 upon the administration, with a long and able 
 speech, reviewing the whole management of the 
 war, and concluding with a motion for censuring the official 
 conduct of Earl Sandwich, the First Lord of the Admiralty. 
 On this grave question the ministry found themselves, in a 
 full house, in a majority of only twenty-two votes 205 noes 
 to 183 ayes, for the vote of censure on Lord Sandwich. The 
 gradual falling off of the ministerial majorities, encouraged 
 the opposition to more direct efforts to put an end to the 
 war, and defeat Lord North upon that question. On the 
 ^ d I 22d of February, General Conway brought forward 
 I a motion to obtain the sense of Parliament on an 
 address to his majesty "that the war might be no longer 
 pursued for the impracticable purpose of reducing the people 
 of America by force." Ministers resisted the motio-n with all 
 their strength, and on the decision found themselves in a ma 
 jority of one vote 194 noes to 193 ayes. There was no longer 
 
 Jan. 23d. 
 
Feb. 27th. 
 
 AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 353 
 
 any doubt of the fate of the administration : but the king s 
 obstinacy required to be overcome by a distinct legislative 
 expression of the popular wish. Accordingly, on the 27th 
 of February, General Con way renewed his motion 
 in a more explicit form, declaring that it was the 
 opinion of the House of Commons, that " the farther prose 
 cution of offensive war on the continent of North America, 
 for the purpose of reducing the revolted colonies by force, 
 would be the means of weakening the efforts of this country 
 against her European enemies, and tend, under the present 
 circumstances, dangerously to increase the mutual enmity, 
 so fatal to the interests of Great Britain and America, and 
 by preventing a happy reconciliation with that country, to 
 prostrate the earnest desire graciously expressed by his 
 majesty to restore the blessings of public tranquility." 
 
 This motion, which virtually put an end to the war, was 
 carried against the ministry by a majority of nineteen 234 
 ayes to 215 noes : and it was farther resolved that the House 
 should go in a body to present an address to his majesty 
 to this effect. It was noted as an offensive circumstance, 
 that \vhen the House were admitted to offer this address to 
 the throne, Benedict Arnold, the American traitor, stood at 
 the right hand of the king. Lord Surrey, afterwards Duke 
 of Norfolk, complained in Parliament of this indignity, as 
 one that was " an insult to the House, and deserved its 
 censure." 
 
 The king s answer to the address was vague and unsatis 
 factory. His reluctance to yield any thing to the opposition 
 was still manifest. He did not allude to the direct expres 
 sion of the sense of the House against the war, but expressed, 
 in general terms, his determination to take such measures 
 as should appear to him "conducive to the restoration of 
 harmony between Great Britain and the revolted colonies, 
 so essential to the prosperity of both." 
 
 The exulting Whigs were not content with this evasive 
 answer. They accordingly persevered in asking for stronger 
 pledges; and on the 4th of March, on motion of General 
 Conway, it was resolved, without a division, that 
 "This House will consider as enemies to his ma 
 jesty and the country all those who should advise a prose 
 cution of offensive war on the Continent of North America." 
 On the same day the appointment of Carleton to supersede 
 Clinton in command, took effect. 
 2G2 
 
 March 4. 
 
354 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Two such successive votes against the policy kept up by 
 the ministry for eight years, were expected to compel their 
 instant resignation. To the .astonishment of the country, 
 they still held on. The opposition determined to test the 
 House directly, on a vote for a general censure of ministers. 
 This was brought forward by motion made by Lord John 
 March 8 Cavendish, on the 8th of March. The debate 
 lasted until two in the morning. The ministerial 
 party rallied and defeated this direct vote of censure, by a 
 majority of ten, and adjourned the House to the 15th. The 
 interval was occupied in efforts to divide the opposition, 
 and form a mixed Cabinet, all of which failed. On the 15th, 
 the Whigs returned to the attack. The motion was renewed, 
 r I declaring that the House had "no further confi- 
 I dence in the ministers who had the direction of 
 public affairs, " which was again lost by a majority of nine 
 votes 227 ayes and 236 noes. On the announcement of 
 this division, notice was given that the same motion would 
 be renewed on the 20th ; and as many of those who voted 
 in the majority, were known to have done so from the un 
 certainty as to the new cabinet, rather than from preference 
 to that of Lord North, the fate of the administration was 
 considered as sealed. So they understood it themselves : 
 March 20 I anc ^ wnen on ^ ne 20th, the Earl of Surrey rose 
 I in a very crowded house to make the promised 
 motion, Lord North interrupted him by announcing that the 
 ministry was dissolved, and only held place until the king 
 should have selected their successors. 
 
 Thus terminated the administration of Lord North, during 
 which the affairs of Great Britain had declined from a height 
 of unexampled prosperity to almost inextricable confusion. 
 It had been marked by a series of political disasters and 
 blunders, which deprived the country of its richest foreign 
 possessions ; and accumulated a load of debt and taxation, 
 beneath which the nation groaned heavily. 
 
 The Whigs, who had been for eight years contending 
 against the American war, came immediately into power. 
 The Marquis of Rockingham was placed at the head of the 
 new administration, with the pledge to put an end to the 
 war, at all events even at the price of acknowledging 
 American Independence. Lord Chancellor Thurlow alone, 
 of the old administration, was permitted to retain his place. 
 The early and leading advocates of America were taken into 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 355 
 
 the cabinet. Lord John Cavendish was made Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer; Fox and the Earl of Shelburne, Secretaries 
 of State ; Lord Camden, President of the Council ; the Duke 
 of Grafton. Lord Privy Seal ; Burke, Paymaster, and General 
 Conway placed at the head of the army. This ministry, 
 during its brief existence, laboured zealously to conclude 
 peace. Overtures were at first made separately to the bellige 
 rents, to induce them to treat separately. This had been also 
 the favourite policy of Lord North, with a view of dividing 
 the strength of the adversaries of Britain. After the surren 
 der of Cornwallis, Mr. Hartley had been sent to Paris, to 
 confer with Mr. Adams and Dr. Franklin, on a projet for 
 treating separately from France ; and at the same time, an 
 agent was commissioned to sound the French minister upon 
 a proposal to treat, independent of the Americans. This 
 emissary was Mr. Forth, Secretary to Lord Stormont, re 
 cently British minister to France. Dr. Franklin states that 
 the offers to the French were large : France was to retain 
 all her conquests in the West Indies ; to reserve some pecu 
 liar advantages in the East Indies, and the British right of 
 keeping a Commissary at Dunkirk was to be abandoned. It 
 was further understood, that the restoration of Canada to the 
 French would be acceded to, if required as an ultimatum. 
 The ministers of both nations declined these proposals, as 
 irreconcilable with their mutual engagements. The fall of 
 the North administration, and the pacific principles upon 
 which its successor was formed, renewed these efforts to 
 separate the allies. 
 
 Sir Guy Carleton, the new Commander-in-chief, arrived 
 in New York on the 5th, and announced that he and Ad 
 miral Digby, the naval Commander-in-chief, were appointed 
 Commissioners by the new ministry to treat upon terms of 
 peace with the United States. He communicated to General 
 Washington the vote in Parliament abandoning the war, and 
 the pendency of measures authorizing the king to conclude 
 a peace or truce with the " revolted provinces" in North 
 America. He requested a passport for his Secretary to 
 proceed to Congress as a bearer of these dispatches. Con 
 gress, before whom General Washington laid these papers, 
 declined to negotiate without their allies, and refused the 
 passport. This closed the efforts of the Commissioners in 
 America, until they announced to General Washington, on 
 the 2d of August, that the Rockingham ministry had deter- 
 
356 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 mined in cabinet council to "offer America unlimited, un 
 conditional independence," as the basis of a negotiation for 
 peace that Mr. Grenville had been commissioned for that 
 purpose to treat with all parties in a general negotiation, 
 which had been agreed upon to be opened at Paris. 
 
 This policy was adopted in the cabinet by the influence of 
 the Marquis of Rockingham and his friends. The succeeding 
 ministry, of which the Earl of Shelburne was the chief, 
 acquiesced reluctantly, and the king was at all times exceed- 
 dingly averse to it. 
 
 Ministers soon after their appointment, about the same 
 time that they sent Sir Guy Carleton to America, dispatched 
 Mr. Richard Oswald to France, to confer with the diplo 
 matic agents of the allied powers. It was found impractica 
 ble to separate them, and on the 18th of April, Mr. Oswald 
 returned to London with a report of his mission. The British 
 cabinet thereupon assented to a general negotiation, which 
 assent was conveyed to Paris on the 4th of May, and Mr. 
 Grenville soon after arrived there with a commission to treat 
 with the king of France, and " any other prince or state 
 whom it might concern." He informed Dr. Franklin ex 
 plicitly, that he was authorized to admit the Independence 
 of the United States as a preliminary act. 
 
 American Independence was formally acknowledged by 
 Holland on the 19th of April ; and on the 2;2d Mr. AcTams 
 was received in the quality of " Ambassador from the United 
 States of North America to their high mightinesses." Nego 
 tiations with Holland for treaties of commerce detained Mr. 
 Adams in Holland, so that he was unable to take part in 
 the important affairs at Paris, until the month of October. 
 
 All parties had now consented to abandon the prosecution 
 of the war, and the essential article of American Independ 
 ence was agreed upon, when the death of the Marquis of 
 Rockingham, which took place on the 1st of July, broke up 
 July 1st, the English cabinet, and embarrassed the progress 
 
 1782. O f t] ie negotiations. The Earl of Shelburne became 
 Prime Minister, and the Rockingham part of the cabinet, 
 headed by Mr. Fox and Lord John Cavendish, seceded, 
 upon the ground that the principles of the late Prime Minister 
 in respect to American Independence, were abandoned. 
 Lord Shelburne took early occasion to declare, in his place 
 in Parliament, his continued repugnance to the acknow 
 ledgment of Independence. The difficulties which this 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 357 
 
 declaration created in the conferences at Paris, produced 
 much delay in the conclusion of the Treaty. Mr. Gren- 
 ville was recalled from Paris, and Mr. Fitzherbert, the 
 British envoy at Brussels, was transferred to Paris, I 
 with a full commission to treat with France, Spain, | 
 and Holland. With him Mr. Oswald was associated, and 
 information transmitted to him, that a commission was about 
 to be issued to him, "to treat, consult, and conclude" with 
 the Commissioners of " the American colonies or plantations, 
 or with any body or bodies, corporate or politic, or any assem 
 bly or assemblies or descriptions of men whatsoever, a peace 
 or truce with the said colonies or plantations, or any part or 
 parts of them." The style of this commission, sufficiently 
 indicates the altered disposition of the British Cabinet, and 
 the lingering hope entertained that some arrangement might 
 be made short of Independence. The inducements to 
 Great Britain for receding from this position, are intimately 
 connected with the relations between the Americans and 
 their European allies. 
 
 The basis of the proposed negotiation was admitted by 
 all parties to be the treaty of 1763. The rights of France, 
 Spain, Great Britain, and America, under that treaty, and 
 from the events of the existing war, to the territory west of 
 the Alleghanies, to the navigation of the Mississippi, and to 
 the eastern fisheries, were a keen subject of controversy 
 between the new States and their allies. Connected with 
 the controversy is the history of the diplomatic measures of 
 the American Congress in respect to the terms of peace to 
 be offered to Great Britain, the powers to be granted to their 
 commissioners in Europe, and the extent of the influence 
 to be allowed to the French king, in directing the negotia 
 tion. The nature of the designs of the Bourbon powers on 
 the subject of the West, has been already explained. The 
 train of intrigues by which they succeeded in fettering the 
 American commissioners at Paris, so that France claimed 
 the right of being sole arbiter of the terms, and endeavored 
 to model them to suit her individual profit, and that of Spain, 
 requires a more particular notice. 
 
 The proffered mediation of the king of Spain, between the 
 three belligerents, in 1779, produced the first discussion and 
 settlement of the terms of peace, upon which Congress were 
 willing to treat. France then interfered through M. Gerard, 
 to lower their claims to Independence, and place them in 
 
358 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 the same relation as Geneva and the Swiss Cantons, and 
 to procure a formal abandonment of the territorial and 
 other contested questions, for the purpose of securing the 
 Spanish alliance. Congress, at that time, were firm, and 
 gave their minister instructions to insist upon the full 
 acknowledgment of the United States as sovereign, free, and 
 independent, as a preliminary article, and upon the Mississippi 
 as the western boundary. The fisheries were not made an 
 ultimatum to the treaty, but Congress passed a separate 
 declaratory resolution, affirming the right of the United 
 States to the fisheries, and defining any attempt of the Bri 
 tish to molest them in that right, to be cause of war. The 
 general direction to the minister, in all other matters, was, 
 to govern himself by the alliance with France, the "advice" 
 of the Allies, and his " own discretion" 
 
 These instructions did not meet the views of France. 
 Spain, though she went to war with England, held back from 
 the American alliance. The new French minister, Luzerne, 
 in January of the next year, brought up the subject again, 
 and obtained a conference with a Committee of Congress, 
 to represent " certain articles" whichlhe Spanish king had 
 represented to the French king as of " gceat importance to 
 the interests of his crown, and upon which it was highly 
 necessary that the United States should explain themselves 
 with precision, and such moderation as might consist with 
 their essential rights." It was demanded that the United States 
 should expressly define their boundary, which was to extend 
 no further than the settlements were permitted by the procla 
 mation of the British king, dated in October, 1703, the same 
 which had been considered a grievance by the Colonists in 
 that day; that their right to navigate the Mississippi should be 
 renounced as untenable ; and the right of Spain acknow 
 ledged to hold the Floridas, if she conquered them, and the 
 lands on the east of the Mississippi, to the limits defined in 
 the British proclamation above mentioned, as territory be 
 longing to Great Britain, and not included within the States. 
 This declaration made it evident, that France and Spain 
 were anxious to annex to the Spanish territories, not only 
 the Floridas on the south, but the whole of the immense 
 country watered by streams running from the north and east 
 into the Mississippi. Congress could not be brought to assent 
 to these pretensions ; but the effect of the communications is 
 to be seen in a further modification of their instructions to 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 359 
 
 Mr. Jay, at Madrid, directing him not to insist upon an 
 express acknowledgment of the right of navigating the 
 Mississippi : but, at the same time, not to relinquish it 
 formally. No direct answer was given to the French minister 
 on these points. A committee of Congress drew up an argu 
 mentative statement of their right to the western lands, for 
 the direction of their envoys in Europe. The statement was 
 from the pen of Mr. Madison, and bears date October 17th, 
 1780. The modified instructions to Mr. Jay were adopted 
 in January, 1781. 
 
 In the month of May following, the proffered mediation 
 of the Empress of Russia, and the Emperor of Germany, 
 between the belligerents, was announced to Congress by the 
 French minister. The terms of peace and the powers of 
 the Commissioners again became important points for deci 
 sion; and Count Luzerne again pressed for the abandonment 
 of the claims of the United States on the contested ques 
 tions. A Committee of Conference with him was appointed 
 by Congress, and the result of their interviews shewed that, 
 with the exception of the single question of Independence, 
 the court of France required to have exclusive control of 
 the negotiations. The principal point urged by him was, 
 the propriety of perfect and open confidence in the French 
 ministers, and a thorough reliance on the king. He made 
 strong complaints of the conduct of Mr. Adams, the plenipo 
 tentiary, and asked, explicitly, that a strict line of conduct 
 should be drawn for that minister, "of which he might not 
 be allowed to lose sight." The instructions which he 
 desired Congress to give Mr. Adams were, " to take no step 
 without the approbation of his majesty," and " to receive his 
 directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person 
 who might be charged with the negotiation in the name of 
 the king." This demand was so comprehensive, that it was 
 hardly deemed necessary to discuss the contested points. 
 He simply endeavoured, in general terms, to impress upon 
 the Committee the " necessity" Congress were under of 
 securing the "benevolence and good will of the mediating 
 powers," by presenting their demands with the "greatest 
 moderation and reserve." 
 
 This communication, essentially so arrogant, was not re 
 ceived by Congress with perfect complaisance. They refused, 
 in the first instance, to appoint any additional commissioners 
 as had been urged, and voted to continue Mr. Adams in the 
 
360 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 management of the negotiation. They abandoned, however, 
 all the ultimata of previous instructions, except that of Inde 
 pendence, and inserted in the new instructions a direction 
 to their minister to make " the most candid and confidential 
 communications on all subjects" to the French ministers ; 
 and " to undertake nothing in the negotiations of peace 
 without their knowledge or concurrence." 
 
 On communicating these proceedings to the French 
 minister, it was found that his views were not yet answered. 
 An unlimited discretion in the American envoy, guided by 
 French councils, was not sufficient. The sturdy indepen 
 dence of Mr. Adams was still to be feared. The French 
 court required a full control in all points except that of 
 sovereignty, and more accommodating associates. 
 
 The result of the conference of M. Luzerne, with the 
 committee, was the insertion into Mr. Adams instructions 
 of a peremptory clause, after the direction to do nothing 
 without the knowledge or concurrence of the French minis 
 ters, in the following words : " and ultimately to govern your 
 selves by their advice and opinion." Every thing was now 
 surrendered into the hands of the French ; and, to complete 
 the concessions, a commission, consisting of John Jay, Dr. 
 Franklin, Mr. Jefferson, and Henry Laurens, were associated 
 with Mr. Adams, as plenipotentiaries for negociating a treaty 
 of peace. The final adoption of these measures was on the 
 15th of June, 1781. 
 
 The imperial mediation failed, and the high stand assumed 
 by Mr. Adams, on the occasion, confirmed the distrust with 
 which the French ministers had regarded him. They had, 
 however, gained their point, in being constituted exclusive 
 managers of the negotiation. They were, however, as the 
 issue proved, disappointed in their expectations of benefit 
 from the change of agents. The commissioners were not 
 less unbending than Mr. Adams, in their patriotism ; and 
 finding themselves embarrassed by the toils in which Con 
 gress had been drawn by these intrigues, boldly broke 
 through them. 
 
 We are now prepared for a history of their immediate 
 efforts, when the arms of America and France had, by the 
 victory at Yorktown, revolutionized the English cabinet, 
 and brought Great Britain to the offer of a negotiation, 
 in 1782. In the spring of that year, the fortune of the war 
 between Great Britain and her European allies, preponderated 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 361 
 
 in her favour. Admiral Rodney, in the famous battle of the 
 12th of April, in the West Indies, won a great naval victory 
 over the fleet of De Grasse, in which the French fleet suffered 
 prodigious loss, and the admiral was made prisoner. The 
 successful defence of Gibraltar was not less glorious and 
 profitable to the English in Europe. This variety of fortune 
 placed the American interests on higher ground, in the pro 
 posed treaty. England was placed in such a situation, as 
 to entitle her to refuse any advantages to her European 
 antagonists, and it was made her manifest interest, to sustain 
 American pretensions to territory in preference to those of 
 France and Spain. 
 
 These were the dispositions of the parties when, in July 
 1782, the commissioners assembled at Paris to settle the 
 terms of a general peace. The Count de Vergennes, acted 
 on behalf of France, Count de Aranda, for Spain, Mr. Fitz- 
 herbert between Great Britain and her European enemies, 
 and Mr. Oswald between her and the Americans; Dr. 
 Franklin and Mr. Jay, the latter of whom had just arrived 
 from Madrid, represented the United States. Mr. Laurens 
 did not arrive until the business was completed, and Mr. 
 Adams was engaged until late in October, in settling a treaty 
 with Holland. The long protracted negotiations with Spain 
 were trsnsferred to Paris at the same time. 
 
 The American commissioners soon found they had a most 
 difficult task before them, embarrassed, as they were, by the 
 instructions of Congress, placing them totally in the power of 
 the French, and surrounded by intrigues for sacrificing the 
 dignity and interests of their country, to the ambition of their 
 own allies. Mr. Oswald s commission was, for some time, a 
 means of arresting all proceedings. The American States were 
 styled " colonies, or plantations," and the powers of the com 
 mission implied them to be still in a state of dependence on 
 Great Britain. Mr. Jay denied the sufficiency of these powers, 
 and insisted peremptorily on an explicit recognition of the 
 Independence of the United States, before he would consent 
 to treat. Dr. Franklin, at first, was willing to treat, waiving 
 the point as a matter of form, but acquiesced, finally, in the 
 judgment of his colleague. All the negotiations were 
 suspended, on this point. The French minister favored the 
 British view of the question, and urged Mr. Jay to proceed, 
 without demanding to be held as the envoy of sovereign in 
 fact, before the conclusion of the treaty. Mr. Jay was 
 
362 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 unyielding, and a discovery which he made, that the French 
 court had interfered directly with the British commissioners, 
 with advice unfavorable to the extent of the American 
 demands, strengthened his suspicions of the selfish purposes 
 of the allies, and his determination not to descend from the 
 ground of perfect independence. The Count de Vergennes 
 gave such information of the wishes of his court to Mr. Fitz- 
 herbert, on this point, as to produce a pledge from the Bri 
 tish cabinet, in a new., instruction to Mr. Oswald, of the 
 intention to grant to America, " full, complete, and uncon 
 ditional Independence by article of treaty." These dis 
 patches were shown to the American ministers, as contain 
 ing all that they could desire, on the subject of Indepen 
 dence. But they thought otherwise ; and the agency of the 
 French, in retarding the immediate acknowledgment of 
 Independence, confirmed the fears produced by their move 
 ments made contemporaneously in another quarter. It was 
 clearly the policy of France, in order to avail herself of the 
 control vested in her over the terms of peace, that Inde 
 pendence should be a subject of negotiation, and the recog 
 nition of it by treaty one of the considerations, for which 
 the coveted western lands should be made the price. If 
 Great Britain abandoned, formally, in the act of treating, all 
 right over her former colonies, the essential object of the war 
 would be gained, and French and Spanish interests would lose 
 their strongest claims for concession. While the pride and 
 prejudices of the British cabinet were enlisted on one side, 
 to postpone the admission of American Independence, the 
 interval was sedulously employed in pushing the Spanish 
 pretensions to the western lands ; first in conferences between 
 Mr. Jay and the Count de Aranda, and subsequently by 
 informal communications from M. de Rayneval, the Secre 
 tary of the French minister, to the American minister. In 
 these interviews it became evident to Mr. Jay, that the 
 French and Spanish courts united in opinion, that the western 
 limits of the United States ought to be agreed upon as pre 
 liminary to a negotiation for peace ; that these limits should 
 not reach beyond the head of the streams that empty into 
 the Mississippi from the east ; that the fate of the lands, 
 without these limits, was to be determined between them 
 and Great Britain to the exclusion of the United States: 
 and that in regard to the fisheries, the United States should 
 be limited to coast fisheries. Several boundaries were pro- 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 363 
 
 posed, but that most liberal to the States, called by M. de 
 Rayneval, the conciliatory line, would have left one half of the 
 present state of Tennessee, nearly all Mississippi and Ala 
 bama, and all the land north of the Ohio, including the 
 States of Ohio. Indiana, and Illinois, without the limits of the 
 United States. 
 
 With Count de Aranda, as with Oswald, Mr. Jay refused 
 to negotiate without an exchange of commissions, with 
 sufficient powers, and in consequence, these conferences 
 were informal. The rights of the United States were reso 
 lutely maintained by the American minister, and he refused 
 to treat, on all occasions, except on terms of perfect equality, 
 and for the undiminished claims of his country. His firm 
 ness having foiled every expectation of concession from the 
 Americans on these points preliminary to negotiation, M. 
 de Rayneval was dispatched on a secret mission to England, 
 to confer with the British cabinet. The object of this jour 
 ney was believed to be, to inform Lord Shelburne, that France 
 was satisfied with the offer of Britain to make American 
 Independence contingent on the completion of the treaty, to 
 make overtures concerning a division of the fisheries between 
 the two kingdoms, to the exclusion of the Americans, arid to 
 secure for Spain the western lands, and the exclusive west 
 ern navigation, in return for leaving Great Britain the whole 
 of the territory north of the Ohio. 
 
 To counteract these machinations, now became, in the 
 judgment of Mr. Jay, indispensable to the interests of the 
 United States. The essential point was to deprive the 
 French of their influence over the question of Independence, 
 by obtaining a spontaneous recognition from Great Britain. 
 He declined acting with Mr. Oswald under his new instruc 
 tions, and represented to him the policy of making the 
 United States perfectly independent of France. He drew 
 up his objections in writing, which w r ere acquiesced in by 
 Dr. Franklin, and communicated informally to the British 
 Commissioner. When M. de Rayneval s mission to England 
 was made known, Mr. Jay took upon himself the respon 
 sibility of sending a secret agent directly to the English 
 minister. The purport of his mission was to explain the 
 position assumed by the Americans on the subject of Inde 
 pendence, and their resolution never to abandon it ; and to 
 represent the selfish policy which the two Bourbon courts 
 were pursuing, and which it was the interest of Great 
 
364 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Britain, as well as the United States, to defeat. This promp 
 measure effected the object. A few days brought a dispatch 
 to Mr. Oswald, announcing that the cabinet had "at once 
 agreed to make the alteration in the commission proposed by 
 Dr. Franklin and Mr. Jay." On the 27th of September, a 
 
 Sept. 27. 
 
 new commission was received, authorizing the 
 British negotiator to treat with commissioners on 
 the part of the Thirteen " UNITED STATES OF NORTH 
 AMERICA." 
 
 The American negotiators were thus placed in an advan 
 tageous position with respect to all parties, as the plenipo 
 tentiaries of sovereigns in fact, and released from all depen 
 dence on the French court in this most essential point. They 
 resolved to prosecute their negotiations in the same temper, 
 and being satisfied that the views of the French court were 
 adverse to American interests, they agreed to disregard the 
 instructions of Congress, and proceed to settle the terms of 
 peace without, communication with the French ministers^ 
 Mr. Adams completed a treaty with Holland, and joined the 
 other commissioners on the 23d of October. Approving of 
 all they had done, in respect to the terms of peace, and in 
 relation to the French court, he joined in the negotiation, 
 which was brought to a close on the 30th of November. On 
 that day, a provisional treaty was signed by both 
 the parties, to take effect whenever peace should 
 be concluded between France and Great Britain. When 
 all was agreed upon, the treaty was communicated to the 
 Count de Vergennes. His dissatisfaction was distinctly 
 expressed to Dr. Franklin, and the tone of his comments 
 manifested very distinctly the disappointment of his court at 
 being thus excluded from the benefit of controlling the 
 terms of the treaty. The American commissioners, fortu 
 nately possessed sagacity and firmness enough to consult the 
 interests of their own country, fearlessly, and encounter 
 every responsibility to secure her just rights, as well against 
 intrigues as against intimidation. 
 
 By this treaty, the king of England acknowledged, in terms, 
 what had been admitted in the act of treating, the liberty, 
 sovereignty, and independence of the thirteen United States, 
 who were named successively. On the subject of boun 
 daries the amplest concessions were made, including 
 within the limits of the United States, the vast territory 
 north of the Ohio to the middle of the great lakes, arid 
 
 Nov. 30. 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 reaching to the Mississippi. The Americans were also 
 secured in the right of fishing on the banks of Newfound 
 land, in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and all other places where 
 the two nations had been accustomed to carry on fishing 
 before the rupture ; and they were to have liberty to fish on 
 the coast of Newfoundland. The British commissioners 
 labored anxiously for the introduction of a clause for the 
 indemnification of the American loyalists, and the restora 
 tion of forfeited estates ; but the most that could be obtained 
 was an agreement that Congress should recommend to the 
 States the adoption of such measures ; Dr. Franklin, at the 
 same time, frankly told Mr. Oswald that there was no ground 
 for expecting that the States w r ould comply. He sarcasti 
 cally suggested a counter article of agreement, that the Bri 
 tish king should recommend to parliament to make compen 
 sation to the American Whigs, for the property, houses, 
 stores, ships and cargoes, towns, villages, and farms, destroyed 
 and plundered by his soldiers in America. 
 
 These provisional articles being agreed upon, the disputes 
 between Great Britain and the United States were at an end, 
 but the war, nevertheless, was nominally continued. The 
 terms of peace between the other belligerent powers, were 
 not yet adjusted, and the Americans were bound to wait the 
 event of the French negotiations. 
 
 These negotiations were retarded by the violent opposition 
 made in the British parliament to the course of the ministry 
 in directing them. A coalition between the leading mem 
 bers of the late Rockingham cabinet, headed by Mr. Fox, 
 and Lord North s party, assailed the Earl of Shelburne 
 with such success as finally to drive him from power, and 
 establish themselves in office. During the excited debates, 
 which ended in this triumph, it was determined, as the 
 sense of the house, that the votes against the ministry, for 
 concluding peace on terms so disadvantageous, were not 
 designed to express any intention to renew the war, or to 
 recede from the provisional articles. The abandonment of 
 the American tories was especially reprobated, and parlia 
 ment voted to redeem the national faith, by making suitable 
 provision for them out of the British treasury. While par 
 liament censured the minister for the extent of his conces 
 sions, they considered themselves bound to adhere to the 
 treaty, including preliminary articles which were in progress, 
 and had been agreed upon with France. 
 SH2 
 
366 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 Jan. 20. 
 1783. 
 
 April 19. 
 
 These preliminaries were finally signed on the 
 20th January 1783, at Paris, by Mr. Fitzherbert, 
 on the part of Great Britain, and Count de Vergennes, as 
 the French minister plenipotentiary. 
 
 The definitive treaties were not officially signed and 
 ratified, until the completion of the Spanish treaty with Eng 
 land. The plenipotentiaries, however, agreed upon a sus 
 pension of arms. This was communicated to Congress on 
 the 24th March, by a letter from General Lafayette, and 
 orders were instantly issued for recalling American priva 
 teers, and arresting all hostile operations. A proclamation 
 was issued on the llth of April, in the name of " the United 
 States of America in Congress assembled," declaring this 
 cessation of arms ; and on the 19th of April, the 
 eighth anniversary of the battle of Lexington, in 
 which the first blood of the revolution had been shed, peace 
 was proclaimed in the American army. 
 
 The independence of the United States was acknow 
 ledged by Sweden, on the 5th of February ; by Denmark on 
 the 25th of February ; by Spain on the &lth of March ; and 
 by Russia in July. Treaties of amity and commerce were 
 severally concluded with these powers. 
 
 The definitive treaty of peace, was finally signed at Paris 
 Se t 3d I on ^ e ^ ^ f September, by David Hartley, who 
 I had been appointed to succeed Mr. Oswald on the 
 change of ministry, for Great Britain, and John Adams, Ben 
 jamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the part of the United 
 States. At the same time definitive treaties were signed by 
 the plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, with those of France, 
 Spain, and Holland, respectively, and a general peace was 
 re-established among all the belligerents. 
 
 While these negotiations were carried on abroad to such 
 a triumphant result, the military operations of the hostile 
 troops in the States were few, and finally by common con 
 sent, the war settled down into entire inaction, even before 
 the proclamation for a cessation of arms, on the conclusion 
 of the preliminary treaty. 
 
 In the southern department of the United States, General 
 Greene, at the close of the year 1781, occupied the hills 
 beyond the Santee, from which he descended to keep in 
 check the British, who occupied Charleston city. In Janu 
 ary 1782, he was joined by the brigades, under St. Clair, 
 sent from the army at Yorktown, and took post on the Edisto 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 367 
 
 jiver, about fifty miles from the city. The condition of his 
 army there was very deplorable. Their distresses from want 
 of pay, provisions, and clothing, rose to such a height, that a 
 mutiny, in the Pennsylvania line, broke out, and was only 
 quelled by force and the execution of the ringleader. These 
 difficulties kept the army from undertaking any active mea 
 sures, during the summer, in South Carolina. 
 
 Savannah was still in possession of the British, in consi 
 derable force, commanded by General Clarke. General 
 Wayne, with a part of the American army, was detached 
 into Georgia, to operate against that post. On the 19th of 
 May, he encountered and defeated a party of the British, 
 sent out to cover the advance of some Indian allies, and 
 drove them with loss into the city. A few weeks afterwards, 
 he defeated the Indian succors, marching from the Creek 
 nation into Savannah. These skirmishes closed the war in 
 Georgia. The British immediately afterwards determined 
 upon evacuating Savannah. The merchants made I 
 terms with General Wayne for the protection of | 
 their property, and the security of those who might desire to 
 adhere to the British. The garrison embarked on the llth 
 of July, and General Wayne occupied the city on the same 
 day. 
 
 After the recovery of Savannah, General Wayne joined 
 General Greene, with his force, and the joint army moved 
 towards Charleston. The British army were by their orders 
 confined to defensive operations entirely, and were prepar 
 ing to evacuate the city. Unhappily, in the correspondence 
 between the commanding generals on the subject of pur 
 chasing supplies for the British, differences arose, and parties 
 continued to be sent out to seize on them by force. In one 
 of these excursions, a smart skirmish occurred at Page s 
 Point, on the 27th of August, in which Colonel Laurens, a 
 popular and distinguished officer, was mortally wounded. 
 This was the last bloodshed in South Carolina. The inten 
 tion of the British to abandon the State was publicly an 
 nounced, but the preparations went on slowly. Commis 
 sioners were appointed on both sides, within the city, to 
 settle terms for protecting the rights of property, and a con 
 vention settled for the purpose, which was little observed by 
 the enemy. At length the embarkation of the troops I 
 was commenced, and on the 14th of December 
 
368 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 was completed. On the same day, the civil authorities re- 
 occupied the city, and resumed their functions. 
 
 On that day, therefore, after a distressing invasion of about 
 three years, the war in the South terminated. 
 
 At the^ north, no engagement occurred after the battle of 
 Yorktown. That success, the prospects of a speedy peace 
 which it held forth, the movements in Europe, especially 
 in England, consequent upon it, and the pacific overtures of 
 Sir Guy Carleton, who arrived in the spring to supersede 
 Clinton as commander-in-chief, had the effect of suspending 
 all active operations in both armies. But the difficulties of 
 Congress and the Commander-in-chief increased alarmingty. 
 Victory had the customary effect of relaxing the efforts of 
 the States, and the expectation of peace enforced an imme 
 diate attention to the condition of public affairs, and the means 
 of complying with public engagements, and providing for 
 heavy arrearages to the army and in the civil service. These 
 new and urgent claims were advanced with increasing discon 
 tent, now that the pressure of foreign danger was thought to 
 be removed, and the attention of all classes, more especially 
 the soldiers, became turned to the future. At the same 
 time, so entirely had the means of the treasury failed, from 
 a deficiency in the rates of taxation and the mode of collec 
 tion, that Congress depended for some time on a monthly 
 grant, from France, of 500,000 livres, for defraying the cur 
 rent expenses. This sum was insufficient, and only the 
 financial expedients of Robert Morris, with the aid of the 
 Bank of North America, by anticipating the taxes, enabled 
 them to keep up the public service. 
 
 Neither officers nor men had received any pay for a con 
 siderable time; their support with the necessaries of existence 
 was hardly provided for, and, in the midst of present want, 
 they received intimation that Congress was about to reduce 
 the army, and in September that determination was publicly 
 made known. A more just ground for discontent and 
 alarm to the army, could not well be imagined, and fears 
 were entertained that open mutiny would be the conse 
 quence. The reduction of the establishment would throw 
 a large part of them out of the service, without compensa 
 tion for the past, or substantial provision for the future. 
 Most of them had spent the flower of their lives, and many 
 of them their own private fortunes, in sustaining the cause 
 of Independence, and all were now about to be turned out to 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 369 
 
 penury, without even the means to carry them home, and 
 with no prospect of future subsistence. This, after all their 
 sufferings and services, their trials and sacrifices, and the 
 glorious result which they had achieved for an ungrateful 
 country, as they with justice complained, could not but ex 
 asperate their minds, and sting them into violent complaints : 
 it threatened to drive them into acts of insubordination 
 and outrage. In September, Washington wrote to the sec 
 retary at war, a new officer, appointed a few months before 
 "I wish not to heighten the shades of the picture, so far as 
 real life would justify me in doing, or I would give anec 
 dotes of patriotism and distress, which have scarcely ever 
 been paralleled, never surpassed in the history of mankind. 
 But you may rely upon it, the patience, and long-suffering 
 of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was so 
 great a spirit of discontent as at this instant." 
 
 The alarm of the soldiery, from the dilatory and unsatis 
 factory proceedings of Congress in their behalf, was further 
 aggravated by the belief that it was not the design to fulfil the 
 terms of the resolution of October 1780, granting the offi 
 cers half pay for life. A party opposition to this measure 
 existed in congress, no funds were pledged for complying 
 with it, and the adoption of the confederation, requiring the 
 assent of nine States to appropriations, made, its confirma 
 tion uncertain. They thought they saw an insidious attempt 
 to disband them, by means of furloughs, without redressing 
 any of their grievances ; and as the prospects of peace 
 brightened, their resentment increased. In December, they 
 remonstrated more vehemently with the Commander-in- 
 chief, by whose personal interposition and exhortations their 
 forbearance so long had been preserved, and adopted an 
 energetic memorial to Congress, praying for an early adjust 
 ment of their claims, the payment of their arrearages, and a 
 sum in commutation of their half pay under the resolution 
 of October 1780. 
 
 Congress was now placed in a position of extreme embar 
 rassment ; with an exhausted treasury, and an army almost 
 in mutiny, demanding what was justly due, but which there 
 were no means within reach to supply. The winter was 
 
 Ced in this distracted condition. Congress could give no 
 A e of final settlement satisfactory to the army ; Washing 
 ton alone, by the exertion of his unbounded popularity, 
 restrained them from breaking: out into violence. The 
 
370 HISTORY OF THE 
 
 news of the conclusion of the preliminaries of peace, in the 
 spring, brought affairs to a crisis of excitement and danger. 
 March io, I On the 10th of March 1783, an anonymous call 
 1783. I was circulated through the army, inviting a meet 
 ing of officers for the next day. to take into consideration the 
 unfavorable accounts from Philadelphia, and " what mea 
 sures, if any, should be adopted to obtain that redress of 
 grievances which they seemed to have solicited in vain." 
 On the same day, an anonymous address to the officers was 
 circulated, drawn up with spirit, power of language and 
 passion, and admirably calculated to inflame them to violent 
 measures. The author, as afterwards ascertained, was 
 Major John Armstrong. 
 
 What might have been the result of a meeting, summoned 
 
 under such circumstances of real wrong and deep suffering, 
 
 by appeals so inflammatory, it is impossible to conjecture. 
 
 Washington, with a firmness and prudence, well tempered 
 
 to the emergency, threw himself forward, to still the rising 
 
 tempest. Issuing a general order, he expressed his marked 
 
 disapprobation of these disorderly proceedings, and the 
 
 irregular call for the meeting, and summoned the general 
 
 and field officers, and a representation from the companies 
 
 and staff to meet on Saturday, the 15th, to hear the report 
 
 ,,from Philadelphia, to adopt further measures, and report to 
 
 |j*ffe Commander-in-chief. The head-quarters were then at 
 
 ;Wewburgh, on the Hudson river. 
 
 The meeting took place, as directed, and General Gates, 
 as senior officer, assumed the chair. Washington delivered 
 them a long and patriotic address, upon their condition and 
 prospects, urging them to longer forbearance, to a trust in 
 the good faith and justice of their country, and reprobating 
 the language and designs of the anonymous addresses. His 
 dignified expostulations produced the happiest effect. The 
 weight of his personal character, the general veneration for 
 his integrity, and admiration for his services, enforced the 
 appeal which he pressed upon them, in behalf of good order, 
 patience, and fidelity to the laws. 
 
 A series of resolutions were unanimously adopted, declar 
 ing the designs of the anonymous addresses to be " infa 
 mous," re-approving their determination, that "no circum 
 stances of distress or danger should induce a conduct that 
 might tend to sully the reputation and glory which they had 
 acquired at the price of their blood and eight years faithful 
 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 371 
 
 services ;" and expressing " unshaken confidence in the jus 
 tice of Congress, and their country," and that " the repre 
 sentatives of America would not disband nor disperse the 
 army until their accounts are liquidated, their balances 
 accurately ascertained, and adequate funds established for 
 their payment." 
 
 These noble and magnanimous proceedings elevate the 
 character of the revolutionary army even beyond the lustre 
 of their military triumphs. A victory over want, over pri 
 vation, over resentment, and the sense of wrong, all stimulated 
 by the consciousness of power, won by the simple force of 
 patriotic principle, is an example of public virtue, of which 
 military annals has no equal in dignity and true glory. 
 
 Their self-denial was not long after rewarded by such 
 provision as the utmost means of Congress enabled them to 
 raise. A vote of nine States, the requisite number under 
 the Articles, was obtained for a commutation of the half pay, 
 for five years full pay, and the treasury, by great efforts, 
 found them four months full pay in part discharge of arrear 
 ages. Thus the machinations of incendiaries were foiled, and 
 the army proved itself as worthy of the highest admiration for 
 civil virtues, as of the highest gratitude for military services. 
 The slight disorders which occasionally took place among 
 portions of the troops, when about to be disbanded, were not 
 of magnitude sufficient, to detract from this well merited 
 reputation. In June a few of the Pennsylvania corps muti 
 nied, and were joined by about two hundred from the 
 Southern army. They surrounded the State House in Phila 
 delphia, and clamored for pay, but without proceeding to 
 actual violence. They were easily dispersed. 
 
 On the 17th of August, the British commander-in-chief 
 informed the President of Congress that he had received his 
 final orders for withdrawing his majesty s forces from New 
 York. Congress soon after issued general orders that such 
 of the soldiers as had enlisted during the war, should be 
 discharged one the 3d of November ensuing. 
 
 The British army and fleet evacuated New York, I NQV 25th 
 their last remaining possession in America, on the | 
 25th of November, and on the same day, General Wash 
 ington, with Governor Clinton, and their respective suites, 
 followed by a prodigious concourse of citizens, entered the 
 city in triumph. On the 4th of December, General Wash 
 ington took an affecting farewell of his officers, and departed 
 
37*2 HISTORY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 for the purpose of resigning his commission into the hands 
 of Congress, then in session at Annapolis in Maryland. 
 
 On the 13th, the treaty of peace was received, and for 
 mally ratified by Congress. 
 
 The last scene now approached : on the 19th the Com 
 mander-in-chief reached Annapolis, and the 23d was fixed 
 for receiving the public resignation of his commission. On 
 that day, in the presence of the representatives of the States, 
 and a large concourse of civil and military officers, foreign 
 agents and citizens, he delivered his commission into the 
 hands of the President of Congress, with a simple and 
 affecting address, which, after congratulating the country 
 on the successful termination of the war, and recommending 
 the officers and the army to the justice of Congress, he con 
 cluded by bidding them an affectionate farewell. 
 
 The highest testimonies of popular love and admiration 
 followed him into retirement ; and his return to the domes 
 tic shades of Mount Vernon, accompanied by the blessings 
 and plaudits of millions whom he had guided to liberty and 
 safety, was the closing scene of the war of the American 
 Revolution. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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