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 DR. JOHN R. HAYNES WILLIAM L. HONNOLD 
 
 JAMES R. MARTIN MRS. JOSEPH F. SARTORI 
 
 to the 
 
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 SOUTHERN BRANCH
 
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 €^c 'Batotom lecture*!, 1886 
 
 INSTITUTES 
 
 OF 
 
 Christian History 
 
 &u Kntrotmctton 
 
 TO 
 
 HISTORIC READING AND STUDY 
 
 By A. CLEVELAND COXE 
 
 BISHOP OF WESTERN NEW YORK 
 
 I do but prompt the age to quit their clogs. — Milton 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 A. C. McCLURG AND COMPANY 
 1887 
 
 85080
 
 Copyright, 
 By A. Cleveland Coxe, 
 
 A.D. 1887.
 
 K, 
 
 3 ; 
 
 TO 
 
 SIBYL AUGUSTA, 
 
 Wife of Henry Porter Baldwin, 
 
 Sometime Governor of the State of Michigan, and subsequently a 
 Senator of the United States. 
 
 Madam, 
 
 It was your happy privilege to associate yourself 
 with your distinguished husband in the endowment of the 
 Baldwin Lectures, following the example of illustrious 
 women in the Mother Church and furnishing an example 
 which I trust will be imitated by Christian wome?i in 
 America in time to come. I count it a great honour to have 
 received the first appointment as Baldwin Lecturer under 
 ,the judicious provisions of the foundation. Sitjfer me to 
 inscribe these first-fruits of the project to you, as a tribute 
 to yourself and to my beloved friend, " the Governor" as 
 his fellow citizens still delight to call him, even now when 
 he has withdrawn himself from public life. 
 
 The far-seeing and gifted prelate who presides over the 
 diocese of Michigan has ettdeared himself to the Church at 
 large by the establishment of the Hobart Guild at the 
 seat of the State University, for the promotio7i of Christian 
 work in that seat of learning. And greatly is he to be con- 
 gratulated upon the sympathy and co-operation with which 
 you and Governor Baldwin have so promptly and so ejfi-
 
 JV DEDICA TION. 
 
 ciently sustained his effort. Without lay helpers what can 
 an Ainerican bishop do? And where innumerable works 
 for developing and sustaining Christianity in the Republic 
 ought to be set on foot vigorously and without delay, how 
 good it is that there are not wanting some to lend the elo- 
 quence of their practical beneficence to the appeals of their 
 fatliers in God ! 
 
 May you and your husband, even in this life, enjoy great 
 recompense in seeing the rich results which are sure to spring 
 from your good works. In the better life to come, what 
 blessed promises of God's Word assure you, through the 
 Redeemer's merits, of rewards unspeakable and full of 
 glory / 
 
 Let me remain, dear madam, 
 
 Your faithful and grateful friend, 
 
 LEA COTE, 
 Rhinebeck-on-Hudson, 
 
 September, 1887. 
 
 A. CLEVELAND COXE, 
 
 Bishop of Western New York.
 
 T 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 HE foundation of the " Hobart Guild," and 
 therewith of the "Baldwin Lectures," 
 in the University of Michigan, has directed the 
 attention of the Church to a new and wise policy 
 with reference to our State schools and colleges. 
 The instrument which fully expounds this move- 
 Xj' ment will be found in another page of this book. 1 
 We owe these foundations to the enlightened wis- 
 dom and foresight of the Right Reverend prelate, 
 M who, with such great advantage to the Church at 
 jrf large, now presides over the Diocese of Michigan. 
 But he would hardly forgive me should I neglect 
 to add, that in the munificence of Governor Bald- 
 win and his accomplished wife he has found that 
 sort of encouragement and help without which 
 the ablest and most zealous bishop is impotent to 
 effect what his heart and head may prompt him 
 to propose as due alike to the Republic and to 
 the Church of Christ. 
 
 1 See " Deed of Trust," p. 299.
 
 VI PREFACE. 
 
 This book would have been more promptly 
 issued from the press, had not many important 
 practical questions demanded prudent delays in a 
 publication designed to be the first of a series. 
 Such a series must be uniform in size and appear- 
 ance; and what should be the form and cost? 
 The choice of a publisher to whom, probably, 
 many future volumes must be intrusted in the 
 progress of the successive annual courses, and 
 many subordinate considerations, were also to be 
 decided. It was our deliberate conclusion, that 
 a judicious medium between cost and cheapness 
 must be accepted to secure the widest possible 
 circulation for the series; and we trust the " make- 
 up " of this book will be regarded as justifying 
 a conclusion of great practical importance. A 
 Western University, it was also thought, should 
 not look eastward for a publishing house, while 
 the great book business and admirable publish- 
 ing facilities of Chicago invited us to the great 
 midland metropolis. 
 
 Those who listened to the Lectures last autumn 
 will find a rearrangement of some of the lectures, 
 and some transpositions of material. This grows 
 out of the fact, that, in the arrangement of the 
 course, the more important matters were grouped, 
 less logically, with reference to the evenings of the 
 week most free from other work in the University,
 
 PREFACE. vii 
 
 and hence most likely to secure the larger audi- 
 ences. I have also taken the liberty, even at the 
 sacrifice of material which seemed on the whole 
 less important, to enlarge upon some points which 
 I was forced to slight in oral lecturing. In this 
 I was partly guided by kind inquiries and sugges- 
 tions of friends who attended the entire course. I 
 must be allowed to express my sense of obligation 
 to the President and Professors of the University, 
 who afforded me so much encouragement, and by 
 whose influence, no doubt, I was able to secure, 
 for so many evenings, one of the largest, and, 
 including the youth whom I considered so inter- 
 esting a class in themselves, one of the most intel- 
 ligent and inspiring auditories, which it was ever 
 my happiness to address. 
 
 A. C. C. 
 
 LEA COTE, 
 Rhinebeck-on-Hudson, 
 
 September 10, 1887.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 10. 
 
 1 1. 
 
 LECTURE I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 i. Truth 9 
 
 2. Humanity 9 
 
 3. History and its Study 10 
 
 4. The Use of Lectures 12 
 
 5. The Heritage of the Ages 13 
 
 6. Christian History 14 
 
 7. The Pivot 15 
 
 8. Empirical History 16 
 
 9. Conventional Ideas 17 
 
 An Underestimated Epoch 18 
 
 The Ruts of Habit • .19 
 
 12. Another Example 21 
 
 13. Tokens of a New Era 22 
 
 14. A Brilliant Work that just misses a Prize ... 24 
 
 15. Scientific History 25 
 
 16. The Mother of Theology 25 
 
 17. Institutes 26 
 
 18. Truth, Old and New 28 
 
 19. Catholicity 29 
 
 20. A Comparison 3 1 
 
 21. Bacon and his Idols ........ 3 1 
 
 22. Dates of Anchorage 33 
 
 23. The Great Epochs 34 
 
 24. A Practical Plan 35 
 
 25. The Survey 37 
 
 26. A Practical Use of Historic Science 3 8
 
 X CONTENTS. 
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 
 
 1. Antioch 40 
 
 2. A Contrast 41 
 
 3. An Inquiry . 42 
 
 4. The Portraiture of Antioch 42 
 
 5. The Populace . 45 
 
 6. The Jewish Element ....... 47 
 
 7. The Church in Antioch 48 
 
 8. The Exceptional Apostolate 49 
 
 9. Apostolic Institutions ....... 50 
 
 10. Apostolic Fathers. — Ignatius . .... 52 
 
 11. Justin Martyr 53 
 
 12. The Persecutions . 55 
 
 13. Polycarp . 55 
 
 14. Primitive Schools. — Alexandria 57 
 
 15. Many Doctors. — Athanasius 58 
 
 16. The Punic School. — Tertullian and Cyprian . . 59 
 
 17. Arnobius and Lactantius ....... 61 
 
 18. Maxims of Lactantius . 62 
 
 19. Harmony of Theologians . 62 
 
 20. The Roman Diocese 63 
 
 21. Irenaeus, — his Place in the West ..... 64 
 
 22. Roman Receptivity 66 
 
 23. The Nascent Patriarchate 67 
 
 24. Hippolytus 69 
 
 25. Caius and Novatian 70 
 
 26. The Gallicans 71 
 
 27. Chronic Persecutions 71 
 
 28. Growth of the Church 73 
 
 29. Conversion of the Empire -74 
 
 30. Caesars conquered by Martyrs 75 
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 
 
 1. The Conversion of Constantine 77 
 
 2. Reserve and Moderation 78
 
 CONTENTS. XI 
 
 3. The Celibate 78 
 
 4. Other Immediate Results ...... 79 
 
 5. Disadvantages 82 
 
 6. Lasting Results 83 
 
 7. Primitive Councils S3 
 
 8. A Nursing Father 85 
 
 9. The Temporal Bishopric 86 
 
 10. A General Council 87 
 
 11. Nicaea .88 
 
 12. The Opening 89 
 
 13. Significant Facts 91 
 
 14. Results of the Council 92 
 
 15. The Paschal Letters 93 
 
 16. The Patriarchates 95 
 
 17. The Great Councils 96 
 
 18. The Second Council 97 
 
 19. The Council of Ephesus 98 
 
 20. The Fourth Council 99 
 
 21. Chalcedon 100 
 
 22. Eutyches 102 
 
 23. Leo, Patriarch of Old Rome 102 
 
 24. Immutable Catholicity 104 
 
 25. Two Supplementary Councils 105 
 
 26. Ratifications 106 
 
 27. The Final Judgment 107 
 
 28. Who are Catholics 108 
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 THE CREATION OF A "WESTERN EMPIRE. 
 
 The Breaking up of Old Rome no 
 
 in 
 . 112 
 
 113 
 . 114 
 
 115 
 . 116 
 
 116 
 . 117 
 
 119 
 
 2. The Goths, Vandals, and Huns 
 
 3. Retrospect .... 
 
 4. Minor Councils 
 
 5. Irene 
 
 6. A Counter Council 
 
 7. The Rule of Faith . 
 
 8. The Maxim of Vincent . 
 
 9. The Council of Frankfort 
 10. Alcuin
 
 Xll 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 n. 
 12. 
 
 *3- 
 
 14. 
 
 IS- 
 
 16. 
 
 17- 
 18. 
 19. 
 
 20. 
 21. 
 22. 
 
 23- 
 24. 
 
 25- 
 
 26. 
 27. 
 28. 
 29. 
 
 3°- 
 
 Universities, and their Origin 119 
 
 The Caroline Books 121 
 
 The Degeneracy of the East 123 
 
 Mohammed 124 
 
 Successes of Mohammed 125 
 
 Isnik and Dan 126 
 
 Frankfort once more 127 
 
 The Blessed Results 128 
 
 Charlemagne 129 
 
 Christmas Day, A. D. Soo 130 
 
 What it meant 13 1 
 
 Widely Different Effects 132 
 
 The Holy Roman Empire 133 
 
 Insulation of England 134 
 
 Distinctions T 35 
 
 Formation of the Paparchy 136 
 
 Conditions Precedent 138 
 
 My Position !39 
 
 Nicholas and the Decretals 14° 
 
 An Illustration 143 
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 1 . Dark Ages .... 
 
 2. Maitland's Elucidation . 
 
 3. A Glance at the East 
 
 4. The Decretals in Operation . 
 
 5. How it looked in English Eyes 
 
 6. The Latin Churches 
 
 7. Gallicanism .... 
 
 8. St. Bernard .... 
 
 9. The Patristic Period 
 10. The Scholastics 
 
 n. Relations with Modern Thought 
 
 12. The Crusades 
 
 13. Barbarism .... 
 
 14. Expiry of the Dark Ages 
 
 15. The Cinque-Cento 
 
 M5 
 146 
 146 
 148 
 ISI 
 151 
 152 
 154 
 156 
 157 
 153 
 159 
 161 
 162 
 164
 
 CONTENTS. xiil 
 
 1 6. The Medici 166 
 
 17. Gothic Architecture 167 
 
 18. The New Christian Architecture 169 
 
 19. Navigation 170 
 
 20. Printing 11 
 
 21. Great Movements 172 
 
 22.. The Fall of Constantinople 174 
 
 23. Light out of Darkness 175 
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 
 1. Identity and Continuity 177 
 
 2. Origin of the Church in Britain 178 
 
 3. Periods ... ....... 179 
 
 4. The Primitive Period ....... 179 
 
 5. Groans of the Britons . 180 
 
 6. Conversion of the English 181 
 
 7. The Early English 182 
 
 8. Consequences ......... 183 
 
 9. Relations to the Apostolic See 183 
 
 10. A Discovery 1S4 
 
 11. The Other Side of the Case 185 
 
 12. A Conference . 186 
 
 13. And Another 1S6 
 
 14. Iona and its Missions 1S8 
 
 15. Counsels of Unity 189 
 
 16. The Mission of Theodore 190 
 
 17. Perilous Innovations . 191 
 
 18. Compromises 192 
 
 19. What its First Archbishop had made of the Anglican 
 
 Church ......... 193 
 
 20. The Venerable Bede 194 
 
 21. First English Missions 194 
 
 22. The Later Period . 195 
 
 23. Alfred, the Head of our Race 196 
 
 24. Taking our Bearings 197 
 
 25. The Anglo-Norman Period 19S 
 
 26. The New Episcopics ab Extra 199
 
 XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 27. The Foreign Archbishops 200 
 
 28. The Great Lanfranc ........ 201 
 
 29. Old Landmarks 201 
 
 30. An Anglican Primate 202 
 
 31. Cypriote Autonomy 204 
 
 32. Anglican Liberties asserted 205 
 
 33. The Great Anselm 206 
 
 34. Intrusion of Legates 207 
 
 35. Where we stand 209 
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 
 
 1. The Transition yet Incomplete 211 
 
 2. The Plantagenets . . . . . . . . 212 
 
 3. The Submission 214 
 
 4. Two Forces 215 
 
 5. Three Classes involved . 216 
 
 6. Innocent III. . 217 
 
 7. The Ebb of the Normans 218 
 
 8. Archbishop Langton 219 
 
 9. England a Fief of Rome ....... 221 
 
 10. Magna Charta ........ 222 
 
 11. Henry the Third 222 
 
 12. Two Edwards ........ 224 
 
 13. The Third Edward 225 
 
 14. Spiritual Progress 227 
 
 15. Oxford Men 229 
 
 16. Greathead 230 
 
 17. Wiclif 231 
 
 18. The English Language ....... 231 
 
 16. The Popes of Avignon ....... 232 
 
 20. Wiclif's Antecedents ....... 233 
 
 21. The Good Parliament 234 
 
 22. The First Citation 235 
 
 23. The Second Citation ....... 235 
 
 24. Lambeth 236 
 
 25. The Friars 237 
 
 26. Wiclif's Death and Character 239
 
 CONTENTS. XV 
 
 27. An Estimate of Wiclif's Work 241 
 
 28. Mistakes 2 4* 
 
 29. The Good Things 243 
 
 30. A Period of Delays 244 
 
 31. Our Great Benefactors 245 
 
 32. The Epoch of Wolsey 246 
 
 33. Restored Rights 2 4§ 
 
 34. Who did this ? 249 
 
 35. Another Step 2 5* 
 
 36. How it looked in France 251 
 
 37. The Sequel 2 5 2 
 
 38. The Bloody Queen 253 
 
 39. The Martyrs 254 
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 
 
 The Accession of Elizabeth 256 
 
 The Marian Schism 256 
 
 The Restored Autonomy 258 
 
 4. The Articles 259 
 
 Their Catholic Core 261 
 
 6. The Formation of the Trentine Church .... 261 
 
 7. Retrospect 264 
 
 8. The Mistake of Gerson 265 
 
 School Grudges 267 
 
 Pisa 268 
 
 Sigismund visits England 269 
 
 12. The English Embassy to Constance .... 270 
 
 13. Huss as a Reformer 270 
 
 14. Constance 2 7 I 
 
 15. The Martyrs of Constance 2 7 2 
 
 16. The Infamy of Constance 2 73 
 
 17. One Vote and the Consequences 274 
 
 18. The Council of Basle 2 7S 
 
 Two Points set Right 2 76 
 
 Political Protestantism 2 7° 
 
 Reflections 2 7 8 
 
 9- 
 
 TO. 
 II. 
 
 19 
 20 
 21 
 
 22. Recent Reaction 
 
 2S1
 
 XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 23. The Contrast 282 
 
 24. The Fall of the Papal Throne 284 
 
 25. Survey of Christendom 285 
 
 26. Nicene Constitutions Imperishable 286 
 
 27. Practical Unities 288 
 
 28. The Parable of Patmos 289 
 
 29. Perils of the Republic 291 
 
 30. The Constructive Forces of the American Church . . 293 
 
 31. An Appeal to Youth 295 
 
 32. Conclusion 296 
 
 General Note. — Deed of Trust .... 299 
 Miscellaneous Notes 303
 
 INSTITUTES 
 
 CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 LECTURE I. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 i. TRUTH. 
 
 TRUTH, like her divine Author, is despised 
 and rejected of men. Bleeding between male- 
 factors, it sheds out of its great heart streams of 
 mercy for mankind. It often seems wounded be- 
 yond all hope of resurrection; but, as one has 
 happily said, " Not always shall Christ hang be- 
 tween two thieves ; there shall yet be a resurrec- 
 tion for crucified Truth." 
 
 2. HUMANITY. 
 
 In a day like ours, when millions whom Chris- 
 tianity has lifted out of Paganism, and blessed at 
 least with civilization and mental enlightenment, 
 recognize no obligations to the source of human 
 welfare, it is ignoble indeed to belong to a herd 
 of the ungrateful and unbelieving. Yet, while we
 
 IO INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 come out from among them and separate ourselves 
 from their corrupt society, let us reflect, as our 
 Master has taught us, that " they know not what 
 they do." Let us treat humanity, even in its most 
 offensive forms of degradation, with veneration 
 and with tenderness. Christ has bought it with 
 His blood, and clothed its ulcers with the imperial 
 purple of His cross. How dear mankind should be 
 to those who glory in that sign ! In a materialized 
 generation, let us rebuke with no scornful words, 
 but by a pure example and by practical love, those 
 who persecute what we adore, — " shooting out 
 their arrows, even bitter words." Let us bear our 
 testimony to the eternal verities which must soon 
 vindicate themselves. While, all around us, the 
 people of the epoch live to eat and drink, and, 
 above all, to be amused, — to trifle and chase but- 
 terflies, — to quarrel about sordid things and dis- 
 quiet themselves with low and transient interests of 
 the earth, — let us live like sons of God and heirs 
 of immortality. Let us assert the lofty mission of 
 witnesses for truth ; let us tenderly expostulate 
 with the multitudes who are rebels to the dictates 
 of experience, and blind alike to the lessons of 
 history and the sunlight of revelation. 
 
 3. HISTORY AND ITS STUDY. 
 
 If history be "philosophy teaching by example," 
 who does not see that it is the noblest study to 
 which we can devote ourselves? It is the study 
 of humanity, illustrated by innumerable specimens, 
 and enriched by the lives and teachings of the
 
 INTRO D UC TOR Y. 1 1 
 
 masters of human thought in all ages. Let us be- 
 ware, however, of mistaking for history the fables 
 which often claim the title. Let us feel the vital 
 importance of discovering historic truth. Let us 
 reflect that in every investigation we have been 
 furnished with a guide to the real and the un- 
 feigned in the only perfect history, — that of which 
 it is written, " Thy word is truth." I hesitate not 
 to say, that, in the search of historic truth, he who 
 begins not with the inspired narratives has no edu- 
 cation that prepares him for his task. It is the 
 blessed prerogative of faith in God to gather from 
 His word the great secret of history, as something 
 directed by Providence, always at unity with itself, 
 proceeding from one Author and tending to one 
 result. He who stupidly deals with events as if 
 they were a random product of undirected human 
 caprices and of men's undisciplined instincts, may 
 be an annalist, a chronologist, a collector of details, 
 but he cannot be, in the highest sense, a genuine 
 historian. The lofty intelligence, akin to military 
 genius, which marshals, combines, analyzes, and 
 co-ordinates facts, showing their mutual relations, 
 and their bearings on human progress and on the 
 revealed plans of the Most High, is essential to the 
 philosophic historian. Not less is something of 
 the same kind essential to the student of history, — 
 to us, young gentlemen, who are mere recipients, 
 economizing the lives and labours of the world's 
 benefactors, in order that we in turn may not be 
 wholly wanting in our life-work and in our ap- 
 pointed place among men.
 
 12 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 4. THE USE OF LECTURES. 
 
 He who outlines truth in the form of popular 
 lectures has, indeed, the distasteful prospect of pro- 
 ducing only momentary impressions. In spite of 
 this, my effort shall find encouragement in the fact 
 that I address myself to youth, — to young men 
 of liberal pursuits and zealous to be directed to 
 the sources of real knowledge and sound principle. 
 To the growing mind that thirsts for information 
 supported by evidence, the lecturer who brings 
 truths that will bear investigation has a cheering 
 mission. History gives us many examples of dis- 
 ciples, fired by earnest teachers, who long outlived 
 their masters and greatly surpassed them. A word, 
 an expression, a turn of thought, may quicken in 
 some young brain impulses which shall give direc- 
 tion to all the future labours of a noble and suc- 
 cessful life. 
 
 Long after I am dead and forgotten, some of 
 you may live to say with effect what I can only 
 enforce with earnest conviction. After the chas- 
 tisements which a foolish age is bringing upon 
 itself, you may live to be welcomed by a wiser 
 generation. You will find your appointed task 
 at another epoch. In your faces I seem to salute 
 the twentieth century. As for us who must soon 
 pass away, Morituri vos salutamus ! The future 
 belongs to you. Prepare yourselves to be its 
 masters. But be sure you cannot be such save 
 as you accept the lessons of human experience 
 from the venerable past. Under the idea of pro- 
 gress, our times are chasing a mere will-o'-the-wisp ;
 
 INTRODUCTOR Y. I 3 
 
 a light engendered from decay, " that leads to be- 
 wilder and dazzles to blind." True progress always 
 takes up the winnowed harvests of the ages, and 
 scatters the seed of all that must be food for the 
 ages to come. Instead of having " no past at your 
 back," the youth of this Republic start with the 
 manifold treasures of all time, of all arts and sci- 
 ences, of all that man has done, warned by the 
 failures and mistakes of old countries and of un- 
 practical theorists. You are here in America to 
 build up a nation by the maxims of tried wisdom, 
 and to establish its institutions upon the rock of 
 God's word. 
 
 5. THE HERITAGE OF THE AGES. 
 
 You are heirs of the ages ; and it shall be my 
 endeavour to make you great collectors of its les- 
 sons, its morals, its warnings. Under my own ob- 
 servation, a few shells given to a boy, by a friend 
 who encouraged him to add to the little stock of 
 smooth and many-coloured toys, created for the 
 boy his life employment, made him a naturalist, 
 and enabled him to amass from all the seas and 
 oceans of the globe a museum of conchology, and 
 to classify and expound his treasures as a philoso- 
 pher. So I have known others to be made bota- 
 nists, or enthusiasts in geology or chemistry, or 
 passionate collectors of gems and coins. All such 
 scientific pursuits are ennobling. Even the "dried 
 beetle with a pin stuck through him " may be full 
 of instruction to a careful observer; and under the 
 microscope what miracles of creative wisdom are
 
 14 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 unfolded to the student of an insect's eye or wing! 
 But I claim for the student of historic truth a 
 nobler sphere, and the faculty of bringing together 
 a sublimer collection for ends unspeakably more 
 practical and beneficial to the world. You collect 
 portraits and pictures out of every age and clime, 
 and furnish the chambers of your imagination with 
 all that is most beautiful and precious in the results 
 of human life. The philosopher whose department 
 is biography and history makes his mind — 
 
 " A mansion for all lovely forms, 
 His memory to be a dwelling-place 
 For all sweet sounds and harmonies." 
 
 The whole world is a mine for his research, and 
 all times are the fields of his exploration. From 
 the Pyramids to the Catacombs ; from the ruins of 
 Egypt or Assyria to the mysterious remains of the 
 Aztecs ; under the arches and monuments of an- 
 cient Rome ; amid the more splendid relics of Greek 
 art and munificent ostentation ; and passing thence 
 to the wealth of the Rhineland, of the Louvre or 
 the British Museum, — everywhere among men, he 
 finds his material, his work, and his elevated enjoy- 
 ments as well. The master of historic truth is the 
 master of contemporaneous thought, in proportion 
 as he instructs his age or contends with it. To 
 such ennobling pursuits I now invite you. 
 
 6. CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 You know the difference between "anatomy" 
 and " comparative anatomy" in the schools of the 
 sureeon. The latter is a science which extracts
 
 INTRODUCTOR Y. 
 
 15 
 
 auxiliary knowledge from the bones and muscles 
 of brutes, while the anatomist par excellence deals 
 with the physical frame of man. In calling your 
 attention to Christian history, I remind you that 
 the history of Pagans and Barbarians is but com- 
 parative history, — a useful auxiliary merely. But 
 the history of Christendom is the history of man 
 as very man, the image of his Maker. Christian 
 history is the history of civilization ; Christianity 
 alone is the civilizer of the human animal. At 
 best, the race beyond its pale exhibits only here 
 and there a specimen of true manhood. It is only 
 as enlightened from the manger of Bethlehem and 
 the cross of Calvary that the race ceases to be 
 savage. 
 
 Reflect that Christianity is as old as the world. 
 Among the patriarchs and under Moses it worked 
 only in element. " Ye are the light of the world," 
 said the Master to the Galilean fishermen; and 
 so it has proved. Not where the Gospel is merely 
 named, but in proportion as it penetrates the life 
 of a nation, this is realized. It needs no elaborate 
 argument. One scorns to argue that sunlight 
 makes the day. Look at mankind, look at the 
 nations. The character of the true woman is the 
 influence that refines, and where is the true woman, 
 the wife, the mother, the home, apart from Chris- 
 tianity? In a word, Christianity is civilization. 
 
 7- THE PIVOT. 
 
 The world's history turns, as on a pivot, upon 
 the Mount of Olives, and upon the great mission,
 
 1 6 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 " Go ye into all the world, and preach the Gospel." 
 The Old Testament shows us how all preceding 
 history was its prelude, and every succeeding 
 generation establishes the fundamental truth, that 
 the people and nation that will not be taught of 
 Christ must perish. Adequate ideas of the world's 
 history can be gained, if this be true, by him only 
 who surveys the world from this standpoint. 
 
 8. EMPIRICAL HISTORY. 
 
 It is a curious thing in literature, that popular 
 historians have been to so great an extent inspired 
 I by an unnatural enthusiasm against the Gospel. 
 Such a perverted genius as that of Gibbon has 
 unfortunately controlled the fancies of others, and 
 our libraries are filled with elaborate distortions 
 of historic fact, one book begotten of another, 
 and all conveying the most confused and inade- 
 quate ideas of the world's progress. What a 
 splendid opportunity was lost by Gibbon, when 
 he resolved to leave out from his narrative the 
 story of the apostles and martyrs, ignoring the 
 unquestionable base of all he undertook to tell !' 
 The stubborn facts could not be overlooked ; but, 
 as far as possible, he gropes on with Paganism 
 under the Antonines, without reference to realities 
 which he only reaches in his fifteenth chapter, 
 and of which he then condescends to take notice 
 as " a very essential part of the history of the 
 Roman Empire." Ah, indeed ! Hamlet a very 
 interesting part of the drama ! The entire chapter 
 reflects disgrace upon its author, alike by its place
 
 INTRO D UCTOR V. j j 
 
 in his ponderous work, and by the spirit with 
 which he struggles to assign the origin and pro- 
 gress of the Gospel to every cause but the true 
 one, — to every auxiliary influence, forgetting those 
 which are primary and fundamental. It is as 
 if an historian of the United States of America 
 should begin with the great exhibition of industries 
 which took place in Philadelphia at our late Cen- 
 tennial Celebration of Independence, and then, 
 after a volume about the activity and enterprise 
 of the American people, should devote a chapter 
 to prove that Washington and his contemporaries 
 deserved a retrospective glance, as having in a 
 remarkable manner fallen in with times and cir- 
 cumstances and mingled some wisdom and more 
 mistake in their influences upon succeeding times 
 and manners. 
 
 9. CONVENTIONAL IDEAS. 
 
 A better class of historians, such as Robertson, 
 and Ranke, and Dean Milman, have been unable 
 to divest themselves of conventional ideas and 
 habits in their valuable works. They adhere to 
 traditional notions and misleading phrases, even 
 where they demonstrate the fallacy of such forms 
 of thought and speech. Thus, while they tell us 
 about the exploded Decretals, and other fables 
 of the mediaeval period, they still adopt the old 
 raiment of language which puzzles the student. 
 They speak of Roman pontificates, as if there had 
 been such things in the days of Clement or Hip- 
 polytus, and give us tables of " the Popes " begin-
 
 1 8 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ning with St. Peter ! In the very same pages they 
 demonstrate that St. Peter was never at Rome 
 except to be beheaded, and that it is about as 
 sensible to call Sylvester a Pope as it would be to 
 date the Empire from the first consulate, to speak 
 of the " Emperor Cincinnatus," or to paint him at 
 his plough in imperial purple. 
 
 10. AN UNDERESTIMATED EPOCH. 
 
 The transfer of the Roman capital to Byzan- 
 tium, for example,, is evidence of overwhelming 
 significance, as to the workings of Christianity be- 
 fore Constantine, as to the predominance of the 
 East in its origin and progress for three centu- 
 ries, and as to the leavening influences in Roman 
 politics, which, in spite of Diocletian and the per- 
 secutors before him, had made such an astounding 
 revolution possible, if not inevitable. Christianity 
 had made no assault upon the Caesars ; but the 
 upsetting of their throne upon the seven hills, and 
 the removal of their capital to the Thracian Bos- 
 porus, was a mere index of what it had been 
 doing while it fought with the rabble of Olym- 
 pus and mocked the shameful superstitions of 
 mythology. Yet this most consummate of all the 
 changes and revolutions in history has been well- 
 nigh overlooked, or only treated as a curious in- 
 cident. Like the Chinese, who survey the universe 
 each one from his own habitation as its focus, our 
 historians have thought and written as Occidentals. 
 They have not condescended to observe that the 
 original seat of Christianity was the Orient; that
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 19 
 
 its triumph was the triumph of Greek thought 
 over the less intellectual Latin races; that this 
 truth was the magnet that drew the Empire east- 
 ward, that diminished the influence and dignity 
 of old Rome, and that dictated to it from the 
 CEcumenical Synods, — all Eastern in geography, 
 all Greek in language — in their idiomatic expres- 
 sion of dogma. How comes it, when to state 
 these admitted facts is to prove the conclusions to 
 which I point you, — how comes it that all our 
 popular histories, and most of those which aim 
 to be scientific, chronicle these truths indeed, and 
 then go on to ignore them? They treat of Chris- 
 tianity as if it were generated in Italy, and as if 
 its first doctors and missionaries had been com- 
 missioned from the Vatican, in the same pages that 
 enable us to prove the essentially Grecian origin 
 and character of the Church. 
 
 11. THE RUTS OF HABIT. 
 
 The human mind is slow to turn out of the ruts 
 of habit; it prefers the beaten way, even when it 
 makes them plod in a thoroughfare imprinted only 
 by the hoofs of asses. A noteworthy example 
 presents itself in the condescension of transcendent 
 genius to the trammels of conventional expression. 
 Milton flourished more than a century after the 
 true theory of the universe had been taught by 
 the presbyter Copernicus; he had himself con- 
 versed with Galileo, who crowned the system of 
 Copernicus with the glory of irrefragable demon- 
 stration. Milton understood the heliocentric struc-
 
 20 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ture of the solar system, and the rotations of the 
 earth, diurnal and annual. Now it is most curious, 
 that, although his great poem would have gained 
 immensely by adopting this philosophy, and placing 
 Uriel in a central sun, he yet stuck to the conven- 
 tional ideas of the poets, and so commensurately 
 degraded the ground plan of his immortal epic. 
 The critical student of that scheme may recall 
 the explorations of Lucifer, as he passed through 
 Chaos and at last discovered our universe, enclosed 
 in a spherical shell and pendent from the resplen- 
 dent gates of Heaven. When he gained the sur- 
 face of this shell, and looked down upon the stellar 
 worlds enclosed within, how admirably it would 
 have suited the poet's purpose to have conducted 
 him to our solar system, by a discovery of its 
 real nature, — the glorious sun illuminating the 
 planets, and our earth, with its little moon, in its 
 true relations with all the rest. But no : even the 
 gigantic genius of Milton must fall into the dull 
 routine of untruthful science, and disfigure his work 
 with the rubbish of the outworn Ptolemaic theory ; 
 that incomparable monument of the genius and 
 plausibility with which mankind can embellish 
 what is false, and make " the worse appear the 
 better reason." Take a specimen of the conse- 
 quences: — 
 
 " They pass the planets seven, and pass the fix'd, 
 And that crystalline sphere whose balance weighs 
 The trepidation talk'd, and that first moved." 
 
 Here is neither rhyme nor reason; but it illus- 
 trates my point, namely, the disposition even of 
 noble minds to adopt the idols of the market-
 
 INTROD UCTOR V. 2 I 
 
 place, to express themselves in phrases of vulgar 
 thought, and to sacrifice truth to popular ignorance 
 for momentary convenience. 1 
 
 12. ANOTHER EXAMPLE. 
 
 Take a notable example. Canon Hussey in his 
 valuable work, "The Rise of the Papal Power," 
 demonstrates that this enormous system was the 
 product of multiplied abuses, beginning with harm- 
 less incidents and accidents, and growing by slow 
 accretions into the arrogant claims of the Middle 
 Ages. A schoolboy's snowball becomes an ava- 
 lanche, in like manner, when it falls from his hand 
 and rolls down the mountain. It was not the ava- 
 lanche, however, while it was the plaything. Yet 
 this learned author confounds his own plan of 
 tracing the "Rise of the Papal Power," by talking 
 of the " supremacy " (which was never universally 
 admitted or enforced even in the Roman com- 
 munion until our own times) as if it existed from 
 the fourth century. He confounds it with the 
 "primacy"; and while he shows that the whole 
 fabric grew out of a harmless function conferred 
 only for the West by a provincial council, and 
 probably by an abuse of that, he yet speaks of 
 " the supremacy " as if it had been born at this 
 council, where, as he proves clearly enough, such 
 a thing was not even conceived. 2 Going back of 
 this, however, he calls good Sylvester " Pope 
 Sylvester " ; whereas if he was a Pope in the 
 Nicene age, there was no "Rise of the Papal 
 i See Note A. 2 See Note B.
 
 22 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Power." Why do men go on proving by facts 
 what they seem to refute in words? If a scholar 
 undertakes to show how and when Bishops of 
 Rome became " Popes," why does he confound 
 his pupil by calling them " popes " ages before 
 a pope was dreamed of? To recur to my illus- 
 tration : all this misleads and mystifies, as when 
 the Ptolemaic system is adopted in practice, while 
 the Copernican verities are theoretically proved. 
 
 13. TOKENS OF A NEW ERA. 
 
 There are gratifying tokens of an approaching 
 era of investigation, and of historiography based 
 on demonstrated truth and fact. Several recent 
 writers have just fallen short of making themselves 
 leaders in this coming era of scientific history. In 
 a mere sentence Milman records a fact, which, had 
 he seen its importance, would have led him to 
 construct his history of Latin Christianity on fresh 
 and original bases. Such work would have im- 
 mortalized him. I refer to his brief but all impor- 
 tant statement that the local Roman church was 
 for three hundred years a mere colony of Greek 
 Christianity, and that the Church's roots and ma- 
 trices were wholly Oriental. 1 Dean Stanley en- 
 larges on this in his " Eastern Church," but just 
 misses the bearings of his facts. Had he based 
 his attractive work upon them, it would have risen 
 to the rank of a grand epoch-maker, a genuine 
 work of genius. Take, for example, the passage I 
 will cite, and observe how it revolutionizes con- 
 1 See Note C.
 
 INTRO D UCTOR Y. 23 
 
 ventional ideas of the antiquity of the Paparchy, 
 or of Rome as the " mother of churches." He 
 says : — 
 
 " The Greek Church reminds us of the time when the 
 tongue, not of Rome, but of Greece, was the sacred lan- 
 guage of Christendom. It was a striking remark of the 
 Emperor Napoleon, that the introduction of Christianity 
 itself was, in a certain sense, the triumph of Greece over 
 Rome ; the last and most signal instance of the maxim of 
 Horace, Grcecia capta ferum victorem cepit. The early 
 Roman church was but a colony of Greek Christians or 
 Grecized Jews. The earliest Fathers of the Western 
 Church wrote in Greek. The early popes were not Ital- 
 ians, but Greeks. The name of pope is not Latin, but 
 Greek, the common and now despised name of every 
 pastor in the Eastern Church. . . . She isthemot/ier, and 
 Rome the daughter. It is her privilege to claim a direct 
 continuity of speech with the earliest times ; to boast of 
 reading the whole code of Scripture, Old as well as New, 
 in the language in which it was read and spoken by the 
 Apostles. The humblest peasant who reads his Septua- 
 gint or Greek Testament in his own mother tongue on 
 the hills of Bceotia may proudly feel that he has access to 
 the original oracles of divine truth which pope and car- 
 dinal reach by a barbarous and imperfect translation ; that 
 he has a key of knowledge which in the West is only to 
 be found in the hands of the learned classes." 1 
 
 All this is true, but the author fails to see what 
 it carries with it. E pur si muove, said Galileo ; 
 but if that was true, the whole system of the uni- 
 verse was to be reformed, as it existed in the 
 schools and in the inveterate habits of human 
 thought. " The East is the mother, and Rome the 
 1 See Note D.
 
 24 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 daughter," says the Dean ; but if this be true, the 
 entire structure of scholastic theology, the Papar- 
 chy, and the Council of Trent, are swept away 
 with the fallacy that assumes the reverse. Dean 
 Stanley's work should have proceeded on this fun- 
 damental fact of history, and his history of the 
 East should have been illustrated in its true rela- 
 tions to the original constitutions of Christendom. 
 
 14. A BRILLIANT WORK THAT JUST MISSES A 
 PRIZE. 
 
 But the saddest specimen of collapse is the frame- 
 work of a book which would have revolutionized 
 Western thought about one of the grandest of his- 
 torical themes, had it been true to the very facts 
 which it proceeds to make evident. I refer to 
 Bryce's " Holy Roman Empire," a most valuable 
 work, and one which betokens the coming era, but 
 only as a foggy morning is often the harbinger of 
 a brilliant day. How could the writer have missed 
 the opportunity of identifying the rise of the 
 " Holy Roman Empire " with the formation of the 
 Paparchy, which never existed till Charlemagne 
 had created the possibility of a new oecumenical 
 theory for the Church by creating a new CEcume- 
 iie, or Imperial basis, for its development. Bryce 
 fails to economize this truth. It is a pity that so 
 good a monograph must be written over again. 
 Its faults are as glaring as its merits are great; 
 and that is saying much in a single phrase. 1 
 
 1 See Note E.
 
 INTRODUCTOR Y. 
 
 15. SCIENTIFIC HISTORY. 
 
 25 
 
 Now the new era of scientific history will be 
 created just as soon as some able and original 
 genius shall be raised up to apply, in historiogra- 
 phy, the principles which our age has inexora- 
 bly demanded in other scientific work. The law 
 of such a movement is simply that of sweeping 
 away demonstrated falsehood and fable, and of 
 proceeding at every step upon the rock founda- 
 tion of fact. If the East gave to Christianity its 
 historic form and shape, its creed and doctrine, its 
 whole cast and visible outline before the world, 
 why not proceed accordingly? Yes, why not? 
 A thousand myths disappear from the Western 
 mind when once these truths are worked out and 
 made manifest. No more haggling about the popes 
 of controvertists. The entire Papal theory per- 
 ishes as soon as we find where Rome stood at first, 
 and how absolutely inconsiderable was her place 
 in the early founding and teaching of churches. 
 
 16. THE MOTHER OF THEOLOGY. 
 
 He who examines the true history of the ages 
 before Constantine is forced to find in Alexandria 
 all with which popes and schoolmen have credited 
 old Rome. After Antioch, the see of St. Mark was 
 the nurse, if not the mother, of the churches, and 
 if not their mistress, yet their schoolmaster. 1 It 
 formed their mind and speech. Latin Christianity 
 itself rose out of Alexandria, the head and brain 
 1 See Note F.
 
 26 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 of original Christendom. It was formed in Africa 
 and in Carthage, not in Rome. Entire indepen- 
 dence of Rome was steadily maintained under the 
 founders of Latin theology, — Tertullian, Minu- 
 cius Felix, Cyprian, Lactantius, Arnobius, and 
 Augustine. Rome had no voice, in her own 
 tongue, till the heretic Novatian first spoke in her 
 and for her. From Clement to Hippolytus, and 
 later, her few writers thought in Greek, wrote in 
 Greek, and submitted their work to the maternal 
 churches of the East, as filial and loyal sons. To 
 exhibit these facts is to dismiss the whole system 
 of the Latin schools, based on unhistoric myths 
 and fables, all as baseless as the " Donation of 
 Constantine," and all as recent in their fabrication. 
 
 17. INSTITUTES. 
 
 In presenting these Institutes, then, to my young 
 pupils in this University, I undertake to proceed 
 upon a rigidly scientific plan, of which I have tried 
 to explain the scientific grounds. I adopt the old 
 word institutes to signify elementary instructions. 
 They present, in outline, certain predominant fea- 
 tures of history, which will guide to just conclu- 
 sions in the further studies to which they introduce 
 the learner. And now let me fortify my positions 
 by citing the language of a man of science, who 
 speaks for other purposes and with a different in- 
 tent, upon the very matter which underlies my 
 plan. He, too, gives token of the new era as at 
 hand. 1 Could any one have expected from the 
 1 See Note G.
 
 JNTR OD UC TOR Y. 
 
 2 7 
 
 apologist of Huxley and Darwin such a tribute to 
 primitive Christianity as John Fiskc has given us 
 in the following passages? He says: — 
 
 " It is interesting to observe the characteristics of the 
 idea of God as conceived by the three great Fathers of 
 the Greek Church, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and 
 Athanasius. The philosophy of these profound and vigor- 
 ous thinkers was, in large measure, derived from the 
 Stoics," etc. 
 
 " The views of Clement's disciple, Origen, are much 
 like those of his master. Athanasius ventured much fur- 
 ther into the bewildering regions of metaphysics. Yet 
 in his doctrine of the Trinity ... he proceeded upon 
 the lines which Clement had marked out." 
 
 " It is instructive to note how closely Athanasius ap- 
 proaches the confines of modern scientific thought, simply 
 through his fundamental conception of God as the in- 
 dwelling life of the universe." 
 
 Now, without pausing to correct some possible 
 misconceptions of this great matter, I ask you to 
 observe the phenomenon of this mind struggling 
 out of " modern thought " towards what modern 
 thought has affected to ignore, and finding himself 
 met where he stands by these ancient Fathers of 
 Christendom. Two reflections suggest themselves 
 as pertinent to my subject: (1) It is to primitive 
 Christianity that modern science must recur to find 
 its " guide, philosopher, and friend " ; and (2) It 
 is to the East, and to Alexandria as the fountain- 
 head, that the inquirer into the origin of Christian 
 thought and dogma must have recourse.
 
 28 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 18. TRUTH, OLD AND NEW. 
 
 Another suggestion, I trust, will arrest the atten- 
 tion of all who hear me. In guiding your thoughts 
 towards primitive antiquity, I am preparing you 
 for a wise and healthful investigation of recent re- 
 search and discovery in scientific matters. How 
 often you hear of these old Fathers as mere fos- 
 sils ; and of the Church of Christ as behind the 
 age. Listen again to John Fiske, as he works his 
 way through philosophy to Theism. 1 He says : — 
 
 " One has only to adopt the higher Theism of Clement 
 and Athanasius, and the alleged antagonism between sci- 
 ence and theology, by which so many hearts have been 
 saddened, so many minds darkened, vanishes forever." 
 
 And now mark what he says of the dawn of 
 Christianity, in the period illuminated by the Sep- 
 tuagint, and also what he adds of Ante-Nicene 
 Christianity in Alexandria: — 
 
 "The intellectual atmosphere of Alexandria for two 
 centuries before and three centuries after the time of 
 Christ was more modern than anything that followed, down 
 to the days of Bacon and Descartes. . . . The system of 
 Christian Theism was the work of some of the loftiest 
 minds that have ever appeared on the earth." 
 
 Staking off these five centuries accordingly, 
 during which the thought of Christendom was 
 formed under Clement and his forerunners, reflect 
 that between the two centuries of preparation for 
 Christ and the three that ushered in the Great 
 1 See Note H.
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 29 
 
 Council of Nicaea, our ultimate limit, stands the 
 noble figure of Apollos, — " eloquent and mighty 
 in the Scriptures," — a monument of the Gospel 
 in its power to unite the Jew and the Greek, and 
 not less of the Church, to speak from her ancient 
 throne to the hearts and minds of thinking men 
 in our own distracted times. 
 
 19. CATHOLICITY. 
 
 Here observe a most important point. The 
 centuries which a disinterested thinker has thus 
 characterized, without a thought of aiding the 
 position of the Christian, are precisely those to 
 which the great Anglican doctors have appealed in 
 their noble work of restoration. For the Angli- 
 can reformers were restorers rather; they brought 
 back the primitive simplicity and the unadulterated 
 catholicity of Nicaea, — the catholicity which is 
 covered by its own appeal to " ancient usages," 
 and by the formula of the Nicaeno-Constantino- 
 politan Creed. Of course there can be no other. 
 For there cannot be two catholic churches nor 
 two catholic theologies.* But in this country 
 and in England two antagonist systems claim to 
 be catholic; which is most harmonious with the 
 catholicity of Nicaea? If it be true that the first 
 three centuries were in spirit, not mediczval, but 
 modem, the answer is apparent. If they corre- 
 spond with Bacon and Descartes rather than with 
 Aristotle and the Schoolmen, then the Anglican 
 reformation is vindicated. The " Syllabus," which 
 refuses all commerce with modern thought, shows
 
 30 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 itself equally at war with Christian antiquity. The 
 present venerable pontiff, a scholar and a most 
 respectable character in all his personal qualities, 
 has accepted the Syllabus of his unlettered prede- 
 cessor, which denounces all that freemen hold dear, 
 while, to give his thinking subjects something 
 to do, he commands them to study St. Thomas 
 Aquinas. That is, they must revert to the Middle 
 Ages for all the thinking they are allowed to exer- 
 cise. Precisely so. He rules out the masculine 
 thought of genuine antiquity as modern. He thus 
 convicts his theology of its mediaeval origin, while 
 we appeal primarily to the primitive Fathers, — 
 to Clement of Alexandria, and to Athanasius, not 
 undervaluing Aquinas so far as he agrees with 
 antiquity. It is not difficult, then, to decide where 
 catholicity is to be found, if the apostolic ages and 
 the primitive Fathers supply the criterion. Ours 
 is the old religion, because it is identified with the 
 oldest. We appeal to the Holy Scriptures inter- 
 preted by the whole undivided Church at Nicaea. 1 
 Leo XIII. appeals to Aquinas 2 and to the systems 
 of a divided Christendom, — to the West and to 
 the twelfth century with those that followed, down 
 to the Trent Council. And this was a council of 
 the West only, and of the sixteenth century, com- 
 posed chiefly of Italians, and engineered by the 
 Jesuits, who had just been created, and whose 
 conduct excited the indignant remonstrances of 
 all the abler theologians there assembled. Which, 
 then, is the catholic system, — ours or theirs? 3 
 
 i A. D. 325. 2 a. D. 1274. 3 See Note I.
 
 INTRODUCTOR Y. 
 
 20. A COMPARISON. 
 
 31 
 
 Note, also, that there can no more be two 
 catholic churches in Christendom, than there can 
 be two universal physical systems in the same 
 universe. But the " Roman Catholic " scheme of 
 catholicity accepts only the Western churches, and 
 excludes the more ancient churches of the East, 
 while ours includes just what the Nicene Creed 
 includes; that is to say, all the Greek and Latin 
 churches, and all other churches which preserve 
 an apostolic episcopate and the Nicene faith. 
 We recognize the Latin churches as part of the 
 Catholic Church ; " the Roman Catholic Church is 
 a fiction, derived from the " Holy Roman Empire," 
 which called itself the cccumcne, and hence con- 
 sidered its established church oecumenical. Ana- 
 lyze this artificial system and you find it made up 
 of ancient national churches which are all catholic 
 in organic form, but orthodox just so far as they 
 adhere to the primitive theology, and no further. 
 With all her blemishes and failings, the Anglican 
 Church is ready to be judged by this rule, and it is 
 a rule which utterly destroys all claims of catho- 
 licity for those Latins who adhere to the modern 
 Council of Trent, and the yet more modern — nay, 
 the recent — additions of Pius IX., which reduce 
 their creed to a thing of yesterday. 1 
 
 21. BACON AND HIS IDOLS. 
 
 How comes it that many gifted men fail to see 
 when once 
 1 See Note J. 
 
 what is so evident when once set in the light of
 
 32 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 facts and of common sense? I have spoken of 
 the ruts of habit ; let me refer to Bacon's forcible 
 postulates concerning " Idols." That great inciter 
 of all genuine "modern thought" threw down 
 the idols of the Schoolmen which dominated in 
 the realms of physical science; but even to our 
 own times their idols have largely stultified the 
 domain of theology and corrupted historic truth. 
 He was himself an illustration of the sway of idols 
 over the human intellect, for he remained a slave 
 to the Ptolemaic astronomy, in spite of his emanci- 
 pation from so much that clouded and fettered 
 intellect in his times. He calls these idols, images, 
 or, as we should name them, illusions, " the deepest 
 fallacies of the human mind ; " and he adds, " They 
 do not deceive in particulars, as do other fallacies, 
 which cloud and ensnare the judgment, . . . but 
 they are imposed upon the understanding (i) by 
 the general nature of the human race, or (2) by 
 the particular nature of every several man, or 
 (3) by words, or communicative nature." To ex- 
 pose, in some degree, the influence of a corrupt use 
 of words in producing the confusions of historical 
 authors and of popular thought is part of my plan. 
 For the idols of the market-place, which still main- 
 tain themselves in our day are almost ineradicable 
 and supremely mischievous. Words as under- 
 stood in the streets and used by the vulgar, when 
 adopted by the learned in all their ambiguity, are 
 instruments for distilling nightshade alike inebriat- 
 ing and fatal to intelligence. 1 
 
 1 See Note K.
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 22. DATES OF ANCHORAGE. 
 
 33 
 
 Such idols have too long neutralized the pene- 
 trating and generative sunlight of historic truth, 
 as icebergs and fogs hinder the advance of spring. 
 Let me present an outline of the points to be 
 illustrated in these Lectures, which will be an 
 effort to confute idols. For I pursue a practical 
 plan, and am willing to let historic facts speak 
 for themselves. But to be felt in all their force, 
 let them be presented with method. What Ruskin 1 
 has called " dates of anchorage " are essential to 
 the student of history, who would grasp and retain 
 great facts and epochs, on which others turn as 
 upon pivots or hinges. Geography and chronol- 
 ogy are the eyes of historical science. Skeleton 
 maps must be hung up before the mental eyesight, 
 and they must be bordered with cardinal dates of 
 the world's annals, — the epoch-marking dates, that 
 is, or those which have created eras in history. 
 An epoch is a point of time; an era is a period 
 developed from it, as a line is generated in ge- 
 ometry. He who seizes these pivots, hinges, or 
 " dates of anchorage," becomes master of the art. 
 Minor dates and epochs marshal themselves natu- 
 rally about these heights of command, which afford 
 the soldier a masterly survey of fields where he 
 may meet an enemy. Take, for illustration, some 
 notable examples. 
 
 The most convenient and sharp-cut date in 
 Christian history is that of Charlemagne's creation 
 of the Latin Empire ; he was crowned, or virtually 
 
 1 See Note L. 
 3
 
 34 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 crowned himself, on Christmas day, A. D. 800. No- 
 body can forget such a date as this ; and you ob- 
 serve that it divides modern history very equally, 
 if we confine ancient history, as we should, to the 
 periods before the Light of the World appeared. 
 And note its commanding character : it marks the 
 era of Western history, as distinct from that of the 
 East. It is the index of Latin Christianity left to 
 itself; severed from its parent stem ; developing 
 into something alien to catholicity; creating the 
 Paparchy; involving the Latin churches in func- 
 tional schism ; defiling them with novelties ; dark- 
 ening their atmosphere with the mists of fable ; 
 disfiguring the worship of God with idolatries ; 
 inventing new theologies, and condemning the 
 West to centuries of ignorance and superstition, 
 not inappropriately called the " Dark Ages." Not 
 that Charlemagne promoted this directly or inten- 
 tionally. The reverse is eminently true. But his 
 policy created the Paparchy, which had no exist- 
 ence before his time, nor while he lived ; and to 
 the Paparchy, based on the imposture of the De- 
 cretals, we owe the Dark Ages, which include the 
 whole period from A. D. 900 to 1400. The Middle 
 Ages include this period, and stretch from the 
 eighth century to the sixteenth, from the imperial 
 crowning of Charlemagne to the birth of Charles- 
 Quint. 
 
 23. THE GREAT EPOCHS. 
 
 Observe other " dates of anchorage," in dealing 
 with Western history, to which we shall be neces- 
 sarily limited in these Lectures when once we
 
 INTRO D UCTOR Y. 
 
 35 
 
 touch the era of Charlemagne. After the nativity 
 of our Divine Lord, the great epoch of Constan- 
 tine and the Council of Nice (A. I). 325) marks the 
 close of the martyr ages and the subjection of 
 the Caesars to the cross. The period which closes 
 with Charlemagne is that of Catholic unity, under 
 the Synodical Constitutions. From Charlemagne 
 to Charles-Quint, we have seven hundred years 
 of Western schism, the Paparchy and the inferior 
 epochs of Imperial and Papal strifes, the Crusades 
 and the Scholastics. From A. D. 1500, the epoch 
 of Charles the Fifth, we date the increase of learn- 
 ing, the struggles for popular freedom, the Con- 
 tinental Reformers, the Anglican Restoration, and 
 the creation of the " Roman Catholic Church," — 
 which, as such, is a modern organization, more 
 recent than Lutheranism itself. 
 
 24. A PRACTICAL PLAN. 
 
 In establishing this reformed syllabus of histori- 
 cal science, my scheme is less bold than at first 
 sight might appear. It pretends to no original dis- 
 coveries as to matters of fact : every point on which 
 the scheme depends has been proved, elucidated, 
 overwhelmingly established, by learned writers, — 
 as well among those who have retained communion 
 with Rome, like Erasmus, Bossuet, and the Jansen- 
 ists, as by the Continental Reformed and the grand 
 old Caroline theologians of England. My only 
 innovations are found in accepting the demonstra- 
 tions of these authorities, and constructing a har- 
 monious system accordingly, giving facts their
 
 36 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 place, enforcing their value, and calling things by 
 their right names. For example, the unparalleled 
 imposture of the Decretals is admitted by Jesuits 
 and Gallicans ; they are laughed out of court by 
 the Ultramontanes themselves. 1 Yet these " idols 
 of the market-place " impose on Protestants gener- 
 ally. For they go on calling things by the fabulous 
 terms and phrases which the Decretals created. 
 They ignore the East and the constitutions of Cath- 
 olicity, and give to the parvenu system of Trent the 
 old Nicene title of " the Catholic Church." They 
 speak of the Roman pontiffs as " successors of 
 St. Peter"; they dishonour the apostle's memory, 
 by speaking of the criminal throne of the Vatican 
 as the " chair of St. Peter " ; they surrender his- 
 tory to the fabulists, by making the early Bishops 
 of Rome into a succession of " Popes," created 
 by Christ himself, and they confound the canoni- 
 cal "primacy," conferred by the Councils of Nice 
 and Constantinople, with an usurped "supremacy," 
 which, had it existed, would have made the action 
 of all councils equally superfluous and imperti- 
 nent. 2 Modern " Protestantism " clings to its 
 name all the more stoutly because it has ceased 
 to protest. It believes in God with all its heart, 
 but, after all, feels very charitably about the Devil. 
 It glorifies Martin Luther, but cannot but think 
 he went a little too far when he burnt the Pope's 
 bull. It adopts Galileo's conviction that the earth 
 moves, but would not wholly censure the Roman 
 court for putting him to torture and making him 
 abjure it as heresy. In short, it always holds with 
 1 See Note M. 2 See Note N.
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 37 
 
 the hare, but prefers to run with the hounds, espe- 
 cially if it be in a question of politics. It accepts 
 the Messiah, and feels the force of Ecce homo ! but 
 its sympathies are always with poor Pilate, except 
 when even Pilate ceased to be a politician, and said, 
 " What I have written I have written." 
 
 25. THE SURVEY. 
 
 On the principles I have thus illustrated, and 
 exposing the illusions I have mentioned to a 
 searching comparison with facts, I invite you, then, 
 to survey with me the outlines of Christian history, 
 in its majestic sweep through the ages which we 
 owe to the light of the Gospel. This survey will 
 prepare you for many departments of study, and 
 will give you a delight in the ennobling researches 
 to which it is an introduction. Open your eyes, 
 young men, and if you would know the world you 
 have so lately entered, ask how it came to be 
 what you see it, and then trace its progress up- 
 ward through the ages before you, till your fa- 
 miliarity with past times gives you mastery over 
 your own. The lives of the world's benefactors 
 will inspire your life career. The fatal mistakes 
 and failures so sadly marking the pages of biogra- 
 phy will warn you off from shoals and quicksands 
 which have proved so fatal to your predecessors. 
 You will be philosophers from the start ; the ex- 
 periments of others will make your career a suc- 
 cess. You will go " from strength to strength," 
 and age itself will find you invested with immortal 
 youth in the prospect of eternity. 
 
 a 8
 
 38 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 26. A PRACTICAL USE OF HISTORIC SCIENCE. 
 
 When you begin your travels, my beloved young 
 friends, recall " the dates of anchorage " to which 
 I have endeavored to introduce you. On the Via 
 Sacra of old Rome, take your stand beneath the 
 Arch of Titus: it marks 1 the close of the genera- 
 tion which crucified the Son of God, and verifies 
 his prediction of the consequent downfall of Je- 
 rusalem and the dispersion of the Jews. Turn 
 then to the stupendous Coliseum, which, reared in 
 large measure by the captive Jews, was the scene 
 of the martyrdom of Ignatius, and stands an im- 
 perishable memorial of the ages of heroic suffering 
 which saw the Church in conflict with the princes 
 of this world. Hard by rises the Arch of Constan- 
 tine, — a memorial of the Nicene age, and of the 
 triumph of the cross over Paganism. The Column 
 of Phocas, on the other hand, beyond the Arch of 
 Titus and under the Capitol, marks the decline 
 of the Synodical Period, and reminds us of two 
 clouds, not bigger than a man's hand, that became 
 visible just at that epoch: one was the cloud of Is- 
 lam in the East, and the other that of a Papacy in 
 the West. Cross the Alps and stand beneath the 
 cathedral domes of Aix-la-Chapelle; under your 
 feet is the sepulchre of Charlemagne, with whom 
 the Middle Ages began, and there was crowned 
 Charles the Fifth, his successor with whom the 
 Middle Ages expired. Last of all you reach Paris, 
 and survey that arch of vanity which lifts its ma- 
 jestic bulk on the crown of the Champs Elysees. 
 1 A. D. 70.
 
 INTRO D UCTOR Y. 39 
 
 It stands for the close of the eighteenth century 
 and the extinction of " the Holy Roman Empire," 
 so called. It marks the end of just one thousand 
 years between Charlemagne and Napoleon. These 
 are the landmarks of these Institutes ; they indi- 
 cate our " dates of anchorage." Blind must he be, 
 and dull beyond comparison, who sees not in the 
 precision of these periods, in the characters and 
 the events that created them, and even in these 
 monuments which Providence has allowed proud 
 men to rear, and which Providence only has pre- 
 served, tokens of an overruling Hand in history, 
 which the wise and true of heart must recognize 
 and understand.
 
 LECTURE II. 
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 
 
 I. ANTIOCH. 
 
 T 
 
 HE disciples were called Christians first at 
 Antioch, says St. Luke. Justly have the 
 antecedents of St. Paul been noted as providen- 
 tially shaping him into the vessel of election for 
 mankind: not sufficiently have the specialties of 
 Antioch been regarded as forming that marvel- 
 lous capital to be the cradle of the infant Church. 
 Strange indeed that so dissolute a city should 
 become the source of human regeneration, but 
 even in this paradox we discover a divine plan. 
 The good physician attacks disease at its seat, and 
 pestilence must be stayed at its source. Our Lord 
 had promised that his disciples should do greater 
 works than his own ; and surely, when the Church, 
 in all her virgin glory, rose up in Antioch and 
 issued from its port bearing the new life to a 
 world " lying in the Evil One," there was a greater 
 miracle than when Lazarus obeyed the command 
 of Jesus, and came forth from his dank grave, a 
 putrid corpse made whole. Here was a dead man 
 revived : but from Antioch began the resurrection 
 of nations that lay festering in moral darkness,
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 41 
 
 bound with grave-clothes, smelling to heaven with 
 corruption, and powerless to help themselves as the 
 dry bones in Ezekiel's valley of vision. Antioch 
 itself was the epitome of such a world. 
 
 2. A CONTRAST. 
 
 The Augustan age had glorified Rome with mar- 
 bles for its bricks, and with the golden lyres of 
 poets for its legions of iron, yet left it more de- 
 based than ever before. Horace had just died, 
 and Herod was rivalling Augustus in his Roman 
 extravagance by making the very pavement of 
 Antioch of solid marble, when the Galilean maiden 
 sang her Magnificat in obscure and despised Naz- 
 areth, and gave the first hymn of Redemption to 
 those who looked for the Messiah. Nazareth and 
 Antioch ! behold the contrast. But note the 
 meek virgin in her cot, and all the powers of the 
 world in their forts and palaces : hear her sweet 
 song, the first strain of Christian poesy, the germ 
 of liturgies and prayers for evangelized tribes and 
 peoples of the earth, and contrast it with the fran- 
 tic rites of the bacchanal, the sensual orgies, the 
 licentious dances, and the reeking wickedness of 
 that city on the Orontes, which was so absolute a 
 type of all that stretched away from its port to 
 Greece and Italy, to the barbarians of Germany 
 and Gaul, and to the ancient seats of our own race 
 in Jutland and Britain. Truly hath God chosen 
 " the weak things of the world to confound the 
 mighty," and, as we shall soon observe, " things 
 which are despised hath God chosen, yea and
 
 42 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 things wh 
 that are." 
 
 things which are not, to bring to naught things 
 
 3. AN INQUIRY. 
 
 But why was Antioch rather than Jerusalem 
 made the capital of the new empire of Messiah? 
 Among other reasons this will afford an answer : 
 the Prince of Peace came not to the Jews only. 
 " In Him shall the Gentiles trust," was the promise 
 He has so richly fulfilled. Now Antioch was " a 
 mart of nations " ; it was, in type, Gentilism itself. 
 Jerusalem could not be made the metropolis of 
 Catholicity; it was the stronghold of Judaism. 
 The rod of the new power was to " go forth from 
 Jerusalem." To have kept it there would have 
 been to fortify and perpetuate those intense preju- 
 dices of the Circumcision, which in the case of St. 
 Paul himself were the most formidable of all ob- 
 stacles to his work. " New bottles for new wine." 
 He who had broken down the Jewish wall of sepa- 
 ration, and made the new temple walls to unite Jew 
 and Gentile in Himself as the corner-stone, brought 
 both walls together in Antioch. It was " the fool- 
 ishness of God, wiser than men," to economize the 
 moral rubbish of the Seleucid capital, as he took 
 a hill of refuse from the Jebusites when he created 
 Zion the stronghold of the typical Church. 
 
 4. THE PORTRAITURE OF ANTIOCH. 
 
 The unhappy genius of Renan has so ably de- 
 picted this ancient Paris, borrowing his colours
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 43 
 
 from the modern one which inflames his imagina- 
 tion and has debased his pen, that it would be 
 folly for me not to adopt the vivid picture with 
 which he has anticipated the tasks of all who would 
 hereafter undertake to describe it. I shall there- 
 fore freely translate his brilliant rhetoric, amplify- 
 ing or abridging it as may best suit my purpose, but 
 making it my own by the very injury I must inflict 
 on such splendid work by my attempt to infuse its 
 spirit into English words. 
 
 According to Renan, 1 the metropolis of the Ori- 
 ent was a city of more than five hundred thou- 
 sand souls. Before its recent extension Paris itself 
 was hardly larger. Its site was one of the most 
 picturesque of the whole earth, made of the space 
 between the Orontes and the slopes of Silpius. 
 Unrivalled were the beauty and the abundance of 
 its waters. Nature had fortified it as by a master- 
 piece of military art, surrounded as it was by lofty 
 rocks, which crowned it with a radiating circlet of 
 peaks. Thence were afforded surprising perspec- 
 tives : one beheld within the walls hills not less 
 than seven hundred feet high, great rocks bristling 
 with spires, precipices, inaccessible caves, torrents 
 and cascades rushing into deep ravines, where de- 
 licious gardens nestled. Here were dense thickets 
 of myrtles, of flowering box, of laurels and ever- 
 greens, of which the verdure was most tender, and 
 rocks embroidered with pinks, hyacinths, and cycla- 
 mens, which gave their savage summits the effect 
 of hanging gardens. Such was the Antioch of 
 Libanius, of Julian, of Chrysostom. 
 1 See Note O.
 
 44 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Here the imperial legate of Syria kept his court. 
 The Seleucid kings raised it from nothing, and 
 like the growth of a single night, to a lofty pitch 
 of splendour, but the Roman occupation had glori- 
 fied it even more. The Seleucids had indeed set 
 the example of decorating cities with theatrical 
 effect, multiplying baths, basilicas, aqueducts, and 
 temples. The streets, more symmetrical and regu- 
 lar than elsewhere, were bordered with colonnades, 
 and at their intersections adorned with statues. 
 Antiochus Epiphanes had carried through the city, 
 stretching three miles from end to end, a superb 
 Corso, ornamented by columns, in four rows, which 
 made covered galleries on both sides, with the 
 broad avenue between. But, besides its huge 
 constructions of public utility, Antioch was dis- 
 tinguished above other Syrian cities by its pos- 
 session of masterpieces of Greek art, — admirable 
 statues, and delicate specimens of classic taste, of 
 which at this epoch the refined perfections could 
 no longer be imitated. Into this region of the 
 Orontes, the Macedonians, transplanted by Seleu- 
 cus Nicator from Antigonia, had brought the wor- 
 ship and the territorial names of their own land, 
 lasting memorials of their attachment to Paeonia 
 and Pieria, and to "the fair humanities" adored 
 at Castaly and in the Vale of Tempe. Thus the 
 Greek myths gained a new creation and new seats 
 of worship in Syria. Phoebus and the Muses were 
 part of the population of the city, — in mute mar- 
 ble, it is true, but seeming to live and breathe, as in 
 fact they inspired the surrounding masses of flesh 
 and blood. As a retreat from the bustling market,
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES 
 
 45 
 
 Daphne opened to its inhabitants an enchanting 
 grove where the most charming fictions of the 
 Greek poets were brought to the minds of the 
 Orientals. Here the wretched Julian was destined 
 long afterwards to make a last desperate effort to 
 heal the death-wound of idolatry. The spot was a 
 practical plagiarism; counterfeiting a plan of the 
 nomadic tribes, who originally brought names to 
 Berecyntia, Ida, and Olympus. Altogether, the 
 fables of outworn heathenism made up for the 
 place a religion hardly more serious than the Met- 
 amorphoses of Ovid. Girdled by the river, Mount 
 Casius lifted to the skies altars and idols, the graver 
 relics of indigenous superstition. This spot was 
 doomed to retain its hold on local enthusiasm when 
 surrounding idols should give way before the Light, 
 and to smoke with the last faint whiffs of incense 
 that symbolized expiring Paganism. In short, the 
 Syrian frivolity, Babylonian quackery, and all the 
 impostures of Asia, muddled and confused at this 
 meeting-point of two worlds, had made of Antioch 
 a sewer of infamies. It was the metropolis of Lies. 
 
 5. THE POPULACE. 
 
 The Syrian tongue was yet to be heard among 
 its aborigines, infesting its faubourgs and forming 
 the suburban population of a vast vicinity. By a 
 law of Seleucus, all resident aliens were made citi- 
 zens, and by intermarriages with Greeks his capi- 
 tal at the close of three centuries and a half was 
 the place of all the world in which the human race 
 seemed most effectually hybridized. The consc-
 
 46 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 quent debasement of minds was frightful. In such 
 a process, divers races lead downward to a com- 
 mon estate of moral putrefaction. Hardly do we 
 find a parallel corruption in the basest of those 
 Levantine marts, which we see given over to ideas 
 the most base and selfish, and tied hand and foot by 
 the intrigues of tyranny. It was an incredible jum- 
 ble of buffoons and quacks, drolls and tricksters, 
 wonder-workers, sorcerers, and juggling priests, — 
 a bazaar of races and ballet-dances, pomps and pro- 
 cessions, Saturnalian feasts and Bacchanalian orgies, 
 of luxury and lust unbridled, of fanatical outrages 
 and superstitions the most pestilent, — in a word, of 
 all the follies of the Oriental world. Obsequious 
 to servility and then again basely ungrateful, at 
 times cowards and then impudently rebellious, the 
 population was thoroughly a specimen of hordes 
 enslaved to Csesarism, with no name to preserve or 
 lose, without family character, without nationality, 
 without country. Its grand Corso was a circus, 
 through which flowed all day long the foul tides 
 of a brute populace, light, volatile, always ready 
 for an outbreak, sometimes clever enough, how- 
 ever, to be absorbed by diversions of music, by 
 harlequins and their farces, by ambiguities, jokes, 
 and impertinences of every sort. Cicero affects to 
 credit them with a literary spirit, but it was a 
 mere literature of spurious rhetoricians. The pub- 
 lic shows were curious. The entire spectacle was 
 made palatable to such a crowd by exhibitions of 
 nudity ; naked girls sharing in all the performances, 
 with a mere fillet on their shameless foreheads. 
 St. Chrysostom has denounced their favorite Mai-
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 47 
 
 ouma, where troops of prostitutes showed them- 
 selves swimming in nakedness, with wanton display, 
 in vast reservoirs filled with crystal waters. It 
 was an inebriation of debauch, a revcry of Sarda- 
 napalus, where all manner of indecencies, the worse 
 for a certain simulation of refinement, were tum- 
 bled together pell-mell, in voluptuous contempt of 
 ordinary pretences to propriety. Such was the 
 Antioch which Juvenal, perhaps justly, accuses as 
 the source of Roman degeneracy, — of those abom- 
 inations which he deplores; which St. Paul, on 
 widely different grounds, bewails, and to which, 
 with inimitable condensation, he administers his 
 scathing rebuke. Yes, indeed, says the satirist, 1 
 
 " The Syrian Orontes, at last, makes the Tiber the mouth of its 
 vomit ; 
 Here comes, with its flutes and its strings, a jargon of tongues 
 with all evils." 
 
 " The valley of the Orontes," says Renan, " open- 
 ing to the west, gives the neighbouring lake an out- 
 let to the sea; or, to be more exact, enables the 
 city to communicate with the vast world beyond, 
 where the Mediterranean lies embedded, and where, 
 through all the ages, it has afforded to the sur- 
 rounding nations a neutral highway, and a bond of 
 federal unity as well." 
 
 6. THE JEWISH ELEMENT. 
 
 To approach my subject, and to illustrate the de- 
 cisive fact which fitted Antioch to become, through 
 the Mediterranean, the starting-point for Christian 
 1 See Note P.
 
 48 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 missions, I must strictly translate from Renan, and 
 borrow his condensed and most suggestive para- 
 graph about the Jews. 
 
 "They were among the most numerous of those colo- 
 nies which the liberal policy of the Seleucids attracted to 
 their metropolis. Their immigration started with Seleucus 
 Nicator's grant of equal privileges with the Greeks. They 
 had an ethnarch of their own, but not less were their rela- 
 tions very intimate with their Gentile co-citizens. Here, 
 as at Alexandria, it is true, these relations were occasion- 
 ally interrupted by strifes and mutual aggressions ; but, on 
 the other hand, they afforded a base for proselyting, which 
 the Jews knew how to make very lively. More and more 
 was polytheism proving itself unsatisfactory to all reflect- 
 ing minds, and Greek philosophy in common with Juda- 
 ism was attractive to those incapable of resting in the 
 empty pomps of an effete mythology. The number of 
 Jewish proselytes was considerable. Nicolas, a proselyte 
 of Antioch, was enrolled among the seven deacons. Here 
 were the germs of a harvest, which waited only for the 
 day-beams of grace to blossom and bring forth fruits more 
 beautiful than mankind had ever seen before." 1 
 
 One recognizes here the hand of God in the 
 mission and work of Alexander: Antioch, with its 
 Jewish colony and its traffic with the West through 
 Asia Minor and Greece, as well as Alexandria with 
 its library and its schools, had been fashioned 
 beforehand for the Evangelists and Apostles. 
 
 7. THE CHURCH IN ANTIOCH. 
 
 In the spring of A. D. 43, just ten years after the 
 Light of the World had been despised and rejected 
 1 See Note Q.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 49 
 
 of men, all things were ready for a fresh outpour- 
 ing of the Spirit. Barnabas found Saul at Tarsus, 
 and brought him from his native shores to this An- 
 tioch, where the little church was sheltered, in its 
 obscurity and feebleness, in a poor quarter under 
 the hill Stavrin, and near a gate which sustains 
 the Christian tradition by its time-honoured name 
 of St. Paul's gate. It was " in Singon Street hard 
 by the Pantheon." Among the believers here, 
 fulfilling their local mission against such frightful 
 odds of evil in the very citadel of Satan, imagine 
 the effect of the appearance of these twins, Bar- 
 nabas and Saul : the one with those massive and 
 majestic traits which led the heathen to suppose 
 him Zeus ; the other with that light and active 
 motion and electrifying voice which the same 
 rustic idolaters could only identify with Hermes. 
 They came to make the lily of gospel purity spring 
 forth and shed its fragrance over the world out 
 of a dunghill of pollution. 
 
 8. THE EXCEPTIONAL APOSTOLATE. 
 
 The exceptional addition to the choir of original 
 Apostles of these twain, born out of due time, de- 
 serves a passing note of explanation. St. Paul was 
 created an Apostle by Christ himself in person ; 
 Barnabas, by Christ, through his Vicar, the Holy 
 Ghost. To confer their " Mission " and attest their 
 apostleship to the churches was yet a logical neces- 
 sity; but had even this been done by other apos- 
 tles, they might seem to have been commissioned, 
 if not " by men," yet at least " through men " ; 
 
 4
 
 5<D INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 they would have been, not founders of the Apos- 
 tolic Succession, but only its earliest recipients. 
 Certain inspired prophets were therefore, by an 
 oracle of the Holy Ghost, directed to do for Barna- 
 bas and Saul what the fiery tongues of Pentecost 
 had done for Matthias. By an exceptional laying 
 on of hands they conferred, not the "order" of 
 apostles, but the " mission " to which their apos- 
 tolic work was designated. The ordinals of Apos- 
 tolic Churches have preserved this distinction : first 
 orders and then jurisdiction are conferred in the 
 rites of ordination. Barnabas seems to have been 
 made St. Paul's coadjutor; but the pupil of Gama- 
 liel was sent out with the world for his field. This 
 mission of the Spirit was afterwards accepted by 
 James, Peter, and John, when they " gave to Paul 
 and Barnabas the right hand of fellowship," x and 
 recognized the several jurisdictions proper to St. 
 Peter and to St. Paul : the former restricted in mis- 
 sion to the Circumcision, while to the latter was 
 assigned an unbounded mission to the Gentiles. 
 And it is most instructive to observe how strictly 
 St. Paul adhered to this " canon," 2 as he calls it, in 
 all his ministrations. 
 
 9. APOSTOLIC INSTITUTIONS. 
 
 To the inspired narrative of events at Antioch I 
 must refer you for further subjects of great inter- 
 est touching the early institutions and constitu- 
 tions of Christianity. But it remains to note them 
 as reflected in this school after the Apostles had 
 1 Gal. ii. 9. 2 2 Cor. x. 13-16.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 51 
 
 fallen asleep. When the Council of Nice cited 
 "the ancient customs" as the normal example of 
 the Catholic Church, Antioch was the great origi- 
 nal to which their testimony necessarily reverted. 
 Happily, we possess in our day a wealth of mate- 
 rial for deciding what this primitive school re- 
 ceived and taught, such as has never before been 
 enjoyed for many centuries. The brilliant light 
 which has been concentrated upon it by the learn- 
 ing and genius of Lightfoot has closed a long 
 period of controversies excited by the interests 
 which all modern schools feel to be at stake when 
 their tenets and teachings are referred to it as a 
 test. Its great martyr bishop, Ignatius, had seen 
 St. John; in all probability had been his disciple. 
 Under Trajan he was thrown to the lions in the 
 Flavian Amphitheatre. His Epistles, sifted to the 
 bran in a prolonged and unparalleled controversy, 
 are now in our hands in their genuine form, and 
 furnish us with a mirror of the virgin Church in its 
 manners, its ordinances, and its doctrines. No- 
 body is fit to discuss the principles of unity and 
 catholicity who has not studied the Scriptures in 
 the reflected light of what Ignatius shows to have 
 been the ordinances of inspired wisdom. But his 
 practical maxims are like "the goads and nails" 
 of Solomon himself. Some of them lose little by 
 translation, so pungent are they and so senten- 
 tious. To Polycarp he bequeaths his mantle, like 
 another Elijah going up in a fiery car and drop- 
 ping his raiment on Elisha. " The times demand 
 thee" he says to his successor, " as pilots seek 
 the haven." Would God we more nearly resem-
 
 52 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 bled Ignatius and his faithful contemporaries, 
 among whom Polycarp is chief, in their zeal for 
 truth, their sanctity of life, and their fidelity even 
 unto death to our Master, Christ; but, so far as 
 the conformities of the Anglican Church to an 
 apostolic original are concerned, we may rejoice 
 indeed that the church of Antioch, as Ignatius 
 portrays it, is the triumphant vindication of our 
 Anglican reformers and their work of restoration 
 in the sixteenth century. 
 
 io. APOSTOLIC FATHERS. — IGNATIUS. 
 
 Though it is much later that Antioch assumes a 
 leading place as a school, we associate it with the 
 lead in Christian literature, as the source of " the 
 Apostolic Fathers." Of Melito and Clement of 
 Rome, the earliest of whom we have genuine re- 
 mains, I shall speak by and by. The venerable 
 Ignatius, on his way to martyrdom at Rome, and 
 all the way " fighting with beasts," as he describes 
 it, with reference to the rude soldiers that guarded 
 him, wrote letters to the churches, and also to 
 Polycarp, " angel of the church of Smyrna," his 
 compeer and coeval in the school of the Apostles, 
 which are among the choicest treasures of an- 
 tiquity. To think of such a good thing coming so 
 early out of Antioch ! In vain may we search all 
 heathen moralists for the lofty, unselfish philoso- 
 phy which breathes in every sentiment of Ignatius, 
 and inspires those inimitable maxims. Here are 
 specimens, taken chiefly from the single epistle 
 to Polycarp: I. "Consider the times, but look to
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 53 
 
 Him who is above time." 2. " A Christian is not 
 his own master, but waits upon God." 3. " Slight 
 not the slaves and the maid-servants." 4. " Find 
 time to pray without ceasing." 5. "The crown 
 is immortality." 6. " Stand like a beaten anvil ; 
 it is the part of a good athlete to be bruised, 
 and to prevail." x His subsequent suffering in 
 the Coliseum, under the persecution which dis- 
 graces the name of Trajan, whetted the appetite 
 of the Roman populace for Christian blood. It 
 begot the common outcry of the amphitheatre, 
 Christianos ad hones ! Under Hadrian and the 
 Antonines the chronic sacrifices of Christians called 
 forth a new form of patristic literature known as 
 the " Apologies," of which the earlier specimens 
 have perished, but of which we have examples in 
 the precious writings of Justin Martyr. 
 
 11. JUSTIN MARTYR. 
 
 He was a native of Samaria, though a Greek 
 and a philosopher ; but Jacob's well was near his 
 native town, and he seems to have drawn his in- 
 spiration as a Christian from the water of life that 
 has never ceased to flow ever since the weary 
 Jesus sat by it and discoursed with the woman. 
 This appears in his " Dialogues with Trypho," a 
 Jew whom he laboured to convert; but not less 
 conspicuously in his Apologies, addressed to the 
 sons of Hadrian. These princes were professed 
 philosophers, and Justin addressed them as one 
 who had a right to be heard. He had been a 
 1 See Note R.
 
 54 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 student of the Athenian schools, and his pure 
 eclecticism had made him a Platonist. One won- 
 ders who may have been that unknown saint of 
 meek and reverend aspect whom he met walking 
 by the sea-side, and who first taught him the better 
 philosophy of Him who is the Light of the World. 
 Unknown as he is, he lives in the illustrious pupil 
 whom he led to Jesus, and who wore his philoso- 
 pher's pallium not the less when he became a 
 disciple of what he had discovered to be the only 
 philosophy worth professing. In his writings, we 
 become acquainted with the Christians of the first 
 post-apostolic age, and blessed be their pure exam- 
 ple. The philosopher addressed his first Apology 
 to Antoninus Pius (A. D. 150), whose reputation 
 is not unstained by the wanton effusion of Chris- 
 tian blood; 1 his second, to "the good Aurelius," 
 as Pope styles him, — brutal stoic though he was, 
 and author of a general persecution which raged 
 through the Empire from the Tigris to the Rhone, 
 desolating the churches, and delivering men, women, 
 and children to wild beasts, to the sword, and to 
 the flames, in every imaginable form of cruelty 
 and torture. Under Aurelius, Justin earned his 
 noble surname of the Martyr, and soon after him 
 suffered Melito, Bishop of Sardis, of whose works 
 a valuable fragment remains. 2 
 
 1 See Lightfoot, Apost. Fathers, II., vol. i. p. 440. 
 
 2 Lightfoot, Ibid., pp. 445. 44 6 -
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 55 
 
 12. THE PERSECUTIONS. 
 
 Behold, young men, what the Church means by 
 " the noble army of martyrs." This was the fourth 
 persecution, and six more must be ; though in fact 
 the first three centuries are one protracted period 
 of war against the followers of the Crucified, which 
 began with Herod's slaughter of the Innocents, and 
 stayed not till the Arch of Constantine was set up 
 to commemorate the first peace. The Apologists 
 imply the martyrs. Their blood was " the seed of 
 
 the Church " ; but 
 
 " Their ashes flew 
 No marble tells us whither ; with their names 
 No bard embalms and sanctifies his song, 
 And history, so warm on meaner themes, 
 Is cold on this." 
 
 The fury of their adversaries drove the sufferers 
 like " conies to the stony rocks," to the deserts, to 
 the catacombs. They were scorned for burrowing 
 like the marmot, and were derided as " shunners of 
 daylight." Light-shunning yet light-shedding ; to 
 them the ages and the nations that call themselves 
 enlightened owe all their illumination. They were 
 the victims of those who made " Philosophy " their 
 boast. 
 
 13. POLYCARP. 
 
 The hoary and holy Polycarp suffered under that 
 paragon of " philosophic " princes, the elder Anto- 
 nine. 1 He was the disciple of St. John, and was 
 
 1 A. D. 155. See Lightfoot's elaborate evidence, and his some- 
 what successful relief of Hadrian's reputation. Ibid., pp. 440, 492, 
 and 628-702.
 
 $6 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 probably the Bishop of Smyrna to whom our 
 Divine Master sends his prophetic promise of the 
 martyr's crown in the Apocalypse. His pupil, 
 Irenaeus, tells us how he used to speak of the be- 
 loved disciple, and of " others who had seen the 
 Lord." 
 
 We must reflect that while St. John survived, 
 after his return from exile, Ephesus was tempora- 
 rily the focus of apostolic illumination. If "old 
 wives' fables" were to be heeded, the obscure Eva- 
 ristus, Bishop of Rome, was St. John's superior, 
 and had settled " who should be greatest," as 
 Christ himself did not, by claiming from St. Peter 
 a principality over the glorious survivor of Zebe- 
 dee's children ! Nothing of the kind disgraces the 
 true history of Evaristus. Down to the first or 
 second year of the second century the beloved 
 disciple " tarried," as his Master had said, prolong- 
 ing the age of the Messiah, and sealing the canon 
 of the New Testament. Nor while Polycarp sur- 
 vived, to whom Christ himself had spoken in his 
 message to the churches, could the apostolic age 
 be regarded as ended. To him Anicetus deferred, 
 and rendered homage at Rome. The date of his 
 martyrdom closes the period which, in strict reck- 
 oning, is that of the Apostolic Fathers. As a 
 school, the see of Antioch comes subsequently into 
 view, and its consummate flower is Chrysostom, 
 the great primate of Constantinople, the golden- 
 mouthed John.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 57 
 
 14. PRIMITIVE SCHOOLS. — ALEXANDRIA. 
 
 Of the primitive schools the see of Alexandria 
 was the first, and stands without rival, or even one 
 that can pretend to be its second. It may owe its 
 foundation to the catechetical classes of Apollos ; 1 
 Theophilus may not improbably have received his 
 first instructions there ; it ceased not to shed over 
 the Christendom of three centuries the all-animat- 
 ing inspiration of its theology ; and to it we owe the 
 master spirit of that great Council of Nicaea, Atha- 
 nasius, its burning and shining light. Here we 
 find the genius of Clement, and the untiring toil of 
 Origen, and the labours of others not unworthy to 
 be named with them, who for centuries maintained 
 a divine mastery over Christian thought applied to 
 the exposition of the Scriptures. We must reflect 
 that its early relations with Antioch were intimate, 
 and pupils of Polycarp were probably enrolled in 
 its schools ; 2 while, not unreasonably, we may ad- 
 mit that St. Mark was its first bishop, and made it 
 "the Evangelical See." It framed the primitive 
 testimony into literature, and gave it symbolic and 
 liturgic idioms. From voices attuned in her choirs 
 sounds forth the organ-music of the Great Con- 
 fession, — that anthem-like roll and swell of the 
 successive utterances of the Nicene Creed. That 
 " clothing of wrought gold " which adorns the Bride 
 of the Lamb was wrought, as in a loom, at the feet 
 of her Gamaliels. Truly, if " a mother and mis- 
 tress of churches " ever existed, we must find in 
 
 1 My reasons may be seen in Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. vi. p. 236. 
 
 2 Ibid., vol. ii. p. 166, and vol. viii. p. 796.
 
 58 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Alexandria the only see to which antiquity makes 
 any such award. When it comes into notice, under 
 Pantaenus, it is already a Christian university. He 
 is called " the Sicilian bee," and, lured by the scent 
 of flowers sweeter than those of Enna, he flew from 
 its fair fields to the Alexandrian storehouse where 
 honey was dropping from the comb. Under him 
 it became a beehive indeed, and, if it be not over- 
 working the metaphor, it had no drones ; all were 
 workers and soldiers, among whom Truth was 
 queen and mother both. Its cells were stored with 
 scriptural nectar, and its great doctor, Clement, has 
 immortalized its spirit in the wit by which he spake. 
 His sayings, to pursue the figure merrily, are speci- 
 mens alike of sweets and of stings. How uncloying 
 the flavour of his words about Jesus ! how keen 
 and pungent his conflict with false philosophy and 
 untruth ! They writhe and perish like summer 
 moths, pierced by his winged words and fanned 
 by their airy impulse into oblivion. 1 
 
 15. MANY DOCTORS. — ATHANASIUS. 
 
 I have time only to name the bright succession 
 of doctors who adorned the see of St. Mark, like 
 those apocalyptic stars which Christ held in his own 
 right hand. To Pantaenus, and Clement, and the 
 colossal figure of Origen, succeed Gregory Thau- 
 maturgus, Heraclas, Dionysius the Great, Julius 
 Africanus, Anatolius, and Alexander of Cappado- 
 cia, with whom the sub-apostolic period expired in 
 the Decian persecution. Theognostus, a pupil of 
 
 1 See Note S.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 59 
 
 Origen, and Pierius, who is called " Origen Junior " 
 by St. Jerome, with Theonas, Philcas, Pamphilus, 
 Peter the Canonist, and Alexander, the patron of 
 Athanasius, carry on the brilliant succession. And 
 these illustrious names, every one, have planetary 
 lustres revolving about them; while, all together, 
 they shine as the firmament, till the day dawns 
 and the sunlight of the Gospel breaks over all the 
 world. Then appears Athanasius, " clothed with 
 the sun," — he who afterwards stood "against the 
 world," — Athanasius, in whose great heart the 
 Catholic faith found shelter for a moment while 
 others forsook it and fled, — but only to break 
 forth, when " the fire kindled and he spake with 
 his tongue " the " truths that wake to perish never." 
 Even in our own vain and self-asserting times, it 
 has been conceded that the treasures of Alexan- 
 drian Christianity are a forecast of modern thought, 
 and must still continue to enrich the universe. 1 
 
 16. THE PUNIC SCHOOL. — TERTULLIAN AND 
 CYPRIAN. 
 
 Carthage, like a candlestick of many branches, 
 borrows its lustre from the Alexandrian Pharos. 
 This appears in Tertullian, who teaches in crabbed 
 Latin, but with original force and perspicuity, what 
 he learned in Greek. Here begins " Latin Chris- 
 tianity" ; here first we find a " Western theology," 
 which became anthropology rather, and which 
 lives on and works yet, and ever will work among 
 men, in the master spirit of Augustine. To Ter- 
 1 See Note T.
 
 60 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 tullian, erratic genius as he was, must be attri- 
 buted this marvellous creation, the illustrious Punic 
 school. But it took shape under Cyprian, who rec- 
 ognized his obligations to his masterly predeces- 
 sor, delighted to pay him honour as the autocrat 
 of his thought, and rectified his mistakes, throwing 
 a mantle over his faults. To Cyprian must be 
 attributed the clearest exposition of the primitive 
 polity to be found in history. He builds up the 
 system of Ignatius, as Ignatius reflects it from 
 the Scriptures. To him we owe the ideal of the 
 Episcopate, as the primitive Christians had re- 
 ceived it; and through all his writings breathes 
 the spirit of St. Peter, imploring the clergy not 
 to make themselves " lords over God's heritage." 
 Intrepid in vindicating his order, uncompromising 
 in maintaining the autonomy of national churches, 
 this noble confessor and martyr is yet the text- 
 book of the laity who wish to know their place 
 and privileges in the Church. I love his free 
 spirit ; the great synodical features of Catholic pol- 
 ity of which he is the champion ; the maxims 
 which he has left to Christendom. He is the 
 great " Anglican " of antiquity, if I may anachronize 
 so boldly. To his system, rightly understood, we 
 of the Anglican communion may boldly refer our 
 cause, as against Pope and Puritan. I love St. 
 Cyprian. He finds a modern counterpart in our 
 own Bishop Bull. Must I merely mention the 
 noble names that are entwined with his in the 
 creation of Latin thought? Study for yourselves 
 the works of Minucius Felix, of Commodian, of 
 Arnobius and Lactantius.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT ACES. 6 1 
 
 17. ARNOBIUS AND LACTANTIUS. 
 
 Nor let any accept the unjust judgment of Cole- 
 ridge about Arnobius, in whom we have a great lay- 
 man, like himself, not half as faulty, and quite as 
 praiseworthy. 1 His scornful rhetoric was privileged 
 to chase the hosts of heathenism, already con- 
 quered, and to put them to an ignominious rout. 
 He mocks them, like another Elijah dealing with 
 Baalim; he pursues them with the artillery of his 
 genius, as they flee before him, — 
 
 " Chased on their night-steeds by the star of day." 
 
 And so we reach Lactantius, — dear Lactantius ! 
 I feel as if I had known him personally. He 
 emerges, with the persecuted Church, from the 
 Diocletian persecution, like gold tried in the fire. 
 In him, we meet the earliest Christian who has 
 leisure to cultivate his style. He adorns the court 
 of Constantine ; he wins the title of the Christian 
 Cicero ; he closes the blessed march of the Ante- 
 Nicene legions, and his flourish of trumpets is not 
 of " sounding brass." We hear the silver trumpets 
 of the angels in his notes of triumph. Less har- 
 monious than his other writings is his account 
 of the persecutors and their retributive deaths. 
 Gibbon, indeed, affects to doubt if it be his ; but 
 the fascination of those pages is created, not by 
 their style, but by the downright honest words, in 
 which they give the testimony of one who seems 
 to say, — 
 
 " All which I saw, and part of which I was." 
 
 1 See Note U.
 
 62 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 18. MAXIMS OF LACTANTIUS. 
 
 Let me add, young gentlemen, if you would 
 know why I speak so warmly of Lactantius, two of 
 his maxims which became dear to me in early 
 life: would that I might transfer them to you, to 
 make a better use of them than I have done. I 
 can only atone for my failure by urging you to 
 catch from them the inspiration of a future which 
 you may render tributary to God's glory and to 
 the good of mankind. " If life is to be desired by 
 a wise man," says this charming instructor, "truly 
 for no other reason could I wish to live than to 
 effect something worthy of a lifetime." Again, 
 he says : " I shall judge myself to have lived 
 satisfactorily, and to have fulfilled the duty of 
 manhood, if only my efforts may liberate some 
 from error, and direct them into the heavenly 
 way." 
 
 19. HARMONY OF THEOLOGIANS. 
 
 And so must end my insufficient testimony to 
 the school of Carthage, while I point you forward 
 to its noblest example, in the imperial genius of 
 Augustine. Vainly have recent writers tried to set 
 him over against Athanasius, as an antagonist, not 
 a helper. 1 Brain and heart, heart and brain : do 
 they conflict, or harmonize, because their functions 
 are so diverse? In the attempts of the West to 
 fathom the mystery of the Human, we find the 
 complement of what the East had done to illus- 
 trate the Divine. The Alexandrians understood, 
 1 See Note V.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. G$ 
 
 however, that the Infinite was past finding out: the 
 genius of the great Bishop of Hippo shrank from 
 no investigation of humanity, felt no similar re- 
 straints. He paused, indeed, to take breath, and 
 went no further; but just there the remorseless 
 genius of Calvin found his task incomplete, and 
 scrupled not to give it a logical conclusion. It 
 was a test of strength and courage not inferior to 
 Samson's ; it was on a larger scale, and involved 
 even more terrible consequences, than " the wreck 
 of matter and the crush of worlds." Warned by 
 this experiment, we may accept Augustine, while 
 we reject the Epimetheus that ventured further. 
 To Augustine we owe the true exposition of the 
 doctrines of grace, though the Church has only 
 accepted it filtered from the lees. In his immor- 
 tal works and the immense literature they have 
 created, Carthage still asserts her moral grandeur, 
 though bats and owls infest and hoot where Marius 
 once sat among her ruins. 
 
 20. THE ROMAN DIOCESE. 
 
 If I have not yet noted among Christian schools 
 even in the West that see which claims to be " the 
 mother and mistress of churches," it is only be- 
 cause the facts compel me to say nothing where 
 nothing can be said. Her first bishop, St. Clem- 
 ent, indeed, leads the noble array of the Apostolic 
 Fathers ; but he writes in Greek, not in Latin, and 
 is himself a striking witness to the colonial and 
 dependent character of the church in Rome, of 
 which I have spoken. In his time, this colony of
 
 64 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Jewish converts, and their faithful Gentile brethren, 
 had lost nothing of the faith which was said by 
 St. Paul to be " spoken of throughout the world." 
 But it was a church of works, not words ; * of noble 
 suffering, not of study and teaching. Her children, 
 always exposed to fierce eyes that glared upon 
 them from the Palatine, lived in daily expectation 
 of being thrown to the jaws that gaped for them 
 in the Coliseum. Their circumstances were little 
 favourable to the cultivation of letters, and even 
 their bishops, though generally pious men, were 
 taken from a class greatly inferior to that of their 
 Eastern brethren. A pleasing picture of the age 
 of the first Bishop of Rome, who bore the name of 
 Pius, comes to us in the pages of the " Shepherd " 
 of Hermas, who was the brother of that prelate. 
 Little interesting as this allegory is in our day, it 
 illustrates the simple piety and habits of the prim- 
 itive Romans, their character as " a Greek colony," 
 and their gentle efforts to repel heresy by persua- 
 sion rather than by anathemas. 
 
 21. IRENiEUS, — HIS PLACE IN THE WEST. 2 
 
 How it came to pass that such depraved and 
 ignorant creatures as Zephyrinus and Callistus are 
 found at an early period in the Roman succession, 
 is to be accounted for, perhaps, by their personal 
 history, which suggests that they were ambitious 
 to fill a place not coveted by better men, because 
 they meant to betray their brethren and save them- 
 selves while making gain their godliness. 
 
 i See Note W. 2 See Note X.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 65 
 
 Of these I shall soon speak more particularly, 
 but must now mention the illustrious name of 
 Irenaeus as the great light of Western Europe, in 
 whom we find the teaching of Polycarp transferred 
 from the Orient to Gaul, and thence echoed back 
 to Rome, to supply her lack of knowledge and of 
 wisdom. He was, spiritually, the grandson of St. 
 John, as the disciple of Polycarp, and twice did his 
 gentle interposition, in the spirit of the beloved 
 disciple, save Rome from peril of schism and her- 
 esy. When Eleutherus was patronizing Monta- 
 nism, and when Victor was violating the sacred 
 compact which Anicetus had accepted from Poly- 
 carp, the voice of Irenaeus sounded forth from the 
 Rhone, and restored truth and peace to the church 
 upon the Tiber. Pacific, as his name implies, he 
 was yet, like St. John himself, " a son of thunder" 
 when he confronted the great army of heretics 
 who stole the Christian name, in early times, only 
 to corrupt and trade upon it, after the example of 
 Simon Magus. When the sun rises upon a pesti- 
 lent marsh, its very light and warmth breed fogs 
 and evil exhalations, and it was not possible that 
 many in a population like that of Antioch, when it 
 was smitten by the glory of the Gospel, should fail 
 to borrow its lustre to set off their false philoso- 
 phies and monstrous superstitions. These they 
 strove to make at once a snare to the faithful, and 
 a palatable bait to ungodly men for accepting 
 themselves instead of Christ as teachers and masters. 
 Irenaeus, in an elaborate treatise, exposes their ar- 
 tifices and their base counterfeits of Christian gold ; 
 and his great work, of which only a small part 
 5
 
 66 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 comes to us in the original Greek, entitles him to the 
 honours of a prince among the writers of Western 
 Europe, where he became the founder, in fact, of 
 a distinct school, and of those traditions which 
 long afterwards were stigmatized as " Gallicanism," 
 though supported by nearly all the illustrious 
 names, clerical and lay, of Christian France. 
 
 22. ROMAN RECEPTIVITY. 1 
 
 And here let me note a memorable passage, in 
 which he explains the relations of Rome in his 
 day to other churches of the West. His own his- 
 tory sufficiently illustrates its meaning, though in 
 the Latin translation by which we know it there 
 is a possibility of making it somewhat ambiguous; 
 and artful commentators have not been wanting 
 to read into it their own modern views of what it 
 ought to mean. To keep it free from any colour- 
 ing of mine, I quote it as rendered by a Roman 
 Catholic writer of the more liberal class. 2 He 
 gives it as follows : — 
 
 " To this church, on account of more potent principal- 
 ity, it is necessary that every church (that is, those who 
 on every side are faithful) resort ; in which church, ever, 
 by those who are on every side, has been preserved that 
 tradition which is from the Apostles." 
 
 I do not know how words, even in this clumsy 
 rendering, could more clearly define the receptive 
 character of Rome, and her dependence upon other 
 churches for her knowledge of the faith. The 
 
 » See Note Y. 
 
 2 Waterworth, " Faith of Catholics," vol. ii. p. 3.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. Gj 
 
 apostolic tradition, he says, is preserved in her " by 
 those who are on every side," resorting to her, as 
 was necessary, because of her civil pre-eminence 
 in the Empire. In other words, Rome had no 
 school or teaching of her own, but, because she 
 sat at the corners where all roads met, and where 
 all travellers must come, she gathered from them 
 the concurrent testimony of all other churches, and 
 hence was able to reflect the faith everywhere 
 received. Her " more potent principality " was 
 defined at Nice and Constantinople, in the Great 
 Councils, as purely that of the Imperial Capitol ; 
 not a word in Irenaeus or the language of the canons 
 suggests any other idea ; yet the passage quoted has 
 been made ambiguous by assuming that an ecclesi- 
 astical principality was intended, and by transform- 
 ing the words " necessary to resort unto " into the 
 phrase " necessary to agree with." Had this been 
 his idea, Irenaeus must have gone on to say: " For 
 there the doctrine of the Apostles Peter and 
 Paul is preserved by the infallible authority of its 
 bishop." But he says just the reverse : " There the 
 tradition of the Apostles is preserved by the con- 
 tributions of the faithful from other churches, each 
 bringing to it what he has learned in his particular 
 church, and so establishing a Catholic consent." 
 
 23. THE NASCENT PATRIARCHATE. 
 
 It is easy to see how this very position of the 
 only Apostolic See of the West became instru- 
 mental in stretching her influence over Western 
 Europe. Travellers from Gaul and Britain re-
 
 68 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 sorted thither, and there learned in Latin what 
 Rome had been taught in Greek. The develop- 
 ment of a Patriarchate, without the name as yet, 
 was the immediate consequence ; but the Council 
 of Nice, which first recognized this name for all 
 the greater sees, recognized the limits of this patri- 
 archal jurisdiction as quite restricted. 1 Not only- 
 Gaul, but the territory over which Milan began to 
 tower with commanding dignity, was far beyond 
 the limits. It was not a Patriarchate of the West in 
 any other sense than that it was in the West. And 
 just how its " suburbicarian" influence operated, 
 and in turn was often checked and overruled, is 
 powerfully illustrated in the history of Zephyrinus 
 and Callistus, two Bishops of Rome contemporary 
 with Hippolytus whose influence with their dio- 
 cesan synods not only reduced their judgments 
 to insignificance, but rescued the Roman Church 
 at this early date from an ignominious apostasy. 
 Here, too, we observe the force of the maxims 
 of Irenseus we have just considered. Hippolytus 
 was his disciple, and with his fellow suffragans, as 
 they would now be called, he resisted the hereti- 
 cal teaching of those patriarchs. Gathering and 
 bringing into Rome the testimony of the Catholic 
 churches, East and West, they convicted Zephyri- 
 nus and Callistus of heresy, and made them retract. 
 "They confessed their errors for a short period," 
 says Hippolytus, " but after a little, they wallow 
 again in the same mire." 2 
 
 1 See Note Z. 2 See Note A'.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 69 
 
 24. HIPPOLYTUS. 
 
 When you visit the Vatican, be sure to note the 
 statue of Hippolytus. 1 It gives us the clearest idea 
 of the appearance of a primitive bishop. Over the 
 tunic he wears the pallium ; modest vestments, well 
 represented by the Anglican rochet and chimere. 
 He sits in his episcopal chair, in mild majesty, a 
 noble figure : high forehead and features composed 
 but resolute ; slightly bearded ; one hand placed 
 on his heart, while the other hand grasps a book, 
 the arm crossing his breast to reach it. Thank 
 God for such testimony as his, brought to light in 
 our own times, and for the Providence that placed 
 this statue in the Vatican to remind the degenerate 
 Church of " Old Rome " of its fallibility even from 
 the primitive day, and, as it were, to repeat those 
 warnings of St. Paul: "Be not high-minded, but 
 fear: for if God spared not the natural branches, take 
 heed lest He also spare not thee. Behold there- 
 fore the goodness and severity of God : . . . toward 
 thee goodness, if thou continue in goodness : otlicr- 
 wise thou also slialt be cut off." 2 These words 
 were addressed to the virgin Church of Rome, while 
 yet her pure " faith was spoken of throughout the 
 whole world." 3 And by them those marble lips of 
 Hippolytus, seated in his truly apostolic chair, seem 
 to repeat the warning, as it were for the last time. 
 
 This history, then, shows where Rome stands in 
 the primitive period, just a hundred years before 
 the Council of Nicaea. Neither a school nor atcach- 
 
 1 See a picture in Bunsen's " Hippolytus," vol. i. 
 
 2 Rom. xi. 20-22. 3 Rom. i. 8.
 
 yo INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ing see, she was still a Greek colony or daugh- 
 ter church, which had not given a single page to 
 Latin Christianity, now coming to light in Africa. 
 Thus we see her saved by the Greek doctor Hip- 
 polytus from the unfathomable infamy and self- 
 destruction which must have resulted had her 
 faithful listened to their own bishops. In Hippoly- 
 tus, with his co-bishops of the Roman province, 
 Irenaeus speaks again, and puts a practical com- 
 ment upon the often distorted words which I have 
 quoted from that great Father. 
 
 25. CAIUS AND NOVATIAN. 
 
 Contemporary with Hippolytus was the Roman 
 presbyter Caius, who also wrote in Greek, and in 
 whom Hippolytus, no doubt, found an able helper 
 against the heretic bishops. He has left us a valu- 
 able testimony as to the books of the New Testa- 
 ment which were received at Rome in his day, 
 from which it appears that Rome yet waited upon 
 the East for the Canon. The Epistle to the 
 Hebrews she had not as yet accepted, and of 
 the Apocalypse Caius says, " Some among us will 
 not have it read in the church." They knew of 
 no infallibility in Zephyrinus and Callistus to set- 
 tle this matter, and were still divided about it in 
 the Roman presbytery. The Eastern patriarchs 
 were Rome's arbiter. In Caius the Greek succes- 
 sion of Roman authors comes to its close, and the 
 Latin series begins (a. d. 280) with Novatian " On 
 the Trinity." Though an able defender of truth 
 in this treatise, this author unhappily fell away and
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. fl 
 
 became a titular bishop, claiming to be " Bishop of 
 Rome." This grievously defective claim was de- 
 nounced by Cyprian, and he closed his melancholy 
 career with the reputation of schism and heresy to- 
 gether. Such and so little was the venerable see 
 of Clement, down to good Sylvester and the first 
 (Ecumenical Council. 
 
 26. THE GALLICANS. 
 
 Truly might the Gallican Church, if she were 
 yet faithful to her history and traditions, assert her 
 splendid character in the primitive age as the 
 mother of Catholic orthodoxy in Western Europe. 
 This is her true position through Irenaeus and his 
 disciples. Not only does Gaul owe everything to 
 the illumination of his genius, but through him 
 the churches of Britain, and so also the Church of 
 England, derived not a little of that Greek type of 
 orthodoxy which has always distinguished their his- 
 tory. Of the development of Gallicanism we shall 
 learn more by and by. But here we must pause, 
 with a brief glance at the spread of the Gospel 
 down to the times of Constantine. 
 
 27. CHRONIC PERSECUTIONS. 
 
 From the days when St. Stephen fell asleep in 
 the stony hail-storm, to the days when the rage 
 of Diocletian had left the Universal Church appar- 
 ently in desolation and in ruins, the faithful soldiers 
 of Christ fought their good fight with unflagging 
 zeal, patience, and intrepidity. Efforts have been 
 made to minimize the extent of the ten persecu-
 
 J 2 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 tions, — their atrocities, the numbers of those who 
 perished, and the mystery of the uninterrupted in- 
 crease of the Church. But the writings of the 
 Apologists, and those of Tertullian and Cyprian, 
 with the final testimony of Lactantius, are sufficient 
 to prove that persecution was the chronic estate of 
 the primitive Church. It was looked upon as the 
 normal condition of Christian life. The Church's 
 children accepted their profession as that of " dy- 
 ing daily"; they looked for the coming of Christ 
 as near at hand, but they seem not to have antici- 
 pated before His appearing any relief from their 
 lot of " laying down their lives for His sake." The 
 unaffected language of the Apologists and later 
 writers is evidence of this : nor is it to be accounted 
 for, if the persecutions were, at worst, only what 
 such writers as Gibbon are willing to concede. 
 Truly, were the Master's words fulfilled, — " Ye 
 shall be hated of all men for my name's sake." 
 Yet how gloriously did the martyrs copy the 
 blessed example of their Master in praying for 
 their murderers ! At the stake they chanted the 
 psalms, or lifted up their voices in the Christian 
 hymns, — in the Gloria in Excelsis at daybreak, or 
 in their even-song for the sunset, or " the lighting 
 of the lamps." x In the Coliseum whole families 
 were thrown to the wild beasts, refusing to save 
 their lives by throwing a grain of incense on the 
 brazier that glowed before an idol. Tender women 
 clasped their husband's necks, entreating them not 
 to surrender, and little children, clinging to their 
 fathers' knees, or the white raiment of their mothers, 
 i See Note B'.
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. 7$ 
 
 cried out, " We shall all sup with Jesus ; let the 
 lions come on." From the martyrdoms of Antioch 
 to those of Lyons and Vienne, — from those of Pro- 
 consular Asia and Northern Africa to those of our 
 forefathers at St. Alban's, — the blood of the 
 martyrs became the seed of the Church. But — 
 " How that red rain did make the harvest grow ! " 
 
 28. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. 
 
 They have tried, also, to minimize the blessed 
 result; but the testimony of our Christian authors 
 is unequivocal, nor could they have hazarded such 
 language as they habitually used had their state- 
 ments been such as their adversaries could deny. 
 Of this the crowning evidence is the submission of 
 Constantine. The conversion of the Empire, which 
 was its immediate consequence, and which Julian 
 might have very readily suppressed had it rested 
 on any other than the solid base of a defeated 
 Paganism, is the pyramid of evidence which none 
 can overthrow. 
 
 It is noteworthy how often, in a great moral rev- 
 olution, reactionary periods have been allowed to 
 defeat themselves, and to give the last clinching 
 blows that confirmed the change with the very 
 hammer lifted to destroy it. Julian's apostasy 
 drove the last nail into the coffin of Paganism, 
 a word which, coming into vogue at this epoch, 
 proved that Christianity had become predominant 
 everywhere save among rustics and barbarians 
 in uncivilized villages (_pagi), even Julian himself 
 with his adherents treating the old myths as a 
 creed outworn, and striving to give it a new base of
 
 74 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 poetical and philosophical theory. Note, too, what 
 the admissions of his apostasy imply. His own 
 new and theoretical heathenism demonstrates the 
 extinction of the old idolatries ; the apostate bor- 
 rows from Alexandria the ideas of Clement and of 
 Athanasius, who had made learning, and not igno- 
 rance, the handmaid of religion. From the Church, 
 too, he catches the ennobling principle that a lofty 
 moral system must sustain the new augurs and 
 priests of his reformed mythology; they must 
 rival the clergy at least in outward respectability. 
 Note, too, what a tribute he pays to Christianity, 
 in closing the Christian schools, and trying to 
 throw education, even in grammar and rhetoric, 
 into the hands of his philosophers. From first to 
 last, his effort to supplant the work of Constantine 
 demonstrates the superior statesmanship of the 
 latter, whose sagacity discovered that nothing re- 
 mained of Numa's priestcraft but a hollow shell. 
 Even if his dying lips are not to be credited with 
 the words, we may say with truth that his bitter 
 convictions must have been, as he bit the dust in 
 death, " O Galilean ! thou hast conquered." 
 
 29. CONVERSION OF THE EMPIRE. 
 
 Thus this most wonderful revolution of institu- 
 tions, laws, and manners which the world has ever 
 seen, was proved to be the outcome of a popular 
 conviction so general as to furnish it with a firm 
 support. It had become a necessity. This is the 
 only logical way of accounting for the conduct of 
 the soldiery, who hailed the accession of Jovian, and 
 who restored the cross to their ensigns, never again
 
 THE APOSTOLIC FATHERS AND NEXT AGES. J$ 
 
 to be dishonoured. Look at this dilemma of un- 
 belief. If the Christians were not numerous, if the 
 cross had not won its triumph, then all the greater 
 the miracle. Then Constantine supplanted the 
 Roman eagles on the Imperial standards while yet 
 the cross was infamy and all but universally ab- 
 horred. Who can credit this? But more, on such 
 a theory, he substituted churches for idol temples, 
 and removed the capital itself from the immemo- 
 rial seat of empire to adorn the first Christian city, 
 none presuming to remonstrate, while Christians 
 were yet inconsiderable in numbers and in the 
 influence of their' characters. Is this to be cred- 
 ited? But be it so! Then is the miracle all the 
 greater: all the stronger the right hand, all the 
 more manifest the stretched-out arm of the Cruci- 
 fied, in giving his churches rest. Have it as you 
 will : here is the fulfilment of the promises, but 
 only in part. The ages of persecution have de- 
 monstrated the fact that the gates of hell cannot 
 prevail : they have made the heathen feel that the 
 chariots of salvation cannot be stayed in their ca- 
 reer of conquest and of universal dominion. Nay, 
 more, they have made the princes of this world to 
 feel that " they come to naught." 
 
 30. C^SARS CONQUERED BY MARTYRS. 
 
 Yes, and still further, they have taught kings and 
 Caesars that, as Christ can triumph in spite of them, 
 so too can He reign without them. Come then, ye 
 Caesars, 1 if ye choose to be wise at last ; now when 
 this humbling lesson has been forced upon you, so 
 See Note C.
 
 j6 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 that all mankind must see it, — now you may do 
 your part, if ye are ready to " kiss the Son." Take 
 your place as servants, if ye will, and so become 
 "nursing fathers" to His kingdom; but "know 
 yourselves to be but men," and ascribe nothing to 
 yourselves which Christ may permit you to do by 
 His grace. Abolish the brutal manners of the 
 heathen; throw down their foetid altars; destroy 
 their hateful slavery and gladiatorial shows ; re- 
 form the morals and the times ; give men Christian 
 wives, and mothers, and families ; give them the day 
 of the Lord ; make Christian laws to sustain hu- 
 man rights ; build churches ; restore the Christian 
 schools ; endow hospitals, enlarge charities, send 
 forth missions; emblazon the cross on your stand- 
 ards, set it on your sceptres, your orbs and crowns ; 
 but know that Christ needs not your patronage, 
 much less your control. Think of the millions of 
 martyrs and confessors your cruel edicts have made ; 
 think of the deserts and the catacombs, the wilds 
 and caves of the earth, to which you have driven 
 them ; think of the humble and the poor whom ye 
 have been impotent to bribe or to terrify; reflect 
 that, without carnal weapons, these have overcome 
 your legions. Behold the Caesars vanquished by 
 old men and women, by youth unarmed, by babes 
 and virgins : " Not by might, not by power, but by 
 my Spirit, saith the Lord of Hosts." Own it, and 
 be sure of the rest. The Nazarene must reign for 
 ever and ever; the kingdoms of this world are to 
 be the kingdom of our God and of His Christ. 
 He has gone forth conquering and to conquer ; 
 He is " King of kings and Lord of lords."
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 
 
 I. THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE. 
 
 THE conversion of the Emperor introduced 
 the Church to new trials and temptations, 
 and these were, in some respects, more formida- 
 ble perils than those of the preceding centuries. I 
 have noted the influence of the persecutions, pro- 
 tracted through ten generations of believers, in 
 producing among Christians a habit of thought, 
 most natural in the circumstances, identifying the 
 Christian profession with their actual experiences. 
 To be a Christian was to be persecuted of course. 
 This was accepted as a fact, and grew into a prin- 
 ciple. The estate of outward prosperity was ig- 
 nobly selfish, if not absolutely unlawful, for the 
 faithful. The glories of martyrdom were naturally 
 exaggerated ; confessorship assumed the forms of 
 voluntary exile, of the celibate, of ascetic life in the 
 desert, in the catacombs, in caves of the earth, and 
 finally of monasticism. All these varieties of cross- 
 bearing, honourable and sanctified as they were in 
 themselves, were yet liable to beget extreme opin- 
 ions as to their merits, and fanciful views of the 
 life (as if less godly and consistent) of those who
 
 78 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 served the Lord in the holy estate of matrimony, 
 reared families, and created the Christian home. 
 
 2. RESERVE AND MODERATION. 
 
 It is noteworthy that the new state of things 
 under Constantine was received by the Church 
 with little exultation. 1 No doubt it was, to Chris- 
 tians, incredible that it should continue. The Em- 
 peror was unbaptized ; there was no disposition to 
 shorten his time as a catechumen ; there was evi- 
 dent distrust of him, as well might be, considering 
 the untamed paganism of his manners. He might 
 at any time relapse ; and then they foresaw a re- 
 action, and could not be sure of his successors. A 
 wise and prudent reserve is the temper of the 
 times almost universally; but, even in accepting it 
 as a fact that the Empire was to be Christian, the 
 Church seems to have adapted herself with con- 
 summate caution to the novelty of the circum- 
 stances. 
 
 3. THE CELIBATE. 
 
 There was no haste to marry and to give in 
 marriage, on the part of those born Christians, 
 but rather, as there was now no immediate pros- 
 pect of martyrdom, it became a favourite idea to 
 prove one's deadness to the world by following St. 
 Anthony into the sort of life which was subsequently 
 developed into monasticism. Oriental in its origin, 
 it afterwards assumed distinct types in the West; 
 and, pure and useful as it was at first, the institution 
 
 1 See Note D'.
 
 THE SYNODIC 'A L PERIOD. 79 
 
 rapidly degenerated, and, with many noble excep- 
 tions, became, in the East and West alike, a mere 
 anachronism ; unsuited to the real wants of the ages 
 that followed those of the great Councils. 1 In after 
 times the urgent necessity of reforms was met by 
 the creation of new orders, and these, in turn, be- 
 coming as salt devoid of savour, there arose in the 
 West the new form of "Friars," aiming to restore 
 an evangelical poverty and simplicity. But these 
 again, in their rapid degeneracy and greed of 
 riches, rendering the system hateful alike to the 
 powers of Church and State, invited spoliation and 
 suppression; and conflicting, as they did, with the 
 divine institution of the Episcopate, from alle- 
 giance to which they always contrived to release 
 themselves, they have been everywhere abolished, 
 or reduced to the shadows of their originally gigan- 
 tic proportions. 
 
 4. OTHER IMMEDIATE RESULTS. 
 
 Of other immediate effects of the great revolu- 
 tion, some were beneficial and some quite the re- 
 verse. 2 Let me rapidly glance at them in outline. 
 (t.) The close of three centuries of fiery persecu- 
 tion was of itself a gain to civilization, and in many 
 ways promoted the growth of the Church. To 
 repair the desolations of many generations ; to re- 
 build the churches destroyed by Diocletian, to 
 found new ones, and little by little to turn pagan 
 temples into Christian basilicas, — all this was great 
 gain. (2.) To enable the cowardly and ignorant 
 1 See Note E'. - See Note F'.
 
 80 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 masses to hear the gospel, and to embrace it, with 
 impunity, was yet a greater benefit. (3.) The 
 blow given at once to idols and their shrines, and 
 the contempt into which they fell immediately, 
 was a leap out of the shadow of death into the 
 dawn of day, an unspeakable blessing to the souls 
 of men, and not less an emancipation of the human 
 intellect. (4.) But the reformation of laws, which 
 in some degree was an instantaneous consequence 
 of the change, cannot be regarded by any candid 
 mind without exultation. The edict for observing 
 the Day of the Lord (a. D. 312) was of itself a res- 
 toration of one of the primal endowments of man- 
 kind by the benevolent Father of the race, and the 
 speedy reform of laws affecting marriage and 
 divorce concurred with the recognition of Sunday 
 as a day of rest to endow the converted heathen 
 with the purified institution of the family, and with 
 the gift of the Christian home. (5.) Upon these fol- 
 lowed the erection of Christian society, in marked 
 contrast with Paganism, by its benevolent provis- 
 ions for the sick and needy, by its care for the 
 widow and the orphan, by suppressing open prof- 
 ligacy and licentiousness, by ameliorating the 
 public burdens of the poor, by discouragement of 
 gladiatorial shows, and softening the hardships of 
 slavery, which it gradually destroyed. (6.) The 
 laws, moreover, were tempered by mercies un- 
 known before, in the mitigation of Draconian pen- 
 alties, and in the protection of the poorer sort, who 
 were encouraged to appeal against official abuses 
 and maladministration ; while the germinal princi- 
 ple of the habeas corpus was also interposed for
 
 THE SYNODIC AL PERIOD. 8 1 
 
 the relief of all classes. (7.) If these benefits soft- 
 ened the manners and elevated the morals of the 
 masses, It cannot be denied that indirectly they 
 favoured science and the domestic arts, if not as 
 yet the fine arts and the cultivation of letters, 
 which had fallen so low under the brutalized suc- 
 cessors of the Antonines. (8.) The founding of a 
 Christian city on the Bosporus, and the transfer of 
 the capital, were marks of a lofty genius in Con- 
 stantine, and this effort was not unfavourable to the 
 development of Christian culture in other respects. 
 If the movement failed to arrest the decline of 
 the Roman Empire, as such, it may be doubted 
 whether anything else contributed in the same de- 
 gree to its perpetuity under its new forms and con- 
 ditions. In the East, the direct line of the Caesars 
 perished not till after the middle of the fifteenth 
 century ; and in the West, at least the shadow of its 
 name vanished only with the earlier years of our 
 own. (9.) But, greatest of all, the immediate re- 
 sult of the conversion of the Empire was the 
 development of catholic unity by the gathering 
 of the Universal Episcopate at Nicaea for synodi- 
 cal action, and the opening of that great synodical 
 period which defined the Faith and the Constitu- 
 tions of Christendom. It laid the groundwork of 
 all the free Constitutions that have been since de- 
 veloped; the spirit of the Gospel has been the 
 seed of growth and progress wherever it has been 
 disseminated in its purity. (10.) " There was a 
 time," says Bishop Home, " when a Christian could 
 travel through the civilized world, with letters from 
 his bishop, finding in every city a welcome and a 
 
 6
 
 82 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 home among his fellow Christians." The stranger, 
 whose very name was equivalent to that of enemy, 
 thus became a guest, and humanity received a new 
 charter from man, in the name of God. Such was 
 the new bond of society, the " fellowship of na- 
 tions," the brotherhood of the human family in the 
 Fatherhood of God. 
 
 5. DISADVANTAGES. 
 
 Certain temporary disadvantages may indeed be 
 cited by the pessimist, and worldly philosophers 
 may dwell on the weakening of the Empire as a 
 primary and fatal consequence. But, on the other 
 hand, even this may be doubted ; for the policy of 
 Diocletian in partitioning the Empire among titu- 
 lar Caesars had already diminished the grandeur 
 of the Imperial crown, had divided the strength of 
 the Empire, and introduced such intestine feuds as 
 would probably have much sooner dismembered 
 it and reduced it to fragmentary sovereignties, had 
 not some elements of new life been infused by the 
 bold and hazardous experiment. Far more griev- 
 ous is the unquestionable evil which was so soon 
 obvious in the court Christianity, in the worldly 
 religion made fashionable by the revolution. The 
 Church became political almost inevitably, and 
 men whose " kingdom was wholly of this world " 
 began to exercise authority in her sacred name. 
 " Whence hath it tares? " " The Enemy had done 
 this," as the Master had predicted ; and the net to 
 which he had likened His kingdom began to en- 
 close " a multitude of fishes, both good and bad."
 
 THE SYNODIC AL PERIOD. S$ 
 
 6. LASTING RESULTS. 
 
 The Church Militant here on earth must feel 
 the Enemy, and at times his grip is terrible. Yet 
 who can fail to see that, in these reprisals, he was 
 revenging, as he could, a tremendous convulsion, 
 that had rent into fragments the hold he had kept 
 for ages, like a " strong man armed." It was the 
 fury of Satan, dispossessed by one destined to 
 crush his head ; he had been made to feel that 
 the eleven Galilean fishermen were stronger than 
 himself, in the might of that One. In spite of all 
 he did then, and has been doing ever since, as the 
 war goes on to its glorious conclusion, we must 
 not fail to recognize the truth, that most substan- 
 tial gains to the cause of Christ were the fruit of 
 Constantine's mighty revolution. It greatly con- 
 tributed to scatter far and wide the seeds of evan- 
 gelization, of civilization, of human progress ; and 
 while it threw down the horrible despotism of 
 heathenism from the throne of the world, it en- 
 throned in its stead, as a law that cannot be 
 broken, the love of Christ to the world of men. 
 Under this law, it gathered people out of all na- 
 tions into one spiritual kingdom, and substituted 
 for a universal bondage of despair the catholic 
 ties of faith, hope, and charity, and of a common 
 destiny in life beyond the grave. 
 
 7. PRIMITIVE COUNCILS. 
 
 " He who shall introduce into public affairs the 
 principles of primitive Christianity will change the
 
 84 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 face of the world." Such was the sagacious apho- 
 rism of Franklin, recognizing a truth not suffi- 
 ciently affirmed by Christians: for those principles 
 did change the face of the world. 1 By departing 
 from them, Christian nations relapse into the for- 
 mer barbarism satirized by Juvenal and scourged 
 by St. Paul. It is only where and so far as those 
 principles are restored, that man is a man, and the 
 brotherhood of humanity is maintained. Free gov- 
 ernments find their original in the combinations of 
 law and liberty which were first seen in the primi- 
 tive synods. These were first developed in the 
 East, like everything else that is Christian. They 
 found their model and their warrant in the Council 
 of Jerusalem, when the " apostles, presbyters, and 
 brethren " came together to deliberate, and in its 
 results which were published in the name of " the 
 whole Church." But we find councils naturalized 
 in Italy in the days of Hippolytus, when the sub- 
 urbicarian bishops confronted and humbled the 
 bishop who presided over them, in the free spirit 
 of their Master's maxim, " All ye are brethren." 
 But unquestionably the grand expounder of the 
 primitive synodical system is Cyprian, the martyr 
 Bishop of Carthage, who would do nothing with- 
 out the approval of his presbytery, — omni plebe ad- 
 stante, — the laity also having their place and their 
 voice. Note also, that while, after Ignatius in the 
 East, we find no one so strenuously maintaining 
 the principle of episcopacy as Cyprian, it is not 
 less true that he is equally energetic in asserting 
 the rights of priests and deacons, and of the whole 
 1 See Note G'.
 
 THE SYXODICAL PERIOD. 85 
 
 people, — the faithful in Christ, as he loved to call 
 them. 1 So then, even during the martyr ages, the 
 synodical features of the Church's polity became 
 a precedent. Early Christians believed in the pres- 
 ence of Christ, by His Vicar Spirit, wherever two 
 or three were gathered in His name. They be- 
 lieved in His promise concerning the agreement of 
 the disciples in anything to be prayed for. They 
 considered the plural form, " Our Father," as em- 
 bodying the great law of the communion of saints ; 
 that is, of all Christians in one spiritual family. 
 Moreover, they understood that " where the Spirit 
 of the Lord is, there is liberty." It is surprising 
 how instinctively, when they were no longer a per- 
 secuted flock, this spirit showed itself in the general 
 demand for an (Ecumenical Council. 
 
 8. A NURSING FATHER. 
 
 Here, it is true, a new idea was generated with a 
 strange unanimity, illustrative, indeed, of the loyal 
 and dutiful spirit of Christians under the tyranny 
 of persecutors, but now taking a filial and loving 
 form toward the Emperor, as " a nursing father " of 
 the Church. 2 With wonder, and gratitude to God, 
 they not merely saw in Constantine the fulfilment 
 of this promise, but they naturally classed him 
 with those potentates whom God had raised up in 
 divers ages to serve and to succour His people. 
 If even Nero was " the minister of God to them 
 for good," as St. Paul had taught, how much more 
 was the believing Caesar another Cyrus, to whom 
 1 See Note H'. 2 See Note V.
 
 86 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 God himself was saying, " Thou art my shep- 
 herd " ! Hence, the easy transition to a mild and 
 loyal " Caesarism," perilous indeed beyond all they 
 could then conceive, and destined to make mis- 
 chief in after times ; but most conspicuous at this 
 epoch, making emphatic the entire absence of any 
 papal ideas or claims, and rebuking, as it were be- 
 forehand, the arrogance and worldliness with which 
 pontiffs afterwards struggled, as they do even in 
 our day, for earthly crowns and for a temporal 
 supremacy over nations and their rulers. 
 
 The sovereign was but a catechumen, but then 
 Cyrus was uncircumcised. As " God's ordinance," 
 they had no doubt he was in God's hand, and called 
 to " perform all His pleasure." His was the only 
 voice that could reach to every corner of the 
 cccnmene, and his the only bounty that could pro- 
 vide for the cost of an oecumenical synod. No 
 human being doubting, — no bishop preferring 
 any claim to be the authority for a call of brother 
 bishops, — all acquiesced in the natural course of 
 things, and while a Caesar voiced the wishes of the 
 whole Church, it was apparently the voice of 
 Caesar only that was heard. Again was seen that 
 which was foreshadowed at the nativity : " A de- 
 cree went forth from Caesar Augustus that all the 
 world should be enrolled." 
 
 9. THE TEMPORAL BISHOPRIC. 
 
 So now began that view of the relations between 
 Church and State which God overruled for so 
 much good, but which, in its developed form, has
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 87 
 
 been so very bad for Church and State alike. In 
 the primitive age the internal affairs of the Church 
 were not subject to any state interference : the 
 Church was self-governing. But her external con- 
 cerns and interests were largely intrusted to Caesar, 
 who began to be esteemed a sort of " bishop," or 
 overseer of its temporalities. Hence the common 
 concession to sovereign princes, in later times, of 
 the Episcopate ab extra. The Gallicans called their 
 kings eviques an dehors} The German Emperors 
 often maintained this position against the pontiffs 
 with a strong hand ; and the Anglicans restored to 
 Henry VIII. nothing more nor less than pontiffs 
 themselves had over and over again recognized 
 in the Heinrichs and the Othos. It was the un- 
 doubted position of Alfred and of William the 
 Norman. We shall have occasion to recur to this 
 matter when I come to Charlemagne. 
 
 10. A GENERAL COUNCIL. 
 
 As early as A. D. 313, Constantine convoked a 
 local council at Rome in the affair of the Dona- 
 tists ; but it settled nothing, though the Bishop of 
 Rome presided in it, and an appeal to the Emperor 
 led him, in the succeeding year, to call together 
 a more general Council of the West, at Aries, in 
 Gaul. Bishops from Africa came thither; and 
 what is more interesting to us, there were present 
 also, three bishops from Britain, who subscribed 
 to its decrees, viz. Eborius of York, Rcstitutus of 
 London, and Adelfius, possibly of Lincoln, though 
 1 See Note ]'.
 
 88 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 his signature is ambiguous. When, eleven years 
 afterwards, the great see of Alexandria was shaken 
 by the innovations in doctrine of the unhappy 
 Arius, and when it was observed that the time 
 had come for the regulation of the paschal usages, 
 which were still diverse in the West from those of 
 the East, the sublime thought of an (Ecumenical 
 Synod took shape spontaneously, and the Caesar 
 called it to assemble at Nica^a, in Bithynia. 
 
 ii. NICyEA. 
 
 Let us pause for a minute to get some idea of a 
 spot so sacred in associations. The modern travel- 
 ler finds it a wretched site of hovels, under the 
 name Isnik, where, amid majestic relics, are hud- 
 dled together some thirty Turkish families and 
 about as many Christians. Great is the desola- 
 tion, but superb even yet are the ruins of what 
 was once the opulent and beautiful Nicaea, named 
 from the wife of Lysimachus at her own sugges- 
 tion. Antigonus, his predecessor, was its founder, 
 and he aspired to give it his own name. Its posi- 
 tion and importance as a centre of commerce, with 
 roads radiating thence in every direction, made it 
 a convenient place for those coming to southern 
 ports, from Antioch and Alexandria, or to those 
 arriving from the West, and landing at Ephesus or 
 Smyrna. Its twofold circuit of walls, with lofty 
 towers and gates sublime, still announces its de- 
 parted splendours. Lake Ascanius lies near, in 
 quiet beauty, surrounded by hills and groves, and 
 thence the land stretches upward to the Bebrycian
 
 THE SYNODICAL rEKIOD. 89 
 
 Olympus, whose glistening domes of snow are vis- 
 ible in the horizon. As an emblem of what was 
 4one to desecrate the spot in the eighth century 
 under the infamous Irene, pestilence bred of stag- 
 nating puddles has succeeded its once delicious 
 and healthful climate. 
 
 Here then came the Christians. Of many 
 tongues they were, and from many climes. Con- 
 stantine himself was a native of Britain, born at 
 York. But all recognized the language of the 
 New Testament as the catholic language, and the 
 East as the native seat of the Church. Hosius, 
 Bishop of Corduba, in Spain, had lately been to 
 Alexandria, and it is not doubted that the Emperor 
 was moved to this great measure by him and by 
 the Alexandrian church. Here, then, " the Holy 
 Catholic Church" rose up before all the world 
 in its unity. Decius and Diocletian had made 
 havoc of the fathers, but " instead of the fathers 
 were the children." They said, " Here we are." 
 The gates of hell had not prevailed. 
 
 12. THE OPENING. 
 
 Then was seen the fruit of that little " handful 
 of corn " that Christ had left upon Olivet, and the 
 hills round about Jerusalem, when he went up on 
 high. How " green it was in all the earth" ! how 
 truly it " shook like Lebanon " ! The " eleven " 
 and " the hundred and twenty," — they had become 
 " the Holy Church throughout all the world," and 
 now their bishops came to testify that " always, 
 everywhere, and by all " it had acknowledged " the
 
 90 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Everlasting Son of the Father Everlasting." Over 
 these Roman roads that stretched from the Capitol, 
 like the threads of the spider's web, to Gaul and 
 Britain, to Persia on the east, and by Spain to ports 
 that opened to Africa, the Emperor had multiplied 
 vehicles like the wagons which Joseph sent out 
 of Egypt for his father and his brethren. They 
 came from all lands where they had published the 
 Gospel of Peace, many of them men of literary at- 
 tainments, eloquence, and great piety; others of 
 them venerable confessors, relics of Diocletian's 
 cruelty, maimed in their banishment to dark mines, 
 — branded in the flesh, one deprived of an eye, an- 
 other " halting on his thigh," another bowed down 
 with age and infirmities, — " bearing in their bodies 
 the marks of the Lord Jesus." What a spectacle 
 for angels and men! Bishops, 318, like the num- 
 ber of Abraham's household, they enjoyed this as- 
 sociation with the Father of the Faithful. In divers 
 preliminary conferences, " like our committees of 
 the whole," held in a church or oratory with solem- 
 nities of worship, not only presbyters took part, 
 but also lay-brethren. The Council itself was 
 strictly a " house of bishops." Yet Athanasius was 
 there as a deacon, attending his bishop, Alexander, 
 who soon after left to this marvellous youth his 
 great patriarchal see and the defence of the faith. 
 Hosius was called to the presidency, but was as- 
 sisted probably by Eusebius. When all were 
 gathered in a great hall of the palace, the Caesar 
 appeared in imperial purple and glittering orna- 
 ments of state, like Saul for his stature, and stately 
 in his pace. He blushed as he stood face to face
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 
 
 91 
 
 with his fathers in God, passing from the end of 
 the hall to his throne, while they stood to meet 
 him in rows on either side. What must have been 
 their reflections ? What were his ? Surely there was 
 a shaking among the shades in Hades. If the dead 
 were stirred up at that moment; if Pilate, if Nero, 
 if Aurelius, if Decius, if Diocletian, saw their heroic 
 successor there among Christ's servants, standing 
 modestly till they begged him to be seated, — 
 surely they must have anticipated Julian in the 
 outcry, " O Galilean ! thou hast conquered." For 
 the moral sublime, I can hardly recall any like 
 moment in mere human history to be compared 
 with it ; its impressions upon the imagination and 
 the thoughtful intellect are beyond comparison 
 overwhelming and elevating, at once tender and 
 majestic. Blessed martyrs ! from your repose in 
 paradise were ye permitted to behold, and to 
 exclaim, "What hath God wrought?" 
 
 13. SIGNIFICANT FACTS. 
 
 Here two facts are to be noted. (1.) The holy 
 Gospels were set on a throne in the old councils 1 as 
 the symbol of the Holy Ghost. Above the bish- 
 ops and their presidents — above Caesar — O how 
 far ! — God's holy word was supreme. The rule 
 of faith was the word of God. Councils were only 
 to bear testimony to the universal interpretation 
 handed down in the churches. (2.) The regimen 
 and polity of all the churches were the same, — 
 those of Ignatius and of Cyprian. 2 Not a hint was 
 1 See Note K'. 2 See Note I/.
 
 92 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 there of any difference ; from the Persian Gulf to 
 the Ultima Thule of the Northwest, " the ancient 
 customs " and traditions of Christians in this re- 
 spect were a unit. Now, if these were a departure 
 from what apostles had ordained in all the churches, 
 when and how was the universal innovation es- 
 tablished? We have the history of conflicts and 
 schisms, starting from very trifling novelties. How 
 comes it to pass, if the Episcopate was an after- 
 thought, an innovation, a usurpation, that no con- 
 vulsion followed, — no primitive witnesses recorded 
 their protest? How, since human nature is always 
 the same, were there none among the presbyters to 
 maintain their order against a universal invasion? 
 How is it — when in all the presbyteries of the 
 universe, respectively, some one man rose up claim- 
 ing to preside over them by a divine call, and to be 
 something which they were not — that not a voice 
 was heard to remonstrate, and to testify that it was 
 not so in the days of Polycarp, and of the holy 
 men who had seen the apostles and others who 
 had seen the Lord? 
 
 14. RESULTS OF THE COUNCIL. 
 
 The results of the Nicene Council are not left to 
 the fossilized past; they are universally felt to this 
 day. Arius, whose heresy it condemned, finally 
 stickled only for an iota : insert this least of all 
 letters between two omicrons, and he would sub- 
 scribe. But on the field of Waterloo the surrender 
 of a single bar in a farm-yard gate would have 
 been more fatal to Europe than the betrayal of
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 93 
 
 Gibraltar. So the compromise of truth by one 
 jot or tittle added or taken away, would have 
 proved the triumph of Antichrist. Not the hovioi- 
 ousion, but the homoousion was the truth of God. 
 Christ is not of like substance with the Father ; He 
 is the Father, " of one substance " with Him of 
 whom he could say, " I and my Father are one " ; 
 "He that hath seen me hath seen the Father." 
 Such is and ever was the catholic faith. Further, 
 the first pages of the Common Prayer, after the 
 tables of lessons, embody the Easter Canons of 
 Nicaia; its sublime symbol is recited liturgically 
 in all the churches ; in the Ordinal is to be found 
 a strict conformity to its laws for preserving the 
 succession of apostolic bishops. Its great canon, 
 recognizing the patriarchates under the law of al- 
 ready existing usage, but admitting no inequality 
 among them, except for convenience of order, has 
 never been repealed. It makes the two capitals, 
 " Old Rome " and " New Rome," as equals, first 
 and second on the roll, but simply because they 
 were the chief seats of empire ; and this great 
 canon is the law of the Church to this day, and 
 as such defines those Westerns who refuse to obey 
 it to be, not catholic, but schismatical. 
 
 15. THE PASCHAL LETTERS. 
 
 To Alexandria the council assigned a practical 
 
 hegemony of the churches. 1 Its bishop was to send 
 
 forth annually the computation for Easter, which 
 
 was thenceforth to be observed everywhere, by 
 
 1 See Note M'.
 
 94 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 the Nicene canon, on the Lord's day after the full 
 moon following the vernal equinox, and from his 
 decision there was to be no appeal. Bishops on 
 the Tiber took their law from the Nile. The Pope 
 of Alexandria, for so its bishop is called to this day, 
 exercised no pontifical powers, but only the canon- 
 ical powers granted by the synod ; yet if there 
 was any shadow of a " papacy " at this period, it 
 was not at Rome. Gregory Nazianzen, himself 
 one of the primates of Christendom as Bishop of 
 Constantinople, said justly of his brother patriarch, 
 " The head of the Alexandrian church is the head 
 of the world." At a later period, Justinian's re- 
 script also recognizes Constantinople as the head 
 of all the churches. 
 
 The traditional cultivation of astronomical studies 
 in Egypt was thus invested with fresh interest and 
 utility. To the Church belongs the glory of giv- 
 ing to science a revived and vigorous life in this 
 sublime department. Men of science had kept her 
 fettered to the Ptolemaic system, their marvellous 
 invention. For two thousand years they had sworn 
 by it, against Pythagoras. The Court of Rome 
 only acted for them when it blindly imprisoned 
 Galileo. But the Court of Rome is not the Church, 
 nor has Christianity any responsibility for its fol- 
 lies. And let us never forget that it was a Christian 
 presbyter who taught to scientists the true system 
 of the universe. Copernicus was the forerunner 
 of Newton, and a herald of the Reformation.
 
 THE SYNODIC A L rERIOD. 95 
 
 16. THE PATRIARCHATES. 
 
 Before passing to the other Oecumenical Coun- 
 cils, let us pause a «moment to consider these pa- 
 triarchal dignities, and what their name imports. 
 Tertullian tells us of the natural influence exerted 
 by the great centres upon surrounding churches ; 
 and, apart from civil centres, he notes the impor- 
 tance of those churches which had been founded 
 by the apostles themselves, and which were known 
 as " Apostolic Sees." In days when books were 
 few and intelligence was transmitted with difficulty, 
 the bishops and clergy were constantly forced to 
 resort to these strongholds of testimony, for the 
 solution of practical difficulties and for studying the 
 Holy Scriptures. Those who were near to Corinth 
 repaired to that city ; and so others went to Ephesus, 
 Jerusalem, or Csesarea. In the West, Rome, being 
 the only Apostolic See, had a larger clieutUc. But 
 for the preservation of order, the consecration of 
 bishops, the enforcement of canons, and such mat- 
 ters, the great centres of Antioch, Alexandria, and 
 Rome had gained, by force of custom and con- 
 venience, a pre-eminence which the Nicene Coun- 
 cil now made canonical. The parvenu capital 
 called New Rome, lifted, ipso facto, as the seat of 
 empire into equality with Old Rome, was made 
 superior, in order of mention, to the older sees of 
 the East. To Old Rome was conceded a primacy 
 of honour, both as the ancient capital and as an 
 Apostolic See, which Byzantium was not; but in 
 other respects the new capital was made its equal, 
 and owed it no obedience whatever. A vast juris-
 
 96 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 diction was adjudged to Alexandria, and a very re- 
 stricted one to Rome, because " ancient usages " 
 were strictly recognized in defining these jurisdic- 
 tions. The subsequent Councils of Constantino- 
 ple and Chalccdon still more closely limited the 
 Roman jurisdiction, and defined it as a canonical 
 grant, and by no means an apostolical bequest. 
 All these facts must be borne in mind with refer- 
 ence to future discussions ; but I need not speak 
 here of the minor patriarchates, nor of the honor- 
 ary distinction of Jerusalem as the " mother of all 
 churches." I have already shown why she was 
 not invested with any corresponding powers. 1 It 
 is only necessary to note that Cyprus was pro- 
 nounced autocepJialous, having no dependency even 
 upon Antioch, its natural centre ; while, for like 
 reason, all insular churches were rendered equally 
 independent of the patriarchs. By this fundamen- 
 tal law, the Anglican Church reasserted her inde- 
 pendence, of which she had never been deprived 
 by any canonical authority. 2 
 
 17. THE GREAT COUNCILS. 
 
 The Councils truly (Ecumenical, not including 
 the normal Council of Jerusalem, were six. There 
 never has been an (Ecumenical Council since the 
 division of the West from its Eastern mother. 
 Nor in the nature of things could there be. How 
 can any council be universal, in which the Orien- 
 tals are not heard, and with which they have not 
 consented? But of the six which are truly Cath- 
 1 Lecture II. § 3. 2 See Note N'.
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 97 
 
 olic, four are conspicuously the Great Councils; 
 and these Gregory, Patriarch of Rome, reckoned 
 next to the Four Gospels. The fifth and sixth, 
 like the codicils of a will, are the supplement of 
 the foregoing; unlike codicils, they took noth- 
 ing away from their originals. They enacted no 
 canons. Such Councils only confirm and adjust 
 more specifically and minutely what their originals 
 established. 
 
 18. THE SECOND COUNCIL. 
 
 The Second Great Synod was held (A. D. 381) 
 under Theodosius, to confirm the Nicene faith 
 and to complete the Great Symbol, bearing testi- 
 mony against the " Macedonians," who were teach- 
 ing a new doctrine about the Holy Spirit. The 
 Nicene Creed, as left by the Council, did not touch 
 this subject, which we must infer was left to usage 
 indifferently; the West probably closing the Con- 
 fession with the language of the Apostles' Creed, 
 and the East reciting that of the Creed of Jerusa- 
 lem, so called. The Second Council now adopted 
 the latter, slightly expounded it, and set it forth as 
 the unalterable creed of Christendom. So, when 
 we speak precisely, we call it the Nicaeno-Con- 
 stantinopolitan Creed ; commonly, to say " the 
 Nicene Creed" is sufficiently correct. 1 
 
 This council forbade all bishops to meddle 
 with churches beyond their jurisdiction, and it re- 
 affirmed the Nicene decrees as to Alexandria and 
 Antioch, and also as to "New Rome." It was 
 1 See Note O'. 
 7
 
 98 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 very numerously attended by the bishops of the 
 East, and was made Oecumenical afterwards by its 
 universal acceptance in the West. It is noteworthy 
 that Theodosius, who was now Caesar, had carried 
 on the work of Constantine so effectually as to 
 make the Christianity of the Empire a fixed fact. 
 Paganism was abolished, and temples and basilicas 
 were turned into churches ; but, like snow-drifts 
 behind walls and fences, that linger in April, while 
 the harvests are green in the blade about them, 
 Paganism had its lurking places. And far down, 
 till the Goths came, among the rustics of Magna 
 Grcecia, one might have come upon a group of 
 pagans, wreathing a goat or a lamb for sacrifice 
 before some altar of the old idolatry, concealed 
 by a grove, or hidden amid masses of projecting 
 rock ; but as for their deities, 
 
 '' They lived no longer in the faith of reason," 
 
 and another Julian was impossible. 
 
 19. THE COUNCIL OF EPHESUS. 
 
 In A. D. 431 met the Third Council, at Ephesus. 
 Theodosius was still Emperor. It settled the 
 dispute which Nestorius had raised about the two 
 natures of Him who is " perfect God and perfect 
 man," and it justified the expression Theotokos as 
 applicable to the mother of the God-man. This is 
 not literally rendered " Mother of God," which is 
 an awkward rendering into English of a word deli- 
 cately compounded in the Greek. I prefer the 
 beautiful Latin Deipara, or even the Greek word 
 reduced to the form Theotoce, the God-bearer. It
 
 THE SYNODIC A L PERIOD. 99 
 
 means just what was said by Elizabeth, when she 
 saluted the Virgin as " the Mother of her Lord." 
 
 20. THE FOURTH COUNCIL. 
 
 The Fourth Council was that of Chalcedon, 
 A. D. 451. Marcian was Emperor, and Leo I. 
 was Bishop of Rome. He wanted to be some- 
 thing more than the canons had made him. He 
 honestly felt his want of power. The Western 
 churches needed his influence and support. Had 
 he been a "pope," a mere Gallican papacy 
 would have been a good thing for the moment. 
 A great man he was, but not a little peevish about 
 the departing dignity of his see. Naturally he 
 looked with some surprise upon its upstart rival ; 
 upon a new Rome where no apostolic foot had 
 ever been planted ; and naturally enough he began 
 to boast about St. Peter, and to rest his dignity on 
 the apostolic antiquity of the genuine Rome, so 
 cruelly stripped of its ancient headship. Yet he 
 could not influence the Easterns to look at it just 
 so. They reverenced the older seat of empire, but 
 there was a glory in the Christian city which had 
 supplanted it, and which held its unrivalled site on 
 the Bosporus as a trophy of the cross. Besides, the 
 Easterns regarded Antioch, rather than Rome, as the 
 great Apostolic See, where St. Peter had preached 
 and ministered, where St. Paul and St. Barnabas 
 had begun their world-wide mission ; where, while 
 Rome was yet without a clergy, apostles and mar- 
 tyrs had been moved by the Holy Ghost, in Pen- 
 tecostal oracles, to send missionaries to the West.
 
 IOO INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Doubtless Old Rome had its dignities, but if An- 
 tioch and Alexandria could yield their apostolic 
 honours to the new Rome, so also must Leo. 
 Such, as we shall see, was the spirit of this Coun- 
 cil, which ratified anew what had been done at Ni- 
 caea and Constantinople, assigning to Old Rome, 
 in presence of Leo's representatives and in spite of 
 its distasteful features, the permanent and indelible 
 character of one among many apostolic sees. In 
 no respect was it superior to its more ancient sis- 
 ters, but it merited a primacy of honour, not by 
 any divine right, but by concession of its sister 
 churches, because it was the ancient capital. It 
 was not any more than divers other apostolic cit- 
 ies associated with St. Peter. It had never been 
 his see, for his mission was limited to Jewish 
 Christians, and St. Paul had the earlier claim to 
 be its founder, with his larger jurisdiction as the 
 " Apostle of the Gentiles." Such was the thrice 
 uttered voice of the Catholic Church, in her holy 
 and CEcumenical Synods. The seal and final rati- 
 fication were set at Chalcedon. 
 
 21. CHALCEDON. 
 
 This city was called the " City of the Blind," 
 because they who founded it had overlooked the 
 more eligible site of Byzantium. But if theirs was 
 the modest ambition to enjoy rather than to traf- 
 fic, to satisfy taste and not commercial greed, we 
 must own that they were wise in their genera- 
 tion. Lying over against Byzantium, like Birken- 
 head to Liverpool, or Jersey City to New York,
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. ioi 
 
 but on a more lofty site, Chalccdon was pre-emi- 
 nently a city for those who have eyes. Like Scu- 
 tari to modern travellers, they who preferred 
 seeing the " Golden Horn " to being enclosed 
 within its walls found it the spot where the eye- 
 sight might best be regaled. Let me quote 
 Evagrius, who adorns his account of the Fourth 
 Council by a rhetorical portrait of its advantages ; 
 and you must let me quote it in full, as evidence 
 of that delight in landscape which the Gospel has 
 incidentally done so much to develop, among all 
 Christian people. The church of St. Euphemia, in 
 the suburbs, was the appointed place of the coun- 
 cil, and thus speaks the historian : x — 
 
 " Directly opposite is Constantinople, and the charms 
 of the sacred precinct are heightened by the view of so 
 great a city. The site of the church is a beautiful spot, of 
 easy access to those who climb, and so far concealed that 
 before they are prepared for it they find themselves in 
 the holy enclosure. Here are three vast fabrics, one open 
 to the sky, — a spacious court, adorned with colonnades, 
 that surround it. From this one enters a similar area, 
 embellished in like manner, but covered by a roof. To 
 the north of this, and facing the east, is the martyr's sepul- 
 chre, under a dome surmounting its circular walls and 
 decorative columns. They who have mounted to this 
 site survey the level meads beneath them, green with 
 herbage or undulating harvests, and adorned with trees 
 in great variety. The range of their view takes in as well 
 the wooded mountains, towering in cliffs, or swelling up- 
 lands that approach them. They survey the sea besides ; 
 here, sheltered from the breezes, the quiet waters with 
 their dark blue tint softly courting the beach and breaking 
 1 Eccl. Hist., Book II. cap. 3.
 
 102 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 upon it with gentle crispings ; or there, fiercely swelling 
 under the winds, and with refluent waves throwing back 
 the petty scallops and the sea-weed that line the shore. 
 The place of meeting was this sacred precinct of Eu- 
 phemia." 
 
 22. EUTYCHES. 
 
 Former councils had set forth the faith of ages 
 in the Great Symbol, and had cleared it from the 
 ambiguous interpretations of Nestorius. It had 
 now become necessary to protect it from the re- 
 actionary interpretations of Eutyches, who ac- 
 knowledged only a single nature in the Incarnate 
 God, so that he was of a mixed nature, and not 
 " perfect God and perfect man." A scandalous 
 assembly, which has always been known as " a 
 rabble of robbers," 2 had elevated the teaching of 
 Eutyches into a public scandal ; hence this Fourth 
 Council had become a necessity. 
 
 23. LEO, PATRIARCH OF OLD ROME. 
 
 Leo, the Bishop of Rome, had wished it might 
 be called in Italy, but the traditional East was ad- 
 hered to, in place and in language. He then tried 
 to delay the meeting, and with good show of rea- 
 son, for Attila and his terrible Huns had invaded 
 Gaul, and was ravaging the fair. seats of the Gal- 
 lican Church: the Western bishops, obviously, 
 could not be expected to attend. But Marcian, 
 "with pious zeal," would not brook delay. Leo 
 had a just position as against Eutyches, and he 
 was now made the rather popular and more hon- 
 
 1 Latrocinium.
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 103 
 
 ourable, because Dioscorus of Alexandria had 
 rashly excommunicated him. Though he did not 
 appear personally, he sent presbyters to represent 
 him, as good Sylvester and other predecessors had 
 done. In the earliest instance, the age and infirm- 
 ities of the Roman bishop had justified this course ; 
 that the precedent was followed in order to draw 
 councils to the West, is a surmise which Leo's con- 
 duct tends to make highly probable. 
 
 Out of sympathy, no doubt, Leo's desire that 
 he might virtually preside in the Council was com- 
 plied with. With others, his envoys sat as co- 
 presidents. It seemed but just, and balanced the 
 account with Dioscorus, who had excommunicated 
 him after presiding over the Latrocinium. The 
 " Fourth (Ecumenical Synod " condemned Eutyches 
 and closed the grand series of the Four Synods, 
 which correspond with the Four Gospels. But 
 we are chiefly to note its spirit in these two par- 
 ticulars : (1.) By enthroning the Gospels, as at 
 Ephesus, 1 we find its testimony to the supremacy 
 of the Scriptures maintained as from the begin- 
 ning, with unalterable fidelity, in the noon of the 
 fifth century. (2.) It reiterated, and in spite of 
 all Leo's efforts, in spite of his genius and his or- 
 thodoxy, forever fixed the relations of the Roman 
 see to Catholic Christendom, in unambiguous and 
 conclusive words, as follows : — 
 
 " We, following in all things the decisions of the holy 
 fathers, and acknowledging the canon of the one hundred 
 and fifty bishops which has just been read, do also de- 
 termine and decree the same things, touching the privileges 
 
 1 See Note P'.
 
 104 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 of the most sacred city of Constantinople, the New Rome. 
 For the fathers justly gave the primacy to the elder 
 Rome, because that was the Imperial city ; and the (150) 
 bishops, moved with the same purpose gave equal privi- 
 leges to the most sacred throne of the New Rome : judg- 
 ing, with reason, that the city which was honoured with 
 the sovereignty and senate, and which enjoyed equal 
 privileges with the elder princely Rome, should be also 
 magnified, like her, in ecclesiastical matters, and be 
 second after her." 
 
 24 IMMUTABLE CATHOLICITY. 
 
 Nothing could be more clear. If ever there was 
 a moment when the Catholic Church was tempted 
 to create a Papacy, it was this. Great and good 
 was Leo, though censurable in his ambition ; the 
 crisis was grave ; the Western churches were threat- 
 ened with extinction. But no ! The Church knew 
 nothing about St. Peter's supremacy ; nothing about 
 any succession even to his primacy. The primacy 
 was one of honour purely, and granted absolutely 
 to both cities on civil grounds alone. Leo's envoys 
 themselves made no claim to any divine primacy, 
 much less to any supremacy ; they only made a 
 feeble appeal to the sixth canon of Nicaea, of which 
 they produced an interpolated copy. This forgery 
 aimed to neutralize the synodical gift of the pri- 
 macy to Rome, and made it a recognition of ab- 
 original institution. A bishop refuted them by 
 producing the genuine canon, — " Let the ancient 
 customs prevail," etc. They were silenced with 
 ignominy. Another affirmed, that when at Rome 
 he had read the genuine text to Leo himself, and
 
 THE SYNODIC AL PERIOD. 10$ 
 
 that Leo approved it. He must not be blamed, 
 therefore, for the act of his envoys. After inquiry 
 whether the additional canon was unanimous, there 
 was an outcry, "We all adhere to this decision." 
 The Roman envoys yet pressed their remon- 
 strance ; they were answered, " What we have said 
 has been approved by the whole Council." With 
 this truly Roman reply, Quod scripsi scripsi, the 
 Catholic Church was adjudged to have no supreme 
 bishop, and not even an honorary primacy, except 
 by a synodical concession yielded on purely civil 
 considerations. These considerations are now ob- 
 solete, and hence the primacy itself might be 
 awarded to Jerusalem or to Antioch, most wisely, 
 should a restoration of Catholic unity be granted 
 by the Holy Ghost, before the return of the Son 
 of God to complete His triumph over the Evil 
 One and the present evil world. 
 
 25. TWO SUPPLEMENTARY COUNCILS. 
 
 Our review of the Synodical Period is not com- 
 pleted until the two supplementary Councils, the 
 Fifth and Sixth, are at least briefly noted. They 
 are of a purely interpretative character, expound- 
 ing and limiting the work of the Third and Fourth 
 Councils. In the Fifth Council (a. d. 553), under 
 the Emperor Justinian, the " Monophysite " aggres- 
 sions of a century received a partial settlement. It 
 assembled in Constantinople in the month of May, 
 and, as it confirmed the preceding Councils, it is an 
 important witness to the universality of their re- 
 ception, in spite of a hundred years of agitations,
 
 106 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 all hateful in themselves, all working for truth in 
 the result, and verifying St. Paul's language about 
 heresies. But it required another Council to throw- 
 out the bane of " Monothelite " refinements upon 
 the now inveterate heresy of Eutyches. The Sixth 
 and last General Council assembled (November 7, 
 A. D. 680) in the " Trullus," or dome-crowned hall 
 of the palace, in New Rome. Constantine the 
 Bearded was Emperor, and presided in person 
 with dignity. It is gratifying to find that far down 
 in the seventh century the Easterns still led the 
 whole Church, and were able to close the period 
 of CEcumenical Synods with entire fidelity to the 
 spirit of Nicaea. Their testimony settled the Mes- 
 sianic controversies forever. Sifted to the bran, 
 the Scriptures were found to have given no un- 
 certain sound. The Christ of the Gospels was the 
 God-man, perfect in his divine nature and perfect 
 in his human nature ; our " elder brother," and yet 
 the Father's Consubstantial and Co-eternal Son. 
 
 26. RATIFICATIONS. 
 
 But, as bearing on subsequent histories, these 
 auxiliary Councils yield an emphasis to the action 
 of the entire synodical series, which is invaluable 
 to the Catholic of our ages, who is called to resist 
 the heretical system of Trent, and of its flagrant 
 successor, the late " Council of Sacristans," 1 and 
 the decrees of Pius IX. Observe that a hundred 
 years after the ambitious theory of Leo had been 
 dismissed with ignominy at Chalcedon, Catholicity 
 1 The late Archbishop of Paris (Darboy) gave it this name.
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 10 J 
 
 knew nothing of it in doctrine or discipline. Rome 
 herself had repeatedly ratified and confirmed all 
 that had been done in spite of her, and now she 
 was forced to set her seal, with final and conclusive 
 force, against the Leonine assumptions. At this 
 date, then, there was no Papacy. But note the 
 clinching facts which follow. 
 
 The Fifth Council was called, not only without 
 reference to any authority of the Bishop of Rome, 
 but against his sullen and stubborn remonstrance. 
 Vigilius, by name, was censured in its acts, and 
 died soon after in disgrace ; but not before he had 
 humbly subscribed to its decisions, and ascribed 
 his own previous opposition to the instigation of 
 Satan. The unprincipled Pelagius, who had been 
 his accomplice, and very discreditably became his 
 successor, also subscribed to the Council, and en- 
 forced its acceptance ; but he too died soon after, 
 and has left a name stained with the taint of an un- 
 lawful intrusion into his office. Both were Bishops 
 of Rome, but it is evident they were not Popes. 
 
 27. THE FINAL JUDGMENT. 
 
 And now comes the final judgment of the Catho- 
 lic Church as to the Bishops of Rome. This Trul- 
 lan Council, called without any warrant from Old 
 Rome, and presided over by the Emperor with uni- 
 versal approbation, closed its work by a memora- 
 ble act, of which even Bossuet and the Gallicans 
 have recognized the vast significance. Honorius, 
 Bishop of Rome, had patronized and defended the 
 Monothelite heresy, but his successors had tried to
 
 IOS INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 cover up his errors and to make out an apology 
 for his course. This made matters serious. The 
 Council had to examine his letters, and their final 
 decision was, that " in all things Honorius has fol- 
 lowed the opinions of Sergius, and has sanctioned 
 his impious (Monothelite) teachings." His letters 
 were ignominiously burned, his name was subjected 
 to perpetual anathema, and Leo II., his successor 
 (a. D. 682), not only ratified this solemn testimony, 
 but added his own, condemning Honorius because, 
 instead of " purifying his apostolic see by the 
 doctrine of apostolic tradition, he had yielded its 
 purity to defilement by a profane betrayal of the 
 faith." Over and over again have the Bishops of 
 Rome ratified this anathema, as required by the 
 forms of the Liber Diurnus, which every pontiff 
 was for ages obliged to sign on his election. 
 There is no escape from the conclusion ; and with 
 this one fact before us down falls the entire sys- 
 tem of Trent, and all that has been based upon it 
 since, more especially in the decrees of the late 
 Pope addressed to his " Vatican Council." To im- 
 pute any " supremacy," or " infallibility," to the 
 Bishops of Rome, is to destroy the whole Catholic 
 system, and to justify all the heresies and schisms 
 they have taught, including those which the Church, 
 in her Great Synods, has so mightily rebuked. 1 
 
 28. WHO ARE CATHOLICS. 
 
 "When shall we see the Church," said St. Ber- 
 nard, "as it was in the ancient days?" Should 
 1 See Note Q'.
 
 THE SYNODICAL PERIOD. 109 
 
 Rome herself return to catholic unity, and to un- 
 feigned love of truth and right, who would grudge 
 to her the old canonical primacy? Let her Bish- 
 ops follow St. Peter's example and humility, — who 
 would deny to them anything that St. Peter him- 
 self ever received in the way of honour and filial af- 
 fection? Not I, for one. But so long as the recent 
 Latrocinium of the Vatican presumes to enforce a 
 creed which the fathers never knew, and to rend 
 the Church with new divisions, followed up by 
 anathemas most impious and profane, " let us hold 
 fast the profession of our faith without wavering." 
 We are the Catholics, — we who accept no innova- 
 tions, — we who cry out with the Nicene fathers, 
 " Let the ancient customs prevail." The great con- 
 temporary exponent of the Four Councils is Vincent 
 of Lerins. His " Commonitory " is the voice of 
 the fifth century as to the rule of faith, and the echo 
 of the Synodical Period. It shows that he only is 
 the Catholic who maintains the truth as professed 
 from the beginning, " always, everywhere, and by 
 all." No matter how few in number, if they stand 
 by antiquity. A hundred and twenty souls once 
 made up Catholicity. Such was Athanasius when 
 " all forsook him and fled,"— when he stood against 
 the world.
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 
 
 i. THE BREAKING UP OF OLD ROME. 
 
 PURPOSELY I have avoided choking my sub- 
 ject with the intensely interesting, but mys- 
 tifying, details of the breaking up of the Roman 
 Empire in the West. Hardly was the Christian 
 metropolis founded on the Bosporus, when the 
 Goths and Vandals began to make their terrible 
 names known to the Empire, and to receive their 
 momentary repulse from Constantine. The in- 
 undations of barbarism were stayed till the great 
 Theodosius had left a divided sway to his sons. 
 The triumphant siege and pillage of Rome by 
 Alaric begins a new period of history for the 
 world. Augustine trembled in Africa before the 
 downfall of an imperial system long supposed to 
 be eternal, — the last development of law for man- 
 kind. He composed his " City of God " to illus- 
 trate the only durable empire, and to disprove the 
 outcries of the heathen remnant in the West, that 
 the contempt of Numa's gods had occasioned the 
 disasters of the age.
 
 THE CREA TION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 1 1 
 
 2. THE GOTHS, VANDALS, AND HUNS. 
 
 The Goths were Christians of a sort : they pro- 
 fessed Arianism, and their conquests were some- 
 how capable of being harmonized with the Impe- 
 rial power of New Rome. But had they made 
 themselves permanent masters of the West, Arian- 
 ism, which the Council of Nicaea had proved to 
 be at war with the catholic faith of Scripture, 
 must have overspread the West. It pleased God 
 to subject Rome to fresh humiliations under the 
 savages of Genseric, who also ravaged Northern 
 Africa and its primitive seats of Latin Christianity. 
 Then came the onset of Attila, " the Scourge of 
 God," more general in its sweep of flame than all 
 that had devoured before. The Goths and Ostro- 
 goths, however, who enjoyed a temporary occupa- 
 tion of Italy for two generations, made themselves 
 a satrapy of the Empire, and after the extinction 
 of Augustulus somewhat prolonged the Imperial 
 fiction in the West. 
 
 Meantime, God was raising up the Franks. 
 They became a Christian race under Clovis, in 
 whose name we recognize that of Louis, familiar- 
 ized to us by subsequent history. If one con- 
 siders the changes brought upon Europe by the 
 invasions of Italy, Gothic and Teutonic, — by the 
 overflow upon Spain, from all sides, of Goths, 
 Moors, Franks, and nameless hordes brought with 
 them and after them, — as also the correspond- 
 ing movements along the Rhine and through all 
 Germany and ancient Belgium, — the rise of such 
 a creature and creator as could mass them and
 
 112 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 give shape to their destinies must be recognized 
 as proof of a God who rules and overrules the 
 universe. Referring you to the usual sources of 
 information upon this meagre outline of the grand 
 movements of Providence for developing Modern 
 Europe, we now come to the dread and imposing 
 career of Charlemagne. It was his to reconstruct 
 after devastation, to regulate after nomadic chaos, 
 and to prepare the way for forms of civilization 
 which are perpetuated even in our own times. 
 
 3. RETROSPECT. 
 
 Let us return for a moment to the period of the 
 Councils, and trace the hand of Providence in 
 putting an effectual close to it by what is called 
 the Disunion of East and West. Since that " dis- 
 union " — the mild word for a schism, which sus- 
 pends fun ctional unity, but does not destroy organic 
 life and spiritual communion — it is manifest that 
 no oecumenical or catholic council has been pos- 
 sible. The Greeks might meet in Eastern synods, 
 or the West in Occidental ones; but no catholic 
 action is possible without the free and united con- 
 sent of Greeks and Latins. The old patriarchates 
 of the East must be heard in any synod truly 
 oecumenical; but even they cannot make any 
 canons or customs for Christendom without the 
 free acceptance of all the Western churches. The 
 patriarchate of Rome never was allowed to con- 
 sent in the name of the entire West, for the Cath- 
 olic Church restricted its jurisdiction to Lower 
 Italy and adjacent islands ; if, indeed, the " sub-
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 113 
 
 urbicarian " limits included so great a range as 
 this. 
 
 Bearing this in mind, we must take a retrospect- 
 ive glance at certain provincial councils, ambitious 
 of the cecumenical name, in which the Synodical 
 Period found its limits ; like a majestic river, los- 
 ing itself at last amid marshes and lagoons, in petty 
 mouths and friths, which leave undistinguishable 
 the unity of its current, or the point where the 
 name of the river belongs to any one division of its 
 tides. 
 
 4. MINOR COUNCILS. 
 
 The Fifth and Sixth Councils failed to enact 
 canons, and hence a council (a. d. 692) which 
 aimed to supply this defect is called the Quini- 
 Sext, to indicate its supplementary character, as a 
 sequel to both. It was held in Constantinople. 
 The Latins, however, would not accept it. It 
 displeased Rome, because it maintained the old 
 canonical equality of New Rome, and also the 
 rights of the married clergy, which Rome was 
 trying to suppress in Italy. Early in the next 
 century, the walls of churches in the East and 
 West alike had become disfigured by wretched 
 caricatures of our Lord and of the saints, known as 
 Icons ; not graven or molten images, but misera- 
 ble daubs with tinsel decorations ; bits of tinfoil 
 silvered or gilded, often covering all but the face 
 and hands of the absurd figures. Against these 
 objects all the canons of good taste cried out; 
 but every page of the early fathers which as- 
 sailed the heathen images not less bore witness 
 
 S
 
 I 14 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 that Christianity abhorred such things. It is dis- 
 graceful to reflect, however, that it was left to a 
 semi-barbarian Emperor to imitate the zeal of 
 Epiphanius, who had torn to shreds the first thing 
 of the kind of which we hear in history. Leo III., 
 the Isaurian, issued his edict (a. D. 724) against 
 them. It caused him endless confusions and dis- 
 tresses to sustain this policy, till he died, in A. D. 
 741. The excesses of his zeal, not always accord- 
 ing to knowledge, had rendered the name of " the 
 Iconoclasts " not a little odious, when his very 
 able but unfortunate son and successor, Constan- 
 tine V., to whom clings the scornful name Copro- 
 nymus, called a council to settle the matter. It was 
 attended by more than three hundred Eastern 
 bishops, who condemned the Icons, with unques- 
 tionable fidelity to antiquity. This council has no 
 claim to oecumenical character; but when, not long 
 afterwards, the Western churches bore precisely 
 the same testimony in one of the most memorable 
 of Western councils, we have irrefragable evidence, 
 putting both together, that such was the unbiassed 
 testimony of the Catholic Church in the eighth 
 century, and long after its close. 
 
 5. IRENE. 
 
 Leo IV., the feeble son of the fifth Constan- 
 tine, was the " husband of his wife," the Athenian 
 Irene, who did not wait till he died to " reign in his 
 stead.'' When he died, under a dose administered 
 by her, she became regent for her son, and with a 
 taste for art quite feminine, but hardly Attic, she
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMTIRE. 
 
 115 
 
 made herself the fanatical patroness of pictures 
 which Zeuxis would have laughed at. Beautiful, 
 but infamous, the poisoner of her husband after- 
 wards slew her son, the boy Emperor, usurping 
 his throne and making herself the first Empress in 
 the line of the Caesars. She bewitched the court, 
 and was able to carry all before her by corrupting 
 many of the clergy and banishing powerful nobles. 
 At one time she had a scheme to marry the great 
 King of the Franks ; but, Bluebeard as he was 
 with his nine wives, he had tastes and schemes of 
 his own, and did not care to be poisoned. Her 
 name means peace, but Alecto and her sister furies 
 all seemed incarnate in her. This was the Jezebel 
 whom Adrian, the Roman patriarch, forgetting 
 the warnings of the Apocalypse, encouraged and 
 patronized in mingling her cup of fornications. 
 Thank God, our English Alcuin rebuked her for 
 presuming to teach in the church, against the in- 
 spired command of St. Paul. This wicked woman 
 convened a council at Nicaea (a. d. 787), which ex- 
 cept in its name has no claim to any association 
 with the great Nicene Synod. Just as " Romulus- 
 Augustus " was the name of the poor creature in 
 whom Old Rome perished ignominiously, so the 
 council called with solemn irony Deutcro-Niccne 
 overruled the second commandment and all Chris- 
 tian antiquity, and established image-worship. 
 
 6. A COUNTER COUNCIL. 
 
 The Roman patriarch accepted it, and officially 
 proclaimed its acceptance in the West; but Adrian
 
 Il6 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 had a master beyond the Alps, and the great West 
 was soon able to speak for itself in a free council. 
 It was called by Charles, King of the Franks, 
 and assembled at Frankfort, a. d. 794. It over- 
 ruled Adrian and his officious pretensions, refuting 
 Irene's council, — corroborating, in fact, the testi- 
 mony of the previous council of Constantine the 
 Fifth. Of all councils not oecumenical, Frankfort 
 comes nearest to being such ; and it worthily and 
 nobly brings to a close the period of the synodical 
 testimony of the whole undivided Church. 
 
 7. THE RULE OF FAITH. 
 
 What then was the rule of faith recognized and 
 established by all the CEcumenical Councils? The 
 answer comes to us, as from that lofty seat on which 
 the Gospels were enthroned at Ephesus and at 
 Chalcedon, when Vincent of Lerins replies, " The 
 Holy Scriptures." But when we come to inter- 
 pretation, What is the rule? he answers, "What 
 from the beginning has been received always, 
 everywhere, and by all." 
 
 8. THE MAXIM OF VINCENT. 
 
 Such is the great principle established by Tertul- 
 lian, in his " Prescription against Heretics." But, 
 as I reminded you, it is convenient to quote it in 
 the aphorism of Vincent; his test of catholicity 
 being so terse in statement, so clear in application, 
 and so conclusive in its force. It comes to us just
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. I I 7 
 
 at the epoch that closed the Four Great Councils, 
 and certifies us as to the whole spirit of their legis- 
 lation in words that are "nails and goads." Ob- 
 serve then, (1) negatively, that no one bishop or 
 see was of any decisive weight in the definition of 
 doctrine. " No," says Vincent, quoting St. Paul, 
 " nor an angel from heaven, should he teach any- 
 thing that was not from the beginning." But 
 (2) positively, catholic doctrine must be that 
 which has been " always held " ; (3) and that not 
 merely in one church, see, or patriarchate, but 
 " everywhere " ; and (4) not merely everywhere, 
 by some individual doctor, speaking his private 
 opinion, or presuming to speak for others, but 
 "by all," — that is to say, with the Amen of the 
 whole Church ratifying and confirming the same. 
 Such was catholicity then, as understood by the 
 undivided Catholic Church; and with this under- 
 standing we shall better comprehend the melan- 
 choly divisions we must soon consider. 
 
 9. THE COUNCIL OF FRANKFORT. 
 
 Let us dwell a little longer on the Council of 
 Frankfort. It stands for the old landmark. I 
 claim for it no secondary place in church his- 
 tory; it shows a far-reaching proleptical wisdom, 
 of which God only could have been the author. 
 Let it be praised for its invaluable testimony to 
 the faith, as essentially unaltered at its date, and 
 for its thunders of remonstrance against Irene's 
 degenerate bishops: "We have no such custom, 
 neither the churches of God."
 
 Il8 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 It is gratifying to an Anglo-Catholic moreover, 
 that he may identify in this epoch the first move- 
 ment of the Church of England towards her present 
 position in Christendom. Nobly had she earned her 
 Jicgemony by the exceptional spirit of her history 
 in this century so degenerate elsewhere. To her 
 Winfrid, apostle and martyr of Saxony and the 
 Rhineland, Charles knew that he and his Franks 
 owed their origin as Christians. The " Low Coun- 
 tries " also, and their see of Utrecht, so honourably 
 distinguished even in its decay, were the product 
 of English missionary zeal and intrepidity. What 
 Alexandria was at Nicaea, England was at Frank- 
 fort. What Athanasius was under Constantine, 
 that our Alcuin was under Charlemagne. The 
 council was called by this great King of the 
 Franks, without any idea of waiting for a sum- 
 mons from Adrian, the Roman bishop. Nor did 
 Adrian interpose any remonstrance, even when it 
 overruled him and nullified his obsequious and 
 heretical consent to Irene's dogma. This all-im- 
 portant fact proves that the Roman patriarch was 
 not yet a " pope." Nobody dreamed that he alone 
 could summon councils; none held that his appro- 
 bation decided doctrine, or that communion with 
 him was the test of Catholicity. Charles conducted 
 himself in this business, from first to last, as the 
 imperial bishop, — the episcopus ab extra, — doing 
 what Constantine had done before him. But in 
 things spiritual Alcuin led the council, under the 
 Holy Spirit.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. IIQ 
 
 10. ALCUIN. 
 
 This great light of the eighth century was born 
 at York, and nurtured in theology under Egbert, 
 its learned and pious archbishop. Egbert is the 
 link between Alcuin and Bede the Venerable, who 
 seventy years previously had illuminated our Saxon 
 forefathers with the sunbeams of his godliness and 
 learning. A darker age was soon to follow ; but 
 Alcuin now did a work for England and for Chris- 
 tendom which enabled the immortal Alfred, in the 
 succeeding century, to repel in some degree, by 
 his own piety and genius, the ignorance and bar- 
 barism to which for a time his clergy were about 
 to succumb. Alcuin had early attracted the admi- 
 ration of Charles, who, while he yet signed " his 
 mark " and could not write his name, invited him 
 to the Frankish court, made him the preceptor of 
 his household, learned all that he knew of sci- 
 ence and theology under his mastership, and made 
 him the conscience-keeper " whom the king de- 
 lighted to honour." In defeating an attempt to re- 
 vive Nestorianism he became conspicuously chief 
 at Frankfort where for the second time he refuted 
 the heresy of Felix, Bishop of Urgel. It is hardly 
 to be doubted that Charles summoned the council 
 at Alcuin's suggestion. And here let us note what 
 more we owe to this illustrious light and glory of a 
 degenerate age. 
 
 11. UNIVERSITIES, AND THEIR ORIGIN. 
 
 He was the parent of universities : he founded a 
 school of learning in the palace at Aix-la-Chapelle,
 
 120 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 and by his influence similar academies were insti- 
 tuted in France and Italy. When he modestly re- 
 tired from the court to Tours in France, he there 
 established a school in the abbey of St. Martin ; 
 but he kept up his influence with Charles by a 
 constant correspondence. 
 
 Let me quote one of his letters, 1 which throws a 
 flood of light upon his work, upon his times, and 
 upon the state of things among our ancestors in 
 the England of that day. He says : — 
 
 "The employments of your Alcuin in his retirement 
 are suited to his humble sphere, but they are neither 
 ignoble nor useless. Here I spend my time in teaching 
 the noble youths about me the mysteries of grammar, and 
 inspiring them with a taste for the learning of antiquity. 
 I explain to them the system and revolutions of the starry 
 hosts in the heavenly vault, and to others I open the se- 
 crets of divine wisdom contained in the Holy Scriptures. 
 I endeavour to suit my instructions to the capacities of my 
 pupils, hoping to make them ornaments of your court 
 and of the Church of God. In this work I find great lack 
 of many things which I enjoyed in my native country ; 
 particularly of those excellent books which could there 
 be had under the care and expense of Egbert, my great 
 master. May it please your Majesty, therefore, to allow 
 me to send some of my pupils into England to get the 
 books we want, that so, animated by your own most ar- 
 dent love of learning, we may transplant the flowers of 
 Britain into France. Thus their fragrance shall no 
 longer be confined to York, but may perfume the palaces 
 of Tours." 
 
 And so chiefly to him we owe the subsequent 
 learning of Europe. He is described as an orator, 
 1 See Note R'.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 121 
 
 mathematician, philosopher, and the greatest divine 
 of his times. Young gentlemen, reflect that here, 
 in Ann Arbor, where within the memory of living 
 men stood the wigwams of savages, if you arc able 
 to pursue all the liberal arts and sciences with the 
 accumulated advantages of modern attainments, it 
 is because Alcuin flourished a thousand years ago, 
 and by his genius, " like a light shining in a dark 
 place," laid up, as in magazines against years of 
 famine that were to follow, the harvests which 
 he gathered like Joseph for the salvation of his 
 brethren. 
 
 12. THE CAROLINE BOOKS. 
 
 At Frankfort, then, truth was rescued from its 
 perils by this same master spirit. Four books, 
 probably the work of Alcuin, 1 and known as " the 
 Caroline books," were composed, under the direc- 
 tion of Charles, to sustain the second canon of 
 Frankfort, which condemns the Deutero-Nicene 
 Council and all worship of images. Thus Adrian 
 himself was taught to obey the ancient constitu- 
 tions by the unanimous and free testimony of the 
 Gallican and Anglican bishops. " The Church of 
 God doth altogether abominate the doctrine that 
 images ought to be worshipped," says Roger 
 Hoveden, an old English historian of the twelfth 
 century; and Matthew of Westminster, in the thir- 
 teenth, praises Alcuin for writing against the new 
 heresy, " fortified by the authority of the Holy 
 Scriptures." 
 
 1 See Note S'.
 
 122 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 By all sorts of refinements and hair-splittings 
 Roman theologians have subsequently defended 
 Adrian and accepted the Council of Irene, pre- 
 tending that Alcuin and his contemporaries did 
 not understand the decrees they so indignantly 
 rejected, and that they only objected to rendering 
 divine worship to images. On the contrary, says 
 a very learned authority, " Nothing can be stronger 
 than the opposition of the Caroline Books to every 
 act or appearance of worship as paid to images, 
 even to bowing the head before them or burn- 
 ing lights." Alas ! the Western churches, in their 
 downfall under the Paparchy, have gone far be- 
 yond the Greeks in this species of corruption. To 
 this day, the Greeks protest against graven images, 
 and adhere only to the use of pictures, which they 
 are learning to excuse as meant for ornament, and 
 so to be respected and not profaned ; while some 
 of their theologians merely reject " Iconoclasm," 
 or the wanton destruction of pictures, approaching 
 very nearly to the limit of our own use of stained 
 glass. For the Greeks there is some excuse : un- 
 learned and groaning for centuries under the Turk- 
 ish yoke, they have been little able to study their 
 own Fathers or the Holy Scriptures. One wonders 
 that they can be as enlightened and faithful as they 
 are, compared with the Latins, who have done their 
 utmost to make them as corrupt as themselves. 
 But a better day is begun : let us pray for the ven- 
 erable churches of the East, and repay them, as did 
 the Roman matron, who bared her chaste bosom to 
 her aged father in prison, and gave him fresh tides 
 of life in requital of the life she owed to him.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EM TIRE. \2X 
 
 13. THE DEGENERACY OF THE EAST. 
 
 Reflecting on Irene's fatal success, one wonders 
 how the East could so far have forgotten herself as 
 to descend in any councils from the high themes 
 that had once agitated her glorious churches and 
 the immortal doctors of her schools. Think of 
 Athanasius, gravely asked to come down from his 
 eagle-gaze upon the sunlight of God's throne to 
 disputes about the homage due to counterfeits, 
 — the portraits of players and prostitutes, often 
 profanely called the Icons of Christ and his Virgin 
 Mother ! Nothing can excuse the degeneracy of 
 which the Pscudo-Niccne Synod is a memorial, 
 but perhaps we can explain it. I have already 
 noted that there stands at Rome a landmark, which 
 even in Lord Byron's day was only — 
 
 " A nameless column with a buried base." 
 Excavations have since unearthed that base, and 
 disclosed the hateful name which it commemorates. 
 It is the pillar of Phocas, — a creature with whom 
 Irene may be properly paired as a twin. Two 
 names in Christian history more infamous than 
 these it would be hard to find, till we come to the 
 century of the earliest Popes. Now that pillar of 
 Phocas marks the beginning of two calamities un- 
 equalled in their effects upon all succeeding ages 
 of the Church. (1.) The first was the appearance, 
 under the patronage of Phocas, of a Roman bishop 
 who did not tremble to bring upon himself the 
 name of " the forerunner of Antichrist," which 
 his predecessor, Gregory the Great, hardly cold in 
 his grave, had bequeathed to any one who should
 
 124 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 accept the title of " Universal Bishop." (2.) The 
 second was the rise of Mohammed, who just then 
 was forging his Koran. These were possibly the 
 horrible figures which revealed to St. John in 
 Patmos the period of decay and corruptions of 
 Christianity which were coming to pass. 1 He 
 shuddered to record them, and well may we to read 
 the fulfilment. If it were not for the Apocalypse, 
 I should not be able to support my faith that the 
 Church of God is still His Church ; so long has she 
 suffered iniquity to rule supreme where once her 
 apostles and martyrs bore testimony to the Gospel 
 in its power. 
 
 14. MOHAMMED. 
 
 Mohammed owed his abhorrence of idolatry to 
 heretical Christians, who were his first instructors. 
 The Nestorian monks, who had rejected the truth 
 about " the God-bearing Mary," had seen a re- 
 actionary tendency among the orthodox to pay her 
 an almost idolatrous homage. Hence their in- 
 flamed orthodoxy on this point, that " Mary is to 
 be honoured, not worshipped." When her Icons 
 began to be multiplied and derided by these, it 
 was easy to infer that what heretic Nestorians de- 
 nounced should be patronized by the orthodox; 
 and when the Saracens began to despoil and over- 
 throw Christian churches, destroying the Icons in 
 obedience to Mohammed, it was human nature to 
 fall into the opposite extreme, and to begin to adore 
 what heretics and Mohammedans abhorred. Alas 
 that Mohammed had felt what Christians began to 
 
 1 Rev. xvii. 6, 7.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 25 
 
 forget, the unspeakable degradation of humanity 
 when it permits the mind of man to offer religious 
 worship, on any pretext, to anything less than 
 God Almighty ! It seems to have been under a 
 divine impulse that Islam came forth avenging 
 the Decalogue, under a mission from the insulted 
 Lord who makes " the wrath of man to praise 
 Him." 
 
 15. SUCCESSES OF MOHAMMED. 
 
 Observe the marvellous sweep of the besom he 
 wielded among the dim candlesticks of many an 
 Eastern and Western Sardis or Laodicea. The 
 year of the Hegira is A. D. 622, and ten years later 
 the impostor perishes. One year afterwards Jeru- 
 salem had fallen before the terrible Caliph ; Caesa- 
 rea and Antioch followed, and all Syria was mas- 
 tered by Islam. In all history is there a scene more 
 strikingly dramatic than that which narrates how 
 the patriarch Sophronius confronted Omar, after 
 fruitlessly defending the Holy City and being 
 forced to capitulate. The venerable bishop met 
 Omar in the gates, the barbarian entering in his 
 raiment of camel's hide, followed by his locust 
 hordes. " Truly," said the holy man, " I see the 
 abomination that maketh desolate, as spoken of 
 by Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy 
 place." Truly, as never before, " Jerusalem was 
 now trodden down by the Gentiles." Next, Alex- 
 andria is taken; her glorious candle is put out; 
 the Alexandrian library perishes. On goes the 
 devouring fire. For the present Constantinople is 
 repeatedly assaulted in vain ; but Northern Africa
 
 126 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 is devoured before it Carthage and Hippo, al- 
 ready laid waste by Genseric, and all those an- 
 cient churches, are consumed. In A. D. 710, the 
 Saracens land at Gibraltar; all Europe is threat- 
 ened with desolation; Spain is overrun, and in 
 A. D. 725 the hordes of Islam have penetrated into 
 France and captured Autun. But here God raises 
 up Charles Martel, who strikes the Saracens with 
 a decisive blow at Tours, and finally, laud be to 
 God ! he drives them out of France. He dies in 
 A. D. 741, but in the next year his grandson, whom 
 we call Charlemagne, is born, destined to settle the 
 Carolingian line of kings in France, and in many 
 particulars to revolutionize Europe and the world. 
 It is important to recall all these facts, if we would 
 comprehend the degradation of the East, the epoch 
 of the Council of Frankfort, and the blessings we 
 owe to the Venerable Bede, to Egbert, and to 
 Alcuin. 
 
 16. ISNIK AND DAN. 
 
 We see, perhaps, in this review, how it came to 
 pass that Irene's clergy could yield to her corrup- 
 tions. It was testifying against Mohammed and 
 the Nestorians. But go now to miserable Isnik, 
 that once was Nicaea, and see to what God has 
 reduced her, just as, of old, he gave his temple to 
 the flames, and to long years of ruin, under the 
 Chaldeans. The tribe of Dan has lost its name 
 in Israel because it introduced the contempt of the 
 second commandment, and polluted truth with 
 idols. 1 So Nicaea is blotted out. 
 
 1 Compare Gen. xlix. 16, Rev. vii. 8, and Judges xviii. 30.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. \2J 
 
 17. FRANKFORT ONCE MORE. 
 
 We may now come back to Frankfort. God is 
 faithful to His promise : " When the enemy shall 
 come in like a flood, the Spirit of the Lord shall 
 lift up a standard against him." Surely, if ever 
 there was a flood of iniquity and desolation, it 
 was now poured out in fire and fury upon the 
 churches. Alcuin and Frankfort were the stan- 
 dard of the Lord against Mohammed and against 
 Adrian, as well as against Irene. But Frankfort is 
 not immaculate. It admitted into the Nicene sym- 
 bol those words, and the Sou, — which, true as they 
 are, are no part of the creed. Here the Easterns 
 find, justly, a ground of complaint against us. At 
 Nicaea, the fathers would not tolerate the introduc- 
 tion of an iota into their testimony. The Greeks 
 complain that we owe to this innovation all the 
 additions to the Creed which have been made 
 by the Popes. Here is our mistake ; " Ephraim 
 shall yet say, What have I any more to do with 
 idols?" till then "let not Ephraim envy Judah, 
 nor Judah vex Ephraim." But for the rest, in the 
 spirit of Alcuin, let us adopt the thrilling words 
 of a modern Anglican, worthy to be named with 
 Alcuin himself, the holy Bishop Ken. Hear his 
 faithful testimony in his last will and testament: — 
 
 "As for my religion, I die in the Holy Catholic and 
 Apostolical Faith professed by the whole Church before 
 the disunion of East and West ; more particularly I die in 
 the communion of the Church of England, as it stands 
 distinguished from all Papal and Puritan innovation, and 
 as it adheres to the doctrine of the cross."
 
 128 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 That is my standpoint, young gentlemen. It en- 
 ables you to comprehend the entire spirit of these 
 Lectures. 
 
 iS. THE BLESSED RESULTS. 
 
 Note then as concerning Frankfort: (i.) It is 
 an index of " the goodness and severity of God," 
 in dealing with a degenerate Christendom. (2.) It 
 is a token of His fidelity in " reserving to himself" 
 many millions of men who " had not bowed the 
 knee to Baal." (3.) It shows us just where the 
 churches stood on the eve of the great disruption ; 
 how terribly the Latin churches had been dimin- 
 ished ; how marvellously the Church of England 
 had been raised to influence, and was permitted at 
 this crisis to sow the seeds of her subsequent res- 
 toration, and to bear a testimony which she was 
 destined to reclaim as her heritage forever. (4.) At 
 the same time, it marks a great epoch in the eccle- 
 siastical history of France ; it proves that as yet 
 Rome, however exaggerated her pretensions, was 
 not the seat of a Paparchy ; it renews the spirit of 
 Irenaeus and Hilary ; it creates what was after- 
 wards called Gallicanism. (5.) It enables us to 
 comprehend the more modern Councils of Con- 
 stance and of Basle, so far as they asserted what 
 was true to antiquity. (6.) But especially should 
 we note the hand of God, who thus closed up the 
 period of CEcumenical Councils just when they 
 were no longer likely to prove true to their charter 
 in the Scriptures ; when they had stooped down 
 from the Gospels and the adorable Trinity to fables
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 29 
 
 and to Icons. It was Divine fidelity to the promise 
 that interposed and saved all subsequent corrup- 
 tions of truth from any claim to catholic con- 
 sent. And (7.) I cannot but add that we see the 
 same hand in giving us of the West something to 
 confess with shame, when we remonstrate with the 
 Easterns. " Tu qnoque /" they may reply; "there 
 is a beam in your own eye." 
 
 19. CHARLEMAGNE. 
 
 When Charles Martel struck the Saracens, it 
 was God who stayed the ravages of the enemy, 
 and for a time said, " Thus far, but no further." 
 How great he waxed, ruling the Franks under 
 nominal kings of the long-haired race, — how his 
 son Pepin the Short deposed them and reigned in 
 their stead, and how Charles succeeded as king 
 and founded the Carolingian line, — are not all these 
 things written in school-books? But look at him 
 with whose name the epithet "Great" has been 
 so incorporated that it is all one word. At Aix- 
 la-Chapelle I have seen a group of peasants sing- 
 ing their German hymns before daybreak, under 
 the dome that once covered his remains. They 
 stepped aside, and I read upon the slab which 
 had been trodden by their rough shoes, Carolus 
 Magnus. It was there that his remote successor, 
 Barbarossa, opening the sepulchre three centuries 
 after his burial, saw his gigantic skeleton sitting on 
 a throne, crowned and decked in imperial robes, 
 his falchion in his grasp, and the Gospels opened 
 upon his knees. They still show one of the bones 
 
 9
 
 130 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 of his terrible arm : our measure called a foot is 
 said to come from his giant foot, twelve inches 
 long. Like Constantine, this Titan was one of 
 those mysterious beings who perform all the Lord's 
 good pleasure, while only seeking their own. Mar- 
 vellous is this economizing of man's free will by 
 the omnipotence of the All-wise and All-good. In 
 such characters we are pretty sure to find evil and 
 good mingled in vast proportions. This mysterious 
 creature, who fascinates and astonishes and over- 
 awes, is yet, in some aspects, a ferocious barbarian, 
 a moral monster. 1 Nevertheless, on the whole, he 
 was a benefactor of the world. He seemed to fore- 
 cast the destinies of Europe ; he tamed barbarous 
 tribes; he encouraged learning; he shaped the des- 
 tinies of mankind for ages after him. As for his 
 religion, like Jehu, he had a zeal for God, and he 
 "drave furiously." The Church has felt his influ- 
 ence, for woe or weal, ever since he lived. It would 
 be of no use to prejudge him ; as to motives, no 
 doubt they were mixed. If he was very cruel, 
 not less so was Theodosius. Like Cyrus, like 
 Alexander, he was an " arrow of the Lord's deliv- 
 erance " ; he was the saw and the hammer in the 
 hand of the Almighty. 
 
 20. CHRISTMAS DAY, A.D. 800. 
 
 We have seen him helping the saintly Alcuin 
 
 to humanize and Christianize the Franks, to tame 
 
 the ambitious Adrian, to rebuke Irene and her 
 
 degenerate bishops; and now we must follow him 
 
 1 See Note T.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 131 
 
 to another chapter of his amazing history. We 
 cross the 'Alps; we watch him as he enters Rome; 
 we seem to see him kneeling before the altar, in 
 the old basilica of St. Peter, on Christmas day, 
 A. D. 800. On a sudden, what happens? Leo III., 
 the patriarch, the pontiff, the nondescript whom 
 Pepin had made a temporal satrap by giving his 
 predecessors the exarchate of Ravenna, — lo ! he 
 comes forward and places an imperial crown upon 
 the head of the Frank sovereign, and salutes him 
 as Emperor. " Long live the Caesar ! " " Long 
 live Augustus ! " " Long live the Emperor of the 
 Romans ! " Such were the shouts that rent the 
 air; such was the stupendous drama of that event- 
 ful day. O what a contrast with that first Christ- 
 mas, that brought peace on earth and good will 
 to men ! 
 
 21. WHAT IT MEANT. 
 
 Well ! what had been done? " He had revived 
 the Empire of the West," is the common reply. 
 Nothing of the kind was in his thought. He had 
 mentally deposed Irene, and succeeded to her 
 place, remanding the woman to her distaff. He 
 had hopes of reversing the work of Constantine, 
 and reducing Constantinople down again to Byzan- 
 tium. It was no more to be " New Rome," nor 
 any kind of Rome; Old Rome was restored to 
 herself, and Charles was the successor of all the 
 Caesars in their ancient Capitol. Such seems to 
 have been his vast, far-reaching, and almost su- 
 perhuman thought. It looks hard to doubt his
 
 132 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 assertion that Leo surprised him. But all appears 
 preconcerted, and I imagine the " surprise " was as 
 to Leo's manner, not as to the act. The shouts of 
 the multitude, echoing through the cathedral, were 
 no doubt unexpected. 
 
 22. WIDELY DIFFERENT EFFECTS. 
 
 Recall the fact that Southern Italy was at this 
 time theoretically under Irene, and Leo III. was 
 her subject. It was the first instance of the scep- 
 tre of the Empire passing into the hands of a 
 woman, and much talk there had been of her own 
 scheme of marrying the King of the Franks, so 
 cementing by new bonds the East and West. 
 Happily, this did not take place, for such state- 
 craft would doubtless have defeated its purpose 
 and made everything worse. The coup d'etat by 
 which this all-powerful Frank wrenched the West 
 from Irene proved a success then only in part. 
 It failed in so far as the Caesars of the East were 
 able to continue the Byzantine line for more than 
 seven centuries in New Rome. But things were 
 altogether ripe for a fresh start in the West with 
 Old Rome for the capital, and, if by a mere fiction 
 Charles and his successors considered themselves 
 Caesars of the West, he was in fact the founder of 
 a new imperial throne, without parallel or paragon. 
 The act of Leo in giving him his crown, though it 
 was possibly a mere coup de theatre, of which he 
 was himself the author, committed the patriarchate 
 to the new ojcumeue, and Leo became " oecumenical 
 bishop " in a new sense, because in this new em-
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 33 
 
 pire he was sole and single. There was no other 
 patriarch, no other " Apostolic Sec," for the West- 
 erns. The Bishop of Rome became at once iden- 
 tified with the new Caesar. Thenceforth, the twain 
 were one body and one spirit, though not always 
 of one mind, but quite the reverse. The " Holy 
 Roman Empire," as it was called, by virtue of this 
 religious union, was an ellipse, the one focus being 
 at Rome and the other at Aachen or at Frankfort. 
 Thus the Alps were a" wall between rival powers, 
 each asserting supremacy in the same empire. 
 The inevitable consequence was the conflict of 
 the two sceptres, and the history of the Middle 
 Ages in the West is the history of fierce collisions 
 between Emperor and Pope; sometimes farcical 
 poetry, " all see-saw between this and that " ; but 
 generally one long perpetual tragedy, — a mon- 
 strous degradation alike of religion and govern- 
 ment, which trampled humanity under foot, and 
 made Europe to resound with its groans and 
 outcries. 
 
 23. THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE. 
 
 And so the patriarchate of Rome became more 
 and more a worldly power, and surrounded itself 
 with a worldly court, and moved on to fulfil its 
 mysterious destiny. The states of Europe were 
 virtually provinces of the Empire, and made up 
 one vast system, under a mixed suzerainty, Im- 
 perial and Papal, ever swinging backward or for- 
 ward between the two foci. They maintained a 
 fruitless struggle for independence one of the
 
 134 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 other, and all for independence of the twin po- 
 tentates, whose coalition perpetuated their des- 
 potism. The student of Dante comprehends what 
 " the Empire " meant in the Middle Ages. For 
 just one thousand years, apart from England, such 
 was Europe ; and, as I have said, the Arc dc F Etoile 
 in Paris stands where it does, a monument of the 
 recent ignominious fall of this " Holy Roman Em- 
 pire." Since the defeat of Austria by Napoleon, 
 nothing remains of it save its elements. The new 
 Empire of Germany and the Kingdom of Italy are 
 but expressions of a new order of things; and 
 though popes and princes may still coquet one 
 with another to enslave the minds and bodies of 
 men, the time is past, thank God, when Guelphs 
 and Ghibellines can compose their strifes with the 
 certainty by so doing of overawing and beating 
 down all antagonism. 1 
 
 24. INSULATION OF ENGLAND. 
 
 " Except England," I said, in a parenthesis, but 
 emphatically. For England, blessed with insular- 
 ity, never permitted herself to be absorbed into 
 this system of the Empire. France too asserted 
 her rightful independence, and her crown was al- 
 ways surmounted by an arch, or bow, to signify its 
 imperial character. But over and over again was 
 she made to feel her serfdom and feudal subjection. 
 Not so with the imperial crown of England ; poor 
 King John might surrender it for the moment, but 
 it was only to provoke the revolt of an indignant 
 1 See Note U'.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 35 
 
 people and the thunders of their ability to defend 
 themselves. They were heard in Magna Charta, 
 and in the noble watchword of their sons, " Noln- 
 mus leges Anglic? w/ttari." 
 
 25. DISTINCTIONS. 
 
 The court papacy of Phocas became a papar- 
 chy; but, note, there was no such thing as "the 
 Roman Catholic Church." That is the product of 
 Luther's revolution, and of Loyola's reactionary 
 society, which avenged itself on Northern Europe 
 as Rehoboam did upon the old men who advised 
 reform in Israel, — turning whips of thongs into 
 a scourge of scorpions. This is all-important 
 to be understood : there never was a " Roman 
 Catholic Church " till it was created by the Coun- 
 cil of Trent. The Papacy and the Paparchy are 
 old, but not the modern Church so called. Of 
 this by and by. What, then, was the condition 
 of Western Christendom while this " Holy Roman 
 Empire " was its master under the two powers that 
 made it? Simply this: the ancient Latin churches 
 were still national churches, with the old Nicene 
 traditions underneath them, smothered but not 
 killed. As the different nations had their own 
 kings and laws, though the Emperor was suzerain, 
 so the Gallican Church, the Spanish Church, the 
 Church of the Milanese, and others, asserted their 
 old autonomies as well as they could, while they 
 were all dominated by the successful ambition of 
 a usurper at Rome. Favoured by her insularity, 
 her independence of the Empire, and by her old
 
 136 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Cypriote traditions, the Church of England was 
 slow to succumb to this usurpation, and we shall 
 learn hereafter how her liberties were subverted 
 gradually and for a time. But here I may re- 
 capitulate in conclusion, the steps by which we 
 have thus far seen the Roman Bishop trans- 
 formed into something like what is now under- 
 stood by a Pope. 
 
 26. FORMATION OF THE PAPARCHY. 
 
 We have seen how faithfully the Great Councils 
 maintained the doctrine of Christ when He rebuked 
 the sin of his disciples, inquiring " who should be 
 greatest." We have seen, also, how peevishly 
 the Bishops of Rome showed their jealousy of the 
 " New Rome," how they felt the indignity of being 
 put on a level with the newest of the great sees, 
 and how instinctively they began to assert their 
 apostolic dignity, which so immensely outweighed 
 all pretensions that Byzantium could set up merely 
 as the first of Christian cities and the capital of the 
 regenerated Empire. As generations passed by, 
 the symptoms of a growing insubordination were 
 increased. From time to time some bolder spirit 
 came to the patriarchal throne of Southern Italy. 
 Measures most daring were resorted to occasion- 
 ally, and not a few inexcusable ones, for which we 
 cannot account. 1 Among such, those of Leo the 
 Great are memorable as grossly inconsistent with 
 his otherwise dignified character. The Council of 
 Chalcedon sufficiently exposed and abased the 
 1 See Note V.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 37 
 
 subterfuges and pretensions of his envoys, and he 
 himself succumbed ; but in him the earliest Pe- 
 trine hyperboles became audible, and the spirit 
 of a nascent Papacy is discerned. We reach the 
 age of Gregory the Great, however, without any 
 practical or definite enlargement of such claims, 
 and providentially we are enabled, by his own ear- 
 nest and reiterated statements of fact and of doc- 
 trine, to prove that he himself knew nothing of 
 what is now meant by a " Pope," even in the low- 
 est Gallican ideas of such a dignitary. For when 
 the Bishop of New Rome, — probably with no other 
 than an assumption of importance based on the ob- 
 solete imperialism of Old- Rome, called himself the 
 " CEcumenical," that is, the Imperial Bishop, — we 
 find Gregory remonstrating, on the grounds that 
 such an assumption violated the equality of all 
 bishops, was a profane and impious arrogance, and 
 as such a " forerunner of Antichrist." Never does 
 it occur to him to say, " I am the only CEcumeni- 
 cal Bishop ; I am, by divine right, the superior 
 of all bishops ; such a claim affronts St. Peter 
 in me, and the Lord himself, who established a 
 world-wide sovereignty in that apostle." Not a 
 word like this, but, on the contrary, he rejects the 
 very thought as worthy of Lucifer ; he abjures it 
 for himself and his see. 1 At the beginning of the 
 seventh century, therefore, there was no Papacy ; 
 nor was there any foreshadowing of a papal pre- 
 dominance, unless it were in Constantinople, in the 
 instance which Gregory stigmatized. Yet, before 
 he had been two years in his grave, Phocas, one of 
 1 See Note W.
 
 138 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 the most flagitious wretches that ever reigned, gave 
 the profane title to Boniface III., A. D. 606. It 
 was a worldly court title, as we have seen, and the 
 Church had no responsibility for it whatever. Keep 
 this in view. It was a court distinction merely, 
 but the bishop assumed it. So we must assign to 
 Boniface the disgrace of doing what Gregory had 
 anathematized, and in him a Papacy began to be 
 visible. 
 
 27. CONDITIONS PRECEDENT. 
 
 A " Papacy," but not a Paparchy. It had no 
 definite character; it invested the pretender with 
 no real power ; he was still obliged to respect the 
 councils, and their canons ; he pretended to be 
 their defender and executive-in-chief. Nor, while 
 the patriarchs of the East were watching him and 
 forcing him to obey what councils had decreed, 
 could he magnify himself in any dangerous degree. 
 So long as the cecumene included the more cultured 
 and learned East, it was impossible for the Bishop 
 of Rome to overshadow the older patriarchates, and 
 to make himself autocratic. When a new cecumene 
 had risen, whose master asserted all that Constan- 
 tine had ever claimed, and who had reversed Con- 
 stantine's work and policy, Old Rome became, 
 for the first time, independent of the East. While 
 Charlemagne lived, it is true, he was his own pon- 
 tiff in so large a degree that the new conditions did 
 not permit such advantages to appear in favour 
 of the one " Apostolic See," which had now be- 
 come all-important to the whole West. But when
 
 THE CREA TION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. I 39 
 
 the founder of " the Holy Roman Empire " came 
 to his end, even a temporal umpire of the West 
 was found only at Rome, and as the East was 
 very soon forgotten, all the spiritual power of its 
 great patriarchs was absorbed by him. It wanted 
 only some man of genius, alike ambitious and un- 
 scrupulous, pushing his way to the throne of Leo 
 and Gregory, to find all things prepared for an en- 
 tire revolution in Western Christendom. He had 
 but to put his foot on the canons, to ignore the 
 East, and to assert himself the Bishop of Bishops, 
 to find support in the necessities of the new Em- 
 pire, in those of subordinate kings, and in those of 
 the churches now cut off in all practical affairs 
 from their Eastern brethren. Such a man was 
 Nicholas (a. D. 858), and he made himself the first 
 practical Pope. 
 
 28. MY POSITION. 
 
 The facts I maintain as to the formation of the 
 Papacy are conceded by recent and by older his- 
 torians of repute. But they fail to state the irre- 
 sistible conclusion : there was no " pope," strictly 
 speaking, before Nicholas. (1.) Leo the Great 
 was not a pope when he was rebuked and over- 
 ruled at Chalcedon. (2.) Agatho was not a pope 
 when the last CEcumenical Council anathematized 
 Honorius ; when he, like his successors, accepted it. 
 (3.) Gregory was not a pope when he called the 
 asserter of an oecumenical bishopric a robber of 
 the rights of all bishops, and a forerunner of Anti- 
 christ. (4.) Adrian was not a pope when Charle-
 
 140 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 magne called the Council of Frankfort, overruled 
 his decisions, and, sustained by the entire West, 
 convicted him of heresy in accepting a false dogma 
 from a woman and her pseudo council. (5.) Nor, 
 to come to the times of him who crowned Charle- 
 magne, and made a new era for East and West 
 on that memorable Christmas day, — nor was 
 Leo III. a pope when he pleaded before Charles 
 as his subject and his judge ; when he offered him 
 personal " adoration " ; when he lived and died 
 his subject, and saw him, without remonstrance, 
 exercising pontifical powers, compared with which 
 the Regale, as afterwards understood by Henry 
 VIII. or Louis XIV., shrinks to insignificance. 1 
 (6.) Finally, there could be no pope while this 
 mighty patriarchate was still nominally subject to 
 the canons, and in full communion with the East, 
 which knew him only as an equal. 
 
 29. NICHOLAS AND THE DECRETALS. 
 
 " Since the days of Gregory I. to our time," says 
 one of his contemporaries, smitten with admiration 
 for the truly imperial genius of Nicholas, " sat no 
 high-priest on the throne of St. Peter to be com- 
 pared to him. He tamed kings and tyrants, and 
 ruled the world like a sovereign." We have seen 
 that Gregory, noble and pre-eminent as he was, 
 was not a " pope " ; and here we have the fact, 
 dropping from the pen of one who knew all about 
 intermediate Bishops of Rome, including Hadrian 
 and Leo, that Nicholas was something which they 
 
 1 See Note X'.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. I41 
 
 were not. All writers allow that he left the Roman 
 see something essentially different from what he 
 found it. All acknowledge that he effected a revo- 
 lution in the churches of the West, and carried 
 his conduct to such a pitch towards the East that 
 they cried out against him for arrogating to him- 
 self and his see what was never heard of before. 
 For the first time the Roman Bishop made him- 
 self the sine qua non of all thought and action in 
 Christendom ; the centre and criterion not only 
 of unity, but of communion with Christ himself. 
 As such he excommunicated the Easterns; they 
 returned the compliment, and excommunicated 
 him. These relations were not absolutely final, 
 but they were never repaired by any permanent 
 restorations. There was now a new power in the 
 Church of Christ. The Easterns never accepted 
 it for an hour. But it was fastened on West- 
 ern Christendom, not as a theory, but as a fact. 
 It was no more a dignity, but a despotism; not 
 a titular papacy, but the Paparchy. There was 
 a Pope in the West, and his power was thence- 
 forth a reality, developing into a supremacy like 
 God's. 
 
 The " Pope " now existed in one who swept 
 away antiquity, and all councils and canons which 
 he did not fancy. The instrument by which 
 this prodigious revolution was effected was "the 
 forged Decretals." All men now acknowledge 
 that they are forgeries, but, by whomsoever made, 
 Nicholas brought them forth, appealed to them 
 as authentic, and proved by them that all the 
 Bishops of Rome, from St. Peter down to him,
 
 142 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 had ruled the Church absolutely by their decrees. 
 The age was unlearned : the Decretals were not 
 subjected to the tests by which learning even in 
 its elements might have refuted them. They van- 
 ished like smoke when the art of printing showed 
 what they really were. 
 
 But all through the Middle Ages they over- 
 awed the West, kings, bishops, monks, saints and 
 sinners alike, and this fact is the apology for St. 
 Bernard and others, who at heart were reformers, 
 but could not refute such testimony. For they 
 passed into history as genuine ; they became parts 
 of the canon law; they practically abrogated 
 all the oecumenical canons, they created the pseudo 
 oecumenical canons and the pseudo councils that 
 enacted them ; they enabled successive pontiffs 
 to raise their pretensions higher and higher, " de- 
 ceivers " no doubt, but yet "being deceived"; 
 they made an honest fanatic of Hildebrand, who 
 never doubted his right to speak for God and 
 as God, and who in the eleventh century made 
 the name of " Pope " peculiar to himself, for- 
 bidding its application to the patriarchs of the 
 East; and after him they made Innocent III., 
 who turned the fanaticism of the Crusades against 
 Christian men. In a word, they are responsible 
 for all that has made havoc of the churches, East 
 and West, and that perpetuates their schisms at 
 this hour. Every one of these positions rests on 
 irrefragable evidence; on facts not denied, but, 
 alas ! not kept before men's minds. 1 
 1 See Note Y'.
 
 THE CREATION OF A WESTERN EMPIRE. 1 43 
 
 30. AN ILLUSTRATION. 
 
 And if you ask how it comes that, after such 
 frauds are once exposed to the scorn of the uni- 
 verse, the Papacy still survives and even enlarges 
 its pretensions in our own enlightened day, the 
 answer is sufficiently plain. Did you ever see 
 stone-masons turn an arch? They make a frame- 
 work out of refuse wood, of laths and scantlings, 
 anything that comes to hand ; a few nails suffice 
 to hold them together; they set it in place on 
 abutments well prepared, and then they begin to 
 work in stone. They soon erect the arch and set 
 the key-stone and build upon it, — a bridge, or a 
 castle, or a tower that reaches to heaven. Then 
 no longer any need of the framework; a beggar 
 may kick it out and turn it into fuel to boil his 
 soup; but — the arch remains for ages. So the 
 Decretals have disappeared, but that arch of pride, 
 the Papacy, stands the firmer because of all that 
 has been built upon it. The laws and usages of 
 Europe, the manners of nations, the superstitions 
 of the ignorant, the piety of the devout, the 
 diplomacy of monarchs, the thrones of empires, 
 and empire itself, all must fall together, if the arch 
 be suddenly destroyed. And then the arch itself 
 is old and interesting; it is ivy-clad and green, 
 with associations of poesy and romance. A thou- 
 sand motives conspire to make men sustain it; and 
 stand it will and must, till nations discover that 
 truth and right are the only supports for what 
 humanity requires, — for what law and equity and 
 order must find indispensable. So long as those
 
 144 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 old abutments of imperial despotism and popular 
 ignorance remain, the old arch will hold. But 
 thank God, His Providence is contriving reforms, 
 and providing resources, against changes that must 
 come. They are working gradually, but surely, to 
 their glorious result; let us be faithful to duty and 
 love truth in our generation, and leave the rest to 
 Him who has promised, and who is Faithful and 
 True. 1 
 
 1 Rev. xix. ir.
 
 LECTURE V. 
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 
 
 i. DARK AGES. 
 
 'THHE Middle Ages, as I reminded you, extend 
 -*- from that memorable Christmas, A. D. 800, 
 to the year 1500, when Charles-Quint was born. 
 This period was not all dark, by any means ; but 
 what we may fairly call the Dark Ages are here in- 
 cluded, and may justly be considered as extending 
 from A. D. 900 to A. D. 1400; from the pontificate 
 of Benedict IV. to that of Benedict XIII., Anti- 
 pope at Avignon. You observe these convenient 
 " dates of anchorage," and the economy of using 
 the names of two Benedicts as terminal figures. 
 And these names stand for facts that may well 
 stigmatize the included period as dark. For the 
 first Benedict marks an epoch when the crime of 
 Nicholas, with his decretals, was bearing its natural 
 fruit, and the see of Rome was given over to the 
 sway of impiety the most frightful, while the other 
 Benedict denotes the schism consequent upon the 
 removal of the Popes to Avignon, and all the scan- 
 dals involved in one series of popes at Rome and 
 another in France, mutually excommunicating and 
 anathematizing one another, and, what is worse, 
 damning the unhappy people who respectively
 
 146 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 adhered to this pope or that, because in their utter 
 bewilderment and consternation they were unable 
 to know which of the two rivals was God's vice- 
 gerent, without communion with whom no flesh 
 could be saved. During this period, remember, a 
 large portion of Spain was in the possession of the 
 Arabs, and science fled to their Universities for a 
 season. If these ages are not justly denominated 
 the " Dark Ages," I know not what to call them. 
 
 2. MAITLAND'S ELUCIDATION. 
 
 We owe to the learned Dr. Maitland a very dis- 
 criminating work on these ages, which he would 
 confine to the period between A. D. 800 and A. D. 
 1200, and which, he shows, were not altogether so 
 dark as some have allowed themselves to assert. 1 
 Hence a reaction. Many, disgusted with Robert- 
 son and Mosheim, rush to the other extreme, and 
 pronounce those very ages the most commendable 
 in history. Let us accept Dr. Maitland's just and 
 discriminating view, and with gratitude to God con- 
 fess that He has shown His mercy and multiplied 
 His saints in the darkest periods of human history. 
 But this fact would not be worth stating unless such 
 periods have been. A rapid glance at the ages I 
 have noted may enable you to judge for yourselves 
 whether or not they were ages of illumination. 
 
 3. A GLANCE AT THE EAST. 
 
 The predominance of the Institutions of Charle- 
 magne is the characteristic of the Middle Ages: 
 1 See Note Z'.
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 1 47 
 
 the Dark Ages are those in which the Institutions 
 of Nicholas grew and overgrew the whole state of 
 society in Western Europe, culminating in evils 
 intolerable to the Paparchy itself. But, as we 
 must now pursue our inquiries in the outline of 
 Western history chiefly, it may be well to glance 
 for a moment at the corresponding history of the 
 East. 
 
 My plan does not permit me to pursue this al- 
 most unexplored field, commonly called Byzan- 
 tine History. It may be dated from A. D. 800, 
 when the Eastern Caesars lost their hold on the 
 West, to A. D. 1453, when Constantinople was ex- 
 tinguished as a Christian capital. " From the 
 foundation of the New Rome," says a recent 
 writer, 1 " down to A. D. 1057, the machine of gov- 
 ernment had worked steadily, with few violent 
 changes. There had been a general accumulation 
 of wealth, with security for life and property, un- 
 der a system of jurisprudence the most complete 
 ever formulated ; a system copied by the whole of 
 modern Europe, and indeed by the civilized world. 
 The same city had developed and formulated the re- 
 ligion of Christendom. . . . Under the influence of 
 Orthodox Christianity, Roman law, and the Greek 
 spirit of individualism, a steady progress had been 
 made. No other government has ever existed in 
 Europe which has secured for so long a period the 
 like advantages to its people." This is historic 
 truth. Writers who delight to chronicle only the 
 crimes and disgraces of a period have dwelt so 
 exclusively on their favourite themes as to leave a 
 1 See Note A".
 
 148 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 widely different impression upon many intelligent 
 minds. 
 
 This period must be divided as follows : — 
 1. From Irene to the end of the Basilian dynasty, 
 A. D. 1057. 2. Then a period of gradual decline, till 
 Constantinople was taken by the Latins, in A. D. 
 1203. 3. Then the melancholy period of Turk- 
 ish advance upon the Eastern Empire, until the 
 West abandoned it to its fate, in 1453. To this 
 epoch we shall have occasion to return. 
 
 4. THE DECRETALS IN OPERATION. 
 
 Just when the Basilian dynasty established itself 
 in the East, the erection of the Paparchy threw the 
 Eastern churches out of open communion with 
 the patriarchate of Rome. In the Orient no harm 
 followed. The Basilian era was prosperous in pro- 
 portion as it had nothing to do with the Popes. 
 
 But, to confine ourselves now to the Latins, we 
 must note the significant fact that the triumph of 
 the Decretals over the ancient Catholic Constitu- 
 tions was followed by a period of unparalleled in- 
 famy in the Roman patriarchate and of consequent 
 corruption wherever its influence was felt. Here 
 then is a dilemma : either the work of Nicholas was 
 a genuine and just advance of the see of Rome to 
 the position which God designed for the develop- 
 ment of His Church, or it was a wicked apostasy 
 from apostolic order and organization. If it was 
 the former, — if Nicholas had placed himself and his 
 successors where Christ meant that they should 
 stand, — the most blessed results should follow.
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 1 49 
 
 But precisely the reverse is the case. The evils that 
 were immediately bred of the new order of things, 
 — of the system, that is, which was based on the 
 forged decretals, — these evils were so enormous 
 and so lasting, that even the most besotted defend- 
 ers of Ultramontane Romanism give up all apolo- 
 gies. 1 
 
 Take the epoch of the Dark Ages which I have 
 denoted. Says an eminent Italian chronicler, 
 " The throne of humility and chastity (i. e. the 
 throne of St. Peter) became the object of all ambi- 
 tion, the recompense of all crimes, the refuge of 
 all abominations." Even Cardinal Baronius (a. D. 
 1588) is forced to speak of the tenth century in 
 such words as these : " The Holy Roman Church 
 was as foul as could be. Harlots, superlative alike 
 in profligacy and in power, governed at Rome, ap- 
 pointed bishops, and intruded their paramours into 
 the see of St. Peter." To escape the awful conclu- 
 sions he can only invent a theory, in which De 
 Maistre has followed him, that the Popes made by 
 Theodora and Marozia must be discarded from the 
 catalogue. If so, by parity of argument, thirteen 
 Popes are to be stricken out of the succession, and 
 so for sixty years there must have been no one 
 legitimately in St. Peter's chair — so called. The 
 period of these two generations Baronius thus 
 characterizes: "Who can venture to affirm that 
 persons thus basely intruded by prostitutes were 
 lawful Roman pontiffs? " He says: "The canons 
 were buried in oblivion ; . . . the ancient tradi- 
 tions under the ban ; old customs, sacred rites, 
 1 See Note B".
 
 150 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 and usages of election, quite abolished. Mad 
 lust, relying on worldly power, and incited by the 
 spur of ambition, claimed everything for its own. 
 Christ was then in a deep sleep in the ship ; . . . 
 and what seemed worse, there were no disciples to 
 wake him, . . . for all were snoring. You may 
 imagine what sort of presbyters and deacons were 
 chosen as cardinals by these monsters." Let me 
 mention here, that Roman cardinals were the pro- 
 duct of this same period when " the ancient tradi- 
 tions were under the ban," and when "the canons 
 were buried in oblivion." They are the creatures 
 of a worldly court, and often are not even nomi- 
 nally in Holy Orders; yet they pose as " princes," 
 and presume to direct the conduct of the most 
 venerable bishops. 
 
 A recent writer, Dr. Littledale, has quoted 
 Genebrard, Bishop of Aix (A. D. 1597), as most 
 justly extending this era of infamy much fur- 
 ther than Baronius does. According to him, it 
 reached over a hundred and fifty years, during 
 which, he says, " about fifty Popes . . . have been 
 apostatical rather than apostolical." If we reckon 
 one hundred and sixty Popes after Nicholas, then 
 nearly one third of the whole succession have been 
 such apostates. By their own reckoning from St. 
 Peter, nearly one fifth of those who have been the 
 infallible oracles of the Most High, and communion 
 with whom is requisite to salvation, are thus painted 
 and described by writers of the Papal communion. 
 No one can wonder that the effigy of Pope Joan 
 sits portress at the gate of this Nicolaitan period. 1 
 1 See Note C".
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. I 5 I 
 
 Account for the strange history as you will, it be- 
 tokens the abominations of the period of which 
 she is a landmark: it coincides with the apocalyp- 
 tic prophecy, " I saw a woman sit upon a scarlet- 
 coloured beast." 
 
 5. HOW IT LOOKED IN ENGLISH EYES. 
 
 All this was imported into England, where Dun- 
 stan, alas ! was introducing many things unknown 
 to Bede and Alcuin. Even King Edgar, who, 
 though not a severe moralist, was a saint if com- 
 pared with the pontiffs of his time, has recorded 
 his testimony against them. 1 " We see in Rome," 
 he says, " only debauchery, licentiousness, and 
 drunkenness; the houses of priests are the shame- 
 ful abodes of harlots, and of worse than these. In 
 the dwelling of the Pope, they gamble by day and 
 by night. Instead of fastings and prayers, they 
 give place to bacchanalian songs, lascivious dances, 
 and the debauchery of Messalina." God knows how 
 I hate even to name these things afresh ; but when, 
 in our own times, a pontiff has decreed, and made 
 it dogma, that Popes like these were all infallible 
 in setting forth the oracles of Divine truth, I ask, 
 with sorrow of heart, " Is there not a cause?" 
 
 6. THE LATIN CHURCHES. 
 
 But amid all these horrors, the Latin churches, 
 in spite of the despotism that dominated them, 
 were yet, as such, a portion of the one Holy Cath- 
 olic Church, and God's Spirit lived in thousands of 
 1 See Note D".
 
 152 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 saints, who, as best they could, still walked with 
 God and kept His way. Remember, there was no 
 " Roman Catholic Church " at this period, substi- 
 tuting itself for the Church of the Creed and of 
 the old Councils. Hence, these Latin churches 
 were Catholic churches, and the Paparchy includ- 
 ing " the Court of Rome," a mere worldly machine, 
 was an artificial system, superimposed by the De- 
 cretals, defiling them as by a leprosy, but not de- 
 stroying organic life, nor yet healthful functions of 
 grace, which were fruitful of good works. Let me^ 
 for a moment illustrate this by a reference to 
 " Gallicanism." 
 
 7. GALLICANISM. 
 
 As I have hinted, the spirit of Irenaeus ruled at 
 Frankfort, and manifested itself as the spirit of the 
 Anglican Church, in Alcuin. The Decretal system 
 was introduced too soon afterwards, not to awaken 
 the strong impression that it must be spurious. 
 Clearly, Frankfort would have been impossible had 
 Charlemagne known such a code, or had Adrian, 
 who only ventured to hint at its existence, presumed 
 to maintain it. To the honour of Hincmar, Arch- 
 bishop of Rheims, 1 he resisted Nicholas and his 
 Decretals as soon as they were imposed upon the 
 bishops of Gaul. His conduct and protestations 
 perpetuated the influence of Frankfort, and created 
 the " Gallicanism " which has preserved the sem- 
 blance of nationality to the Church of France 
 down to our own times. Under Louis IX. (St. 
 1 See Note E".
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 153 
 
 Louis) its essence became formulated and known 
 as the "Pragmatic Sanction" of A. D. 1268. By 
 this instrument, St. Louis asserted (1) his own 
 position as (Eveque au dehors} the temporal head 
 of the Gallican Church ; (2) defended the rights 
 of the metropolitans and other bishops; (3) se- 
 cured the national Church against many pretended 
 powers and privileges of the Popes ; (4) re-vindi- 
 cated the canon law and ancient usages as to elec- 
 tions to bishoprics and the like; (5) reserved the 
 imperial rights of his crown ; and (6) forbade the 
 papal emissaries to tax the Gallican Church with- 
 out its own consent or the royal permission. Such 
 was elemental " Gallicanism," which, in bolder 
 forms, was not less the spirit of the Anglican 
 Church, under the Decretalist usurpation. Ultra- 
 montane writers recognize the Church of England 
 as only acting logically under Elizabeth, while the 
 French Church shrank back from the inexorable 
 conclusions. 1 So late as 1688 the Gallicans en- 
 deavoured to save themselves from the inconsist- 
 encies in which they had become entangled by 
 submitting to absorption in " the Roman Catholic 
 Church," created at the Council of Trent on pur- 
 pose to supersede national churches. Poor Bos- 
 suet ! terribly did he feel his chains, when he 
 struggled to save what he could of " Gallican 
 liberties." Feeble, but most significant and in- 
 structive to us, was his exclamation, " Let us pre- 
 serve the massive maxims of our forefathers, — the 
 precious words of St. Louis, — which the Galli- 
 can Church has derived from the traditions of 
 1 See Note F".
 
 154 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 the Church Universal." Poor Bossuet, indeed ! 
 He felt the grip of pontifical imposture when he 
 thus pleaded for limitations: "The ocean itself 
 has bounds to its plenitude ; let it overpass them, 
 it becomes a deluge which would make havoc of 
 the universe." Again I sigh, Poor Bossuet ! In 
 vain, having let Trent in, does he try to keep this 
 deluge out. What would he have said had he 
 lived, like Dupanloup, to see Pius IX. call him- 
 self " infallible," and spurn the venerable bishops 
 of France from the foot of his throne in a nominal 
 council which reduced them all to " sacristans." x 
 
 8. ST. BERNARD. 
 
 Marking the futile heroism of Hincmar, let us 
 come now to the age of St. Bernard. It was the 
 period of the Crusades, and he, alas ! was carried 
 away by them. His agency in stimulating the 
 second Crusade is a blot on his memory. He 
 could not be wiser than his times ; he lived (a. d. 
 1090-1153) at a period when the system of the 
 Decretals had culminated under Gregory VII. 
 (Hildebrand), but while as yet it had not exhib- 
 ited all the fury and flame of its arrogance under 
 Innocent III. 2 Just at the epoch of the first Chris- 
 tian chiliad, when the impression prevailed that 
 Christ was about to make his second advent, and 
 bring the crimes of popes and princes to an end, 
 stands the noble figure of Gerbert, who strove to 
 reform, and so strengthened, the Papacy. The 
 name he assumed, as Sylvester II., goes back to 
 1 See Note G". 2 A. D. 119S-1216.
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 155 
 
 the Nicene epoch, and indicates his desire to re- 
 store the piety of the first Bishop of Rome, who 
 bore it. Remember, that with all the Latins down 
 to the epoch of Trent we Anglicans are in full 
 communion; and just so far as theirs was the 
 spirit of Vincent, they were witnesses with us 
 against the iniquity of the Paparchy. Even St. 
 Bernard was, in spirit, one of us ; he was a re- 
 former, so far as he knew how to be. It was not his 
 fault that he imagined the decretals to be genuine 
 monuments of the primitive ages. If the Pope 
 favoured a crusade, he inferred "God wills it." 
 Yet, like Hincmar, he did his best to resist the 
 evils that were bred of Decretalism. He loved 
 Eugenius III. as his pupil, yet he remonstrates 
 with him like a prophet, and denounces the profli- 
 gacy of his court. " Who will give me, before I 
 die," he exclaims, " to see the Church as it was in 
 the ancient days." l He was nurtured in the extrav- 
 agant Mariolatry of his age, but he shrank from 
 any increase of it. In his terrible assault upon 
 innovators who had just begun to talk about " the 
 immaculate conception " of St. Mary, he shows 
 where he must have stood in a more enlightened 
 day. 2 He denounces the nascent fable as an idea 
 " of which the Church's rite knows nothing, which 
 right reason sustains not, which primitive tradition 
 does not favour." He calls it " a novelty rashly 
 admitted against the religious use of the Church; 
 born of levity, the sister of superstition, the mother 
 of temerity, ... the invention of a few inexperi- 
 enced simpletons." After nearly eight hundred 
 1 See Note W. 2 See Note I".
 
 156 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 years, we have seen a Roman pontiff making this 
 fable into a dogma, and its acceptance a condition 
 of eternal salvation. 
 
 9. THE PATRISTIC PERIOD. 
 
 But now a most important point, of which St. 
 Bernard is the index. He is known to Latin theo- 
 logians as the " last of the Fathers." He deserves 
 this name, not because a doctor of the twelfth age 
 can possibly be reckoned a " Father," but because 
 he closes the long line of Western worthies who 
 maintained the patristic principle theoretically, and, 
 as far as their times would permit, practically also. 
 I should note Alcuin as the last of the Fathers, 
 for that would be a parallel to the Greek idea: 
 they make Alcuin's contemporary, John Damas- 
 cene, the last. Anselm is rather a forerunner of 
 the Schoolmen. St. Bernard was the last of those 
 Latin theologians who professed to be guided by 
 " the Scriptures and ancient authors," — by the rule 
 of Vincent, in short. "What I have received from 
 the Church, that in all confidence I hold, and that 
 I teach ; what is otherwise, I confess, I am very 
 scrupulous about admitting." He puts his finger 
 on the very essence of the new theology, of which 
 Abelard was forerunner, when in memorable words 
 he accuses him of doing in the domain of Holy 
 Scripture what men had been taught by dialectics: 
 thus becoming a " censor of the faith, not a disciple, 
 — an emendator, not an imitator." We reach the 
 epoch when, by the introduction of syllogistic ma- 
 nipulations, truths professed in the Creeds because
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. I 57 
 
 contained in Holy Scripture were made the base of 
 indefinite exaggerations. The Fathers were hos- 
 tile to codes of belief; the Nicene creed bears wit- 
 ness to their tender regard for what is written, 
 while framing liturgic formulas in childlike re- 
 sponse to apostles and evangelists. Beyond these 
 simple formulas they would not presume : they felt 
 afraid of applying logic to mysterious realities, and 
 venturing into conclusions which subjected the 
 mysteries of God to the infirmities of human rea- 
 son not only, but of human speech as well. Hence 
 the Council of Constantinople forbade the framing 
 of any new creed, or the dictation of any other to 
 converts from heresy or schism. What Bernard 
 foresaw was a disposition to break through all 
 this. 1 
 
 10. THE SCHOLASTICS. 
 
 Not content with " the faith once delivered to 
 the saints," men were about to erect upon it a 
 fabric of trestle-work, employing Aristotle's syllo- 
 gisms to build their tower of Babel and scale the 
 heavens. Expounders of Scripture and stewards 
 of the grand deposit of truth were no longer to be 
 accounted theologians. The new plan was this : 
 Human wit must exert itself to find a major and a 
 minor premise in admitted truths. Draw the con- 
 clusion, and discover a novel truth. Try it again, 
 and you find another novelty. Make premises of 
 these, and draw a new inference. You have pro- 
 gressive theology, and the process can be ex- 
 tended ad infinitum. Such is Scholasticism. 
 1 See Note J".
 
 158 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Peter Lombard was Bernard's protegt, but he 
 seems to have been fascinated by Abelard, whose 
 pupil he had been. The genius of Augustine 
 had pointed in this direction, and Anselm had 
 followed his indications. Abelard himself was 
 only sparingly acquainted with Aristotle, whose 
 works were imperfectly known in Europe till the 
 Saracens, who had obtained them from the Nesto- 
 rians, handed them back to the Latins, many of 
 them in very bad retranslations. Lombard became 
 Archbishop of Paris, and is known as the " Mas- 
 ter of the Sentences." The " Schoolmen " prop- 
 erly so called became commentators upon these 
 Sentences, and, by logical methods, enlarged their 
 import and their domain. In the middle of the 
 thirteenth century St. Thomas Aquinas became the 
 great Scholastic, but before the end of that age 
 Duns Scotus, the " Subtle Doctor," had founded an 
 antagonist system ; and now these rival authorities 
 divided the schools between them. The intermi- 
 nable disputes of the Thomists and Scotists, Nomi- 
 nalists and Realists, became embittered beyond all 
 conception, owing largely to the partisan feelings 
 of the Dominicans and Franciscans, these rival 
 orders each following its own doctor, perhaps very 
 naturally. 
 
 11. RELATIONS WITH MODERN THOUGHT. 
 
 You will not ask me to go into an elucidation of 
 these disputes ; and I am very glad of it, because 
 I confess my inability to appreciate refinements 
 and distinctions —
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 159 
 
 "which divide 
 A hair 'tvvixt south and southwest side," 
 
 and the more I have looked into them the less I feel 
 that I know about them. Pius IX. has forbidden 
 men to look into modern discoveries. Men may 
 think, but not for themselves. Leo XIII., with 
 solemn irony, professing himself a friend of scien- 
 tific thought, commends the study of St. Thomas 
 Aquinas to inquiring minds of the Roman Obe- 
 dience. He thus accomplishes two important ob- 
 jects : (1) he shows just where Science ought to 
 stop, in his judgment; and (2) he reminds his 
 people that the natural philosophy of Aristotle has 
 been identified with Trent dogmas, as well as with 
 its moral and intellectual sequels, the new decrees ; 
 so that there is an end of all controversy. So far 
 he permits his schools to go in America, but no 
 farther. The fact comes in here as a landmark. 
 
 12. THE CRUSADES. 
 
 And the Crusades, which lie on the highest 
 table-land of Papal development, between the 
 epochs of Gregory VIII. and Innocent III., must 
 be noted here for a like purpose. Like the Scho- 
 lasticism to which the Crusades lent new arms from 
 the schools of the Saracens, these are landmarks 
 not merely, but mighty elements as well, in over- 
 turning and new-creating, — in evolving out of 
 chaos a new world of thought and action for hu- 
 manity. What sublime folly ! what superlative 
 crime ! what tokens of God's way among nations, — 
 " From seeminsr evil still educing good" 1
 
 l60 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Here a word about the ennobling theory and the 
 painful practical history of chivalry. It appears 
 best in allegory like Spenser's, or in epic song like 
 Tasso's. Alas ! in history, the Crusaders, whose 
 lives were vowed to the service of Christian wo- 
 manhood, the defence of maiden modesty and of 
 conjugal chastity, gave themselves over to unbri- 
 dled excesses of debauchery, under banners on 
 which was portrayed the symbol of the Lamb ; 
 and the hosts, who knelt on the holy ground and 
 kissed it when they came in sight of Jerusalem, 
 made its streets run with blood when they took it 
 from the Infidels. The moderation of the Pay- 
 nim when Omar captured it, presents a contrast 
 which must ever crimson Christian cheeks with 
 shame. Yet if the age of chivalry is extinct, the 
 glorious ideas which it degraded must live for- 
 ever in the new sentiment of Christian nations. 
 Born of the Gospel, the Gospel is their sure sup- 
 port ; and woman, if no longer the inspirer of 
 quixotic lists and tournaments, finds true knight- 
 hood in the hearts and the homage of the father, 
 the brother, and the husband, in every Christian 
 home. 
 
 When we come to the convulsions of which 
 Wiclif and John Huss were the pioneers, we 
 shall be forced to recognize that nations had been 
 massed and unified by the Crusades to necessitate 
 great transformations ; and that the Scholastics 
 were the intellectual gymnasts, who, better than 
 they knew, were preparing minds and consciences 
 for nobler conflicts, and for the emancipation of 
 Europe from the bondage of theory into the free-
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. i6l 
 
 dom of experimental philosophy. Not less did 
 the Crusades set men to thinking, enlarge their 
 knowledge of mankind, awaken just views of the 
 superior culture of the Greeks, and provide for 
 the Revival of Learning. 
 
 13. BARBARISM. 
 
 If it startles us to find the Dark Ages settling 
 down upon Christian civilization just when it had 
 begun a glorious career of Truth and Life among 
 the nations, we shall find our surprise reversed 
 when we look into the world movements of those 
 times. It is rather astonishing that Christianity 
 itself survived. 1 For take any map of Europe 
 at the close of the fifth century, and what do 
 we behold? The inundations of barbarism had 
 deluged the fairest seats of Christendom ; and all 
 those earliest sources of Latin illumination in 
 Northern Africa, where Tertullian and Cyprian 
 and Augustine had glorified their successive ages, 
 are included in the desolations. Where Carthage 
 and Hippo had nurtured saints and scholars, we 
 find the kingdom of the Vandals. From the Pil- 
 lars of Hercules northward to the Loire stretches 
 the dominion of the Visigoths. The Salian and 
 Riparian Franks spread over the North, from Brit- 
 tany to the sources of the Weser. The Ostrogoths 
 occupy all Italy, and nearly the whole Eastern 
 shore of the Adriatic, sweeping round by the 
 Danube to the Rhineland. To deal with these 
 rude races, and give them the law of Christ, was a 
 
 1 See Note K". 
 II
 
 1 62 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 work to which the Church addressed herself with 
 fidelity. But look again at the map of Europe 
 and the Mediterranean in the age of Charlemagne. 
 The movements of the barbarians had been like the 
 waves of the sea. From beyond the Danube the 
 Lombards had poured into Subalpine Italy, and 
 Teutonized the fair plains watered by the Po. But 
 far more terrible is the condition of North Africa 
 and Spain ; the Mohammedans have taken them 
 for a prey : nearly all of Spain is the Caliphate of 
 Cordova. And now the Northmen are pouncing 
 upon the Franks, penetrating all their harbours 
 and navigable rivers; under the name of Danes 
 spreading themselves in England ; and waxing 
 more and more terrible, till the Litany itself re- 
 ceives a new suffrage, for Christians in their 
 churches cried unto heaven, " From Rollo and 
 the Northmen, good Lord, deliver us." 
 
 14. EXPIRY OF THE DARK AGES. 
 
 I have not named the Huns and the Magyars 
 swarming in from the Tartar hives of Asia, but per- 
 haps I have said enough to remind you what a 
 field for research is here opened to the student; 
 and quite enough to explain the intervention of the 
 " Dark Ages." What a dilution of all good, what 
 an infusion of all evil, we have here! For a time, 
 the Arabians, who had stolen Christian learning, 1 
 became its conservators in their own East, — 
 
 " Where science with the good Al-Maimon dwelt," — 
 
 and in Spain, where Christians went to them for 
 
 1 See Note L".
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 163 
 
 knowledge. We retain the Arabic numerals, and 
 most useful they are; and algebra is the most 
 charming of mathematical processes; but while 
 the Infidel kept the magazine of science till Chris- 
 tians once more could bring out its stores, the in- 
 crease of knowledge among men owed little or 
 nothing to the schools of Islam. Quickened to 
 active exertions of mind by the Scholastics, and 
 enlarged by the Crusades in every faculty that is 
 nurtured by observation, Christendom awakes at 
 the close of the fourteenth age " like a giant re- 
 freshed with wine." Here we greet the Revival of 
 Learning. Bajazet was now menacing Constanti- 
 nople, but God checked him, for Tamerlane had 
 invaded Syria. In Europe the shameless Papal 
 schism perpetuated the' scandals of the Dark Ages, 
 but was a help to the great awakening. In Eng- 
 land the Plantagenets came to an end by the mur- 
 der of Richard the Second, never to be forgotten 
 while Shakespeare's genius reduces English history 
 to incomparable painting in words. The accession 
 of the House of Lancaster reminds us that the 
 crusading spirit is not yet extinct, when King 
 Henry the Fourth is made to say, — 
 
 " Therefore, friends, 
 As far as to the sepulchre of Christ . . . 
 Forthwith a power of English shall we levy . . . 
 To chase these pagans in those holy fields 
 Over whose acres walked those blessed feet 
 Which fourteen hundred years ago were nailed 
 For our advantage on the bitter cross." 
 
 With commendable license, though with apocry- 
 phal history and a gross anachronism, the incom-
 
 1 64 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 parable poet manages to wind up the play with 
 a rhythmical flourish, in which the whole spirit of 
 the preceding centuries is epitomized. The lan- 
 guage, slightly changed, might well describe St. 
 Louis, with whom the Crusades in fact expired : — 
 
 " Many a time hath banished Norfolk fought 
 For Jesu Christ in glorious Christian field, 
 Streaming the ensign of the Christian cross 
 Against black pagans, Turks, and Saracens ; 
 And, toiled with works of war, retired himself 
 To Italy, and there at Venice gave 
 His body to that pleasant country's earth, 
 And his pure soul unto his captain Christ, 
 Under whose colours he had fought so long." 
 
 But when the Crusades were turned against 
 Christians, who were massacred by whole races in 
 the South of France, under the bloody Innocent 
 III., it was time to stop. And when Henry dies 
 in the Jerusalem chamber at Westminster, crusad- 
 ing is extinct forever, and the new period is well 
 advanced. I always note the death of Richard 
 and of Chaucer, in A. D. 1400, as the limit of the 
 dark period. One century more of the Middle 
 Ages remains ; it is the thrilling, charming, marvel- 
 lous Cinque-Cento, the fifteenth century. 
 
 15. THE CINQUE-CENTO. 
 
 We magnify the Cinque-Cento, and use this term 
 with reference to the fine arts too exclusively. 
 I borrow this convenient term for the age that 
 brought with it the elements of all we now enjoy, 
 in letters and arts, in civilization, in freedom, in the
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. \6$ 
 
 restoration of truth to the nations, and in a genu- 
 ine Reformation to our English forefathers. In a 
 rapid review of this century of wonders, I hasten 
 to a close of this Lecture. 1 
 
 At the opening of this age, we find John Huss 
 confessor to the Queen of Bohemia. Note that ; 
 and this also : the infamous statute for burning 
 heretics is enacted in England, under which Sawtrd 
 perishes as a Wiclifite. Jerome of Prague is study- 
 ing in Oxford. Tamerlane enters Bagdad and 
 Damascus, and prepares to invade Asia Minor. 
 In A. D. 1409 there are not less than three Popes, 
 cursing and excommunicating one another, and 
 men in nations for their respective adhesions. In 
 A. D. 141 2, Huss burns a papal indulgence, and he 
 and Jerome denounce the traffic in such things. 
 This was a century before Luther imitated them. 
 Shortly after, Huss himself is burned at Constance, 
 and Sigismund earns infamy by betraying him. 
 The Council of Constance revives the traditions of 
 Frankfort, and deposes the Pope. It has its glory 
 and its shame. It burned Jerome of Prague after 
 Huss, and ordered Wiclif's bones to be cremated 
 and scattered. This Council closes in A. D. 1418. 
 We soon reach the romantic episode of Joan of 
 Arc; the Papal schism is closed by the heroic 
 action of the Council of Basle, which continues 
 the traditions of Frankfort, and deposes another 
 Pope. 
 
 And here we may turn to the more gratifying 
 field of Art and Literature. We have seen that 
 in England the death of Chaucer marks the limit 
 1 See Note M".
 
 1 66 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 of a long period of night watches. To him and 
 to Wiclif, who greeted the day dawn, and reflected 
 it as from mountain tops, we owe the English lan- 
 guage and the glorious beginnings of its literature, 
 in prose and poetry. But on the greater scale of 
 Continental progress, Dante had already created 
 the Italian language, and from him and his bril- 
 liant successors, Petrarch and Boccacio, Chaucer's 
 genius had caught the spark that soon burst into 
 flame in his Canterbury Tales. John Gower, his 
 contemporary, lived a few years in the age we are 
 reviewing. 
 
 16. THE MEDICI. 
 
 The illustrious family of the Medici had been 
 growing up in Florence, in the preceding century, 
 and now Cosmo enters on his great career; mak- 
 ing merchandise tributary to letters, founding a 
 university, and ransacking the East for manuscripts, 
 which came with spices and taffetas from the Le- 
 vant in every argosy that enriched his coffers. 1 His 
 grandson, Lorenzo the Magnificent, succeeds to 
 his great power and influence in the Florentine 
 republic, and largely augments his work, as the 
 patron of scholars and of artists. Cimabue and 
 Giotto had created pictorial art in Italy ; but now 
 the invention of oil colours by the brothers Van 
 Eyck, at Ghent, proves that the fogs of Flanders 
 as well as the sunbeams of the South presaged the 
 wonderful development of painting about to be 
 realized. This art reached its acme at a bound. 
 1 See Note N".
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 1 67 
 
 Leonardo, Michael Angclo, and Perugino's great 
 pupil, Raffaclle, all start up in this century, though 
 they lived also into the next, and they have never 
 been surpassed. Exploring the treasures of the 
 Pitti Palace, in Florence, I saw an insignificant bit 
 of marble, which I recognized at once as a link in 
 a great history. Michael Angelo, a mere youth, 
 was carving that head of an old faun, in the Medi- 
 cean gardens, when Lorenzo observed its merits. 
 He casually criticised it, " You must not give 
 an old faun such fair teeth," and he walked on. 
 Soon, after, however, he encountered the young 
 man again, and saw that his hint had been taken. 
 Michael had, with admirable skill, contrived to 
 give the mouth and teeth an appearance of age, 
 without disfiguring what was attractive in those 
 features. This secured Lorenzo as his patron ; 
 and so grew up that unrivalled master of the three 
 domains of sculpture, painting, and architecture, 
 who moreover was no contemptible poet. He 
 lived to embellishish Florence with his Titanic 
 statues ; to paint " The Last Judgment " on the 
 walls of the Sistine Chapel, and to lift the Pan- 
 theon to the clouds in the dome of St. Peter's. 
 The Middle Ages expired in glory, if only for this 
 outburst of the fine arts ; but in the nobler realms 
 of intellect, of the useful arts, and of faith, it saw 
 greater things than these. 
 
 17. GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE. 
 
 The link between the fine arts and those too 
 often scorned as merely utilitarian is Architecture.
 
 1 68 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 If we go back to the Middle Ages and trace the 
 rise and development of the pointed architecture (to 
 which Wren applied the nickname of " Gothic "), 
 we cannot but acknowledge that even the Dark 
 Ages brought some goodly things to light. We 
 may justly call it the " Christian Architecture," 
 and, while admitting its great defects, we must ad- 
 mire some of its characteristic ideas. Whether 
 designedly or not, it imitates nature : the forest has 
 naves, and aisles, and arches, with which its spirit 
 strikingly coincides. Again, its aspiring vaults 
 and lofty spires, its clustered columns uplifting its 
 aerial clere-stories, and its abounding vertical lines, 
 all spring heavenward, and lift the eye and the 
 mind, if not the heart, to God. In the decorated 
 examples at Lincoln we see its perfection ; but even 
 the "Academic Gothic," as I prefer to call " the per- 
 pendicular," retains these features, and in its Tudor 
 debasement we find much that harmonizes with the 
 faith. How notable, too, its reality! It adorns 
 what other styles of the art, with awkward make- 
 shifts, strive to conceal; it turns every prop, 
 every stay, every beam and joint, into an aug- 
 mentation of beauty. It does not hide its very 
 crutches, for such are the flying buttresses which 
 it so triumphantly elevates into graces ; and down 
 in its crypts, and where only the eye of the Omnis- 
 cient penetrates, it covers no deformity; it builds 
 for the Master-builder above. I fear " the dim 
 religious light" that so fascinates us is neverthe- 
 less a striking symbol of the ages in which this 
 architecture was created. 
 
 It is not enlightened art in any practical sense.
 
 735KB MIDDLE AGES. 1 69 
 
 Michclct 1 has severely remarked upon its feeble- 
 ness; it is ever crumbling and needing repairs; it 
 is clamped and tied together by corroding bands 
 of iron; it calls in a thousand artifices and ex- 
 pedients to supply its lack of strength ; its very 
 buttresses announce the inadequate massiveness 
 of the walls ; and when, as in the chapter-house, 
 it erects a central pillar, like the handle of an um- 
 brella, to uphold a canopy of stone, it proclaims 
 its inability to erect a vaulted dome that shall 
 stand by itself. 
 
 iS. THE NEW CHRISTIAN ARCHITECTURE. 
 
 This was the humiliating defect exposed by 
 Brunelleschi when he "broke the egg"; a feat 
 which has no force as told of Columbus. 2 The 
 Florentines were ambitious of erecting a cathedral 
 with an unrivalled dome. The Teutonic archi- 
 tects came over the Alps to do the work, and pro- 
 posed to uphold it by the central pillar, which is 
 but the symbol of decrepitude, the old man bowed 
 upon his staff. " I would make it stand by itself," 
 said Brunelleschi. "But how? " was the inquiry. 
 " Like that Ggg,'' said he ; and there, indeed, like 
 an egg-shell, light and perfect in its own fabric, it 
 stands to this day, and may stand forever. It is 
 the only perfect dome in Christendom. Michael 
 Angelo would not consent to imitate it, but con- 
 fessed his inability to rival it, when he designed the 
 dome of St. Peter's. The Italians would have no 
 more of Gothic art. It melts away, south of the 
 1 See Note O". 2 See Note P".
 
 I/O INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Alps, in the fairy decorations of that Milanese cathe- 
 dral of snow. The recent facade of Santa Croce at 
 Florence proves that such art belongs not to the 
 sunny South; it is feeble beyond expression. But 
 the works of Brunelleschi and of Bramante and of 
 Angelo will last, and may supply to practical ages 
 a more enduring Christian architecture. 
 
 19. NAVIGATION. 
 
 We may well look on in breathless wonder as 
 we follow this age of miracles in its fertility of in- 
 vention, and its arts of progress. Under John I., 
 who founds a new line of kings, and under the 
 patronage of his son Henry, Portugal takes the 
 lead in maritime adventure. The Azores are dis- 
 covered in A. D. 1432, and Cape Verde about ten 
 years later. In 1460, they have discovered the 
 isles off the coast of Guinea; the next year an ex- 
 pedition is sent, overland, to India ; in i486, Diaz 
 reaches the southern extremity of Africa; in 1496, 
 Vasco de Gama doubles the Cape ; the next year 
 he arrives at Calcutta ; he founds the Portuguese 
 empire in India ; the highways of commerce are 
 revolutionized, and Venice declines. 
 
 But, more and better, in 1442 is born, at Genoa, 
 Christopher Columbus. In 1484, he pleads in 
 vain with John II. of Portugal to give him the 
 means of exploring the Atlantic. It is not till 
 1492 that he sails from Palos, with his wretched 
 little fleet, for regions unknown; but (October 12) 
 he sights the first shore of a new world ; he presses 
 on to Cuba and Hayti, and in 1493 introduces the
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 171 
 
 savages of Transatlantic regions at the court of 
 Ferdinand and Ysabcl. After pushing his adven- 
 tures with continuous success, he is brought to the 
 same court in chains, as the century comes to an 
 end. What an end for such an age, and for its 
 noblest hero ! 
 
 At this date the discovery of Newfoundland 
 by the Cabots (a. D. 1498) opens the grand history 
 of the English race in America. Vespucci robs 
 Columbus of his just rights, by giving his second- 
 rate name to the continent. Copernicus, born at 
 Thorn, in A. D. 1473, was now pursuing his studies 
 of the universe. Surely the ages of light were 
 returning — 
 
 " To warm the nations with redoubled ray." 
 
 20. PRINTING. 
 
 The Crusades had introduced the cotton paper 
 of the Arabs into Europe, and its manufacture 
 with the stronger fibre of linen was established in 
 Germany in the preceding age. But now comes 
 the art of printing, the discovery of which must 
 be regarded as not half so great a wonder as the 
 fact that God had held back the mind and hand 
 of man from the most simple of all conclusions 
 until now. Every impression of a seal, every foot- 
 mark in the sand or clay of the soil, every stamp 
 upon coins, ought to have suggested it, ages be- 
 forehand. God willed it to wait till now, when the 
 grandest moral and civil revolutions were needed 
 to introduce the last ages of the world. Strange 
 to say, stereotyping came first ; for such were the
 
 172 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 wooden tables of Koster in 1430, though it took 
 the sluggish wit of mankind nearly four centuries 
 more to return to the hint. Gutenberg (a. d. 1442) 
 had taught the utility of moveable types, and 
 Faust had brought the art to a practical degree of 
 perfection (a. d. 1450) by an improvement of the 
 press and the manufacture of printers' ink. In 
 A. D. 1455, the glory of the art was reached, when 
 the final sheets of the first printed Bible were 
 folded and bound at Mentz, by Gutenberg, Faust, 
 and Schaffer. Caxton, in a chapel of Westmin- 
 ster Abbey, about ten years later, was working 
 the first press in England. He died before he 
 knew that a new world had just been discovered, 
 where in our day the art in all its beauty and per- 
 fection is exercised in Chicago and in the great 
 port of the Pacific, — cities which fifty years ago 
 were but hamlets, amid the wigwams of savages. 
 Yet it deserves to be noted that the art reached 
 wellnigh the acme of its beauty in the age of its 
 birth, when Aldus (a. d. 1494), set up his press at 
 Venice, and introduced the delicate Italic letter, — 
 a refinement upon that of manuscript. 
 
 21. GREAT MOVEMENTS. 
 
 Now, also, was wood engraving introduced, and 
 musical notes were cut in type-metal. Watches 
 were made at Nuremberg and world-maps were sent 
 forth from the same city. But while these arts of 
 peace were in progress, the "Wars of the Roses" 
 were doing a useful work of another sort in Eng- 
 land, and the expedition of Charles VIII. into
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. 1 73 
 
 Italy, with his invasion of Rome on the last day of 
 the year 1494, marks a new era in the art of war. 1 
 His invention of a comparatively light and move- 
 able artillery, and the improvement of fire-arms for 
 soldiery, with his passage of the Alps and auda- 
 cious treatment of the pontiff, were a foreshadow- 
 ing of the French campaigns in Italy four hundred 
 years later. Napoleon's " flying artillery " was 
 but another stage of progress ; the idea of bat- 
 teries not only possible on the field, but transfer- 
 able from point to point, belongs to this age of 
 modern warfare. 
 
 But the glory and the shame of the century re- 
 mains to be told. Providentially the art of print- 
 ing and all the progress of the age circle round its 
 noontide ; a crisis which proved a blessing to man- 
 kind, as it created the revival of learning and in- 
 sured the reformation of religion, the exposure of 
 the Decretalist and other Papal frauds, the study 
 of Holy Scripture in the originals, the abasement 
 of the Papacy, the advance of freedom and of con- 
 stitutional law, and the illumination of the world. 
 Again the Gospel came forth from the East. All 
 these blessings were wrought out of an evil, in 
 itself most disgraceful and menacing to Christen- 
 dom : the fall of Constantinople in A. D. 1453, and 
 the planting of that cancer in the breast of civil- 
 ization, the unspeakably abominable Turkey in 
 Europe. 
 
 1 See Note Q".
 
 174 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 22. THE FALL OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 
 
 The Council of Florence, in A. D. 1439, grew 
 out of the impending horrors which the Greeks 
 foresaw must soon overwhelm them. For ten 
 years had they repelled the arms of Bajazet, when 
 God sent Timour the Tartar to their aid ; but now 
 the Turks were at their very doors. Scutari was 
 in the hands of the Ottomans, and, reinforced by 
 siege-guns with balls of granite, were preparing 
 for a final assault. Every motive appealed to the 
 Christian universe for a crusade, which reason and 
 righteousness would have justified. The cause of 
 the Greeks was the common cause of Europe and of 
 humanity; but the Popes saw their opportunity, at 
 last, and would give no aid to the Easterns save 
 at the price of their submission. Their delegates 
 at Florence were starved and menaced into a 
 patched-up compliance, 1 and the " Uniat " com- 
 promises were agreed on. But they were received 
 on their return with a howl of execration, and 
 the Greeks, true to the ancient Nicene consti- 
 tutions, once more rejected the Popes. The Turks 
 might massacre them, but the fraudulent Decretals 
 should not enslave them. As the consequence, on 
 the 29th of May, Constantine Palseologus, the last 
 of the Caesars, perished on the walls of New 
 Rome, which for more than a thousand years had 
 been the metropolis of Christendom. Under the 
 dome of Justinian, in the solemn night before, he 
 had received the holy sacrament of the altar. That 
 day the streets ran with blood, and, after the brutal 
 1 See Note R".
 
 THE MIDDLE AGES. I 75 
 
 example of Mohammed II., their chief women 
 were given over to unmentionable outrage ; twelve 
 thousand houses and churches were burned ; thou- 
 sands were put to the sword. Gibbon, with levity, 
 tells of the horrors to which virgins were deliv- 
 ered, of sixty thousand sold into slavery, and of 
 the Hippodrome streaming with blood. He shares 
 not our sense of shame, when he tells how the 
 imam ascended the pulpit, and the muezzin cried 
 from its turrets, " Great is Allah, and Mohammed 
 is his prophet ! " To the disgrace of our mother 
 England, this goes on still; and twelve million 
 Christians writhe under the heels of three million 
 Turks, because Turkish bonds are held in London. 
 O Lord, how long? If England will not hear 
 their cries, then Godspeed to Russia ! 
 
 23. LIGHT OUT OF DARKNESS. 
 
 The Greeks were driven out of their capital, but 
 they brought learning to Florence and to Rome. 
 Now were the Greek Scriptures read once more, 
 and the Fathers began to be printed and studied. 
 Luther's great gift of the Bible to Germany must 
 rank as second to the restoration of the Greek Testa- 
 ment by Erasmus. Aristotle's alloy in Christian the- 
 ology began to be deprecated, as Plato began to be 
 loved. The Greeks who had fled to Italy before the 
 downfall had enabled Nicholas V. to found the Vati- 
 can Library, and now libraries began to be multi- 
 plied. It was well ; for, as the century came to its 
 end, the Papacy had returned to its vomit and to its 
 wallowing in the mire. The age of Theodosia and
 
 176 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Marozia was revived again under the infamous Bor- 
 gia (Alexander VI.), and Rome continued to be 
 the hot-bed of ecclesiastical crime and debauchery, 
 when a young Augustinian monk came, and saw, 
 and went away to conquer. Michael Angelo was 
 painting the Sistine Chapel with a parable which the 
 Papal Court was too stupid to comprehend. 1 He 
 wrote Tekel on their walls, and reminded them that 
 prophets and sibyls alike foretold the Last Judg- 
 ment. He portrayed its awful menace before 
 their eyes, and scrupled not to put popes and car- 
 dinals among the damned. Some whined when 
 they saw their own portraits in the terrible carica- 
 ture, but they were too torpid to comprehend the 
 length and breadth of such a prophecy. A day of 
 retribution was close at hand. God was arising to 
 shake terribly the earth. 
 
 1 See Note S".
 
 LECTURE VI. 
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 
 I. IDENTITY AND CONTINUITY. 
 
 LET me now invite you to a survey of the his- 
 tory of the Anglican Church, its origin, its 
 subjection to the Paparchy in the Middle Ages, and, 
 finally, of its restoration in the sixteenth century. 
 We shall see that from its origin until now it is the 
 same identical Church, — no more another now 
 than the man who has been a prodigal, and who has 
 regained his home and his patrimony, is other than 
 the embryo that was once in the womb, the babe 
 that once drew nurture from its mother's breast, 
 the youth who declined from his parental example 
 and teachings, and the sufferer who, amid the filth 
 and the starvation of the swineyard, came to him- 
 self, and said, " I will arise and go to my father." 
 The Anglican Church was primitive and pure; 
 she became enslaved and defiled ; she regained 
 her liberties, she washed and is clean. But she is 
 none other to-day, as to individuality and identity, 
 than she was when Italians were sent to put chains 
 upon her; when she shook her chains, in defiance, 
 as she chafed under them ; when she lay down 
 and slept awhile, baffled and degraded ; or when, 
 
 12
 
 178 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 at last, she woke and broke from her fetters, and 
 began to be herself again ; until now God has 
 given her to many nations and set her footsteps in 
 the seas, and enabled us to say, " Her sound is 
 gone out into all lands, and her words into the 
 ends of the world." Such is the outline of her 
 history, which I propose to make clear and read- 
 ily recognized by the illumination of truths which 
 have been too little understood. 
 
 2. ORIGIN OF THE CHURCH IN BRITAIN. 
 
 There are many evidences that the Gospel was 
 preached in Britain by disciples of St. Paul. Three 
 names in his latest catalogue of Roman saints 1 may 
 not have secured your close attention : " Pudens, 
 Linus, Claudia," — that is, Lin and Gladys. These 
 twain were Britons, probably, and their names 
 are thus Latinized, as Saul is also called Paul. 
 Pudens, who had served in Britain as a soldier, 
 married this British lady, as we know from Mar- 
 tial's epigram. Caradoc, whose sister or daugh- 
 ter she may have been, had doubtless become a 
 Christian when he moralized on the Coliseum, as 
 it rose before his eyes, in language which only 
 Christians understood, and which he borrowed 
 from common sayings of early Christians. 2 The 
 return of Caradoc to his distant home, accompa- 
 nied by Christian missionaries, who were afterwards 
 the evangelists of Wales, is a theory supported by 
 striking probabilities, while it accounts, as nothing 
 else can, for inscriptions and ancient monuments 
 
 1 2 Tim. iv. 21. 2 See Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. iii. p. 108.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 79 
 
 at Chichester. The names of ancient sees in Wales, 
 such as St. Asaph's and St. David's, suggest that 
 Jewish converts of St. Paul were their founders, 
 and learned antiquarians have detected Welsh 
 forms of several other saintly names in the Pauline 
 calendar, among the ancient titles of their villages 
 and towns. The history of " Lesser Britain," or 
 Armorica, confirms all this; for the two Britains 
 were inhabited by the same race. The Greek 
 Menology retains the old tradition that Aristobulus, 
 mentioned by St. Paul, was one of the Seventy, and 
 became a British evangelist. 
 
 3. PERIODS. 
 
 Three periods should here be primarily noted : 
 that of (1) the Primitive British Church, that of 
 (2) the Early English Church, and (3) that of the 
 Later English Church. The Norman epoch (a. d. 
 1066) is the turning point in Anglican history in 
 its relations with Rome. Thereafter, we note three 
 periods again: that of (1) the Transition to Papal 
 Subjection, that of (2) the Paparchy Established, 
 and (3) that of the Restoration. As to the Primi- 
 tive British, a few additional words must suffice. 
 
 4. THE PRIMITIVE PERIOD. 
 
 Lucius, one of the British chiefs, is said to have 
 
 been the first Christian king; but the legends of 
 
 Edessa, 1 if they are to be credited, would deprive 
 
 us of this glory. He lived in the time of Aurelius, 
 
 1 See Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. viii. p. 647.
 
 l80 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 when, had he been known to the Romans, he could 
 hardly have escaped the crown of martyrdom. St. 
 Alban, who suffered in Diocletian's world-wide 
 massacre, is reputed the first British martyr. In 
 A. D. 314, before the Nicene era, we noted the 
 presence of three British bishops at the Council of 
 Aries, a fact which seems to me to account for 
 the Easter usages to which the British Church so 
 tenaciously adhered. These bishops found them 
 corresponding with their own traditions in the 
 churches of Pothinus and Irenaeus. But of this 
 by and by. It is not pleasant to add, as we must, 
 that Morgan, better known as Pelagius, was also a 
 Briton. His heresy caused great evils, not only in 
 the unlearned and isolated church of his birth and 
 baptism, but ever since among Christians. On 
 the other hand, as St. Paul has said, 1 " there must 
 be also heresies among you, that they which are 
 approved may be made manifest " ; and we owe 
 to this principle of the divine economy that mas- 
 terly exposition of the doctrines of grace in which 
 the faith of primitive Christians is witnessed against 
 Pelagius by St. Augustine. 
 
 5. GROANS OF THE BRITONS. 
 
 In A. D. 446, " the groans of the Britons " attest 
 their inveterate sufferings from barbarous Picts and 
 Scots ; and in A. D. 449, the arrival of the Saxons 
 enables us to date the Early English period from 
 the middle of the fifth century. Invited to come 
 in and drive out the Picts, our forefathers, the 
 1 1 Cor. xi. 19.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. l8l 
 
 Angles and Saxons, took their pay by settling in 
 the delightful lands they had defended. In the 
 Isle of Wight and the opposite coasts settled the 
 Jutes. Essex, Wessex, and Sussex tell the story 
 of the Saxon immigration, and the Angles took the 
 rest of the eastern coast into custody northward 
 and far above the Humber. Such are our Anglo- 
 Saxon forefathers, and I am not very proud of 
 their conduct But if they proved treacherous 
 allies of the native Christians, they were pagans, 
 who knew no better ; and, feeble as were the Chris- 
 tians, they turned upon them at times and gave 
 them a terrible threshing. Gildas, their own British 
 chronicler, reproaches them as believers for not 
 preaching to the Saxons, whom we may now for 
 the first time call " the English," the Gospel of 
 peace and love. The Saxons continued heathen 
 till converted by the missionaries of Gregory. 
 
 6. CONVERSION OF THE ENGLISH. 
 
 His interest had been excited by the appearance 
 of fair-haired boys from England in the Roman 
 slave-market. " If only they were Christians," 
 said the holy man, " not Angles, but Angels, they 
 might be called." When he became bishop, as if 
 remembering where Pelagius came from, he sent 
 to convert them Augustine, a namesake of the 
 great Bishop of Hippo. Now, though Gregory 
 dealt with his missionaries and their converts in 
 Britain very much as we deal with ours in China 
 and Japan, his conduct, even as related by Bede at 
 a later period, with the disadvantage of his less
 
 1 82 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 primitive conceptions, is altogether in keeping with 
 Gregory's primitive assertion of his adhesion to 
 Nicene canons. He was not " the Universal Bishop " ; 
 he dictated no deference to his see, but advised 
 Augustine to adopt improvements, if he saw any, 
 among the churches of Gaul ; and we cannot 
 doubt that, had he known of their continued ex- 
 istence, he would have advised a generous and 
 brotherly course in dealing with the ancient Chris- 
 tians of the land. These had retreated westward, 
 and were now hemmed in among the mountains of 
 Wales, and by the Southern seas in what we know 
 as Cornwall, perhaps "the Horn of Wales." 
 
 7. THE EARLY ENGLISH. 
 
 Thus the Early English 1 period opens with the 
 seventh century, say A. D. 601. Augustine re- 
 paired to France to be consecrated by the Bishop 
 of Aries (Virgilius), who was assisted, according to 
 the Nicene canons, by two other bishops, of whom 
 the name of one only has come down to us ; that of 
 ./Etherius, Bishop of Lyons. He succeeded from 
 St. John, through Polycarp, Pothinus, and Irenaeus, 
 as the thirty-second bishop of that most primitive 
 and illustrious see. Thus Augustine became the 
 first Bishop of Canterbury, deriving his apostolic 
 office from the churches of Ephesus and Smyrna, 
 both mentioned in the Apocalypse, and saluted by 
 an epistle from our ascended Lord himself with 
 exceptional tokens of approbation. 
 
 1 Not to be understood of architecture.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 83 
 
 8. CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 Great gratitude is due to Gregory for his nurs- 
 ing care and faithfulness in planting the Church of 
 England; but we must not think it strange that 
 the relations thus established between England and 
 the great Apostolic See of the West led to conse- 
 quences not in themselves happy, nor even canon- 
 ical. Our own missionary bishops naturally write 
 to their brethren here for instructions, and the 
 English missionaries write personally to the Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury from the ends of the earth. 
 It was much more necessary for similar relations to 
 be kept up, in those days, with the great metrop- 
 olis of Western Christendom, because books were 
 few and all sources of information rare. 1 Let us 
 imagine how the new primate of England would 
 naturally regard the great patriarch of Rome. 
 
 9. RELATIONS TO THE APOSTOLIC SEE. 
 
 Not as in any sense " Universal Bishop " ; that 
 Gregory abhorred. Not as having any powers or 
 authority superior to his own as a bishop ; that also 
 Gregory had expressly and vehemently disclaimed. 2 
 Yet the Church had established certain great pa- 
 triarchs, among whom Gregory had a primacy of 
 honour, but no "supremacy" of any kind. Beyond 
 his own limited patriarchate, he might exert a 
 watchful care to see that the Nicene and other 
 oecumenical canons were obeyed ; he could enforce 
 them, however, only by the action of councils, 
 1 See Lecture III. § 16, page 95. 2 See Note T".
 
 1 84 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 each subject to its own president, or metropolitan, 
 and not to him. In a mission created by himself, 
 he seems to have, naturally, expected a degree of 
 deference growing out of such circumstances. All 
 this Augustine would justifiably recognize. We 
 must not be surprised to find that the great patri- 
 arch was invested in his eyes with an exceptional 
 importance, as succeeding to the apostles St. Paul 
 and St. Peter in the ancient world-centre. All the 
 patriarchs were called Papa by way of eminence, 
 and each in his own jurisdiction was " the Papa " ; 
 just as we call the nearest post-office " the post- 
 office," or the chief magistrate of our own city 
 " the Mayor." This by no means implies that 
 there are no other post-offices or mayors ; and so, 
 when Augustine speaks of " the Apostolic See," 
 he detracts nothing from Antioch or Ephesus ; 
 and when he speaks of " the Pope," he by no means 
 implies that the other patriarchs are any less 
 " popes " than Gregory. Bear in mind that, as I 
 have shown, what we understand by that term was 
 not then imagined ; and not till the close of the 
 eleventh century did even a Roman pontiff presume 
 to decree that this title should be peculiar to him- 
 self. For, not bearing all this continually in mind, 
 the most erroneous impressions are derived from 
 books that use such expressions unguardedly in 
 the sense current in the times of their authors, as 
 now among the vulgar. 
 
 io. A DISCOVERY. 
 
 When Robinson Crusoe discovered a human 
 foot-print in the sand, his sensations were serious.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 85 
 
 When Augustine first learned that there were 
 already Christians in Britain does not appear; but 
 his first impressions of them were doubtless not 
 very favourable. He learned that they were an un- 
 lettered race, who still kept Easter by the ancient, 
 but now uncanonical, uses of Smyrna and Ephesus. 
 For these had been overruled at Nicaea, by univer- 
 sal consent. Were the Britons deliberate schis- 
 matics? He doubtless imagined they were, but 
 this was a mistake. The Britons had been so long 
 cut off from commerce with other churches, that 
 they had never received from Alexandria the 
 annual computation. Gregory himself did not 
 know of their existence, and it seems to me prob- 
 able, as I have said before, that they kept on in 
 the way received by Irenaeus from Polycarp, and 
 which Eborius and his companions had learned 
 from Lyons and Aries to regard as lawful. 1 Espe- 
 cially would they be likely to adhere to their old 
 customs, so long as the Patriarch of Alexandria 
 failed to communicate with them, as the canons 
 prescribed. This was their misfortune, not their 
 fault. 
 
 11. THE OTHER SIDE OF THE CASE. 
 
 Augustine would look at it very differently : they 
 were ignorant barbarians, at best, and it was now 
 time for them to obey the canons. Besides, though 
 he had been expressly counselled by Gregory not 
 to expect every national church to conform to the 
 Italian usages, he felt sure, no doubt, that they were 
 the best usages ; just as some of us are quite sure 
 
 1 See supra, § 4.
 
 1 86 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 that the Mexican Church and Pere Hyacinthe in 
 Paris ought to accept every usage and every rubric 
 of our " incomparable prayer-book." We find 
 some disposed to withhold aid from the " old Cath- 
 olics," because they prefer, in many respects, their 
 national rites to ours. Human nature does not 
 change. 
 
 12. A CONFERENCE. 
 
 Augustine obtained a conference with some of 
 the British bishops, and it was held under a tree 
 which remained till comparatively recent times, and 
 was known as " Augustine's oak." What a meet- 
 ing! What but Christianity could have afforded 
 any common ground for such a conference ! There 
 were the aborigines of the soil, and here the robber 
 Saxons ; there the ancient Church of Caradoc and 
 Pudens, of Claudia and of St. Paul's own mission- 
 aries, and here was a new-comer, who called him- 
 self Bishop of the English, and seemed to them 
 in league with their old enemies against them. In 
 answer to prayer, Augustine was thought to have 
 wrought a miracle, which excited their fraternal 
 respect; but they answered, with dignity, that 
 " they could not depart from their ancient customs 
 without the consent of their own churches." 
 
 13. AND ANOTHER. 
 
 At a second conference, Augustine's bearing and 
 conduct were offensive to these very primitive peo- 
 ple. Yet he proposed no terms of union other than
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 87 
 
 such as we should approve. They were to adopt, 
 " not as our custom, but as that of the Universal 
 Church," certain compliances with the local Ro- 
 man and Apostolic Church, (1) in the administer- 
 ing of baptism, and (2) in the keeping of Easter. 
 Further, (3) they were to act jointly with him in 
 preaching to the English nation the word of God. 
 They refused consent, chiefly because of his over- 
 bearing manner. And here he seems to have 
 forgotten what was due to himself and them, for 
 he threatened them with the divine displeasure. 
 When, some ten years later, King Ethelfrid with a 
 great army fell upon them and massacred them in 
 great numbers, the Saxons looked upon this ter- 
 rible event in one way and the Britons in a very 
 different one. 
 
 An ancient Welsh document relates that the 
 answer of the British clergy was made on one 
 occasion in the following words, by Dinoth, an 
 abbot : — 
 
 " The British churches owe the deference of broth- 
 erly kindness and charity to the Church of God, to the 
 Roman Papa, and to all Christians. But other obedience 
 they do not know to be due to him whom you call the 
 Papa. As for ourselves, we are under the jurisdiction 
 of the Bishop of Caerleon upon Uske, who, under God, 
 is our spiritual overseer and guide." 
 
 Ethelfrid's vengeance fell upon Chester in the 
 North, the ancient name of which resembles that 
 of Caerleon in South Wales. This may have led 
 some to imagine that the massacre was inspired 
 by Augustine's threat, of which he probably had
 
 1 88 INSTITUTE'S OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 never heard ; but it shows how intense was the 
 Saxon prejudice of Bede himself against the Brit- 
 ons, when this holy man can see nothing in the 
 event but a just judgment from the Lord. We 
 must acknowledge with grief, that a like unchari- 
 table comment might be made upon the failure of 
 missions and bishoprics which Augustine founded. 
 There were terrible relapses ; some of the bishops 
 retired to France ; the old idolatry returned in 
 divers places. The Anglican Church had shrunk 
 to the dimensions of the single county of Kent, 
 when once again it revived, and for a time spread 
 over the northeastern counties, under good King 
 Edwin. But again there came a relapse. In 
 Lincolnshire, where a great work seemed begun, 
 the churches went to decay, and so continued for 
 years. It became manifest that Augustine's work 
 must all be done over again. 
 
 14. IONA AND ITS MISSIONS. 
 
 But for thirty years (A. D. 633-664) a more 
 primitive and a more successful work had been 
 carried on among the Northern English, by Scots 
 and Picts, the old enemy, now Christianized by the 
 zeal of Columba and his missions that went forth 
 from Iona. King Oswald restored the cathedral at 
 York. Aidan, a saintly bishop, fixed his mission- 
 ary see at another Iona, Lindisfarne, on the coast 
 of Northumbria, which was long known as the 
 Holy Isle. This bishopric was afterwards enlarged, 
 and settled as the see of Durham. Finan, who 
 succeeded to Aidan, recovered very much peo-
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 89 
 
 pie to Christ. A bishop was set over Lichfield, 
 and another was restored to London. Nobody 
 can read the beautiful tributes which Bcde pays 
 to the Northern bishops, with whom he differed 
 on so many points, without the conviction that 
 to Iona and to Lindisfarne, and to the meek and 
 loving spirit of their missionaries, the ultimate 
 conversion of all England is chiefly due. At one 
 time only one bishop of the Latin rite was left in 
 the island. And so it came about that this rite 
 was observed only in Kent and a small part of the 
 South, while the converted North adhered to the 
 Gallican rites, or others of very primitive use, 
 brought into the Pictish churches from Ireland. 
 To heal the differences occasioned by such diver- 
 sity, a synod was summoned (A. D. 664) at Whitby, 
 in Yorkshire. 
 
 15. COUNSELS OF UNITY. 
 
 And very interesting and truly Christian in spirit 
 were the discussions. Bede attributes the Easter 
 rules of the Northern Britons to the causes I have 
 already instanced, and excuses their non-conform- 
 ity in this respect, acknowledging their true faith 
 and piety in the spirit of their observance of rules 
 they had received from primitive times. Though 
 the immediate results were not unanimously 
 adopted, this synod unified the churches in a good 
 degree'; and soon after (a. d. 667}, such a desire 
 for the settlement of affairs was reached that the 
 Northerns came to an agreement with their Kent- 
 ish brethren, and elected Wighart Archbishop of
 
 190 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Canterbury, desiring him to go to Rome and re- 
 ceive consecration there. This measure was very 
 wisely conceived. The English Church exercised 
 its own rights of election ; but the failure of Greg- 
 ory's mission having become a scandal, it was fit- 
 ting that " the Pope of the city of Rome" as Bede 
 and Alcuin call him, should be informed of the bet- 
 ter state of things now existing, — of the growing 
 unity of the Church in Britain, and of their desire 
 to be in unity with the Apostolic See. Unhappily, 
 as we might think, Wighart died at Rome in a 
 pestilence before he could receive consecration; 
 and, very pardonably perhaps, Vitalian, the patri- 
 arch of the city, resolved to find a proper person 
 to be the English metropolitan, and send him out 
 as his missionary. This was an unfortunate pre- 
 cedent, interfering as it did with the elective fran- 
 chise of the English Church, and tending to impair 
 its autonomy. But God overruled all for good. 
 
 16. THE MISSION OF THEODORE. 
 
 He chose Theodore, a native of St. Paul's own 
 city, Tarsus, and consecrated him Bishop on the 
 feast of the Annunciation, a. d. 668. It was, per- 
 haps, a concession to the North British churches 
 to send them an Eastern bishop, who could best 
 persuade them to adopt the Nicene rules of Eas- 
 ter. But, as a restraint upon him, and to keep up 
 the Latin side of the controversies, Vitalian gave 
 him a sort of archdeacon in Adrian who accom- 
 panied him. It was in A. D. 669 that he arrived in 
 England, to reconstruct and to " set in order the
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 191 
 
 things that were wanting." He was cordially ac- 
 cepted, and became, in fact, the second founder of 
 the Church of England. No one of his predeces- 
 sors is to be compared with this truly great and 
 holy man. Nevertheless, he had marked faults and 
 infirmities, and was not always considerate in deal- 
 ing with what, no doubt, he considered as yet a 
 mere mission among a rude and half-Christianized 
 people, " wellnigh severed from the whole world." 
 
 17. PERILOUS INNOVATIONS. 
 
 It has been necessary for me to go thus largely 
 into the character of the Primitive British and the 
 Early English Churches, in order to free later ques- 
 tions from the difficulties with which profound and 
 unpardonable ignorance has encumbered the mat- 
 ter. We are now nearly at the end of the seventh 
 century. The island has been Christianized from 
 the Apostles' times. Its ultimate conversion and 
 the Anglican Church, as a unit, result not from 
 the Latin mission, but from Nicene churches, com- 
 ing southward in their simplicity and purity from 
 Iona and Lindisfarne. During this whole period 
 the churches have enjoyed the insular privileges 
 secured by the Cypriote canon to all churches so 
 situated. The coming of Theodore was marked 
 by one circumstance which shows how jealous 
 were the native churches of all foreign intrusion. 
 Augustine and his successors had leaned too much 
 on Rome as their natural base of supplies, and this 
 had doubtless increased their difficulties. A thor- 
 ough and immediate identification of themselves
 
 192 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 with the native Christians would have worked 
 better. Grace had been given to others to repair 
 the breach, and to heal the old wounds. But The- 
 odore's consecration with an implication that he 
 was to be their " metropolitan," when they had 
 elected Wighart, and without waiting for their ac- 
 tion in the choice of another, was an infraction of dis- 
 cipline ; more especially as the Church of England 
 had never recognized as yet any metropolitical 
 power whatever in the see of Canterbury. Wilfrid, 
 now Bishop of York, had proved this, by going into 
 France to be consecrated, which would have been 
 resented by the then Bishop of Canterbury had he 
 possessed any canonical right to consecrate the 
 bishops of England. This same Wilfrid had seen 
 the importance of accepting the Easter usages en- 
 joined by Nicaea, and had favoured unity with the 
 Latins of Kent and Surrey ; but in the circumstan- 
 ces he showed, perhaps, only a proper self-respect 
 by refusing attendance at Theodore's synods. 
 
 18. COMPROMISES. 
 
 However, by the humility of St. Chad, who rep- 
 resented the Northern churches, things were so far 
 harmonized that he became Bishop of Lichfield, 
 and Wilfrid was appeased, so that all things were 
 ready for harmonious action. A synod was called 
 at Hertford by the authority of the Saxon princes, 
 where the old canons were examined and local 
 canons passed. By these Theodore was virtually 
 accepted as the first Metropolitan of the Church 
 of England ; according to the canons, that is, and
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 93 
 
 not by any authority of a foreign bishop. To 
 show Theodore's own convictions on the subject, 
 in which the churches and the local princes sus- 
 tained him, he refused all recognition of Agatho, 
 Bishop of Rome, when he presumed to interfere in 
 the matter of a bishop deprived of his see. lie 
 did much more, and in a more important matter : 
 for whereas Honorius, Pope of the city of Rome, 
 fell into the Monothelite heresy, and was subse- 
 quently condemned as a heretic, 1 Theodore sum- 
 moned a council (a. d. 680) at Hatfield, just at 
 the time when the sixth and last general council 
 was held at Constantinople, for the same pur- 
 pose, in which this heresy was condemned. This 
 council of Hatfield marks a great point in the 
 Anglican history ; for it thoroughly recognized 
 the Nicene Councils and Constitutions, and all the 
 councils oecumenical, placing the united Church of 
 the Britons and Saxons on the unequivocal base of 
 Holy Scripture and primitive antiquity. 
 
 19. WHAT ITS FIRST ARCHBISHOP HAD MADE 
 OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH. 
 
 In this happy estate Theodore the Great, as he 
 may justly be called, left the Church of England, 
 when (a. d. 690) he rested from his labours. He 
 was nearly ninety years of age, and had sat in his 
 see two-and-twenty years. He founded schools, 
 increased learning, and left scholars who were 
 masters of the Latin tongue not only, but of the 
 Greek also, the native tongue of Theodore himself. 
 
 1 See Lecture III. § 27, page 107. 
 13
 
 194 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 To such schools we owe the precious life and 
 labours of Bede, and of the great Alcuin, of whom 
 we have heard before. So stood the Church of 
 our forefathers at the close of the seventh century. 
 
 20. THE VENERABLE BEDE. 
 
 We enter the new century at the date of Bede's 
 ordination in the thirtieth year of his age. He 
 loved the Latin churches and the see of Rome, to 
 which he felt that the Saxons owed their Christian- 
 ity, and his fidelity to this sentiment amounted in 
 him wellnigh to a passion. But it was to the ca- 
 nonical dignity and character of the Apostolic See 
 that he was attached. He owed it no subscription. 
 In the year after his ordination to the presbyterate, 
 an English council took occasion to declare that 
 " No decree of English archbishops and bishops 
 should ever be altered by any decrees of the Apos- 
 tolic See." This was precisely the position of 
 Dinoth and the British bishops in their answer 
 to Augustine. The greatest men of this age, and 
 those most attached to the Latin rites and usages, 
 reaffirmed this position two years later at a con- 
 ference in Yorkshire ; adding a strong defiance of 
 any foreign power presuming to interfere with 
 what the synods of the national Church had 
 decreed. 
 
 21. FIRST ENGLISH MISSIONS. 
 
 Now went forth Winfrid (or Boniface) on his 
 great mission to the Franks, and the light of Eng-
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 95 
 
 land began to illuminate the world. But many 
 things in England itself began to awaken the anxi- 
 ety of Bede, who reflects upon them with prudent 
 reserve, and says, " Time will show." Egbert, the 
 patron of Alcuin, was now Bishop of York, and 
 Bede complains to him of the great ignorance of the 
 peasantry, sending him copies of the Lord's Prayer 
 and the Creed in the vulgar tongue, which he en- 
 treats may be used by the clergy in teaching the 
 people. Here was in rudiments our own Catechism 
 begun. And, indeed, now were the seeds of a 
 subsequent restoration planted; for, in reproving 
 the corruptions of the monasteries and other evils 
 which afterwards arose, he writes like a reformer. 
 He was one of the greatest doctors of the age, 
 and he met his death on Ascension day, May 25, 
 A. D. 735, with his pen in hand, translating the 
 Gospel of St. John into English. In the cathe- 
 dral of Durham you may see his tomb and his 
 epitaph : — 
 
 " Hie jacent in fossa 
 Bedas Venerabilis ossa." 
 
 " Here lie 'neath these stones 
 Bede the Venerable's bones. 
 
 22. THE LATER PERIOD. 
 
 Of Alcuin and his transcendent merits you have 
 been so fully reminded that I add no more about 
 him. Thus we reach the epoch which closes the 
 history of the early English period, at the memora- 
 ble date of Charlemagne, A. D. 800. In that same 
 year Egbert began his reign. He nominally was
 
 196 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 the first King of England ; but we may practically 
 reserve that title for Alfred the Great. 
 
 Between this date and the Norman invasion, 
 A. D. 1066, which was the epoch of Hildebrand, 
 lies the later English period, during which England 
 itself began to be created, in its constitutions and 
 laws, by the action of the Church. The bishops 
 established the State, " as bees make the honey- 
 comb " ; but the State never established the Church 
 of England. She was the precedent condition of 
 the State itself. In the preceding age, Ina, king of 
 Wessex, speaks of the nascent Parliament as hav- 
 ing concurred, in its three estates, in enacting the 
 laws. He enumerates : " My bishops, and all my 
 eldermen, and the eldest wita?i of my people, with 
 a great gathering of God's servants." Such was 
 the " Witenagemot," or assembly of the Wise. 
 
 23. ALFRED, THE HEAD OF OUR RACE. 
 
 Alfred revised and collected the laws of his pre- 
 decessors, rejecting, with the advice and consent of 
 his witan, what he could not approve, but modestly 
 inserting nothing of his own, because " he could 
 not foresee what might be good for such as should 
 come after him." The incursions of the Northmen 
 kept this great prince busy, all his days, resisting 
 their ravages. They made a " dark age " for Eng- 
 land ; but, at all his intervals of respite, he was not 
 less active in his literary pursuits, promoting learn- 
 ing, encouraging piety and study among the clergy, 
 and with his own hands translating Holy Scrip- 
 tures and good books for his people. He lived
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 97 
 
 through the ninth century, and expired in the first 
 year of the tenth. I have quoted a saying of 
 King Edgar's about this horrible century. 1 In his 
 reign, Dunstan became Archbishop, and brought in 
 many Italian monks, by whom the sorest evils were 
 soon inflicted on the Church. The ascendency of 
 the Danes and the reign of Canute deserve careful 
 study; they promoted somewhat, at a dangerous 
 period, the influence of Rome, where the Paparchy 
 was now growing to enormous proportions, amid 
 not less enormous corruptions. Edward the Con- 
 fessor is revered as a Saxon saint and a true Eng- 
 lishman ; but Earl Godwin ruled the land, and his 
 son Harold succeeded. All things had prepared 
 the way for a new era; and, after a brief reign of 
 forty weeks, the battle of Hastings gave the realm 
 to William the Norman. 
 
 24. TAKING OUR BEARINGS. 
 
 Let us see where the Anglican Church stood 
 on the eve of its enslavement to an alien aggres- 
 sion. The idea of a " Papacy" was familiarized; 
 but it was the indefinite conception of a great 
 Canonical Patriarchate, in the apostolic city of 
 Rome, to which filial deference was due. It was a 
 Papacy, but not a Paparchy. Elsewhere the De- 
 cretals had done their work more effectually, but 
 England was Nicene, and not Roman. It was free 
 in spirit, and, as yet, in form. 
 
 Observe that the canon of Holy Scripture, the 
 Creeds, the Episcopate, were identical with those 
 1 See Lecture V., page 151.
 
 198 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 we have now. There was no doctrine of Transub- 
 stantiation ; the communicant received in both 
 kinds ; there was no forced confessional. The 
 clergy were mostly married men. The whole 
 scholastic system of theology was non-existent. 
 There were gross superstitions, but no false dog- 
 mas. Avoid reading into these times any ideas 
 distinctively more modern, and bear always in 
 mind that the Catholic Church still meant what 
 it means in the Nicene Constitutions. It took five 
 centuries more to produce such a monstrous con- 
 ception as that of " the Roman Catholic Church," 
 — a local church that is claiming to be identical 
 with the whole Church Universal. 
 
 25. THE ANGLO-NORMAN PERIOD. 
 
 The new period is that of the Anglo-Normans, 
 but it includes the century of transition, which was 
 not complete when the Angevine dynasty came in. 
 We shall only note the great changes it created in 
 the Anglican Church, and the debasement of its 
 Nicene position. 
 
 It introduced an entirely new class of ideas, for 
 with French and Italian priests came a Latinizing 
 process which, by and by, subjected the Anglican 
 Church to the Roman pontiff; never so, however, 
 as to rob it of its identity as the Church of Eng- 
 land, or to absorb it into the Italian, or Ultramon- 
 tane, system of passive subjection. The terribly 
 sincere Hildebrand was now carrying the as- 
 sumptions of the Decretals to their logical con- 
 sequences, and in him the fraudulent decrees of
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 1 99 
 
 Nicholas reached their highest mark. Gregory en- 
 deavoured to establish a universal Paparchy. This 
 level of culmination was maintained by the fero- 
 cious Innocent III. 1 (a. d. 1198), and subsequently 
 till we reach the fourteenth century under Boni- 
 face VIII., the last of those despotic pontiffs who 
 successfully enforced the Decretals. The reaction 
 was then begun. But it was precisely when the 
 Hildebrandine epoch was successfully transforming 
 the Latin churches into a system of ecclesiastical 
 satrapies, that England was Normanized. Hilde- 
 brand sanctioned the invasion of William. His 
 purpose and policy are evident. This remnant of 
 the Nicene Constitutions must be absorbed. He 
 who forced Henry, the Emperor, to kneel at his 
 gate amid the snows of Canossa, and whose new 
 position was marked by an edict claiming the title 
 of " Pope " as no longer to be applied to other 
 patriarchs or bishops, now proposed to subject 
 England to the Paparchy. 
 
 26. THE NEW EPISCOPUS AB EXTRA. 
 
 I have not called William " the Conqueror," for 
 our forefathers were not conquered when Harold 
 was overcome. It was a duel between two claim- 
 ants of the English throne, neither of whom had a 
 well-defined right. But William was the nominee of 
 Edward the Confessor, and came in as his regular 
 successor, swearing to maintain the laws and insti- 
 tutions of the English, which, with all his rude and 
 cruel ideas, he did in many respects quite effectu- 
 1 See Note U".
 
 200 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ally. I do not wholly share the feeling of those 
 who see in him only the brutal " Bastard" and 
 despot. Happily, he was bred in the Gallican 
 school of ecclesiasticism, and had imbibed some 
 ideas from Charlemagne, as we shall soon see. 
 What St. Louis did for France in a later age, 
 William allowed the Church of England to do, 
 promptly and vigorously, at this crisis. In fact, 
 when Henry VIII. was called upon by the estates 
 of his realm to " reassume " the ancient rights and 
 privileges of his crown, he did little more than re- 
 vive the laws of the Church and the land, as they 
 were maintained at this time, even under the pon- 
 tificate of Hildebrand. This will soon appear from 
 the facts I shall note. 
 
 27. THE FOREIGN ARCHBISHOPS. 
 
 During the four Anglo-Norman reigns, there 
 were five Archbishops of Canterbury. The first 
 two were Italians ; the other three were French- 
 men. By education and in habits of life the Italian 
 primates were, of course, more or less Norman- 
 ized ; for Lanfranc and Anselm were taken from 
 the monastery of Bee. To make way for the for- 
 mer, Stigand, in heart a non-juror, after four years, 
 was deposed. William would not be crowned by 
 him, but gave that honour to another. He be- 
 longed to the Anglo-Saxons, and did not fancy 
 the invasion ; but he was not, apparently, what an 
 English primate should have been at such a mo- 
 ment. It is important, and very creditable to Wil- 
 liam, to note that, besides Stigand, only two or 
 three of the Anglo-Saxon bishops were deprived.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 201 
 
 28. THE GREAT LANFRANC. 
 
 For Lanfranc I feel a tender and almost affec- 
 tionate respect. He was a humble-minded, but, 
 all the more, a great bishop. Born in 1'avia, he 
 had been nurtured in Ghibelline ideas; he was 
 therefore, naturally, of Hincmar's school, and ac- 
 cepted the traditions of Frankfort. The Decretals, 
 it is true, had now during two centuries been trans- 
 forming the Latin canons, and he no more doubted 
 their authority than he did that of the Gospels. 
 He was a personal friend of Hildebrand, and loved 
 him. All the more may we wonder that he suc- 
 cessfully opposed that gigantic creator of pontifi- 
 cal despotism, and stood in the eleventh century 
 under William I. just about where, in the sixteenth, 
 we shall find Archbishop Warham with his con- 
 vocation under Henry VIII. Let us note some of 
 the landmarks which Lanfranc would not suffer 
 even Gregory to remove. 
 
 29. OLD LANDMARKS. 
 
 Hardly had William seated himself on his throne 
 when Gregory made his first move of aggression. 
 W'illiam was in debt to him for encouraging his in- 
 vasion, and he had invited Gregory to accept his re- 
 ward. Consequently two Roman cardinals appear 
 on the scene as Legates, and were bold enough to 
 introduce an unprecedented assault upon Anglican 
 liberties, summoning the bishops and clergy to a 
 council at Winchester. Here Stigand was deposed, 
 most uncanonically. 1 However, Lanfranc waited 
 
 1 Like Sancroft, under William III.
 
 202 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 for no bulls from Gregory, but was duly conse- 
 crated by eight of his comprovincials, thus per- 
 petuating the ancient succession. Nor did he wait 
 for a pall from Rome to assume his authority as a 
 metropolitan. Note, therefore, that even under 
 Hildebrand no such formalities were of any ac- 
 count in England. Palls had been sent since Au- 
 gustine's time, but with no other apparent motive 
 than that of patriarchal recognition. But if Wil- 
 liam had paid off Gregory in a matter which suited 
 his own convenience, when he wanted to get rid 
 of Stigand, he was now inclined to show himself 
 an English king, and to resist further aggression. 
 The papal legate, Hubert, in the name of the pon- 
 tiff, demanded two things,— (i) the payment of 
 Peter-pence, said to be in arrears, and (2) homage, 
 as from a vassal to his suzerain. William, per- 
 haps, did not know that Peter-pence, as such, had 
 not been paid by former kings. Under them the 
 tribute was paid for the support of their own Eng- 
 lish college at Rome. Nevertheless, he was will- 
 ing to settle the cash account without dispute. As 
 to the homage, he growled out a reply worthy of 
 the bluff Harry Tudor: "Homage to thee I do 
 not choose to do ; I never promised it, nor do I 
 find that it was ever done by my predecessors to 
 thine." 
 
 30. AN ANGLICAN PRIMATE. 
 
 Gregory had relied on Lanfranc to support this 
 claim, and he now reproached his friend, as forget- 
 ting the feelings he had formerly professed, of 
 devotion to him and the Roman see. If William
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 203 
 
 was an English king, Lanfranc now rose to his 
 position as an English primate, and replied, " I 
 am ready to yield to your commands in every- 
 thing according to the canons." Here was the 
 noteworthy difference between the Papacy, as in- 
 terpreted by Gallicans and Anglicans, and that 
 Paparcliy which Gregory was trying to stretch 
 over all the churches, but of which England as 
 yet knew nothing. This latter could not be, even 
 nominally, reconciled with Nicene canons. Lan- 
 franc further said, that he had advised William to 
 do as the Pope desired, adding, however, curtly and 
 tartly, in the true Anglican spirit: "The reason 
 why he utterly rejects your proposal he has him- 
 self made known to your legate orally, and to 
 yourself by letter." This was not what the tamer 
 of kings and superiors could put up with from an 
 Anglican primate. Thank God, he found in Lan- 
 franc one who would not go to Canossa. It is 
 most important as a landmark to note the pontifi- 
 cal assumptions and the Anglican position at this 
 juncture. Thus then wrote Hildebrand to Lan- 
 franc: "Take care to make your appearance at 
 Rome, within four months from this date. . . . 
 Thus may you make amends for a disobedience we 
 have so long overlooked. If these apostolic man- 
 dates are unheeded, . . . know this for certain, 
 yon shall be severed from the grace of St. Peter, 
 and utterly stricken by his authority ; ... in other 
 words, you shall be wholly suspended from your 
 episcopal office." What happened? Here was 
 the Paparchy (a. D. 1081), and where was Angli- 
 canism at that date? Dean Hook tells the whole
 
 204 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 story in a line: "The Archbishop of Canterbury 
 did not go, and Lanfranc was not suspended." 
 
 31. CYPRIOTE AUTONOMY. 
 
 In other words, the Church of England was 
 still a Nicene church, and stood upon the ancient 
 canons. It was just at this time that the Em- 
 peror had called a council at Brixen, in the Tyrol, 
 which, in the spirit of Frankfort, had deposed 
 Gregory and elected an antipope calling him- 
 self Clement III. Note, then, another proof that 
 neither the Church in England, nor its primate, 
 imagined that communion with the Pope was re- 
 quisite to Catholic communion; for in this great 
 matter Lanfranc took no pains to be in com- 
 munion with Gregory, nor was he even influenced 
 by Gregory's threat of excommunication " from 
 the grace of Peter " to seek relief under the rival 
 pontiff. To foreign inquiries upon the subject he 
 returned this cool and truly English reply, as if 
 with the Cypriote canon in his mind : " Our island 
 has not yet rejected Gregory, but it has not de- 
 cided upon tendering obedience to Clement: when 
 both sides have been heard, we shall be better 
 qualified to come to a resolution in the case." He 
 speaks with calm indifference, but rather as an 
 umpire than as a subject. There are abundant 
 proofs that, even at this date, the Anglican Church 
 was everywhere recognized as maintaining an ex- 
 ceptional position, other than that of the Latin 
 churches connected with " the Holy Roman Em- 
 pire." Seventeen years later, at the Council of
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 20 5 
 
 Bari, A. D. 1098, when Anselm's spare and modest 
 figure was hidden from Urban II., at a humble 
 distance from his throne, he cried out, " Anselm, 
 father and master, where art thou ? " When he 
 very meekly advanced, the pontiff gave him a priv- 
 ileged seat, and added, " We include him indeed 
 in our cecumene, 1 but as the pope of another cecu- 
 tnene" Whatever meaning he may have attached 
 to his almost prophetic words, it is evident that 
 he regarded him as a patriarch, and as somewhat 
 which others were not. Lanfranc, I suppose, 
 speaks of " our island " in that very sense : orbis 
 alter, another cecumene, no part of the Roman 
 Empire. 
 
 32. ANGLICAN LIBERTIES ASSERTED. 
 
 Under William and this great primate what were 
 called Gallican maxims two centuries later were 
 thus laid down as Anglican liberties: — (1.) The 
 Carolingian position of the royal supremacy was 
 maintained ; the king, like Charles and Constan- 
 tine, was eveqite an dcJwrs, the principle afterwards 
 restored under Warham, and less practically re- 
 affirmed under Louis XIV. just six hundred years 
 from the times we are now considering. Yet fools 
 and knaves affirm perpetually that this was an in- 
 vention of Henry VIII. (2.) If two or more popes 
 were claimants of St. Peter's throne, the right of 
 choosing his pope was vested in the king. This 
 defeats all such ideas as were formulated at Trent, 
 
 1 " Orbis " seems here to have this significance. See William of 
 Malmesbury (ed. Migne), p. 1493.
 
 206 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 or decreed by the late pontiff. (3.) When the 
 true Pope had been thus ascertained, none of his 
 briefs or bulls were to be published in England 
 till approved by the king. (4.) No ecclesiastic, if 
 summoned to Rome, should be permitted to obey 
 without the king's permission. We have seen by 
 Lanfranc's conduct that he may have dictated 
 this safeguard against papal aggression. (5.) The 
 Church of England, in council under the primate, 
 might make no canons without the royal consent. 
 (6.) The Anglican Church in council, with such 
 consent, might regulate her own officers and pre- 
 scribe her own liturgy. Under this ancient im- 
 munity the " Use of Salisbury " was now set forth 
 as a model, and to this the Church of England re- 
 verted at the Restoration under Elizabeth. Note 
 the essential identity of the Church under Wil- 
 liam I. and under the later Tudors. 
 
 33. THE GREAT ANSELM. 
 
 Anselm, who succeeded Lanfranc, was more of 
 an Italian, and, though a great theologian and a 
 holy man, he was a mischievous primate. Nobody 
 makes more mischief than a saint at heart, who is 
 practically wrong-headed. The new king enforced 
 the Anglican liberties, but the primate compro- 
 mised them as far as he could, though he had 
 received his investiture from the sovereign in con- 
 tempt of the Roman court. Moreover, he had 
 received his consecration from bishops not then in 
 communion with the pontiff, whom he at the time, 
 and the king afterward, called " the true Pope."
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 207 
 
 In Anselm this is most noteworthy. When, at a 
 later date, he compromised himself in concessions 
 to the pontiff, the bishops and clergy of England, 
 in the true spirit of A. D. 1530, declared that, rather 
 than concede the temporal supremacy to the Pope, 
 they would expel Anselm and " break off all con- 
 nection with the Roman see." 1 To the Pope him- 
 self the king wrote a letter, deprecating any as- 
 sumption on his part " which would drive him to 
 the extreme measure of renouncing all intercourse 
 with the see of Rome." It is clear that the Papar- 
 chy had not quite clutched England into its grip. 
 For this no thanks to Anselm, who induced William 
 Rufus to give up more than was due, in the matter 
 of investiture, though not by any means all that 
 Rome claimed. Still, when a Roman legate landed 
 at Dover, to exercise legatine powers over Eng- 
 land, arousing a universal outcry against such an 
 unheard of papal aggression, Anselm maintained 
 the Anglican liberties, and packed the legate off 
 to Calais in summary disgrace. 
 
 34. INTRUSION OF LEGATES. 
 
 After the decease of this holy man, whose mis- 
 takes were honest convictions, derived from his 
 training and from the times in which he lived, the 
 see was kept vacant for five years, though admin- 
 istered by Ralph d'Escures, Bishop of Rochester, 
 who was then elected to the primacy, after an ex- 
 traordinary contest, in A. D. 11 14. We are now 
 
 1 Anselm (ed. Migne), iv. 4. p. 203. See also Hook's Arch- 
 bishops of Canterbury, vol. ii. p. 239.
 
 208 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 in the twelfth century, and this action is most sig- 
 nificant of contempt for the popedom, for which 
 two claimants, if not three, were struggling. The 
 Anglican bishops would not have another Anselm ; 
 the king enabled them to choose one who was re- 
 solved to maintain the Anglican liberties. Soon 
 after, he asserted his prerogative, and recognized 
 Calixtus II., a Frenchman, who proved as treach- 
 erous to England as any Italian could have been. 
 Ralph lived to crown the next Norman king, and 
 William of Corbeuil succeeded to the primacy. A 
 contemporary says, " Of his merits nothing can be 
 said, for he had none." The state of Europe was 
 frightful : Pope and Antipope, between whom all 
 Europe was under an anathema, were now liter- 
 ally in arms, and one of them in person was con- 
 tending as a soldier. Then came a melancholy 
 concession. The new archbishop permitted him- 
 self to be appointed the papal legate over England 
 and Scotland, for he was weak enough not to see 
 that, while this seemed to place him under no Iega- 
 tine superior, it was placing the Church of Eng- 
 land in new relations to the Papacy. He crowned 
 Stephen, and was soon after succeeded by Theo- 
 bald, the third Abbot of Bee, who had been called 
 to the English primacy. This primate also ac- 
 cepted a legatine position, thus letting into Eng- 
 land the Paparchy by the thin end of a wedge that 
 was destined to be driven deeper and deeper by 
 sledge-hammers. In the next reign we shall see 
 the consequences. The next legate, as might have 
 been foreseen, was not the primate.
 
 THE CHURCH OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 20Q 
 
 35. WHERE WE STAND. 
 
 Our period includes the reign of the first Plan- 
 tagenet, when the Decretalist system became dom- 
 inant in England under the new code of Gratian. 
 The reign of Stephen had been inglorious, but he 
 sustained the principle of his predecessors, when 
 he refused to permit his bishops to leave the king- 
 dom on the summons of Eugenius III. to his coun- 
 cil at Rheims. Theobald disobeyed him, and was 
 punished ; but, good man though he was, he shows 
 what peril there is in trusting great and sacred in- 
 terests to pious imbecility. The Anglo-Norman 
 dynasty ends in an ignominious surrender of princi- 
 ples which were soon found to have subjected it to 
 all the fraudulent impositions of Nicholas. These 
 were just now framed into the canon law by Gra- 
 tian, and what were claims before were henceforth 
 canons, overriding all that Anglicans had known 
 by that name. The landmarks, however, had been 
 providentially set up, and the Anglican liberties 
 were recognized by Pope Paschal himself, when 
 (a.d. 1 1 18) he complained to the bishops and 
 clergy of England of their independent spirit in the 
 following words : " Without advising us, you de- 
 termine all ecclesiastical affairs within yourselves ; 
 call councils by your own authority; without our 
 consent give sees to bishops by translation, and 
 suffer no appeals to be made to us." Yes, precisely 
 so, thank God ! And so stood the Anglican Church 
 in the second half of the twelfth century, and all 
 this she regained in the sixteenth; which proves 
 that the Paparchy held its usurped sway over the 
 
 u
 
 210 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Church of England only for four hundred years, 
 more or less, — years in which it was never undis- 
 puted nor even unambiguously received. Leave 
 out these four centuries, and we have fourteen of 
 Nicene freedom, and, in good degree, of Nicene 
 truth and purity. Which, then, is the church of 
 our forefathers, and which the old religion?
 
 LECTURE VII. 
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 
 
 i. THE TRANSITION YET INCOMPLETE. 
 
 OUT of Lake Leman comes the " arrowy- 
 Rhone," beautiful as light from the clear 
 blue sky. You may have stood on the little 
 promontory where the Arve issues forth to meet 
 it, — a red torrent from the Alps, once the crys- 
 tal of melted snows but now arrayed like a papal 
 legate. How the purer river writhes and refuses to 
 be tainted ! how the red ruffian presses and pushes 
 it to the wall ! Still the Rhone keeps up the 
 contest as best he may. For a time he holds his 
 own, but, alas ! the red wins, and the sapphire dis- 
 appears. What is visible to the common eye is no 
 longer the blue Rhone, but only the blood-coloured 
 Arve. Is the nobler river lost? By no means. It 
 becomes the Rhone again, and rolls on superbly, 
 through the broad lands where Irenaeus planted 
 the Gospel, under the walls of Lyons and Aries, 
 and so to the sea. Behold a parable, that illus- 
 trates the Nicene Church in England, in her origi- 
 nal glory and in her restored identity. 
 
 We have not yet reached the point where the 
 stream runs red, precisely. To drop the figure, 
 we must give a full century to the mischief done
 
 212 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 by the Norman primate who became a nominal 
 " legate," and so let in the foreign element. 1 As 
 yet the struggle is kept up. The Normans are 
 pushing the English aside, and they give way little 
 by little. Here comes the first Plantagenet. 
 
 2. THE PLANTAGENETS. 
 
 But it was still the Normans under another 
 name. When Henry II. has reigned twelve years, 
 the Norman century is complete, and so is the 
 Transition Period. Its landmark is found in the 
 date of the " Constitutions of Clarendon " ; not 
 their acceptance in A. D. 1163, but their arrogant 
 rejection in behalf of the Papacy two years later. 
 Let us see how things stand, just here. 
 
 The moment of Henry's accession is marked by 
 an event till then without example, and never du- 
 plicated since. An Englishman is made Pope, — 
 Nicholas Breakspear his honest Saxon name, but 
 he is known as Adrian IV. Such an event was 
 enough to turn the head of every ambitious priest 
 in England. What might not happen next? The 
 son of a London merchant, who had mingled his 
 blood with that of a Saracen wife in the veins of his 
 boy, proved just the character to be fired by such an 
 event. The lad was sent to Italy for his education, 
 where he had for his tutor that Gratian who com- 
 pounded the Decretals with the Canon Law. This 
 remarkable youth had become the Primate of all 
 England when he subscribed the Constitutions; 
 but in two years he not only recanted, but excom- 
 
 1 Supra, page 208.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTOKA TION. 2 1 3 
 
 municated everybody that maintained them. But 
 England did not recant. The Constitutions were 
 destined to grow with her growth, and strengthen 
 with her strength. There was in them a principle 
 of life; they proved that native liberties died hard, 
 — nay, were not doomed to die. The Constitutions 
 were not pillars of the Church, but they were but- 
 tresses, and shored up her holy walls from outside. 
 In the conflicts that followed, we cannot wholly 
 sympathize with either party. Henry had pre- 
 scribed the Constitutions, because they strength- 
 ened his powers to control the Church, under col- 
 our of the old Anglo-Saxon constitutions. Becket 
 resisted his encroachments on the Anglican lib- 
 erties ; and so far, so good. But he did so to 
 transfer us, hand and foot, to the Papacy, which 
 was now a Paparchy also, wherever the new Canon 
 Law was received. Such was the crisis, and thus 
 the Constitutions of Clarendon become a land- 
 mark of vast significance. Feeble in themselves, 
 they yet embodied the free principles of Frankfort 
 and of Alcuin, capable though they were of abuse 
 under a bad king. Enough, Becket detested them. 
 With papal approval, he mounted the pulpit on 
 Whit-Sunday at Vezelay, in France, and with dra- 
 matic pomp pronounced his anathemas. He read 
 the Constitutions, and excommunicated the King's 
 ministry who had framed them. The bells were 
 rung backward, crosses turned upside down, and 
 torches extinguished. King Henry was called 
 upon to repent, or to expect a like anathema upon 
 his own head.
 
 214 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 3. THE SUBMISSION. 
 
 The Hildebrandine policy had triumphed, and 
 the Anglican Church was under the Paparchy. No 
 need to follow out the tragedy of the personal con- 
 flict between prince and primate. Every school- 
 boy knows how Henry at last compassed the murder 
 of Becket, and with what heroic fortitude he fell. 
 Our pictured primers of history made even child- 
 hood familiar with the penitent Henry, prostrate 
 at Becket's tomb, and flogged on his bare back 
 by grinning monks and acolytes. No doubt he 
 deserved it, and possibly kings were not made any 
 worse by finding that there was a power on earth 
 that could "lay their honour in the dust" Hence 
 the fallacy that enables a certain class of writers to 
 eulogize the Popes. They miss the point. The 
 horse, to be revenged on the stag, in ^Esop, was 
 delighted to call in a man and to submit to the 
 saddle, while the man punished his enemy. This 
 done, the horse was greatly obliged to his rider, 
 and wished him farewell. But no, he was saddled 
 for life, and stalled besides, a slave to his deliverer. 
 So, at this period, whoever called in the Pope to 
 punish a tyrant soon found that he had a rider 
 on his back whose little finger was heavier than a 
 prince's loins. 
 
 Before this long reign came to a close, one inci- 
 dent is a token of vitality. The primate Baldwin 
 was arrogantly overruled by the pontiff, so sudden 
 was his assumption of power over the metropol- 
 itan. The good primate took no notice of the 
 aggression, but legates were sent from Rome with
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 21$ 
 
 mandates, inhibitions, and excommunications. The 
 parochial clergy rose to uphold their primate, and 
 fearlessly proclaimed to their flocks that such a 
 sentence from foreign parts had no force in Eng- 
 land. Yet the yoke of the Decretals was upon her. 
 Not by any action of hers, not by any definition 
 of pontifical powers or rights, but passively, she 
 became as the strong ass of Issachar, " couching 
 down between two burdens," — the burden of the 
 Norman invaders and the far heavier pack of the 
 papal usurpation. 
 
 4. TWO FORCES. 
 
 Henceforth we have two organized forces in 
 conflict, more or less, without rest, for four cen- 
 turies. I cannot affect neutrality in such a quarrel. 
 When, in all the light of what followed, I find the 
 foreign usurpation uniformly labouring to destroy 
 the Nicene Constitutions, the ancient liberties of the 
 Anglican Church, the purity of the Holy Gospels, 
 and the dearest rights of humanity in the household 
 and in the state, I take my stand without a doubt 
 as to the right. These conflicts are my conflicts. 
 My forefathers fought them out in my behalf. In 
 the long struggles of the Anglican Church I read the 
 history of our own Church, and my spiritual and in- 
 tellectual origin. I am identified with past genera- 
 tions, and with all who frame their thought. Here 
 are my own antecedents. If I had lived in those 
 times, I should have been involved in all the diffi- 
 culties of my sires. I should have shared their 
 ignorance, their honest credulity, their enslave-
 
 2 1 6 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ment to the Decretals, their gross superstitions. 
 How should I have acted ? Where should I have 
 been found ? Thanks to God, I lived not then. 
 
 5. THREE CLASSES INVOLVED. 
 
 Here comes in room for humility, charity, and 
 large consideration. I see three classes of char- 
 acters : (1) honest, faithful men, no wiser than 
 their age, doing their best in the gross darkness, 
 and feeling after light; (2) men, apparently bad, 
 and working for worldly ends to make night darker 
 and bad worse ; and (3) elect spirits, called of God 
 to be witnesses for Him, according to their ability, 
 and to work out deliverance for his people. Here, 
 then, I must "judge righteous judgment," or " judge 
 nothing before the time." I must hesitate to con- 
 demn my brother man ; but I must not restrain 
 my sympathy with all that has contributed to my 
 precious inheritance of light and freedom, and all 
 spiritual riches in Christ and His Gospel. I hate 
 lies; I hate power based upon imposture; I hate 
 the corrosions and corruptions which divested the 
 Latin churches of their Nicene character and their 
 ancient liberties. This is the spirit which inspires 
 me to speak, and in sympathy with which I ask 
 you to trace the Anglican Restoration to its sources, 
 and to follow me thence till it is crowned, by the 
 marked providence of God, not merely with suc- 
 cess, but with such developments of strength and 
 of fruitfulness as have made our restored estate a 
 blessing to mankind.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 21 7 
 
 6. INNOCENT III. 
 
 After the Lion-hearted Richard comes the great 
 crisis of the West. Lothaire had just mounted the 
 papal throne as Innocent III. By him what Nich- 
 olas created and Hildebrand's credulity developed 
 with logical force into Titanic proportions was 
 rendered yet more practical, and was augmented 
 by theological decrees more corrosive than had 
 yet been imagined. Provincial canons were ele- 
 vated into dogmas of the faith ; subtleties of Aris- 
 totle, coloured by Averroes, were made the base 
 of his new theology. Even Gregory VII. had not 
 accepted transubstantiation, but now it was to be 
 identified with worship and enforced as doctrine. 
 Worse than all as an instrument of papal despot- 
 ism came the torture of confession, no longer volun- 
 tary, but bound upon conscience by penalties of 
 excommunication and the refusal of Christian burial. 
 The " ear of Dionysius " was appropriated by a 
 Christian pontiff, and he proclaimed it to be the ear 
 of Him " to whom all hearts are open, and from 
 whom no secrets are hid." Kings and queens, 
 princes and peasants, must obey. Every soul in 
 Western Christendom was now brought into per- 
 sonal relations with the power to which the Decre- 
 tals had led them to believe all power was given. 
 The keys of life and death, of heaven and hell, 
 were in his hand ; he could dispense the divine re- 
 wards and chastisements with arbitrary sovereignty. 
 Western Europe was thus reduced to one great 
 parish, in which he alone was rector ; all bishops 
 and priests were but his curates ; he was universal
 
 2l8 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 bishop and lord paramount over the souls and bod- 
 ies of men. To fulminate cruel excommunications 
 and to lay national churches under interdict was 
 his pastime. He assumed all the responsibility for 
 devastating whole races when he turned the cru- 
 sades against Christians, and devoured by fire and 
 sword the unhappy Vaudois and Albigenscs. 1 Un- 
 der an imbecile and unprincipled king, England 
 was now to share in the blessings of such " another 
 gospel." 
 
 7. THE EBB OF THE NORMANS. 
 
 But one happy event gave things a better cast 
 for the future. Normandy fell to the French 
 kings ; troops of Normans went to look after their 
 estates and this foreign influence began to wane. 
 I remember well when Hanover, by the operation 
 of the Salic law, fell away from the English sover- 
 eign by the death of William the Fourth. The crown 
 of Hanover was borne in pomp at his funeral, and 
 then the wicked Duke of Cumberland carried it 
 with him to his petty dominion. It was the symbol 
 of departing Hanoverianism, that nightmare of our 
 Church. When Charles I. packed off " his Moun- 
 seers," — the French priests who had tormented his 
 life by meddling with everything in his house, from 
 the scullery to his queen's bed-chamber, — he closed 
 his despatch with the words, " And so the Devil go 
 with them." I cannot adopt such language in the 
 imperative mood ; but indicatively, I think much 
 evil went with the Normans, though, as they left 
 1 See Note V".
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 2IO, 
 
 King John, there was sure to be no particular need 
 of any other personal attention to mischief-making. 
 By strong reaction, the Anglican spirit revived ; and 
 what Shakespeare puts into the mouth of the King 
 to illustrate his lucid intervals, began to be indeed 
 the rising spirit of the Church and people. To the 
 papal legate, he is made to say: — 
 
 " Thou canst not, Cardinal, devise a name 
 So slight, unworthy, and ridiculous 
 To charge me to an answer, as the Pope. 
 Tell him this tale ; and from the mouth of England 
 Add thus much more, — that no Italian priest 
 Shall tithe or toll in our dominions. . . . 
 Though you and all the kings of Christendom 
 Are led so grossly by this meddling priest, 
 Dreading the curse that money may buy out, 
 And by the merit of vile gold, dross, dust, . . . 
 Purchase corrupted pardon of a man, 
 Who in that sale sells pardon from himself, 
 Yet I alone, alone do me oppose 
 Against the Pope, and count his friends my foes." 
 
 Shakespeare makes no mistake in putting this 
 ambiguously into the mouth of " England," at the 
 crisis which, in spite of the Pope and the King to- 
 gether, gave us the Magna CJiarta. 
 
 8. ARCHBISHOP LANGTON. 
 
 The best thing Innocent ever did was done by 
 mistake ; for he made Stephen Langton Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury. To do this he set aside all 
 laws, human and divine, annulling the King's ap- 
 pointment and the election at Canterbury; so that 
 this best gift to the Church of England came by one 
 of his worst acts of iniquity. He had known Lang-
 
 220 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ton in Paris, where they were youths together, and 
 hoped his old friend would prove the tool of his 
 further aggressions. In this, happily, he was mis- 
 taken. However, for a time the mischief makes 
 head. John would not accept Langton, and the 
 whole kingdom wakes up to a sense of its enslave- 
 ment, when it finds itself subjected to a papal in- 
 terdict. "As for sermons," says the witty Fuller, 
 " laziness and ignorance had long before interdicted 
 them ; but now no prayers, no mass, no singing of 
 service." Millions of simple souls were thus made 
 to suffer loss of all the means of grace ; no church 
 bells rung, church doors were shut: no sacra- 
 ments could be ministered save in special cases to 
 the dying ; none could be married ; none could 
 have Christian burial. Corpses were thrown into 
 ditches without prayers, nor could Langton's inter- 
 cession for his people prevail with the pontiff to 
 have service once a week in parish churches. Even 
 " the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel," but 
 here was the sole shepherd of Christ's sheep on 
 earth far more cruel than they. The King had 
 offended him : he takes from a whole unoffending 
 people the means of salvation. For a whole year 
 this reign of terror went on. The English nation, 
 panic-stricken, began to feel where they were, and 
 "from what height fallen." But Innocent had 
 lately excommunicated the Roman Emperor, and 
 now he absolved all subjects from allegiance to 
 King John, excommunicated him by name, and 
 gave to any invader, with absolution from all his 
 sins, a license to conquer England and make it a 
 dependency of some foreign crown. Five years
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 221 
 
 such a state of things continued, when the scenes 
 so wonderfully dramatized by Shakespeare became 
 history. He had received his crown on the Feast 
 of the Ascension ; and now a hermit of Yorkshire 
 broached the terrible prophecy, 
 
 ". . .in rude harsh-sounding rhymes, 
 That, ere the next Ascension day at noon, 
 His highness should deliver up his crown." 
 
 9. ENGLAND A FIEF OF ROME. 
 
 Anselm had opened the door to the next step, 
 and Pandulph appears on the scene, — an Italian 
 legate, as the consequence of an English one. On 
 Ascension day, King John on his knees resigns 
 his crown into the hands of the legate, " granting 
 to God and the Church of Rome, the Apostles 
 Peter and Paul, and to Pope Innocent III. and his 
 successors, the whole kingdom of England and 
 Ireland." For five whole days Innocent was sole 
 king of England, Pandulph holding the crown for 
 him. Then, in consideration of immense prom- 
 ises of tribute, John received it back, to be held 
 by him, but only as the Pope's vassal. This was 
 enough. The spirit of the early English revived. 
 The barons demanded of John a restoration of 
 Edward the Confessor's laws, and the liberties of 
 Church and State which he had sworn to observe. 
 But when he had promised to do better, he refused 
 of course to keep his promise. This just suited 
 Innocent, and so the Pope took his vassal under his 
 protection, and sent another legate, who with bell, 
 book, and candle excommunicated the nobility
 
 222 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 not only, but the primate himself. He was with 
 them, and in fact at their head. The interdict had 
 been removed ; but curses and excommunications 
 were the blessings which Rome still showered on 
 the land. 
 
 io. MAGNA CHARTA. 
 
 It is amid these scenes, and under the worst 
 of princes and the most cruel of popes, that lib- 
 erty begins to reappear. Stephen Langton drafts 
 Magna Charta, and its first sentence reads thus: 
 " The Church of England shall be free." Mark 
 that, — " the Church of England," her identity not 
 forfeited. Her ancient liberties are reaffirmed, and, 
 with other immortal principles of right, the pri- 
 mate and the barons, at Runnymede, in sight of 
 Windsor Castle, force the wretched King to accept 
 and confirm them. Of course he complies, and of 
 course he retracts. The Pope sustains his vassal, 
 and annuls the Great Charter. Just so ; but, all 
 the more, it lives ; it grows and strengthens ; it 
 makes terra firma for the English Constitution to 
 this day ; the eventual rejection of the Paparchy is 
 involved in it, and we in America, under the com- 
 mon law and our own constitutions, are the inher- 
 itors of its blessings. 
 
 ii. HENRY THE THIRD. 
 
 Henry III. accepted his crown under conditions 
 made by John, somewhat modified indeed, but 
 with promise of tribute. But he afterwards con- 
 firmed Magna Charta, and Stephen Langton made
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 22$ 
 
 him keep his promise for a time. He tries to 
 evade his pledges, but over and over again he is 
 brought to book. He invites a legate into Eng- 
 land to " reform the Church " ; that is, to make 
 it more subservient to the pontiffs. Groans and 
 grumblings are heard, and the legate withdraws. 
 From this reign we receive that sturdy expression 
 of attachment to " the common law," as we now 
 call it, Nolumiis leges Anglicemutari. So spoke our 
 forefathers to King and Pope alike. Even Henry 
 remonstrates against papal exactions ; but when 
 the threats of the pontiff extort eleven thousand 
 marks from the clergy, his avarice is satisfied for 
 a season. Langton dies, but the great Bishop 
 Grossetete survives to perpetuate his spirit. He 
 exposes the fact, that foreign priests sent into Eng- 
 lish benefices by the Pope gorge themselves with 
 church revenues more than three times as great as 
 those of the Crown. 
 
 The Plantagenets produced two or three of the 
 worst kings that England ever knew; but the 
 others were all great in their several ways, and 
 the dynasty, as such, has bequeathed inestimable 
 blessings to our race. Under the feeble kings, 
 the people grew strong; the nobler Plantagenets, 
 for one reason or another, worked with the people 
 in a long, determined resistance to the Paparchy. 
 Thus, with momentary intermissions, was kept 
 alive a continuons assertion of the ancient liberties, 
 summed up in the first sentence of the charter, — 
 " Ecclesia Anglic ana libera sit."
 
 224 
 
 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 12. TWO EDWARDS. 
 
 In Edward the First we come back to the name 
 of the Confessor, so dear to Anglo-Saxons, as one 
 of themselves. And Edward himself, with all his 
 Angevine faults, reflects in some particulars the 
 spirit of his people. He is inclined to be more 
 than half an Englishman. In subduing Wales and 
 humbling Scotland, he is not merely wielding the 
 hammer of the despotic aggressor, but is making 
 England out of Saxons and Britons, welding all 
 into unity, and, as the remote effect, creating 
 Great Britain. In his day the Paparchy passes 
 into the "privy paw" of Boniface VIII., who 
 " came in like a fox, ruled like a lion, and died 
 like a dog." His was the memorable bull Unam 
 Sanctam, which defined as " necessary to salva- 
 tion that every human soul should be subject 
 to the Pope of Rome," — of which more by and 
 by. He was hateful to the French king, whose 
 creature, Clement V., consigned his memory to 
 infamy, and strove to abolish his very name. The 
 Lord took the affair into his own hand, and there- 
 after the power of the pontiffs began to decline. 
 Boniface had found Edward too stout for him even 
 in his pitch of pride. When he claimed Scotland 
 as his own fief, and ordered Edward to sink his 
 claims and withdraw his troops, the heroic sover- 
 eign disdained his pretensions. More than that, 
 Edward's Statute of Mortmain, limiting the accu- 
 mulation of property by the " dead-hand" of cor- 
 porations, was perhaps the first practical retaliatory 
 blow that the Paparchy felt from England. His
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 225 
 
 poor son was sent to Wales to be born, and be- 
 came the first Prince of Wales by this cunning 
 stratagem : for Edward had promised the Welsh a 
 " faultless prince, and a native of their own soil." 
 See the portraits of father and son in the match- 
 less " Bard " of the poet Gray, which every student 
 of English history should learn by heart: — 
 
 " Mark the year and mark the night 
 When Severn shall re-echo with affright 
 The shrieks of death, through Berkeley's roof that ring, 
 Shrieks of an agonizing king." 
 
 Such the end of the second Edward's ignominy. 
 His reign is marked, however, by the rise of a 
 brilliant star in the horizon of darkness, for now 
 was born John Wiclif. 
 
 13. THE THIRD EDWARD. 
 
 Of the papal usurpation says quaint old Thomas 
 Fuller, 1 "It went forward until the Statute of Mort- 
 main. It went backward slowly when the Statute 
 of Provisors was made under Edward III. ; swiftly 
 when his Statute of Prczmnnire was made. It fell 
 down when the Papacy was abolished, in the reign 
 of Henry VIII." Thus he refers to the times of 
 the third Edward two of the great moves which 
 were fatal to the Paparchy. The stout Tudor 
 could have done nothing without them : so that 
 the Reformation did not actually begin when he fell 
 in love with Anne Boleyn. 2 
 
 1 Quoting, " Habent imperia suos terminos, hue cum venerint, 
 sistunt, retrocedunt, ruunt." — Vol. ii. p. 296. 
 2 See Note W". 
 
 IS
 
 226 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Grossetete — but as the Normans have gone 
 home, we will now talk English, and call him by 
 his honest Saxon name of Greathead — was a 
 century before his time when he exposed the enor- 
 mous abuse of Papal " Provisions." By this arti- 
 fice, the Pope provided for his favourites, Italians 
 or Frenchmen, and named them for bishoprics and 
 the like before they fell vacant. As soon as the in- 
 cumbent died, in marched the intruder and claimed 
 the place for its revenues, neglecting souls and 
 corrupting the clergy by bad example. Great- 
 head protested, and strove to reassert Anglican 
 principles of autonomy. He thus maintained the 
 principle, and what could not be done then was 
 practicable now. To the blow against Mortmain 
 came next the staunch Anglo-Saxon thrust at the 
 foreign usurper, called the " Statute of Provisors." 
 Three years later came the Praemunire, forbid- 
 ding appeals to Rome under heavy penalties. In 
 temporalities, the Reformation was begun already. 
 From an eminent English jurist 1 I quote as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 " The nation entertained violent antipathies against the 
 papal power. The Parliament pretended that the usurpa- 
 tions of the Pope were the causes of all the plagues, injuries, 
 famine, and poverty of the realm, were more destructive to 
 it than all the wars, and were the reason why it contained 
 not a third of the inhabitants and commodities which 
 it formerly possessed ; that the taxes levied by him ex- 
 ceeded five times those which were paid to the King ; 
 that everything was venal in that sinful city of Rome. 
 . . . The King was even petitioned by Parliament to 
 1 Stevens, editor of De Lolme.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 227 
 
 employ no churchman (i. e. no ecclesiastic) in any of- 
 fice of state, and they threatened to repel by force the 
 papal authority, which they could not, nor would, any 
 longer endure." 
 
 The clergy had been largely involved in the pa- 
 pal invasions, and under kings who favoured them 
 often sided with the pontiffs. So it had been 
 under the former Edwards. Just now the com- 
 mons were incensed against the Pope, and the King 
 courted his favour to balance himself against the 
 rising spirit of popular independence. We must 
 note all these things if we would understand how 
 thoroughly the progress of Reformation in Eng- 
 land was original with England ; how it began and 
 was making headway nearly two centuries before 
 Martin Luther was heard of. In temporals, as I 
 said, the work was begun already. Now let us 
 observe its spiritual history. 
 
 14. SPIRITUAL PROGRESS. 
 
 I have called Alcuin the last of the Fathers, 
 and Anselm the forerunner of the Schoolmen. I 
 have traced Scholasticism to Abelard and Arnold 
 of Brescia, and another side of it to Peter Lombard. 
 I know too little about him to speak of Erigena, 
 whom Alfred invited into England so long before 
 their day; and I am equally unable to express 
 an opinion of Albertus Magnus, to whom some 
 assign the chief glory after them. This premised, 
 I must add, that, for its good and for its evil, Eng- 
 land must bear the palm and share the blame. 
 " In England and by Englishmen," says an old
 
 228 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Latin writer, 1 " the scholastic theology had its ori- 
 gin, made its progress, and reached its zenith." 
 Alexander Hales (a. d. 1244) writes his "Body of 
 School Divinity " at the command of Innocent IV. 
 Aquinas and Bonaventure were his disciples. To 
 him succeeds the illustrious Roger Bacon, phi- 
 losopher, naturalist, and divine, whose foresight of 
 chemistry and other sciences made him a magi- 
 cian in the eyes of his fellow Franciscans. The 
 Pope shut him up in prison. John Duns Scotus 
 comes next: truly an imperial genius, belied by 
 his name in two ways, for Scotus means an Irish- 
 man, and Duns means that he was no dunce. He 
 was born at a place so called, and his great wis- 
 dom and learning led men to call a fool ironi- 
 cally a "Duns," — that is to say, a Duns in his 
 own conceit. The Thomists and the Scotists be- 
 came two schools after his day. Baconthorpe is 
 to be noted (a. d. 1346), because he maintained 
 at Rome, in spite of derision and insult, the great 
 principle that was long after to reach its practical 
 application in England, 2 that " the Pope has no 
 right to give dispensations for marriages unlawful 
 in Scripture." Here rises up the bold figure of 
 William Occam, 3 who defended the Emperor 
 against the Pope, saying, " Protect me with thy 
 sword, and I will defend thee with my words." 
 All that was needed by the Crown of England to 
 protect itself two centuries later, when the Papar- 
 chy was expelled, is laid down by this great divine. 
 The armory of the Anglican Restoration was be- 
 
 1 Alex. Minutianus. See Fuller, ii. 250. 
 
 2 See Note X". 3 A. D. 1327.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 2 29 
 
 coming formidable to Rome already. But, last of 
 all, let me name the holy Bradwardine, Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, in whom Alcuin seems to revive, 
 and Bede the Venerable as well. If Pelagius was 
 of British origin, now in this great man ample 
 amends were made by the later Church of Britain ; 
 for he not only maintained the doctrines of grace 
 against the Semi-Pelagianism that Rome has more 
 recently made into dogma, but his life was an 
 illustration of divine grace from first to last. He 
 was the mediaeval glory of the Anglican primacy, 
 and was called the Doctor Profundus, from his 
 great learning and deep thinking. Chaucer, forty 
 years later, ranks him with Boethius and with St. 
 Augustine. 
 
 15. OXFORD MEN. 
 
 All these were Oxford men, and all of that old 
 Merton College which every visitor beholds with 
 reverence as he walks in Christ-Church meadows. 
 But it is important to note how boldly and freely 
 they disputed on points which Rome itself had 
 not yet presumed to crystallize into her enormous 
 " Code of Belief," the product of her Trent Coun- 
 cil. Thus Scotus founded the Realist, and Occam 
 the Nominalist school ; both were Franciscans. 
 But after the great Dominican, Aquinas, who was 
 a liberal Realist, we ordinarily find the Domini- 
 cans of that persuasion. I only note, in passing, 
 how the position which Alcuin gave to the An- 
 glican Church was maintained by great Anglicans 
 even in these ages. Note also how strongly the 
 influence of English Schoolmen was exerted for a
 
 230 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 better future. Occam seems to have foreseen it; 
 he says of his works, " By means of our preludes 
 men of future times, zealous for truth, righteous- 
 ness, and the common weal, may have their atten- 
 tion drawn to many truths upon these matters, 
 which, at the present day, remain hidden from 
 rulers, councillors, and teachers, to the common 
 loss." 
 
 16. GREATHEAD. 
 
 Observe the continuity of spiritual and truly An- 
 glican life in the Church of England. In such 
 an age as that of Henry III. and Innocent IV., 
 see Greathead contending alike against prince and 
 pontiff, not as a proud ecclesiastic like Becket, but 
 as a spiritually-minded lover of souls, and of Christ, 
 their Saviour. He might even better have been 
 named Greatheart. Poet, man of letters, intrepid 
 pastor, and defender of the faith, — conceding a Gal- 
 lican primacy, but resisting pontifical supremacy, 
 — he is the very ideal of a Catholic, as far as in 
 his day it was possible to be. Books were rare ; 
 learning was fettered ; the canon law was based 
 on fables which none could confute. But there he 
 stood, a figure monumental. Bulls from Rome fell 
 harmless at his feet. The University of Oxford 
 bore witness concerning him, after he began to 
 be called St. Robert: " Never for the fear of any 
 man had he forborne to do any good action which 
 pertained to his office and duty. If the sword 
 had been unsheathed against him, he stood pre- 
 pared to die the death of a martyr." To such a 
 man, standing up for truth and right while pon-
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 23 I 
 
 tiffs were " making havoc of the Church," and 
 while kings were surrendering England in vassalage 
 to their remorseless grip, how much we owe under 
 God. Truly, what the Lord said of old of " Jona- 
 dab the son of Rechab," he seems to have said for 
 the Church of England : " She shall not want a 
 man to stand before me forever." 
 
 17. WICLIF. 
 
 We come to Wiclif. He was the first mover for 
 Restoration in England, who, as Occam had proph- 
 esied, saw something of the length and breadth of 
 its meaning. To him we owe it, under God, that 
 the Anglican Church took care of herself, as a con- 
 tinuous church, in continuous reforms, and made 
 no sudden break even with Rome. To him, the 
 Continent owes its " Reformation," so called ; for it 
 began with his pupils, and was only directed into 
 the ditch of divisions and of failure by the per- 
 verted genius of its great but wrangling doctors. 
 Of this by and by ; but I wish you to observe that 
 nothing can be more the reverse of truth than to 
 begin the Reformation with Luther, and to import 
 it into England, as if England borrowed her work 
 from his, or modelled it after any man's ideas, or 
 after any other standard than " Holy Scripture and 
 ancient authors." 
 
 18. THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE. 
 
 Now (A. D. 1362) the Norman-French ceases 
 in the law courts. Two of the greatest men of 
 genius that England ever knew took up the Eng-
 
 232 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 lish in its elements just here, and made it into lan- 
 guage. Chaucer created its poetry, and Wiclif its 
 prose. Well has it been noted that in its very origin 
 it was devoted to the Restoration, and identified 
 with its spirit. Chaucer in the court, Wiclif in the 
 university, and honest Piers Plowman from among 
 the people, consecrated its earliest syllables to the 
 revival of the Anglo-Saxon Church ; and when 
 Wiclif had given to our race the first English 
 Bible, he had laid the corner-stone of all that has 
 since given us the lead in Christendom. Blessed 
 be God for this baptism of the English tongue. 
 From its beginnings it is wedded to Truth ; and it 
 remains, of all the languages on earth, the hardest 
 to yoke with the tug-team of Falsehood, the most 
 incapable of being forged to falsehood or welded 
 with a lasting lie. 
 
 19. THE POPES OF AVIGNON. 
 
 Go back to Boniface VIII. , and his decree that 
 "it is necessary to every human soul to be in com- 
 munion with the Bishop of Rome." This discovery 
 was not made dogmatic by Rome itself till he for- 
 mulated it, 1 and immediately the bolt fell. God 
 reduced it to the absurd instantly, by making it 
 for nearly a century impossible for anybody to 
 know who or where the Bishop of Rome might be. 
 He raised up Philip the Fair, king of France, to 
 force the Popes out of Rome into his kingdom. 
 Philip burned one of the bulls of Boniface, refused 
 to recognize him as Pope, and influenced Benedict, 
 1 A. D. 1294.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 233 
 
 his successor, to reverse many of his decisions. It 
 is hard, therefore, to see how this can be reconciled 
 with any belief in the infallibility of either pope. 
 For nearly seventy years we have rival popes, one 
 at Rome and another at Avignon, and nobody 
 knows, to this day, which was the true pope and 
 which the pretender. The captivity of Avignon 
 ended in A. D. 1377. But things grew worse again 
 instantly ; for now intervenes what is called the 
 " Great Schism " of the Papacy, extending from 
 Urban VI., A.D. 1378, to Nicholas V., A. D. 1447. 
 An assortment of popes and antipopes thus di- 
 vide the allegiance of the Western churches for 
 one hundred and fifty years well-nigh. When 
 poor Joan of Arc was asked, as a test of her or- 
 thodoxy and her inspiration, to say which was 
 the true pope, " What ! " she answered, " is there 
 more than one?" The innocent peasant heroine 
 did not even know her peril. According to Boni- 
 face and Pius IX., the millions who knew not where 
 to find the infallible judge of controversies, and 
 made mistakes in all that period, are inevitably 
 damned. But what is a "judge of controversies" 
 worth, when, in a controversy so vital to human 
 souls, nobody knows where to find him? In view 
 of this dilemma, John Wiclif made up his mind 
 that it was not the will of Christ that "every 
 soul should be in communion with the Bishop 
 of Rome." 
 
 20. WICLIF'S ANTECEDENTS. 
 
 Reflect who and what this heroic spirit was. 
 The successor of the Schoolmen in Merton Col-
 
 234 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 lege, and the glory of the University, he knew all 
 the scholastics could teach him, and much more 
 besides. He was a natural philosopher and a can- 
 onist. Few knew any Greek till the next century, 
 but he was an expert in the Latin Fathers. In a.d. 
 1374 he is a doctor of theology, and about fifty 
 years of age. He had been already honoured in 
 the University in other ways. It seems probable 
 he had been a member of Parliament, and sustained 
 the remonstrances of the barons and others against 
 the Papacy. As an ardent patriot, he resisted the 
 papal nuncio in A.D. 1372, when he came to bleed 
 the land and the Church of England for his master. 
 In 1374 he is sent on a diplomatic embassy to 
 Bruges, with Sudbury, Bishop of London, and 
 with — 
 
 " Old John of Gaunt, time-honoured Lancaster." 
 
 Thus VViclif became a personal friend of a prince 
 of the blood, and found him a useful protector. 
 
 21. THE GOOD PARLIAMENT. 
 
 In the King's jubilee year (a. D. 1376), met " the 
 Good Parliament." Just four hundred years later, 
 Washington founded a nation ; but we may be 
 sure no such character as Washington could have 
 sprung up, worthy of Alfred and carrying out his 
 institutions in a new world, had there not been a 
 John Wiclif to make the Parliament " Good " by 
 his genius and by his personal presence. At this 
 moment he was the pride of his countrymen and 
 in the zenith of his influence. He soon made ene- 
 mies, because he undertook the great work for
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 235 
 
 which God had raised him up. Less popular he 
 became, no doubt; but vastly more mighty with 
 his age, and useful to his country not only, but to 
 the human race. 
 
 22. THE FIRST CITATION. 
 
 Wiclif was made rector of Lutterworth by gift 
 of the King in A. D. 1374. When the Parliament 
 of A. D. 1377 was opened, we find him summoned 
 before Courtenay, Bishop of London, at St. Paul's. 
 Accordingly there he stands, like another prophet, 
 tall and spare, in a black gown and girded about 
 his loins. Portraits represent Alcuin in just such 
 a costume. He wears a full beard, but his fine 
 forehead and features are enlivened by his clear 
 and searching eye. He is supposed to have borne 
 a staff in his hand. The Duke of Lancaster ap- 
 peared with him, and certain friars who were 
 bachelors of divinity. He was politely offered a 
 seat, but the Bishop of London insisted that he 
 must stand. Old John of Gaunt fired up, and had 
 so sharp a quarrel with Courtenay that the session 
 was adjourned before Wiclif had uttered a word. 
 The Lord stood by him and comforted him, no 
 doubt; but he could only look on in mute aston- 
 ishment, equally ashamed of his bishop and of his 
 fiery protector, who had not done him any good. 
 
 23. THE SECOND CITATION. 
 
 Wiclif was sustained by his University, when 
 Sudbury, his old colleague at Bruges, now Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury, was called upon by the Pope
 
 236 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 to proceed against him. Bulls came thick and fast 
 from Gregory XL, complaining that the Anglican 
 bishops were lukewarm. The Pope complained of 
 Wiclif and the evils of his teaching, and added: 
 " So far as we know, not a single effort has been 
 made to extirpate them. . . . You English prelates, 
 who ought to be defenders of the faith, have winked 
 at them." He was equally polite in his complaint 
 to the University, and he invoked the King to bestir 
 himself. The Mendicants had drawn up nineteen 
 propositions from his voluminous writings, which 
 they made " exceeding sinful," by their way of put- 
 ting it. Long afterward the Jesuits made out one 
 hundred and one heretical propositions from the 
 harmless pages of the pious Jansenists ; and just so 
 any malignant spirit could extract from Massillon 
 himself nineteen propositions to prove that he was 
 the author of the French Revolution. Here let me 
 say, once for all, that Wiclif was as little responsi- 
 ble for the Lollards as Massillon 1 is for the Jaco- 
 bins. Their founder, Peter Lolhard, suffered death 
 at Cologne two years before Wiclif was born. It 
 would be nearly as just to attribute the Chartists 
 of 1848 to the influence of Canon Kingsley. 
 
 24. LAMBETH. 
 
 The University resisted the bulls, and complained 
 of their violation of the constitution. When Sud- 
 bury mildly replied, that he refused to lay violent 
 hands on their doctor, and merely proposed to in- 
 stitute an inquiry, they acquiesced, and consented 
 1 See Note Y".
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 237 
 
 to co-operate. The offender, though not as a pris- 
 oner, was cited before the primate at Lambeth. 
 He obeyed, and one can see him as he stands in 
 that venerable chapel, where our first American 
 bishops knelt to be consecrated four hundred years 
 later. Well do I know the spot, for I was lodged 
 within a few feet of it at the last Lambeth confer- 
 ence, and daily went in and out to worship there. 
 This solemn history (and oh how much beside!) 
 often rose before me in the dead of night, as I lay 
 awake in what is called " the Lollard's Tower." 
 All London was on his side, and anon the crowd 
 clamoured about the doors, when, to the unspeak- 
 able relief of Sudbury, came a rescript from the 
 Queen Mother, the widow of the idolized Black 
 Prince, for a stay of proceedings. The primate, 
 with a gentle admonition advising him not to do 
 so again, allowed the doctor to go back to Lutter- 
 worth. He is said to have helped this result by 
 modifying some of his expressions. This may 
 have been a mere modifying of what the friars had 
 charged. If he did more, it only proves what I 
 have often insisted upon in behalf of the other 
 party, and what may be urged in behalf of the 
 good Sudbury himself, and of all earnest writers, 
 in times of great movements, viz. : They hardly 
 know where they stand themselves, between prac- 
 tical duty and theoretical views of truth. 
 
 25. THE FRIARS. 
 
 When the great endowed orders became grossly 
 corrupted, the Friars originated, with the good
 
 238 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 purpose of imitating the poverty of Christ and 
 reviving religion among the people. Great was 
 the good they seemed to do, when first they came 
 into England. The Popes, who had no taste for 
 poverty, or for primitive preaching, became their 
 enemies, and the pious Bradwardine had to defend 
 them. He bears his unanswerable testimony to 
 their zeal and fidelity to the souls of the masses. 
 The parochial clergy had neglected their duty, and 
 every Franciscan was a sort of Wesley, doing what 
 others had failed to do. But this soon passed 
 away. The friars came into England exempted 
 from all control of its bishops, and able to defy 
 the parish priests. The new system of confessions 
 threw immense gain into their hands. Even great 
 men were glad to confess to strolling mendicants, 
 who passed by and could not daily stare them in 
 the face. Hence the intense hatred between the 
 friars and the rectors, whose canonical functions 
 they usurped. In the end, the Popes used the fri- 
 ars for their own purposes, and the rectors became 
 more decidedly anti-papal. Chaucer takes their 
 part you remember. His portrait of the " Par- 
 doner" is one of the most remarkable word-pic- 
 tures in all poesy. His hair, yellow and hanging 
 smooth like " a strike of flax," overspreading his 
 shoulders ; his voice small as any goat's ; no beard ; 
 his wallet brim-full of pardons, " from Rome all 
 hot." He had a bit of Our Lady's veil, and a rag 
 of the sail of St. Peter's boat, — 
 
 " And in a glass he had a pigges bones. 
 And with these reliques, when that he fand 
 A poor person dwelling upon land,
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 239 
 
 He gat him more money in a day 
 Than that the parson got in months twaie. 
 Well could he read a lesson or a story, 
 But all the best he sang an offertory, 
 To win silver, as right well he could." 
 
 When you visit England, look at the gurgoyles 
 and crockets on the walls and towers of the old 
 churches. If it is a parish church, you will see, 
 perhaps, a friar caricatured in stone as a " wolf in 
 sheep's clothing " ; if it is an old chapel of the 
 Minorites, you will find the compliment returned 
 by a grotesque carving of a rector, with ears of an 
 ass, pretending to preach, while he can only bray. 
 
 26. WICLIF'S DEATH AND CHARACTER. 
 
 Wiclif has been charged with beginning his re- 
 forms by attacking the friars. The reverse is the 
 case, and we can only account for it because, as 
 identified with the parochial clergy, or meaning to 
 be so, he was wise enough not to take up a quarrel 
 which had become so degraded. Nevertheless, as 
 time went on, he was forced to expose the Mendi- 
 cants, and they were his envenomed assailants. A 
 third time Wiclif was cited before his superiors to 
 answer for himself, and on this occasion at the 
 Chapel of the Black Friars, which has been gratu- 
 itously imagined a special token that his judges 
 took their part. Again, however, our hero was 
 preserved from harm ; again he took his staff and 
 trudged back to Lutterworth, to go on with his 
 translation of the Scriptures. This great work 
 appeared in 1382. In 1384, as he was devoutly 
 worshipping in his parish church, on Innocents'
 
 240 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 day, and just as the consecrated host was ele- 
 vated, he fell in a paralysis. On the last day of 
 that year his spirit returned to God who gave it. 
 Let the great poet, who knew him well, bear his 
 testimony to so great a benefactor of mankind, in 
 his inimitable portrait of a good priest, in the days 
 of Edward III. and Richard, the last Plantagenet. 
 I must slightly modernize it to make it intelligible. 
 
 "A good man was ther of religioun, 
 And was a poor Parson of a town, 
 But riche he was of holy thought and werk ; 
 He also was a learned man, a clerk 
 That Christ his gospel gladly would he preach ; 
 His parishens devoutly would he teach. 
 Benign he was and wondrous diligent, 
 And in adversity full patient. 
 He could in little thing have suffisance." 
 
 In short, he gave of that little to the poor, he 
 visited his people through sleet and storm ; in 
 sickness hasted to the farthest habitation ; early 
 and late upon his feet, staff in hand, he showed by 
 his conduct how sheep should live, and it was his 
 saying, " If gold rust, what will iron do? If the 
 shepherd be foul, how shall the sheep be clean?" 
 " A better priest there is none anywhere." 
 
 " Thus Christ his lore, and his apostles twelve, 
 He taught, — and first he followed it himself." 
 
 Chaucer knew the man, and draws him to the life ; 
 but one loves to believe that thus, in the darkest 
 period of our dear mother Church, there were not 
 a few good shepherds of the flock of Christ. It is 
 also a tribute to others of the parochial clergy of 
 the time.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 24 1 
 
 27. AN ESTIMATE OF WICLIF'S WORK. 
 
 In estimating this great doctor's work, let us 
 first observe what he did not do. He raised no 
 sect ; he set up no school ; he obeyed his bishop's 
 citations ; he turned his court influence into no 
 private source of profit; he lived and died the 
 faithful parish priest. Nay, he departed not from 
 the law as it then stood in England, and, while he 
 denied the corporal presence, — I might say be- 
 cause he had so modified its significance, — carried 
 out conformity to the letter of the law in the cere- 
 mony of uplifting the Eucharistic Body and Blood. 
 In all this, his testimony to restoration, not recon- 
 struction, as his principle, is invaluable. He was 
 no hot-headed iconoclast; he was doing God's 
 work, as God gave him light, and he waited God's 
 guidance as to what next. So by slow degrees, 
 patiently, and as by one who cleanses a golden 
 vase that has been defiled and bruised and daubed 
 with vulgar colours, the Anglican Restoration went 
 on from strength to strength. 
 
 28. MISTAKES. 
 
 Next, as to his mistakes and errors. I grant he 
 made many, as who does not? How could it have 
 been otherwise, emerging from such darkness, 
 stunned by many voices, confused by the quarrels 
 and divisions of Schoolmen, without any help such 
 as our day affords, and in the very nature of his 
 task forced to review his impressions, revise his 
 work, and to change, from time to time, his original 
 
 16
 
 242 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 conclusions? Let us reflect on the divisions of 
 theologians at Constance and Basle, and, above all, 
 at Trent, when books had been already multiplied 
 by the press. Nay, go back to Augustine himself, 
 to Jerome, to Tertullian, to Origen. Who shall 
 cast the first stone? Who is perfect? Was not St. 
 Peter himself withstood by St. Paul, " because he 
 was to be blamed"? How could so immensely 
 voluminous a writer, whose works came forth 
 during a long life and in a period of transition 
 of unexampled agitations, — how could he fail to 
 have written many things which he himself, at the 
 end of life, could not approve? Two things let us 
 note: (i) some of his worst mistakes came from 
 St. Jerome, St. Augustine, and from Aquinas 
 himself; and (2) among his contemporaries who 
 was so free as Wiclif from all that runs counter to 
 the rule of Vincent and the Holy Scriptures? He 
 no doubt regarded the Episcopate as an eccle- 
 siastical rather than an apostolic institution. So 
 taught the Schoolmen, to depress the bishops and 
 exalt the Popes. Calvin himself learned Presby- 
 terianism from Aquinas ; for, stern logician that 
 he was, he inferred that, if bishops were only the 
 Pope's vicars, and not Christ's, they must go with 
 the Pope. When he taught that presbyters are 
 the highest order of divine appointment, that is just 
 what Rome taught him. Afterwards she made 
 this into a dogma at the Council of Trent, and in 
 her Catechism she teaches Presbyterianism at this 
 day. 1 
 
 1 Part. II. cap. vii. qu. 22.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 243 
 
 29. THE GOOD THINGS. 
 
 But the great question remains, What is the 
 positive good which we trace to him? I go back 
 to the negatives first cited, and claim them all as 
 an example of moderation, and humility, and 
 godly patience, which furnish an example to all 
 reformers, and which convict those of the Conti- 
 nent, whose course was widely different, of great 
 responsibilities for the failure that ensued. He 
 was a man of genius, as really so as Calvin or 
 Luther; but he raised no sect, he made no 
 Wiclifites. We owe it largely to him that the An- 
 glican Church follows no human lawgiver, is tied 
 to no Schoolman, and has no " Code of Belief." * 
 Enough that, with long and patient hopes of a 
 reformed Papacy, he at last was led to the just 
 conclusions which the Church of England reached 
 more slowly, as to its unscriptural and uncatholic 
 character. When to all this, without dwelling on 
 his share in creating our language, one adds his 
 thorough awakening of English consciences, and 
 the stimulus he gave to intellect at such a period, 
 it is enough to demand our homage. But far 
 more is his due. His grand work was the trans- 
 lating of the Bible. Before the art of printing 
 had multiplied books and made such work easy, 
 he gave the Scriptures to every English Christian 
 as his birthright. But hardly second to this was 
 his resting the work of restoration, not on any 
 scholastic system, but on the Holy Scriptures. 
 He stood on the rule of Vincent, in point of fact, 
 1 See Note Z".
 
 244 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 and he made it, as I shall yet show, the radical 
 and glorious criterion of the Anglican Restora- 
 tion, when compared with the Reformation on the 
 Continent. 
 
 30. A PERIOD OF DELAYS. 
 
 Behold the wisdom of Providence in arresting 
 the work just there, till the revival of learning 
 and the deeper convictions of pious men were bet- 
 ter prepared for its completion. Now came the 
 Wars of the Roses, so terrible, but so necessary to 
 what was for the common weal. Under the house 
 of Lancaster — usurpers who strove to propitiate 
 the pontiffs — came the infamous statute for burn- 
 ing heretics. It was overruled to make the Pa- 
 parchy more detestable than ever. Then the clash 
 of arms : 
 
 " Long years of havoc urge their destined course, 
 And through the kindred squadrons mow their way." 
 
 Yet these were the years when men had time to 
 reflect as well as to fight, and to ask what they 
 were contending for. Dean Hook observes saga- 
 ciously of Richard III., that " he had not observed 
 the signs of the times, nor perceived how the spirit 
 of the age was changed. Christianity even in its 
 corruption had been silently doing its work. War 
 was no longer regarded as the only honourable 
 employment, and the hearts of men were softened." 
 Womanhood, too, as he observes, was assuming a 
 new place in society. In short, the Holy Scrip- 
 tures had begun to be read and loved.
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 245 
 
 31. OUR GREAT BENEFACTORS. 
 
 According to the ennobling principles I am now 
 illustrating, we should be just as truly in sympathy 
 with the Anglican Church of those days as of our 
 own times. We take our stand, it is true, with the 
 progressive churchmen of those days, — with their 
 patient reforms, as well as with their bolder con- 
 flicts with evil. With Wykeham, that far-seeing 
 spirit of Edward the Third's day, we may rejoice 
 to claim kindred. This great architect, as founder 
 of schools and colleges, was undermining the mon- 
 asteries, which had become an anachronism. To 
 him succeed Waynflete and Fox, — the latter in a 
 notable instance illustrating my point under the 
 first Tudor. When he thought of founding a mon- 
 astery one of his brother bishops remonstrated : 
 " Why build and provide for housing monks, whose 
 end and fall we may live to see? . . . Provide 
 for the increase of learning, and for such (men) 
 as shall do good to the Church and the common- 
 wealth." Fox became the founder of schools 
 accordingly, and especially of that college in Ox- 
 ford which produced the very model of such men 
 as had been described, the judicious Hooker. Of 
 this sort were not a few when Erasmus came 
 to Oxford to study Greek. Let me name with 
 special reverence Dean Colet, who founded St. 
 Paul's school in London. Surely, the better day 
 was already begun. With the reign of Henry VII. 
 we cannot now concern ourselves ; but in him the 
 old Britons come again to power. Gray's genius 
 seizes on their Welsh name, and welcomes the
 
 246 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Tudors as the ancient race coming to their own 
 again : — 
 
 "All hail, ye genuine kings, Britannia's issue, hail ! " 
 
 God had indeed a work for them to do, worthy of 
 Gladys and of Linus ; and whether they willed it 
 or not, he made them instruments of the greatest 
 blessings to our race, overruling their very crimes 
 for the good of his Church and for mankind. 
 
 32. THE EPOCH OF WOLSEY. 
 
 Where Wiclif left the spiritual work we find the 
 whole Anglican Church ready to take it up and 
 complete it in Queen Elizabeth's day. The first 
 prayer-book of Edward VI. would better attest 
 where he stood. Not till then was the Church of 
 England reformed theologically. What happened 
 under Henry VIII. was merely the reassertion of 
 those temporal rights and liberties of which Rome 
 had divested our forefathers. Certain modifica- 
 tions of existing practices and doctrines were in- 
 deed attempted, but they amounted to little more 
 than Rome herself has had to tolerate ever since 
 the Council of Trent. Henry himself never ceased 
 to burn those whom Rome accounted heretics. 
 His laws would have sent to the stake every An- 
 glican bishop, priest, and deacon who accepts the 
 Anglican prayer-book. Whatever he was, he was 
 bred in Rome's school ; his life was fashioned 
 after that of princes most in her favour; and if he 
 was not a better man than he should be, which of 
 the Popes, his contemporaries, set him a better
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 247 
 
 example? His character I abhor ; for it reflected 
 all that Rome had been doing for the corruption of 
 princes for centuries. All that we have to do with 
 him is to note that his quarrel with the Pope re- 
 versed the policy of the kings of England, who, 
 since the Plantagenets, had favoured the Paparchy. 
 Not one of them had possessed a strictly legitimate 
 claim to the crown, and they needed the support 
 of Rome to prop up their thrones. Now came 
 one who, whatever his faults, was the most resolute 
 and courageous prince in Christendom. It is of 
 no consequence to our case whether he was right 
 or wrong in his personal quarrel. 1 A conflict arose 
 which, after years of patient waiting, enabled his 
 people and the Church in her convocations to call 
 upon him to " reassume " what the Plantagenets 
 had so often asserted, what even under " the 
 Roses " and the first Tudor the Church had not 
 suffered to be forgotten, and what Henry now en- 
 forced by an appeal to the actual law in the old 
 statutes of Provisors and Prcemunire. By these, 
 the legatine position of Wolsey and others was 
 shown to have been illegal and void from the be- 
 ginning ; and, basely as Henry may have treated 
 the Cardinal, whom he tempted into his false posi- 
 tion, the crisis had come when the Church had to 
 speak out or perish. Cruel as were the circum- 
 stances, her voice came in terrible earnest, — the 
 old refrain, Nolmmis leges Anglics mutari, — We 
 will not let our laws be changed. 
 
 1 See supra, page 228, and Note X".
 
 248 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 33. RESTORED RIGHTS. 
 
 As for Wolsey, how beautifully Shakespeare has 
 summed up his good and bad, putting it into the 
 mouth of such a " chronicler as Griffith " ! Let us 
 hear what a modern Roman Catholic thinks of him. 
 Mr. Pugin says that he was " a greater instrument 
 in producing the English schism than the arch- 
 heretic Cranmer himself. . . . By his vexatious 
 exercise of his legatine power, he caused the spir- 
 itual authority of the Roman pontiff to become an 
 odious and intolerable burden ; by dissolving reli- 
 gious houses, he paved the way for the destruction 
 of every great religious establishment." Pugin 
 might have added, that, by persecuting the mar- 
 ried clergy, while he himself was raising illegitimate 
 children, he faithfully represented the contempo- 
 rary Popes, and so made even Henry look re- 
 spectable. But let us note what that Bluebeard 
 really permitted the Church to do. It is often stu- 
 pidly said that Henry made himself " Head of the 
 Church," refusing to give that dignity any longer 
 to the Pope. The facts are, that he did nothing 
 of the kind. He asserted the old temporal head- 
 ship which Adrian had recognized in Charlemagne 
 and the Nicene Fathers in Constantine; nothing 
 but what Gregory the Great had recognized in the 
 miserable Phocas; nothing but what the Popes 
 long afterwards allowed the Gallicans to recognize 
 in Louis XIV. ; nothing but what, though just 
 then eclipsed by legatine assumptions, had been 
 steadily kept up and maintained down to these very 
 times by the law of the land. Again, this head-
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 2A& 
 
 ship, or " supremacy," was never the Pope's, for 
 his supremacy had never been recognized in any 
 way, theologically or legally. It was still main- 
 tained that Christ was the only Supreme Head of 
 the Church, and nothing but temporalities admit- 
 ted of any earthly supremacy. Accordingly, the 
 headship of Henry was limited when the whole 
 convocation voted as follows {iiemine contradicente) : 
 " Of the English Church and clergy, we recognize 
 his Majesty as the singular protector and only 
 supreme governor, and so far as the law of Christ 
 permits, even the supreme head." How far was 
 that? No further than had been conceded to Con- 
 stantine as episcopus ab extra. The unreformed 
 Henry and his daughter Mary used this form; 
 but when we come to Elizabeth and to the theo- 
 logical restoration, she herself objected to its ambi- 
 guity. It then received its true interpretation in 
 the only form that has been lawful for three cen- 
 turies : the English sovereign is simply styled 
 " supreme governor over all persons and in all 
 causes, ecclesiastical as well as civil." And this 
 was precisely what, during the entire Paparchy, the 
 English kings had always legally claimed and been 
 able to defend against Rome by laws of Church 
 and State. 
 
 34. WHO DID THIS? 
 
 And here let us recall the fact, that all this 
 was done by the unreformed Church of England. 
 Henry was himself as much a Papist as the late 
 Victor Emmanuel. But he and many divines had
 
 25O INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 fallen back on the old idea of a papal primacy, 
 under the ancient canons, and were determined to 
 restrict the Pope to what he had been before the 
 days of Nicholas. So utterly undefined, indeed, 
 had the chimera been through all the Middle Ages, 
 that there was now room for all manner of theories 
 as to what the Pope should be. They who restored 
 the King's rights to govern his own kingdom 
 without foreign meddling differed widely as to the 
 position to which the Papacy was now replaced ; 
 but Gardyner and Bonner themselves voted for this 
 measure. The Paparchy was at an end, but no- 
 body yet dreamed of detachment from the Papacy. 
 And all this was done under Archbishop Warham, 
 who died in full communion with Rome. To quote 
 a recent writer, himself of that communion : — 
 
 " It was done in a solemn convocation, a reverend 
 array of bishops, abbots, and dignitaries, in orphreyed 
 copes and jewelled mitres. Every great cathedral, every 
 diocese, every abbey, was duly represented in that impor- 
 tant synod. . . . One venerable prelate (Fisher) protests ; 
 his remonstrance is unsupported by his colleagues, and he 
 is speedily brought to trial and execution. Ignorantly do 
 we charge this on the Protestant system, which was not 
 even broached at this time. His accusers, judges, jury, 
 his executioner — all Catholics ; the bells are ringing for 
 mass as he ascends the scaffold." 
 
 This is all true. I venerate old Bishop Fisher, 
 and Sir Thomas More no less. 1 They would have 
 abhorred the late Vatican Council : they believed 
 in a theoretical papacy, and they were never 
 " Roman Catholics." 
 
 i See Note A.'".
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 25 I 
 
 35. ANOTHER STEP. 
 
 The second step, less noted, was a bold stand 
 made by the convocation, under lead of the 
 bishops, for limiting the royal power over their 
 convocations. It ended in compromise, but was a 
 landmark of what the Church understood as her 
 inherent rights, and could not surrender volunta- 
 rily. So far under Warham. The next step, how- 
 ever, rose to the position of Frankfort and of 
 Constance as that to which the Papacy was put 
 back. In A. D. 1534, "the old doctrine was af- 
 firmed that a general council represented the 
 Church, and was above the Pope and all bishops, 
 the Bishop of Rome having had no greater juris- 
 diction given him by God, in the Holy Scriptures, 
 within this realm of England, than any other for- 
 eign bishop." Cranmer was now primate, and 
 this was progress to full Cypriote independence 
 and to Nicene ideas of the " ancient customs " 
 which ought to prevail. Mark also, all this was 
 done by the Church. No act of Parliament had 
 touched the matter. The " act of Parliament re- 
 ligion " was first seen under Pole and Queen Mary. 
 
 36. HOW IT LOOKED IN FRANCE. 
 
 When it pleased God to summon King Henry 
 to his own judgment, we must observe how his 
 case was regarded by others. In France, it must 
 have been felt that he had simply carried out Gal- 
 lican principles to an unprecedented extent ; yet 
 without any scruple, and in contempt of Rome,
 
 252 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 a mass for his pious soul was performed with all 
 ceremony at Notre Dame, in Paris, by order of 
 Francis the First. 1 How things stood before the 
 later sessions of the Council of Trent, in the minds 
 of men of the time, is evidenced by this striking 
 fact. It had hardly opened its work of seventeen 
 years, when Henry died. 
 
 37. THE SEQUEL. 
 
 In the reign of Edward the Sixth, the theologi- 
 cal reformation was undertaken, and too hastily 
 pressed forward. It pleased God to arrest it just 
 when it might have been imperilled by influences 
 from the Continent, and blessings came in disguise 
 to England when the pious and princely youth 
 passed away. It remained for the short-lived re- 
 action under Mary to give England once more a 
 taste of papal usurpation, and the fires of Smith- 
 field and of Oxford burnt out of the souls of Eng- 
 lishmen the last traces of any lingering fealty to 
 the Roman see. Once more a papal legate en- 
 tered England, and an act of Parliament overruled 
 the deliberate action of the Church. The legate 
 was only a deacon, 2 yet he assumed by papal au- 
 thority to grant absolution, and that not only 
 from papal censures, but from sins ! Thus, a dea- 
 con presumed to absolve a whole house of bishops 
 and their priests ! Queen Mary adopted and used 
 her father's title of " Head of the Church." In her 
 reign, nothing seems to have been done canoni- 
 cally, if we judge by ancient usages; but Pole 
 1 See Note B'". 2 See Note C".
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 253 
 
 became Archbishop of Canterbury by the royal 
 mandate, which was a confession of her suprem- 
 acy, and that of her father, too as Catholic and 
 lawful. 
 
 38. THE BLOODY QUEEN. 
 
 Poor Mary ! She will ever be remembered as 
 "the Bloody," yet the blood clings to the skirts of 
 the legate rather than to hers. To him, and to her 
 Spaniard husband, the infamous Don Philip, we 
 must trace the martyrdoms ; they reek of Alva's 
 spirit, and of Torquemada's. Vain is the attempt 
 to balance them by Calvin's cruelty to Servetus, — 
 a holocaust by a kid I 1 Widely different were the 
 dynastic barbarities of Henry and Elizabeth ; the 
 sufferers under the Queen were traitors and assassins, 
 who would have made a St. Bartholomew's massa- 
 cre in England if they could. Hundreds perished 
 in Mary's reign for offences technically political ; 
 but over and above these, hundreds of her victims 
 were martyrs. We except the saintliest of them 
 all, that lovely child of seventeen, the charming, 
 the brilliant Lady Jane. Innocent and holy, she 
 died for treason, — not hers but her father's. The 
 martyrs were " five bishops, twenty-one divines, 
 eight gentlemen, eighty-four skilled artisans, one 
 hundred husbandmen, and twenty-six women." 
 Not a Calvinist in the world but blushes when 
 Servetus is mentioned, not a Puritan but avenges 
 the Quakers, not an Anglican who does not abhor 
 the cruelties of Elizabeth; but Rome glories in 
 the rivers of blood with which she has flooded the 
 1 See Note D"'.
 
 254 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 nations. She has painted the Paris massacre at 
 the very doors of her pontiff's private chapel as a 
 triumph of the Church ; she sung Te Deums and 
 struck medals for the slaughter of the Huguenots. 
 Rome never repents. 
 
 39. THE MARTYRS. 
 
 Thank God, since he willed it so, that the Angli- 
 can restorers died not in their beds, but, like Poly- 
 carp, at the stake ! Five bishops sealed their 
 witness with their blood, and breathed out their 
 spirits confessing Truth in the flames. To them 
 we owe, under God, all our blessings of freedom in 
 the state, not less than in religion. We are free to 
 breathe, and speak, and write, and cherish our 
 homes, and worship God amid luxuries of devo- 
 tion, because they counted not their lives dear to 
 them. Not without faults and frailties ; they them- 
 selves had persecuted perhaps ; but in times of 
 unparalleled trial they came to a triumphant end. 
 When they advised others to fly for their lives, they 
 heroically stood by the ship. I should as soon think 
 of reproaching St. Peter for his fall, as Cranmer for 
 his momentary fright. How memorable his con- 
 fession in St. Mary's ! how unflinching the hand he 
 laid upon the flames in the High Street of Oxford ! 
 There honest Hugh Latimer, with the faithful Rid- 
 ley, had lighted the candle that shall never cease to 
 illuminate our race. How gloriously they preached 
 Christ out of their pulpit of fagots ! Those ser- 
 mons were eloquent beyond rhetoric: they shall 
 never cease to thrill the hearts of Christian men, 
 good and true like them. Nor let poor Hooper be
 
 THE ELEMENTS OF RESTORATION. 255 
 
 forgotten, — a doubting Didymus in some lesser 
 things, but a true confessor at the last, and a hero, 
 confessing Christ in the fire amid his agonizing and 
 praying flock at Gloucester. Much more may we 
 praise the intrepid Ferrar at Caermarthen. Wales 
 had historic claims to this glory, and the Roman- 
 ized bishop that burned him was the namesake of 
 Pelagius, her only historic shame. But to Ridley, 
 so far as man can judge, belongs the more graceful 
 palm and the more starry crown. To this great 
 spirit we owe what was best and deepest in the 
 fruits of Cranmer's learning. He restored the 
 Catholic doctrine of the Eucharist, the doctrine of 
 Ratramn, and the ancient doctrine of the Anglican 
 Church, as testified in the Saxon homily of yElfric. 
 That doctrine is the corner-stone of liturgic sci- 
 ence, and qualifies all worship. Hence, to this 
 profound divine and holy martyr I ascribe more 
 than to any other our incomparable Book of 
 Common Prayer, the first book of Edward the 
 Sixth, so called, reproduced in our American Lit- 
 urgy. Who can estimate its value? It came forth 
 with the Bishops' Bible, — next to the Bible the 
 greatest boon to our race. In' these gifts the 
 Restoration was already complete, in all that was 
 of its essence. The Marian martyrs sealed it with 
 their blood. Like a precious coffer of gold, sub- 
 jected to the furnace to purify the last remnant of 
 its dross, the Church of Linus and of Gladys, 1 of 
 Alcuin and of Alfred, came forth from the fiery 
 heat restored to its virgin beauty, a "vessel of 
 honour, fit for the Master's use." 
 1 See Note E'".
 
 LECTURE VIII. 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 
 
 i. THE ACCESSION OF ELIZABETH. 
 
 THE Restoration was complete when Elizabeth 
 succeeded Mary. Complete, not finished. 
 Nothing which the Anglican Church has ever re- 
 garded as essential to her restored condition was 
 wanting when King Edward died. Her " Articles 
 of Religion " are not a " Code of Belief," nor have 
 they ever been made terms of communion to her 
 children, or when she has offered her maternal 
 breast to strangers. To us in America she granted 
 the episcopate and full communion, with no stipu- 
 lation whatever as to the Articles ; nor did we our- 
 selves adopt them till the first year of this century. 
 We were without them for twenty years. I am 
 not undervaluing them; they require no apology; 
 they are Catholic doctrine ; but as they are popu- 
 larly represented they are quite another thing. 
 
 2. THE MARIAN SCHISM. 
 
 The reign of Mary was, of itself, a very impor- 
 tant stage in the process of clinching and securing 
 the work that had been done. The legatine in- 
 trusion of the deacon, Cardinal Pole, and the un-
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 2 $7 
 
 doing by Act of Parliament of what the Church of 
 England had done in synod, was a schism. God 
 is wiser than men. To revise results and to secure 
 them, and once for all to make the heart of Eng- 
 land ready to ratify the rejection of the Papacy, 
 no process could have been more effectual than 
 this experiment of reversal. This reign wrought 
 the casting out of devils. It was the last assault 
 of papal usurpation, — the expiring convulsion of 
 the Paparchy in the Church of our forefathers. 
 Poor Mary and her kinsman and primate almost 
 at the same hour gave back to God their kindred 
 spirits : 
 
 " Forbear to judge, for we are sinners all. 
 
 Close up their eyes and draw the curtain close ; 
 
 And let us all to meditation." 
 
 Like Cardinal Beaufort, in Shakespeare's inimitable 
 portrayal, so perished the delusion of the Decre- 
 tals in England. Her Church stood, once more, 
 on the old foundations ; her metropolitical throne 
 rested on its canonical foothold, the Cypriote Con- 
 stitution, 1 and the "ancient usages" of Nicasa. 
 Her lawful episcopate survived in full measure; 
 in England sufficiently, in Ireland more largely. 
 How marked the providence that left the Primacy 
 vacant at this solemn moment ! It was wisely 
 and opportunely filled by the consecration of the 
 godly and well-learned Matthew Parker. 
 
 1 See Lecture III., page 96. 
 17
 
 258 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 3. THE RESTORED AUTONOMY. 
 
 Go back to our own history, after our episcopate 
 was established, for an illustration of the case as it 
 stood with the new primate. We had a prayer- 
 book to revise; a theological framework to ar- 
 range for the education and guidance of the clergy, 
 and many minor matters to set in order by pro- 
 vincial constitutions and canons. None other was 
 the actual situation in England at this crisis. The 
 Second Prayer-Book of Edward had hardly been 
 in use when the Marian schism intervened. Revis- 
 ion and completion were the first requisites. The 
 creeds were an all-sufficient theological base, but 
 they had been so overlaid by scholasticism and by 
 pontifical decrees, that a reform of the received 
 system was necessary. In Henry's time, and sub- 
 sequently, conflicting experiments had been tried, 
 but they were experiments only. The " Bishops' 
 Bible " was the one all-important and munificent 
 bequest of that transitional reign. It is a monu- 
 ment of the Biblical character imparted to our 
 reforms by Wiclif himself. The Germans, who 
 have only lately awakened to their own obliga- 
 tions to our great Reformer, accuse him truthfully 
 with not understanding " Justification by Faith " ; 
 that is, of course, as they understand it. But 
 what they esteem a defect is indeed his glory. 
 The Scriptures, with " reason and authority " for 
 their interpreters, were made by Wiclif the corner 
 stone of Anglican Restoration. The Reformers 
 of the Continent risked all on Scholastic subtilties, 
 beginning with Luther's maxim that " Justifka-
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 259 
 
 tion," as he defined it, is " the criterion of a stand- 
 ing or falling church." The consequences are 
 significant as they arc immense. A Scriptural 
 reformation was Catholic Restoration ; the Scho- 
 lastic reformation could only end in ecclesiastical 
 suicide, and in the evolution of endless divisions 
 and conflicting sects. 
 
 4. THE ARTICLES. 
 
 But, at such a moment, when the Latin churches 
 were committing themselves more and more inex- 
 tricably to school doctrines which had been en- 
 larged and shaped into dogmas and unlimited 
 refinements upon the Faith, and when the Protes- 
 tant Reformation was given over to like specula- 
 tions, as yet indeterminate and embroiling its 
 leaders one with another, it was impossible that 
 Scholasticism should not be at work among the 
 profoundly learned and thoughtful scholars and di- 
 vines of England. When we look at the case as it 
 thus stood under Parker, we may wonder, indeed, 
 at the issue. Revising the draught of Cranmer 
 and Ridley, and reducing their Articles to thirty- 
 nine, he gave us, substantially, what we still retain. 
 What are they? Not a " Code of Belief," in any 
 sense, though they include the Creed and the defi- 
 nitions of the CEcumenical Councils. A correc- 
 tion of school doctrine, by Scripture and antiquity, 
 is found in twenty-six articles beginning with the 
 ninth. Viewed apart from these, they amount to 
 a rejection of Scholasticism as a system, and a strict 
 limitation of Scholastic teaching to certain theses.
 
 260 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 The age was rife with Scholastic discussions. It 
 was impossible that Anglican divines should have 
 no opinions about them. Their public teaching, 
 however, was hereby restrained in a practical man- 
 ner, within certain bounds, allowing freedom of 
 inquiry and of thought, but setting metes and safe- 
 guards to controversy. In this view, I admire the 
 Articles. They practically eliminated Scholasti- 
 cism from the domain, of conscience and made us 
 free, as Truth only can. After the debates of a 
 century, in which they furnished an escape valve 
 for the spirit of disputation, it was left for our 
 great theologian, Bishop Bull, to secure what 
 Hooker had promoted, a practical end of contro- 
 versy. In his " Defence of the Nicene Creed," 
 he illustrated our Catholic position so admirably 
 as to win the homage of Bossuet and the whole 
 Gallican Episcopate. In his " Harmonia Apos- 
 tolica," he refuted the Lutheran and Calvinistic 
 theories, and placed the exposition of our Articles 
 upon a sure foundation. The famous Seventeenth 
 Article 1 ignores the crucial point of Calvinism and 
 Arminianism alike, and leaves the outline of truth 
 indeterminate as to causation. This enables all 
 Scriptural minds to accept it. As diversions and 
 gymnastical exercises, the old discussions will never 
 wholly die out; they exist in the nature and the 
 moral faculties of the human mind. But they no 
 longer ensnare or enslave men's consciences. The 
 results fully justify the wisdom and purpose of the 
 Articles ; nor, so long as St. Augustine is remem- 
 bered and studied, can they ever cease to be useful. 
 1 See Note F"'.
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 26 1 
 
 5. THEIR CATHOLIC CORE. 
 
 In the Sixth Article is embodied the great Ni- 
 cene principle of our Restoration; and in the 
 Thirty-fourth, to say nothing of others, we have 
 the pith and marrow of the Vincentian Rule prac- 
 tically applied. The Sixth I must quote in full. 
 It is on " The Sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures 
 for Salvation," as follows : — 
 
 " Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to 
 salvation ; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may 
 be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that 
 it should be believed as an article of the Faith, or be 
 thought requisite or necessary to salvation." 
 
 This golden Article merely imitates the great 
 Councils, putting the Scriptures on a throne in the 
 midst of the Church, as the oracle of Christ's infal- 
 lible Vicar, the Holy Ghost. It was accompanied 
 by the golden canon which affirms Vincent's rule, 
 and restricts preachers to the word of God, and 
 what " the Catholic Fathers and old bishops have 
 gathered from its teaching." 
 
 6. THE FORMATION OF THE TRENTINE CHURCH. 
 
 Thus the English Church was restored before 
 " the Roman Catholic Church " was in existence. 
 I must thank the French savant, Quinet, 1 for a 
 suggestive statement of facts which demonstrate 
 what professed historians have too generally over- 
 looked. The spirit which Constance and Basle had 
 striven to eliminate was made at Trent, as he says, 
 1 See Note G".
 
 262 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 " the very Constitution of the Church." In other 
 words, Trent created a new Constitution, organiz- 
 ing what remained of the Latin churches into a 
 Western spiritual and temporal empire, — a pro- 
 vincial church claiming to be the whole Church. 
 Quinet observes, that " the artifice consisted in 
 making this change without anywhere speaking of 
 it. . . . From that moment Popedom usurps all 
 Christendom." 
 
 He notes how craftily all the notes of the old 
 (Ecumenical Councils were got rid of. The East 
 and the North were almost equally wanting; — 
 Italian prelates, one hundred and eighty-seven ; 
 only two German bishops ; Spaniards, thirty-two ; 
 Frenchmen, twenty-six ; and the voting changed 
 from churches to individuals, a vote for every 
 member of the Council personally, so that the 
 Italian bishops swallowed up all the rest. The 
 French were so ill-treated that their ambassadors 
 left the Council. The Spanish bishops were vir- 
 tually driven out. " Exeant, Let them go," shouted 
 the Italians. " Laynez, the Jesuit, became the soul 
 of the Council, and, reaction against the North 
 prevailing over every other idea, the organiza- 
 tion of the Church assumed a new form!' In other 
 words, the modern " Roman Catholic Church" — a 
 gigantic sect, but a sect only — was thus created. 
 It emerged from that portentous conventicle of 
 seventeen years' duration with only a vestige left 
 of the Latin churches, as such. They had been ab- 
 sorbed, or rather they were caged in the iron frame- 
 work of a new and anomalous union. France, 
 refusing the discipline and accepting only the new
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 263 
 
 creed subject to Gallican interpretations, pre- 
 served the Gallican " name to live," while doomed 
 to die. And so a new church emerged from the 
 Trent caldron, (1) with a new Canon of Holy- 
 Scripture, including the Apocrypha, as equal with 
 the Prophets ; (2) a new Creed, that of Pius IV. ; 
 (3) a new " Code of Belief," necessary to sal- 
 vation, embracing all the interminable defini- 
 tions of the Trent Council ; (4) a new system of 
 church polity, in which a presbyterian theory of 
 the ministry is made dogmatic, 1 and the Episco- 
 pate is no longer recognized as one of the Holy 
 Orders; (5) a new main-spring of vitality, wholly 
 sectarian in its character, namely, the consolida- 
 tion of the Society of Jesuits with the new Con- 
 stitution, in such manner as to make their General 
 its practical lord and master, and the Pope him- 
 self only the mouthpiece of their decisions and 
 decrees. From absorption into this sect, and all 
 the ruin and debasement which have followed in 
 every nation that has accepted it, the Nicene 
 Church of England was saved as " a brand plucked 
 from the burning." Such was " the arrow of the 
 Lord's deliverance," when Queen Mary died, and 
 Don Philip went to found the Inquisition and 
 prosecute his cruelties in Spain and the Low 
 Countries. These he had designed for England 
 when by the Divine Providence Parker became 
 Metropolitan, exclaiming, " Lord, into what times 
 hast thou brought me?" 
 
 1 See Note H'".
 
 264 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 7. RETROSPECT. 
 
 Let me now go back to events from which all 
 this came forth, and see whether Germany and 
 Northern Europe owe not all their troubles to 
 half-way measures, and to their blind refusal to 
 proceed as England did in the line of Restoration. 
 Let us note how, by refusing to hear the voice of 
 Wiclif, they incurred the revolutions of Luther and 
 the despotism of Laynez. Wiclif's light had not 
 been hidden under a bushel : it began to illuminate 
 Europe before he died. The Universities of Eu- 
 rope were a great exchange for the commerce of 
 learning and of thought. From the Moldau young 
 scholars came to the Isis ; Oxford and Prague 
 were in close relations in Wiclif's day, and when 
 Anne of Luxembourg, " the good Queen Anne," 
 arrived in England to marry King Richard, she 
 was attended by a retinue of learned youth and 
 accomplished men. These found Wiclif and his 
 doctrines the talk of the Court, the Church, and 
 the Universities. The " great Evangelical Doctor " 
 had just published his Bible, and manuscript copies 
 were multiplied. It is known that Queen Anne 
 herself became a Bible reader, and a lover of 
 Wiclif's name and person. She survived him for 
 ten years, and on her death her attendants re- 
 turned to Prague with Wiclif's books, and im- 
 pressed with his great idea of giving free circula- 
 tion to the Holy Scriptures. In a. D. 1397 came 
 back from Oxford that brilliant youth, Jerome of 
 Prague, a Bohemian knight. He brought with 
 him books and parchments, copied by his own
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 265 
 
 hand from Wiclif's writings. He showed them to 
 John Huss, destined to be the Wiclif of Bohemia; 
 but he was no Wiclif then. After reading one of 
 the proscribed books, he advised Jerome to burn 
 it, or to toss it into the Moldau ; no doubt a sacri- 
 fice to the local saint, St. John Nepomucene, whose 
 bridge spans that river, — the "proud arch" of 
 Campbell's poetry. But from that moment the 
 study of the Evangelical Doctor became more 
 general, and it electified Bohemia. The century 
 of discovery and invention opened with this move- 
 ment. Huss was now confessor to King Wenzel's 
 second wife, Queen Sophia of Bavaria; he was the 
 most faithful and eloquent of court preachers, and 
 the rising man. 
 
 8. THE MISTAKE OF GERSON. 
 
 Happy had it been for Germany and for Bohemia 
 too had these master spirits been allowed to open 
 and control the Continental Reformation. It would 
 then have proceeded, probably, as in England, 
 upon the lines of Restoration ; for these illustrious 
 men were Catholics, not sectarians, and to the last 
 they prompted no subversive measures. I love 
 them as Anglicans at heart; by which I mean true 
 Catholics, who would have guided their fellow 
 Catholics of Europe into the paths of Nicene re- 
 vival and orthodoxy. But just here things took 
 a decisive turn in another direction. The justly 
 celebrated Gerson, Chancellor of the Archdiocese 
 of Paris, eminent for his learning and his piety, 
 gained the control of the reforming demands of
 
 266 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Europe. The Popes of Avignon and of the schism 
 that followed, for one hundred and fifty years, had 
 kept the churches and the nations in perpetual 
 broils, demonstrating the folly of pretending that 
 the Paparchy was a bond of unity. Moreover, 
 the vices of these popes and antipopcs, with their 
 licentious courts, had become an abomination that 
 " smelled to heaven." No words can do justice to 
 their immoralities, except those of their contem- 
 poraries, who not only saw them, but shared them. 
 The groans of the Latin churches were universal; 
 an outcry for a reformation of the Church " in its 
 head and its members." Gerson was in no respect 
 in advance of his age ; he was a Gallican, but a 
 Scholastic and a fanatical Nominalist ; he was the 
 honest dupe of the canon law, which means of the 
 forged Decretals. He accepted, therefore, an ideal 
 papacy ; not at all the Paparchy as it then existed. 
 As a Gallican, he fell back upon the principles of 
 Frankfort, supposing that, if the Popes could be put 
 back to what Charlemagne found them, all would 
 be well. His great scheme was to make Councils 
 supreme ; to empower them to depose a bad Pope 
 and elect a new one ; and, in general, to recognize 
 no other supreme authority in Christendom. How 
 plausible ! Here was the great Nicene doctrine 
 saddled, and, as it proved, rendered abortive, by 
 the Decretalist whim that there must be a Pope 
 of some sort. However, so far and no further 
 could Gerson and the Gallicans proceed. It was 
 progress for the Latin churches in general. It 
 was the old, ill-conceived position of poor, puzzled 
 Hincmar, and the Anglicans had adopted this
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 26 J 
 
 same idea under Anselm and the Normans. Just 
 here also stood Sir Thomas More and dear old 
 Bishop Fisher, when the tyrant Plenry took their 
 heads off for not going further while he was dis- 
 posed to do so. In other respects Henry and 
 they stood together; they learned this policy of 
 Gerson. 
 
 9. SCHOOL GRUDGES. 
 
 There was another clog of which we cannot now 
 comprehend the immense significance. Wiclif was 
 a Realist, and Realism was fashionable with all 
 who had learned from him. Gerson was a bigoted 
 Nominalist, and therefore hated the name of Wiclif, 
 attributing to the Realists all the mischief of his 
 writings. Puritans and Cavaliers never hated one 
 another more passionately than did these rival 
 schools, each inspired by the odium theologicum to 
 the verge of frenzy against opponents. Gerson's 
 scheme of reform included, therefore, two antago- 
 nistic schemes. He drew a line thus : (1.) There 
 must be no reformation of doctrine, and all re- 
 proach of " Wiclifism " must be put away by 
 stringent measures. (2.) This point secured, the 
 authority of councils must be asserted, and prac- 
 tically carried out, to any extent found necessary. 
 Such were the ideas that called the Council of 
 Pisa (A. D. 1407), designed for a cleansing of the 
 Augean stables of the Paparchy. There were 
 now two rival popes, and Europe was a very hell 
 between them, everywhere embroiled in quarrels 
 political and religious. Who was Pope and who
 
 268 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 was Antichrist? One nation was tied to a French 
 pope, another held to his rival. Gregory had 
 Rome in actual possession, and felt that nine 
 points of the law were with him. But such were 
 his oaths and perjuries, his protestations and his 
 subterfuges, that finally his cardinals, all save 
 seven, turned upon him and appealed to a General 
 Council. They professed to fear that he would 
 assassinate them all. They became Gallicans all 
 of a sudden, and said, " We appeal from the Pope 
 to Jesus Christ, of whom he is vicar; from the 
 Pope to a Council, to which it belongs to judge 
 the sovereign pontiff; from the present Pope to 
 a future Pope, authorized to redress what his pre- 
 decessor has unwarrantably enacted." 
 
 10. PISA. 
 
 Behold that ancient cathedral hard by the lean- 
 ing tower in Pisa. There the Council was opened, 
 with august ceremonial, on the Feast of the An- 
 nunciation, a. d. 1409. John Gerson was there in 
 person to press his doctrines with admirable force 
 and logic. D'Ailly, Archbishop of Cambrai, was, 
 next to him, the leader; a genius who anticipates 
 Bossuet in the sobriquet of " the Eagle " of France. 
 As the result, both popes were deposed, and the 
 Roman See declared vacant. All their bulls, 
 anathemas, and excommunications were declared 
 null and void. They proceeded to an election, 
 and Philargus of Milan, a good old man, was pro- 
 claimed Pope, as Alexander V. This was brought 
 about by the legerdemain of Balthasar Cossa, who
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 269 
 
 will soon appear again. Counter councils were 
 called, of course, in favour of the deposed pretend- 
 ers ; but the work at Pisa closed here, and the 
 respectability of the new pontiff stifled for the 
 moment all clamours for reform. John Huss gave 
 his hopeful adhesion to Alexander; but one voice 
 was lifted up for more effectual reforms. The 
 learned and saintly Clemangis, once rector of the 
 Sorbonne, was studying the Scriptures in holy 
 retirement in the vale of Langres. He shared 
 Wiclif's ideas for more thorough work. "The 
 Council of Pisa," said he, " has only trifled with 
 the Church, crying, Peace, peace, when there is no 
 peace." 
 
 11. SIGISMUND VISITS ENGLAND. 
 
 At this time Sigismund, the Emperor elect of 
 Germany, had not been crowned, and his difficul- 
 ties led him to desire another Council. Chicheley 
 was Archbishop of Canterbury, and was engaged 
 in fierce controversies with the Lollards, when the 
 Emperor arrived in London to persuade England 
 to unite with France for the carrying out of the 
 reforms Pisa had failed to effect. Doubtless he 
 gained very false ideas of Wiclif, at this juncture, 
 confounding the turbulent Lollards with his dis- 
 ciples, and hence all the more readily accepting 
 Gerson's opposition to Wiclif as the only safe 
 course for crowned heads. He was brother to 
 the good Queen Anne, and better things might 
 have been hoped from him had he not been the 
 Emperor and a sensual voluptuary.
 
 27O INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 12. THE ENGLISH EMBASSY TO CONSTANCE. 
 
 Chicheley appointed three bishops to attend 
 the new Council, summoned to meet at Constance. 
 Hallam of Salisbury and Bubwith of Bath, with 
 Mascall of Hereford, made the embassy. Hal- 
 lam was the leading spirit. The King sent a lay 
 delegation as co-ambassadors, and a vast and 
 splendid retinue attended them. The Emperor 
 received them with special honours, and wore his 
 English decorations of the Garter when he en- 
 tered Constance. He had been recently crowned 
 at Aix-la-Chapelle, over the sepulchre of Charle- 
 magne. Frankfort was opened again at Con- 
 stance, as I have said, but only to make itself 
 a monument of Gerson's folly, in his fond attempt 
 to reconcile any theoretical Papacy whatever with 
 Catholic Councils and the old Nicene Constitu- 
 tions. The Decretals had done their work ; men's 
 minds had been chained by them for five centuries, 
 and the " immedicable wound " could only be 
 remedied by eradication and actual cautery. 
 
 13. HUSS AS A REFORMER. 
 
 Under the impulse given him by Jerome of 
 Prague, Huss was already known as a reformer 
 less fanciful than Gerson, though he by no means 
 saw the impossibility of retaining the Papacy. 
 Wise, holy, and inspired by communion with 
 God in Holy Scripture, he was nevertheless far 
 in advance of his times, and his reputation as a 
 " Wiclifite " insured him the deadly hatred of the
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 2j\ 
 
 Council. When the Archbishop of Prague had 
 burned Wiclif's books with public ceremony, 
 Huss rebuked the act, and carried with him the 
 heart of Bohemia. Though he committed himself 
 to nothing more than a plea for liberty to read 
 and examine, he was everywhere stigmatized as 
 Wiclif's disciple. He even appealed to Rome, — 
 yes, to that same Balthasar Cossa, now John XXIII. 
 This was in the matter of an episcopal censure 
 vented against him when he opposed the book- 
 burning. This marks where he stood at this time. 
 So far he was with Gerson. Alas ! why was not 
 Gerson with him? 
 
 14. CONSTANCE. 
 
 It is not my purpose to dwell on the history 
 of this great man. Let us come to the Council. 
 The infamies of John XXIII. were unutterable; 
 and this was the pontiff who answered the appeal 
 of Huss by a bull of excommunication, in a. d. 
 141 2. It is noteworthy that, in protesting against 
 it in a most catholic spirit, Huss quoted the well- 
 known example of Greathead, the saintly Robert 
 of Lincoln. The Council was opened at last, 
 and Huss was summoned to be present. The 
 Emperor gave him a safe-conduct to go and to 
 return. Jerome kissed him as he left Prague : 
 " Dear master," said he, " be firm." Already the 
 wicked Pope had appeared on the scene, his am- 
 bitious splendours and the unblushing shame of 
 his conduct and that of his courtiers adding to 
 the scorn of all decent men. Huss soon found
 
 272 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 himself a prisoner at Constance, where he had 
 opened his cause with dignity and power. The 
 Emperor ordered his release, but Sigismund had 
 not yet arrived in person, and the Pope had. So 
 the latter kept Huss confined. When Sigis- 
 mund appeared, the Pope's own case was upper- 
 most, and Huss was left in prison. Jerome too 
 had been cited ; he also came and was imprisoned. 
 It was a foregone conclusion that Wiclif and his 
 followers must be condemned, to balance what 
 they meant to do with Pope John. When this 
 pontiff's character and conduct were under exam- 
 ination, his crimes proved so frightful, that our 
 Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, gave it as his opinion, 
 that "he ought to be burned at the stake." He 
 fled from Constance in terror, and the Council 
 solemnly deposed him on the last day of May, 
 141 5. The arrogant John became the most ab- 
 ject of suppliants. In outward appearance, at 
 least, he accepted his sentence, and ratified it 
 by his own hand. 
 
 15. THE MARTYRS OF CONSTANCE. 
 
 When, after an extraordinary revival of the old 
 scholastic controversies, John Huss found himself 
 condemned, he stood in the presence of Sigismund, 
 and looked him steadfastly in the face, as he said, 
 " I came here on the safe-conduct of the Em- 
 peror." Sigismund crimsoned to his forehead, and 
 that blush saved Luther at Worms. Charles-Quint 
 said, " I should not like to blush like Sigismund." 
 It is said that Huss and Jerome both prophesied
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 273 
 
 a day of other counsels. " You roast a goose 
 to-day," said Huss, punning on his own name ; " in 
 a hundred years will come a swan l you cannot 
 burn." Why dwell on the heroic martyrdoms 
 of Huss and the brilliant Jerome? Reciting the 
 creeds and praying to Jesus, these intrepid heroes 
 bore witness to the Faith, tineas Sylvius, after- 
 wards Pope, said : " They went to their punish- 
 ment as to a feast. Not a word escaped them 
 which betrayed a particle of weakness. In the 
 midst of the flames, without ceasing, they sang 
 hymns to their last breath. No philosopher ever 
 suffered death with such constancy as they en- 
 dured in the flames." So speaks one who saw 
 it all and shared it all, — an enemy and a subse- 
 quent Pope. Who will not say Amen, when I 
 devoutly look up to God and add, May my soul 
 be with theirs when we all come to stand before 
 the only just tribunal, at the last day ! 
 
 16. THE INFAMY OF CONSTANCE. 
 
 The martyrdoms were dramatically carried out, 
 with refinements of cruelty and torture too horrible 
 to narrate. Was there ever such work done by 
 Christians in council assembled under invocation 
 of the Holy Ghost? To a calm observer, there 
 were but hair-splitting differences between the 
 burners and the burnt. Good Lord, forgive them, 
 for they knew not what they did ! Constance was 
 smitten with impotency from that hour, and Ger- 
 son's great learning and virtues perished without 
 
 1 Luther's device was a swan. 
 IS
 
 274 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 any adequate record of success. Ignorantly he 
 had entailed upon France and Germany the con- 
 vulsions that for a century, after Luther, made 
 Europe an Aceldama. Nay, the French Revolu- 
 tion itself may be traced to the reactionary con- 
 sequences of Gerson's failure to promote such 
 a Catholic Restoration as was insured in England 
 under wiser counsels. Poor John Gerson ! To 
 his fanatical aversions we owe another disgrace- 
 ful act, which likened this Council to hyaenas that 
 prey upon the dead. Wiclif's bones must be dug 
 up and consumed. On such a dismal errand came 
 commissioners to quiet Lutterworth, and there 
 they enacted this mockery. The sacred ashes of 
 the great confessor were thrown into a little brook 
 that murmurs under the old walls of his church. 
 And Fuller quaintly says : " Thus this brook hath 
 conveyed his ashes into Avon, Avon into Severn, 
 Severn into the narrow seas, then into the main 
 ocean ; and thus the ashes of Wiclif are the em- 
 blem of his doctrine, which now is dispersed all 
 the world over." 
 
 17. ONE VOTE AND THE CONSEQUENCES. 
 
 The eloquence of Jerome as he pleaded before 
 the Council is said to have left Cicero in the shade. 
 Huss was hardly less eloquent. Both were yet 
 young men. Huss suffered on his birthday, aged 
 forty-five ; Jerome was about the same age, and 
 was a layman. With them passed away the hope 
 of Catholic reformation for the Latin churches. 
 One vote cast at Constance by the English Bishop
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 2J$ 
 
 of Bath elected Martin V. in place of John. That 
 vote, says Dean Hook, " delayed the cause of re- 
 form for a century." It did far more. It threw 
 the inevitable into the hands of another genera- 
 tion, and of men of another character, who, as 
 I have shown, were not restorers, but Scholastic 
 doctors, — giants who built up nothing in place of 
 what they threw down. 
 
 iS. THE COUNCIL OF BASLE. 
 
 We must regard the Council of Basle as a mere 
 continuation of that of Constance, and it was far 
 more resolute and creditable to its engineers. 
 Pope Martin was forced to convoke it, 1 and severe 
 were its reproaches against his duplicity in trying 
 to postpone. Over and over again had he la- 
 boured to convene it in Italy, but they defied him, 
 and insisted on Basle, under Sigismund's protection. 
 Here was something like Frankfort again. He 
 did not live to see it opened, and was succeeded 
 by Eugenius IV. This Pope pronounced the 
 Council dissolved, but they asserted their superi- 
 ority as a " General Council," and went on. They 
 proved too strong for the Pope, and he was forced 
 to yield and recognize their claims. Gerson was 
 no longer living to control them, but their history 
 is that of a final testimony about the Paparchy. 
 And praiseworthy, so far as they went, were their 
 tokens of better feeling towards the Hussites, to 
 whom they restored the communion in both kinds, 
 reversing what was done at Constance. The chal- 
 1 December 14, 1431.
 
 276 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 ice thus restored gave the adherents of Huss the 
 reputable name of Calixtines. This was an entire 
 overruling of Martin, who had only preached in 
 the spirit of Innocent III., a crusade of extermina- 
 tion against the Hussites. But all too late ! There 
 was no John Huss to guide his friends and to give 
 this Council a truly primitive character. The book 
 of life was shut ; the seals were to be broken in 
 another generation, but only to disclose thunder- 
 ings and voices. A Titanic avenger was to ride on 
 the whirlwind, but he was wholly unable to direct 
 the storm; and they who had burned Huss and 
 Jerome, and strewn the ashes of Wiclif, were chas- 
 tised by Luther first, and then given over to the 
 oligarchy of Laynez the Jesuit. Either extreme 
 was abhorrent to the doctors of Constance and of 
 Basle ; but their fatal compromises were the crea- 
 tors of both alike. Luther's agitations crossed the 
 Alps, and at one time had begun to work under 
 the eaves of the Vatican itself; but when this last 
 menace was disregarded, there was nothing left to 
 Rome but an absolute surrender to the Society 
 of Loyola. These ate the oyster and awarded the 
 shells. They assumed to themselves all the su- 
 premacy which Basle had claimed for a General 
 Council, and to the Pope they conceded only the 
 homage of doing everything in his name. 
 
 19. TWO POINTS SET RIGHT. 
 
 Perhaps I have sufficiently illustrated my points, 
 as to the Anglican Restoration and the " Reforma- 
 tion " of Luther. (1.) The Anglican work begun
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 2JJ 
 
 and was wrought from within, — begun under Wic- 
 lif, who only brought to a focus what had been 
 continuously maintained by Anglican witnesses, 
 from the Norman invasion onward, and what was 
 resumed, and brought to the issue of a restored 
 autonomy, under Henry, and Edward, his son. 
 (2.) The German Reformers lighted their candle 
 from England ; there could have been no Luther 
 but for Huss and Jerome, the disciples of Wiclif. 
 How absurd and illogical, therefore, is the conven- 
 tional instruction of our school histories, and even 
 of Church historians, who treat of our Anglican 
 Reformation as if it began with Luther's burning 
 of the Pope's bull ! They make it an importa- 
 tion from Germany, if not from the Diet of Spires, 
 where the Lutherans were called Protestants. Let 
 those admire a feeble and impotent name of ne- 
 gation and discord who can possibly do so; but 
 the reader of Kahnis must exclaim, — 
 
 " Can aught exult in its deformity? " 
 
 20. POLITICAL PROTESTANTISM. 
 
 But let us not fall into vulgar mistakes about 
 the Protestants. As a political cause, my sym- 
 pathies are with the Protestant heroes and suffer- 
 ers. Theologically, I cannot go with them, although 
 the worst mistakes of Calvin and Luther are venial 
 as compared with the Council of Trent, its mon- 
 strous " Code of Belief," and its daring dictation 
 to Christendom of a new Creed, equalizing the 
 mere novelties of Pius IV. with the Nicene sym- 
 bol, making it more practically the Creed, and not
 
 278 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 less essential to salvation. In the conflicts and 
 wars it generated, my heart is with the lost cause 
 of the Calixtines and the Huguenots. I had rather 
 be with the poor " winter-king " of Bohemia, than 
 with Louis XIV. ravaging the Palatinate, deso- 
 lating the Rhineland, and revoking the Edict of 
 Nantes. Yes, and who would not choose death 
 with Coligny, rather than share with Catherine de 
 Medicis and the pontiff that awful account with 
 God for the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day? 
 To come nearer to our own times, recall the sor- 
 rows and sufferings of the godly Jansenists, the 
 nuns of Port Royal dragged out of their graves, 
 like Wiclif, and their chaste bodies exposed to the 
 worst indignities, while their very roof was torn 
 away from the heads of the survivors, their walls 
 levelled, and their names covered with anathemas. 
 Gracious Lord ! that a Church should call itself 
 " Catholic " which was too narrow for a Pascal, an 
 Arnauld, a Nicole, — nay, too narrow for Bossuet 
 and the old Gallicans, whose condemnation at the 
 late Vatican conventicle was as real as that of 
 Wiclif at Constance, and whose bones would just 
 as certainly be exhumed and cremated, were it 
 possible just now to execute such an auto-da-fe in 
 Republican France. 
 
 2i. REFLECTIONS. 
 
 Let me pause a moment for a reflection. It 
 has often struck you, perhaps, as I have had to 
 recount the history of events that disgrace our 
 holy religion, to ask, " Where is the religion of
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 2J() 
 
 Christ, and what is it doing for the world in times 
 like these? " This anxious inquiry was anticipated 
 and answered by the Holy Ghost, when He said, 
 " Nevertheless the foundation of God standcth sure, 
 having this seal, — the Lord knowetli them that are 
 His." In every age, it is evil that forces itself 
 on the sight; it is the worst of men that make 
 themselves seen and heard. But always, if there 
 are such as Judas, there are such as Stephen ; if 
 there are persecutors, there are heroes ; if there 
 are murderers, there are martyrs. Meantime, 
 thousands of humble and holy men and women, 
 humble-minded peasants and Christian children, 
 are living the life of faith and love, and dying the 
 death of saints, unnumbered and unknown. The 
 great prophet supposed that he alone was left in 
 Israel, a true worshipper ; but the Lord said there 
 were seven thousand besides him that had not 
 " bowed the knee to Baal." Even in the days of 
 Annas and Caiaphas, there were such priests as 
 Zacharias and Simeon ; such holy women as Eliza- 
 beth and Anna; such "Israelites indeed" as Na- 
 thanael. Let us be sure that in the dark places 
 of earth, as now, so always, God has had his hid- 
 den saints, who have not been hid from Him, and 
 whose faith overcame the world. 
 
 Then, as to the vulgar mistakes about Calvin 
 and Luther. Giants they were indeed in those 
 days; Scholastics even when they quarrelled with 
 Scholastics, and their worst errors came from the 
 Scholastics. Such were Calvin's presbyterianism 
 and the reactionary ideas of Luther, that made 
 Solifidianism. Calvin's predestinarianism had a
 
 280 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 similar origin, and his terrible logic about infant 
 damnation is Scholasticism, which is now hardened 
 into creed by Rome itself in its Trent theology. 
 I must own that the spirit of Melanchthon is that 
 with which I find my own heart entwined, almost 
 exclusively, when I study the Protestant Reforma- 
 tion. Erasmus might possibly have renewed the 
 influence of Huss, and directed the movement on 
 the Continent, had he been more in earnest, less 
 fond of his jokes, and less afraid of the stake. He 
 had not taken his ideas from Wiclif ; he was rather 
 a pupil of Gerson, and the arrogant dictation of 
 that " pope in the bosom " which Luther owned he 
 carried, made Erasmus recoil. 
 
 At intervals the influence of this new class of 
 reformers was felt in our affairs. The floods of 
 Continental violence rolled like a tidal wave against 
 the fast-anchored Church and isle of England. 
 Here and there are holes which it gnawed and 
 fissures which it opened, but our rock threw back 
 the broken billow and repelled it as from a for- 
 tress of adamant. Had the counsels of Gerson 
 prevailed in England, our fate would have been 
 involved with the Continental Reformation ; or 
 else we should have been swallowed up by Trent. 
 See how the Inquisition and the extinction of 
 the old Mozarabic spirit of freedom has brought 
 down what was the greatest of kingdoms, imperial 
 Spain, to the dust. From all this, the Lord deliv- 
 ered us. England was not swamped in the Protes- 
 tant marsh of sect and schism. She escaped 
 the net of the Jesuits at Trent. She became the 
 most Catholic Church in Christendom.
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 28 1 
 
 22. RECENT REACTION. 
 
 Our own time has seen a revolt in England 
 alike against reason and Holy Scripture and the 
 Providence of God. Men who owe all that gives 
 them weight and influence with contemporaries 
 to their training in the Church of England, and 
 to the moral nutriment they drew from her ma- 
 ternal breasts, have ungratefully "lifted up their 
 heel against her." It is the greatest scandal of 
 an enlightened age; it is an indictment of human 
 nature itself in its better estate. In the name of 
 common sense, what is it they would have, when 
 they regret the Anglican restoration? Do they 
 regret the death of Mary, and wish the Spanish 
 Armada had restored her reign of blood, set up 
 the Inquisition, and done for England what Alva 
 did in the Netherlands? Do they grieve in their 
 hearts for the failure of the last Stuart to restore 
 the Paparchy? Can they then lament for him 
 whose treachery insured the ruin of the dynasty, 
 from which Charles I. prophetically withdrew his 
 blessing in case it should ever depart from the 
 teachings of Hooker * and the catholicity of the 
 Church of England? Again I ask, What would 
 they have instead of the blessings our race has in- 
 herited from the Marian martyrs, and which have 
 made us the envy of the world? Had England 
 copied Spain, would that have been wisdom? 
 or France, in her half-reforms? Look at the 
 Spain of to-day and the France of the last hun- 
 dred years. Is there more of the Gospel in these 
 1 See Note Y".
 
 282 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 countries, or in Italy, fast by the Papal throne, 
 than in England, with all her faults? Oh! it is 
 in the " States of the Church," I suppose, blotted 
 out from the map of Europe by an indignant civ- 
 ilization, that we lost the kingdom of heaven, 
 when it "came nigh" unto men! Is it such a 
 Sardis they would make the soul and centre of 
 English Law and Gospel for all generations? But 
 enough! "Let them alone," — as Scripture said 
 of one joined to his idols. Let us go on to secure 
 to children's children the inestimable blessings 
 they are too besotted to understand, too ungrateful 
 to enjoy. 
 
 23. THE CONTRAST. 
 
 And if we would estimate aright the difference 
 between a Catholic Restoration and a Protestant 
 Reformation, let us know them by their fruits. 
 The difference was radical, at the outset, as I 
 have shown : Scripture and antiquity inspired the 
 one and governed it; the other risked all upon 
 Scholastic theologies. Now, I do not like to speak 
 unkindly of our Christian brethren in Germany and 
 Switzerland, and therefore I shall merely refer you 
 to authorities for light upon the subject. Ranke 
 will show you how it came to pass that popes re- 
 gained nearly half of all that they had lost, and 
 Kahnis, that excellent Lutheran of our own times, 
 will tell you more than I care to recall of the his- 
 tory of German Protestantism in its operations upon 
 mind and heart, and in its destructive work upon 
 national churches. On the other hand, look at our
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 283 
 
 mother Church of England ! " There she stands," 
 — poor as the second temple compared with the 
 first, if we contrast her with the pattern in the 
 mount, but, in spite of all, "beautiful for situation," 
 and fast making herself " the joy of the whole 
 earth." See what the Lord has done for her, in 
 these latter days ! Look at her daughter Church 
 in these States, and at her colonial children. The 
 Romish missions were vigorously prosecuted, in the 
 spirit of the Propaganda: look at them! Look at 
 Mexico, and Hayti, and Brazil ! We find a par- 
 allel to that which Christ himself rebuked, when he 
 cried woe to those who " compassed sea and land 
 to make one proselyte." To England, in another 
 sense, and for different ends, God has said, " Pos- 
 sess thou the east and the west." Yes, truly, " her 
 sound has gone forth into all lands, her words to the 
 ends of the world." And where does she stand as 
 related to her fellow Christians, alike Protestants 
 and Romanized Latins? I appeal to one of her 
 most persistent adversaries, to the Ultramontanist 
 De Maistre. After all he can say against her, yet 
 he allows, " She is most precious" If ever Chris- 
 tendom is to be reunited, he thinks the movement 
 must proceed from her. He recognizes her as the 
 mediatrix who can lay her hands upon both par- 
 ties ; for, as he says, " with one hand she touches 
 us (Roman Catholics), and with the other the Prot- 
 estants." If this be her mission, as De Maistre 
 supposes, " truly she is most precious." He owns 
 the truth, at last, which Rome has so perversely 
 tried for centuries to gainsay. 1 
 1 See Note }'" ■
 
 284 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 24. THE FALL OF THE PAPAL THRONE. 
 
 Even Laynez could not have conceived of the 
 ultimate results of the mastery he gained for his 
 Society at the Council of Trent. In that Council 
 his manipulations subverted the Latin Episcopate, 
 reducing it to a mere Papal Vicariate : his policy 
 has since reduced the Papacy itself to a mere mask 
 for the " black pope," the General of the Jesuits, 
 the autocrat of the " Roman Catholic " world. The 
 rod of its nominal despot is really held by him ; 
 his military forces submit with the " passivity of a 
 corpse," and obey with the activity of Napoleon's 
 flying artillery. The pontiff, be it Pius IV. or be 
 it Pius IX., is merely a voice to send forth the ora- 
 cles of the Society. But by its fatal blunder, when 
 it bolstered up the feeble Pio Nono to issue his 
 late decrees, it committed the Roman system to an 
 irreparable breach with all antiquity, and the end 
 is not yet. It dealt a death-blow to Gallicanism, 
 which can no longer exist in communion with the 
 Papacy, but its sting was like that of the serpent 
 which strikes venom into its victim with a fury that 
 destroys itself. 
 
 At that same moment when in his " Synod of 
 Sacristans," amid darkness that might be felt, amid 
 thunders and lightnings that made the foundations 
 shake around him, the pontiff proclaimed himself 
 Infallible, there went forth a voice, " yea, and that 
 a mighty voice," which instantly took effect. His 
 last temporal support perished at Sedan ; and the 
 temporal royalties of the Papacy perished with it. 
 The voice said, " Remove the diadem and take off
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 285 
 
 the crown ; . . . exalt him that is low, and abase 
 him that is high." Men fail to see the meaning of 
 contemporary events, because they read not his- 
 tory, nor the word of God. But it is a great thing 
 to be alive when so quietly, and by means appar- 
 ently so insignificant as the red shirt of Garibaldi, 
 is wrought a change that Emperors and nations 
 have struggled for in vain. Since Pepin gave the 
 Exarchate of Ravenna to the Roman patriarch, in 
 A. D. 754, the Bishops of Rome have been " princes 
 of this world." The fall of the " Holy Roman Em- 
 pire," under Napoleon, carried this logically with 
 it, but " the mills of God grind slowly." We have 
 seen a consummation which may be momentarily 
 defeated by diplomacy, but the thunderbolt has 
 fallen. For the first time in a thousand years, not 
 a single power in Europe is identified with the 
 Papacy. The Syllabus has made it impossible for 
 kings and peoples to submit to its yoke. The 
 " Old Catholics " may seem a feeble folk, but the 
 testimony of Dollinger and his noble allies is as 
 imperishable as that of Wiclif. You, young gen- 
 tlemen, may live to see fresh struggles for Ultra- 
 montane supremacy, but the issue is inevitable. 
 An epoch of prophecy has been signalized : a new 
 era begins with hope. 
 
 25. SURVEY OF CHRISTENDOM. 
 
 The present aspects of Christendom I venture 
 to suppose are hopeful, and give blessed promise 
 of reconstruction. The signs of the times point to 
 the speedy overthrow of Islam in Europe, and the
 
 286 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 Patriarchate of New Rome is rising into importance 
 with the gradual increase of learning and piety in 
 Russia. Such a theologian as Bishop Macarius 
 of Vinnitza assures us that the study of the Greek 
 Fathers must soon bear fruits of reformation 
 throughout the ancient churches of the East. A 
 Russian diplomatist 1 remarked to me not long ago, 
 that the theologians of St. Petersburg, over whom 
 Macarius presides, were now the only Russians who 
 could even appreciate the Anglican doctors ; but, 
 said he, " we are educating a new class for the 
 future." He had recently visited England, and he 
 said, " There is no church equal to the Anglicans 
 for learning and character ; every parish priest has 
 scholarship enough for a bishop." But the Russian 
 Church is not sterile. She has studded Northern 
 Asia with missions ; they stretch to our own Alaska, 
 by the Aleutian Isles. I have had Bishop Nestor 
 of Alaska at my table, as my guest. The Holy 
 Ghost is moving the hearts of fathers to children, 
 and of children to their fathers, everywhere where 
 the Nicene Council and its " ancient usages " are 
 revered and maintained. 
 
 26. NICENE CONSTITUTIONS IMPERISHABLE. 
 
 For the Nicene Unity of Christendom is im- 
 perishable, and God has protected it everywhere 
 among the nations. By its canon of threefold 
 concurrence in ordinations, the historic episcopate 
 is woven into a net-work, instead of drawn out 
 in a chain where one broken link ruins all. It is 
 
 1 Prince Orloff, late Russian Ambassador in Paris, A. D. 1877.
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 287 
 
 impossible that the Apostolic Succession should 
 fail where this law is observed. So the canon of 
 Holy Scripture and its sacred text have been 
 maintained and preserved. The Nicene Creed 
 is thus perpetuated, and the Christian year is 
 guarded by the Paschal Canons of the Council. 
 Thus, and by other providential contrivances, it 
 is a most striking fact, that organic unity has been 
 maintained even where functional unity is lost. 
 There is a fundamental Unity, and all men see it, 
 between Greek and Latin and Anglican Christians, 
 because the Nicene foundations alike underlie 
 them all. Even Trent, though it nearly smothered 
 Nicene vitality beneath accumulated fables, has 
 left the old bases solid underneath. Hence it is, 
 that, in spite of new dogmas and of all the Roman 
 superstitions, many " Roman Catholics " live on 
 the old bases, while they outwardly conform to 
 the new. How I have blessed God, that millions 
 of the peasantry, nominally conformed to Trent, 
 know very little practically of its heresies. Sim- 
 ple folk ! They know the Apostles' Creed, and 
 have read the Nicene, and can sing pious hymns; 
 so that, like Goethe's Gretchen before her fall, — 
 yes, and even when they fall, — they love to wor- 
 ship Christ and to trust in him for salvation. Now, 
 what is held alike, and from the beginning, by 
 Greeks and Latins and Anglicans, — that is Catho- 
 licity, and in that we all consent. The specialties 
 of each communion are not Catholic, and with 
 them we are not called to communion by Nicene 
 law. Woe to those who erect local and pro- 
 vincial specialties into articles of faith, and cast
 
 288 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 out brethren for not accepting them. We appeal 
 against Diotrephes to the Common Judge, " but 
 when they curse, we bless." That Church which 
 refrains from narrowing the limits of Catholic com- 
 munion, and includes all who would have been 
 included at Nicaea, is therefore the most truly 
 Catholic. Where is it found? Judge ye. 
 
 27. PRACTICAL UNITIES. 
 
 Our Anglican desire for Unity is no ambitious 
 longing for " lordship over God's heritage." It is 
 pure and " unfeigned love of the brethren " for 
 Christ's sake. Leaving Him to be the only um- 
 pire and judge, I have enjoyed through a long 
 life the Unity I have illustrated, in practical 
 ways, among foreign churches, " no man for- 
 bidding me." The Catholic spirit renders it 
 impossible to wear the fetters of a sect. Only 
 less does it forbid a life virtually sectarian, 
 which is cooped up in one's local or provincial 
 church. The whole Church of the Creed is ours 
 to live in. No pope can hinder us. Often have 
 I knelt at the altar of St. Peter's in Rome, and 
 in almost all the great cathedrals of Europe. On 
 such occasions I have recited the Nicene Creed, 
 and offered our Anglican prayer " for the good 
 estate of the Catholic Church." W'hile they have 
 mumbled their mass in an unknown tongue, I have 
 prayed God to accept what he found acceptable 
 in it, and have read in my prayer-book the service 
 for the day. This I have done in the chapel of 
 the great St. Bernard, as the sunrise gilded the
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 289 
 
 surrounding pinnacles of the Alps; and when 
 my guide over the mountains knelt at a wayside 
 shrine, I bowed myself before the Invisible God of 
 Catholic worship, looking up to the clear blue sky, 
 and begging the Lord to bless my peasant brother, 
 — mysterious symbol of millions of simple souls, 
 who for a thousand years have bowed down to 
 images, because so willed the Empress Irene. 
 Surely He who loved the Samaritans loves and 
 accepts these our brethren, who call upon Him out 
 of a pure heart, though ignorant and once polluted 
 perhaps as Rahab, who was "justified" in spite 
 of her ignorant lie. For " Mercy rejoiceth against 
 judgment." Among Christians of the Greek rite 
 I have enjoyed much closer and sweeter com- 
 munion; have been received into their chancels, 
 as they have been received into ours, accepting 
 their brotherly recognitions, and uniting in such 
 portions of their Liturgy as are truly ancient and 
 Scriptural. Prematurely, we should not go fur- 
 ther. The Holy Spirit will accomplish the rest. 
 Thank God, none of the ancient churches have 
 lost the Truth. They have added to it ; but the 
 line is drawn between Truth and modern additions. 
 In the latter we have no part nor lot ; in all that 
 is Catholic we are in practical communion with 
 our brethren the Latins and the Greeks. 
 
 28. THE PARABLE OF PATMOS. 
 
 This principle of Unity is given us in the vis- 
 ion of Patmos, — the Master amid the churches. 
 Observe how corrupt were some of the seven : yet, 
 
 19
 
 29O INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN \ HISTORY. 
 
 so long as he did not destroy them, but patiently- 
 awaited their return to first faith and first love and 
 first works, he walked amid their golden candle- 
 sticks and held their stars in his right hand. So 
 He teaches us to be in communion with Sardis 
 itself, though not with her pollutions. And when 
 we look at home, well may He ask, How are we 
 better than others? Is not our American church 
 a veritable Laodicea? I think it is. Let us " anoint 
 our eyes with eye-salve," that we may see our- 
 selves as the Master sees us. We have no occa- 
 sion to be proud. Many of our fellow Christians 
 surpass us in good works, and set us an example 
 that ought to make us ashamed. That is a rebuke 
 to us, but it does not alter the facts, nor diminish 
 our privileges. The good Samaritan was a rebuke 
 to priest and Levite ; but, none the less, the priests 
 and Levites were God's ordinance and " salvation 
 was of the Jews." It is our own fault, if in this 
 dear Church we fail to learn lessons of piety from 
 all Christians, and to " go and do likewise." But 
 look every man to his own duty, and despise not 
 others. Bearing in mind that the great thing is 
 " love to God and man," give me leave to love 
 also the precious Church of my fathers, in which, 
 emancipated from such trammels as sects impose, 
 I live in all the Christian churches and in all the 
 Christian ages ; read the Fathers as my fathers ; 
 keep the Christian feasts, and travel through all 
 the Christian year, in sweetest sympathy and en- 
 nobling communion with " the past, the distant, 
 and the future." No man can rob a Catholic of 
 this gift of God, this life in the universe, this ex-
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 29 1 
 
 pansion of heart and mind and soul to the Catholic 
 thought of which God is the author. It is high as 
 heaven, and deep as Hades ; it lifts us to the heav- 
 enly choir; it unites us with all who " sleep in the 
 Lord Jesus." Oh how blessed the privilege of 
 him who can say with the saintly Bishop Ken, " I 
 live and die in the communion of the Catholic 
 Church, as it was before the disunion of East and 
 West, and as it stands distinguished from all Puri- 
 tan or Papal innovations " ! 
 
 29. PERILS OF THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 Young gentlemen, your attention has been di- 
 rected to the solvent operation of sect, and to the 
 corrosive action of the Trent religion, especially as 
 the virulence of its corruptions has been concen- 
 trated in the monstrous moral system of Liguori. 
 In our dear country both these classes of peril 
 are terribly active, and the worst of the evil is 
 that practically they work together. Sectarianism 
 makes fuel for Romanism ; Loyola triumphed in 
 Germany wherever Luther and Calvin had created 
 sectarian divisions. 1 To the ignorant and the in- 
 different Rome makes an appeal which Sectarian- 
 ism knows not how to meet, and to which it lends 
 apparent force. " Look," says the Jesuit, " at 
 these religions of yesterday, all the fragmentary 
 creations of Protestantism, all wrangling among 
 themselves, and all united only in a negative 
 antagonism to Rome, which has no positive char- 
 acter or base. Here, on the other hand, is that 
 1 See Note K"'.
 
 292 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 which they agree to vilify and disparage, the old 
 Mother of all Christians, the Church of Peter, the 
 one only Church of Scripture and the Creeds." 
 Our popular journalism proceeds on this theory in 
 fawning upon Rome for political purposes, and the 
 popular mind falls into the trap. The trap is con- 
 structed by Sectarianism itself, which calls Rome 
 " the Catholic Church," " the old religion," " the 
 oldest of the churches," and so on, — which repeats 
 with relish Rome's insults to Anglicans, calls ours 
 the " Church of Henry VIII., the creature of the 
 English Parliament," and the feeble offspring of 
 Luther's great movement in Germany, or whatever 
 else a Jesuit may dictate against us. Now, in a 
 republic dependent upon popular intelligence and 
 national morality, it is impossible that such ele- 
 ments of mischief should co-operate for the con- 
 fusion of ideas in religion, without undermining 
 all that rests upon religion and upon truth. The 
 rapid decay of American institutions is threatened 
 from the combined forces of Sectarianism and 
 Ultramontanism, working together as they have 
 been working in Germany and France towards a 
 general downfall into irreligion, unbelief, atheism. 
 The perils assailing us are such as they who framed 
 our Constitution never anticipated. The popular 
 religion, with all its good, is yet a solvent, and op- 
 erates to destroy. But home-bred evils are aggra- 
 vated beyond all computation by an ignorant and 
 vicious and pauperized immigration, which pours 
 in upon us like a deluge. If these poor waifs and 
 outcasts of Europe came here as regiments, and 
 were landed daily with bayonets in their hands,
 
 A CATHOLIC VIE IV OF CHRISTENDOM. 293 
 
 we should confront them and repel the invasion. 
 But they come in stealthily, and we ourselves put 
 arms in their hands far more terrible as they use 
 them than would be cold steel or gunpowder. 
 We give them the ballot ; they hold the balance of 
 power; and demagogues make them the arbiters 
 of our destinies. They may soon overthrow our 
 schools ; they have already thrown out of them 
 the Holy Bible ; they grasp our taxes, with insatia- 
 ble rapacity, to endow their own schools, disguised 
 as protectories and hospitals, or other institutions 
 of charity. In Protestant Upper Canada they are a 
 minority; but by the game of demagogues they 
 have overcome the tax-payers and dictate their 
 own terms to the government. 
 
 30. THE CONSTRUCTIVE FORCES OF THE AMERI- 
 CAN CHURCH. 
 
 Now, I must be permitted to express my con- 
 victions, resting on no superficial base, that the 
 Church which is entwined with the entire history 
 of our race, with the growth of which is bound 
 up the common law, which reflects the genius of 
 our literature and embodies the principles out of 
 which has risen our national Constitution, — that 
 such a Church has in herself those conservative 
 elements and constructive forces which are just 
 what our national fabric requires. In everything 
 else that is called American, the centrifugal force 
 predominates : what we need is the balancing 
 force that generates an orbit, and holds us to the 
 light and heat of the sun. Macaulay very justly
 
 294 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 reflects upon Jefferson for introducing into our 
 system an element which gives too much to the 
 passions of the multitude, unrestrained and unedu- 
 cated to obey the law. 1 Macaulay ought to know, 
 for he did all he could to introduce the same ele- 
 ment into England. But he saw from a distance 
 what he could not discover at home : he re- 
 proached our system as spreading all sail and pro- 
 viding no ballast. We fly before the wind, but we 
 are wholly unprepared for the gale. Happily, we 
 have resources. The colossal character of Wash- 
 ington, the Alfred of the New World, has provided 
 us with maxims and with examples to which our 
 youth may be profitably pointed. He gave our 
 Constitution a religious character when he took 
 the first oath to support it in the office of Presi- 
 dent. He reverently bowed down and kissed the 
 Bible, and then, with all the retinue of Congress 
 and officials, he went to St. Paul's, and began his 
 own and the national career in offices of worship 
 and prayer. Now, if we study this great exam- 
 ple of the true American, we find in it, whatever 
 his faults, a certain harmony and proportion of 
 qualities which are only rarely developed in the 
 narrowness of sectarian education. A class of 
 Christian laymen has been generated in the Angli- 
 can communion, through successive ages, possess- 
 ing a certain family likeness, which is recognized 
 in all their varieties of station and manner of life. 
 Not to go further back, take the poet Spenser 
 and Sir Philip Sidney, — take Raleigh, and Sir 
 Henry Wotton, and Hyde, and Falkland, and John 
 1 See Note V".
 
 A CATHOLIC VIEW OF CHRISTENDOM. 295 
 
 Evelyn, and Izaak Walton, and Boyle, and Addi- 
 son, and Burke, and Johnson, and Cowper, and 
 Wilberforce, and others, whose very names are 
 lessons, — such are the characters we need in 
 the Republic. Such were our own John Jay, and 
 many of our most eminent countrymen. It has 
 been, over and over again, asserted by critics and 
 orators, that Washington's character was formed 
 by his mother, by the catechism she taught him, 
 the books she read to him on the day of the Lord, 
 and the habits to which she trained him as a 
 young Christian. It is true in a larger sense that 
 he owed this to his mother, — to his mother's 
 mother, the Anglican Church. Well has De Mais- 
 tre said, " She is most precious," — most precious 
 to our country, so long as she preserves her salt. 
 If that should " lose its savour," and cease to 
 season our social and civil estate, I doubt not we 
 shall speedily perish. 
 
 31. AN APPEAL TO YOUTH. 
 
 In such a great and marvellous country, and at 
 a most trying crisis, you, my dear young friends, 
 are about to enter upon life. In former lectures I 
 have invited you to claim for yourselves a noble 
 mission, and to let God mark out for you a career 
 of usefulness and of duty. I reminded you, at the 
 outset, 1 that your mark is to be made upon the 
 beginnings of another century. The era is out- 
 growing its teens ; there is solemnity in the very 
 sound of the Twentieth Century, with which you 
 1 Lecture I., § 4, page i~.
 
 296 INSTITUTES OF CHRISTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 are to be identified. You have yet a few years to 
 prepare for it : avoid American hurry, and give 
 those years to thorough study, that you may enter 
 upon your maturity and your allotted work with 
 the thoroughly furnished mind which is the secret 
 of power and mastery. Beware of shiftless means 
 and irresolute aims. Beware of the sort of life 
 epitomized by Dr. Young: — 
 
 " At thirty man suspects himself a fool ; 
 Knows it at forty, and reforms his plan ; 
 At fifty chides his infamous delay ; 
 Pushes his prudent purpose to resolve ; 
 Resolves and re-resolves, then dies the same." 
 
 If, in directing your attention at this stage of your 
 preparation to the ennobling study of history, I 
 have given you any practical hints for that pursuit, 
 I am largely rewarded already; but far greater 
 will be my reward, when, in later days, you know 
 by experience the value of what I have taught, 
 and in those days perchance may recall these 
 evenings of the " Hobart Guild," — 
 
 "Remembering me, and these my exhortations." 
 
 32. CONCLUSION. 
 
 Yours will then be no share in the remorse of 
 those who, having lived liked fools, come to " die 
 as the fool dieth." The sickly whine, " Is life 
 worth living?" will have received its answer in a 
 life well spent. You will find at least some fruits 
 of your toils and efforts recognized by your fellow 
 men as wholesome and refreshing. But, far better, 
 in your own conscience will be your sweet reward,
 
 A CATHOLIC VIE W OF CHRISTENDOM. 297 
 
 in the sense of duty done, and a mission fulfilled 
 through the grace of God. " Is life worth living?" 
 No, gentlemen, if by life is meant the torpid exist- 
 ence of the materialist, or the feverish excitement 
 which is called life by the voluptuary ; not if life 
 is but groping in the dark, and refusing to walk in 
 the light of day; not if it means drifting to and 
 fro without ballast, without rudder, without chart 
 and compass, and with no certain haven where 
 one would be ; not if it be " without God in the 
 world " and without hope in death. But oh ! what 
 a gift is life " that answers life's great end " ! that 
 adds another to the noble army of the faithful, by 
 whose testimony truth has been maintained, by 
 whom the blessings of the Gospel have been handed 
 down to successive generations, by whose inter- 
 cessions the world itself has been upheld ! The 
 secret of such a life was found by Saul of Tarsus, 
 when he uttered his first Christian prayer, " Lord, 
 what wilt thou have me to do ? " He has left the 
 greatest mark upon the ages ever imprinted by a 
 human mind upon humanity, and let us be sure 
 that, in our humble degree, we shall not fail to find 
 a similar work, and to fulfil it, if we begin, in the 
 same spirit of humility and self-devotion, kneeling 
 before Him who is the Light of the World.
 
 GENERAL NOTE. 
 
 To explain the enlightened plan and purpose of the Bishop 
 of Michigan, in founding the Hobart Guild and the 
 Baldwin Lectures, it seems proper, in this first volume of 
 the proposed series, to publish the " Deed of Trust," almost 
 entire. In each subsequent volume, it is presumed, a much 
 smaller extract will appear, as is usual in such cases. 
 
 " SThts instrument, made and executed between Samuel 
 Smith Harris, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church 
 in the Diocese of Michigan, of the city of Detroit, Wayne 
 County, Michigan, as party of the first part, and Henry P. 
 Baldwin, Alonzo B. Palmer, Henry A. Hayden, Sidney D. 
 Miller, and Henry P. Baldwin, 2d, of the State of Michigan, 
 Trustees under the trust created by this instrument, as parties 
 of the second part, witnesseth as follows : — 
 
 " In the year of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
 and eighty-five, the said party of the first part, moved by the 
 importance of bringing all practicable Christian influences to 
 bear upon the great body of students annually assembled at 
 the University of Michigan, undertook to promote and set 
 in operation a plan of Christian work at said University, 
 and collected contributions for that purpose, of which plan 
 the following outline is here given, that is to say: — 
 
 "1. To erect a building or hall near the University, in 
 which there should be cheerful parlors, a well-equipped 
 reading-room, and a lecture-room where the lectures herein- 
 after mentioned might be given ; 
 
 " 2. To endow a lectureship similar to the Bampton Lec- 
 tureship in England, for the establishment and defence of
 
 300 GENERAL NOTE. 
 
 Christian truth : the lectures on such foundation to be de- 
 livered annually at Ann Arbor by a learned clergyman or 
 other communicant of the Protestant Episcopal Church, to 
 be chosen as hereinafter provided : such lectures to be not 
 less than six nor more than eight in number, and to be pub- 
 lished in book form before the income of the fund shall be 
 paid to the lecturer ; 
 
 " 3. To endow two other lectureships, one on Biblical Lit- 
 erature and Learning, and the other on Christian Evidences : 
 the object of such lectureships to be to provide for all the 
 students who may be willing to avail themselves of them a 
 complete course of instruction in sacred learning, and in the 
 philosophy of right thinking and right living, without which 
 no education can justly be considered complete ; 
 
 " 4. To organize a society, to be composed of the students 
 in all classes and departments of the University who may be 
 members of or attached to the Protestant Episcopal Church, 
 of which society the Bishop of the Diocese, the Rector, 
 Wardens, and Vestrymen of St. Andrew's Parish, and all the 
 Professors of the University who are communicants of the 
 Protestant Episcopal Church should be members ex officio, 
 which society should have the care and management of the 
 reading-room and lecture-room of the hall, and of all exer- 
 cises or employments carried on therein, and should moreover 
 annually elect each of the lecturers herein before mentioned, 
 upon the nomination of the Bishop of the Diocese. 
 
 "In pursuance of the said plan, the said society of students 
 and others has been duly organized under the name of the 
 ' Hobart Guild of the University of Michigan ' ; the hall 
 above mentioned has been builded and called Hobart Hall ; 
 and Mr. Henry P. Baldwin of Detroit, Michigan, and Sibyl 
 A. Baldwin, his wife, have given to the said party of the first 
 part the sum of ten thousand dollars for the endowment and 
 support of the lectureship first hereinbefore mentioned. 
 
 " Now therefore, I, the said Samuel Smith Harris, Bishop 
 as aforesaid, do hereby give, grant, and transfer to the said 
 Henry P. Baldwin, Alonzo B. Palmer, Henry A. Hayden, 
 Sidney D. Miller, and Henry P. Baldwin, 2d, Trustees as 
 aforesaid, the said sum of ten thousand dollars to be invested
 
 DEED OF TRUST. 
 
 301 
 
 in good and safe interest-bearing securities, the net income 
 thereof to be paid and applied from time to time as herein- 
 after provided, the said sum and the income thereof to be 
 held in trust for the following uses : — 
 
 "I. The said fund shall be known as the Endowment 
 Fund of the Baldwin Lectures. 
 
 " 2. There shall be chosen annually by the Hobart Guild 
 of the University of Michigan, upon the nomination of the 
 Bishop of Michigan, a learned clergyman or other communi- 
 cant of the Protestant Episcopal Church, to deliver at Ann 
 Arbor and under the auspices of the said Hobart Guild, be- 
 tween the Feast of St. Michael and All Angels and the Feast 
 of St. Thomas, in each year, not less than six nor more than 
 eight lectures, for the Establishment and Defence of Christian 
 Truth ; the said lectures to be published in book form by 
 Easter of the following year, and to be entitled ' The Bald- 
 win Lectures' ; and there shall be paid to the said lecturer 
 the income of the said endowment fund, upon the delivery of 
 fifty copies of said lectures to the said Trustees or their 
 successors; the said printed volumes to contain, as an extract 
 from this instrument, or in condensed form, a statement 
 of the object and conditions of this trust." 
 
 Under this trust the Right Reverend Arthur Cleveland 
 Coxe, D. D., LL. D., Bishop of Western New York, was 
 appointed to deliver the Lectures for the year 1886. 
 
 Detroit, Advent, 18S6.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note A, page 21. 
 
 Consult Dean Stanley's "Eastern Church " (Lecture III. 
 p. 113) on the continuous application of the title Papa to 
 the Bishops of Alexandria, down to our times. 
 
 Note B, page 21. 
 
 " The Rise of the Papal Power," etc., by Robert Hussey, 
 B. D. Oxford, 1863. See page 48, on the Sardican Canon, 
 but compare Littledale's "Plain Reasons," etc., (London, 
 1879,) pp. 120, 121, where the best and most succinct ac- 
 count of the matter is comprehended in a few paragraphs. 
 Philip Smith's " History," etc., is a truly valuable manual, 
 and, if purged from its ambiguities, would be precisely 
 what I could refer to as a manual for my readers. But it 
 falls into the old ruts, gives the " Popes " from St. Peter, and 
 credits St. Jerome, apparently, with making Peter a pope, 
 when he only means that Jerome considers him the first 
 bishop of the See of Rome, which is of itself only a par- 
 tial truth. Then he says : " This title is used as convenient, 
 though it was not appropriated to the Bishop of Rome till 
 about A. D. 500." It was not so appropriated till a century 
 later: he means that Western writers began to speak of 
 "the Pope" as we speak of "the post-office," — meaning 
 the nearest one ; but in the seventh century the West began 
 to draw away from the East. But why is it "convenient" 
 to mystify the student, and to upset historic truth, in the 
 structure of a work meant to give true history ?
 
 304 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note C, page 22. 
 See Dean Milman's "History of Latin Christianity," 
 vol. i. pp. 24-30, where, mixing up some mere fictions with 
 a great deal of truth, this author lays down facts which 
 revolutionize the entire scheme and structure of his own 
 work. Taking this firm ground of fact, which he should 
 have held impregnable, he comes down from the fortress and 
 drops into that same " Serbonian bog" which has swallowed 
 up, not merely armies, but nations, — I mean the fictions of 
 the Decretals. Of these he speaks, not forcibly, but feebly, 
 when he comes to Nicholas I. See vol. ii. p. 303. On the 
 previous page he recognizes the exceptional character of this 
 pontiff, but fails to note that even the few facts he chronicles 
 define Nicholas as the first of the " Popes," as that term is 
 now understood. 
 
 Note D, page 23. 
 See Stanley's "Eastern Church," p. 16, Lecture I. On 
 the Latin or Roman pretences to Catholicity, see some re- 
 marks of Coleridge, " Aids to Reflection," Aphorism VIII. 
 p. 165, ed. London, 1859. 
 
 Note E, page 24. 
 For lack of a firm grip upon the true origin of the Papacy, 
 and because he fails to note the difference between the 
 Papacy, as titular, and the Paparchy, as created by the 
 Decretals under Nicholas and the canonist Gratian, I am 
 forced, most reluctantly, to qualify my estimate of this 
 author's valuable work. But it is the best we have on the 
 subject. 
 
 Note F, page 25. 
 See " Ante-Nicene Fathers," Am. edition, vol. ii. p. 165. 
 If the history of Alexandria for the first four centuries 
 could have been turned over to Rome, the Decretals would 
 not have been needed by her pontiffs. They would have 
 appeared supreme without them. 
 
 Note G, page 26. 
 See "The Idea of God," etc., pp. 83-109, Boston, 1886.
 
 NOTES. 305 
 
 This is a most creditable work, for its author is turning his 
 face, and not his back, to the sun. 
 
 Note H, page 28. 
 See as above. But note the entire failure of the author 
 to prove what he assumes, namely, that Augustine is antago- 
 nistic to Clement and the Greek Fathers ; which is only 
 true as to single statements, (chiefly in treating of the Mani- 
 chaean heresy,) and not as to his system of anthropology, 
 received by the whole Church, in what are called "the doc- 
 trines of grace." See the above-mentioned work, pp. 94, 95. 
 
 Note I, page 30. 
 The present pontiff gives his subjects leave to think, but 
 only in the formulas of Aristotle and the deductions of Aqui- 
 nas. And even Aquinas is overruled in his Scriptural posi- 
 tions about the Immaculate Conception, etc., by the new 
 dogmas which Leo XIII. accepts from his feeble predeces- 
 sor. He has thus lost his great opportunity to qualify them 
 by such explanations as are resorted to, in his obedience, by 
 all sensible writers. Without such explanations, the chaos 
 into which they throw the Papal decrees and the theology of 
 Trent is simply " confusion worse confounded." 
 
 Note J, page 31. 
 
 Consult Gladstone's "Vatican Decrees," etc., Dr. Schaff's 
 edition, New York, 1875. Also, Mr. Gladstone's "Answer to 
 Replies," etc., New York, Harpers, 1875. Also, " The Vati- 
 can Council," (containing the speech of Bishop Kenrick, not 
 spoken, but suppressed and subsequently privately printed 
 by the author,) New York, American Tract Society, 1875. 
 Also, "Janus, Pope and Council," pp. 86-96, Rivingtons, 
 London, 1869. 
 
 Note K, page 32. 
 
 See Bacon's Works, vol. viii. p. 76 et seq., and vol. ix. pp. 
 97-102, ed. Boston, 1864. The utterance of any new creed 
 was dogmatically condemned by the Council of Chalcedon. 
 It had been denounced by Canon previously. See this ably 
 demonstrated by Ffoulkes, " Letter to Manning," 1S69. 
 
 20
 
 306 NOTES. 
 
 Note L, page 33. 
 See Ruskin's "Bible of Amiens," p. 41, ed. London, 1848. 
 
 Note M,page 36. 
 
 See " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. viii. pp. 601-644, Am. 
 edition. But here I must enlarge, for my argument in these 
 Lectures turns on the fact that the Decretals, out of a canon- 
 ical Patriarchate and a merely titular Papacy, created the 
 Paparchy. Thus abolishing the Catholic Constitutions, 
 they mark Nicholas I. as the founder of the Papal System, 
 with the " Holy Roman Empire " as its CEcumene. It is 
 a Western fiction and a Western schism ; and Nicholas is 
 clearly the first " Pope " in history, as we now use that term. 
 I shall cite the Jesuits themselves in proof. 
 
 In their Etudes Religieuses (No. 471, p. 392), as quoted in 
 the original French by Mr. Ffoulkes, in his Letter to Cardinal 
 Manning, written while he was himself a Roman Catholic, 
 they make a candid statement which I translate as follows : 
 " The pseudo-Isidorian reform (that of the false Decretals) 
 was good assuredly, for it was adopted by St. Nicholas in 
 A. D. 865, and by the Eighth CEctunenical (Roman, or West- 
 ern cecumene) Council in A. D. 870. It was confirmed by the 
 Council of Trent in A. D. 1564, and for nine centuries has 
 been the Common Law of the Catholic Church " ; — i. e. the 
 Church which ceased to be Catholic by these very acts. 
 
 Here then is the origin of the Paparchy in 865, and the 
 foundation of the existing " Roman Catholic Church," so 
 called, when, just seven hundred years after Nicholas, adopt- 
 ing the new creed of Pius IV. (subsequently formulated) they 
 made these Decretals the base of another novel organization. 
 
 But let us see what the Jesuits say further. Here is their 
 comment, recognizing the fact that Nicholas revolutionized 
 the West, and detached it from the Catholic Constitutions. 
 They say: " But the ancient discipline (of Nicasa and the 
 great councils) was good also, because for the eight centu- 
 ries previous — the Church had known no other." Up to 
 that day, then, even the titular " Popes " of the West had 
 professed to be subject to the Nicene Constitutions, and to 
 be bound to enforce and to obey them. These Jesuits add,
 
 NOTES. 
 
 307 
 
 that " the Christian world has been the dupe of a mistake for 
 seven hundred years " ; that is, the honest mistake of Gratian 
 when he forced into the Canon Law what was originally a 
 "premeditated lie." It took three centuries to turn it from 
 a Papal imposture into Western Law. 
 
 Now, if the Church of England succumbed, functionally 
 but not organically, to such an imposture for four hundred 
 years, what is more evident than tne fact that her Restoration 
 to Catholicity was effected, under Warham, when her Convo- 
 cation with such unanimity rejected the false Canons and 
 reverted to the Nicene ? 
 
 Note N, page 36. 
 See Littledale's " Plain Reasons," pp. 178-180. Bear in 
 mind that primacy is not supremacy. 
 
 Note O, page 43. 
 See Renan, " Les Apotres," etc., Paris, 1883, pp. 216-229, 
 and " St. Paul," pp. 2, 3, et sea. 
 
 Note P, page 47. 
 See Juvenal, Sat. iii. 62-65, ar, d compare Suetonius, " The 
 Twelve Caesars," under "Nero." 
 
 Note Q, page 48. 
 
 Renan, ut supra, "Les Apotres," etc., pp. 224 et sea. 
 Even Renan confesses here the beautiful fruits of Christian 
 civilization. Does he understand that the glorified Roman 
 Law comes out of it ? Elsewhere I have said (see Ante- 
 Nicene Fathers, vol. vi. p. 4) as follows : — 
 
 "Justinian calls Berytus 'the mother and nurse' of the 
 Civil Law. Now Caius, whose Institutes were discovered in 
 1820 by the sagacity of Niebuhr, seems to have been a Syrian. 
 So were Papinian and Ulpian ; and, heathen as they were, 
 they lived under the illumination reflected from Antioch, 
 and, not less than the Antonines, they were examples of a 
 philosophic regeneration which never could have existed 
 until the Christian era had begun its triumphs. Of this sort 
 of pagan philosophy Julian became afterwards the grand 
 embodiment ; and in Julian's grudging confessions of what
 
 308 NOTES. 
 
 he had learned from Christianity we have a key to the secret 
 convictions of others, such as I have named, — characters 
 in whom, as in Plutarch and in many retrograde unbeliev- 
 ers of our day, we detect the operation of influences they are 
 unwilling to acknowledge, — of which, possibly, they are 
 blindly unconscious themselves. Roman law, I maintain, 
 therefore, indirectly owes its origin, as it is directly indebted 
 for its completion in the Pandects, to the new powers and 
 processes of thought which came from 'the Light of the 
 World.' It was light from Galilee and Golgotha, answering 
 Pilate's question in the inward convictions of many a heathen 
 sage." 
 
 Note R, page 53. 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," Am. edition, vol. i. p. 45. 
 Compare Lightfoot's " Apostolic Fathers," vol. ii. sect, ii., 
 passim. 
 
 Note S, page 58. 
 The moth is the enemy of the bee, and, strange to say, a 
 very formidable one. On Pantaenus, see " Ante-Nicene 
 Fathers," vol. ii. p. 165, and vol. viii. p. 776. 
 
 Note T, page 59. 
 See Fiske's "Idea of God," 3d edition, 1886, ut supra ; 
 and "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. vi. p. 303. I am sorry 
 that Mr. Fiske speaks (p. 97) of "the mischief wrought 
 by the Augustinian conception of Deity." It is essentially 
 that of Athanasius. 
 
 Note U, page 61. 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. vi. p. 495; and Cole- 
 ridge's strictures, " Notes on English Divines," vol. i. p. 266, 
 ed. London, 1853. 
 
 Note V, page 62. 
 Professor Allen of Cambridge seems to have prompted 
 John Fiske to such ideas, in his " Continuity of Christian 
 Thought," a " suggestive work," indeed, but terribly involved 
 as to the Unity of Christian Thought, which is essential to 
 its " Continuity."
 
 NOTES. 309 
 
 Note W, page 64. 
 I have endeavoured to bring this out clearly, to the great 
 credit of the Church in Rome at this early period, in several 
 volumes of the "Ante-Nicene Fathers." See vol. ii. p. 3, and 
 vol. viii. p. 765. The Catacombs confirm such evidences. 
 
 Note X, page 64. 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. i. p. 309. 
 
 Note Y, page 66. 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. ni. p. 4. Also, Stanley, 
 "Eastern Church," Lect. V., p. 184. 
 
 Note Z, page 68. 
 The suburbicarian district is explained in "Ante-Nicene 
 Fathers," vol. v. p. 156, and its nature and relations to the 
 Bishop of Rome are illustrated in the succeeding pages to 
 page 162. Note also Ibid., pp. 409-420, and p. 557. 
 
 Note A', page 68. 
 See Hippolytus, " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. iii. p. 3, Am. 
 ed. For those who have no access to this edition of the 
 Ante-Nicene Fathers, let me note that the statue of Hip- 
 polytus was discovered in the progress of excavations at 
 Rome in 155 1, and was seated in the Vatican just when 
 the new creed of Pius IV. was promulgated. He was 
 greatly glorified as a saint, at Rome, till his works were dis- 
 covered on Mt. Athos, in 1842. In 1851, when their authen- 
 ticity and genuineness were established, I saw the statue in 
 the Vatican. But, just then, Providence seems to have 
 warned Pius IX. not to make a new dogma, as, three hundred 
 years before, the unearthing of the statue seems to have 
 warned Pius IV. not to make a new creed. For Hippolytus 
 proves that Zephyrinus and Callistus, two early Bishops of 
 Rome, were not only basely immoral, but rank heretics, 
 whom he and his co-bishops barely saved from delivering 
 over the See of Rome to heresy at this early date. In 
 the face of this warning, Pius IX. declared all the Roman 
 bishops, from the beginning, to have been, like himself, 
 "Infallible."
 
 3IO NOTES. 
 
 Note B', page 72. 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. ii. pp. 295-298. The 
 early martyrs were "multitudes," says Tertullian. Can it 
 be possible that he would use such language to the magis- 
 trates, if he knew that such instances were of rare occur- 
 rence? The disposition of our times to minimize the per- 
 secutions of our Christian forefathers calls upon us to note 
 such references, all the more important because occurring 
 obiter, and mentioned as notorious. Note also the closing 
 chapter of his Apology, and reference to the outcries of the 
 populace, in cap. xxxv. See admirable remarks on the 
 benefits derived by the Church from the sufferings of Chris- 
 tian martyrs, with direct reference to Tertullian, in Words- 
 worth, Church History to Council of Nicasa, cap. xxiv. p. 374. 
 
 Note C, page 75. 
 Compare Bossuet on Psalm ii. 10, Et mine reges : " II les 
 a done appelds non poiiit par neeessite', mais par grace." 
 Opp., vol. iii. p. 83, ed. Paris, 1845. 
 
 Note D', page 78. 
 See " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. viii. p. 3, where I note 
 the absence of exultation on the conversion of the Emperor. 
 
 Note E', page 79. 
 Concerning the celibate, I have elsewhere noted, " Ante- 
 Nicene Fathers," vol. iv. p. 115, a remarkable admission 
 from an unexpected quarter, — an admission that the prin- 
 ciple of a pure asceticism, like that of the early anchorets, 
 lies deep in our nature, as human. Thus speaks Professor 
 J. P. Cooke, of Harvard : "// is well to go away at times, 
 tliat we may see another aspect of human life which still 
 survives in the East, and to feel that influence which led even 
 the Christ into the wilderness to prepare for the struggle 
 with the animal nature of man. We need something of the 
 experience of the anchorites of Egypt, to impress us with 
 the great truth that the distinction between the spiritual and 
 the material remains broad and clear, even if with the scalpel 
 of our modern philosophy we cannot completely dissect the
 
 NOTES. 311 
 
 two ; and this experience will give us courage to cherish our 
 aspirations, keep bright our hopes, and hold fast our Chris- 
 tian faith until the consummation comes." See his " Scien- 
 tific Culture," New York, 18S4. Nevertheless, marriage has 
 been the rule, and celibacy the exception, in the Church of 
 Christ. 
 
 St. Peter was a married apostle, and the traditions of his 
 wife, which connect her married life with Rome itself, render 
 it most surprising that those who claim to be St. Peter's suc- 
 cessors should denounce the marriage of the clergy. Her 
 touching story, borrowed from Clement of Alexandria, is re- 
 lated by Eusebius. " And will they," says Clement, " reject 
 even the apostles ? Peter and Philip, indeed, had children ; 
 Philip also gave his daughters in marriage to husbands; 
 and Paul does not demur, in a certain Epistle, to mention his 
 own wife, whom, in order to expedite his ministry the better, 
 he did not take about with him." Of St. Peter and his wife, 
 Eusebius subjoins, " Such was the marriage of these blessed 
 ones, and such was their perfect affection." 
 
 The Easterns to this day perpetuate the marriage of the 
 clergy, and enjoin it ; but unmarried men only are chosen 
 to be bishops. Even Rome relaxes her discipline for the 
 Uniats, and hundreds of her priesthood, therefore, live in 
 honourable marriage. Thousands live in secret marriage, but 
 their wives are dishonoured as " concubines," and unchaste 
 living is all but universal. It was not till the twelfth century 
 that the celibate was enforced. In England it was never 
 successfully imposed ; and, though the " priest's leman " 
 was not called his wife, to the disgrace of the whole sys- 
 tem, she was yet honoured (see Chaucer), and often car- 
 ried herself too proudly. See " Notes and Queries," vol. i. 
 pp. 147, 14S. 
 
 The enormous evils of an enforced celibacy need not here 
 be remarked upon. The history of " Sacerdotal Celibacy," 
 by Henry C. Lea, of Philadelphia, (Boston, Houghton, Mif- 
 flin, & Co., 2d edition, enlarged, IS84,) is compendious, and 
 can be readily procured. We must not be wiser than God, 
 even in our zeal for His service.
 
 312 NOTES. 
 
 Note F', page 79. 
 
 A paragraph, good so far as it goes, in Stanley's " East- 
 ern Church," page 230, closes with a most pregnant sen- 
 tence, thus: "Undoubtedly, if Constantine is to be judged 
 by the place which he occupies among the benefactors 
 of mankind, he would rank, not among the secondary char- 
 acters of history, but among the very first." The same 
 remark applies to Charlemagne, though less strikingly, all 
 things considered. Compare Dollinger, " Reunion," etc., 
 p. 24, and Stanley, ut supra, p. 249. For the humanity of 
 the new system, see "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. v. p. 563, 
 Elucidation xii. From my own remarks in that series, I 
 cite as follows : — 
 
 "Clement was able to remind the heathen, in Nero's time, 
 that Christ had '■already made the universe an ocean of 
 blessings.' The moral canons of Christianity reflecting the 
 Light of the World operated practically. The first Chris- 
 tian hospital was founded (a.d. 350) by Ephraem Syrus. 
 His example was followed by St. Basil, who also founded 
 another for lepers. The founding of hostels as refuges for 
 travellers was an institution of the Nicene period. ' In the 
 time of Chrysostom,' says Lecky, not too well disposed 
 towards the Gospel, ' the church of Antioch supported three 
 thousand widows and virgins, besides strangers and sick. 
 Legacies for the poor became common ; and it was not infre- 
 quent for men and women who desired to live a life of espe- 
 cial sanctity, and especially for priests who attained the 
 episcopacy, as a first act, to bestow their properties in 
 charity. A Christian, it was maintained, should devote at 
 least one tenth of his profits to the poor. A priest named 
 Thalasius collected blind beggars in an asylum on the banks 
 of the Euphrates. A merchant named Apollinus founded on 
 Mount Nitria a gratuitous dispensary.' 
 
 " So Cyprian's canons, in days of persecution, in lieu of 
 revenge and retaliation, enforce (1) works of mercy ; (2) alms- 
 deeds ; (3) brotherly love; (4) mutual support; (5) forgive- 
 ness of injuries; (6) the example of Christ's holy living; 
 (7) forbearance ; (8) suppression of idle talk ; (9) love of ene- 
 mies ; (10) abhorrence of usury, (11) of avarice, (12) and of
 
 NOTES. 313 
 
 carnal impurity: also, (13) obedience to parents ; (14) paren- 
 tal love; (15) consideration of servants; (16) respect for 
 the aged; (17) moderation, even in use of things lawful ; 
 (18) control of the tongue ; (19) abstinence from detraction; 
 (20) to visit the sick; (21) care of widows and orphans; 
 (22) not to flatter; (23) to practise the Golden Rule ; and 
 {z\) to abstain from bloodshed. In short, we have here the 
 outgrowth of the Sermon on the Mount, and of St. Paul's 
 epitome, ' Whatsoever things are true,' " etc. 
 
 Note G', page 84. 
 See " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. i. p. 52, and vol. v. p. 41 1, 
 Elucid. iv. Consult Balmes, " Le Protestantisme compare','' 
 etc.. cap. xiv. p. 171, ed. Paris, 1851. This author, a 
 Jesuit, takes to the credit of modern Roman Catholics all the 
 good done to the world by primitive Christians. 
 
 Note H', page 85. 
 See Cyprian, passim, in his Epistles, "Ante-Nicene 
 Fathers," vol. v., and my Introduction, page 263. Also, 
 Ep. xi. p. 292. 
 
 Note I', page 85. 
 Stanley is a thorough Erastian, yet we may well consult 
 his view of the growth of the Imperial influence. See 
 " Eastern Church," p. 230, and elsewhere. 
 
 Note J', page 87. 
 De Maistre is a fanatical assailant of Gallicanism in all 
 its phases, but most instructive are his admissions as to 
 the essential identity of the Regale, as conceded to France 
 by all the Popes, and denied to England at the Restoration. 
 Henry VIII. in A. D. 1 551 went no farther than Louis XIV. 
 in A. D. 16S2 ; that is, the English Convocation was excom- 
 municated under Henry for what was done with entire una- 
 nimity by the French bisho-ps under the lead of Bossuet. 
 See De Maistre, Opp., vol. iv. p. 326, and the entire treatise 
 " De l'Eglise Gallicane."
 
 314 NOTES. 
 
 Note K', page 91. 
 Stanley, ut supra, Lect. IV. p. 140. 
 
 Note U, page 91. 
 " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. v. p. 413, Elucid. x., and the 
 "Treatise on Unity," passim, but specially see Elucidations, 
 p. 557 et seq. As to ecclesiastical regimen, based on the 
 co-equality of bishops, and their consent to the priority of 
 certain brethren for the sake of order and convenience, 
 note that in the time of Constantine the Eastern and West- 
 ern Empires were each divided into seven districts, called 
 dioceses, which comprised about one hundred and eighteen 
 provinces. Each province contained several cities, with a 
 district attached to it. The ecclesiastical rulers of the dio- 
 ceses were called patriarchs, exarchs, or archbishops, of whom 
 there were fourteen ; the rulers of the provinces were styled 
 metropolitans, i. e. governors of the firjTpoTTokis or mother 
 city, and those of each city and its districts were simply 
 known as bishops. So that the division which we now call 
 a diocese was in ancient times a union of dioceses, and a 
 parish was a combination of modern parishes. 
 
 Note M', page 93. 
 
 See "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. vi. pp. v. and vi., pref- 
 atory. Also, Stanley, ut supra, Lect. III. p. 113. "The 
 Bishop of Alexandria," says this author, " was known by a 
 title which he alone bore in that assembly (Nicasa). He 
 was the Pope. The ' Pope of Rome ' was a phrase which 
 had not yet emerged in history, but the ' Pope of Alexan- 
 dria ' was a well-known dignity." Why then stultify history 
 by calling the early Bishops of Rome Popes ? 
 
 That the theology of the great school of Alexandria had a 
 character of its own is most apparent ; I should be the last 
 to deny it. As its succession of teachers was like that of he- 
 reditary descent in a family, a family likeness is naturally to 
 be found in the school, from the great Clement to the great 
 Athanasius. It is a school that hands on the traditions in 
 which Apollos had been reared ; it not less reflects the Greek 
 influences always dominant in the capital of the Macedonian
 
 NOTES. 315 
 
 hero ; but it is a school in which the Gospel of Christ as the 
 Light of the World was always made predominant ; and, 
 while a most liberal view of human knowledge was incul- 
 cated in it, yet the faith was always exalted as the mother 
 and mistress of the true gnosis and of all science. The wise 
 men of this world were summoned with an imperial voice, 
 from this eldest seat and centre of Christian learning, to cast 
 their crowns and their treasures at the feet of Jesus. With 
 a generous patronage Clement conceded all he could to the 
 philosophy of the Greeks, and yet sublimely rose above it to a 
 sphere it never discovered, and looked down upon all merely 
 human intellect and its achievements like Uriel in the sun. 
 
 It was the special, though unconscious, mission of this 
 school to prepare the way, and to shape the thought of 
 Christendom, for the great epoch of the (nominal) conversion 
 of the Empire, and for the all-important synodical period, 
 its logical consequence. It was in this school that the tech- 
 nical formulas of the Church were naturally wrought out. 
 The process was like that of the artist who has first to make 
 his own tools. He does many things, and resorts to many 
 contrivances, never afterwards necessary when once the 
 tools are complete, and his laboratory furnished with all he 
 wants for his work. See " Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. vi. 
 PP- 2 57, 3°3- 
 
 Note N', page 96. 
 
 Under the Cypriote privilege, the Church of England 
 maintained her autonomy till the time of Henry II., and 
 never lost it, altogether, under the succeeding reigns. After 
 about four hundred years of usurpation, the Cypriote Canon 
 took lasting effect again under Henry VIII. By this canon, 
 the eighth of Ephesus, all insular churches are exempt from 
 jurisdiction of the Patriarchates. And, apart from this, the 
 second Canon of Constantinople ordains that "churches 
 among barbarians must be governed according to the cus- 
 toms prevalent with their ancestors." This meets the case 
 of the Church of England even in the days of Theodore of 
 Tarsus, its second founder. So also Canon XXVIII. of 
 Chalcedon.
 
 316 NOTES. 
 
 Note O', page 97. 
 The Nicene Creed, so called, ends abruptly, and is closed 
 by the anathema, its enacting clause, which is therefore not 
 recited as part thereof. Obviously, however, it was not to 
 stop here, liturgically, when recited in the public worship of 
 the Church ; but it was allowed to conclude as we still use 
 in the Apostles' Creed, or in the Creed of Jerusalem. The 
 Council of Constantinople added the Jerusalem formula, 
 slightly varied, and made it the orthodox confession touch- 
 ing the Holy Ghost, the Church, etc. See Stanley's " East- 
 ern Church," Lect. II. pp. 71-74 i and the whole subject, in 
 "Ante-Nicene Fathers," vol. vii. p. 524. 
 
 Note P', page 103. 
 See Note K', supra, p. 91. Dean Stanley infers that what 
 was thus done to honour the Scriptures in later councils 
 was based on the example of Nicaea. But though this is a 
 reasonable inference, and among Easterns especially, I do 
 not find the recorded statement. See Stanley, " Eastern 
 Church," p. 140, with his references. 
 
 Note 0>, page 108. 
 
 The Liber Dinrnus obliges every Pope to anathematize 
 (his predecessor) Honorius as a heretic. See Dollinger, 
 "Popes of the Middle Ages," p. 229, ed. 1871; "The 
 Church and the Bishops," by H. St. A. von Liano, Lon- 
 don, Rivingtons, 1870. 
 
 Note R', page 120. 
 
 Alcuin, Opp., vol. i. p. 52, Epist. xxxviii., ed. Ratisbon, 
 1777. This edition omits the " Caroline Books," on advice 
 from Rome. 
 
 Note S', page 121. 
 Dupin does not decide the question as to the authorship 
 of the " Caroline Books," but suggests no other name with 
 equal probabilities in its favour. 
 
 Note T', page 130. 
 Voltaire exults in details of his ferocity, but Bossuet's
 
 NOTES. 317 
 
 eulogy is extravagant, and makes him a saint. He was 
 canonized by the Antipope Paschal II., A. D. 1165. 
 
 Note V, page 134. 
 The Guclphs and Ghibellines were also known as the 
 Bianchi and Neri. The readers of Dante are familiar with 
 these names, which represent the Welfen and Waiblingen of 
 Germany, in Tramontane forms of the South. See a strange 
 account of them in the work of Aroux, a French Ultra- 
 montanist, entitled, " Dante, HeVetique, Rdvolutionnaire et 
 Socialiste," Paris, 1854. The Guelphs were the Pontifical 
 party, and their antagonists were Imperialists, among whom 
 Dante is chief. 
 
 Note V, page 137. 
 See Littledale, ut supra, pp. 120 et sea. I refer frequently 
 to this valuable manual, because it may be had at petty cost 
 in the form of a tract of the London S. P. C. K. It con- 
 denses much material and gives useful references. Every 
 student should possess it, as an index to reading on this 
 
 subject. 
 
 Note W, page 137. 
 
 Many of his expressions may be found in Littledale, 
 ut supra, pp. 176, 177. Also, S. Gregor. Epist., Lib. V. 
 Ep. xviii., Paris, 1849. 
 
 Note X', page 140. 
 Thus Charlemagne summoned a council meant to be 
 oecumenical in effect. He overruled Adrian and humbled 
 Leo. I am pleased with the terse remarks of Goethe on 
 this period, in a letter to Zelter (Sept. 8, 1S28): "As soon 
 as Charles Martel appeared, the chaos which had enveloped 
 Gaul and the rest of the world disappeared. Happily Pepin 
 and Charlemagne follow, but then again a long period of 
 chaos." See " Letters to Zelter," p. 333, ed. Coleridge, Lon- 
 don, 1887. 
 
 Note Y', page 143. 
 It is all-important to bear in mind the unquestioning sub- 
 mission of the West to the Canon Law, with which Gratian
 
 3 18 NOTES. 
 
 identified these forgeries. They knew no better. Since 
 their exposure, however, they have been adopted and re- 
 enacted, and made the framework of the modern " Roman 
 Catholic Church." This is shown in the letter of Edward 
 Ffoulkes to Cardinal Manning, heretofore quoted. 
 
 Note Z', page 146. 
 
 The valuable work of Dr. Maitland was a reprint from the 
 "British Magazine," edited by the estimable Hugh James 
 Rose. The third edition appeared in 1S53, and I think 
 several have appeared since. It gave a great impulse to 
 the Oxford movement, but was unfortunate in its second- 
 ary effects, which were reactionary and extravagant. 
 
 Note A", page 147. 
 
 "The Fall of Constantinople," etc., by Edwin Pears, etc., 
 New York, 1886. See page 4. This is a work on the Latin 
 Conquest ; not the final fall of the Christian metropolis, in 
 A. D. 1453. On this subject, I cannot forbear to quote the 
 forcible words of Mr. Ffoulkes in his letter to Cardinal 
 Manning: " It has often been set to the credit of the Popes, 
 that they saved Europe from the Turks. History says 
 that they opened the door by which the Turks came in. It 
 is certain that the Latins proved the ruin of the Greek 
 Empire, much more than the Turks. Had the Greek Em- 
 pire been left to itself, or helped honestly, it would have 
 barred the Turks from Europe to this day, and preserved all 
 the civilization, population, and Christianity contained in it 
 for man." This is not only true, but so very true that by 
 this fact alone the Paparchy, convicted of a war upon Chris- 
 tendom in the interest of Mohammedanism, is proved an 
 Antichrist. 
 
 Note B", page 149. 
 
 Littledale's chapter on " The Wickedness of the Local 
 Church of Rome," ut supra, p. 208 et seq., may well be 
 referred to. And see Ffoulkes's letter to Manning on this 
 head also.
 
 NOTES. 319 
 
 Note C", page 150. 
 The history of Pope Joan is given with candor in Bishop 
 Hopkins's " End of Controversy Controverted" (New York, 
 1854); but see also Dollinger, "Fables respecting the 
 Popes in the Middle Ages," translated by Plummer, Lon- 
 don, Rivington, 1 871. In the splendid church on the Su- 
 perga, near Turin, amid pictures of the pontiffs, I saw that 
 of Pope Joan, in 185 r. It was pointed out by the custode 
 with derision. A similar memorial in the cathedral of 
 Sienna lias been removed. Those anxious to look into this 
 very curious matter are also referred to the " Esame critico 
 degli Atti e Documenti relativa alia Favola della Papessa 
 Giovanna, di A. Bianchi-Giovini," Milan, 1844. It was re- 
 viewed in the North British Review for February, 1850. 
 
 Note D", page 151. 
 Edgar's speech, as reported, agrees with authentic docu- 
 ments of the age in all that it includes; but I do not find 
 it in William of Malmesbury. 
 
 Note E", page 152. 
 Hincmar deserves especial note. See " Church of France," 
 by Jervis, London, 1872, vol. i. pp. 32-38; also "Life and 
 Times of Hincmar," by J. C. Prichard, Oxford, 1849. 
 
 Note F", page 153. 
 
 De Maistre complains that Louis XIV. established "la 
 suprematie anglaise dans toute sa perfection." Why then 
 was France not excommunicated, like England ? This 
 author devotes to this inquiry a whole chapter of " L'Eglise 
 Gallicane," p. 341, Paris, 1853. 
 
 Note G", page 154. 
 Bossuet, according to De Maistre, is indeed to be pitied. 
 See page 334 of that author's " L'Eglise Gallicane," which 
 impeaches him so severely. This great bishop used to speak 
 of " the Romans," and thus authorizes us to do the same. 
 
 Note H", page 155. 
 St. Bernard's words are these: " Ouis mihi det ante-
 
 320 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 quam moriar videre Ecclesiam Dei, sicut in diebus antiquis ; 
 quando apostoli laxabant retia, non in capturam argenti vel 
 auri, sed in capturans animarum." Epist. ccxxxviii. torn. i. 
 p. 499, ed. Paris, 1839. 
 
 Note I", page 155. 
 This golden letter of St. Bernard to the Canons of Lyons 
 may be found as above, Epist. clxxiv. p. 390. See his 
 strictures on the Papacy, (De Consideratione, iii. 4,) Ibid., 
 p. 1049. 
 
 Note J", page 157. 
 Of Bernard's conflict with Abelard, see Archbishop 
 Trench's "Mediaeval Church," p. 210, New York, 1878. 
 
 Note K", page 161. 
 Trace the overflow of barbarians upon Western Christen- 
 dom in any map series like that of Gage, New York, 1869. 
 See Trench, ut supra, pp. 24, 25, et seq. 
 
 Note L", page 162. 
 Whewell, in his " Inductive Sciences," makes this clear. 
 See vol. i. pp. 177, 181, ed. New York, 1S58. 
 
 Note M", page 165. 
 The Renaissance is powerfully outlined by Michelet, to 
 whose work I shall have occasion to refer. See " Histoire 
 de France au XVI me Steele," Paris, 1855. 
 
 Note N", page 166. 
 See Roscoe's Life of Lorenzo, — a fascinating account of 
 this great man's hand in the revival of learning,— chap. i. 
 p. 59, London, Bohn, 1846. 
 
 Note O", page 169. 
 See Michelet, ut supra, p. 83 of his Introduction, on the 
 lack of scientific building in the pointed architecture. 
 
 Note P", page 169. 
 Michelet, ut supra, p. 84 of Introduction. Hogarth has 
 fastened this story on Columbus, but see "Notes and 
 Queries," 1856, p. 72.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 321 
 
 Note Q", page 173. 
 Michelet {tit supra, p. 1) has a brilliant picture of Charles 
 VIII. and his invasion of Italy, a. d. 1494. 
 
 Note R", page 174. 
 Of the Council of Florence, a recent writer, while a mem- 
 ber of the Papal communion, speaks thus forcibly to Car- 
 dinal Manning : " Of all Councils that ever were held, I 
 suppose there never was one in which hypocrisy, duplicity, 
 and worldly motives played a more conspicuous or dis- 
 graceful part. How the Council of Basle was outwitted, 
 and Florence named as the place to which the Greeks 
 should come ; how the galleys of the Pope outstripped the 
 galleys of the Council, and bore the Greeks in triumph from 
 Constantinople to a town in the centre of Italy, where the 
 Pope was all-powerful ; how they were treated there ; and 
 why they were subsequently removed to Florence, — would 
 reveal a series of intrigues of the lowest order, if I had space 
 to transcribe them ; unfortunately, they were too patent at 
 every stage of the Council for the real objects of its pro- 
 moters to admit of the slightest doubt." He adds, justly : 
 "The Easterns were trampled upon for maintaining their 
 rights, ejected from their churches, . . . and supplanted by a 
 rival hierarchy, wherever the Crusaders conquered." 
 
 Note S", page 176. 
 This is brilliantly illustrated by Michelet, treating of Angelo 
 " comme prophete " (tit supra, pp. 210-22S). On the anni- 
 versary of the opening of the Sistine chapel, All-Saints' day, 
 185 1, the work of Michael, before the eyes of such a court, 
 greatly impressed me, as I saw Pius IX. pontificate. 
 
 Note T", page 1S3. 
 See Note W, supra, p. 317. See also Ep. xix. pp. 744, 
 749, and Lib. vii. Ep. xiii. p. 891. 
 
 Note U", page 199. 
 Alarmed at the growing fulness of my notes, I have 
 omitted citations in this Lecture, to which I now refer my 
 reader in general terms. My notes are designed to hint, 
 
 21
 
 322 
 
 A T OTES. 
 
 to youthful students, the sources of information ordinarily 
 to be found in college libraries. Consult Soames, " Anglo- 
 Saxon Church," 4th ed., 1S56 ; Innett, "History of the 
 English Church," Oxford, 1855. Collier's great History of 
 the same, in nine volumes, and Bede's works, translated, 
 may be found even more readily perhaps. Fuller's " Church 
 History of Britain " is so witty that young students find it 
 a delightful work to begin with. 
 
 Note V", page 218. 
 This is shown by Michelet in a frightful note to his Intro- 
 duction (p. cxli.), where he cites his proof that Innocent 
 accepted with enthusiasm the whole responsibility for the 
 massacres of the Vaudois, etc. 
 
 Note W", page 225. 
 The divorce of Queen Vashti might almost as well be made 
 the starting-point for a history of Henry VIII. as that of 
 Queen Katherine. But, the beaten track is still plodded 
 over in new books, as well as in journalism. 
 
 Note X", pages 228, 247. 
 
 There was no "divorce" of Queen Katherine properly 
 speaking, because there was no marriage. It was a case of 
 incest, licensed by Pope Julius for money. Yet see how 
 Guizot falls into the ruts, and flippantly gives his opinion 
 of the "divorce" against all the contemporary decisions of 
 Universities, scholars, and divines, in the Papal communion 
 itself. See his " History of France," vol. iii. p. 143. He 
 seems to imagine that Henry could have acted arbitrarily in 
 so great a case, instead of seeing that it was only because 
 England was ready to break with the Papacy that he was 
 able to bring it about on such slight provocation. The facts 
 about the divorce are admirably stated by Bishop Hopkins, 
 "End of Controversy," etc., vol. i. pp. 23, 40, 197, 215, ed. 
 New York, 1854. 
 
 Note Y", page 236. 
 
 Massillon has been accused of sowing the seeds of rev- 
 olution, but the age no doubt regarded his expressions as
 
 NOTES. 323 
 
 mere flourishes. Yet in the " Petit Careme " are apparent 
 premonitions of the Reign of Terror. He says, for exam- 
 ple, that God visits upon princes their accumulated sins, 
 " extinguishes their families, withers at the root the stem 
 of their posterity, causes their titles and their possessions 
 to pass into strange hands, renders them striking examples 
 of the inconstancy of human affairs, and monuments before- 
 hand of his judgments against hearts ungrateful and unfeeling, 
 under the fatherly care of His Providence." He tells them 
 that "they owe their place to the free consent of the peo- 
 ple," and adds, that, " in a word, as the prime source of their 
 authority is from us, kings should use it only in our behalf." 
 Such were the views in which the French Revolution began, 
 and, however just, they were a species of Lollardism under 
 Louis XIV. 
 
 Note Z", page 243. 
 Concerning " Codes of Belief," De Maistre has expatiated 
 eloquently, as follows : " If a people possesses one of these 
 Codes 0/ Belief, we may be sure of this, that the religion of 
 such a people is false." This he says because he imagines 
 the Thirty-nine Articles to be a creed, — a code required of 
 all men as a condition of salvation. But such is not the 
 case, and so his maxim harms not us ; but it is fatal to the 
 creed of his own communion. For the Council of Trent 
 has set forth the most enormous system of scholastic sub- 
 tleties ever digested into a Code by the human mind. And 
 all of this is professed as an article of the Faith in the 
 Creed of Pius the Fourth, as follows: " I embrace and re- 
 ceive all and every one of the things which have been 
 defined and declared in the Holy Council of Trent. This 
 true Catholic Faith, without which no one can be saved, I 
 do freely confess and sincerely hold." Here we have a 
 Code of Belief, indeed, such as De Maistre pronounces 
 necessarily false. I am forced to adopt this conclusion. 
 Not the Anglican, but the Romanist, puts a code into his 
 creed. And think what this code involves, " without which 
 no one can be saved." Millions who cannot write or read 
 are forced to receive even its infinitesimal definitions, some 
 of which not even the wisest men can understand.
 
 324 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Note A'", page 250. 
 This quotation is from Mr. Pugin. My readers may be 
 glad to know that it is accessible, with much more from the 
 same source, in an invaluable periodical, sustained so many 
 years by that noblest layman of the American Church, the 
 late Hugh Davy Evans, LL. D., of Baltimore. See his 
 "True Catholic," vol. ix. pp. 212, 265. It was originally 
 published in London, by Dolman, in 185 1, as an "Earnest 
 Address, etc., by A. Welby Pugin, Esq." 
 
 Note B'", page 252. 
 
 Of the mass at Notre Dame, it is enough to say that 
 Francis understood from his Gallican standpoint what More 
 and Fisher should have understood as well from ours. 
 Guizot and other French and German Protestants always, 
 from theirs, fail to comprehend the case. It is therefore 
 noteworthy, when I find in the " Revue des Deux Mondes " 
 so true and clear a statement as the following: " L'Eglise 
 Anglicane n'a donne au Cesar que cela que lui appartient; 
 la meme autorite que tenait l'Empereur aux jours de Gregoire 
 I., le meme, en effet, que l'Eglise Gallicane a si souvent re- 
 clame pour ses rois des les jours de St. Louis. Avec la revo- 
 lution de Luther, Sa reformation iia de cotnmun qiCun eclat 
 contemporain. Le flot du Continent vient battre les rochers 
 de son isolement, mais sans entrer dans la place ; et dela 
 naquit le ' Dissent,' qui est le veritable protestanlisme de 
 l'Angleterre." 
 
 Note C", page 252. 
 
 It is surprising that such an act, by a person in deacon 's 
 orders only, has not excited more remark on the gross ideas 
 about absolution prevailing in the Roman Court. The dea- 
 con's functions are " non-sacerdotal " ; yet, when put into 
 the College of Cardinals and made a legate, the bishops 
 and all orders of a nation kneel before him for sacramental 
 absolution. The Marian schism exhibits nothing Catholic. 
 
 Note D"', page 253. 
 The impertinence of quoting this shameful act against 
 Calvin, as if it balanced the sweeping off of nations by
 
 NOTES. 325 
 
 Innocent III. and the wholesale blood-shedding of Alva, 
 ought to be apparent to common sense. Yet, under colour of 
 the false liberality of our times, how constantly we find jour- 
 nalists and others remarking that, if Rome persecuted, so 
 did the Calvinists and others. In a few detestable instances, 
 such facts, it is true, disgrace the Reformation, and our 
 Restoration also. But (1) they were exceptional and not 
 systematic ; (2) they were the lingering results of cruel laws, 
 which we owe to the pontiffs and to the kings who sustained 
 their persecutions ; (3) and they have been repented of, 
 abjured, and abhorred universally. 13 ut the Roman perse- 
 cutions were as vast as those of the Caliphs ; were accepted 
 and glorified as triumphs of the Church ; and they have 
 never been disclaimed, but, on the contrary, are justified to 
 this day, and the right to renew them is asserted by modern 
 
 pontiffs. 
 
 Note E'", page 255. 
 
 Concerning Linus and Gladys, see " Ante-Nicene Fathers," 
 
 vol. iii. Elucid. ii. p. 108, and the references there : also, viii. 
 
 p. 641; and, for a very interesting summary, Lewin's " Life of 
 
 St. Paul," vol. ii. pp. 394~397- 
 
 Note F"', page 260. 
 See Faher's masterly treatise on the "Primitive Doctrine 
 of Election," New York, 1S40. For popular instruction 
 touching the Scholastics, see " Mediaeval Church History," 
 by Archbishop Trench, p. 200; also, for Nominalism and 
 Realism, pp. 268, 328, ed. New York, 1878. 
 
 Note G'", page 261. 
 In his Third Lecture before students of the College of 
 France, Ouinet (a friend and colleague of Michelet) treats 
 of " The Roman Church and the State "; elsewhere of "The 
 Roman Church and Science," of the same "and Law," etc. 
 The whole course of Lectures is vigorous and suggestive, 
 and, coming from a person familiar with French history in 
 its relations with the Popes, a man of the world and not a 
 theologian, the work is worth studying just now, when the 
 conflict with Ultramontanism is beginning in our Republic. 
 An English translation of the Lectures was published in
 
 326 NOTES. 
 
 London in 1845, under the title of " Ultratnontanism, or the 
 Roman Church and Modern Society" (John Chapman, Pub- 
 lisher). It is all the more valuable, as showing where things 
 stood in Europe just before the accession of Pius IX. 
 
 Note H'", page 263. 
 The Schoolmen, writing down the bishops to write up the 
 Pope, (see Aquinas, Opp., torn. iv. p. 1055 et seq., ed. Migne, 
 and Peter Lombard, torn. i. p. 394,) seized upon some pas- 
 sionate expressions of Jerome, which appear to have been 
 copied by Augustine, and theorized, against all antiquity, 
 that the Episcopate, though an order in the hierarchy, was 
 not of itself one of the Holy Orders. The bishop was only a 
 presbyter acting in a given place as a vicar of the one Uni- 
 versal Bishop at Rome. Calvin, educated in Scholasticism, 
 shared this view, and accordingly, in rejecting the Papacy, 
 he supposed the Episcopate must go with it. Yet he deeply 
 felt the value of the pritnitive Episcopacy, and professed 
 himself in favour of it, if only it might be had. See his 
 Institutes, Opp., vol. viii., ed. Amstelod., 1667, p. 60. 
 
 Note I'", page 281. 
 When King Charles demanded a private interview with 
 his judges in the Painted Chamber, he said, " The child which 
 is unborn may repent it," i. e. a refusal of his request and 
 a hasty judgment. (King Charles's Works, p. 417, London, 
 1735.) His appeal so touched the court, that, but for the 
 browbeating of Cromwell, a motion would have been made 
 to allow what was asked. Think, then, of all that followed 
 in 1660, in 1688, and down to 171 5 and 1745, in fulfilment of 
 the prophecy. But let nobody suppose that the disinheriting 
 of his unworthy son James II. would have been regretted by 
 the King. He made it a condition of his blessing to his chil- 
 dren, that they should " perform all duty and obedience to 
 their Mother, . . . and to obey the Queen in all things, ex- 
 cept in matter of religion," commanding the Princess Eliza- 
 beth particularly, in that particular, " upon his blessing, never 
 to hearken or consent to her, but to continue firm in the 
 religion she had been instructed and educated in, what dis- 
 countenance and ruin soever might befall the poor Church
 
 NOTES. 327 
 
 under so severe persecution." See Lord Clarendon's " His- 
 tory of the Rebellion," book x. p. 68, and book xi. p. 230, ed. 
 Oxford, 1707. He thus withdrew his blessing from his 
 posterity in case they should lapse ; and his charge to his 
 son and successor was the same, in his last letter to him 
 from Newport, November 25, 164S. It was reserved for 
 James to forfeit this blessing, and to reap the penalty. This 
 last of the Stuart kings seems to have been a reproduction 
 of King John. 
 
 Note J'", page 283. 
 
 " She is most precious ; for, like a chemical medium, she 
 possesses the power of harmonizing natures otherwise inca- 
 pable of union. On the one hand, she reaches to the Protes- 
 tant ; on the other, the Roman Catholic." (See De Maistre, 
 Opp., vol. i. p. 27.) 
 
 In amplifying this thought, I have elsewhere expressed 
 myself as follows: "Her charity, indeed, is made her re- 
 proach ; but she follows apostolic example in this, as in 
 other things. She dictates the creeds, she prescribes a 
 Scriptural liturgy. This she must preserve, as they have 
 come down to her as an inheritance from the purest ages of 
 the Gospel ; but she refuses to make more narrow the old 
 Catholic way of salvation. She dares to say, and none but 
 a Catholic Church can say so much, 'Let us, therefore, as 
 many as be perfect, be thus minded, and if in anything ye 
 be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto you ; 
 nevertheless, wherein we have already attained, let us walk 
 by the same rule, let us mind the same thing.' Thank God, 
 this was the spirit of her Reformation. In a scholastic 
 age she was reproached by the Calvinists on one side, and 
 the Romanists on the other, because she utterly refused to 
 erect a Code of Belief, as they did, or to split metaphysical 
 hairs and bind humanity, like the giant in the fable, by 
 Liliputian webs, a bond slave to scholastic subtleties. This 
 is the sect spirit ; the Catholic spirit has nothing of it." 
 From a sermon preached in Montreal. 
 
 Note K'", page 291. 
 The work of Ranke gives the melancholy evidence of this. 
 And the court of Louis XIV., in which atheists were toler-
 
 328 NOTES. 
 
 ated, but not the Huguenots, may sufficiently illustrate the 
 results of such policy in the fate it brought upon Louis XVI. 
 and his unhappy people. 
 
 Note L'",page 294. 
 A letter of Lord Macaulay's, dated May 23, 1857, addressed 
 to H. S. Randall, Esq., author of a " Life of Jefferson," was 
 published in the " Southern Literary Messenger," some 
 thirty years ago. It is an admirable comment of that vis- 
 ionary man of genius upon the maxims with which he had 
 spent his life in trying to induce Englishmen to destroy their 
 own Constitution, while professing supreme devotion to its 
 spirit, its marvellous vitality, and its vitalizing power. At 
 this crisis, both Englishmen and Americans would do well to 
 recur to that letter for a moral suited to the times. 
 
 P. S. — Note on the Temporal Supremacy, page 249. 
 
 Dupin affirms that the Eveqiie ate dehors may be called 
 Head of the Church, in a justifiable sense. Dissert. Histor., 
 D. vii. c. iii. §viii. p. 582, ed. Paris, 16S6. Also, that in the 
 time of Clovis, not the Pope, but the King, was esteemed, 
 "after God, the head on earth of the Church in his own 
 realm." See his treatise on the Gallican Liberties, p. 175, 
 ed. 1609. Noailles ("Ambassades en Angleterre," p. 175, 
 Leyden, 1763) relates that Queen Mary the Bloody, after 
 dropping the title " Supreme Head," restwied it six days be- 
 fore the date of his letter, April 23, 1554. On the other hand, 
 Queen Elizabeth would not suffer herself to be so styled, 
 whether "in speech or in writing." See Bishop Jewell, Zu- 
 rich Letters, First Series, p. 33, Cambridge, 1842. 
 
 But now compare with this local and temporal title (which 
 Henry VIII. and his daughter Mary used, but which has 
 never been permitted since in England) the title of " Uni- 
 versal Bishop," which the Roman Bishop has presumed to 
 wear ever since Gregory I. rejected it, as Antichristian. 
 What said Gregory about it ? He said, " To consent in that 
 nefarious phrase is nothing else but to forfeit the Faith." 
 Epistle xix. p. 744, torn, iii., ed. Paris, 1849.
 
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