TIAM 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 1 J|i _l* U— - JJ 
 
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, THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 BEQUEST 
 OF 
 
 Marian Hooker 
 
/<:^^t:;^:^-.*«c; ^''»^«-*^^^*^ 
 
 VENETIAN STUDIES 
 
By the same Author. 
 LIFE ON THE LAGOONS. 
 
 WITH TWO ILLUSTRATIONS AND A MAP. 
 Crozvn Svo, cloth ^ ds. 
 
 "A thoroughly readable book, which cannot fail to afford entertain- 
 ment to those who take an interest in the people of the old Queen of 
 the Sea." — Spectator. 
 
 " Contains a considerable amount of curious and entertaining in- 
 formation not easily accessible elsewhere in any compact form." — 
 A thenaiini. 
 
 " The volume is a real and solid contribution to Venice literature. It 
 is full of poetry and full of heart. We feel that it is written by one who 
 has a passion for his subject, by one who knows how love-impelling 
 Venice is, who knows how genial, frank, and winning are her people, 
 and who desires others to accept his belief." — Academy. 
 
 " We could spare half a dozen of the ordinary books of travel for it." 
 - Saturday Review. 
 
 London : Kegan Paul, Trench & Co. 
 
VENETIAN STUDIES 
 
 BY 
 
 HORATIO F. BROWN 
 
 LONDON 
 
 KEG AN PAUL, TRENCH & CO., i, PATERNOSTER SQUARE 
 
 1887 
 
Of the following Studies, No. 5 appeared, in a slightly- 
 different form, in the Quarterly Review, and No. 11 in 
 the English Illustrated Magazine, To the proprietors and 
 editors of these thanks are due for permission to reprint. 
 
 LOAN STACK 
 
 JIFT 
 
 (The rights <?/ translation and ofrtf>rodnction are reserved:) 
 

 TO 
 
 MY MOTHER. 
 
 282 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PACK 
 
 The City of Rialto ... ... ... ... ... i 
 
 Bajamonte Tiepolo and the Closing of the Great 
 
 Council ... ... .. ... ... ... 56 
 
 The Carraresi ... .. .. ... ... 90 
 
 Carmagnola, a Soldier of Fortune ... ... ... 145 
 
 The State Archives and the Constitution of the 
 
 Venetian Republic ... ... ... ... 178 
 
 Cardinal Contarini and his Friends ... ... 230 
 
 Marcantonio Bragadin, a Sixteenth-Century Cag- 
 
 LiosTRO ... ... ... ... ... .. 259 
 
 Caterina Cornaro, Queen of Cyprus ... ... 291 
 
 The Spanish Conspiracy ... ... ... 334 
 
 Oliver Cromwell and the Venetian Republic ... 364 
 
 Venice of To-day ... ... ... ... 396 
 
VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 THE CITY OF RIALTO. 
 
 " Quid est mare ? refugium in periculis." — Alcuin. 
 
 The origin of Venice is one of the most obscure 
 points in Italian history. Tradition marks the incur- 
 sion of Attila as the birth-moment of that republic, 
 which was destined to grow in silence, fed from the 
 East, during the Middle Ages ; to embark upon the 
 troubled waters of Renaissance politics ; to put forth 
 the blossom of a glorious art ; to stand as a bulwark 
 for Europe against the Ottoman power ; to flame in 
 sinister splendour down the road of corruption, and 
 to be extinguished at last, the oldest state in Europe, 
 by the convulsions of the French Revolution. But 
 long before Attila came with his Huns, before the 
 Goths or the Lombards or the Franks seized on the 
 plains of Northern Italy, those mud islands of 
 the lagoon must have had their population — a race 
 of fishermen, poor, hardy, independent, sea-bred and 
 sea-nurtured. Cassiodorius, secretary of Theodoric 
 the Great, writes to the Venetians of the Lagoons 
 as to a people who had already achieved a certain 
 
 B 
 
2 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 amount of unity and self-government. From his 
 famous epistle of A.D. 523,* we gather the impres- 
 sion of a community simple, industrious, republican, 
 and we obtain our earliest view of the Venetian 
 villages ; the houses rising on the shoals, saved from 
 destruction in the ever-shifting waters by the frail 
 palisade twisted from withes of osier. There is a 
 breath of the salt, free air in the secretary's phrase, 
 " Hie vobis, aquatilium avium more, domus est." But 
 no eye noted the first low huts, built of mud bricks, 
 nor measured those light and shallow boats which 
 stood, stabled like horses, at the door of every house ; 
 no historian traced the internal growth of these fishing 
 stations ; and we have been left to suppose what has 
 often been stated, that the refugees from the mainland, 
 flying before the frequent foreign occupations, found 
 the islands, where they sought shelter, deserted mud- 
 banks out at sea. This could not have been the case. 
 Venice was not peopled solely by exiles from Aquileia, 
 Oderzo, Concordia, or Padua. Through the obscurity 
 of the records which have reached us, we can trace 
 a long-continued struggle raging inside Venice,t 
 before a thorough fusion of the original and the 
 immigrant populations could be brought about. 
 There were years of quarrelling between Malamocco, 
 where the older race predominated, and Heraclea, 
 
 * See Hazlitt, " Hist, of Venetian Republic" (London : i860), 
 vol, iv. doc. i. : " Viminibus enim flexilibus illigatis, terrena illis 
 soliditas aggregatur . . . proinde naves quas, more animalium, 
 vestris parietis illigastis, diligenti cura reficite." 
 
 + Throughout this essay I shall use the name " Venice " for 
 the whole lagoon district, reserving " Rialto " for the city we now 
 call Venice, 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 3 
 
 peopled chiefly by refugees from Feltre and Odcrzo. 
 The union was not effected until the city of Rialto, 
 the city we now call Venice, rose to pre-eminence on 
 the ruins of Heraclea and of Malamocco, as the 
 monument of Pipin's attack and defeat. The choice 
 of Rialto as the seat of the government is the starting- 
 point of sequent Venetian history. Around Rialto 
 we gather all those memories which are chiefly 
 associated with the name of Venice — the wealth, the 
 splendour, the pride of the Adriatic's Queen ; Rialto 
 floating on the water, a city that is "always just 
 putting out to sea." A discussion, therefore, of the 
 causes which led to the final selection of Rialto as 
 the capital of Venice will form a fit prelude to any 
 studies in the history of the Venetian republic. 
 
 Rialto was the city of compromise and of survival, 
 — of compromise between those internal and discordant 
 elements which constituted the population of the 
 fishing villages ; of survival between two great 
 external and antagonistic powers, the East and the 
 West. On one side of Venice lay the mythic 
 splendour, the dim grandeur, the august name of 
 " the Golden Emperor ; " on the other the barbaric 
 power, the juvenile force, the mighty hand and out- 
 stretched arm of the Frankish king. Constantinople 
 displayed the civilization of the world, the long-in- 
 herited lordship of the Caesars ; while the court of 
 Charles the Great seemed instinct with the might of 
 some unmeasured natural force, eruptive and volcanic. 
 The Eastern Empire was old * and mythical through 
 
 * "t^Ji/ ypavv t^v fiaffiXfiav, as KSprjv xP^f^offirdToKov, us fiapyapocpo- 
 povaav." Manasses in Constant., vii. 
 
4 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 age ; but it still retained some of its pristine vigour, 
 though the hand of sovereignty began to fall, here 
 and there, from the government. The Prankish 
 power, on the contrary, bounded forward with the 
 impetuosity of youth ; yet destiny reserved for it too, 
 although so young, only a brief life in Italy. It fell to 
 pieces on the death of its creator ; and " Charlemagne, 
 with all his peerage," faded away into the shadowy 
 region of poetical myth — the only region where their 
 mark remained as conquerors. Between these two 
 forces Italy, and with her Venice, pursued their task 
 of developing themselves as states. The action and 
 reaction of East and West determined the evolution 
 of Venice ; and Rialto emerged as the result of their 
 operation on that portion of the Roman world. 
 
 The Eastern Empire, though surely settling to- 
 wards dissolution, still presented the greatest power 
 in existence. Its longevity, its centuries of vigorous 
 old age, were continually proving how massively the 
 structure of the Roman constitution had been framed. 
 The repeated recovery of vital force, the re-organiza- 
 tion of the whole system, the new leases of life 
 effected by Constantine, by Heraclius, by Leo the 
 Isaurian, by Nicephorus, and by Basil, demonstrated 
 the solid ribwork of the Roman body politic. Under 
 the protection of the law we may believe that the 
 subjects of the Eastern Empire were well governed. 
 Its chroniclers have chosen to dwell upon the ex- 
 ceptions, recording, chiefly, instances of imperial 
 caprice; but the enormous wealth of the merchants 
 would rather prove that property was secure, com- 
 merce active, and justice strictly administered. Ni- 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 5 
 
 cephorus I. could never have incurred such a torrent 
 of obloquy for his alleged extortions, nor could 
 Theodora have bequeathed so vast a treasury to her 
 son Michael the Drunkard, had the people been 
 impoverished, or the country ruined, by years of 
 fiscal oppression. The gigantic scale of the imperial 
 operations for the encouragement of agriculture 
 shows at once the power of the emperors and their 
 earnestness in good government. We have only to 
 call to mind the colony of two hundred thousand 
 Sclavs transferred by Constantine V. to Bithynia, 
 and the corresponding establishment of Asiatic agri- 
 culturists on the borders of Sclavonia, to perceive 
 that the Roman emperor was both the successor of 
 the Great King and the ruler bred in the political 
 principles of the early Caesars. And the same 
 profundity of resource appeared in the military, no 
 less than in the financial administration. Constantine 
 Copronymus found no difficulty, after the loss of an 
 army and fleet numbering two thousand transports, 
 in taking the field against the Bulgarians the follow- 
 ing year with a new army of eighty thousand men 
 and two thousand vessels.* 
 
 During the eighth and ninth centuries the Eastern 
 Empire was, on the whole, prosperous. Nor could the 
 continual dynastic changes upset, or even seriously 
 shake, the solid strength of the constitution. The 
 emergence of successful soldiers like Leo, of feeble 
 princes like the Amorian family, of pure adventurers 
 like Basil I., left the general lines of government 
 
   See Finlay's "History of Greece" (Oxford: 1877), vol. 
 li. p 230. 
 
6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 unchanged. That policy of careful finance and vigor- 
 ous military administration, initiated by Augustus, 
 and laid down by him as the basis of imperial autho- 
 rity, was maintained, for the most part, by those who 
 subsequently bore the title of emperor. The maxims 
 of Caesarship were held by them as something hardly 
 dependent upon their personal character. The prince 
 was not to be confounded with the administration ; that 
 was hereditary and traditional, the expression of the 
 Roman idea. No doubt the vigour and efficiency of 
 the government varied with the qualities of the 
 Augustus, but the substantial principles never altered. 
 And so, distinct from the national life, severed from 
 the interests of the people and almost unobserved by 
 them, there existed the life of the Great Palace, the 
 private economy of Caesar as sovereign of a court, not 
 as minister of finance or emperor of the Roman 
 armies. We know more of this palace life than we 
 know of the imperial executive, for the chroniclers 
 have busied themselves over the details of it. We 
 see it sumptuous and fantastic under Theophilus, the 
 emperor who played the Paris to the virgins assembled 
 in his stepmother's house, and chose his wife by the 
 gift of a golden apple.* He is the Augustus whose 
 chief glory lay in building the Palace of Bryas,t an 
 imitation of the caliph's home in Bagdad. The 
 
 * Symeon Mag., Ann. Corpus Script. Hist. Byz. (Bonn: 
 1838), torn. 46, p. 415. 
 
 t Sym. Mag, op. cit., p. 421 ; Theophanes, " Contin." Corp. 
 Hist. Byz. (Bonn), torn. 46, pp. 86-91 ; Leo, Gram. Script. 
 Hist. Byz. (Venetiis : 1729), torn. vi. p. 362; Gibbon, "Dec. 
 and Fall," capp. 52, 53. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO, 7 
 
 porphyry chamber for the lying-in of empresses ; 
 the long colonnades with tessellated floors and marble 
 pillars made for cool promenades ; the sleeping- 
 rooms arranged to suit each season of the year ; the 
 dining-halls named Eros and Margarite ; the golden 
 tree with artificial birds that piped and fluttered in 
 the branches ; the organs hidden in the ceilings that 
 played soft music while the emperor passed below ; 
 the system of sun telegraphs that flashed their messages 
 from the borders of the empire and wrote them on a 
 disc inside the council hall; the telephone and whisper- 
 ing gallery that joined one corner of the gardens to 
 another — these and a hundred other such toys and 
 curious inventions occupied the leisure and amused 
 the fancy of Theophilus the Unfortunate. Or we 
 may see the court bigoted and fanatical, ruled by 
 monks, clamorous with arguments in favour or in 
 condemnation of image-worship ; settling the nature 
 of the Trinity by blows and blood ; engrossed by no 
 more actual care. Constantine VI. lost his throne for 
 a breach of the canon law in divorcing his wife to 
 marry Theodota ; and earlier still, in the year 669, 
 the troops of the Orient Theme, catching the religious 
 infection from their chief Constantine IV., claimed that 
 the emperor's two brothers should also be crowned, 
 and thus a Trinity would reign on earth, the counter- 
 part of that in heaven. Leo V., the Armenian, owed 
 his death partly to a scruple about Christmas Day 
 which forbade him to slay his enemy, Michael, before 
 receiving the sacrament, and partly to the military pre- 
 cision with which he attended matins and joined in 
 the psalms. The assassins recognized the emperor by 
 
8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 his deep, sonorous voice, and stabbed him before the 
 altar in the chill grey Christmas morning. Or once 
 again, and in opposition to this passionate earnestness 
 in matters of dogmatic dispute, we may see the court 
 scurrilous and ribald under Michael the Drunkard, 
 the emperor who made Gryllus, his buffoon, ride in 
 procession through the streets of Constantinople, robed 
 in the patriarch's vestments, seated on a white mule, 
 and attended by eleven mimic metropolitans chosen 
 from among Augustus's boon companions.* Michael 
 himself followed in the train, and the rout sang 
 profane songs and obscene psalms to popular hymn 
 tunes ; while, in mockery of the sacred cup, they 
 administered a loathsome draught of vinegar and 
 mustard to any among the crowd whom they could 
 catch and compel to drink it. 
 
 But whatever the personal character of the prince 
 may have been, frivolous or passionate or profane, 
 affected the well-being of the people very remotely. 
 The stories which crept out from the palace helped to 
 fill their minds with curious astonishment and wonder 
 as for something heard in a dream ; they helped to 
 create that atmosphere of mystery and fascination 
 which made the private life of their emperors take 
 place side by side with that of Haroun al Raschid 
 and the caliphs of Bagdad. 
 
 And the almost superhuman greatness of the im- 
 perial title, coupled with the number of adventurers 
 who attained to it, gave the popular imagination 
 ample food for the construction of myths. The popular 
 version of the facts alone was often romantic enough. 
 * Theophanes, '' Continuat.," p. 124 ; Sym. Mag., p. 437. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 9 
 
 Leo the Isaurian, while yet a poor lad, known by the 
 name of Conon, determined to leave his native hills 
 to try his fortune in the richer lands below. One day, 
 as he was journeying across the plain, he rested from 
 the noontide heat in a grove of ilex, near a spring of 
 water, and turned his pack mule loose to graze. As 
 he lay upon the turf he found that he was not alone, 
 but that two other travellers were also resting in the 
 shade. From their talk he learned that they were 
 Jews and astrologers, and the two strangers, taken by 
 the beauty and grace and strength of Conon, readily 
 satisfied his desire to know what the future might 
 have in store for him. To his astonishment he heard 
 that he was destined to rule the Eastern Empire ; 
 and in return for their brilliant forecast, the Jews 
 exacted a promise that when Conon should come to 
 the throne, he would root out the idolatrous worship 
 of images that now disgraced God's Church. The 
 prophecy was fulfilled ; and Conon became the second 
 refounder of the Roman Empire. 
 
 The legend of Basil I., though more closely related 
 to the truth, is hardly less picturesque. Born a poor 
 groom, but gifted with beauty, great strength, and 
 a singular magnetic power which made the most 
 intractable horses quiet at his merest touch, Basil 
 determined to leave his father's farm to push his way 
 in the large world. His wanderings brought him to 
 Patras, where he fell under the notice of a rich widow 
 named Danielis. Through her kindness he accumu- 
 lated money enough to purchase estates in Macedonia, 
 and he became a member of the family by the religious 
 ceremony of " adelphosis " with the widow's son. But 
 
lo VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Patras offered too narrow a field for Basil's growing 
 ambition. He quitted the Peloponnese for Constanti- 
 nople. Another tradition of his life, but one which 
 hardly accords with the story of his Macedonian 
 properties, represents the young groom entering the 
 capital alone one evening, with a wallet on his back 
 and nothing in his pockets. He went to sleep on the 
 steps of a church near the gate. That night the 
 priest of the church was troubled with a dream which 
 told him to go out and bring the emperor in, for he 
 lay sleeping at the door. Twice he obeyed, but found 
 no emperor, only a young man lying on the church 
 steps asleep. The third time, to exorcise the dream, 
 he roused up Basil, brought him into the house, and 
 gave him supper and a bed. The young groom rose 
 rapidly into favour through his skill in horse training, 
 till he at length attracted the notice of the court. 
 His fortunes were secured when one day, in the 
 presence of the Emperor Michael, he wrestled with a 
 Bulgarian champion and overthrew him. Michael 
 made him his prime favourite, and never took his 
 riotious pleasures but with Basil at his side. At last 
 two successful murders, first of Bardas Caesar and then 
 of Michael himself, placed Basil on the throne. He 
 founded the great Basilian dynasty and reigned him- 
 self for nineteen years. 
 
 There are many other stories from the lives of 
 emperors, patriarchs, and generals to be met with 
 in the Byzantine chroniclers. They are half real, 
 picturesque, and all deeply tinged with Eastern fancy ; 
 but they have little connection with the movement of 
 the government. They appealed to the imagination 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. il 
 
 in the distant provinces of the empire — in Venice or in 
 Naples, for example — making Constantinople a place 
 where men desired to go, a city of dreamland wonders. 
 They created a strong bias of curiosity, of attraction, 
 of sympathy in favour of Byzantium, as opposed to 
 the repulsion exercised by the nearer and more 
 positive power of the Lombards or the Franks. The 
 doge's sons sought Constantinople when they could ; 
 the doges themselves coveted honorary titles * con- 
 ferred by the emperor ; the people answered Pipin's 
 summons to surrender with the cry, "We choose to 
 be the subjects of the Roman king, and not of you." 
 
 But, in spite of the emotional bonds which bound 
 the distant members of the empire to Constantinople 
 as their head, the hand of government began to fall 
 away from many provinces. Italy was lost. Venice 
 and Naples, though they acknowledged the suzerainty 
 of Constantinople, enjoyed an independence virtually 
 complete. Venice was in a position to ignore Byzan- 
 tium when it suited her to do so ; to continue unin- 
 terruptedly her own line of development, and yet to 
 make use of her nominal dependence as a bulwark 
 against invasion from the west. Only in the extreme 
 east the great empire still stood firm, keeping the 
 Saracens always at bay. Under the shelter of its 
 unconscious protection the nations of modern Europe 
 found leisure to ferment, to seethe and settle down ; 
 taking slowly that form under which we recognize 
 them now.f This is the eternal benefit conferred by 
 the Byzantine Empire. Venice, when her day of 
 
 * Armingaud, " Venise et le Bas Empire*' (Paris : 1868). 
 t See Rambaud, " L'Empire Grec" (Paris : 1870). 
 
12 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 power arrived, performed, though on a smaller scale, 
 a similar service for civilization by her almost single- 
 handed opposition to the Turk. 
 
 The forces at work upon the other side of Venice, 
 towards the west, operating upon her in such a way 
 as to determine the evolution of her independence and 
 the creation of Rialto, were the powers of the Lombard 
 and the Frank. But Italy herself modified the action 
 of these powers that came in contact with her. And 
 perhaps the most powerful, the most Italian factor in 
 all Italy, was the Church of Rome. It is, therefore, by 
 observing the policy of the Church and of the popes, 
 that we obtain the most accurate view of the part 
 played by the foreigners in the development of the 
 peninsula.* When the suppressive weight of the empire 
 was lifted from Italy, partly through the decay of the 
 imperial power, partly by the removal of the emperor 
 to Constantinople and the consequent accentuation of 
 the Roman See, a rebound towards individuality and 
 self-government manifested itself. In isolated por- 
 tions of Italy, in Venice, in Rome, in Naples, Amalfi, 
 and Bari, the people became conscious of a passionate 
 desire for self-realization, for separation, for the 
 assertion of their own peculiar qualities, which the 
 empire had so long suppressed. But these frag- 
 ments were scattered and weak. Byzantium was not 
 dead ; an exarch still ruled in Ravenna ; Lombardy, 
 Beneventum, and Spoleto were in the power of a 
 foreigner who would not be sorry to extend his 
 borders. Politically, and quite apart from any religious 
 
 * I must acknowledge my debt to Ferrari's brilliant essay, 
 *'Storia delle Rivoluzioni d'ltalia" (Milan : 1870). 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 13 
 
 considerations, salvation could come from the Church 
 alone. The Goths had respected the Eternal City; 
 the Lombards never effected a thorough conquest. 
 Round the See of Rome the democratic impulse, 
 an impulse by no means foreign to the essence of the 
 Church, might crystallize and grow solid. A front of 
 resistance might be offered to their foes if the pope 
 would consent to become the core of a federation of 
 states that aimed, first and foremost, at individuality, 
 but who were forced to seek some central support 
 upon which to lean until their own position should 
 be secured. The Church itself, however, no less than 
 the other fragments of Italy, obeyed the state-making 
 appetite and sought a temporal dominion. The 
 opportunity seemed favourable to its designs. But 
 one imperative condition lay behind, tacitly implied 
 by all who demanded assistance from the Church : 
 the condition that the Church itself should not 
 endeavour to become sovereign at the expense of its 
 confederates ; that the pope should never attempt to 
 make himself doge or prince or emperor ; in fact, 
 that the Holy See should allow its spiritual authority 
 to be used, as long as it might be required, for a 
 bulwark against Byzantium, Pavia, or any other 
 absorbing power, so that behind it Venice, Naples, 
 Amalfi might pursue their own self-chosen course of 
 development. The Church accepted the position. 
 Italy stood with the Church or against it as it 
 showed readiness to satisfy the imperious desire of 
 the people, or gave signs that it, too, was seeking a 
 temporal power for itself. So long as the pope con- 
 sented to act as a shelter to the embryonic communi- 
 
14 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 ties and shared the struggle for individual preservation, 
 now against the Lombards, and now against the 
 Eastern Empire, he commanded the sympathy of 
 Italy. But the moment he manifested the least dis- 
 position to yield for his own advantage to either of the 
 regnant powers, or on the slightest suspicion that he 
 was aiming at sovereignty, the people threw their pas- 
 sions and their action violently into the opposite scale. 
 The popes accepted the position ; but the con- 
 dition imposed upon them was just one they could 
 not fulfill. For, while undertaking the duties of con- 
 federate chiefs, while consenting to be no more than 
 " primus inter pares," they could not escape the spirit 
 of the age acting upon them in their narrower political 
 capacities as heads of the Church and individual men. 
 They embraced the policy of creating a temporal 
 dominion, and Italy swayed in obedience to the 
 fluctuations of their course. The danger that beset 
 the popes from the Lombards and from the East 
 determined their action as continual see-saw. They 
 stood now with Pavia, achieving a little more liberty 
 as they saw Byzantium weak ; now with Constanti- 
 nople, bolstering up the imperial authority if the 
 Lombards showed a tendency to encroach. All 
 the time their conduct was eagerly scanned by con- 
 federate Italy. The iconoclasm of Leo the Isaurian, 
 condemned as a heresy by the Western Church, and 
 dividing the East into two furious and hostile camps, 
 presented a favourable opportunity to deal a blow at 
 the emperor's ascendency in Italy. Accordingly, 
 Gregory 11. bound himself in close alliance with 
 Luitprand, king of the Lombards. The pope preached 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 15 
 
 the enormity of iconoclasm, and the king lent him the 
 secular arm wherewith to give weight to his words. 
 The Lombard troops entered the exarchate and drove 
 the exarch Paul out of Ravenna to seek refuge in 
 Venice. But the pope immediately found himself 
 compelled to undo his own work. For Luitprand 
 claimed the Pentapolis as his own, by right of con- 
 quest. This extension of Lombard power disclosed 
 a danger to the independent growth of papal authority. 
 A rapid backward sweep took place. The restoration 
 of Paul to his exarchate, at the instance of the pope 
 and by the help of Venice, marked the extent of the 
 reaction against the Lombards. 
 
 The head of the Church was now placed in 
 difficulties. His struggles to keep the balance 
 adjusted between the two forces which dominated 
 Italy, a struggle from which he hoped to emerge 
 sovereign, had raised up for the Church an enemy, 
 both in Pavia and in Constantinople. Luitprand's 
 vigour infused new life into the Lombards, and his 
 conquest of Ravenna reawakened the desire for 
 enlargement ; his successors were sure to follow the 
 lines laid down by him. On the other hand, Byzantium, 
 though by no means strong, had gained considerable 
 weight in Italy, thanks to the reaction in her favour 
 which sent the exarch Paul back to Ravenna. Venice 
 experienced a shock of alarm at the results of the 
 pope's Lombard policy. The capture of the Penta- 
 polis threw her into the arms of Constantinople, and 
 there she was held by the commercial privileges 
 granted to her on the restoration of the exarch. For 
 the moment she stood isolated from the Church and 
 
i6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 suspicious. The pope had shown his hand a little 
 too openly. Under these circumstances the Church 
 was forced to look for support elsewhere. To restore 
 the equation between itself, Pavia, and Byzantium, the 
 introduction of a fourth factor became necessary. 
 The victory of Charles Martel, saving Western 
 Christendom as it did, drew all eyes to the race of the 
 Franks. The popes selected them as their champions 
 for the next move in the game. Zachary sanctioned 
 — as far as such sanction had any meaning — the 
 substitution of the Carolingian for the Merovingian 
 dynasty. The house of Charles Martel became the 
 defender of the Church ; and Pipin I.'s coronation 
 by Stephen, at Paris, sealed the alliance. 
 
 The results of this union were at once felt in the 
 peninsula. The Lombards now learned the quarter 
 whence danger threatened. The Church pointed 
 clearly to the Franks as the new race that was girding 
 itself behind the Alps, to try its fortune too in battle 
 for that phantom Helen of the Middle Ages, the 
 crown of Italy. The Lombard kingdom grew rest- 
 less under the presentiment of death. Astolfo, Luit- 
 prand's successor, by his decided enmity alarmed the 
 pope, and warned him to precipitate the ruin of his 
 foes. In 755 Pipin came to Italy. He is said to have 
 made a gift of the Pentapolis and the exarchate, 
 which he took from Astolfo, to his ally of the Holy 
 See. But though Astolfo was humbled, the Lombards 
 were not annihilated. No sooner had Pipin left 
 Italy, than Desiderius, the last king of Pavia, prepared 
 himself to recover the lost cities and to chastise the 
 pope. The Lombards made their final effort to retain 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 17 
 
 their kingdom. Desiderius occupied Comacchio, the 
 Pentapolis, the city of Ferrara. He pressed on to 
 Gubbio and Urbino ; he even threatened Rome itself. 
 But at Viterbo he hesitated before the excommunica- 
 tion hurled against him by the Holy See.* The 
 Lombards had made the fatal mistake of becoming 
 orthodox ; they could not worship the pope and 
 fight him too. Desiderius recoiled and was lost. In 
 the year 774 Adrian sent for his ally, Charles the 
 Great, who had succeeded his father, Pipin. Charles 
 crossed the Cenis, blockaded Desiderius in Pavia, and, 
 after a protracted siege, captured both the city and 
 the king. 
 
 The pope had advanced rapidly towards the 
 object which the Church desired. By the help of the 
 Franks it now seemed probable that a temporal 
 dominion would be added to the spiritual empire of 
 the Holy See. Though the donation of Pipin never 
 took effect, yet its suggestion marked in unmistak- 
 able characters the ambition of the pope. He was 
 violating the tacit understanding upon which alone he 
 enjoyed the political sympathy and support of Italy. 
 Everywhere appeared signs of reaction against the 
 Church. In Venice, in Ravenna, in its own city of 
 Rome, the people protested against the political 
 direction which the Church threatened to impose on the 
 country. The popes passed through stormy years of 
 hostility from their own subjects, until at length Leo 
 HI. was assailed by the mob, beaten, imprisoned, 
 and only escaped the loss of his tongue by a secret 
 flight to Charles the Great at Paderborn. 
 
 * Muratori, " Annali d'ltalia," ad. ann. 772. 
 
 C 
 
l8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 And now the consummation was almost reached. 
 Charles brought back the pope to Rome, and there he 
 himself was crowned Emperor of the West, King of 
 the Franks and Lombards. On the other hand, Leo 
 received the temporal sovereignty over Parma, Reggio, 
 Mantua, the exarchate, Istria, Venice, Beneventum, 
 and Spoleto.* The Church and the Franks con- 
 cocted the pact and donation between them. Leo 
 believed that he had restored the Augustan Caesars 
 in the person of Charles ; Charles believed that he 
 could confer a veritable kingdom upon his ally the 
 pope. But both beliefs were groundless, and proved 
 to be so almost on the day of their birth. Charles 
 never was a Roman emperor ; he did not so much as 
 reside in Italy. The pope never could be a reigning 
 prince ; he could not so much as levy a tax. This 
 country which they were partitioning so lightly had 
 never been consulted, and its voice was of paramount 
 importance. The pope and the emperor had no 
 sooner conceived the idea of an Italy based upon 
 their double power than their mutual gifts began to 
 prove themselves unsubstantial. The emperor made 
 a present of that which was not his to give ; the 
 pope committed treason against the passions and 
 the instincts of the people. He sought to become a 
 king where no kings were to be. The country swung 
 around in violent contradiction to the Church and to 
 the Franks. In every direction rose the cry of " Save 
 the country," and the pope was left standing alone, 
 deserted by those upon whom he endeavoured to 
 impose himself. But the pact and donation, though 
 
 * Anastasius, quoted by Ferrari, op. cit.^ vol. i. p. 122. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 19 
 
 wanting in solid reality, stood over Italy with all 
 the force and potency of an idea ; always in evidence ; 
 passing from lip to lip ; fixed in the imagination ; 
 a permanent threat against the desire for self-effectu- 
 ation, the state-forming appetite which was swaying 
 the peninsula. Their effect remained as a determining 
 factor in the course adopted by such communities 
 as Venice ; their power to affect the political imagi- 
 nation endured just because they were an idea and 
 not a reality, therefore more difficult to refute, to 
 negative, to destroy. 
 
 The early history of Venice illustrates accurately 
 the movements of an Italian state labouring towards 
 independence, between the triple forces of the East, 
 the West, and the Church. For Venice lay, in a 
 certain sense, at the heart of the struggle ; she formed 
 a part of the Byzantine Empire, and she had been 
 included in Charles's donation to the Church ; she felt 
 the full stress of the conflict. It has been well said 
 that " Venice on her lidi stood exposed to every wind." 
 The interest of her earliest development depends on 
 the courage and determination with which she resisted 
 all conquest, Gothic, Lombard, Byzantine, or Frank. 
 Venice enjoyed a position both peculiar and ill defined. 
 She acknowledged a titular allegiance to the court of 
 Byzantium, and yet by her acts she recognized the 
 supremacy of the barbarian kingdoms on the main- 
 land of Italy. Her tribunes received orders from 
 Cassiodorius, and, later on, her first doge paid tribute 
 to Luitprand in return for certain privileges of com- 
 merce. On the other hand, her public deeds were 
 superscribed with the name of the Eastern Emperor. 
 
20 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Yet neither Byzantium nor Ravenna nor Pavia could 
 claim the lagoons as an undisputed portion of their 
 empires. The twelve confederate islands * were in 
 fact attempting to steer a difficult course towards 
 independence of any power. These twelve islands, 
 lying close together along the shore of the Adriatic, 
 formed the nucleus of what was to be the state of 
 Venice. It is probable that, originally, they were 
 little more than fishing stations and salt-pans belong- 
 ing to the wealthier towns of the mainland. And 
 the famous document, recounting the despatch of the 
 three Paduan consuls t sent to govern the village of 
 Rialto, though in all likelihood a forgery, yet represents 
 the facts of the case — that the islands were under the 
 charge of the rectors or consuls appointed by the 
 neighbouring cities, Monselice, Padua, Oderzo, and 
 Aquileia. 
 
 But in the stillness of the lagoons, in the freshness 
 
 * Sagornino, " Cronacon Venetum," edit. Zanetti ( Venetiis : 
 1765). Sagornino probably lived at the beginning of the eleventh 
 century. He is therefore one of the earliest authorities we 
 possess. He gives the names of the twelve islands — Grado, 
 Bibbione, Caprule, Eraclea, Equilio or Jesolo, Torcello, Poveglia, 
 Murano, Rivvalto, Malamocco, Chioggia, Cavarzere. This last 
 is not an island, but is on the mainland, not far from Chioggia. 
 We miss the names of Mazzorbo and Burano. 
 
 t Romanin, " Storia documentata di Venezia " (Venezia : 
 1858), ignores the story. Romanin's history is a work full of 
 scholarship and learning, accumulated by long and patient 
 research. It is the most complete and accurate history of Venice. 
 I shall have to refer to it constantly. For the Paduan document 
 see Daru, " Histoire de la Rep. de Venise," and Hodgkin, " Italy 
 and her Invaders" (Oxford, 1880), vol. ii. ; Andreae Danduli, 
 "Chronicon," ap. Muratori, "Rer. It. Scrip.," torn. xii. lib. v. 
 cap. i. p. X. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 21 
 
 and freedom of the sea air, those germs of individuality 
 and liberty which began to quicken as the pressure 
 of imperial Rome was lightened, found a congenial 
 soil and fitting nutriment. The islands, unorganized 
 and disconnected as yet, gained two solid advantages 
 from the sufferings of the mainland under foreign 
 invasion : their population increased through the in- 
 flux of refugees, and the ruin of the mainland cities 
 prompted them to claim their freedom. In 466 the 
 twelve islands drew together in federation ; each 
 governed by its own tribune, elected by itself, but 
 all meeting in parliament for the consideration of 
 points affecting the common weal.* This was the 
 first organic movement of the lagoon villages ; the 
 bursting of the seed destined to ripen into such a fruit. 
 About a century later the results of their consolida- 
 tion became apparent when Narses arrived in Italy. 
 The Paduans in vain appealed to the imperial general, 
 begging him to restore to them their rights over the 
 mouths of the Brenta and the Bacchiglione which fall 
 into the lagoon. The islanders argued that the outlets 
 of these streams belonged to the lagoon-dwellers in 
 virtue of the labour, which kept them open. Narses 
 refused to decide either way, and the mainlanders were 
 too weak to enforce their will without his aid. The 
 general, by this conduct, distinctly acknowledged the 
 twelve islands as an element in the empire, and they 
 gained a solid standing ground. The people, by the 
 realization of a portion of their desire, became con- 
 
 * Dandolo, op. cit., lib. vii. cap. i. p. i ; Janotii, " Dialogus 
 de Rep. Venet.," cum notis Crassi (Lugd. Bat. 1722), ap. Groev. 
 *' Thesaur. Antiquit. It.," p. 40. 
 
22 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 scious of the whole of it. The sequence of Venetian 
 history from this point, down to the estabHshment 
 of Rialto as the capital, is governed by a series of 
 actions and reactions rapidly initiated and as rapidly 
 exhausted, by a process of attraction and repulsion, 
 now towards Byzantium, now away from it. It is 
 the people who move ; throwing their weight now 
 into this scale, now into that, as they saw that the 
 dreaded danger of absorption threatened from Italy 
 or from the East. Always with the passion for 
 independence alight in them, they were not Roman 
 or Prankish with their bishops, nor Byzantine with 
 their doges, but Venetian, with a strong resolution 
 to make themselves recognized as such. They 
 stretched ever forward to the object of their desire, 
 and rejected all that might prove inimical to their 
 hopes of attaining it. 
 
 But this very desire for self-realization, while it 
 wrought in the core of the state as a whole, quickened 
 a similar appetite in each individual member. If 
 Venice craved to stand sole and independent in Italy, 
 each tribune also craved to rule sole and alone in 
 Venice. Jealousy between Malamocco and Heraclea, 
 rivalry for the leadership inside Venice, summed itself 
 up in feuds and quarrels between the tribunes of the 
 principal towns, until the federation seemed in danger 
 of falling to pieces through the intensity of its own 
 passion. Only one solution offered itself — to waive 
 individual claims and to create a personal head of the 
 state, to concentrate the functions of government in 
 his hands. The Venetians elected their first doge, 
 Luccio Paolo Anafesto, in the year 697.* Internal 
 * Dandolo, loc. cit. 
 
'THE CITY OF RIALTO. 23 
 
 discord necessitated this change in the constitution ; 
 the antagonism of minute particles inside Venice had 
 brought about the revolution. It followed, therefore, 
 that the colour first given to the dukedom would 
 depend upon the character of the city which chanced 
 to be in the ascendant at the moment, of the sym- 
 pathies of that tribunate which succeeded in imposing 
 itself upon its federate brothers. Anafesto was a 
 Heraclean, and his election proclaimed the leader- 
 ship of Heraclea. That city had always been aristo- 
 cratic in sympathy, with a strong leaning towards 
 Byzantium. This quality in Heraclea was deter- 
 mined in part by opposition to its rival Malamocco, 
 the very kernel of the democratic factor. And so 
 the doges first emerged tinctured with aristocratic 
 proclivities, leaning towards autocracy and ready to 
 court Byzantium and the emperor. 
 
 Though the creation of a doge had been a 
 voluntary act and clearly necessary for the salvation 
 of the state, yet it concentrated and intensified the 
 internal oppositions it was designed to allay. For the 
 doges and Heraclea stood there now as the embodi- 
 ment of the danger from Byzantium, and drew upon 
 themselves all that popular jealousy which was only 
 appeased by the ruin of the reigning city. The solution 
 that Venice had chosen placed her in the same diffi- 
 culty as that which the action of the popes imposed 
 upon the whole independent movement in Italy. 
 Like the popes, the doges might either lean too 
 much upon one or other of the external forces 
 which were threatening to absorb their state, or, by a 
 skilful manipulation of internal discords, they might 
 
24 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 succeed in making themselves sovereign. The 
 people desired their doge to be a bulwark against 
 any encroachment by the Church upon civil liberty ; 
 prince of themselves, but not agent for Byzantium. 
 The least swerving from the prescribed line, the 
 slightest suspicion of an ambitious policy, the first 
 note of a servile submission to any dominant power, 
 sufficed to rouse the people, who deposed, blinded, 
 tonsured, or even slew their dukes. In the same 
 light the people regarded their bishops. They de- 
 sired them to be the safeguards of their faith against 
 heretical Byzantium ; but they would not tolerate 
 that their spiritual pastors should act as political 
 agents for the Church or for the Church's allies. In 
 fact, the people submitted to their doges and their 
 bishops solely with a view to their one engrossing 
 object, the evolution of their own independence. The 
 attempt of either bishop or doge to impose his will 
 upon the state was sufficient to insure his ruin. 
 
 Resuming the course of Venetian history, we find it 
 obeying the impulses just noticed. In the year 728 
 the pope, for his own purpose of aggrandizement, had 
 united with Luitprand against Leo the Isaurian. But 
 the results of this policy, the capture of Ravenna by 
 the Lombards, proved so alarming to Venice, that 
 when the pope discovered his mistake and desired to 
 undo his work, he had little difficulty in persuading 
 Orso, the doge, to restore the exarch Paul to his 
 capital.* For the moment Venice, obeying the impulse 
 given by her doge, held with Byzantium. In reward 
 the Venetian merchants obtained from Constantinople 
 
 * Dandolo, op. at., lib. vii. cap. iii. pp. 2, 3, 4. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 2$ 
 
 large commercial privileges in the Pentapolis ; while 
 Orso himself received the honorary title of " hypatos " 
 or consul. The sympathies of Venice set towards 
 the East, in alarm at the danger from the Lombards. 
 But, while the state was in process of formation, 
 any movement implied a counter movement. The 
 stronger the action showed itself the more rapid 
 and positive the reaction was sure to be. To the 
 people it seemed that they had gone far enough 
 with their doge. He had achieved one object of his 
 desire ; he might reckon himself a noble of the 
 empire, within a measurable distance of the Augustan 
 majesty. The people whom he governed, however, 
 were intensely sensitive. These dignities bore too 
 much the character of a pledge committing the duke 
 and Venice to dependence on Byzantium, A doge of 
 Venice should not wear that title as a lesser one, nor 
 think it honourable to hold a subordinate office of the 
 Eastern cour:. The knowledge of their own weakness 
 forced the Venetians into violence. They murdered 
 Orso, and abolished the dukedom in favour of a 
 yearly magistracy, called the " mastership of the 
 soldiery." * They revolted fiercely from Byzantium, 
 whither their doge seemed to be leading them. 
 
 The reaction had, of necessity, been excessive ; 
 part of its effect required to be undone. Experience 
 proved that the dukedom was essential to the 
 coherence of the state. The mastership of the 
 soldiery recalled the evils of the tribunate. Another 
 current of feeling, opposed to the violence which had 
 abolished the dukedom, set in, and Heraclea profited 
 * Dandolo, op. at., p. 13 ; cap. iv. p. i. 
 
26 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 by it. She desired to resume the prestige she had lost 
 through the suspension of the dukedom. In the year 
 742 a Heraclean victory over its democratic neighbour 
 Jesolo brought back the doges, in the person of 
 Deodato, a noble of the victorious city.* But the 
 permanent result of the whole revolution made itself 
 felt in the removal of the government from Heraclea 
 to Malamocco, the democratic centre. This was a step 
 towards the thorough compromise of Rialto. A Hera- 
 clean, an aristocrat, a Byzantine in sympathy, still 
 reigns, but reigns at Malamocco, democratic and anti- 
 Byzantine. Both the factors of the future Rialto were 
 modified towards the point where union became 
 possible. The restoration of the dukedom, however, 
 in spite of this modification, was the work of Heraclea 
 — a proof of its ascendency regained, and therefore a 
 sign that the state had taken a swing towards Byzan- 
 tium again. 
 
 And the course of Italian politics generally 
 determined Venice, for a while, in her present 
 direction. For the reciprocal attraction between 
 the Church and the Franks had just begun. The 
 two powers hostile to Constantinople, and standing 
 together for the attainment of their respective objects, 
 the mastery of Italy and a temporal sovereignty, 
 were becoming solid. The results of this union were 
 felt at once by Venice. The Venetians had saved 
 the exarchate from the Lombards ; Charles now 
 desired to see these protectors of Byzantium ex- 
 pelled from the Pentapolis, in order to pave the way 
 for his own occupation of that district. Accordingly, 
 * Dandolo, op. cit., cap. ix. p. i. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 27 
 
 under the direction of Pope Hadrian, an organized 
 attack upon the Venetian merchants took place, 
 and the pope was able to write to his ally informing 
 him that his will had been done, and that Venice no 
 longer held a single garrison or factory in the 
 Ravennate.* 
 
 This action of the pope awakened the greatest alarm 
 in Venice; an alarm which resulted in the accentu- 
 ation of Byzantine sympathies, and in strengthening 
 the hands of the doges, to whom the state looked for 
 protection from the imminent danger. How close the 
 peril had come the Venetians learned when they dis- 
 covered that the pope, not content with his attack upon 
 them in the Pentapolis, had actually negotiated with 
 Giovanni, patriarch of Grado, for the creation of a 
 Papal and Frankish party inside Venice itself.f The 
 materials ready to the patriarch's hand were, naturally, 
 the democratic faction, who still eyed Heraclea and 
 the Heraclean doges with bitter jealousy. A crisis 
 could not be long delayed. The questions which 
 now agitated the whole of Italy were faithfully 
 reflected in the lagoons. Like a sensitive flame, 
 Venice responded to the least movement on the 
 mainland. She was not yet strong enough to declare 
 her indef>endence between two such powers as the 
 Franks and the Eastern Empire ; therefore, for the 
 moment, her perception of her own aims, her intuition 
 of the political problem, became confused. The 
 question appeared to be submission to East or West ; 
 the parties of Frank and anti- Frank seemed to express 
 
 * " Codex Carolinus" (Romae : 1761), Epist. 84, ad. ann. 785. 
 t Ibid., Epist. 52. 
 
28 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 her central difficulty. But in reality the desire for 
 individual freedom remained in the background, as 
 the vital and motive force inside the state. How 
 long a crisis could be delayed depended largely upon 
 the character of the doge. Maurice Galbaio had 
 succeeded in guiding Venice clear of embroglios on 
 the mainland, though he could not fence her round 
 from infection by the general turbulence of the 
 political atmosphere.* His son Giovanni succeeded 
 him ; a man of very different temperament, violent 
 and headstrong, and moreover placed in a position 
 of greater difficulty, for the crisis was ripening to the 
 acuter phase of its progress. The pact, the donation, 
 the crowning of Charles, were all notorious now; 
 hung out like a danger signal for those communities 
 who felt the impulse towards self-government, leaving 
 no doubt as to the intentions of the emperor and the 
 pope. Venice had to look to herself By a violent 
 deed of blood she wrote her refusal to be included 
 in the donation. She repelled the assumption that 
 she belonged to Charles and was his chattel to gift 
 away. She denied her allegiance to a pope who 
 could presume to claim the imperial title, and then 
 to sell it ; to that head of the Church who dared 
 to prove a traitor to the passions of his country. 
 
 In this fervour of opposition to the Church events 
 centred round two ecclesiastics. The bishopric of 
 Olivolo, in Venice, fell vacant, and, at the request of 
 the Emperor Nicephorus, the doge appointed to that 
 
 * Dandolo, op. cit., cap. xii. p. i ; cap. xiii. p. i ; Filiasi, 
 "Veneti Primi e Secondi " (Padova : 1822), torn. v. cap. xxi. 
 p. 265.. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 29 
 
 See a young Greek, named Christopher, a mere boy, 
 sixteen years old at most.* Giovanni, patriarch of 
 Grado, seized the opportunity to test the strength of 
 himself and his party against the doge and the By- 
 zantine element. He believed that he was powerful 
 enough to show a mastery which would determine 
 the waverers, and hasten the subjection of Venice to 
 Charles and to the pope. Giovanni refused to con- 
 secrate Christopher. The doge remained firm in the 
 support of his appointment. Giovanni replied by 
 excommunicating not only the young Greek, but all 
 his adherents, including the doge. The heat of party 
 fury and his own violent nature determined Galbaio s 
 action. He sent his son Maurice with a fleet to Grado. 
 The patriarch was besieged in his palace, pressed closer 
 and closer, and finally thrown from the highest tower. 
 Giovanni had shown himself a traitor to the in- 
 stincts of Venice, as his master, the pope, had proved 
 a traitor to the desires of Italy. Yet the vengeance 
 which overtook the patriarch savoured too strongly 
 of tyranny. It came as a culminating point to a long 
 series of masterful deeds on the part of the Galbaij. 
 
 But Venice was no sooner relieved from a danger 
 threatened by her bishop and the Church than she 
 found herself face to face with the opposite danger 
 from her doge relying on Byzantium, whose triumph 
 seemed secured by the murder of Giovanni. True, 
 Venice would not allow her patriarchs to act as agents 
 and procurers for the Church and for the Franks, but 
 neither did she desire her doges to become tyrants 
 
 * Sagomino, op. at., p. 18 ; Dandolo, op. cit., cap. xiii. p. 23 ; 
 Filiasi, op. cit., cap. xxii. 
 
30 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of the state. The murder of Giovanni was an act 
 of excessive violence, and warned her of that ever- 
 present menace. The sympathy of the people swerved 
 from the Galbaij and claimed the elevation of Fortu- 
 natus, nephew of the murdered patriarch and a man 
 of the same political complexion, to the See of Grado, 
 as a check to the tyrannical tendency of the doge, and 
 as an expiation for the sacrilege he had committed.* 
 
 A crisis such as that which was agitating Venice 
 could not fail to produce men of strong personality. 
 Of all who appear upon the scene at this moment^ 
 none is more remarkable than Fortunatus, the new 
 patriarch of Grado. In page after page of that populous 
 chronicle bequeathed to us by Andrew Dandolo, we 
 meet him again and again — here borne high upon 
 some wave of reaction, there sunk deep in that 
 troublous sea of politics, but always present, active, 
 restless, intriguing ; now at Venice, leading his party, 
 the party of Charles and of the Church ; now in exile, 
 flying from his country, hurriedly crossing " the white 
 Alps alone." In Germany, in France, in Istria, at 
 Constantinople, we find him ; anywhere but at Grado 
 and his episcopal seat. He is courtier, merchant, 
 virtuoso, engineer, and architect ; anything but pastor 
 of that quiet church among the still lagoons. Rest- 
 lessness, movement, diplomacy, were passions with 
 the man. It is almost impossible to follow him 
 closely through his journeys or his intrigues ; yet 
 around him are grouped the chief actors and the 
 principal events that contributed to the emergence of 
 Rialto. The intimate friend of Charles the Great, 
 
 * Dandolo, op. cit.^ cap. xv. p. 24 ; Sagornino, loc. cit. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 31 
 
 known only too well to the popes, dreaded by 
 Nicephorus, and counsellor of Pipin, Fortunatus moves 
 about among these great personages, the outward and 
 visible sign of the spirit which was troubling them. 
 
 The appointment of Fortunatus to the See of 
 Grado was made in obedience to a reaction against 
 ducal tyranny. His politics were known to be 
 decidedly in favour of the Church and the Franks. 
 Pope Leo at once sent him the pallium and his 
 blessing on the work he should do for the Holy See. 
 That work was to carry on his uncle's course of 
 action ; to establish and strengthen the party that 
 sympathized with Charles ; to pave the way for the 
 reduction of Venice as a province of the West. But 
 Leo knew the shifty nature of the man, and thought 
 it necessary to urge upon him the duty of strenuous 
 action. " Remember," he writes to Fortunatus, " that 
 the place you have now undertaken is not a place of 
 rest, but of labour." * So it proved to the patriarch — 
 a place of labour, indeed, from the beginning to the 
 end. The pope, however, need have felt no such fears. 
 Fortunatus had not occupied his See more than three 
 months when a conspiracy against the doges was dis- 
 covered and stamped out.f The author of the con- 
 spiracy proved to be the patriarch, who, relying on 
 the enthusiasm which had raised him to his dignity, 
 concerted the measures of the plot with Obelerio, 
 tribune of Malamocco and chief of the democratic 
 party. But the treason took wind. Obelerio and 
 
 * See Ughello, "Italia Sacra" (Venetiis : 1720), torn. v. pp. 
 1075 et seq., for the history of the See of Grado. 
 
 t Dandolo, op. ctt.^ cap. xv. p. 26 ; Sagornino, op. cit.^ p. 19. 
 
32 ^ VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 his brother conspirators retired to Treviso, while 
 Fortunatus experienced his first exodus. He fled 
 across the Alps to Charles the Great, whose court 
 he found at Salz. * 
 
 His reason for taking so long a journey and 
 seeking such a distant asylum was his hope to move 
 Charles to active measures which should render the 
 donation of solid effect — to urge him to undertake 
 the reduction of the lagoons. Fortunatus never 
 showed himself less than whole hearted in his service 
 of the Church and of the Franks as its ally. He 
 brought to bear upon the emperor many cogent 
 arguments.! Setting aside his own faithful adherence 
 to the cause of Charles, the proof of which lay patent 
 in his exile, Fortunatus dwelt upon the strong Byzan- 
 tine sympathies of Venice. Here was a small province 
 which the emperor claimed as his own and had given 
 away to his friend the pope ; yet that province, so 
 far from acknowledging the Emperor's authority or 
 bowing to his will had expelled his partisans and pro- 
 fessed allegiance to a court which scorned his imperial 
 title and laughed at his pretensions to the lordship of 
 Italy. % But more than that ; Fortunatus insisted on 
 the wisdom of subduing Venice, and so establishing 
 a naval power upon the Adriatic ; for it was through 
 those waters that Constantinople must be attacked, 
 
 * Dandolo, loc. cit.; Sagornino, loc. cit.j " Monumenta German . 
 Hist," edit. Pertz (Hanov. : 1826J, torn. i. ; Einhard, " Annales," 
 p. 191, ad ann. 803. 
 
 t " Cod. Carol.," torn. ii. p. 47 ; Dandolo, op. cit.., cap. xvi. p. 3. 
 
 X See Baronius, " Annales Eccles. cum crit. Pagii " (Luca : 
 1743), torn. xiii. p. 379. 
 
THE CITY OF R I ALTO. 33 
 
 should Charles ever find the leisure to prosecute a 
 dream of his ambition, the union of East and 
 West in his own person. The emperor listened to 
 the patriarch, and the advice then given bore fruit 
 seven years later in Pipin's attack upon Venice. 
 
 Fortunatus's success at the Prankish court was very 
 great. Charles not only felt the political value of the 
 man who had made himself the leading spirit of the 
 anti-Byzantine party in Venice, but he was also con- 
 ciliated by the presents Fortunatus had brought with 
 him to Salz. The emperor's cathedral at Aachen was 
 occupying much of his attention, and the patriarch's 
 presents came most timely. They consisted of hang- 
 ings of tapestry and silk, church ornaments in gold 
 and silver, and, above all, two ivory doors of exquisite 
 workmanship.* We are curious to know how the 
 patriarch carried all this heavy luggage with him, in 
 his hurried flight over almost pathless mountains ; 
 but here the chronicle fails us, as on many another 
 point. In return for his gifts Fortunatus received an 
 imperial diploma,! granting him the full use of all his 
 ecclesiastical emoluments in Istria and Romagna, 
 together with freedom to trade untaxed in any port 
 of the new empire. His exile, however, prevented 
 him from actually realizing the revenues of his 
 Church, and to meet his present wants Charles made 
 him abbot of Moyen Moutier,J near Bordeaux, The 
 
 * Monum, Germ. Hist. ; Einhard, loc. cit. 
 
 t Baronius, op. cit., torn. xiii. p. 389 ; Ughello, op. et loc. cit. ; 
 Dandolo, op. cit., cap. xvi. p. 4. 
 
 X Mabillon, " Annaies Benedictini " (Luca : 1749), torn. ii. 
 p. 316. 
 
 D 
 
34 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 patriarch's treatment of his abbey was characteristic 
 of the man. He could not endure to live away from 
 the court and active politics near the person of Charles. 
 Nevertheless, he demanded that the whole income of 
 Moyen Moutier should be paid to him for his private 
 use ; intending to let the brothers fare as best they 
 might, while he remained an absentee. The corpora- 
 tion protested. After litigation, appeals, and arbitra- 
 tion, in all of which the restless spirit of Fortunatus 
 took a keen delight, the matter was arranged by 
 compromise. The new abbot received half the revenues 
 of the monastery, and remained at Charles's court, 
 where we must leave him for the present. 
 
 When Fortunatus concerted his measures for the 
 overthrow of the Galbaij, he counted on that reaction 
 against the doges which he perceived had set in 
 after the murder of the patriarch Giovanni. His own 
 impetuosity of spirit, however, misled him ; he acted 
 too precipitately and failed. But his failure did not 
 stay the course of popular feeling in Venice, nor 
 prove that it was weak and transitory. Obelerio, the 
 partner in the plot, who had sought refuge at Treviso, 
 reaped the benefit of waiting. From his hiding- 
 place he continued his antagonism to the doge. 
 When he saw that hatred of the Galbaij had reached 
 its highest point, he made a sudden entry into 
 Malamocco,* his native town ; the people welcomed 
 him with enthusiasm and proclaimed him doge. 
 The Galbaij were forced to fly from Venice, whither 
 they never returned. As a result of Doge Giovanni's 
 high-handed action in murdering Fortunatus's uncle, 
 * Dandolo, op. cit.^ cap. xv. p. 26 ; Sagornino, loc. cit. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 35 
 
 and in consequence of the apparent tyranny of his 
 conduct, the state, forgetful for the moment of the 
 ever-present danger from the Church and from the 
 Franks, swept violently away from Heraclea and 
 Byzantium into the arms of Malamocco and of 
 Charles. Malamocco, in the person of her tribune, 
 Obelerio, assumed the leadership, and a further step 
 towards the union and fusion at Rialto was effected. 
 For Obelerio reigned as the first Malamoccan, or 
 democratic, doge. Heraclea no longer absorbed the 
 governing functions ; they were becoming common to 
 all inhabitants of Venice. But stability was not yet 
 secured ; nor could it be until both Heraclea and 
 Malamocco, with all the internal jealousy and discord 
 which they represented, had been still further sub- 
 dued and toned away. 
 
 The political sympathies of the new doge were 
 well known. There could be no doubt as to the 
 direction in which he would endeavour to lead Venice, 
 if allowed to work his will freely and unrestrained. 
 His devotion to the cause of Charles and of the 
 Church admitted no question. But, by the law 
 which was governing the development of Venice, this 
 very outburst of popular feeling, that had raised 
 Obelerio to the dukedom and given the leadership to 
 Malamocco, implied a reaction. An undercurrent of 
 opposition to the doge set in, slowly and barely 
 perceptible at first, but gaining power as it went 
 on. The impulse, however, that had carried Obelerio 
 to the head of the state was not exhausted by its 
 first effort. It still possessed force enough to enable 
 the doge to accomplish a deed personally grateful 
 
36 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 to himself, and infinitely important in paving the 
 way for the appearance of Rialto as the capital — 
 the destruction of Heraclea. The Heracleans them- 
 selves supplied the pretext for their own annihilation. 
 When Fortunatus fled to Charles, the nobles of that 
 city seized on some of the patriarchal lands which lay 
 along the coast. The people of Jesolo, envious of 
 this extension on the part of their neighbours, and 
 under cover of a pious wish to restore to the Church 
 its due, attacked Heraclea and were themselves nearly 
 destroyed. In these straits Jesolo appealed to the 
 democratic centre, to Obelerio and Malamocco. The 
 doge convened an assembly which solemnly decreed 
 the destruction of Heraclea. The people of Jesolo 
 and Malamocco razed the aristocratic city to the 
 ground, and forcibly distributed its inhabitants among 
 the other townships of the lagoon.* 
 
 The overthrow of Heraclea marks the furthest 
 point attained by the wave of popular feeling which 
 had placed Obelerio and the Prankish party in power. 
 Hitherto Obelerio had carried the people with him. 
 But this deed seemed to derange the balance in the 
 state. The tide of sympathy began to recede from the 
 doge, and he was left to continue his course towards 
 Charles and the Franks, alone. Each step that he 
 took showed the distance between himself and his 
 people to be growing steadily greater; proved more 
 and more clearly that ruin lay in his path. For 
 
 * Cronaca Veneta delta "Altinate," ap. Archivio Storico 
 Italiano (Firenz : 1845), torn. viii. lib. iii., with a commentary 
 by Prof. Rossi. The author lived about A.D. 12 10. Dandolo, 
 op. cit.j cap. xvi. p. 10. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 37 
 
 him there was no alternative and no hope. He 
 may have heard the waters sinking away behind him, 
 and foreseen that he must be stranded and deserted 
 before his policy could bear its fruit ; yet to fall back 
 with the tide was impossible. He could not stay 
 its inevitable sweep towards Byzantium again. He 
 might not put off the pre-eminence he had won, and, 
 by sinking into obscurity, escape the vengeance of 
 the opposite faction. Nothing remained for him but 
 to press on towards an unattainable goal, to face 
 the impossible task of carrying his country with him 
 into the arms of Charles. 
 
 When Fortunatus heard of Obelerio's success, and 
 of his elevation to the dukedom, he left the court of 
 the emperor and hurried down to Venice. But the 
 hopes he entertained of sharing in the victory of his 
 friends and returning to his See at Grado were not 
 realized. After the discovery of Fortunatus's plot, 
 the Galbaij had created a new patriarch, and Obelerio 
 deemed it prudent to leave that appointment undis- 
 turbed. Fortunatus was so restless an intriguer, that 
 the doge rightly declined to place him in his 
 See again. Obelerio felt that the patriarch would 
 only be a source of danger to his newly established 
 authority, and that his presence would needlessly 
 exasperate the defeated party of Byzantium. So 
 Fortunatus received no encouragement and no in- 
 vitation to Malamocco. He wandered like an un- 
 quiet spirit round the borders of the lagoon ; now 
 at Campalto near Mestre, now at Torcello ; always 
 revolving some scheme for his return. Fortune 
 favoured him so far, that one day John the Deacon, 
 
38 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 bishop of Olivolo, fell into his hands, and he carried 
 him prisoner to Mestre.* But, while he was con- 
 sidering the best method of turning this advantage to 
 account, John slipped through his fingers and escaped 
 to Malamocco. Fortunatus saw that his game was 
 ruined for the present. He abandoned all hope of re- 
 covering Grado, and betook himself to Istria, to make 
 what profit he could out of the privilege that had 
 been granted him by Charles. There he established 
 himself as a merchant, owning four large vessels and 
 accumulating a vast fortune from the cargoes which 
 they carried. Some of this wealth he invested poli- 
 tically in buying interest at the Frankish court, and 
 in securing connections among the chiefs of the 
 Dalmatian seaports which still belonged to the 
 Eastern Empire.f Some, again, he stored up in 
 works of art, in silks, in hangings, in silver and 
 gold ornaments. He filled the high office of imperial 
 judge,{ and kept a little court of dependents about 
 him. He formed a company of military engineers, 
 for whom he acted as impresario ; ready to hire them 
 out to the best bidder. In his capacity of political 
 agent for the Frankish emperor he endeavoured to 
 sap the allegiance of the Dalmatian towns, and 
 seduced them to acknowledge a dependence on the 
 Emperor of the West. Ceaselessly active, plotting, 
 governing, amassing money ; all the while intent 
 
 * Ughello, loc. at. J Sagornino, loc. cit.j Dandolo, op. at., 
 cap. xvi. p. 14. 
 
 t By the treaty of 802, between Charles and Nicephorus. 
 See Filiasi, op. at., cap. xxii. 
 
 X Dandolo, op. dt.j cap. xvi. p. 8. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 3^ 
 
 Upon his return to Venice and to Grado, where 
 his heart really lay. The bishopric of Pola fell 
 vacant, and, at the request of Charles, Leo most 
 reluctantly conferred it upon Fortunatus, stipulating 
 that should he ever recover his patriarchal See, he 
 should be bound to relinquish that of Pola, with all 
 its emoluments. The pope dreaded Fortunatus's rapa- 
 city. In a letter to Charles he begged the emperor 
 to be moderate in his favours to the patriarch. " I 
 pray you," he says, " while you are labouring for the 
 temporal well-being of this man, think of his im- 
 mortal soul ; that through the fear of you he may 
 the better fulfil his ministry. For we have heard no 
 good report of him, such as becomes an archbishop, 
 neither from these parts, nor yet from France, where 
 you have lent him such powerful support. But, 
 thank God, all is not unknown to you. Ask men 
 whom you can trust ; for those who praise him to 
 you do so for a purpose and bought thereto." * 
 But Charles still remained the patriarch's firm friend, 
 and Fortunatus still retained sufficient weight to 
 influence Venice and the Adriatic. Fortunatus may 
 possibly have been the cause of that explosion which 
 ruined Heraclea. In any case, he heard of it in 
 Istria and rejoiced over the triumph of his friends. 
 Its importance to him proved great. For Obelerio 
 now believed himself strong enough to invite the 
 patriarch to return to Grado. He hoped that the 
 reappearance of Fortunatus in his See would add 
 life and vigour to that party, whose victory he 
 deemed secure upon the wreck of Heraclea. 
 * " Cod. Carol.," torn. ii. p. 47. 
 
40 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 But reaction was active in the air of Venice, and 
 the presence of Fortunatus served to stimulate it. 
 Obelerio had steadily pursued his Prankish policy, 
 and as steadily the temper of the people set against 
 Charles and towards Byzantium once more. The 
 conduct of their doge offered a continual subject for 
 alarm ; and the growing power of the Franks, the 
 consolidation of Pipin's kingdom in Italy, all tended 
 to heighten that sentiment. Obelerio married a 
 Frankish wife ; and, still further to parade his union 
 with the conquerors, in the year 806 he left his 
 capital to attend the court of Charles. While there 
 he received, with all the submission of a subject, 
 instructions as to the government and policy of 
 Venice.* The Venetians could not accept in quiet the 
 position of dependence which Obelerio designed for 
 them. It seemed to them that their doge proposed 
 to make Venice a fief of the Western Empire. The 
 people felt that their ruler had proved once more 
 unfaithful to the permanent instinct of his race. 
 The pressure upon them was becoming severe. Their 
 doge and their patriarch acted no longer as checks 
 and counterpoises to each other ; on the contrary, 
 they were at one, and both were working towards a 
 consummation to which the whole instincts of the 
 people were opposed. The ferment of popular feeling 
 
 * Mon. Germ. Hist, torn. i. p. 193 ; Einhard, ad ann. 
 ?o6 ; Cod. DLL alia Marciana ap. Romanin., op. cit.^ cap. iv. 
 Chronicon Reginonis, ap. Mon. Germ. Hist., loc. cit., p. 558. 
 The Marcian manuscript says, " De Obelerio alii scripserunt 
 quo tum Gallicamquidem nobilem haberet uxorem, promissioni- 
 bus allectis ad regem perexit offerens dominium sibi contradere." 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 4I 
 
 manifested itself in a revolution against Obelerio and 
 his party.* The Doge, however, was still strong 
 enough to retain his hold upon the reins of govern- 
 ment. The presentiment of the final crisis, which 
 was clearly now approaching, accentuated all political 
 passions, and while it raised a violent opposition to 
 the doge, it forbade any one to stand aside, and 
 confirmed all those who had originally held with 
 Obelerio. The revolution failed in its object. 
 
 Hitherto the Empire of the East had hardly been 
 an active agent in the development of Venice. 
 Byzantium had not interfered directly with the politics 
 of the lagoons. But the idea of the Great Roman 
 Empire was ever present to the imagination of the 
 people — a rock to which they could cling for support 
 in any reaction against aggression from the West. 
 Now, however, East and West were about to clash over 
 Venice. Byzantium began to be an active factor in 
 the movement of Venetian politics. The causes which 
 immediately led to the awakening of the East were 
 due to Fortunatus's conduct while an exile in Istria. 
 His intrigues among the Dalmatian towns had resulted 
 in the creation of a party favourably inclined towards 
 Charles. The loyalty of the Dalmatian seaports was 
 seriously shaken. Their attitude alarmed Nicephorus, 
 the Emperor of the East ; for at this moment the 
 whole Italian policy of the Franks pointed to their 
 desire to establish a fleet in the Adriatic. Nicephorus 
 was a man of vigorous character, an able financier, 
 and a brave, though unsuccessful, soldier. He 
 had deposed Irene, and ascended the throne as the 
 * Chronicon Reginonis, loc. cit. 
 
42 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 professed defender of the Imperial majesty against the 
 new-fangled Empire of the West. It was therefore 
 impossible for Nicephorus to neglect the ominous 
 signs along the Dalmatian coast. He despatched 
 the patrician Niceta to the Adriatic with the imperial 
 fleet, and Venice, as a vassal of the East, received a 
 summons to furnish a contingent.* Obelerio would 
 gladly have refused ; but the Franks, his allies, were 
 not prepared to support him at the moment, and the 
 temper of the people he governed had been steadily 
 setting towards Byzantium ever since the fall of 
 Heraclea. The Venetian squadron joined the fleet 
 under the command of Niceta, and, after awing 
 the Dalmatian towns, the patrician sailed to Venice. 
 The policy of Obelerio and of Fortunatus, their 
 intentions and actions as regards Venice and Dal- 
 matia, were well known to the Eastern court. Niceta 
 had been instructed to destroy their authority and to 
 exact guarantees for the loyalty of the lagoons. The 
 patriarch did not wait his coming, but fled again to 
 Charles. An assembly convened by Niceta declared 
 his See vacant and himself an outlaw. The patrician 
 sailed to Constantinople, taking with him Beato, 
 Obelerio's brother, as hostage for the doge's future 
 conduct, t 
 
 The pressure upon Venice was growing more severe. 
 Both East and West were beginning to put the 
 question whose she meant to be ; nor would they 
 
 * Mon. Germ. Hist. ; Einhard, loc. cit.; Finlay, op. cit.; 
 Filiasi, op. cit.., cap. xxiii. ; Romanin, op. cit.., cap. ix. ; Dandolo 
 op. cit.., cap. xvi. p. i6. 
 
 t Einhard, op. cit., p. 194; Sagornino, loc. cit.j Dandolo, 
 ioc. cit., p. 18. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 43 
 
 wait long for an answer. It would soon become 
 impossible for Venice any further to conceal her hand, 
 to continue that outward play between the policy of 
 loyalty to the East and obedience to the West, while 
 inwardly pursuing the problem of her own individual 
 preservation. Inside Venice the respective power of 
 the Frank. and Byzantine factions had not yet been 
 fairly tested. In the scene which had just been 
 enacted under the guidance of Niceta, the presence 
 of the imperial fleet and the absence of the Franks 
 had terrified the followers of Obelerio into silence. 
 But the doge declined to accept the action of Venice 
 as a proof that his policy had lost the support of the 
 people. He believed that the balance yet hung 
 undetermined. 
 
 The question of their allegiance was again put to 
 the Venetians the following year, and this time in 
 more categorical form, requiring a more decisive 
 answer. The result proved Obelerio's supposition to 
 be correct ; the balance had not yet finally dipped 
 towards Byzantium and against Charles. The doge, 
 living in the heat of the struggle, could not see 
 that the conduct of Venice was in reality prede- 
 termined by the weakness of the East and the greater 
 proximity of the Franks. He was not aware that 
 the people, always bent on independence, would 
 certainly declare their allegiance to that power which 
 was least able to enforce it. Nicephorus again sent 
 the imperial fleet into the Adriatic ; * this time for 
 the purpose of recovering Commacchio and the 
 exarchate, in retaliation for Fortunatus's attempt to 
 
 • Einhard, op. cit.^ p. 196 ; Romanin, loc. at. 
 
44 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 seduce the Dalmatian towns. Venice again received 
 orders to furnish a contingent to the admiral Paul. 
 To obey meant war on Pipin ; to refuse m.eant 
 defiance to Nicephorus. The critical moment for 
 the future of Venice was at hand ; while for the 
 present either course was dangerous, perhaps fatal. 
 A decided step either way would at least have secured 
 to the Venetians an ally, Frank or Byzantine. But 
 the balance of parties prevented the state from 
 taking any positive line of action. Out of three 
 possible issues, Venice pursued the most perilous, and 
 by her conduct she severed herself both from East 
 and West The result, however, proved only fortunate, 
 for it threw the state upon its own resources, and com- 
 pelled Venice eventually to save herself by her own 
 unaided energy. The party opposed to Obelerio 
 forced the doge to supply the contingent to Paul's 
 fleet. The expedition sailed to Commacchio and 
 was defeated. This check roused the spirits of the 
 Frankish faction ; and when Paul returned with the 
 remnants of his squadron to Venice, he encountered 
 every kind of opposition. Obstacles were thrown in 
 the way of his signing a treaty with Pipin, and his 
 life was in such danger that he found himself obliged 
 to fly.* This, then, was the result of the momentary 
 balance between parties in Venice, apparently dis- 
 astrous, but really propitious for the aspirations of 
 the people. Pipin was now their enemy, for they had 
 fought against him at Commacchio ; Nicephorus had 
 been alienated by the insults offered to his admiral 
 Paul. Venice was face to face with the crisis. 
 * Einhard, op. cit.^ p. 196 ; Filiasi, loc. cit 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 45 
 
 Pipin did not long delay his action.* The advice 
 given by Fortunatus seven years before, when he was 
 at the court of Charles, had fallen on no unfruitful 
 soil. The son of Charles was young, vigorous, 
 courageous, eager to increase and consolidate his king- 
 dom of Italy. The reduction of the lagoons offered 
 an enterprise at once productive and glorious. The 
 affair of Commacchio determined him to subdue those 
 islanders who so stubbornly refused to acknowledge 
 his sovereignty. But first his policy required the 
 reduction of Dalmatia. He sent to ask Venice to 
 join him in the undertaking.! For Venice there could 
 be now no rest, no quiet, no standing aside. The 
 forces which were determining her formation required 
 this repeated and intensified pressure; she had reached 
 the moment of fusion and fiery heat which precedes 
 crystallization. Obelerio exerted every power at his 
 disposal to induce his compatriots to accept the 
 offered alliance with the king. He urged that the 
 state could look for nothing from Nicephorus ; 
 that here was presented an opportunity to repair the 
 error of the previous year, an occasion to obliterate 
 animosity and secure her safety by union with the 
 Franks. But the instincts of the people told them 
 that salvation lay only in their own exertion, not in 
 reliance on the power of any prince. The wave of 
 reaction set in motion by the overthrow of Heraclea 
 had gathered volume enough to claim its way. The 
 Venetians declined to follow Obelerio ; he found 
 himself stranded and alone, the ruler of a people 
 who refused to obey. 
 
 ^ Dandolo, op, cit.^ cap. xvi. p. 23. t Romanin, loc. cit. 
 
46 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Venice rejected Pipin's invitation, and prepared 
 to defend herself, trusting to no other aid than the 
 courage of her men and the intricacy of her lagoon 
 channels. The king made ready for an immediate 
 attack. His fleet lay at Ravenna, and in Friuli an 
 army was at his disposal. From north and south he 
 could concentrate his forces upon Venice. Victory 
 seemed easy to him. But he left out of his calcula- 
 tion the natural defences of those sea-born cities ; he 
 did not know the shoals and deeps of their sea home. 
 By the advice of Angelo Participazio, a Heraclean 
 noble, who assumed the lead as Obelerio's influence 
 waned, the people removed their wives, their children, 
 and their goods from Malamocco to a little island in 
 the mid lagoon, Rialto, inaccessible by land or sea. 
 The fighting men took up their post at Albiola, now 
 Porto Secco, a village between Pelestrina and the 
 port of Malamocco. There they awaited the attack 
 of the Franks. Pipin seized on Brondolo, Chioggia, 
 and Pelestrina. He endeavoured to press his squad- 
 rons on towards the capital, but the shoals opposed 
 him. His vessels ran aground ; his pilots missed the 
 channels ; the Venetians from the further shore plied 
 him with darts and stones. He could not force a 
 passage to Malamocco, and even then Rialto was 
 not reached ; it lay in view, but far away across seven 
 miles of winding canals and undiscovered banks. 
 For six months, through the winter of 809-810, Pipin 
 and his Prankish chivalry wasted their energy in the 
 struggle to advance. At length the summer heats 
 drew on, and rumours of the approach of an Eastern 
 fleet warned Pipin of his failure. He ventured on 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 47 
 
 one last appeal. " Own yourselves my subjects," he 
 cried to the Venetians, " for are you not within the 
 borders of my kingdom ? " " No ! we are resolved 
 to be the subjects of the Roman emperor, and not of 
 you." * The king was forced to retire. He signed 
 a treaty with the cities of the lagoons, whereby they 
 consented to pay the nominal tribute formerly due 
 to the Lombard kings, whose heir Pipin claimed to 
 be. The debt was never discharged. Pipin left 
 Venice filled with the bitterest mortification, and 
 died the same year at Milan.f 
 
 Venice emerged from her trial an independent 
 state. She had attained the object of her long desire. 
 Byzantium owed her a deep debt for having checked 
 the progress of the Prankish arms eastward. The 
 empire of the West would trouble her no more. The 
 agony and the victory completed her spiritual self- 
 consciousness and the union of her various parts. 
 Venice was homogeneous now, a whole, undivided, 
 liberated from internal discord, and at peace. And 
 not only was there fusion between her rival elements, 
 but her people also became one with the place of 
 
 * Our most trustworthy authorities for this episode of Pipin's 
 attack are Sagornino, loc. cit., and Constantine Porphyrog., 
 " De Adminis. Imp.," cap. xxviii. They are both of the following 
 century. Einhard, a contemporary, is suspect through his 
 Prankish sympathies and the manner in which he hurries over 
 the event. The later Venetian historians, including Uandolo, 
 are anxious to magnify the victory, and fill their accounts with 
 legends and myths. 
 
 " xnth T^v i/JL^v X^^P'"' f *' •irp6voiav ylvtade iireLSr] airh ttjs 4firjs x^P°^^ 
 
 'Pufialuv Kol oi/xl o-oO" (Constantine, /oc. at.). 
 t Einhard, op. at., p. 197. 
 
48 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 their habitation. Venetian men and Venetian lagoons 
 had made and saved the state. The spirit of the 
 waters, free, vigorous, and pungent, had passed in 
 that stern moment of struggle into the being of 
 the men who dwelt upon them ; now the men were 
 about to impose something of their spirit too, and 
 build that incomparatively lovely city of the sea. 
 Venice, in this union of the people and the place, 
 declared the nature of her personality ; a personality 
 so infinitely various, so rich, so pliant, and so free, that 
 to this day she wakens, and in a measure satisfies, 
 a passion such as we feel for some life deeply beloved. 
 The island of Rialto had proved the advantage of 
 its situation, and established a claim for gratitude as 
 the asylum of Venice in her hour of need. The raids 
 of Attila demonstrated the insecurity of the mainland ; 
 the attack of Pipin showed that the sea-coast was 
 not more safe. Experience led to the final choice of 
 this middle point. In the year 813 the seat of the 
 government was removed to Rialto, under Angelo 
 Participazio as doge.* Rialto became the capital of 
 Venice — a city of compromise between the perils of 
 terra firma and the banishment of the extreme lidi, 
 Malamocco had destroyed Heraclea ; she now re- 
 nounced her supremacy in favour of Rialto, founded 
 by a noble of the city she had ruined. Rialto became 
 as it were a sacrament of reconciliation between 
 Heraclea and Malamocco. Venice, battling blindly 
 inside herself to win her freedom, found herself 
 and achieved a unity with qualities which belong 
 to her alone. It was the singular glory of Venice 
 
 * Dandolo, op. cit., lib. viii. cap. i. p. i ; Sagornino, loc. cit. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 49 
 
 that, of all Italy, she alone remained unscathed alike 
 by the foreign ravages of the fifth century and the 
 conquest of the eighth. The seed sown during 
 the incursions of Attila bore fruit, and came to the 
 birth when the Franks overthrew the Lombard king- 
 dom. Venice was the virgin child of Italy's ruin ; 
 conceived in the midst of anguish and distress, born 
 to the very manner of invasion, and from invasion 
 she alone escaped, pure and undefiled. The achieve- 
 ment of Venice, the repulse of the Franks and the 
 creation of herself, requires the embellishment of no 
 fables to render it more glorious ; yet we cannot 
 wonder that the Venetians have loved to gather round 
 this central victory a whole mythology of persons 
 and events. The cannon-balls of bread, fired into the 
 Frankish camp in mockery of Pipin's hopes to starve 
 Rialto to surrender ; the old woman, king of council 
 {rex consilii)^ who lured the invader to that fatal 
 effort where half his forces were lost, the bridge across 
 the lagoon ; the Canal Orfano, that ran with foreign 
 blood and won its name from countless Frankish 
 homes that day made desolate ; above all, the sword 
 of Charles, flung far into the sea when the great 
 emperor acknowledged his repulse and cried, " As this, 
 my brand, sinks out of sight, nor ever shall rise again, 
 so let all thought to conquer Venice sink from out 
 men's hearts, or they will feel, as I have felt, the heavy 
 displeasure of God ; " * — all these are myths, born of 
 
 * See Sanudo, " Vite dei Duchi," ap. Murat. Rer. It. Script., 
 torn, xxii.; Cronaca Veneta da Canale, ap. Archiv. St. It., torn, 
 yiii. par. 7 ; Cron. Altinate, bk. viii. p. 219; Dandolo, op. cit.^ 
 cap. xvi. p. 23. 
 
 £ 
 
50 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 a pardonable pride ; but Venice still remains her 
 own most splendid monument. 
 
 The limit of this essay has been reached. Its 
 course has shown the impulse of federal Venetia 
 effecting itself in the creation of Rialto. Yet it is 
 hardly possible to come to a full stop without a word 
 about two principal actors in the drama, Fortunatus 
 and Obelerio. Venice had attained to rest ; for these 
 two restless souls there was no longer any place in 
 her. Their mission was fulfilled, their epoch passed 
 them by, and they had not been blessed in dying 
 with it. They were not born, but they had the equal 
 misery to live, out of due season. The doge faded 
 out of Venetian politics from the moment when he 
 failed to carry the people with him to an alliance with 
 Pipin. The victory of the Venetians and the creation 
 of the new capital were achieved under the auspices 
 of a Byzantine reaction and the guidance of a 
 Heraclean noble. A nuncio from the court of Con- 
 stantinople formally deposed Obelerio, and banished 
 him.* From his place of exile he yearned ever 
 towards his native waters, and nursed delusive hopes 
 of restoration. But his influence died when he was 
 deposed. He made one fruitless descent on Mala- 
 mocco, hoping to waken the city by the outworn cry 
 of democracy and hatred of Heraclea, still vital in 
 the person of the Doge Participazio. He failed 
 miserably. Party feuds and watchwords were old 
 and meaningless for the Venetians now, merged in 
 the new fact of Rialto. Participazio dispersed the 
 
 » Dandolo, op. cit.^ lib. vii. cap. xvi. p. 24 ; Sagornino, loc, 
 cit. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 51 
 
 handful of revolutionists, and Obelerio forfeited his 
 head. With him the last sparks of Malamoccan 
 supremacy were quenched for ever. 
 
 Fortunatus, who had fled before the presence of 
 Niceta and the imperial fleet, returned to Grado for 
 a brief space under the wing of Pipin and the 
 Franks. But the king's repulse warned the patriarch 
 not to try the temper of the victorious Byzantine 
 party. For the third time he quitted his little island 
 for the Frankish court. When Angelo Participazio 
 had established the government securely in Rialto, 
 Fortunatus applied for a safe conduct and permission 
 to return. The doge believed that now, at least, there 
 could be no more danger from the patriarch's Frank- 
 izing policy, and permission was granted. Fortunatus 
 came back to Grado, and, at first, devoted himself with 
 his wonted vigour to the adornment of his church and 
 to the cultivation of the episcopal lands. We hear 
 of him at Grado, a small island, like Torcello as we 
 know it now, with a large brick church, and solid, 
 square, self-sustaining campanile shining rather redly 
 across the waters. A few straggling, low brick houses, 
 a winding canal, and banks trailing with creepers in 
 spring, over the tops of which rise the dusky red- 
 tipped leaves of the young pomegranate trees, or 
 blazing in autumn with the endlessly varied crimsons 
 of the dying tamarisk and sea-lavender. Behind 
 Grado the hills rise in the distance — sharp dolomite 
 peaks that catch the sunset lights and flame rosily 
 across the grey lagoon. Between the shore and the 
 hills the country is all broken and rough with lime- 
 stone rocks cropping out everywhere, so rugged and 
 
52 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 untilled that there is just sufficient herbage to pasture 
 some flocks of thin and meagre sheep. The land is 
 scarred with white ghiarre, the rubbish of stony desola- 
 tion swept down from the mountains every spring by 
 the Tagliamento and the Isonzo. 
 
 Here, then, Fortunatus busied himself with the 
 masons whom he called from France ; * pouring out 
 the treasures he had amassed in Istria, importing 
 precious marbles for his church's fagade, for the 
 colonnades and porticoes ; filling his cathedral with 
 altars of gold, altars of silver, pictures, purple 
 hangings, tapestries, carpets, panni d'oro, jewels, 
 crowns, " the like of which are not to be found in all 
 Italy," chandeliers of rare workmanship with branch- 
 ing lights. And the bishop in the midst of all this 
 growing magnificence, superintending the builders, 
 laying the beams, designing the patterns for the 
 inlaid stones. The care of his church was not 
 enough to occupy him. Agriculture, too, claimed. 
 a share of his inordinate activity, and at San Pele- 
 grino he established a stud farm for the breeding 
 of horses.t It would have been well for him if 
 he had rested there. But he could not keep his 
 mind from political intrigue ; a demon of restless- 
 ness pursued him to the end. He thought that the 
 Frankish party might still be revived in Venice ; he, 
 at least, never despaired of final success. The 
 Venetians more than suspected his influence in the 
 
 * " Feci venire magistros di Francia " (Fortunatus's will, ap. 
 Hazlitt, op. cit.^ Doc. II., and Marin, " Storia Civile e Politica 
 del Commercio d. Venez" (Venezia : 1798), torn. i. cap. vii.). 
 
 f See Filiasi, op. cit.t torn. vi. cap. i. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 53 
 
 family feuds which tore the household of the doge in 
 two, and drove his younger son, Giovanni, into exile.* 
 The presence of Fortunatus was a never-failing source 
 of disquiet to the whole of Venice. At length a plot 
 against the life of Angelo Participazio himself roused 
 the extreme wrath of the people. The plot clearly 
 had its origin among the broken fragments of the 
 Prankish party, and as surely Fortunatus was its 
 prime instigator. The Venetians deposed, and for 
 the last time expelled the patriarch from his See.f 
 His own passion for intrigue, his own inability to 
 perceive that Venice had taken a new direction when 
 Rialto rose to be the capital, that the old formulae of 
 Frank or Byzantine had little import now, were the 
 causes of Fortunatus's ruin. He passed from the 
 sphere of Venetian politics, where he had played 
 so active and so perilous a part, into a region of 
 obscurity whither we can hardly follow him. Hence- 
 forth he ceased to exercise any considerable influence 
 on Venetian affairs. His name appears less and less 
 frequently in the chronicles ; yet we may be sure he 
 was not quiet nor at rest. Whenever he does appear, 
 it is always in connection with some plot or some 
 intrigue, each scheme wilder and more hopeless than 
 its predecessor, as the patriarch's authority dwindled, 
 as his strength failed, as he sank surely down the 
 decline of a life that had been so full and yet so 
 fruitless. On his expulsion from the lagoons, For- 
 tunatus crossed to Dalmatia, where he had already 
 secured connections, and applied himself to estab- 
 
 * Dandolo, op. cit., lib. viii. cap. i. p. 17 ; Sagornino, ioc. cit. 
 t Dandolo, Ioc. cit., p. 35. 
 
54 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 lishing these upon a firmer basis. His friend Charles 
 had died in the year 813, and the patriarch could look 
 for little help from the Prankish court, torn to pieces 
 by the feuds of the great emperor's successors. He 
 turned to seek for aid from Constantinople, from 
 that court whose persistent enemy he had always 
 shown himself His personal policy wavered omi- 
 nously ; the power had gone out of the man. He 
 sought to gain the favour of Byzantium, under whose 
 influence he hoped to be restored to Grado. With 
 that object in view,, he applied himself to harass the 
 Emperor Lewis, as far as in him lay. He sent into 
 the service of the rebel duke of Pannonia that band 
 of military engineers which he had raised in Istria,* 
 and thus materially assisted the duke in fortifying his 
 country. For this conduct Lewis cited the patriarch 
 to the Prankish court. Portunatus feigned obedience 
 and set out ; but on the way he turned aside and fled 
 to Zara, whence he took ship for Constantinople.! 
 There he remained three years, labouring, we may 
 believe, to secure support ; but in vain, as the sequel 
 proved. In the year 824 he left the capital in the 
 train of an embassy sent to treat with the Emperor of 
 the West. He trusted that his case would be men- 
 tioned among other points, and that so, at peace with 
 East and West, he might return to Grado, for which 
 he never ceased to long. But Lewis refused to pardon 
 or to listen to him. The ambassadors declined to 
 jeopardize the success of their mission by any un- 
 
 * Einhard, op. cit.^ p. 208, ap. ann. 821, " artifices et muria- 
 rios mittendo." 
 
 t Mabillon, op. cit.y torn. ii. p. 458 ; Einhard, loc. at. 
 
THE CITY OF RIALTO. 55 
 
 welcome proviso in favour of Fortunatus ; they 
 repudiated and ignored him. Lewis ordered him to 
 Rome, under a kind of arrest, there to answer before 
 the pope for his share in the Pannonian revolt.* 
 Fortunatus commenced his journey, but never accom- 
 plished it. He died upon the way, a broken and a 
 failing man ; a restless end to a restless life. His 
 last thoughts were turned, with that indomitable 
 hope of his, to the quiet church among the lagoons, 
 whose bishop he had been for so many unquiet years. 
 The closing words of his will, bequeathing his vast 
 fortune to his See, have an almost pathetic ring 
 when we remember all the failure of his career, the 
 hope against hope deferred : " I will pay my debts 
 before God," he writes ; " and so it shall be when I 
 am come back to my own Holy Church, in peace and 
 tranquillity I will rejoice with you all the days of my 
 life." 
 
 * Einhard, op. cii., p. 212, ad. ann. 824; Dandolo, loc. ctt.f 
 p. 36. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIE POLO 
 
 AND THE CLOSING OF THE 
 
 GREAT COUNCIL, 
 
 Among the many memorial stones of Venice, there 
 is one likely enough to escape notice. It is a little 
 square of white marble, let into the pavement of the 
 Campo Sant' Agostino ; and on it are these letters : 
 " LOG. COL. BAI. TIE. MCCGX." Right in the heart of 
 Venice, between the Frari and Campo San Polo, the 
 feet of strangers rarely bring them by it. Yet the 
 events, the closing act of which this stone commemo- 
 rates, are among the most important in the constitu- 
 tional growth of the city. This slab marks the place 
 of the colo7ina infame raised on the site of Bajamonte 
 Tiepolo's house to perpetuate the recollection of his 
 conspiracy and failure by this inscription — 
 
 " De Bajamonte fo questo tereno 
 E mo per suo iniquo tradimento 
 Posto in comun e per Taltrui spavento 
 E per mostrar a tutti sempre seno." 
 
 Time has come to cover this among other sore 
 places ; the column is gone ; it rests now, far away, 
 cracked and riven, in a quiet garden by the Lake 
 of Como ; the little marble slab is found only by eyes 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEFOLO. 57 
 
 that look for it. But over Ticpolo's name has been 
 piled a cairn of obloquy more hard to move. 
 Chronicler after chronicler has flung his stone on 
 the heap, and Tiepolo still remains " Bajamonte 
 traditore." 
 
 Is this just ? The chronicles are too frequently 
 partial ; they are too readily and too often the mouth- 
 piece of success, which has won its privilege of open 
 and uncontradicted speech. They trumpet the fame 
 of victory ; the character and motives of the defeated 
 
 they leave — 
 
 "black 
 To all the growing calumnies of time, 
 Which never spare the fame of him who fails, 
 But try the Ciesar or the Cataline 
 By the true touchstone of desert— success." 
 
 We cannot accept the portraits which they draw 
 without reserve. Tiepolo, as they present him to us, 
 is a restless, ambitious, and turbulent noble, aiming at 
 the overthrow of an excellent paternal government 
 for the sole purpose of satisfying his individual 
 appetite for sovereignty. We are asked to believe 
 that his conspiracy was based on nothing but per- 
 sonal jealousy and ambition. It is hardly as such 
 that we can accept him. He was, very likely, no 
 single-minded hero ; his motives may not have been 
 unmixed ; but the question he raised was a question 
 worth raising — it touched the very core of Venetian 
 home politics. Her past history justified Tiepolo's 
 attempt ; his failure determined the course she was 
 to pursue. Tiepolo represented one of the essential 
 elements in the original composition of the Venetian 
 state. His conspiracy was the death-throe of an 
 
58 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 older order of government. We cannot look upon 
 him as a merely factious rebel and traitor. 
 
 In the earliest years of its life the vital spark had 
 been evoked in Venice by the friction between the 
 nobility of Heraclea and the primitive fishing popula- 
 tion of Malamocco. Under external pressure these two 
 elements had come together at Rialto and founded the 
 modern city of Venice. A rapid increase of wealth 
 was the result of the internal quiet obtained by 
 the fusion of discordant elements in Rialto. Venice 
 profited by her period of rest to apply her energies 
 to commerce and trade with the East. But this very 
 augmentation of prosperity prepared the way for new 
 internal difficulties. The old aristocratic factor, the 
 Heraclean party, still retained many of its character- 
 istics, claiming a superiority in virtue of its descent ; 
 while, on the other hand, from the people arose a class 
 of men who by commercial activity had acquired a 
 wealth far exceeding that of the old nobility. These 
 men were drawn together by the common desire to 
 assert themselves, to obtain the full value of their 
 wealth, and the recognition of themselves as a distinct 
 element in the polity. It was inevitable that they 
 should seek to develop themselves as an aristocracy. 
 No other course was open to them. But, as inevitably, 
 such a development brought them into collision with 
 the old hereditary nobility, already firmly rooted, and 
 also with the people from whom they wished to differ- 
 entiate themselves, but from whom they had really 
 sprung. The achievement of their object could only 
 tend to the creation of a plutocracy, absorbing in 
 itself the rights of the people and the powers of the 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 59 
 
 doge, round whom the elder aristocracy gathered. 
 The apparition of this third party in the state gave 
 presage of internal rupture which was destined to 
 end in revolution ; and the epoch was marked by 
 the quarrels between the families of Dandolo and 
 Tiepolo.* 
 
 Neither the people nor the old nobility were as 
 powerful as this new party, and, accordingly, in the face 
 of their common and aggressive foe they displayed a 
 tendency to draw to one another. It was doubtful, 
 however, whether the bond which united them was of 
 sufficient strength to bear the strain of inherently 
 opposite impulses ; indeed, in the end it proved not to 
 be strong enough. But for the present, however, 
 they were at one ; and we shall see the people in 
 their last constitutional effort calling for a Tiepolo 
 rather than a Gradenigo as their doge. 
 
 The constitutional history of Venice, from 1084 to 
 the date of Tiepolo's conspiracy in 13 10, turns upon 
 the progressive movement of the new commercial 
 aristocracy and the various steps by which it made 
 itself paramount. This aristocracy had three primary 
 objects in view, and its development was regulated 
 accordingly. Its first desire was to crush the power 
 of the doge, for he was the crown and centre of the 
 old nobility, and frequently chosen from among them. 
 The new party intended to use the ducal title and 
 the ducal publicity as a cloak for their own tyranny ; 
 as a mask behind which they could shelter, and 
 through which they might, as through a mouthpiece, 
 issue their crushing and repressive edicts. They suc- 
 * Romanin, op. cit., vol. ii. lib. vii. cap. i. p. 288, note i. 
 
6o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 ceeded. Before the close of the thirteenth century, 
 the dukedom was no longer an office of real honour 
 or of power. The ducal palace was too often merely 
 a prison into which this cold and determined aris- 
 tocracy could thrust any one of their own number 
 who had the misfortune to incur their suspicion. 
 The head of the state was deprived of almost all 
 real weight, and left with empty dignities alone. 
 The tragedy of Francesco Foscari and his family 
 in the fifteenth century illustrates terribly the fate 
 in store for any prince who should try to resuscitate 
 the ducal authority. 
 
 The second object which directed the policy 
 of the commercial aristocracy was the constitu- 
 tional extinction of the people on the one hand, 
 and, on the other, the reduction of the old nobility. 
 So long as the people still retained their ancient 
 right to share in the election of the doge, so long 
 as the members of the more ancient families were 
 still the successful candidates for the dukedom, the 
 new party felt that it was not yet supreme, and 
 nothing short of supremacy would satisfy it. The 
 third determining object was its own consolidation. 
 While it repressed everything external to itself, 
 it was continually remodelling, rebuilding, reform- 
 ing, internally strengthening itself, so that when the 
 final struggle came, it was able to offer an impreg- 
 nable front to the attack of its foes. The new 
 aristocracy forced itself like a solid, irresistible 
 wedge, like the ploughshare of an alpine glacier, 
 into the living body of the Venetian constitution, 
 and,, in the end, froze the whole organism to that 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 6i 
 
 rigidity which, for a time, proved strength, but, 
 in the end, was death. It tore its way between 
 the doge and the people, severing, annihilating, and 
 thrusting out the older aristocracy, the living matter 
 which bound the two together. It retained the 
 dukedom simply as a veneer upon its own solid 
 surface, structurally unconnected with it ; while the 
 people were ground down to a smooth bed upon 
 which it might rest. 
 
 The steps by which this third party, the new aristo- 
 cracy, worked towards its goal, destroyed all other 
 powers in the state, and emerged as sole lord of 
 Venice, must be noted, for they form the long pre- 
 lude to the closing of the Great Council and 
 Tiepolo's conspiracy, which resulted from that 
 revolution. For some time previous to the year 
 1172, the aristocracy had been curtailing the functions 
 and privileges of the dukedom. Its judicial attributes 
 had long disappeared ; they had been transferred 
 to the three Guidici del Palazzo, and even the 
 appeal from this court, which formerly lay to the 
 duke, had been vested in the supreme court of Venice, 
 the Quarantia. But it was not till the election 
 of the Doge Sebastian Ziani, in the year 1172, that 
 the aristocracy obtained a solid and independent 
 standing ground in the constitution. A gap of six 
 months intervened between the assassination of Doge 
 Michele II. and the election of Ziani. In those six 
 months the nobles drew together into a legislative 
 council, called henceforth by the name of the 
 Maggior Consiglio ; * the base of the pyramidal 
 
 • It is improbable that this was the first appearance of such 
 
62 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Venetian constitution, the largest cylinder, out of 
 which all the lesser cylinders of the various executive 
 and legislative colleges were drawn. The immediate 
 object of this cohesion on the part of the aristocracy, 
 old and new alike, was to secure to themselves the 
 sole voice in the election of the doge ; to rob the 
 people of their share in appointing the head of 
 the state. And this they did ; the election of Ziani 
 was unconstitutional, for it lacked the seal of popular 
 acclaim.* But the robbery was veiled under the 
 specious formula with which the new doge was pre- 
 sented to the people, " Questo e il vostro doge si vi 
 piacera," and, siibaiiditur^ whether it please you or not.f 
 And now, from this solid basis of the Maggior 
 Consiglio, the aristocracy could thrust itself forward 
 and upward, until every office in the state was an 
 emanation from itself alone. But this operation re- 
 quired time. Owing to the mode of election, the 
 Great Council was not a- close body ; a seat in it 
 was still open to all citizens of Venice. The new 
 aristocracy were resolved to purge themselves of 
 this popular element, not because they had any 
 
 a council in Venice, but it is certain that its existence was 
 reckoned as an undisputed fact from this date. The manner 
 of electing was originally this : Twelve electors were appointed, 
 two from each sestieri, or division of the city ; each elector 
 named forty citizens, noble or plebeian ; these 480 formed the 
 Maggior Consiglio (Rom., op. cit., vol. ii. p. 89 ; Giannoti, 
 " Dialogus de Rep. Yen.," p. 40, and the notes of Crassus to 
 the same ; Ap. Groev. Thesaur. Anti. Ital.). 
 
   Bernardo Guistiniano, " Dell' Origine di Venetia," lib. xi. 
 
 t Marin, " Storia Civile e Politica del Com. dei Venez.," vol. 
 iii. lib. iii. cap. vii. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIE POLO. 63 
 
 true aristocratic bias, but because, for the purposes 
 of such a government as they contemplated, they 
 felt that a body like theirs must be made a caste — 
 must become oligarchical. But as yet their party 
 was young, with many difficulties to overcome ; 
 notably the power of the doge, and the power of 
 the old aristocracy ; the one supporting the other 
 as integral portions of the same political system. 
 
 Nevertheless, the immense stride which the com- 
 mercial aristocracy had taken towards a real sove- 
 reignty in the state was soon shown by the establish- 
 ment of the college of six Consiglieri Ducal i,* in 
 some respects a sort of privy council board. The 
 creation of this office was a decided blow to the 
 ducal independence. It robbed the doge of his 
 power of initiative in the legislature ; it curtailed 
 his personal freedom of action ; for now constitutional 
 measures were proposed not by the doge alone, but 
 by the doge in council, and in council with the 
 aristocracy. Questions of foreign policy — especially 
 as regarded commerce — the audiences granted to 
 ambassadors, were entrusted no longer to the doge 
 alone, but to the doge in council. The invention 
 and development of this college placed two of the 
 most important ducal functions in commission, and 
 that commission was the appointment and the ser- 
 vant of the aristocracy. But while restricting the 
 real power of their doge, the aristocracy continued 
 to augment the outward pomp attendant on him. 
 
 * Originally this board had consisted of two councillors. 
 This was now held to be too weak a check on the doge, and four 
 more were added. See Roman., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 92. 
 
64 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 This could be of no danger to themselves ; it only- 
 added a splendour to the state and helped to flatter 
 their vanity. On the day of his election the doge 
 was carried round the piazza,* like the Eastern Em- 
 perors, scattering gold. He received an oath of alle- 
 giance from all the citizens every four years. He 
 never now left his palace without an escort of nobles 
 and citizens. His person was declared sacrosanct. 
 The ducal position was becoming defined — " Dux in 
 foro, servus in consilio ; " later on he was to be 
 "captivus in palatio " as well. 
 
 This first attack was soon followed by a further 
 restriction of the constitutional powers and privileges 
 pertaining to the dukedom. During the first thirty 
 years of the thirteenth century the College of the 
 Pregadi f (the invited), usually known as the Senate, 
 was established as a permanent branch of the legis- 
 lature. Formerly the doge, like the kings of England, 
 had been free to ask any citizen to assist him with 
 advice on matters of state. But now the Great 
 Council issued two decrees : the first,:]: that for the 
 future the members of the Pregadi should be elected 
 by the Great Council itself, and out of that body, as 
 the other members of the government were ; the 
 second, that the number of the Pregadi be fixed at 
 
 * Dandolo, " Chronicon," lib. x. cap. i ; Marin., op. cit.^ 
 vol. iii. lib. ii. cap* vii. ; Sansovino^ "Venezia, cittk Nobili""' e 
 Singolare," lib. xiii. ; Vita di Seb. Ziani. Muazzo ; "St. d. 
 governo d. Rep. d. Venez ; " Roman., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 255, 
 note 5. 
 
 t Sandi., "I Principi di Storia Civ. d. Rep. d. Ven." (Venezia : 
 1755), lib. iv. p. 507, cap. ii. 
 
 X Sandi., loc. cit. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEFOLO. 65 
 
 sixty. Here, then, was the Senate constituted beyond 
 the power or the pleasure of the doge ; constituted as 
 a limb of the aristocracy. Undoubtedly this was a 
 curtailment of the ducal freedom, a further tying of 
 the doge's hands. For he was no longer able, by 
 choosing his council himself, to determine what kind 
 of advice he should receive, and to flavour it according 
 to his own liking ; but he was compelled to accept 
 such advice as the Great Council chose to give him, 
 and it was now seasoned to the palate of the aris- 
 tocracy. Advice, when not self-chosen, is frequently 
 a constitutional synonym for command. By the 
 election of his councillors from the Maggior Con- 
 siglio, the doge was rendered more than ever a 
 servant of the new aristocratic party. 
 
 But while the new party have been pinioning their 
 doge, they have also been advancing on their other 
 wing, pressing forward the other side of their attack 
 against the ancient nobility. On the abdication of 
 Pietro Ziani in the year 1229, two competitors for 
 the ducal chair presented themselves — Jacopo Tie- 
 polo, of the old conservative party,* and Marino 
 Dandolo, a member of a family which had declared 
 for the party of revolution. It was doubtless of 
 great moment to the new aristocracy, now that it 
 had succeeded in limiting the ducal power, to seat 
 one of its own number on the ducal throne. With 
 a man after their own heart established in the palace, 
 there was no reason why they should not succeed 
 in baffling the old aristocracy. The contest was 
 
   Tiepolo had been podestd, at Constantinople and duke of 
 Candia (Rom., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 212). 
 
 F 
 
66 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 therefore a keen one. At this period the number 
 of ducal electors was forty, and so close was the 
 voting that the forty were equally divided. The 
 election was decided by lot, and fell in favour of 
 Tiepolo. But this check to the new aristocracy only 
 served to call forth a vigorous display of their real 
 power. The Maggior Consiglio appointed the five 
 Correttori della Promissione Ducale,* or committee 
 for supervising the oath of allegiance tendered by 
 the doge on assuming office. The Correttori re- 
 ceived authority to alter and amend the oath in any 
 direction they might think fit, subject always to the 
 sanction of the Great Council. At the same time, 
 and with the same object, the new aristocracy ap- 
 pointed the three inquisitors,! whose duty it was to 
 review the life and actions of a deceased doge, and 
 to note where he had violated his oath. The in- 
 quisitors were armed with power over the heirs and 
 property of the late doge, in order that the fear of 
 them might weigh with him when alive. The 
 glory of the ducal office could not be much further 
 reduced. It only remained to add some vexatious 
 personal restrictions in order to render the possession 
 of the dukedom an honour not to be desired by any 
 man of high pride or sensitiveness. 
 
 There was, however, a second important result 
 
 * Rom., op. cit, vol. ii. p. 244. The earliest promissione 
 extant is that of the Doge Henry Dandolo, 1193. Th^ pro- 
 missione of Tiepolo is given as Doc. No. VI. in Mr. Hazlitt's 
 " History of the Venetian Republic," where it may be compared 
 with that of Dandolo, which precedes it (Sandi., op. cit.^ lib. 
 iv. cap. iii.). 
 
 t Sandi., loc. cit. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 67 
 
 arising from the election of Tiepolo. It became 
 obvious that if the electoral body could be divided 
 always, as it had been on this occasion, some reform 
 of the whole elective machinery was required. The 
 new party, with their special objects steadily in view, 
 determined to use the opportunity for their own 
 purposes. Accordingly they elaborated that extra- 
 ordinarily complex system of combined lot and ballot 
 which resulted in the appointment of the forty-one 
 electors to the dukedom.* They hoped that this 
 system would prevent any powerful group in the 
 Maggior Consiglio from ever being able to nominate 
 a doge at their own pleasure. This reform was 
 really a blow to the old aristocracy, who, up to this 
 time, had undoubtedly the larger experience in affairs 
 
 * The first election by the forty-one was that of Marin 
 Morosini in 1249. See Rom., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 249. 
 This was the process : — 
 
 1. All who sat in the Maggior Consiglio, and were above 
 thirty years of age, elected by ballot thirty members. 
 
 2. Thirty reduced themselves by lot to nine. 
 
 3. Nine elected by ballot, with at least six votes each, forty. 
 
 4. Forty reduced themselves by lot to twelve. 
 
 5. Twelve elected by ballot twenty-five. 
 
 6. Twenty-five reduced themselves by lot to nine. 
 
 7. Nine elected by ballot forty-five. 
 
 8. Forty-five reduced themselves by lot to eleven. 
 
 9. Eleven elected by ballot forty-one. 
 
 10. Forty-one elected doge with at least twenty-five votes. 
 See Rom., op. cit., vol. ii. pp. 289, 290, note 3 ; also the long 
 account of the election of Lorenzo Tiepolo in the "Cronaca 
 Veneta" of Martin de Canal, capp. 257-259 ; "Arch. St. It.," torn, 
 viii. ; Sandi., loc. at. Daru, " Histoire de la Rep. de Venise " 
 (Paris : 1819), vol. i. p. 378, gives some popular doggerels on 
 the mode of election. 
 
68 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of state, and therefore the larger control in the 
 selection of the doge. Besides this result, the new 
 aristocracy possibly foresaw that when they had 
 succeeded in obliterating or swamping the old no- 
 bility in the Great Council, such a purely fortuitous 
 method of election as the one now created would 
 greatly help to prevent their own party from falling to 
 pieces through internal jealousies, when the day came 
 that they, and they alone, should possess the field. 
 
 After the year 1250 the annihilation of the ducal 
 authority was completed by a series of restrictions 
 on the personal private action of the doge. He was 
 no longer the real head of the state, above all offices, 
 and from whom all other branches of the govern- 
 ment fell away in descending and spreading lines. 
 The position was just reversed ; he was for the 
 future to be simply the ornamental apex of the 
 aristocracy, drawing all his existence from below 
 him, from the base of the constitutional pyramid. 
 A clause was added to the promissione by which 
 the doge pledged himself to execute the orders 
 of the Great Council, or of any other council, be 
 they what they might* Nor dared the doge exhibit 
 his portrait, his bust, or his coat-of-arms f anywhere 
 outside the walls of the ducal palace, that all might 
 
 * Sandi., op. cit.^ lib. iv. cap. iv. p. 2. 
 
 t On the death of Renier Zeno in 1268, the quarrels between 
 the two parties in the state, represented by the Dandolo and the 
 Tiepolo respectively, grew so dangerous and began to spread so 
 far, that a law was passed forbidding a citizen to display the 
 arms of any great house as a note of his politics — the first 
 warning of the constitutional struggle about to take place (Rom., 
 op. cit., vol. ii. p. 288, note i). 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 69 
 
 know that the essence of the dukedom was not 
 resident in the doge, but in the whole aristocratic 
 body. The doge was, in fact, to be the phenomenon 
 of the aristocracy, with no individual existence, but 
 living only as the outward and visible sign of the 
 inward aristocratic spirit* In this view he was held 
 to be incompetent to announce his accession to the 
 throne in any foreign court, except that of Rome. 
 No one was to kneel to him, kiss hands, make 
 presents, or render him any act of homage which 
 could possibly be construed as homage to the in- 
 dividual rather than homage to the spirit of the 
 aristocracy in which alone the doge lived and moved. 
 The elevation of a member of any family to the 
 supreme office barred all other members of that family 
 from holding posts under government either in Venice 
 or in Venetian territory. The sons of the doge were 
 ineligible as members of any councils except the 
 Maggior Consiglio and the Pregadi,t and in this latter 
 they had no vote. Finally, to complete the isolation 
 of the ducal throne, to close the doors of the princely 
 prison, it was decreed that no one who might be 
 elected to the office of doge should have the right to 
 refuse that appointment ; that no doge could of his 
 own choice resign his office, nor ever quit Venice. % 
 
 * He was not allowed to trade either in person or by proxy 
 (Rom., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 292, note i). 
 
 t Rom., op. cit.^ vol. ii. p. 250 ; Sandi., loc. cit. Neither the 
 doge, nor his sons, nor his nephews might contract a foreign 
 marriage without the consent of the Maggior Consiglio. See 
 the promissione of Jacopo Contarini, 1275 (Rom., loc. cit.., p- 
 305, note 2). 
 
 X Sandi., loc. cit. 
 
70 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 So far, thea, we have followed the advancing steps 
 of the new aristocracy. It had absorbed the ducal 
 authority, and had delivered two well-planted blows — 
 one at the old nobility, by introducing a mode of 
 election to the dogado which destroyed the ancient 
 influence of that body ; the other at the people, by 
 robbing them of their constitutional privilege of a 
 voice in the election of the doge. But complete 
 victory over these powers had not yet been won. 
 The new party had yet to establish and consolidate 
 itself internally, and in the process the final collision 
 was brought about — a collision which terminated 
 in the Tiepolo-Querini conspiracy. As long as a 
 seat in the Great Council was open to the people 
 there still remained a large and indefinite popular 
 element in the constitution ; from this element the 
 aristocracy determined to free themselves. 
 
 The tumultuous nature of democratic assemblies 
 will usually lend a handle to those who desire to estab- 
 lish a tyranny. It was upon the necessity for curbing 
 the jealousy, the ambition, the feud engendered by a 
 yearly struggle for a seat in the Great Council, that 
 the new party based their proposals of October 5, 
 1286. By these proposals it was intended to define 
 the right to a seat in the council for all future time. 
 Accordingly the three heads of the Quarantia 
 moved,* first, that none should be eligible for a seat 
 who could not prove that a paternal ancestor had 
 already sat ; second, that the doge, the majority of 
 
 * See Teuton, " II vero Caratere Polit. d. Baj. Tiep./' p. 74 ; 
 Romanin, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 342, note 3 ; Sandi., op. cit.^ lib. v. 
 cap. i. p. I. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 71 
 
 the Consiglieri Ducali, and the majority of the Great 
 Council should have the power to elect to a seat in 
 the council any who should be excluded by the 
 preceding clause. The doge opposed the motion, 
 and carried his opposition by eighty-two against forty. 
 Although the motion was thus lost, yet it was a 
 distinct declaration of programme, and to this pro- 
 gramme the new aristocracy devoted itself for the 
 next ten years. In this policy there were two in- 
 tentions visible : one was to make the aristocracy 
 a close body for the future, sharply defined, rigid, 
 capable of very little further expansion ; the other, 
 to make membership in this close body an indis- 
 pensable qualification to all officers of state. These 
 objects were the logical conclusion following from 
 the creation of the Great Council in the year 11 72; 
 though the realization of them would undoubtedly 
 be a violation of the constitution. 
 
 They were, however, to be realized ; the constitu- 
 tion was to be violated, but by another doge. In the 
 year 1289 Giovanni Dandolo died. He was buried in 
 the Church of San Giovanni e Paolo. As the crowd 
 of senators, councillors, procurators, and magistrates 
 issued from the great door of the church, after the 
 funeral service was over, they found the piazza 
 thronged by the people. They were there once 
 more, and for the last time, to assert their right to 
 be heard in the election of the doge.* Their cry was 
 not for a Dandolo or a Gradenigo, but for Jacopo Tie- 
 polo, a representative of the old nobility, and closely 
 connected with those families who were violently 
 * Rom., op. cit.j vol. ii. p. 323. 
 
72 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 opposed to the revolution which was silently going 
 on in the state. No choice could have been less 
 fortunate. Tiepolo was a man of good abilities ; he 
 had held many important posts under the govern- 
 ment. But he was certainly timid ; perhaps at heart 
 averse to bloodshed and filled with horror at the 
 prospect of civil war. He knew that his elevation to 
 the dukedom would exasperate the new party to such 
 a pitch as to render a violent explosion inevitable. 
 He was not the man to lead the people and the old 
 nobility at a crisis like the present ; he suffered 
 himself to be over-persuaded, and withdrew to his 
 villa on the mainland. A great occasion for the anti- 
 reform party was lost, and civil war became more 
 probable than ever. 
 
 The popular cries from the piazza of Zanipolo 
 rang in the ears of the new aristocracy, and warned 
 them that they were as yet far from success. Much 
 depended on the selection of a doge. It was neces- 
 sary to find a man who should be at once devoted to 
 their cause and yet of commanding powers. Their 
 choice was happily directed ; it fell upon a young 
 man, comparatively young for so high an honour, 
 Piero Gradenigo. He was thirty-eight years old at 
 that time, and podesta of Capo dTstria. In every 
 way he was suited to the occasion. From his birth 
 devoted to the new party, fully grasping their politi- 
 cal intentions, rapid and intrepid in action, he at 
 the same time possessed a coolness of judgment 
 which made him pre-eminently fitted to guide his 
 party through a crisis like the present. His unpopu- 
 larity with the people, which won for him the name 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 73 
 
 of " Pierazzo," was only a further recommendation in 
 the eyes of the new aristocracy. He summed up in 
 his person the essence of the party he was now called 
 upon to lead. 
 
 Gradenigo arrived from Capo d'Istria, and was 
 received in ominous silence by the populace. The 
 new doge at once applied himself to the work that 
 was expected of him. The propositions of 1286 clearly 
 indicated the wishes of his party. Nothing remained 
 for him but to reformulate them and propose them 
 afresh in the council. In the year 1296 he moved 
 the famous measure which has since been known 
 as the Serrata del Maggior Consiglio, the closing of 
 the Great Council* The terms of this act were : — 
 
 " I. That all who have sat in the Maggior Consiglio 
 during the last four years shall present themselves 
 for ballot before the Forty, and, on obtaining twelve 
 votes, shall be members of the Maggior Consiglio for 
 one year. 
 
 " 2. That those who fail to present themselves now, 
 owing to absence from Venice, shall do so on their 
 return. 
 
 " 3. That three electors be appointed, who, on the 
 indication of the doge and his council, may nominate 
 certain citizens from among those who are excluded 
 by the first clause. That those nominated shall go 
 through the ballot before the Forty, and, on obtaining 
 twelve votes, shall sit in the Maggior Consiglio. 
 
 * The measure was not carried till February, 1297 (Rom., 
 op. cit.^ vol. ii. pp. 343, 344, note 2 ; Tentori, op. cit., pp. 74, 7 Si 
 76, where the act is given in full ; Sandi., loc. cit. ; Gianotii, op. 
 cit., p. 53. 
 
74 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 "4. That the three electors shall be members of 
 the Maggior Consiglio. 
 
 " 5. That this statute may not be repealed except 
 on the vote of five out of the six Consiglieri Ducali, 
 twenty-five of the Forty, and two-thirds of the Great 
 Council. 
 
 " 6. That, within the first fifteen days of each year, 
 the Consiglieri Ducali shall move the question whether 
 the whole act is to stand or to be modified or repealed. 
 
 "7. That the heads of the Forty shall post the 
 names of those who are about to be balloted for 
 three days before the election takes place. That 
 thirty shall constitute a quorum of the Forty." 
 
 This measure was carried. But its terms were not 
 stringent enough to satisfy the new aristocracy. Their 
 body was not yet sufficiently close ; a seat in the 
 Great Council could be too easily obtained. In 1298 
 the act was amended ; a majority of the Forty, in 
 place of only twelve votes, became indispensable to 
 secure a seat. In the same year the list of selected 
 candidates was confined to those who could prove 
 that a paternal ancestor had at some time sat in the 
 Great Council. In the year 13 15 the government 
 opened the " Libro d'Oro" — an official record of all 
 those who possessed the requisite qualifications, and 
 whose names could be submitted to the ballot. A 
 rush of citizens to establish their nobility, to secure a 
 place in the governing class before it should be too 
 late, took place. Abuses soon appeared in the golden 
 book : parents entered the names of illegitimate 
 children, and the severe decrees of 13 16 and 13 19 
 became necessary to purge the list. The avvogadori 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 75 
 
 del commun were entrusted with inquisitorial powers 
 to examine family history ; the duties of a herald's 
 office were added to their functions. If they admitted 
 a name to the " Libro d'Oro " that was taken as suffi- 
 cient proof of its qualification. The office of the three 
 electors was abolished. All whose names appeared 
 on the lists of the golden book were, on attaining the 
 age of twenty-five, considered eligible to a seat in the 
 Maggior Consiglio. 
 
 It would be a mistake to suppose that the closing 
 of the Great Council was in any sense a coup d'etat. 
 The constitutional history of Venice had been tending 
 in that direction for more than a century ; and the 
 actual measure was not passed at one stroke, or by 
 unconstitutional violence, but occupied several years 
 before it could be finally established. Nor was it an 
 absolute and rigid closing of the council ; a little 
 stream of fresh blood might still creep in through the 
 grace of the doge and the three electors, although it 
 is true that the free circulation from the people, the 
 heart of the state, was effectually choked. The decree 
 virtually cancelled family history previous to 1172, 
 the date when the Great Council was formally 
 established. It did not matter how old a family 
 might be, nor what services it might have rendered to 
 the state ; if, by some accident, none of its members, 
 during these hundred and twenty-four years, had sat 
 in the Maggior Consiglio, that family now became 
 disfranchised, unrepresented, robbed of all share in 
 ruling the state it may have helped to make. The 
 result of the statute was to divide the population into 
 two classes. The one, by an accident of parentage, 
 
76 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 had a right to claim a seat in the Great Council of 
 Venice ; the other had no such right, nor any hope 
 of obtaining it, but by the exceptional grace of men 
 who, before the passing of the act, were, constitu- 
 tionally, their equals. And these graces were rendered 
 more and more difficult to secure, till, in the year 
 1328, they seem to have ceased altogether ; nor 
 were they renewed till after the war of Chioggia, in 
 the year 1380, when an addition of thirty families 
 was made to the roll of the Venetian patriciate. To 
 be deprived of a seat in the Great Council was to be 
 doomed for life to silence in Venice. The way to all 
 honours, to all activity, lay through that assembly ; 
 those who were condemned to live outside it were, in 
 fact, disfranchised. The aristocracy had effected their 
 object ; they had robbed a free people of their rights 
 and converted them to their own sole use. When we 
 think of the injustice of the act we cannot wonder that 
 the closing of the Great Council caused a conspiracy 
 which shook Venice to her foundations ; nay, we are 
 almost tempted to regret that it did not succeed. 
 
 The new aristocracy triumphed ; but doubtless 
 they did not expect to be left in undisturbed enjoy- 
 ment of their victory. Nor were they, although their 
 opponents, the old aristocracy and the people, failed 
 to unite their forces, the only course which offered 
 any prospect of success against the victorious party. 
 The popular indignation was the first to make itself 
 felt. In the year 1300 Marco Bocconio, a man of 
 respectable but not of noble family, organized a 
 rising of the populace.* He was not equal to his 
 task. The doge was warned in time ; the conspiracy 
 * See Rom., op. cit.^ vol. iii. cap. i. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. ' 77 
 
 never had the deadliness of secrecy. We may dismiss 
 this futile attempt almost as curtly as the chronicler 
 Sanudo does.* " It is written," he says, " that the 
 doge took good means to have the conspirators in his 
 hands, and had them." Good means truly. Bocconio 
 and his friends had determined on a physical assertion 
 of their right to enter the Great Council. Followed by 
 a mass of the people, they presented themselves at the 
 door of the chamber and knocked. Those inside were 
 ready ; the door was opened, and, in the doge's name, 
 the leaders were invited to enter, one by one, that 
 they might submit to the ballot and win their seat. 
 Bocconio and ten of his followers passed in ; they 
 were instantly seized and executed in the prisons ; 
 the voice of this revolt was stifled beneath the waters 
 of the lagoon that hid so many of Venice's secrets. 
 After the leaders were despatched, between five and 
 six hundred of their supporters are said to have suffered 
 death. "And so," to quote the chronicler again, " ended 
 this sedition, in such wise that no one dared any more 
 to open his mouth after a like fashion." f 
 
 Not after a like fashion, it is true ; for the people 
 had entered their protest, had struck their blow, and 
 had failed. It remained for the old conservative 
 party to make their attempt against the revolution 
 which had been effected. But they were not ready 
 yet, and were by no means unwilling to wait. Time 
 was all in their favour, for the foreign policy of 
 Gradenigo and his followers was daily deepening 
 
 * Sanudo, " Vite dei Duchi," ap. Muratori, Rer. It. Scrip., 
 torn. xxii. p. 581. 
 t Ibid., loc. cit. 
 
78 ' VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the hatred against them. The doge's insistance on 
 the Venetian claim to Ferrara had involved the 
 republic in a disastrous war ; but worse than that, 
 it had brought Venice into collision with the pope. 
 The Holy See had revived an obsolete title to the 
 Ferrarese ; after repeated orders to the Venetians to 
 retire from before Ferrara, there came a sentence of 
 excommunication against the whole state of Venice. 
 The clergy left the city ; the sacraments were refused ; 
 burial, even, with religious rites was denied. The 
 sentence weighed heavily on the people. But worse 
 was to follow. The excommunication was supported 
 by the publication of a crusade ; liberty and indulgence 
 were given to any attack upon Venetian subjects or 
 property. In England, in France, in Italy, in the 
 East, the merchants were robbed. From Southampton 
 to Pera the Venetian counting-houses, banks, and 
 factories were forced, sacked, and destroyed. The 
 commerce of Venice trembled on the verge of extinc- 
 tion ; and all these evils were laid at the door of the 
 doge and the new aristocracy. But the party in 
 power never wavered ; their determination was the 
 result and the proof of their youth, their confidence, 
 their real capacity for governing. Though they 
 were surrounded by a people suffering intensely 
 from physical and spiritual want, as well as by a 
 nobility who openly declared their hatred of the 
 new policy and of its authors, yet they never de- 
 viated for a single moment from the predetermined 
 line. Everything was done to win the regard and 
 the support of the people. The doge instituted a 
 yearly banquet to the poor and the picturesque 
 
BAJAMONTE TIE POLO. 79 
 
 ceremony of washing and kissing twelve fishermen 
 from the lagoons. Everything also was done to 
 humble, insult, and ridicule the old nobility. Marco 
 Querini was refused a seat among the ducal coun- 
 cillors, and the place was bestowed on Doimo, count 
 of Veglia,* in spite of a statute which forbade a Dal- 
 matian to hold that office. The law against carrying 
 arms in the streets was enforced with rigour. Marco 
 Morosini, a "signor of the night,"t met Pietro Querini 
 one evening in the piazza ; in spite of Querini's pro- 
 test Morosini insisted upon searching him; Querini 
 knocked him down, and was, of course, fined heavily. 
 It was clear that matters were coming to a crisis. 
 
 But the real difficulty of the old nobility lay in the 
 want of a leader. After holding several meetings at 
 the house of Marco Querini, they determined to invite 
 Bajamonte Tiepolo,t the son-in-law of Marco, to come 
 
 * Rom., op. cit.y vol. iii. p. 27. 
 
 t This was the picturesque name for the three heads of the 
 police patrol in Venice. " II diavolo che attendava alia rovina 
 di questo governo porse in animo a Marco Morosini, Signore di 
 Notte, di voler sapere se Pietro Querini della casa Grande, fra- 
 tello di Messier Marco, aveva armi ; et accostandosi a lui li disse ; 
 lasciati cercare ; percio lui irato getto per terra esso Morosini " 
 (Marco Barbaro, Chronicle, quoted by Rom., loc. cit.^ sup.). 
 \ Bartolo Tiepolo, 1062. 
 
 Marco, 1137. 
 
 I 
 Giacomo, doge, m. Gualdrada, 
 
 dr. of Tancred of Sicily. 
 
 Lorenzo, doge, m. Marchesina of Brienne. 
 
 Giacomo. 
 
 Bajamonte. 
 See Litta, " Famig. celebri Italiane," in voce " Tiepolo ; " 
 
So VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 to Venice and lead the party. He was the grandson 
 of the Doge Lorenzo Tiepolo and Marchesina, daugh- 
 ter of Boemond of Brienne, king of Servia. He was, 
 therefore, great-grandnephew of John of Brienne, the 
 emperor of Constantinople and king of Jerusalem. 
 In the year 1300 he had been condemned for pecula- 
 tion in one of the governments he had held. But 
 execution of the sentence was postponed, and two 
 years later he was elected one of the Quarantia.* 
 But in the same year he withdrew to his villa of 
 Marocco,t near Mestre, w^here he remained until 
 1 3 10, when the invitation of his brother nobles reached 
 him. He readily answered their appeal, and his 
 arrival in Venice was of the greatest service to his 
 party. For Bajamonte was a man of strong, im- 
 petuous, and decided character, the owner of large 
 wealth and of an almost unbounded popularity with 
 the people, who called him the gran cavaliere ;% 
 while, on the other hand, he was connected with most 
 of the noble families who were strenuously opposing 
 the new aristocracy. 
 
 On the arrival of Bajamonte the ferment of dis- 
 content was precipitated. Meetings were held at the 
 house of Marco Querini, in which the hopes and 
 
 Laurentius de Monacis, " Chronicon," lib. xiv. p. 274 ; Roman., 
 op. at., vol. ii. p. 294; "Cronaca Veneta, da Canal," cap. cclxiii. 
 note 351. 
 
 * Caresini, "Contin. Chron. And. Dand.," p. 492, ap. Murator., 
 Rer. It. Scrip., xii. ; Vianoli, " Hist. Venet." (Venetia : 1680), 
 lib. xii. 
 
 t Rom., op. a't., vol. iii. p. 28. 
 
 X Navagero, "St. Venez.," ad ann. 1310, ap. Murat., Rer. 
 It. Scrip., xxiii. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIE POLO. 8i 
 
 designs of the party were discussed, and steps taken 
 to achieve them. Marco himself led the way, dwelling 
 bitterly on the ruin which the new aristocracy had 
 brought upon the state, urging the dangers of the 
 Ferrarese war and the horrors of the excommunication. 
 But above all he insisted on the injustice of the act 
 that closed the Great Council, whereby many noble 
 and virtuous citizens were excluded from all share in 
 the government of the state. Bajamonte followed his 
 father-in-law, enforcing his argument and urging im- 
 mediate action. He concluded thus : " Let us leave, 
 let us leave words on one side now, and come to deeds. 
 Let us place a good prince at the head of this state ; 
 one who shall be acceptable to all classes, beloved 
 by the people, ready so to act that our city may 
 be restored to her ancient ordinances, that public 
 freedom may be preserved and increased." Tiepolo 
 expressed the general feeling. The party were 
 eager for action ; but Jacopo Querini, the oldest 
 and most cautious of their number, now rose to 
 counsel moderation. He implored them to move by 
 constitutional, not by revolutionary steps ; he warned 
 them not to trust the people for support ; * while, 
 fully recognizing the unendurable position in which 
 they were placed by the closing of the Great Council, 
 he insisted that this should be corrected by legal, not 
 by illegal and violent measures. But the nobles felt 
 that the advice of Jacopo Querini came too late. 
 
 * " Spcrate aver il popolo favorevole ? ma il popolo, come a 
 tutti e noto, h cosa vana ed instabile." A true warning as it proved. 
 See " Cron.ica del Barbaro," quoted by Rom., vol. iii. p. 3' 5 
 also Vianoli, " Hist. \'enet." (Venetia : 1680), lib. xii. 
 
 G 
 
82 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Pacific measures were out of the question. The 
 speech of Tiepolo indicated the h'nes on which they 
 must act. Nothing remained but to develop the 
 plot. The conspirators agreed that the doge should 
 be attacked in his palace, and that he and as many 
 as possible of the new aristocracy should be slain. 
 One of their own party, Badoer Badoer, was sent to 
 Padua, with instructions to bring with him as many 
 men as he could induce to help in the attack. They 
 fixed on the 15th of June as the day for the execution 
 of their design. The associates were to meet in the 
 house of Querini on the evening of the 14th, a Sunday. 
 The evening came and the nobles assembled. So 
 far these meetings had been conducted with the 
 utmost secrecy. But now information was brought to 
 the doge * that there was an unusual and suspicious 
 stir about the houses of the Querini and in all the 
 quarter beyond the Rialto. Gradenigo at first refused 
 to believe that this movement had any significance, 
 but he thought it prudent to send three members 
 of the government to inquire into the meaning of the 
 report. The officials were met with drawn swords 
 whenever they crossed the Rialto, and were forced to 
 fly for their lives. The doge grasped the situation 
 at once, and lost no time. He sent messengers to 
 the podestd of Chioggia, and to the governors of 
 Murano, Burano, and Torcello, demanding their help. 
 The officers of state, the Consiglieri, the Avvogadori, 
 the Signori di Notte, were summoned to the palace 
 armed. The town on St. Mark's side of the canal 
 
 * The traitor was Marco Donato, who had at first joined the 
 conspiracy. 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 85 
 
 was roused from its sleep — for the night had al- 
 ready far advanced towards morning — and all good 
 citizens were called upon to march to the piazza, 
 there to defend the doge and the state.* These 
 measures, rapidly as they were carried out, occupied 
 some time, and the day was already dawning. In the 
 dim twilight, and under a threatening sky, the doge 
 and his company left the ducal palace and descended 
 into the piazza. There guards were stationed at the 
 mouths of the different streets that opened on the 
 square, while the main body was drawn up in the 
 piazza itself, eagerly expecting help from Chioggia, 
 and waiting the event. 
 
 Meantime, on the other side of the canal, affairs had 
 nearly reached the climax. The piazza, then as now 
 the heart of the city, was the point at which Tiepolo 
 intended to aim his blow. The conspirators had deter- 
 mined to divide their forces. One body, under Baja- 
 monte, was to march through the Merceria, emerging 
 on the piazza by the street where the clock tower now 
 stands ; the other, under Marco Querini, was to find 
 its way to the same point by the Ponte di Malpasso.j 
 All was ready for the start, when a violent storm 
 broke over Venice ; wind, thunder, lightning, and 
 rain descending in torrents. The storm seemed 
 ominous and terrified Tiepolo's followers. He delayed 
 his departure, hoping that it might pass by, and, in 
 order to amuse and occupy his company, he gave 
 them permission to sack the offices of the police 
 magistrates and the Corn Exchange. 
 
 • Laurentius de Mon., op. cif., lib. xiv. p. 275. 
 t Now the Ponte de Dai. 
 
84 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 But the rain did not cease, and precious time could 
 not be wasted to an unlimited extent. Too much 
 had been lost already ; every instant lessened the 
 chances of success. The conspirators crossed the 
 Rialto. But they soon found, as they advanced, 
 that they had miscalculated in reckoning on the 
 support of the people. Each step towards the 
 piazza showed the temper of the populace to be 
 more and more hostile. The vigour and calmness 
 of the doge had overawed those who were imme- 
 diately within his reach, and had counselled them 
 to be on that side which their instinct told them 
 was the winning one. But more than that, the 
 present rebellion was the protest of the nobles 
 against the serratta^ as that of Bocconio had been 
 the popular protest. This latter had failed, and 
 the people were not prepared to try their fortune 
 again. Perhaps they were more than doubtful 
 whether the success of Tiepolo would really restore 
 to them their lost rights. However that might be, 
 the conspirators found no support, no signs of a rising 
 in their favour. In accordance with the plan agreed 
 upon, they divided into two companies. By some 
 miscalculation Ouirini arrived at the piazza first ; as 
 he debouched upon the square, the doge's troops 
 charged with the cry of " Ah ! traditore ; ammazza ! 
 ammazza ! " Marco and his two sons were instantly 
 killed, and his followers routed before Tiepolo could 
 come to his assistance. A like defeat avvaited him. 
 As he passed along the Merceria, a woman hurled a 
 stone from a balcony, which slew Bajamonte's stan- 
 dard-bearer, who was marching foremost with a 
 
BAJAMONTE 7IEF0L0. 85 
 
 banner on which was embroidered the word 
 "Liberty." A few moments later, Tiepolo himself 
 and his followers were flying from the piazza in 
 confusion, to seek safety on the other side of the 
 Rial to. They broke down the bridge and destroyed 
 the boats, and thus gained for themselves a breath- 
 ing space. They were still in considerable force ; 
 and if Badoer had arrived from Padua, it might yet 
 have been possible for them to make some head 
 against the doge. The news, however, that Badoer 
 with his boats had run aground in the lagoon, 
 where the podcstd of Chioggia had captured him 
 and all his men, dashed that hope. The game 
 had been played and lost. Nothing remained but 
 to make such terms as they could with Gradenigo 
 and his victorious party. 
 
 The leniency of the conditions offered by the 
 doge prove how unwilling the new aristocracy were 
 to push their victory too hard. All the citizens who 
 had followed Tiepolo were allowed to make their 
 peace by swearing allegiance to the doge and the 
 constitution. The heads of the conspiracy were 
 banished for four years to certain defined localities ; 
 but all of them, including their chief, broke their 
 confines.* This violation of their bounds resulted in 
 a decree of perpetual exile against Tiepolo, and the 
 confiscation of all his goods. The houses of the 
 Tiepolo and the Querini were razed, and their site 
 marked by a colonna infame, and the family arms of 
 both were cancelled.f 
 
 * Sanudo, " Vite dei Duchi," p. 586, ap. Murat., Rer. It. 
 Script., torn. xxii. 
 
 t The Querini bore parte per fesse azure and gules ; the 
 
86 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Tiepolo was banished in perpetuity, and, for the 
 years that remained to him, he flitted like an unlaid 
 ghost round the borders of his native land. From 
 Dalmatia, from Padua, from Treviso, he looked to- 
 wards Venice, and sighed for the campi, the contrade, 
 the water-ways of that home no longer his. But each 
 sigh was a menace to the new party now consolidating 
 itself on the ruins of the older nobility. The govern- 
 ment was never at rest for a moment while the 
 spectral form of Tiepolo remained unburied. We find 
 proposals for an amnesty to be extended to him, 
 invitations to him to return. These may have been 
 ruses to get him into their power — we cannot tell ; 
 in any case, they were not accepted. Bajamonte is 
 the centre of innumerable plots, all doomed to failure ; 
 but he could not abandon them while he lived. He 
 was the spirit of the old aristocracy that would not 
 cease to hope as long as there was breath. In the 
 year 131 1 we find him conspiring at Padua;* later 
 
 Tiepolo, azure, a castle of three towers, argent. See Coronelli, 
 " Blazone Veneto," and Freschot, " La Nobilitk Veneta ; " 
 " Commem.," lib. i. No. 435, 448 ; Laurentius, op. cit., lib. xiv. 
 p. 277, where a list of the conspirators is given, together with 
 their places of exile ; And. Dand., " Chronicon," p. 410, ap, 
 Murat., Rer. It. Scrip., xii. ; Caresini, " Contin. Chron. Dand.," 
 pp. 490, 491, 492, where the sentences are recorded ; also see 
 p. 483 for the letters of Gradenigo recounting the conspiracy. 
 
 * Laurentius, loc.dt.,^^. 277,278 ; " Commem.," lib. i. No. 476 ; 
 1876. Tiepolo tried to interest some of the family of Carrara in 
 his designs. Scrovegno, on their behalf, went so far as to promise 
 him eight hundred men. Venice was seriously alarmed, and 
 increased the guards on the lagoon shores at San Giuliano. 
 But the scheme fell through (Rom., op. cit., vol. iii. pp. 43, 44 
 Verci, " St. della Marca Trivigiana," vol. viii. Doc. 862, ann. 
 1318, Feb. 21), 
 
BAJAMONTE TIEPOLO. 87 
 
 he is hunted from Treviso. In 1322 the Ten offer 
 a sum for his capture in Dalmatia. In 1328 the doge 
 is imperatively ordered to take steps to secure his 
 person, if possible ; but he escaped his enemies to 
 the very last, and, on the point of falling into their 
 hands, he died. 
 
 Tiepolo died, and with him died the old nobility 
 as a dominant party in the state. He and it were 
 killed by the new aristocracy. Tiepolo's object had 
 been to preserve the old constitution of Venice ; for 
 in it he and his order, by long prescriptive right of 
 birth and rule, were powerful. But this party failed to 
 make common cause with the people, they neglected 
 to win their confidence, and they went down before 
 the younger and stronger order. Had Tiepolo suc- 
 ceeded it is not impossible that Venice might have 
 developed a constitutional government based on the 
 three estates of prince, nobles, and people ; but it 
 was not given to her to escape the tendency which 
 was bringing all Italy under the power of individual 
 families of despots. 
 
 The new aristocracy triumphed and proceeded to 
 follow unimpeded the law of its growth. Externally 
 the government of the city was crystallized after the 
 fall of Tiepolo. A full police system was developed — 
 the patrols for the streets, the guards for the canals^ 
 the piazza, and the Palazzo Ducale. A native militia 
 was raised by a levy of five hundred men from each 
 of the six quarters of the city.* But freedom was 
 
 * Rom., op. cit., vol. iii. p. 40 ; " Commem.," lib. i. July, 13 10, 
 No. 438, 439 ; Marin ., op. ctt.y vol. v. p. 320, Doc. II., "Provisions 
 for the Defence of Venice." 
 
88 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 not in the nature of the new aristocracy ; its essence 
 was opposed to Hberty, and so it was doomed in turn 
 to submit to itself as its own most tyrannous master. 
 The danger it had just escaped was so great that, 
 for its own immediate safety, it had recourse to a 
 dictator. But following the inherent bent in the 
 Venetian political constitution, that dictator was not 
 an individual, but a committee, a college. The Council 
 of Ten was appointed to examine the causes and to 
 trace the ramifications of the Tiepoline conspiracy. 
 Its tenure of office was first limited to a few days, then 
 extended to two months, then to five years ; finally it 
 was declared permanent, July 20, 1335, and became 
 the lord, the Signore, the tyrant of Venice * — 
 more terrible than any personal despot, because 
 impalpable, impervious to the dagger of the assassin. 
 It was no concrete despotism, but the very essence 
 of tyranny. To seek its overthrow was vain. Those 
 who strove to wrestle with it clasped empty air ; 
 they struck at it, but the blow was wasted on space. 
 Evasive and pervasive, this dark, inscrutable body 
 
 * Rom., op. cit.^ vol. iii. cap. iii. ; Giannotti, "Delia Rep. d. 
 Venez." (Firenze : 1850), pp. 122-124 ; Sanudo, op. at., p. 586 ; 
 Baschet, " Les Archives de Venise " (Patis : 1870), p. 514. It 
 is shown by the researches of Sig. Cecchetti that in all proba- 
 bility a Council of Ten did exist before the year 13:0. But it is 
 certain that that year saw the creation of the Ten as the power 
 which was destined to rule Venice. See " DelF Istituz. d. Magist. 
 d. Rep.," Cecchetti (Venezia : 1865). And popular tradition was 
 right when it fixed the date in the well-known rhyme — 
 
 " Del mille tresento e diese 
 A mezzo el mese delle ceriese 
 Bagiamonte passo el ponte (the Rialto). 
 E per esso fo fatto el consegio di diese." 
 
BAJAMONTE TIE POLO. 89 
 
 ruled Venice with a rod of iron. For good or for bad 
 the Council of Ten was the very child of the new 
 aristocracy, which had won its battle against both the 
 people and the old nobility. The victorious party 
 breathed and their breath became the Ten, and it is 
 the Ten which determined the internal aspect of 
 Venice for the remainder of her existence. 
 
 Such is the reading of events which facts seem to 
 warrant. But, in the dense obscurity which hangs 
 over all that might indicate beyond a doubt the true 
 relations of the old aristocracy, the new party and 
 the people, it has to be admitted that a somewhat 
 different view is possible. It might be urged that the 
 struggle was nothing more than one between 2, prim 
 and a secondo popolo, in which the people, properly 
 so called, had little or no interest ; that the issue 
 lay between an old semi-feudal nobility and a wealthy 
 middle class, eager to seize the reins of govern- 
 ment ; that each party was running a selfish race 
 for the mastery in the state, and that a species of 
 tyranny was inevitable, whichever won. It would be 
 possible to urge that the apparition, the struggle, and 
 the victory of the new nobility was only one step in 
 a necessary evolution ; that the victory brought with 
 it not the element of death, but just that quality of 
 rigid stability which preserved Venice longer than her 
 sister Italian states. What remains, however, as im- 
 portant to Venetian history in this period is that 
 the Tiepoline conspiracy marks the point at which 
 the central element in the government was fixed. 
 From that moment Venice appears with the peculiar 
 constitution which, for better or for worse, was to 
 distinguish her from the rest of Italy. 
 
777^' CARRARESI. 
 
 " Si trova sulla terra delle catastrofi." — Ferrari. 
 
 Italy, it has often been said, is not the country of 
 chivalrous romance. In 'nothing is the truth of the 
 observation more clearly shown than in the history 
 of her great families. There is no lack of adventure, 
 and often an excess of startling incidents ; but the 
 aroma of romance is not there, the peculiar charm 
 of chivalry is wanting ; there is no mystery. Italian 
 character is true to Italian landscape, " the little blue- 
 hilled, pastoral, sceptical landscape," perfect in form, 
 delicious and delicate in colour, but grand or myste- 
 rious seldom. Italy never had a feudal system ; and 
 people of Northern temperament miss that sympa- 
 thetic thrill that even now runs through us as we read 
 of actions gentle, loyal, knightly, or true.* No doubt 
 much of the charm in our family history is due to 
 its vague outline. We look at the deeds of our fore- 
 fathers that begat us through the obscurity of ages. 
 The lines grow mellowed and softened, toned to fit 
 subjects for a ballad ; the traditions of family history 
 
 * This whole category of words is wanting in ItaHan. They 
 are flowers of a foreign soil, and have to be transplanted from 
 the North. They pine and droop, as "/<?«/<?," or change their 
 nature altogether, as " virtu " and " onore" 
 
THE CARRARESI. 91 
 
 live as sacred legends, of deep interest to the family, 
 but still legends, myths robbed of the cold clearness 
 of an historical outline. In Italy family story 
 emerges only to become at once an integral portion 
 of the country's history, to pass directly into the 
 cold light, to be immediately tested by the critical 
 standards of historical accuracy ; it has from the 
 moment of its birth that clearness and crudeness 
 which belongs to fact. The early deeds of the 
 Visconti, the Scala family, or the Carraresi live not in 
 ballads but in chronicles, our main fountain-heads for 
 picturesque Italian history' generally. Yet it would 
 be a mistake to suppose that these chronicles are 
 devoid of interest or of fascination. They have, after 
 all, many of the qualities of the ballad ; they make 
 their pictures, they touch the human passion with 
 that simplicity which is consummate art, and, almost 
 in spite of the deeds they relate, there is a tenderness 
 about them. No one can read the Perugian chronicle 
 of Matarazzo,* or the Paduan history of the Gattari, 
 without feeling that they have a charm and romance 
 of their own — not the clannish romance of feudalism, 
 steeped in mystery and weirdness, but the charm of 
 highly developed individualities in play with other 
 characters their like. The men of these chronicles are 
 beautiful as highly finished products of civilization ; 
 but we can never think of them as 
 
 " Beauty making beautiful old rhyme.*' 
 
 The family of Carrara, with whose intricate growth 
 
 * See the essay " Perugia " in Mr. Symonds' " Sketches in 
 Greece and Italv." 
 
92 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 and tragical death we have now to deal, lived in the 
 very heart of that curious period of Italian history 
 when the Signori rose to the height of their illegal 
 power. The Carraresi grew up side by side with the 
 Visconti, the Gonzaghi, the Estensi, the Polentani, 
 the Rossi, the Scaligeri, and with the last of these 
 they fell. Venice alone among all these prince- 
 lings pursued a steady policy. In common with 
 her neighbours she had passed through the crisis 
 of the Signori, those pangs which issued in the 
 birth of a despot for nearly every Italian town. 
 But with her the revolution took a complexion 
 peculiar to herself When the ferment of the Tiepo- 
 line conspiracy subsided, Venice found herself not 
 under the rule of a single tyrant, an individual who 
 might be assassinated and who was doomed, sooner 
 or later, to extinction with his whole race, but with 
 the permanent, unassailable Ten as her lord. She 
 was a republic only in name ; the Ten was her despot, 
 without the dangers of a despot's throne. Venice was 
 secure ; freed from the fatal need for incessant and 
 feverish action, that curse on all the other Signori, 
 she could bide her time and choose her moment to 
 strike her foes. That moment was never chosen 
 wantonly, but always with a distinct and reasoned 
 view to her own requirements. The Venetian 
 Republic was the one stable element in all North 
 Italy. 
 
 It was an age of exciting change, of deep and 
 riveting interest, and the Carraresi were typical of 
 their period, not only in their politics and in the vicissi- 
 tudes of their fortune, but in their private life as well. 
 
THE CARRARESI. 93 
 
 The men of those days were " born to strange sights ; " 
 they sought them, courted them, delighted in them : 
 nothing could be too strange or bizarre for that 
 insatiable thirst for novelty with which they burned. 
 They rung the joy out of violent changes and con- 
 trasts. All they touched was embraced with ardour, 
 from a headlong debauch to a religious revival. At 
 one moment these men were tearing along in a mad 
 orgy, at the next they were covered with sackcloth and 
 ashes, marching in the rear of the Bianchi procession,* 
 joining fervidly in the cry, " Repent! repent!" swelling 
 the chorus of " Stabat Mater." Few were greater pro- 
 ficients in the invention of new arts, for public as for 
 private life, than the Visconti. But nothing could save 
 these men from the doom they dreaded ; they were 
 condemned to plagiarism, to repetition and sameness. 
 Each draught of pleasure or of power only intensified 
 the thirst that mocked their impotence to satisfy it. 
 The forty days' tortures of Galeazzo Visconti were 
 repeated by Francesco Carrara at Bassano ; j but the 
 master had at the same moment created and exhausted 
 the idea. All that human bodies are capable of en- 
 during he had forced them to endure. It was in vain 
 that Carrara cried for a fiftieth day ; the limit was 
 
 * " Chronicon Patavinum," ap. Muratori, " Antiquit. Ital. 
 Med. CEv.," torn. iv. ad. ann. 1399 (Milano : 1741). 
 
 t Azzari, " Storia di Milano," ap. Muratori, Rer. It. Script., 
 torn. xvi. ; Galeazzo Gattaro, " Istoria Padovana," ap. Murat., 
 Rer. It. Script., torn. xvii. ; Verci, " Storia della Marca 
 Trivigiana" (Venezia : 1789), bk. xvi. ad ann. 1373. The 
 enormous learning of this work is too well known to require 
 any praise from me, but I must here acknowledge my deep 
 debt to it throughout this essay. 
 
94 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 reached ; he was face to face with the impossible! 
 At another time the operation of diverting all 
 its rivers from an enemy's territory, or its converse 
 of drowning the foe by piercing the banks of a river 
 in flood, was devised. The labour was enormous, 
 but delightful, for there was a new power to contend 
 with, a new opposing element even more incalculable 
 than man, and that was Nature. But the ruse 
 became hackneyed at once, and we grow tired of 
 reading the story of works on the Brenta, the 
 Bachiglione,* the Mincio, unrelieved by any varia- 
 tion except that now and then Nature refuses to bow 
 to the whims of a Lombard lord, and, bursting out, 
 sweeps a Scala's or a Visconti's dams and embank- 
 ments to perdition. Again, Can Signorio della Scala 
 resolved to murder his brother — that was common 
 enough ; but coming from his mistress, there was the 
 new touch. The plan succeeded, and was soon after 
 adopted by Antonio Scala, who killed his brother 
 Bartholomew on his way home from a rendezvous ; 
 and certain of the Carrara family proposed a like 
 fate, under like circumstances, for the head of their 
 hojse. The idea was run to death in a moment, but 
 the honours remained with the inventor ; Can Signorio 
 alone put the finishing touch to his work by accusing 
 his brother's mistress of the murder and torturing her 
 till she died. The number of family murders was 
 enormous. In seven generations of the Scala house 
 we can count nine such treacherous deaths, an 
 allowance of one and two-sevenths of a murder to 
 
 * See Gattari, op. ctt., ad ann. 1387, and passim; Verci, op. 
 at., bk. XV. ad ann. 1368. 
 
THE CARRARESL 95 
 
 each generation, and that inside their own walls.* 
 The heads of houses had this fate constantly before 
 their eyes, and yet they never seemed to have ex- 
 pected it to overtake themselves ; so Bernabo Vistonti, 
 when his nephew arrested him, cried, "O Gian 
 Galeazzo non esser traditor del tuo sangue ; " but he 
 might have known from his own experience the value 
 of such an appeal. 
 
 These men were " born to strange sights ; " per- 
 haps to no stranger one than the mixture of chivalry 
 and treachery in the story of so many noble houses. 
 Francesco Carrara the elder was dubbed by Charles 
 IV. on the field ; and no doubt he deserved it, 
 for he was a brave soldier : but he immediately 
 conferred a like honour on a number of Paduan 
 gentlemen ; among them, on one Zanibone Dotto, 
 who at that very moment had the poisons in his 
 pocket to give to Francesco, and money for doing 
 so from Jacopino Francesco's uncle.f We cannot help 
 feeling that these men looked upon life as a game to 
 be made as intricate as possible for the pleasure of 
 playing it. Anything which added a new colour to 
 life or imposed a new condition on the game was 
 at once adopted ; and so we find knighthood and 
 treachery side by side, accepted as facts and elements 
 to be manipulated. Anything, on the other hand, 
 which, like moral considerations, interfered with the 
 
 * See Litta, " Famiglie Celebri d'ltalia," in voce "Scaligeri." 
 t Cortusiorum, " Historia," ap. Mur., Rer. It. Script., torn. 
 
 xii. ad ann. 1354; Gattari, op. cit. ; Verci, op. cit.^ ad ann. ; 
 
 Cittadella, " Storia della Dominazione Carrarese in Padova " 
 
 (Padova : 1842), vol. i. cap. xxiv. — an excellent history of -the 
 
 Carrara family. 
 
96 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 development of the game, or crossed the path to the 
 end in view, must be left aside — " Si violandum est jus 
 regnandi gratia, violandum est ; " if virtue " like not 
 the play, why then she likes it not, perdy." All things 
 were pardoned to the man who played the game 
 successfully. Here it was not a soft but a witty answer 
 which turned away wrath. Ubertino Carrara invented 
 a grim amusement for himself, to while away the 
 time till he should succeed to the Signory. He and 
 his companions used to roam about Padua at night ; 
 if they met a citizen or a merchant going home, a 
 bag was slipped over the unfortunate man's head, and 
 he was dragged about, up and down the streets, until 
 he lost all sense of where he might be ; he was then 
 taken to some house, where the band mystified, 
 bullied, and frightened him, sometimes to death and 
 always until he had paid a large sum to his tor- 
 mentors. One day Ubertino caught a F'lorentine. 
 The man was treated in the usual way. When the 
 bag was taken from his head, Lappo — that was his 
 name — asked where he was. "In Trebizond," was 
 the answer. " A good wind and a fair passage, 
 gentlemen!" The company relished the wit of this 
 reply, and they allowed Lappo to go scot-free.* 
 
 It is not a pleasant picture ; but as these men 
 treated life like a problem in chess, so their lives 
 have the interest of a problem for us. If we referred 
 to the pages indexed as ejus mores in Muratori's 
 vast storehouse, we should find much that is terrible 
 and revolting, while making a large allowance for the 
 
 * Vergerius, " Vitas Carrariensium," in vit. " Marsilii," ap. 
 Murat. Rer. It. Script torn. xii. 
 
THE CARRARESl. 97 
 
 exaggeration which not improbably exists ; but we 
 should also find an infinite variety of strongly de- 
 veloped characters, each one defining itself clearly 
 before us ; and this individuality seems to be the 
 real point of interest in that curious age. They were 
 people full of passion, which they obeyed unhesi- 
 tatingly — " Quando vienne il desiderio non c'e mai 
 troppo," said a modern Italian ; and so these elder 
 Italians felt and acted. But they paid dearly for 
 this loyal obedience to desire. They did not perceive 
 that this was not true liberty, that it landed them 
 in a ad-de-sac. The attainable was exhausted and 
 grew insipid, the unattainable alone had any attrac- 
 tion for them, and so they were condemned to an 
 endless heaven of hope and hell of realization. 
 
 As in private so it was in public life. Politics was 
 a game which no one wished to see ended. Wars 
 were dragged on to an interminable length without 
 one decisive blow, because, of the men who conducted 
 them, no two were pursuing exactly the same object. 
 Treaties public and secret crossed and recrossed each 
 other, covering the face of Italy with an intricate web. 
 Each new ruse of politics became irresistibly infec- 
 tious : only those at whose destruction it was aimed 
 felt any alarm ; the rest stood by to see and learn 
 how the move was played. We might almost draw 
 up a code of political maxims from the complicated 
 history of the time. A treaty or a peace was not 
 used to terminate disputes or to bind allies together; 
 they had definite and special uses other than these. 
 Treaty faith was unknown, and leagues were formed 
 for this purpose — that they enabled a prince, in times 
 
 H 
 
98 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of pressure, to buy better terms for himself by selling 
 his allies. He either weakened the league by with- 
 drawing, or he turned his arms absolutely against 
 his former allies ; for the latter service the pay would 
 be higher. A peace might be concluded for ten years 
 or a hundred, though it was intended to observe it just 
 four months. Its real value was to gain breathing 
 time and to allow the universal bad faith to explode 
 a powerful and hostile combination. Another maxim, 
 and one which Bernabo Visconti was never tired of 
 applying, was — " Attack others before they attack you. 
 Choose a weak moment in your neighbour, and strike ; 
 if not, he will infallibly turn on you in your hour of 
 distress." The fatal necessity to extend in order to 
 prevent others from extending proved the ruin of the 
 Signori. Having once entered on the path of lord- 
 ship, only one course lay open to them : headlong they 
 must go or be lost ; and if they went on they were 
 equally doomed to destruction, but in pressing forward 
 lay their only hope of postponing the day of their ruin 
 as long as possible. Under such imperative compulsion 
 to restlessness and aggression, quiet in the neighbour- 
 hood of an Italian prince was absolutely unknown 
 and unenjoyed. The Signori were to the manner 
 born, it was one of the conditions of their life ; but for 
 the people this feverish atmosphere proved an endless 
 source of agony and torment. Again, experience soon 
 taught these politicians that to bend was not to break. 
 Suppleness was a quality they highly prized. Scala 
 and Visconti bowed before the whirlwind of John of 
 Bohemia's popularity, but they rose again behind 
 him like reeds. Francesco Carrara gave way before 
 
THE CARRARESr. 99 
 
 Venice and saved himself for a time ; his son Novello 
 refused to do so and was lost. Venice herself yielded 
 to Hungary, and surrendered Dalmatia to avoid worse 
 loss ; but she never intended to forego that province 
 for ever. The constant kaleidoscopic changes in 
 Italian politics always gave a hope that what was lost 
 to-day might be regained to-morrow. There was, 
 however, a refinement on this maxim of momentary 
 cession under pressure. It became by no means 
 unusual for a prince to yield, not to the enemy who 
 was harassing him, but to some third party. By 
 this means he mortified his foe, he shifted the burden 
 of the war to other shoulders, and might fairly look 
 to recovering what he had lost some later day. 
 Venice, when in the agony of the Chioggian war, 
 handed Treviso to the duke of Austria ; she thereby 
 stole it from Carrara, who must inevitably have 
 captured it, and at the same time she entailed on 
 him a war with Austria which materially crippled 
 his power. 
 
 Under the Signori the townsfolk suffered terribly. 
 The government of the despots was the very incar- 
 nation of a sole and selfish monarchy. All the 
 resources, all the machinery of the state, were in 
 their hands, to be used for their own individual 
 ends. Milanese" interests, Veronese interests, Paduan 
 interests had no existence ; the salvation of a Visconti, 
 a Scala, or Carrara were the only purposes to which 
 the lives and wealth of all these unhappy citizens were 
 dedicated. It is true that, in the intervals of self- 
 protection or extension, Can Signorio might order his 
 tomb, and the other Scaligeri build up immortal 
 
loo VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 monuments ; Gian Galeazzo might design and dedicate 
 the Certosa at Pavia, or Francesco Carrara endow the 
 university of Padua and foster the wool trade ; but 
 what could that do for people exposed to twenty years' 
 unceasing war and in daily danger of pillage ? Venice 
 alone, with singular wisdom, identified herself with her 
 subjects ; she did not exist apart from them ; all her 
 power was ready at any moment to protect her mer- 
 chants in England, in Italy, or the East. Venetian 
 interests did exist ; and for that reason we cannot 
 wonder at the joy with which the lion of San Marco 
 was hailed as, one by one, Treviso, Verona, Vicenza, 
 and Padua passed under the dominion of the Serene 
 Republic. Partly debauched, partly terrorized, the 
 spirit of the towns was crushed out of them, and they 
 suffered quietly agony on agony. They pass from 
 one master to another, each in turn glutting his avarice 
 or his cruelty with their wretched bodies. Feltre, Bel- 
 luno, Bassano, change hands, are thrown from the 
 Scala to Hungary, from the Hungarians to Carrara, 
 to Austria, to the Visconti, resting only and at last 
 under the wise rule of Venice. The Signori made a 
 point of holding as many towns as possible — not for 
 the glory nor the strength they gave, but because they 
 passed current as banknotes, or could be sold for 
 50,000, 70,000, 100,000 ducats, or even, as in the 
 case of Verona, for as much as 440,000 florins, and 
 therefore could be used to buy off a foe or to 
 purchase an ally. It was vain for the people to cry 
 with the citizens of Bologna, "Noi non vogliamo 
 esser venduti." They were sold whether they wished 
 it or not. 
 
THE CARRARESL lOI 
 
 Looking at their history as a whole, we feel that 
 these Signori were men of singular force and power ; 
 capable of all things, of splendid action, no doubt, as 
 well as of that which they really achieved, ruinous 
 failure. But the spirit which filled them and drove 
 them was a fatal one ; it compelled them to the de- 
 struction of themselves and the annihilation of their 
 country. Their story is a tragedy. 
 
 It was among men like this and in such times 
 that the family of Carrara, nobles of Padua, emerged 
 and made themselves famous. Almost the first we 
 hear of them was a disastrous episode ; and a 
 Thyestean destiny dogged their steps unto the end. 
 Padua had always been strongly Guelf in sympathy ; 
 the Carraresi were by birth and gifts partisans of 
 the emperor, with imperial diplomas and privileges 
 dating back as far as the tenth century.* They 
 settled at a village about seven miles south of 
 Padua, said to have been famous for its wain- 
 wrights, and therefore called Carrara, but now Villa 
 del Bosco. The monstrous excesses of Ezzelino da 
 Romano threw the Carraresi into the arms of the 
 people, and it was owing to this change of politics 
 that they subsequently became lords of Padua ; but 
 at first it cost them dear. In A.D. 1240 the head 
 of the house was besieged by Ezzelino in his castle 
 of Agna. The tyrant pressed the siege so vigorously 
 that surrender became inevitable. Jacopo Carrara 
 determined to save as much of his inheritance as he 
 
 * Cittadella, op. cit., vol. i. cap. vii. ; Litta, in voce "Carraresi." 
 The family was probably Lombard, to judge by the early names 
 we find, as Gumbert and Litolf. See Vergerius, op. cit. 
 
102 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 could. The castle stood in the middle of a small 
 lake. A boat was made ready under the walls, and 
 one night all the ladies of the house, the jewels, the 
 gold, and the title-deeds were put on board and the 
 boat pushed off. But they had been anxious to save 
 too much, and so lost all ; for before the boat had got 
 half-way across the lake, it capsized, and everybody 
 and everything went down. The place afterwards 
 bore the name of the Lago delle Donne.* 
 
 Not only the Carraresi, but Padua also suffered 
 for her Guelfish sympathies. In the year 13 12 Can 
 Grande della Scala, as imperial vicar, took Vicenza 
 from the Paduans, and the next six years were spent 
 in fruitless efforts on the part of Padua to recover the 
 city. In one of the many assaults on Vicenza, Jacopo 
 Carrara t and his nephew Marsiglio were taken 
 prisoners and carried to Verona. There they in- 
 gratiated themselves with the Scala family, and 
 eventually effected a peace between Verona and 
 Padua. The Paduans hailed Jacopo, on his return, as 
 the saviour of his country ; and in gratitude for the 
 peace, and to put an end to the agony of the town, 
 which was being devoured by the rapacity of the 
 
 * Vergerius, op. cit. 
 
 t Jacopo seems to have been a man of violent temper. In 
 this assault he was wounded in the leg before surrendering. He 
 asked his captor to take off his greaves ; in doing so the man 
 hurt him, and received a smart box on the ear to teach him 
 gentleness. At another time he was hearing causes in Padua. 
 An importunate suitor annoyed him by his persistence ; Jacopo 
 leaned down and whispered in the man's ear, "I'll cut your tongue 
 out." The brutahty of the threat and its probable execution had 
 the desired effect. See Vergerius, op. at. 
 
THE CARRARESL 103 
 
 usurers, the Ronchi and Alticlini* — of whom the 
 chronicler remarks, " In iis voluptas peccandi erat 
 summa" — they chose him captain of the people 
 (13 18). The relations between Padua and Verona 
 seemed amicably arranged, and at one of the last 
 diplomatic interviews which Jacopo held with Can 
 Grande an amusing incident occurred. Carrara and 
 Scala were walking in a garden under the walls of 
 Padua ; they came to a door too narrow to allow 
 them to pass through arm in arm ; neither would 
 take the precedence, and the grave matters under 
 discussion seemed likely to be indefinitely postponed, 
 when a court jester solved the difficulty by crying, 
 " Let the biggest fool go first ; " instantly both leaped 
 forward to claim that honour, and the obstructing 
 door was cleared. 
 
 Jacopo died and left the lordship to his nephew 
 Marsiglio, a man of ready resource and deep cunning — 
 " simulare et dissimulare facile doctus."t But all his 
 powers could not stop the approach of Can Grande, 
 who had resolved to possess Padua as well as Vicenza. 
 Marsiglio was pressed from without and threatened 
 from within by members of his own family ; Nicolo 
 Carrara was jealous of him, and was making a bid for 
 the support of Verona. In the year 1328 Marsiglio 
 
 • The three young Alticlini and the two Ronchi seem to have 
 tortured Padua to their heart's content. The account of their 
 dungeons and prisons, if true, is horrible, and their misdeeds 
 are thus summed up : " Furta, fraudes, adulteria, stupra quas 
 apud alios gravia videri solent nihili apud eos sestimabantur. 
 Ciedes non nisi per summam crudelitatem placebant, rapinas 
 non nisi per summam crudelitatem extortae" (Vergerius, op. cit.). 
 
 t Ibid., op. cit. 
 
104 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 found himself compelled to give his cousin Taddea in 
 marriage to Mastino, nephew and heir to Can Grande, 
 and with her the city of Padua for a dowry. Scala 
 became lord of Padua, and Marsiglio received it 
 back from him as his governor. From that moment 
 Marsiglio conceived a violent hatred for the whole 
 house of Scala ; but he had to bide the time for 
 his revenge. Next year an opportune death carried 
 off Can Grande at Treviso ; he died, and left his vast 
 princedom and his vaster designs to his nephew 
 Mastino. Marsiglio saw his opportunity and set to 
 work ; he inflamed the mind of Scala against Venice 
 - — the one power able to check the growing power 
 of the Scaligers ; he urged Mastino to defy and crush 
 the republic. Differences, chiefly on the subject of the 
 salt-pans,* were fostered and fomented ; and Mar- 
 siglio, blindly trusted by Scala, accepted an embassy 
 to Venice with full powers to arrange the difficulties. 
 He used his full powers to arrange matters after his 
 own mind. One day he sat at dinner next the doge, 
 and as the story goes, he said, " I wish to speak to 
 you." The doge dropped his napkin ; both stooped 
 to pick it up. Marsiglio whispered, " What reward for 
 the man who should give you Padua ?" "We should 
 make him Signore," was the reply. When the two 
 heads rose again above the table the terms had been 
 agreed on. Marsiglio was to seize Padua by the help 
 of Venice and in her name, and to receive in return 
 
 * See Romanin, "Storia documentata di Venezia," torn, 
 iii. pp. 1 18-120 (Venezia) ; " I Commemoriali " (Venezia : 1878), 
 lib. iii. p.384, ad ann. 1336 ; Verci, lib. x., where many documents 
 on the subject may be read. 
 
THE CARRARESI. 105 
 
 the lordship of the city at the hands of the repubUc. 
 Whether the story is true or not, the meaning and 
 result of the episode appeared in that great league, 
 headed by Venice, against the house of Scala, which 
 for ever put a check to Mastino's ambition, and 
 in two years stripped him of Parma. Lucca, Padua, 
 Treviso, Feltre, Belluno, Cividale, and Brescia; leaving 
 him where his uncle had begun, bare lord of Vicenza 
 and Verona. Out of this struggle, which ended in 
 the year 1338, Treviso, her first solid land posses- 
 sion, fell to Venice, and Padua, Castelbaldo, Citta- 
 della, and Bassano to the prime mover in the league, 
 Marsiglio Carrara. 
 
 The story of the events in Padua which preceded 
 the recovery of the Signory by the Carraresi is 
 curious and picturesque. Albert Scala, brother to 
 Mastino, undertook the charge of Padua, and Ubertino 
 and Marsiglio Carrara, then unsuspected of hostility, 
 were invited to help him in the government. Albert 
 was a man addicted to pleasure ; he had wounded 
 Ubertino in his family honour. Carrara feigned in- 
 difference ; he laughed,* but he put a couple of horns 
 on his crest to keep his wrath warm, and to remind 
 him to exact vengeance some day. Mastino was 
 not without his suspicions of the Carraresi, and these 
 became confirmed after Marsiglio's visit to Venice. 
 He constantly wrote to his brother Albert, warning 
 him to keep an eye on the two Carraresi. But 
 Albert liked the complacent husband and thought the 
 Carraresi amusing companions ; so, by way of joke, 
 
 * Muratori, " Antiquit. Ital. Medii CEvi," vol. iii., dissert. 
 36 (Mediol. : 1741). 
 
io6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 he showed his brother's letters to Marsiglio, saying, 
 "You see what he would have me do." Carrara 
 feigned to be hurt, and indignantly replied, ** Those 
 who tell your brother these stories of me never gave 
 him as much as a coop of hens, but I have given him 
 Padua." Albert thought the reasoning good, and 
 tried to soothe Marsiglio. Mastino Scala, however, 
 grew daily more alarmed. He sent an imperative 
 order to Albert to arrest and behead the Carraresi. 
 Albert did not relish the commission, but his brother 
 was not to be trifled with. He hired several assassins, 
 and, one evening, stationed them near the great door 
 that leads into the court of the Palazzo de' Signori, 
 on the inner side, under the arcade ; he then sent for 
 Marsiglio and Ubertino, and he himself waited out- 
 side in the moonlight to see the end. It was late, 
 and the brothers were going to bed when the message 
 arrived. They were surprised, and rather suspicious 
 when they heard that Albert wanted them at such 
 an hour of the night ; nevertheless they obeyed. A 
 horse was brought round, and just as they were, in 
 their night-shirts and caps, they set out, Marsiglio 
 in the saddle and Ubertino on the crupper, holding 
 on behind him. Albert, from his place under the 
 outer arcade, saw the brothers come trotting into 
 the piazza ; his heart smote him and his purpose 
 wavered. The Carraresi came towards him, and 
 in a cheery voice Marsiglio cried, '* What the devil 
 do you want with us now.^ We have only just left 
 you. We are sleepy, and wish to go to bed. What do 
 you want ? " Albert replied, " Oh, I want nothing ! " 
 " Well, since we are here we will go in with you," 
 
THE CARRARESI. 107 
 
 replied Carrara, making for the archway where the 
 assassins lay in ambush. " No, don't go in, don't go 
 in. Go to bed ; I want nothing," cried Albert ; and 
 the two brothers, with their worst suspicions con- 
 firmed, turned round and rode off to their own house. 
 A day or two later, Mastino Scala, seriously en- 
 raged, sent a further letter, threatening Albert if his 
 orders were not immediately obeyed. The despatch 
 contained explicit instructions as to the execution of 
 the brothers, and it reached Albert while he was 
 playing chess ; he, without looking at it, passed it to 
 Marsiglio, and went on with his game. When that 
 was finished, he turned to Carrara and said, " Well, 
 how is Messer Mastino, and what does he say } " 
 " I have not read the letter ; it is addressed to you," 
 replied Marsiglio. "Take it and read it," said 
 Albert. Carrara opened the letter and read the 
 order for his own and his brother's instant execu- 
 tion. "Messer Mastino is very well," says he to 
 Scala, " and wishes to remind you to procure a 
 peregrine falcon for him, if any be on sale here." 
 "A very important affair indeed," laughed Albert. 
 The danger in which they were placed, however, 
 determined the Carraresi to act at once. Marsiglio 
 stayed with Albert all that day, while Ubertino 
 went to tell Rossi, the Venetian general, to advance 
 next morning, and he would find a gate open. 
 Albert was awakened by the uproar in the town. 
 He went out with Marsiglio to the piazza. When he 
 saw the Venetians he cried, " What troops are these t " 
 "These are the troops of Messer Piero Rossi, who 
 is very anxious to see you," says Marsiglio. " Shall I 
 
io8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 be killed ? " asked Albert. " No. Go back to my 
 room and wait for me." Albert obeyed ; but the 
 result of his waiting was that the Carraresi arrested 
 him, and sent him to Venice, w^here he endured three 
 years' imprisonment, the ennui of which was not 
 relieved even by the dogs, apes, and buffoons so 
 liberally supplied him by the doge.* 
 
 Thus the Signory came back to the hands of the 
 Carraresi, after a lapse of ten years ; but Marsiglio 
 enjoyed the fruit of his labour one year only ; he 
 died in 1338. He was followed by Ubertino, and 
 then by five others of the house of Carrara, as lords 
 of Padua. The family was firmly established. They 
 had their share of political fluctuations, and per- 
 haps more than their share of violence and family 
 murders, three in fifteen years, besides many trea- 
 cheries and conspiracies which proved abortive. Only 
 one feature is particularly noteworthy ; that is the 
 dearth of children, and the erratic course the suc- 
 cession took in consequence. Ubertino was fourth 
 cousin of Marsiglio, and Jacopo third cousin once 
 removed oi Marsiglietto, whom he murdered and 
 succeeded.! But we cannot linger over details ; we 
 must press on to the catastrophe and tragedy of 
 the house in the reign of the last two princes. Only 
 one more story from the Hfe of Ubertino Carrara, 
 and that because it illustrates the touch of almost 
 Caligulan madness that must have existed in these 
 men. 
 
 * Gattari, ^/. cit.; Muratori, " Antiq. Ital. Med. CEvi," vol 
 iii. loc. cit. 
 
 t See Litta, op. cit.., in voce " Carraresi." 
 
THE CARRARESI. 109 
 
 Ubertino lived, on the whole, in friendly relations 
 with Venice, though not without enemies in the 
 Senate and Great Council. It came to his ears that 
 one Venetian noble in particular was especially bitter 
 against him, and he resolved to revenge himself. 
 Ubertino sent several of his dependents to Venice ; 
 the senator was enticed to drink some wine which 
 had been heavily drugged, and fell into a deep swoon. 
 In this state he was carried to Padua, to the palace, 
 and put to bed in Ubertino's own room. When 
 he woke it was some time before he knew where 
 he was ; but gradually, through the dim light, he 
 saw, on the heavy hangings of the bed, the hateful 
 carro, the shield of the house he had lately attacked 
 so violently. It was all round him, on the pillars, 
 the tapestries, the ceiling. He leapt out of bed in 
 terror, and at that moment Ubertino rushed into 
 the room, crying, " What are you doing here } How 
 came you here t I know you for my foe. You are 
 here to seek my life ; but you shall pay for it." The 
 unfortunate Venetian fell on his knees and begged 
 for mercy. Ubertino's mood changed ; he burst out 
 laughing, and said, "Very well; I only wanted to 
 give you a lesson." The senator was royally treated 
 that evening, and sent home the next day.* 
 
 The family went on prospering till we come to 
 Francesco, the seventh prince. Francesco succeeded 
 in joint sovereignty with his uncle Jacopino. But 
 such a division of power never could be acceptable, 
 and almost invariably ended in violence. Jacopino 
 tried to poison his nephew, and Francesco replied by 
 * Vergerius, op. dt.y in vita Ubertini. 
 
no VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 deposing and imprisoning his uncle. In the year 1355 
 he reigned sole lord of Padua. In his hands the policy 
 of the house of Carrara was altered with fatal results. 
 Hitherto the family had leaned much on Venice, and 
 had maintained friendly relations with her. This was 
 only natural ; for Venice had saved the Carraresi from 
 the Scaligeri and had replaced them in power. But 
 the dangerous ambition for extended territory and 
 lordship with which the family had been inoculated 
 from the first, now declared itself. Francesco deter- 
 mined to run the race with the Visconti and other 
 Signori. That could only be done by freeing himself 
 from the position of quasi-tutelage to Venice in which 
 he and his family stood. But in adopting this policy 
 he made an irretrievable mistake ; he looked for alli- 
 ance and support in Germany, in Austria, above all, in 
 Hungary — a power far removed from Italy, and with 
 few vital interests in the country. Perhaps no other 
 course was open to him, after once determining his line 
 of action. An alliance with the smaller princes around 
 him, the Estensi, the Gonzaghi, the Polentani, lacked 
 strength, besides being useless on account of the 
 universal bad faith. The Visconti were unscrupulous, 
 greedy, and least of all to be trusted. By union with 
 Venice alone in all Italy could he hope to live, and 
 he had decided against her ; for, while she protected, 
 she liked to be obeyed. But it is improbable or even 
 impossible that this could have saved him. He was 
 between two forces — Venice and the Visconti, who 
 were destined to plough their way through or over all 
 the small states of North Italy, to meet at last and 
 struggle for the mastery of Lombardy. 
 
THE CARRARESI. iii 
 
 At any rate, Francesco chose his line, and the 
 results of his choice were seen the year after his 
 accession to sole power (1356). Lewis, the king of 
 Hungary, had long cast a greedy eye on the Venetian 
 province of Dalmatia. He attacked Venice there and 
 also in the Marca Trivigiana. Venice called on Carrara 
 to help her, as his family had often done before ; but 
 she was met by a refusal; and, more than that, Fran- 
 cesco supplied the Hungarians with food and forage, 
 supporting them where they most needed support, 
 in their commissariat, for they are said to have put 
 in the field an army of forty thousand men.* The 
 conduct of Carrara proved a bitter surprise to Venice, 
 all the more stinging because of the great straits in 
 which the republic then found herself She had lately 
 been defeated by Genoa at Sapienza ; she had just 
 come through the Faliero conspiracy ; money was 
 scarce ; the king of Hungary was before Treviso ; 
 Visconti and Can Grande H. had bought their own 
 immunity by supplying him with troops ; f Venice 
 virtually stood alone ; and now Carrara, on whom 
 she relied, had failed her. Her pronounced anger 
 showed itself by the withdrawal of her podesta from 
 Padua and the suspension of all commercial relations.^ 
 This only served to throw Carrara more than ever 
 into the arms of Hungary. Venice could not forget 
 or forgive this desertion. But the wound was to 
 be made even more piercing. The Hungarian war 
 
   Romanin, op, cit., vol. iii. p. 199 ; Verci, op'cit., lib. xiv., 
 ad ann.; Gattari, op. cit. 
 t See Verci, lib. xiv. 
 X See Romanin, op. cit., vol. iii. p. 200. 
 
112 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 moved disastrously for Venice ; Dalmatia was oc- 
 cupied and Treviso closely invested. The pope, how- 
 ever, had been watching with alarm the growing 
 power of the Turks, and now insisted that a peace 
 should be effected in Italy to leave room for a 
 crusade against Islam. No crusade was possible with- 
 out Venice ; and therefore the Hungarian war had 
 to be extinguished. It was Francesco Carrara who 
 was called on to bring this about. If anything could 
 have made this peace more unpalatable to Venice, 
 it was the mediation of Carrara, the man she hated 
 more than any other at the moment. By the terms 
 which he procured, Venice lost Dalmatia and was 
 compelled to respect the allies of the king of Hungary; 
 among them, of course, Carrara himself She could 
 not help herself, and, with her usual good sense, she 
 made the best of the present and awaited the future. 
 So when Carrara came to Venice in 1358, he was well 
 received, and was presented with a palace at San Polo.* 
 Thus closed the first rupture between Venice and the 
 Carraresi, peaceably as it appeared, but in the end it 
 proved disastrous for Carrara. Francesco had made 
 an immortal foe. 
 
 But Francesco himself was deceived by his ap- 
 parent success; his ambition grew, and he endeavoured 
 to secure an alliance by marriage with the Visconti. 
 Bernabo's wife, Beatrice Scala, called "Regina" for her 
 pride, discountenanced the match and eventually put 
 an end to the negotiations. This rebuff stung the 
 
 * Cittadella, op. cit., vol. i. cap. xxvi.; ^Verci, op. cit., lib. xiv. 
 Doc. 1572; Romanin, op. dt.,\o\. iii. pp. 206, 207; Gattari, 
 op. cit. 
 
THE CARRARESL 113 
 
 self-esteem of Carrara, and he was not sorry to show 
 his hatred of the Visconti house soon after by assist- 
 ing the pope to hold Bologna against Bernabo. But 
 it was a fatal policy ; all he gained was a distant and 
 doubtful ally, the pope, while he made an enemy of 
 his near and powerful neighbour. He had, in fact, 
 placed himself in a vice, one iron of which was Venice, 
 the other Visconti. Though he could not see the end, 
 it was all the same inevitable — the total destruction of 
 his family. But if his pride was hurt in one direction, 
 it was soothed in another and his ambition encouraged. 
 P'or Francesco received the cities of Feltre, Belluno, 
 and Cividale from his good friend, the king of 
 Hungary.* This might flatter his vanity, but it proved 
 at best a doubtful gift, for it entailed on him a war 
 with Rudolf of Austria, who claimed these places in 
 virtue of his wife, Margaret Maultasch, the heiress of 
 the Tyrol. 
 
 For the next nine years, from 1360 to 1369, 
 Carrara lived in a constant state of covert hostility 
 towards Venice, upon the subject of some debatable 
 frontier territory and the right to work salt on 
 the lagoons. But he dared not come to open war, 
 for his hands were tied by fear of the Visconti on 
 the one side, and by his struggles with Rudolf on 
 the other. Matters at last came to a crisis when 
 Francesco built two forts on the Brenta and Bachi- 
 glione respectively, and opened a free market at one 
 of them to the considerable damage of Venetian 
 trade, and when he further confirmed the hatred of 
 the republic by tearing up the terminal stones which 
 
 * See Verci, op. ctt., lib xv. 
 
 I 
 
J 14 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 divided Valsugana from the Trevisan march and 
 planting them some miles nearer Venice. The repub- 
 lic felt that Carrara had recommenced his old policy 
 of annoying- her when she was in difficulties. She 
 had just escaped a serious danger, the loss of Trieste. 
 The duke of Austria had appeared before the walls to 
 help the rebel city, intending to make the place his 
 own, but he was repulsed and the town subdued. 
 Then Venice turned her attention to Carrara with con- 
 centrated fury. Francesco saw the imminent danger 
 and implored all his friends to pacify the republic. 
 Ambassadors from Hungary, Florence, Pisa, the pope, 
 Siena, and Este flocked to Venice ; their numbers and 
 names show the width and strength of Carrara's connec- 
 tions. But in Venetian councils there existed a steady 
 determination to punish the lord of Padua ; and the 
 various envoys made little way towards a peaceable 
 settlement. Their presence, however, suspended instant 
 action, and a delay of several months was granted to 
 try the effect of arbitration. Carrara made use of the 
 interval, as the Italian politicians usually did, in the 
 preparation and employment of treachery. In the 
 middle of the lull Venice was startled by some alarm- 
 ing discoveries. Three Venetians, women of the people, 
 unearthed a plot to murder several of Francesco's most 
 pronounced foes, and the threads of the scheme were 
 traced to Padua. The rumour gained currency that 
 the same hand had poisoned the wells, and it became 
 necessary to appoint a guard to watch them day and 
 night. Lastly, but most disturbing of all, it appeared 
 that Francesco had secret information concerning the 
 councils and intentions of the government, and that 
 
THE CARRARESI. 1 15 
 
 from officials of no less rank than two chiefs of the 
 court of appeal and one of the Avvogadore.* Rela- 
 tions were at once suspended ; war became inevitable, 
 and each party looked to his alliances. 
 
 Carrara might count on support from the king of 
 Hungary, who sent the vaivode of Transylvania with 
 a large force into his service. By way of answer Venice- 
 tried to obtain the help of the duke of Austria, but 
 Carrara bought him off with Feltre, Belluno, and 
 Cividale;t only stipulating that he should never sell 
 those towns nor put an Italian in possession. Venice 
 secured Can Signorio Scala in a way even less credit- 
 able. Can Grande had deposited with the republic 
 twenty-six thousand ducats for the use of his illegiti- 
 mate children; this sum was now handed over to Can 
 Signorio, on condition that he should attack the Pado- 
 vano. Both parties took the field, but the campaign 
 was disastrous for Venice. The provveditori, the 
 government commissioners in the camp,| quarrelled, 
 as usual, with the captain-general, who retired in a huff 
 
   Gattari, d»/. «/., Daru, "Storia della Republica di Venezia," 
 lib. viii. (Capolago: 1837); Vettor Sandi, ** Storia Civile della 
 Repub. di Venez.," par. ii. vol. i. (Venezia : 1755) ; Romanin, 
 op, cit.y vol. iii. pp. 241, 242 ; Marino Sanuto, " Vite de^ Duchi," 
 ad ann. 1369, ap. Murat., Rer. It. Script., torn. xxi. 
 
 t Gattari, op. at. 
 
 X The Venetian government was represented in the camp of 
 their commander-in-chief, by two officers called provveditori 
 in campo. Their duties were analogous to those of the Spartan 
 ephors in the field. The general was supposed to consult 
 them, and they kept a watchful eye upon his political relations. 
 They were a necessity created by the mercenary system, and 
 their action was usually disastrous. 
 
Ii6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Taddeo Guistinian, his successor, was utterly routed 
 and made prisoner. In this battle Novello Carrara, 
 twenty-one years old, the eldest son of Francesco, dis- 
 tinguished himself by his bravery.* He was mounted 
 on a magnificent war horse, himself clad in armour of 
 shininof steel, and over it a white surcoat sown with 
 red carri. The defeat of Guistinian caused great alarm 
 ill Venice. The republic hired five thousand Turkish 
 archers and put a new force in the field. The full 
 power of both armies met at Lova, and, thanks to the 
 Turks, the Venetians won a complete victory. Among 
 their prisoners was the vaivode Stephen, nephew to 
 the king of Hungary.f 
 
 Carrara had tried treachery against Venice ; 
 Venice now replied in the same manner. The re- 
 public made terms with Marsiglio Carrara, offering him 
 every support and a large portion of Paduan territory 
 if he would murder Francesco. At the same time 
 certain Paduans also came to Marsiglio at Venice, 
 assuring him that the city would gladly welcome him 
 as lord in place of Francesco. The leader of these 
 was a cleric, one Giacomo Lione, who seems to have 
 borne no very good character ; for the chronicler says 
 of him, " Non avendo Dio ne i santi nel mento, ma il 
 Diavolo solo nel corpo." Giacomo " had tasted the 
 sweets of the Church," % and desired more ; he de- 
 manded the bishopric of Padua as the price of his 
 share in the murder. All the details were carefully 
 arranged ; Francesco was to be stabbed when leaving 
 
 * Gattari, op. cit. ; Verci, op. cit., lib. xvi., ad ann. 1373. 
 
 t Verci, loc. cit. 
 
 X " Avendo gustato la dolcezza della chiesa." 
 
THE CARRARESI. II7 
 
 the door of his mistress's house. But two attempts 
 failed — one because a messenger opened a letter and 
 read it; the other, because the would-be bishop, anxious 
 to kill Novello as well as his father, urged a day's delay.* 
 Affairs were, however, tending towards a peace. The 
 king of Hungary was anxious to recover his nephew, 
 the vaivode ; Venice also was ready to treat, because 
 she stood in a position to dictate terms. Francesco, 
 alarmed at the prospect of losing his best ally, the 
 Hungarian, found himself compelled to submit ; and 
 peace was concluded in the year 1373.! Venice 
 intended to cripple Carrara, and to secure, by the 
 severity of the terms she imposed, quiet for some 
 time in that quarter. The war indemnity was 
 enormous — as much as two hundred and ninety 
 thousand ducats ; the offending forts and villages on 
 the Brenta were razed and their sites desolated, while, 
 as a scourge for Carrara's pride, the republic in- 
 sisted that either Francesco or his son must come in 
 person to Venice, kneel to the doge, confess their 
 fault, and beg forgiveness. Novello, who had a deep 
 affection for his father, would not allow the old man 
 to go. He went himself, and with him Petrarch, the 
 valued friend of the house, who made a long oration 
 in praise of peace. The part played by the great 
 laureate in the political movements of his generation 
 is not the least singular note of that curious, rich, and 
 diversified fourteenth century. This was the poet's 
 last political act, for he died the following year at 
 Arqua, July 18, 1374. 
 
 • Gattari, op. cit. 
 
 t See Romanin, op, cit.., pp. 245, 256 ; Verci, op. cit.^ lib. xvi. 
 
1 1 8 VENE TIAN STUDIES. 
 
 The seventy of this defeat sobered Carrara, and 
 for the next few years he remained quiet. Not that 
 Lombardy was quiet ; Can Signorio, the last legiti- 
 mate Scala, died, and Bernabo Visconti claimed 
 Verona in virtue of his wife Regina. After a long 
 and disastrous war the two Scaligeri, Can Signorio's 
 illegitimate children, were forced to buy off Regina's 
 claim at the price of four hundred and forty thousand 
 florins. But this war had another result more 
 intimately connected with our subject — the league 
 between Scala, Genoa, Hungary, and Carrara, which 
 was destined to bring Francesco once more into 
 collision with Venice. Visconti made overtures to 
 Venice, inviting her to join him in an alliance which 
 should be a reply to the Scala league. Bernabo was 
 determined to absorb Genoa as well as Verona, if he 
 saw his opportunity ; he now perceived that a war 
 between the two maritime republics was imminent, 
 and, to further his own views, he determined to hold 
 with Venice. 
 
 The never-ending question of Eastern trade, so 
 fruitful of quarrels between Genoa and Venice, was 
 always open ; but at this moment it presented one of 
 its acuter phases in the difficulties which had arisen 
 as to the possession of Tenedos. War was ostensibly 
 brought about by the rivalry for precedence between 
 the consuls of the two republics, when Pierino Lusig- 
 nan, king of Cyprus, was being crowned at Famagosta. 
 At the coronation banquet the Genoese so far forgot 
 himself as to throw a loaf at the head of his brother 
 consul, and was expelled from the banquetting-hall.* 
 * Marino Sanuto, op. cit., ad ann. 1378. 
 
THE CARRARESl. 119 
 
 The end of this fracas was the war of Chioggia, a 
 war disastrous not only to the states concerned but 
 to all Europe as well ; for, by exhausting Venice and 
 Genoa, it freed the Turk from the control of the 
 two naval powers which alone could have held him 
 in check.* This war concerns us now, however, 
 only in so far as it affected the history of the 
 Carrara family. Francesco saw with delight the 
 approaching struggle, for he was eager to shake 
 himself free from the peace of 1373- He joined the 
 Genoese, and at the siege and capture of Chioggia 
 he and his Paduans proved of great help. The 
 town was made over to him, his flag floated from 
 the palazzo, and he added " lord of Chioggia " to 
 his titles. He must have known how bitterly this 
 would sting Venetian pride ; but he flattered himself 
 that her days were numbered, that Genoa was about 
 to besiege and sack Venice herself. He indeed, more 
 than any other, urged an attack on the city ; and, 
 when the doge petitioned him to receive ambassadors 
 to treat of peace, he replied, "Not before I have 
 bitted the horses on Saint Mark's." f But in Italy no 
 alliance was long lived. The Genoese admiral was 
 greedy, and quarrelled with Francesco over the booty 
 of Chioggia. Carrara withdrew to the Marca, and 
 there joined the Hungarians, who, at his request, 
 were besieging Treviso. But Francesco's hatred of 
 Venice was a more pressing passion than his ill 
 
 * See Verci, op. cit. 
 
 t Gattari, op. cit.., p. 305; Cittadella, op. cit., cap. xxxviii. 
 Others, among them Chinazzo, put these words into the raout 
 of the Genoese admiral. 
 
120 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 humour against Genoa ; so when the fortune of war 
 changed, and the Genoese in their turn were shut 
 up in Chioggia, he continued his supply of provisions 
 and war material, until Brondolo fell and Chioggia 
 was cut off from the friendly support of Padua. 
 The siege of Treviso was pressed so vigorously under 
 Carrara's direction, that Venice, rather than see 
 it fall into his hands, made it and the whole of the 
 Marca Trivigiana over to Leopold, duke of Austria. 
 In fact, Francesco had left no stone unhurled which 
 might wound the Venetians, and it was by no means 
 an adequate retaliation that they thrust him into a 
 war with Austria, over the unhappy city of Treviso. 
 
 The peace of Turin put an end to the Chioggian 
 war. The terms, as far as they concerned Carrara, 
 were based on those of the year 1373. But Austria 
 did not appear among the signatories, and Francesco 
 remained free to urge the siege of Treviso, which was 
 only feebly defended by the duke. The town resisted 
 for three years, alone and unsupported, except by her 
 hatred of the Carraresi. But her bravery availed her 
 nothing. In the year 1384 Leopold, rather than 
 continue his feeble resistance, sold her, with Feltre, 
 Belluno, Cividale, and Valsugana, to Francesco. This 
 was a large increase to the lordship of Padua. But 
 the inflation brought its inevitable consequence of 
 jealousy on the part of neighbours, and an access, 
 not a diminution, of the thirst for territory. Antonio 
 Scala had set his heart on Feltre and Belluno ; he 
 now saw himself robbed of all hope to win them, and 
 became the covert foe of the Carraresi; while Francesco, 
 holding the important alpine passes commanded by 
 
THE CARRARESI. 121 
 
 Feltre, Bclluno, and Valsugana, ardently coveted the 
 mastery of all the eastern outlets upon Italy. He saw 
 his opportunity when the pope made an unpopular 
 appointment to the patriarchate of Aquileia. The 
 Udinesi refused to accept Philip d'Alengon, the pope's 
 nominee, and Carrara was called on to compel their 
 obedience. He agreed to do so on condition that he 
 should receive Sacile and Monfalcone.* If Francesco 
 had succeeded in carrying out this project, his terri- 
 tory would have stretched in a semicircle from Padua, 
 round the head of the Adriatic, to within a very short 
 distance of Trieste. That would have been a great 
 danger for Venice ; and it was obvious that she could 
 not allow anything of the sort to take place. 
 
 The Udinesi were secretly encouraged to resist 
 D'Alen^on and Carrara ; a league of small towns was 
 formed for the purpose, and Venice supplied the funds 
 at the rate of twenty-five thousand ducats a month. 
 The war did not move rapidly, but it spread, as every 
 war inevitably did in those days, when each prince was 
 armed to the teeth and watching his neighbour hour 
 by hour. Venice abstained from openly taking part 
 in the campaign, but she induced Antonio Scala to 
 attack Francesco. Scala was only too glad to do so, 
 in retaliation for the loss of Feltre and Belluno. No 
 sooner did Scala take the field, than Gian Galeazzo 
 Visconti saw that the moment had come for him 
 to seize Verona, which he claimed through his aunt 
 and mother-in-law, Regina Scala. 
 
 The appearance of Gian Galeazzo on the scene 
 was decisive in the fate of the Carrara family. He 
 
 * Romanin, vol. iii. p. 318. 
 
122 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 was, without exception, the least scrupulous and the 
 most cunning of all the Lombard Signori. He had 
 the largest army and the longest purse. In him all 
 the restless ambition, as well as the deep calculating 
 faculties of his family were summed up. He was 
 perhaps the most powerful prince in Europe at that 
 moment, and as dangerous to the peace and freedom 
 of Italy as Napoleon subsequently was to the liberty of 
 the Continent. But Visconti never lived to win or lose 
 a Waterloo. Gian Galeazzo resolved to possess not 
 only Verona, but Padua as well ; the acquisition of 
 the first, however, was sufficient to employ him at 
 present. He proposed to Carrara an alliance by 
 which they should plunder the Scaligeri ; Verona to 
 fall to Gian Galeazzo and Vicenza to Francesco. 
 Carrara should have known how fatal it was to touch 
 a Visconti ; the bait, however, proved too tempting 
 and was swallowed. The joint forces of Milan and 
 Padua entered the Veronese. In battle after battle 
 Antonio Scala suffered defeat. In vain that he sent 
 to Venice imploring aid and urging that it was she 
 who had thrust him into the war.* The charge 
 might be true, but the interests of the republic did 
 not counsel her to move ; and she allowed the Scaligers 
 to fall. The battle of Castagnaro decided their fate. 
 Verona was lost by treachery, and Antonio fled to 
 Venice, from thence to Florence. He was poisoned 
 the following year (1388), between Cesena and Forli. 
 With him ended the house of Scala as lords of 
 
 * See Gattari, op. cit.; Cittadella, op. at., cap. xlviii. ; Ro- 
 manin, vol. iii. p. 320. "Voi m'avete promesso e ingannato con 
 isperanza d'oviare a questa lega, e hora rimaniamo ingannati." 
 
THE CARRARESI. 123 
 
 Verona, after a reign of one hundred and twenty-seven 
 years. Visconti had taken one step forward ; only 
 the Gonzaghi and Carraresi now stood between the 
 mistress of the Adriatic and the master of Milan, 
 
 Francesco paid dearly for his madness in trusting 
 the faith of the count of Virtu. Visconti was not slow 
 to take a second step eastward. When Verona fell, 
 Gian Galeazzo's captain occupied Vicenza also, before 
 Carrara had time to seize it. Francesco still hoped, 
 however, that it would be handed over to him in accord- 
 ance with the terms of his treaty. But day after day 
 he was put off, and it began to dawn on him that he 
 had been duped and used as a tool by Visconti, who, 
 at that very moment, meditated his ruin. Beside him- 
 self, he turned, but too late, to the only power that 
 could help him. He went to Venice to ask her aid. 
 But it was to no purpose that he pointed out how 
 dangerous Visconti might become to the republic ; 
 the Venetians only remembered how dangerous and 
 troublesome Carrara himself had proved. They 
 recalled the poisoned wells, the lordship of Chioggia, 
 the siege of Treviso ; they hated him, and he had 
 nothing to offer, while Gian Galeazzo was there 
 promising them Treviso and the Marca back again 
 if they would join him in despoiling Carrara. Venice 
 accepted the league, and the marquis of Este joined 
 it ; bought by the bribe of the Castello d'Este, the 
 original home of his race, which had for long been 
 out of the family.* 
 
 Francesco Carrara stood on the brink of destruc- 
 
 * Romanin, vol. iii. p. 321 ; Gattari, op, at. ; Verci, op. cit.^ 
 lib. XX. ad ann. 1388 ; Cittad., op. cit., cap. li. 
 
124 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 tion. He had sown the wind in the war of Chioggia ; 
 he now reaped the whirlwind of accumulated Venetian 
 hatred. He found himself alone ; his friend the king 
 of Hungary had died six years before, and arrayed 
 against him were the two great powers of North 
 Italy. Nothing could save him ; but he made one last 
 effort. He resigned the government into the hands 
 of his son Novello, and himself withdrew to Treviso. 
 He hoped by this act to appease Venice ; and Novello 
 wrote to the republic, urging that they had no quarrel 
 with him and his father no longer reigned.* But this 
 time Venice was under no external pressure ; her 
 hands were free, and she knew no more satisfactory way 
 of employing them than in chastising the Carraresi. 
 The Milanese and Venetian troops pressed towards 
 Novello's capital. After a brave resistance, and 
 chiefly compelled by dissent and faction inside the 
 walls, he yielded Padua and himself to the count of 
 Virtii. Treviso was occupied by Jacopo dal Verne, 
 the Milanese general, and Francesco, who was 
 captured with the town, reluctantly consented to en- 
 trust himself to Visconti, under promise that he should 
 have liberty to go where he chose.f He was invited 
 to Cremona. At Verona he found that the safe- 
 conduct was a blank paper in the eyes of the count 
 of Virtu, and that he was in reality a prisoner under 
 arrest. He never regained his liberty, but, after being 
 moved from one prison to another, each growing more 
 and more rigorous, from Cremona to Como, from 
 
 * The traditional reply of Venice is pithy and sums up the 
 situation : " He who is born of a cat can't help having fleas." 
 t Gattari, op. cit. 
 
THE CARRARESI. 125 
 
 Como to San Colombano, he died in 1393 at Monza. 
 He died in misery and actual want, robbed of his 
 •last coin by Gian Galeazzo. Then, as so often 
 happened in Italy, as indeed happened a few years 
 later to Novello himself, all honours were lavished 
 on his lifeless body ; it was embalmed and sent 
 with great parade to a splendid funeral in Padua. 
 Treviso was handed to Venice ; Verona, Vicenza, and 
 Padua remained under the count of Virtii, and the 
 Carrarese dominion seemed at an end for ever. 
 
 Francesco had brought the ruin on himself by his 
 persistent hostility to Venice, and by his greed for 
 territory, which awakened the alarm of the republic. 
 Out of all the long embroglio which followed the war 
 ofChioggia, the result was this: that two noble houses 
 were destroyed, while Venice and Visconti remained 
 the gainers. But Francesco had spoken a true word 
 to Venice, though her hatred prevented her from 
 attending to it ; Gian Galeazzo was a great danger, and 
 Novello Carrara was destined to reap the benefit of 
 the jealousy which inevitably arose between him and 
 the republic. 
 
 The next two years in Novello's life belong to the 
 romance of history. If diversity of fortune were an 
 object to Carrara and his brother Signori, he must 
 have been well satisfied with the results of these 
 months. By the terms of his surrender he was 
 pledged to go wherever Visconti might direct. He 
 was ordered to Milan. There he began a double 
 game. Nursing in his heart the hope of returning 
 to Padua some day, he now gave all his attention 
 to allaying Gian Galeazzo's suspicions. He, in 
 
126 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 appearance, devoted himself to pleasure, to dancing, 
 to jousts ; mixing freely with the gentlemen of 
 Milan.* All was faithfully reported to Visconti ; but 
 one fox knew another, and the count of Virtii shrewdly 
 remarked, " Ogni animale si domesticha eccetto la 
 volpe." Novello went further in his efforts to con- 
 ciliate Gian Galeazzo. He made a formal and 
 voluntary surrender of all his rights over Padua and 
 its territory. But in the middle of all this courtship, 
 Carrara was planning the murder of Visconti. He 
 proposed to surround him one day when out hunting 
 and to despatch him. The lord of Milan, however, 
 was not so easily caught ; the plot was discovered, 
 and Visconti, behaving in a truly Viscontean fashion, 
 pretended that he did not believe in Carrara's com- 
 plicity. He made him a present of the castle and 
 territory of Cortusone, near Asti. This kindly deed 
 was only, in fact, a more intricate, and therefore a 
 preferable, way of securing Novello's murder ; for the 
 people of Asti were violently Ghibelline, and their 
 minds were inflamed against Carrara as a Guelf. They 
 were aware that to despatch him would be no crime in 
 Visconti's eyes. But Novello's acuteness saved him. 
 The moment he reached Cortusone he read the 
 situation. With consummate address he called the 
 peasants together, made a humorous speech f about 
 his Guelfish leanings and Ghibelline birth, and ended 
 
 * " Diedesi ad un altro modo di vivere ed ad un' altra regola 
 della vita sua, andando visitare le feste, le nozze, e davasi al 
 danzare, ed alle giostre ed ad altri piaceri " (Gattari, op. cit.). 
 
 t He began by assuring them that " lo parlo come gentil- 
 uomo cacciato e non come Signore." 
 
THE CARRARESI. 127 
 
 by remitting for ten years all taxes due to him as 
 lord of Cortusone. He converted a fictitious hatred 
 into a real gratitude. In return for such liberality, 
 the peasants told Carrara that in almost every road 
 and lane an ambush lay concealed against his life. 
 It was clear that he must escape. He determined to 
 make for Florence, where the hatred cf Visconti, and 
 the alarm caused by his attitude towards Tuscany, 
 promised a welcome to any foes of his house. Novello 
 announced that he was vowed to a pilgrimage at the 
 shrine of St. Anthony of Vienne. He left Asti with- 
 out giving the news time to reach Gian Galeazzo. 
 Accompanied by his brave wife, Taddea d'Este — a 
 woman of nearly inexhaustible fortitude, as her 
 subsequent wanderings and sufferings proved — his 
 two sons, and two servants, he crossed the Cenis in 
 deep snow, for it was March, and made his way by 
 Vienne to Avignon, where he was well received by the 
 pope. From thence the whole family sailed down the 
 Rhone to Marseilles, and there, with some difficulty, 
 took ship for Genoa. But while they were off Hyeres 
 a violent storm swept down. Taddea, who was near 
 her confinement, implored to be landed. The whole 
 party disembarked, and, keeping along the shore in 
 sight of their ship, they toiled on to Frejus. There 
 the wind had fallen enough to allow them to go on 
 board once more, but only to be tossed about with 
 as much violence as ever. They were compelled to 
 put in under Turbia, and spent the night in a ruined 
 chapel, Taddea sleeping upon the broken altar. 
 Next morning the sea had hardly moderated, yet 
 they set out. At V^ntimiglia they stayed for food j 
 
128 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 but they were seen by some of the natives, who, 
 recognizing their quality, told the governor. He sent 
 soldiers to arrest them, and the party were forced 
 to withdraw to a wood and defend themselves with 
 stones. At length they v/ere close pressed and in 
 great danger of being killed, when Novello offered 
 twenty ducats to the captain of the band, at the 
 same time telling him that he was lord of Padua 
 and a friend to the king of France. After some 
 difficulty they were allowed to go. That night they 
 spent on shore, not far from San Remo, and next 
 morning, half starved for want of food, one of the 
 sons, Ugolino, set off to forage. He came back 
 with a kid, some bread, and a bottle of wine. The 
 whole party went into an olive grove, lighted a 
 fire, and roasted the kid. Two of their number kept 
 watch on the tree- tops while the others eat. In the 
 middle of their meal the watchers cried that some 
 one was approaching. Novello and his sons drew 
 their swords and waited. The alarm, however, proved 
 to be false. The men who now entered the wood had 
 been despatched in search of Carrara to tell him that 
 Adorno, doge of Genoa, had sent a ship to bring the 
 family on their way. The Carraresi were cheered by 
 this welcome help, and, embarking once more, they 
 purposed sailing straight to Genoa ; but again the 
 storm bore down on them, and they were driven into 
 Savona. There they found friends, the Florentine 
 Donati and others, who prepared a supper for them, 
 for it was now nightfall. The wanderers had not 
 sat down to the food they needed so much, when 
 a message came from Adorno telling them to leave 
 
THE CARRARESI. 129 
 
 Savona at once, as Gian Galeazzo's emissaries were 
 in Genoa, threatening instant war if the republic 
 sheltered the Carraresi. Supperless, they went to 
 sea again, and in the early morning put into Genoa 
 disguised as hermits. They stayed in the city only 
 a few hours, and then sailed away down that fairy 
 coastland, past Nervi, Porto Fino, Santa Margherita, 
 Rapallo, till they came to Porto Venere. There 
 they landed and went to a small inn to procure 
 some food. They had hardly tasted the meat, when 
 Donati rushed in to say that Galeazzo Porro, a 
 captain of Visconti, was coming with forty horse, 
 on his way to Pisa in search for them. No- 
 where could they escape the lord of Milan. The 
 whole family rose in haste, and hid themselves in a 
 neighbouring wood. The strain became almost more 
 than Taddea could endure — she nearly succumbed ; 
 but, supported by Novello and her own high courage, 
 they both pushed on to Pisa, where they confidently 
 looked for help from their friend Gambacorta. It was 
 evening when they came under the walls of the town. 
 They found messengers from Gambacorta waiting 
 them, to forbid them to enter Pisa on any account, 
 as Porro was on the look-out for them. Almost 
 crushed, they turned aside to a little hostelry ; they 
 found that full, and were obliged to make their 
 lodging in the stables. Taddea went to sleep in 
 the manger, while Novello and Donati divided the 
 night into watches. It was near midnight, and 
 Donati was on guard, when he heard the trampling 
 of horses' feet ; his alarm, however, was banished 
 when the new-comer proved to be a servant of 
 
 K 
 
t30 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Gambacorta, with horses and refreshments for the 
 party. Next day they pushed on, avoiding Pisa, 
 and reached Florence in safety at last.* 
 
 The hopes that Carrara had built on Florence and 
 her aid were soon dispersed. He received a cold 
 welcome and a hint that the Florentines would not be 
 sorry if he would betake himself elsewhere, as they were 
 now at peace with Visconti. But Novello knew that 
 any peace in which Gian Galeazzo had a part must 
 be a hollow affair, a pace volpina. Sooner or later 
 he believed his chance would come, when Visconti 
 attacked Tuscany. So for a season he bore the 
 cold looks and obvious dislike of his hosts. And 
 his patience met its reward. A change of feeling 
 took place in Florence, and she began to arm. 
 Carrara received the ofifert of a company under Sir 
 John Hawkwood ; but he preferred to play his part 
 nearer Padua, which was the sole object of his policy. 
 He set out from Florence, intending to go to Bologna 
 by way of Ancona and Ravenna, there to arrange an 
 attack on the Milanese. But his evil star pursued him. 
 The winds drove him past Ravenna to Chioggia, in 
 Venetian waters, where he was recognized and 
 forced to put to sea again, pursued all night by 
 the Venetian galleys. He escaped, however, and 
 reached Bologna safely ; from thence he returned 
 to Florence. There he found a state of things which 
 
 * The whole of this story is beautifully told by the Gattari, 
 loc. cii. Francesco, languishing in prison at Como, whiled away 
 the time by telling the tale in terza rima, which may still be 
 read among Lami's " Delitiae Eruditorum," torn. xiv. 
 
 t Gattari, op. at. 
 
THE CARRARESI. 131 
 
 delighted him. The Florentines were now eager 
 for a league against Visconti, and Carrara was com- 
 missioned to start at once for Munich to persuade the 
 elector of Bavaria to join the allies. He sailed from 
 Leghorn to Monaco ; from thence he passed through 
 Geneva, Lausanne, Lucerne, and came to Zurich. 
 There he made friends with his landlord's son, 
 an Italian, young Massaferro, and from him he 
 learned that the emissaries of the ubiquitous Vis- 
 conti were even then in Zurich looking for him. He 
 left in haste, crossed the Lake of Constance, and 
 reached Munich. Novello found little difficulty in 
 persuading the elector Stephen to join the league 
 against Visconti ; and he was soon able to send 
 the news of the elector's adhesion to Florence. But 
 Gian Galeazzo was always well informed of what was 
 passing at foreign courts. When he learned that 
 Bavaria had joined his enemies, he sent for the Floren- 
 tine ambassadors, who were as yet ignorant of the fact, 
 and who were at his court trying to arrange a peace. 
 He apologized for keeping them waiting so long, 
 consented to their terms, and expressed himself 
 anxious to have the signatures at once. The courier 
 of the embassy reached Florence before Novel lo's 
 messenger, who conveyed the news of the elector's 
 adherence, could arrive, and peace was signed. When 
 Carrara's envoy from Germany reached the city, he 
 was told that the Florentines were sorry for the 
 trouble his master had taken, but that it was too 
 late. This news was a serious blow to Novello, who 
 was lying ill of a fever. It showed him how utterly 
 unsupported he was, how little he could rely on 
 
132 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 anything but his own courage. But the shifty policy 
 of Visconti again proved his best friend ; a rupture 
 soon occurred between Florence and Milan. Novello 
 left Segna in Dalmatia, whither he had gone to see 
 his sister, to whom he was devotedly attached. He 
 quitted Dalmatia with better hopes, for at Segna, 
 under his sister's care, he had recovered from his 
 fever. Moreover, he had paid a visit to a famous 
 witch who lived in the wild, mountainous country 
 above the Dalmatian coast, and from her he had 
 received a prophecy of good omen. With that 
 courage which never deserted him, he set out to 
 recover his principality. He entered Friuli, thanks 
 to the connivance of Venice, who was now thoroughly 
 awake to the count of Virtii's unbounded ambition. 
 At the head of a small army, recruited chiefly in 
 Germany, but swelled by numbers of banished 
 Paduans who flocked to his standard, he pushed 
 straight for Padua. There was something fascinating 
 in Novello himself, and still more so in this resolute 
 attempt to regain his city with a handful of men — 
 something attractive, which engaged the imagination 
 of the people. His advance was a triumphal pro- 
 cession. The month was June, and in every town 
 bands of boys and girls, crowned with roses, came out 
 to meet him, and bid him welcome back and good 
 speed in his effort for Padua. It was 
 
 " Roses, roses, all the way 
 And myrtle mixed in his path like mad." 
 
 The Paduans, thoroughly tired of Visconti rule, hailed 
 Carrara with joy. The town was assaulted, help given 
 
THE CARRARESI. 133 
 
 from within, and to the cry of " Figliuoli, chi m'an)a 
 non m'abbandoni ! " answered by shouts of " Carro, 
 carro ! Carne, came ! " Novello entered the city. He 
 had fulfilled the witch's prophecy, given to him in 
 the mountains above Trieste. " In the month of 
 June he who went out by the gate came in over 
 the wall." So, after two years' absence — two years 
 of extraordinary adventure and wandering, of in- 
 cessant plot and counterplot — the Carraresi returned 
 to their own place (1390).* 
 
 The safety of the family became dependent once 
 again on Venice ; for this forcible occupation of Padua 
 entailed a war with Visconti, and Novello alone was 
 no match for the lord of Milan. But Venice was glad 
 to see Carrara once more established as an outwork 
 between herself and the count of Virtu, and she offered 
 Novello abundant though secret support from the 
 treasury of the republic. The league against Visconti 
 progressed favourably as far as Carrara was con- 
 cerned, and in 1391 his title to Padua was ac- 
 knowledged by Gian Galeazzo, though at a rather 
 large price — one hundred thousand florins. For the 
 next few years the Carraresi enjoyed almost the only 
 quiet they had ever known. Even so they were not 
 without family mishaps. Novello sent for his wife 
 from Florence ; but Taddea seemed doomed to mis- 
 fortunes on all the many voyages her fate compelled 
 her to take. While on her way to Padua she 
 fell into the hands of one of those robber chiefs who 
 lived by the ransoms paid for their prizes. Taddea, 
 however, reached Padua safely at last, and the family 
 * Gattari, op. cit.j Verci, op. cit.^ lib. xx. ad ann. 1388- 1390. 
 
134 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 hoped to enjoy rest and the fruits of their labour. 
 Novello seemed willing to adopt the right method to 
 secure this peace. He turned his attention to the 
 government of his city and to the encouragement 
 of her trade. But, above all, he drew closer to Venice. 
 He judged, and rightly, that her suspicions of Visconti 
 were the guarantee for his own safety. Gian Galeazzo 
 had ruined the Carraresi once ; but the security of 
 the family now depended largely on his existence, 
 and the prosecution of his ambitious schemes to rule 
 all Italy. Venice w^as compelled to protect every 
 bulwark between herself and the count of Virtu. 
 A clearer political insight would have warned Carrara 
 to persevere in his present line of conduct, and to 
 avoid all possibility of a rupture with the republic. 
 
 The next seven years witnessed the growth of the 
 Visconti dominion, and the various transmutations of 
 the league formed by the smaller princes of Lombardy 
 against him. Visconti had made up his mind to 
 absorb the lesser princes one by one. He began with 
 Gonzaga, probably because he was a relation of the 
 Visconti ; he interfered in the Este succession ; he 
 showed a desire to attack Florence. Everywhere it 
 was clear that he was preparing for a great stroke. 
 One of his chief and most pressing objects was to 
 break up the league in Lombardy, whose hostility 
 tied his hands. For that purpose he endeavoured 
 to win Carrara, the moving spirit of the league, to his 
 side. He proposed a double matrimonial alliance, 
 as a result of which Feltre, Belluno, Verona, and 
 Vicenza should be ceded to the lord of Padua ; he 
 courted the young Carraresi who were sent to 
 
THE CARRARESI, 135 
 
 represent their father at Gian Galeazzo's coronation 
 as duke of Milan ; he remitted part of the sum due 
 to him by the peace of 1392. The bribe was 
 enormously large. But Novello had learned by 
 experience to mistrust the duke of Milan ; he had 
 unpleasant memories connected with Visconti and 
 Vicenza ; above all, Venice was opposed to the 
 alliance. Negotiations were broken off. Venice, and 
 indeed all Italy, were now thoroughly alarmed by the 
 advance of Gian Galeazzo. In the year 1399 Pisa, 
 Perugia, Assisi, and Spoleto were in his hands, and 
 he was drawing a cordon round Florence. The allies 
 invited the emperor Robert to cross the Alps and 
 crush the duke of Milan. Robert came, and with 
 him the duke of Austria. The Lombard princes 
 flocked to join him at Trent. But before Brescia 
 Visconti routed the imperial army, which was saved 
 from annihilation by the Carraresi alone. The duke 
 of Austria was taken prisoner, and three days later 
 he bought his liberty by a shameful promise that 
 when he returned to the emperor's camp he would 
 seize and send the two Carraresi to Galeazzo. The 
 plot was found out, and Novello withdrew to Padua. 
 The army melted away, leaving the emperor Robert 
 standing alone and deserted, without men or money, 
 a laughing-stock to all Italy. 
 
 The collapse of the emperor was a triumph for 
 Visconti, and he at once made an advance upon 
 Bologna. Jacopo and Francesco Carrara, the sons 
 of Novello, were sent to help the besieged city. But 
 the town fell, and the two young Carraresi were made 
 prisoners. Their escape was one of the last episodes 
 
136 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 in the family history. Francesco was entrusted to the 
 care of Gian Galeazzo's general, Facino Cane, to be 
 brought to Milan. At Parma a Paduan living in that 
 town told Francesco's barber of a secret way over the 
 city walls. The same evening young Carrara slipped 
 out of bed, and, putting on a blouse, sauntered out of 
 the house whistling ; he found the barber and the 
 Paduan ready, and the three dropping from the wall 
 escaped to a wood, and thence made their way to 
 Paduan territory.* Jacopo, the other son, waited 
 longer for his liberty. He was entrusted to the care 
 of Gonzaga, lord of Mantua. While at Mantua he 
 was in the habit of playing tennis under a wall, beyond 
 which lay the lake ; the balls frequently went over 
 the wall, and one day, on going out to fetch them, 
 Jacopo, who had been informed of the plan concerted 
 for his escape by a letter sent to him in the belly of 
 a fish he ate for dinner, found a boat ready and two 
 faithful Paduans disguised as fishermen. They rowed 
 him across the lake ; horses were waiting on the other 
 side, and he soon reached his native city.f 
 
 In the year 1402 the duke of Milan had matured 
 his plans, and was ready to attack Tuscany, but death 
 cut him short ; he fell a victim to the plague in 
 September. Though Italy breathed the freer, yet for 
 Carrara the death of Visconti proved one of the 
 greatest misfortunes that could have happened. As 
 long as Gian Galeazzo lived, Venice was bound, 
 whether she liked it or not, to maintain friendly 
 
 * Gattari, op. cit. 
 
 t See Vergerius, " Sapphics," for the return of Francesco 
 and Jacopo Carrara, ap. Muratori, Rer. It. Scrip., torn. xvi. 
 
THE CAR RAREST. 137 
 
 relations with all the smaller princes of the mainland 
 whose existence Visconti threatened. But now that he 
 was dead, the republic was freed from that necessity ; 
 neither Carrara, nor Gonzaga, nor Este any longer 
 held a pledge for her support. But more than that, 
 the empire of Gian Galeazzo was not well cemented. 
 It had been held together merely by the personal 
 qualities of its creator ; on his death it fell to pieces, 
 and there followed a struggle for the fragments. 
 The universal quickening of ambitious hopes which 
 followed the death of Gian Galeazzo was perhaps 
 the greatest misfortune which he inflicted on Italy. 
 Every prince once again burned with a fatal desire to 
 extend his territory ; Venice felt the influence no less 
 than Carrara and the other Signori. 
 
 The relief which Carrara and all Italy felt, when 
 the count of Virtu was gone, made him forget that 
 Venice still remained a potent factor in the problem 
 of his existence. He believed that he might now 
 with safety resume the ambitious policy of his 
 father, and the opportunity to embark upon this 
 fatal course was ready to his hand. He and his 
 family were really foredoomed, escape was impos- 
 sible ; but it is part of their tragedy that they 
 were compelled to be agents in their own destruction. 
 Carrara accepted the offer of Feltre, Belluno, and 
 Bassano made to him by the duchess regent of Milan, 
 who desired, as Gian Galeazzo had desired, to weaken 
 the league against the Visconti by seducing Novello 
 to their side. More than that, Novello was believed 
 by the Venetians to entertain designs on Ferrara, 
 and was known to have gone there with an 
 
138 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 unnecessarily large troop of cavalry, to see the mar- 
 quis, who was reported to be dying. Further, he 
 allied himself with Guglielmo Scala ; and by their 
 joint efforts Verona was recovered from Milan. But 
 Scala died a few days later, not without grave sus- 
 picions of poison administered by Carrara, his two 
 sons were arrested and sent to Padua and Novello 
 proclaimed himself lord of Verona. 
 
 The whole of this sudden expansion and success 
 was fallacious. Novello stood on rotten ground. 
 He had no real strength, and was unsupported by 
 any alliance which could have justified him in 
 offending Venice. Yet he hurried on, each new 
 acquisition waking a deeper alarm in the mind of 
 the republic. The duchess regent of Milan, whose 
 government was weak and whose state was torn by 
 internal quarrels, had long been endeavouring to 
 win Venice to her cause against the league, and 
 chiefly against Carrara.* Her first overtures were 
 refused. She then raised the price offered by the 
 addition of Verona and Vicenza. Venice hesitated ; 
 not from any love for Carrara, but in deference 
 to the opposition of her older politicians, who 
 urgently dissuaded her from any course which would 
 embark the republic upon a land empire. At last, 
 after long debate, the proposals of the duchess were 
 accepted and war agreed on. This was Novello's 
 death-warrant. Affairs were precipitated in the 
 following way. When Carrara seized Verona he 
 claimed Vicenza also. But that city had always 
 displayed an invincible repugnance to the Carraresi ; 
 
 * Romanin, vol. iv. bk. x. cap. i. 
 
THE CAR RAKES I. 139 
 
 she now yielded herself to Venice in order to escape 
 Novello. The republic accepted the dedication, and 
 sent a herald to require Francesco Novello's son 
 to raise the siege ; in an access of fury, Carrara 
 killed and mutilated the herald. The forces of 
 Visconti and Venice invested Verona and Padua in 
 1404. But for a year and a half the Carraresi held 
 out. Novello was indefatigable. He drilled a 
 militia, and himself superintended the watches on 
 the walls. No less vigorous and brave was Jacopo 
 at Verona ; but that city fell, Jacopo was sent a 
 prisoner to Venice, while the troops liberated from 
 the siege went to swell the numbers of those attacking 
 Padua. 
 
 • Novello's position was hopeless and terrible. He 
 was deserted by his sole ally, the Marchese d'Estc, 
 betrayed by his general Barbiano, his life attempted 
 by his kinsman, another Jacopo ; the plague* raged in 
 Padua, killing five or six hundred a day ; the waters 
 of the Bachiglione were diverted and the flour mills 
 stopped. Still Novello refused to yield. Terms were 
 constantly offered him by Venice — a large sum of 
 money was promised for the town ; but all efforts were 
 in vain. The reasons for this obstinacy were, first, that 
 Novello still entertained the hope of succour from 
 Florence ; false news from that quarter buoyed him 
 up ; further, he wished to give his secret schemes in 
 Venice time to fructify. He never abandoned the ex- 
 pectation that some revolution inside that city might 
 come to his aid ; and he knew that if he were captured 
 now, all his intricate and treacherous correspondence 
 * See Gattari for a graphic description of the plague. 
 
I40 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 with certain Venetian noblemen would come to light, 
 in which case his chances of mercy were small. 
 So he refused offer after offer ; each time the sum 
 proposed as the price of the city growing ominously 
 less, as the besiegers' mines and covered ways crept 
 nearer to the walls and the prospect of taking the 
 town by force increased. But at last the patience of 
 the Paduans was exhausted ; they would endure no 
 more. Novello's own hopes died away, and on the 
 23rd of November, 1405, he yielded Padua to the re- 
 public, and himself to Galeazzo Grumello, her general 
 He and his son, Francesco III., were sent to join his 
 other son, Jacopo, in prison at Venice. 
 
 We have now reached the end. The tragic fate of 
 the three Carraresi in the Venetian prisons excited 
 much comment at the time, and has given rise to 
 considerable dispute subsequently. As usual, there 
 is a large mythical element in the popular story 
 of their death. The secrecy and rapidity of the 
 Venetian government lent itself to all who were 
 Anxious to make a mystery or horror out of the event, 
 and this the Venetian people were eager to do. They 
 hated the Carraresi, and received their prisoners with 
 savage cries. They had not forgiven them the 
 poisoned wells, and were only too willing to believe 
 that the government inflicted tortures and agonies on 
 its unhappy foes. What really happened seems to 
 be as follows * : — Novello and Francesco were im- 
 prisoned in San Giorgio Maggiore until the Torresella 
 dungeon in the ducal palace could be prepared for 
 them. During this time they had an interview with 
 * Romanin, op. at., vol. iv. bk. x. cap. ii. 
 
THE CARRARESI. 141 
 
 the doge, and the elder Carrara expressed his peni- 
 tence. The doge Steno replied that, if he wished to 
 show his contrition, he would induce Ubertino and 
 Marsiglio, two members of the family still at large, to 
 come to Venice: the republic was anxious to have the 
 whole of the race in their hands. The Council of Ten 
 proceeded to prepare the case against the Carraresi. 
 While thus engaged, two men came under their exa- 
 mination. The revelations which these men made as 
 to the information treacherously supplied to Carrara 
 by certain members of the government appeared 
 so grave, that the Ten asked for an addition to 
 their numbers, and sent to Padua for all Novello's 
 papers. Among these papers they seized his private 
 note-book, in which were registered the names of 
 those in his pay and an analysis of the infor- 
 mations he had received. These discoveries caused 
 a panic in the government. The Carraresi were 
 more closely imprisoned and treated with rigour, 
 only a prisoner being allowed to wait on Novello.* 
 The Ten asked for a further addition, and sat 
 day and night. The revelations, which continued, 
 grew graver and graver, and the alarm rose in pro- 
 portion. Compromising papers were found in a boat 
 
   " Et ad servendum eis deputetur unus de carceratis qui sit 
 confidens persona ; et dominus Franciscus tercius filius suus 
 remaneat in carcere Orba cum uno ex suis pagis, illo qui ei pla- 
 cebit, et alter pagius licentietur.'' — Misti, "Cons. X.," p. 112, ap. 
 Romanin, loc. cit.^ where we may read some curious instructions 
 as to the keys of the prisons. They were locked away in a box, 
 the key of which was enclosed again in another box, the key 
 of this last box being given to the doge every evening and 
 taken by him to his bedroom. 
 
1 1 2 VENE TIAJSr STUDIES. 
 
 near San Basso, and several Venetian nobles became 
 implicated in the treason. The trial of the Carraresi 
 was postponed until the case of Pisani and Gradenigo 
 had been disposed of. In January, 1406, sentence 
 was pronounced on both. Pisani received five years' 
 imprisonment ; Gradenigo, three years of exclusion 
 from all offices. The process against the Carrara 
 family was resumed, and the Ten prepared the indict- 
 ment on the charge of secret machinations against 
 the state, which they and the whole court held to 
 be proved by the papers before them. They deli- 
 vered sentence as follows : — That all three Carraresi 
 should be strangled in their prisons ; and the execution 
 was carried out at once. Novello and Francesco are 
 said to have resisted to the end, struggling fiercely 
 with the executioners. Jacopo submitted quietly, only 
 asking leave to write first to his wife.* Novello was 
 
 * Andrea Gattaro writes in tears over Jacopo. This is his 
 description of the young Carrarese : " Era Messer Giacomo 
 da Carrara di eta d'anni 26. grande, e tutto bene formato, 
 quanto altro cavaliere che avesse Lombardia, bianco come la 
 Madre sapientissimo e grande amico di Dio, benigno, miseri- 
 cordioso ; il parlar suo dolce e mansueto, e I'aere suo AngeHco, 
 ardito ed animoso, fortissimo e virtuoso, che veramente se 
 avesse avuto vita, sarebbe riuscito un altro Scipione Africano ; 
 ma pure cosi hebbe fine il corso della vita sua " (Gattari, op. 
 cit., p. 941)- Here is his letter to his wife Belfiore : " L'infelice 
 tuo sposo Jacopo da Carrara del qual so che avrai piet^, perche 
 ti sempre sono stato grato ed amorevole, ed ora son private di 
 vita. Ti scrivo questa di mia propria mano, la quale quando 
 avro scritta subito saro morto. Sta sano, consolati, ne cesserai 
 di pregar Dio per me che in questa vita piu non mi potrai 
 vedere, forsi mi potrai vedere tra li martiri candidati appresso 
 Quello che regna in Cielo." I do not know whether this is 
 
THE CARRARESI. 143 
 
 buried next day with great pomp in the Church of 
 San Stefano.* The people endorsed the judgment 
 of their government, and showed their own reUef by 
 crying, " Homo morto non fa guerra ! " 
 
 Undoubtedly the real reason for the execution of 
 the whole family was the discoveries made after the 
 fall of Padua. During the siege Venice had not been 
 excessively harsh ; she had again and again offered 
 terms which men in the position of Novello and his 
 sons might have been glad to accept. They might have 
 sold Padua for a large sum, and obtained permission 
 to go where they chose, provided that they did not 
 return to the Padovano. The repeated and apparently 
 irrational refusal of these terms naturally exasperated 
 Venice, who was at a loss to understand its motive 
 until the damning papers came into her hands. We 
 notice all through the proceedings a crescendo of 
 terror on the part of the Venetians. The government 
 were hurried into their severity by a panic. Nothing 
 terrified Venice so much as intrigue among her own 
 nobles, and here she found Pisani, Gradenigo, and 
 Carlo Zeno all seriously implicated in treason. She 
 had not forgotten either Tiepolo or Marino Faliero, 
 and her alarm made her hasty and harsh. The policy 
 pursued by Venice was so direct, showed so little 
 
 authentic, but it exists among the manuscripts of Count Robert 
 Papafava, and is given as genuine by Cittadella, op. cit.^ vol. 
 ii. p. 586. 
 
 * For long his grave was supposed to be marked by a slab 
 bearing the letters P. N. T., which were read as " Pro norma 
 tyrannorum." But Cicogna has shown that they really are the 
 initials of Paolo Nicolo Tinti, a merchant buried there. Sec 
 Romanin, op at., vol. iv. p. 41 ; Sanuto, op. cit. 
 
144 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 desire to finesse, that it startled the other Signori. 
 With them it was a point to keep their enemies as 
 prisoners ; their exact equivalent might appear in the 
 market, in which case they could be exchanged ; 
 while dead they were of use to no one. But Venice 
 was not a Signore of the true type ; she had never 
 hitherto desired to touch the complications of the 
 mainland ; when she did, when she found herself forced 
 into the midst of them, she was thorough. The re- 
 public was ready, where necessary, to adopt Machia-. 
 velli's maxim, that if compelled to kill a prince it 
 is wisdom to destroy his whole race along with him. 
 She was not brutal, but only cold ; with a constant 
 desire for that quiet which was so imperatively 
 demanded for her commercial prosperity. 
 
 The Carraresi died ; they had not the satisfaction 
 of foreseeing the day of reckoning in store for Venice. 
 But the enormous extension of territory which accrued 
 to her on the fall of the Carrara family awoke in her 
 that fatal greed for an empire on the mainland which 
 turned every man's hand against her and brought her 
 face to face with the League of Cambray. The 
 Carraresi were extinguished. Their fate was typical 
 of that which awaited almost all the other Signori, 
 There is something pathetic in the terrible nemesis 
 which pursued these men ; caught in the toils of a 
 hopeless passion, dragged on whether they would or 
 no. Theirs was a restless and unscrupulous ambition, 
 compelled to move forward, but foredoomed to failure 
 and death. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF 
 FORTUNE, 
 
 There is an observation which is continually forced 
 upon the student of Italian history. That country 
 has experienced an almost insurmountable difficulty 
 in achieving union. The fact that the difficulty is 
 being now overcome only emphasizes the length and 
 labour of the process. The history of Italy is the 
 history of highly organized but conflicting particles. 
 The episodes of her development depend upon the 
 mutual destruction of these particles, no one of 
 which possessed sufficient power to retain its own 
 vitality while absorbing that of its neighbour. We 
 may take this incapacity for unification as a sign 
 that the major force of the Italian nature has been 
 intellectual rather than practical ; that Italy's grasp 
 of understanding was complete, swift, and sure upon 
 the centre of each situation ; as the note of a character 
 intellectually occupied by the problem of movement ; 
 of a temper interested in the formation of many types 
 rather than in the selection of one ; of a life always at 
 the red heat of revolution, burning continually in the 
 fires of destruction and re-creation. Her acumen per- 
 ceived the antithesis too immediately upon the thesis 
 to allow of any pause. This speed of vision con- 
 
 L 
 
146 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 tributed to rescue the country from thorough conquest 
 by any foreigner. The invader was dazzled, confused, 
 and repulsed by the rapid changes. While he had 
 just begun to recognize a direction, Italy, the land he 
 supposed himself to be subduing and stamping, had, 
 as it were, altered its identity — was no longer the same 
 Italy ; had measured all that the conqueror could do ; 
 had reached the furthest point of its helix, and had 
 already commenced the backward sweep. But, though 
 this quahty helped to baffle those who attempted to 
 master the country, it exposed her, inside her own 
 borders, to unrest, to violent change, to warfare among 
 her vital self-asserting members, to torture from her 
 own too active self She became a land of contradic- 
 tions ; refusing to dwell on any one moment because 
 she saw that it was only a moment. Each statement 
 instantly met its contradiction, based upon that point 
 of falsity which is absolutely inseparable from all 
 human exposition of truth. The very power that en- 
 abled the nation to posit the obverse compelled it to 
 a consciousness of the reverse. It was condemned to 
 a perpetual demonstration of instability, as the result 
 of its too ardent desire to find the absolute stability. 
 The dynamics of balance were always potent enough 
 to destroy the statics. Therefore the people who had 
 dogmatized faith for the whole of Europe were them- 
 selves deeply sceptical. Those who had formulated 
 law presented a chaos of lawlessness. The Italian epic 
 is no sooner created than it offers its own body as the 
 food for parody and satire. Conviction and calm 
 belief were impossible for Italy. She could formulate 
 what the northern nations accepted with earnestness — 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 147 
 
 law, art, religion, the idea of freedom ; but the creator 
 could not receive its own creation as an article of 
 creed. Seldom before had a people devoted its whole 
 energies, in every department of life, to the illustra- 
 tion of the Heraclitean doctrine that all is in flux. 
 
 Among the many particular curses entailed upon 
 Italy by her fatal inability to unite, few were more 
 widely or more bitterly felt than the curse of mer- 
 cenary troops and wandering armies.* Philosophers 
 and historians, Machiavelli and Villani, are agreed in 
 lamentations over the decline of city militias and the 
 supremacy of hired arms. These wandering bands 
 were in their origin the children of disunion, and to 
 the end they retained the marks of their parentage. 
 They had their birth in that necessity which com- 
 pelled the despots to use foreign troops in their 
 various wars, either against their brother lords, or 
 against their native town whose tyranny they were 
 usurping. It was imperative that a tyrant's soldiers 
 should be men of no party ; purely fighting men, and 
 nothing more ; unfettered by any ties of politics or 
 blood. Therefore the Signori called to their service 
 Bretons, Gascons, English, Hungarians, and Germans. 
 Their armies were composed of men and officers who 
 spoke no Italian and whose sole glance was directed 
 to the purse-strings of their employers. But these 
 mercenary warriors, bound together by a common 
 interest which was antagonistic to that of their em- 
 ployers, were not slow to perceive that, in order to 
 make their own position entirely secure, they must 
 choose their leader from among themselves ; that he 
 * See " Archivio Storico Italiano," vol. xv. 
 
148 VEN^ETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 must be a man whose sympathies and aims were 
 identical with their own ; that their head must be 
 structurally and vitally a portion of their organism. 
 In obedience to this instinct, the mercenary army 
 which Mastino della Scala was forced to disband 
 in 1338, when it found itself without a master, 
 elected Werner, duke of Wislingen, as its captain ; 
 and the Grand Company, the first fully developed 
 company of mercenaries, was let loose on Italy. 
 
 Under Duke Werner the Grand Company learned 
 self-discipline from the necessities of their case. 
 Beyond the circle of their camp the world was all 
 their enemy. But it was a world that had neither 
 unity nor force enough to crush them. So long as 
 the outermost line of their entrenchments remained 
 unbroken, they were as united, as potent, as an 
 undissipated poison germ floating in the blood of the 
 nation. On every hand they were secure. If war 
 failed them, the country lay open for them to pillage. 
 The burghers were wealthy and timorous, the peasants 
 unarmed. The soldier had only to put out his hand 
 and take the harvests of the one and the gold of the 
 other. In fact, the mercenaries discovered how to 
 rifle their masters ; and learned, moreover, that they 
 could do so with impunity. After Duke Werner's 
 death and the dispersion of the Grand Company, two 
 other leaders, Fra Moriale, a Provengal, and Count 
 Lando, a German, continued and developed the tradi- 
 tions of the foreign mercenaries. Fra Moriale es- 
 pecially was a born organizer. He attracted to his 
 standard all the evil humours of Italy, the bankrupts 
 in fortune or in fame. The nucleus of his band was 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 149 
 
 foreign, it is true ; but many of his soldiers and 
 most of his camp followers were the ruined outcasts 
 of Italian society. This is a fact of signal import- 
 ance, for it bore directly on the development of the 
 first company of native as distinguished from foreign 
 mercenaries. Moriale's work was a work of con- 
 solidation. His company was governed by one 
 fundamental maxim — absolute liberty outside the 
 camp, rigid discipline and justice within. The whole 
 band was drawn closer together, and taught to look 
 upon the camp as their city and their home. Through 
 his action the mercenary army became self-sustaining, 
 therefore more formidable and longer-lived. Moriale's 
 work had been too thoroughly accomplished to be 
 broken up at his death. The mercenaries elected as 
 their new captain Count Lando, and their life of rapine 
 and of plunder went on as before. They moved freely 
 from territory to territory, sweeping the harvests from 
 the fields, exacting what sums they chose from the 
 prince or the republic whose lands they occupied, 
 wearing the country barer and barer by their depre- 
 dations. The burden became intolerable, the military 
 occupation showed no signs of coming to an end, and 
 Italy at length prepared to make an effort to suppress 
 the mischief which was eating its way into her very 
 vitals. 
 
 The pope, Florence, and Venice joined in a league 
 against the adventurers. Though the curse of dis- 
 union, of jealousy and conflicting interests, broke up 
 the league and rendered it inefficient, yet out of this 
 effort came the purely native company of Alberico 
 da Barbiano, the first great Italian condottiere. Blessed 
 
150 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 by the pope and fired by St. Catherine of Siena, 
 Alberico won the victory of Marino, and from that 
 moment the nature of mercenary warfare in Italy 
 was changed. The foreigners disappeared, and ItaHans 
 took their place. 
 
 Italy, however, was not destined to escape the curse 
 entailed by her own sloth. All she succeeded in 
 achieving was the substitution of native adventurers for 
 the foreigners she had expelled. The change in their 
 aspect made little difference in their character ; the 
 one was the lineal descendant of the other, inheriting 
 and continuing the same traditions of war. Italy had 
 hoped to free herself from mercenary arms ; but she 
 failed. The triumph of the Guelfs and the insurgence 
 of the communes had destroyed the aristocracy, 
 the nucleus of the warlike element. The leading 
 politicians now were merchants or bankers — men who 
 clung to their money and believed that all was com- 
 passable by gold. From the ranks of these came the 
 Signori ; and they set themselves more or less delibe- 
 rately to debauch the citizens and to render them 
 effete. Their policy was only too successful. When the 
 townsfolk preferred a tax on silver and on salt — silver 
 for the rich and salt for the poor — to military service in 
 defence of their liberty, of what use was it that Boiardo 
 sang the praise of chivalry and arms ? The country 
 with its own voice declared itself a prey to the mer- 
 cenaries. The essence of the soldier-spirit was gone. 
 Italy turned willingly from the field to the counting- 
 house. She shrank from the constant proof of her 
 arms, and in the day of her need she was unable to 
 bear them. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 151 
 
 The native companies of adventure present two 
 marked characteristics. They were united and solid 
 upon the basis of their profession, opposed as soldiers 
 to all other classes and professions in Italy ; they 
 were also mutually antagonistic and jealous of each 
 other inside the limits of their profession. The previous 
 existence of the Signori inevitably determined the 
 aspect assumed by the native mercenaries. The minute 
 partition of Italy among petty tyrants, swayed by 
 various and conflicting aims, prepared the way for the 
 minute divisions of the great army, and for the exist- 
 ence of the various condottieri, each serving his own 
 selfish ends and standing in rivalry with his fellows, a 
 rivalry which prevented them from ever becoming 
 masters of Italy in any permanent sense. But, though 
 cloven and broken among themselves, the mercenaries 
 were solid and cohesive against the world outside them. 
 The reason for this solidarity in their profession lay 
 deep in the spirit of the race. The Italians never 
 possessed the sense of nationality, except an ideal 
 nationality in Rome. They were therefore able to 
 experience within the borders of their own land the 
 effect and the fascination of cosmopolitanism, together 
 with its accompanying democratic tendency. An art 
 or a profession, not a city or a country, became the 
 bond of union. The true patria was a common 
 enthusiasm for war, for painting, for scholarship, for 
 religion. The bands of adventure are not a singular 
 phenomenon. Side by side with them there rose the 
 companies of religious fanatics, the school of John of 
 Ravenna, the workshops of Squarcione and Verrocchio. 
 Alberico's native company of St. George was the 
 
152 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 matrix of a hundred captains of adventure, "the Trojan 
 horse of Italian warfare," from whose entrails a breed 
 of soldiers was born, destined to cover Italy with their 
 arms, to make her theirs for a time, to serve their 
 purpose, and to pass away ; just as John of Ravenna's 
 lecture-room was the Trojan horse of Italian scholar- 
 ship, a hotbed for the growth of a hundred students, 
 destined to seize and hold the world of lost classics, 
 to recall Italy to Rome, to serve their purpose, and to 
 pass away. And the action of the condottieri and of 
 the Humanists is very similar. Both appear as inter- 
 ruptions — the one in the political, the other in the 
 intellectual process. Both are solvents. Humanism 
 proclaimed a doctrine of individual freedom ; adventure 
 destroyed the political system, breaking down the 
 despots and paving the way first for the conquest by 
 Charles VI 1 1., and then for the ultimate settlement 
 of death under Charles V. 
 
 The result of Italy's effort to shake the foreign 
 mercenaries from her throat was that Italians took 
 the place of strangers. But the gain to the country 
 was small. The chief difference between native and 
 foreign commanders lay in the systematization of 
 arms which the former efTected. The Italians made 
 an art of war, as they made an art of everything which 
 they touched. Obeying a common impulse, the cap- 
 tains of adventure turned campaigning into a game. 
 They laid down the rules and imposed the conditions 
 under which it must be played ; and few would have 
 ventured to violate these rules, for that would have 
 been to renounce the role of artist and to outrage the 
 national instinct for limitations and precision. In fact, 
 
CARMAGNOLAy A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE, 153 
 
 war became an end in itself and not a means. The 
 attention of commanders was directed not so much to 
 victory as to a study and enjoyment of the moves by 
 which they achieved success or suffered defeat. Under 
 these conditions the art of war soon degenerated into 
 a pedantry that admitted such an anomaly as a 
 technical victory, and bore its fruits at Fornovo and 
 at Agnadella. And the laws of this game, drawn up 
 by professional soldiers, were framed to suit the soldier, 
 not the prince who employed him. The interests of a 
 general counselled him not to finish any campaign 
 too rapidly ; therefore no advantages were pressed to 
 the full, no decisive blows struck. As a point of 
 military etiquette, all prisoners were released imme- 
 diately after an engagement. To prolong a campaign 
 was to prolong the salaries of the commander and of 
 all who served under him. Nor were the leaders un- 
 willing to make service as light as possible for their 
 men. By general agreement night attacks were aban- 
 doned and piquet and outpost duty might be dis- 
 pensed with ; quarter was invariably given. The life 
 of the common soldier had no hardships after he had 
 mastered his drill and the routine of service. The 
 war he waged was not so much against the troopers 
 of the hostile army as against the unarmed peasants 
 of the place where he might be encamped. Wherever 
 found, they were his prey, to work his will upon in any 
 manner he chose. The democratic spirit of all true 
 vagabonds, whether students, friars, soldiers, or artists, 
 reigned in the camps. The soldier began life upon a 
 strict equality, the sole title to distinction being 
 excellence in his profession. Personal attachment 
 
154 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 helped to bind the men to one another in a union as 
 fraternal as that of a monastery. Beyond the lines a 
 soldier's freedom was unrestrained. " Liberty, Equality, 
 Fraternity" — the watchwords of democracy, of revolu- 
 tion, of socialism — were the motto of the camp. But 
 the democracy of arms, as it manifested itself in Italy, 
 concealed nothing formative within its breast ; it was 
 chaos come again. The camp, therefore, attracted all 
 the restless blood, the strong physical natures, the 
 coarser-fibred appetites of Italy; just as the wandering 
 religious companies attracted those of imaginative, 
 vague, ecstatic, and ardent temperament. 
 
 Circumstances rendered the position of the con- 
 dottieri powerful. The Signori were compelled, by 
 the pressure of their neighbours, to use these mer- 
 cenary captains ; but they were costly weapons, and 
 in using them the princes became bankrupt. On 
 one condition only were the Signori able to retain 
 the command of events. Their exchequer must be 
 full. But it was only the wealthiest states, such 
 as Venice or Milan, who could resist the drain of 
 war. The moment the despot failed financially, the 
 captains of adventure were masters of the situation ; 
 their ruined employer could not dismiss them unpaid, 
 nor could he hire other arms against them. There 
 was, however, a weakness in the position of the mer- 
 cenaries. They were not at one among themselves ; 
 they could not agree to conquer and divide ; they 
 were ready to take the field against one another, not 
 to destroy, but to supplant in the receipt of salary ; 
 they lacked width of ambition ; they were, in fact, for 
 the most part stupid. This weakness showed itself 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 15^ 
 
 whenever the condottieri had to deal with solvent 
 masters. A full purse could play them against each 
 other, and store their labours for its own advantage. 
 This was their real danger. Their perilous war was 
 waged, not in the field against their brother captains, 
 but in the cabinet against the princes who had es- 
 caped financial ruin. How dangerous this conflict 
 might be received convincing proof in the tragic end 
 of so many of these adventurers : Gabrino Fondulo in 
 his iron cage ; Vignate executed at Milan ; Carma- 
 gnola beheaded at Venice ; these we must remember 
 as counterbalances when we think of Michelotti 
 lord of Perugia, or Sforza duke of Milan. 
 
 The story of Carmagnola illustrates these relations 
 between the Signori and the captains of adventure. 
 His career offers an example of the height to which 
 a condottiere might aspire, of the mistake he might 
 make, and of the fate that possibly lay in store for 
 him. The problem presented to Filippo Visconti, 
 the last of the Visconti dukes of Milan, when his 
 brother's death left him sole prince, was how to 
 recover the duchy, to which he had succeeded in name 
 alone. On his father Gian Galeazzo's death, the 
 dukedom had been partitioned among Galeazzo's 
 generals, who had each seized the part that lay 
 nearest to hand. Filippo determined to recover his 
 lost patrimony. But he had many difficulties to 
 contend with. He was without troops or generals, 
 and his own peculiar temperament offered a serious 
 obstacle. He suffered from a morbid timidity. A 
 painful sensitiveness as to his personal appearance 
 kept him in torture, and forced him to shrink from 
 
156 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 all publicity. He chose to live hidden away in the 
 seclusion of his palace, surrounded by guards whom 
 he distrusted, and over whose movements he set the 
 watch of other and more secret guards, upon whom 
 he himself kept a furtive and a timorous regard. He 
 never escaped from the nightmare of murder. He 
 daily changed his bedroom, and took his rest, as 
 it were, with one eye open, fixed upon the cubicn- 
 larii* who protected his most private chamber. 
 Filippo was possessed by the Visconti passion for 
 intrigue, heightened almost to the pitch of insanity. 
 In the recesses of his palace he spun from his restless 
 brain a web of plot and counterplot ; the one fore- 
 stalling, crossing, battling, defeating the other, till 
 his own perception of the object in view was some- 
 times in danger of being lost in the maze. His mind 
 presented a pandemonium of schemes, as though 
 the regulative faculty had been paralyzed, leaving 
 the designing powers alone in force. Nevertheless, 
 Filippo applied himself to his task. His marriage 
 with Beatrice di Tenda, widow of Facino Cane, 
 brought him the nucleus of her husband's army. 
 The duke turned to seek a general. His own timidity 
 prevented him from taking the field in person, and 
 his father's officers were now his enemies ; for each 
 of them held some fragment of the duchy which 
 Filippo intended to recover. At this time his eye 
 fell upon Carmagnola as the man he was in search 
 of A man undistinguished as yet, and therefore 
 likely to be subservient to his patron ; yet at the 
 same time a soldier who had shown sufficient promise 
 * See Candido Decembrio, " Life of Visconti," cap. xlvi. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 157 
 
 to warrant Filippo in placing him at the head of 
 his troops. 
 
 Francesco Bussone was born of poor peasants, in 
 1390, at the village of Carmagnola, near Turin.* The 
 natives of Carmagnola are still a strong and hardy- 
 looking race, with thick necks and ruddy colours ; 
 as Francesco may have been when a boy, herding 
 swine, before he went to camp. There is a portrait 
 of him, painted as captain-general of St. Mark,t which 
 shows us what he subsequently became towards the 
 end of his career, when his profession had already 
 stamped his character and determined his fate. A 
 heavy face, with large and flabby cheeks, puffy and 
 fat ; coarse, thick lips and eyes, with a leer of lewd- 
 ness and cunning in them ; a pendulous nose, with 
 no strong marking. Altogether a dulled, amorphous, 
 and ignoble countenance, set upon an enormous, 
 wrinkled neck. The face of a man lazy and self- 
 indulgent, of appetites vulgar and cruel, with in- 
 tellect of most indifferent power, yet inclined to 
 believe his cunning to be wisdom. The face of a 
 man doomed to fail through poverty of intelligence ; 
 incapable of surviving between the tortuous diplo- 
 macy of Visconti, and the thoroughness and cold 
 determination of Venice. 
 
 Francesco left his swine-herding when only twelve 
 years old, and went to camp under Facino Cane,t 
 in the service of Duke Gian Galeazzo. He rose 
 
   See "Ritratti ed. Elogj di Capitani Illustri" (Rome : 
 1635), p. 63 ; also Tenivelli, " Biog. Piedmont," Dec. iii. p. 149. 
 
 t I am indebted to Prof. Villari for the courtesy with which 
 he sent me a photograph of this portrait. 
 
 X Ritratti, loc. cit. 
 
158 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 rapidly, thanks to his great strength and bull-dog 
 bravery, and before long obtained the command of 
 a division. He was barely thirty when he came 
 under the notice of Filippo and the last long act of 
 his life began. Filippo set him the task of winning 
 back the duchy of Milan from the usurping con- 
 dottieri. With extraordinary rapidity, Carmagnola 
 carried his work to a successful issue. Nor was his 
 reward inadequate. He was allied by marriage to 
 the ducal house,* and bore the Visconti arms upon 
 his shield. His fiefs in Lombardy and Milan brought 
 him a princely income, and he began to build a 
 palace suitable to his sudden fortune. But Filippo 
 had, in all his liberality, a further intention than that 
 of merely satisfying his victorious general. The 
 duke believed that he was binding Carmagnola 
 to his service by ties which the soldier's cupidity 
 would prevent him from breaking under any pressure 
 of neglect or disgrace. Visconti did not desire to 
 see this captain, whose value he had just discovered, 
 take pay from any other master than himself; yet 
 he was fully resolved that Carmagnola should never 
 become so powerful as to be a serious danger to his 
 own authority, or to play the part his father's general 
 had played during his own minority. Such an issue 
 seemed not improbable ; for the rapidity of Carma- 
 gnola's success had won for him an Italian reputation. 
 Filippo resolved to set him aside for a time, and to 
 employ some of the many other officers whom his 
 wealth placed at his disposal. He did not desire to 
 alarm Carmagnola, but only to allow the warmth of 
 * He married Antonia Visconti, widow of Barbavara. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 159 
 
 his celebrity to cool. Visconti sent his general to 
 govern Genoa. Carmagnola's vanity soon opened his 
 eyes to the fact that he was virtually cashiered. He 
 refused to submit, even at the risk of losing his for- 
 tune, his palace, and his wife. After many fruitless 
 appeals by letter to Filippo, Carmagnola determined 
 to seek a personal audience of the duke. But what 
 he sought could never be granted. Filippo rarely 
 admitted his ministers to his presence ; much more 
 was he certain to shun an interview with an angry 
 soldier. Carmagnola was told that the duke would 
 not receive him. In a rage, and on the spur of the 
 moment, he left the Milanese territory, and betook 
 himself to the court of Savoy ; * but meeting with 
 a cold welcome from Duke Amadeo VIII., he set out 
 for Venice, where he arrived on the 23rd of February, 
 1425. His reputation had preceded him, and his 
 reception could not have been more flattering. He 
 had taken one decided step towards independence, 
 as he believed ; towards destruction, as it really 
 proved. His rupture with Visconti closes the first 
 scene of this last act. 
 
 Carmagnola owed the warmth of his reception not 
 solely to his fame as a general. The political con- 
 ditions of Venice were such as to make his arrival 
 peculiarly acceptable. The republic had already 
 begun to take her place as a factor in Italian politics. 
 She had lately acquired a large territory on the main- 
 land, and appeared for the first time as one of the 
 great Italian powers. She found herself now, however, 
 conterminous with Milan, and there were not wanting 
 * Romanin, op. at., iv. 105 ; Tenivelli, ioc. cit. 
 
i6o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 politicians who insisted upon the danger of the present 
 direction. They pointed out that aggression on the 
 mainland was a course that had no end, and that it 
 exposed the Venetians to that dilemma — so fatal to 
 the princes around them — of attacking or of being 
 attacked ; stability and peace would be impossible. 
 And the attitude of Visconti seemed to confirm these 
 warnings. The duke, like his father, cast his eyes 
 towards Tuscany, and would certainly before long 
 strike a blow for Verona, Padua, and the Lombard 
 plain towards Venice and the east. The question 
 before the republic was, should she assail Milan at 
 once, or hold her hand and wait upon events? The 
 doge, Mocenigo, led the conservative or anti-war 
 party ; and as long as he lived that party maintained 
 its policy. But the section of Young Venice was 
 all eager for military enterprise and a land empire. 
 Their moving spirit was Francesco Foscari, still in 
 the prime of a vigorous manhood, and so firmly 
 seated in the affections of the younger nobility that 
 no shadow of his tragic end could possibly have 
 crossed his path. The party of war determined to 
 secure, if possible, the election of their chief to .the 
 dukedom. Mocenigo was fully aware that the choice 
 of his successor would be a critical point in the 
 history of his country. On his death-bed he implored 
 the senate and council to throw Foscari aside ; but 
 in vain. The elevation of Foscari to the dukedom 
 virtually gave an affirmative answer to the question of 
 war with Milan. The conservative party were still, 
 however, of considerable weight ; and the new doge 
 was not sorry to find his hands strengthened by two 
 
CARMAGNOLAy A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. i6i 
 
 events — the arrival of Carmagnola, and the presence 
 of an embassy from Florence to propose an alliance 
 of the two republics against the growing power of 
 Visconti. Foscari and the Florentines were at once 
 in accord, and the doge used all his influence to 
 recommend the league. But negotiations were moving 
 slowly when Carmagnola reached Venice, and Fos- 
 cari gladly seized the new instrument which fortune 
 had placed in his hand. He proposed that Carma- 
 gnola should at once be heard, in the Senate, on the 
 position of the duke's affairs. 
 
 Carmagnola was under the influence of a blind 
 fury against Filippo, and intent upon exacting some 
 revenge for the slights he had suffered. His judg- 
 ment was neither cool enough nor sufficiently intelli- 
 gent to read the situation as it stood. The reception 
 accorded him flattered his vanity, and induced him to 
 believe that he had the power to mould the action of 
 Venice. He did not see that the republic cared 
 nothing for his private wrongs, but intended to use 
 him for her own purposes if she were once convinced 
 that he was the best man to give them effect. He 
 failed to perceive that if Venice placed him at the 
 head of her armies, she would not be content with 
 such an injury done to the duke as might appease 
 his own desire for vengeance ; but rather that she 
 would require from him nothing short of the destruc- 
 tion of Milan — her only object in this war ; and any 
 failure to satisfy her would be fatal to himself. Venice 
 differed from the other Signori whom he and his 
 brother mercenaries had served. She was rich, not 
 bankrupt ; firmly based, not shivering towards de- 
 
 M 
 
!62 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 struction at the slightest shock. Carmagnola made a 
 fatal error in not perceiving the distinction. He could 
 not hope to inspire her with dread ; he might, with 
 greater justice, have mistrusted himself when face to 
 face with her cool diplomacy and determined purpose. 
 Carmagnola opened his speech before the Senate 
 with a long and bitter tirade against the perfidy of 
 the duke of Milan. Then, coming to matters of more 
 practical moment, he depreciated the power of the 
 duke, and insisted that the opportunity was favourable 
 for an extension of Venetian territory. His speech 
 had considerable weight with his audience ; and when 
 he had withdrawn, Foscari hastened to clinch the 
 favourable impression. After dwelling on the crisis 
 m Venetian affairs which the question of the Floren- 
 tine league presented, he continued to enlarge on the 
 necessity and the righteousness of the war, and con- 
 cluded : "Carmagnola's speech has laid before you the 
 power and the resources of Filippo. They are not so 
 great as rumour has represented them. Nor should we 
 be justified in looking for any other than a happy and 
 prosperous conclusion to our enterprise under Carma- 
 gnola as the captain of our arms. For he is versed 
 in war ; nor can all Italy show his equal this day in 
 bravery and proficiency in the military art. Under 
 such a general is offered us, beyond all doubt, the 
 certain hope of extending our borders. All these 
 considerations urge us to undertake the war with a 
 good courage ; a war, I repeat, which is necessary ; 
 for our enemy is powerful, neighbour to us, and 
 aspires to the sovereignty of Italy. Let us embark 
 upon this war, then, and avenge our wrongs by 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 1^% 
 
 trampling in the dust our common foe to the ever- 
 lasting peace of Italy."* Foscari carried his audience 
 with him. The last lingering suspicions about 
 Carmagnola's good faith, suspicfons awakened by 
 the recollection of the large stake he had left behind 
 him in Lombardy — his fiefs, his palace, and his wife — 
 were swept away on a wave of popular reaction when 
 it was discovered that Visconti had tried to poison 
 him at Treviso. The senate felt that the rupture was 
 sincere ; that Carmagnola might be trusted. In the 
 spring of 1426 the Venetians formally appointed 
 him captain-general of Saint Mark, and he received 
 the baton from the doge before the high altar of the 
 Basilica. In March he took the field against his old 
 master, the duke of Milan. 
 
 Filippo had miscalculated the strength of the 
 bonds by which he believed that he had bound 
 Carmagnola to himself He had set cupidity at too 
 high a reading, and allowed too low a figure for 
 vanity and pique. He had driven his ablest general 
 into the arms of his foes. He had failed in an 
 attempt to poison him. But Visconti was not a man 
 to abandon his efforts to ruin his enemy. The 
 difficulty merely enhanced the sweetness of success- 
 ful revenge. Carmagnola, on the other hand, was 
 now committed to a perilous course, with an exacting 
 and uncompromising mistress to satisfy. One way of 
 safety alone was open to him ; he must be faithful to 
 Venice. Success was his if he grasped this fact ; 
 failure and ruin if he missed it. 
 
 It is a tax upon the patience to follow the long- 
 * See Savina, cod. cxxxv. d. vii. alia marciana, p. 259. 
 
i64 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 drawn chronicles of Italian campaigning.* The slow- 
 movement of the armies, the result of the excessive 
 preponderance of the cavalry and the difficulty of 
 foddering the horses ; the indifference of commanders 
 who had no desire to conclude the war ; the formal 
 and technical openings of the game ; the marches 
 and countermarches ; the avoidance of pitched battles ; 
 the lengthened sieges — all form a wearisome labyrinth 
 through which to toil. The interest of events lies 
 chiefly in the curious contrast between the cabinet 
 and the field ; in the feverish impatience of the 
 employers and the sluggish indifference of the em- 
 ployed. The rewards and bribes held out by the 
 government to prick their generals to action were 
 accepted and consumed by the mercenary with 
 irritating imperturbability. It is only necessary to 
 dwell on Carmagnola's campaigns in order to note 
 the points which bear upon his final quarrel with 
 Venice, and to mark the steps by which he unwittingly 
 worked his own ruin. 
 
 The war opened with the siege of Brescia. But 
 the honours of that siege and capture do not belong 
 to Carmagnola. He almost immediately retired from 
 before the city, leaving his chief engineer to carry on 
 the works. After amusing himself for a few weeks 
 with a plundering expedition on the shores of the Lake 
 of Garda, he relinquished the field altogether, and 
 withdrew to the Baths of Abano. He alleged that 
 he was suffering from an old injury to his thigh, so 
 painful as to render him unfit for active duties. The 
 
 • See Sanuto, "Vitse Ducum,"ap. Muratori, Rer. It. Script., 
 xxii. p. 983 et seq. 
 
CARAfAGXOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 165 
 
 Venetians had hitherto heard nothing of this injured 
 thigh, and now they decHned to consider this excuse 
 as a real one. They were practically aware of the 
 position in which they had placed themselves by 
 employing a captain of adventure, and they looked 
 upon Carmagnola's conduct merely as one of the 
 usual hints to administer a douceur. Nor were they 
 unwilling to obey such calls within reasonable limits. 
 The Great Council created their captain a noble of 
 Venice and Count of Castelnuovo.* They further 
 offered him a principality in the Cremonese if he 
 would quit Abano and push his arms across the 
 Adda. But there were more serious features than 
 the inactivity of their general in the case presented 
 to the Venetian government. The duke of Milan 
 had already begun that course of action whereby he 
 intended to ruin Carmagnola. He had resolved to 
 do all that lay in his power to make it appear that 
 there existed an understanding between himself and 
 his old commander-in-chief. His envoys were con- 
 stantly arriving at the camp to seek interviews with 
 Carmagnola. Filippo frequently proposed terms of 
 peace to Venice, and on each occasion he named 
 Carmagnola, the republic's own general, as his 
 plenipotentiary. Carmagnola was flattered by this 
 attitude of the duke, and by the rewards which 
 Venice had already bestowed on him. He saw the 
 two belligerents bidding for himself, and he easily 
 believed that his services were essential to both ; 
 that he was the real centre of the situation ; that from 
 
 * Sanuto, loc. cit.; Navagero, " Hist. Veneta,'' ap. Muratori, 
 op. cit. J xxiii. p. 1088 et seq. 
 
1 66 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the Baths of Abano he might direct the destiny of 
 Venice and of Milan. 
 
 The fall of Brescia compelled the duke to sign a 
 peace, and put an end, for the present, to bribes and 
 to suspicions alike. By a clause in this treaty of San 
 Giorgio, the duke pledged himself to restore to Car- 
 magnola all his property in Lombardy. The Venetians 
 hoped in this way to sever all connection between 
 Filippo and their general. But Visconti was far too 
 wary to relinquish the advantage which he held. His 
 breach of faith, on this and other points of the treaty, 
 rendered war inevitable once more. In March, 1427, 
 Carmagnola obeyed a summons to Venice, and again 
 received the supreme command. This second campaign 
 presents the same features as that of the preceding 
 year — the same sluggishness on the side of the 
 general ; the same impatience, coupled with magni- 
 ficent offers, on the part of Venice ; the same intrigue 
 and pretended intelligence on the part of the duke. 
 It was rapidly becoming clear to the Venetians that 
 they had mistaken the capacity of Carmagnola and 
 the conditions of his temper ; that they had not 
 adequately reckoned the difficulty inseparable from 
 the employment of a mercenary general. The duke, 
 well pleased, saw that his enemies lost many oppor- 
 tunities of inflicting a loss upon him, while the man 
 he hated was walking surely to destruction. 
 
 The campaign opened disastrously for the Vene- 
 tians with the loss of Casal Maggiore, owing to the 
 inactivity of Carmagnola, who allowed the place to 
 fall without an effort to save it. At Venice the 
 disgust was deepened by the news that an emissary 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 167 
 
 from the duke had already found his way into the 
 camp, and that he was the bearer of terms of peace, 
 which the duke proposed, once more through the 
 mediation of the Venetian general. Angry letters 
 followed. But Carmagnola replied that he would 
 dismiss the envoy, and pledged himself to recover 
 Casal Maggiore in three days when the proper moment 
 arrived. He redeemed his pledge. But the Venetians 
 had little reason to rejoice at this success, for it brought 
 them into direct collision with their general. Carma- 
 gnola wished to set his prisoners at liberty, in accord- 
 ance with the custom of war. He informed the 
 government of his intention and asked their consent. 
 The republic cared nothing for the code of the 
 mercenary captains ; she desired to win and keep 
 every possible advantage, and saw, in the release of 
 the prisoners, only a ruinous prolongation of the war. 
 The reply was an order to retain the garrisons of the 
 captured towns. Carmagnola was not prepared to 
 disobey, and he submitted to what seemed to him a 
 disgraceful breach of military honour. The friction 
 of this episode increased the irritation at Venice, while 
 at the same time it threw Carmagnola into the sulks. 
 He allowed opportunity after opportunity to slip by. 
 The duke of Milan at this moment was sorely pressed 
 with war on both his borders ; Savoy attacking from 
 the west, and Venice from the east. Yet Carma- 
 gnola, instead of pressing into the Milanese, wasted 
 ■the campaigning months in idleness on Iseo. The 
 complaints at Venice became loud voiced and popular ; 
 loud enough to reach the general's ears. Carmagnola 
 adopted a tone of indignation. He wrote to the 
 
1 68 • VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Senate accusing the republic of ingratitude, and 
 demanding on what points they found his conduct 
 amiss. Foscari had made himself in a measure 
 responsible for Carmagnola ; he did not now desire a 
 rupture between Venice and her general, which would 
 send him back to the duke of Milan charged with an 
 intimate knowledge of Venetian resources. Foscari 
 dictated the spirit of the answer which the Senate 
 returned to Carmagnola. Its tone endeavoured to be 
 soothing. The Venetians begged their general to 
 believe the republic fully satisfied, and to be assured 
 that the complaints, of which he had heard, represented 
 no real feeling on the part of the government. A false 
 statement of the case, and ruinous to Carmagnola, for 
 it helped to blind his eyes and to make him think that 
 Venice was in the same difficulty as the other Signori ; 
 that he was her master and might please himself in 
 his conduct towards her ; that he had only to hector 
 and she would give way. In truth, Venice found her- 
 self on the horns of Machiavelli's dilemma, the fate 
 of all who employ mercenary arms ; she could not 
 kindle her general to the glowing activity she desired 
 to see in him, nor yet could she shake him off. Out 
 of such a situation there was only one way of escape ; 
 but the season for taking it was not ripe yet. 
 
 From Lago Iseo Carmagnola returned to the 
 Lombard plain, and met Visconti's army at Maclodio, 
 where he fought the most important battle of this war 
 and was entirely successful. But, mindful of the 
 disgrace which had been forced upon him at Casal 
 Maggiore, without so much as consulting the govern- 
 ment he released the whole of his eight thousand 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 169 
 
 prisoners the day after his victory. And the Vene- 
 tians made no complaint ; on the contrary, Foscari 
 wrote a letter full of thanks to Carmagnola, and the 
 Senate bestowed a palace upon their victorious general. 
 The state was too thankful for this success to think of 
 any recrimination. At length they were about to sec 
 the superiority of Carmagnola's military skill, and to 
 reap the fruits of their expenses and their patience ; 
 for the battle of Maclodio had opened the way to 
 Milan, and no army intervened between the troops 
 of the republic and the capital of the duchy. 
 
 But they were bitterly disappointed. Carmagnola, 
 instead of taking any vigorous steps to follow up his 
 victory, closed the campaign on the plea that the 
 season was late. And when the government urged 
 him to take the field in the early spring of 1428, 
 they were met by a request for leave to retire once 
 more to the baths near Padua. Their disgust was 
 intense. Negotiations for peace, however, were al- 
 ready on foot, and the Venetians yielded a grudging 
 and ungracious consent At Abano the general found, 
 as he found wherever he went, an envoy from the 
 duke already waiting him. The presence of these 
 emissaries, constantly haunting his camp and dogging 
 his footsteps, encouraged Carmagnola to believe that 
 he might choose his own moment for returning to 
 Milan ; he did not surmise the peril that lay behind. 
 Like a true condottiere, he was playing his own 
 game, not fighting the battles of the republic. The 
 interests of this game dictated that he should not 
 press the duke too hard, but should rather, by a 
 moderate use of his advantages, seek to lay Visconti 
 
170 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 under obligations on which he might base a claim, 
 should he ever return to Filippo's service. And in 
 all probability he did intend to return when this war 
 should be concluded ; for at Milan he knew he would 
 find a wealthy paymaster whose wars were continuous, 
 and his half-finished palace still waited him. 
 
 Though Venice missed the full fruits of the victory 
 at Maclodio, the duke of Milan acknowledged the 
 weight of the blow, and peace was signed in April. 
 Carmagnola made a triumphal entry into Venice, and 
 the republic welcomed him with every circumstance 
 of pomp. He received publicly, in the piazza, the in- 
 vestiture of Chiari, and his father, now an old man, 
 came to see the honouring of his son. In less than 
 forty years Carmagnola had risen from a peasant herd 
 to be a knight and noble of one of the proudest states 
 in Italy. The contrast of fortunes was great. Never, 
 perhaps, has a career lain wider open to mediocre 
 talent than in Italy of the fifteenth century. Days 
 of pageantry followed, for Venice was liberal in her 
 rewards ; and, though disappointed of her fullest 
 hopes, yet a noble territory had been added to her 
 empire, in the Bresciano and the Bergamasco which 
 became hers by the peace of Ferrara. 
 
 A Visconti's peace, a pace Volpina, could not 
 be long lived ; and before a year was over Venice 
 saw that war was once more inevitable. The Vene- 
 tians watched the crisis with complacency, under the 
 impression that they were prepared and that they had 
 secured the services of Carmagnola ; for he had accepted 
 the retaining fee usually offered to a general on the 
 conclusion of a war. But at the very moment when 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 171 
 
 hostilities seemed on the point of breaking out, Carma- 
 gnola sent in his resignation. The Senate met to 
 consider this outrageous conduct, and declined to 
 accept the proposal. The general then stated his 
 terms with truly mercenary rapacity. He demanded 
 a permanent salary of twelve thousand ducats, in 
 peace or war. The position of the republic did not 
 allow her to hesitate long. With Visconti ready to 
 strike a blow, Carmagnola was her master for the 
 time being. The government signed the new contract.* 
 But Venice never forgot that for a single instant she 
 had lost her grasp on circumstances, and that her 
 general had held her at discretion. Jealousy and 
 suspicion of her own nobility exposed her to this 
 humiliation. We cannot help feeling how different 
 would have been the issue of the war had a Venetian 
 general, leading Venetian troops, been in the field. 
 Such an army, however, was rendered impossible by 
 the law which forbade a Venetian gentleman to 
 command more than twenty-five lances.j 
 
 When war actually broke out in 1430, this third 
 and last of Carmagnola's campaigns closely resembled 
 its predecessors, save that the details are all exagge- 
 rated point by point, the conduct of each actor is more 
 defined. The crisis of the drama approaches. There is 
 a superfluity of sluggishness on Carmagnola's part ; 
 the duke of Milan redoubles the number of messages 
 to the general, the Venetians show a steady crescendo 
 of impatience, till the balance dips at length against 
 
 * Romanin, loc. cit. 
 
 t A lance was composed of three men. See Contarini, 
 Delia rep. d. Veneza." 
 
172 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 their officer. The republic began by proposing the 
 largest bribes yet offered. She promised Carmagnola 
 a whole territory, or even the lordship of Milan, which 
 he had actually asked for, if he would crush the duke 
 and take his capital. Such offers were rapidly be- 
 coming a farce. Carmagnola refused to abandon his 
 inactivity, and the progress -of the war was marked 
 only by a series of checks with long intervals of 
 immobility between. All this while communications 
 from the duke were unceasingly maintained. Filippo 
 plied his messengers faster and faster as the climax 
 drew near ; each fresh arrival at Carmagnola's camp 
 shook the fabric of his tottering fortunes and under- 
 mined his credit and security at Venice. Yet he 
 never concealed a single event from the government. 
 His frankness was insultingly perfect. Now he writes 
 to the senate that such an one is with him from the 
 duke ; now he demands instructions how to treat 
 another.* He took no warning from the answers he 
 received, though they grew more and more sullen. 
 He was not intriguing with Filippo, but he was 
 trifling with Venice, and in his assurance he gave 
 himself no pains to conceal the fact. 
 
 At V^enice the animosity against Carmagnola 
 showed signs of becoming malignant. In October, 
 1 43 1, a motion had been made in the senate that 
 they should institute a secret inquiry into the con- 
 duct of their general, "et non stare in his perpetuis 
 laboribus et expensis." The proposal never came to 
 the vote, but was deferred while the government had 
 recourse once more to the old policy of bribes. Milan 
 * See Romanin, loc. cit. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 173 
 
 was again offered to Carmagnola if he would act 
 with vigour and attack the duchy. Venice made 
 her ultimate appeal to the ambition and cupidity of 
 her general. She had no higher price to offer. Her 
 patience and her purse were at an end. This final 
 pause was of no avail. Carmagnola did not move ; 
 the duke's envoys did not cease to haunt his camp, 
 but rather followed one another faster than before. 
 The endurance of Venice was exhausted, and Car- 
 magnola's friends were forced to give way before the 
 cry for punishment. 
 
 On the 28th of March, 1432, the Ten took the 
 matter under consideration, and moved with their 
 accustomed rapidity and secrecy.* The same day the 
 council asked for the assistance of twenty assessors. 
 The court, therefore, which tried Carmagnola consisted 
 of thirty-seven members, including the doge, who 
 possessed only a casting vote. The court was bound 
 by oath to absolute silence on the matter outside the 
 council chamber. On the 29th a secretary was 
 despatched to Brescia with a letter inviting Car- 
 magnola to Venice, as the government desired to 
 consult him regarding the conduct of the war. At 
 the same time, to allay all suspicion, the council 
 issued similar invitations to the other captains in 
 the service of the republic. The precaution was 
 unnecessary ; Carmagnola never showed the slightest 
 alarm. He obeyed the summons with the perfect 
 alacrity of a clear conscience, and reached Venice on 
 the 7th of April. A guard of honour met him at 
 Mestre, and conducted him with all ceremony to the 
 * See Cibrario, *' Opuscoli Storici" (Milano : 1835). 
 
174 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 ducal palace. In the Sala delle Quattro Porte they 
 requested him to wait till the doge should be in- 
 formed of his arrival. Meanwhile his suite, who had 
 remained below, were ordered to go home, as the 
 general would stay to dine with the doge. Upstairs, 
 after a short interval, during which Carmagnola 
 chatted to the senators about him, one of the council 
 came with a message from Foscari, regretting that a 
 sudden indisposition prevented him from receiving 
 the count that day. Carmagnola turned to go down 
 to his gondola ; as he passed along the lower arcade 
 in order to reach the door upon the Molo, one of the 
 gentlemen about him said, " This way, if you please, 
 my lord count." " But that is not the way," replied 
 Carmagnola. " Pardon ; it is the right way." At 
 that moment he was surrounded and hurried to one 
 of the prisons of the palace. As the door closed on 
 him he cried, " I am a lost man." They tried to 
 console him, but he answered, " No, no ! We do not 
 cage the birds we mean to set at liberty again." For 
 the first time in his life he saw his position truly. 
 He knew now, when too late, that he had mistaken 
 long-suffering for feebleness, and his own insolence 
 for real power. 
 
 On the 9th of April the court appointed a com- 
 mittee of ten to draw up the charges against the 
 count. The committee received authority to torture 
 the prisoner and any other witnesses. Carmagnola 
 underwent the question of the fire and of the cord. 
 What confessions may have been wrung from him, or 
 what evidence from others, we do not know, for the bill 
 on which he was condemned no longer exists. What- 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 175 
 
 ever the confessions may have been matters little. 
 The Venetians were trying him for patent mis- 
 conduct during his whole service, and were now 
 resolved to close their account with an impracticable 
 servant. Holy Week and the festivities of Easter 
 came to interrupt the trial, and Carmagnola, tortured 
 in body and despairing in heart, languished in prison 
 while the city turned to its amusements. These cam.e 
 to an end on the 23rd of April, and the proceedings 
 against the count were resumed. The committee 
 sat day and night until the bill of attainder was 
 ready to present to the court. On the 5th of May 
 it was brought up to the council and read. Then, 
 in accordance with the custom which governed the 
 proceedings of the Ten, the vote to " proceed " was 
 moved in these terms, "that after what we have 
 heard and read we do now proceed against Count 
 Francesco Carmagnola, once our captain-general, on 
 the charge of injury wrought by him to our affairs 
 and against the honour and well-being of our state." 
 The votes fell : ayes, 25 ; noes, I ; for further consider- 
 ation, 9. On the announcement of the majority, 
 sentence was moved as follows : — " That the Count 
 Francesco Carmagnola, public traitor to our state, 
 shall to-day, in the evening at the usual hour, be led 
 with a gag in his mouth, and his hands tied behind 
 his back, as is customary, to the ordinary place of 
 execution between the two columns on the piazza of 
 Saint Mark, and there his head shall be struck off 
 with a sword so that he die." The doge proved 
 faithful to Carmagnola to the very last, and en- 
 deavoured to save his life by moving an amendment 
 
176 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 to substitute imprisonment for the capital sentence. 
 Foscari's motion found only eight supporters, while 
 for the original motion there were nineteen. The 
 sentence of death was at once carried to the count. 
 That same evening, about the hour of vespers, Car- 
 magnola's guards led him to the piazza. He was 
 dressed with great care and splendour in crimson 
 Velvet and a velvet cap alia Carmagnola. There, 
 between the two square columns at the south-west 
 corner of Saint Mark's, his head was severed from 
 his body at the third blow. He was buried with 
 considerable pomp in the Church of Santa Maria 
 Gloriosa dei Frari ; but shortly afterwards his body 
 is supposed to have been removed to San Francesco 
 
 in Milan.* 
 
 In less than six weeks Venice had taken a full 
 revenge for more than six years of disappointment. 
 The republic had opened the war against Milan with 
 a distinct object in view, and a belief that she had 
 found the man to carry it out. She made a mistake 
 in relying upon the continuance of Carmagnola's 
 first rage against the duke. She was baulked of her 
 
 * This church was destroyed in 1798 to make way for 
 barracks ; it is probable that the body of Carmagnola disappeared 
 then. There was a tradition that the count's head was placed 
 in an urn above the door leading to the cloisters of the Frari. 
 In February, 1874, this urn was opened, and not only a head, 
 but a whole body was found ; but the vertebrae of the neck had 
 not been severed, so that it could not be the body of Carmagnola. 
 I am indebted for the above information to the courtesy of Sig. 
 Guiseppe Rondani, secretary to the municipality of Carmagnola, 
 who most kindly placed at my disposal the correspondence of 
 that town with various societies in Milan and Venice, relating 
 to their search for the remains, of the count. 
 
CARMAGNOLA, A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 177 
 
 desire and placed in a dilemma, the inevitable result 
 of employing mercenary arms. She freed herself 
 by the only course open to her. Carmagnola, on 
 the other hand, acted as a true captain of adventure, 
 thinking chiefly of his own interests, holding his 
 employers and their desires in small account ; not 
 openly and positively a traitor to them, but traitorous 
 in so far that he cared but little for their success. 
 He had the misfortune to be stupid and to have 
 Venice for a mistress. He hardly knew his peril 
 between the republic and the duke of Milan, who 
 pursued and accomplished his ruin with a success 
 that did not always wait upon his dark designs. Car- 
 magnola, in short, took the chances of the perilous 
 game of adventure. He came very near to winning 
 the highest prize, but he forgot the one chance against 
 him, the power and the solvency of Venice. For his 
 mistake he paid the price with his head. 
 
 N 
 
THE STATE ARCHIVES AND THE 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE VENE- 
 TIAN REPUBLIC* 
 
 In recent years a new tendency has been given to 
 historical studies by the avidity with which scholars 
 have investigated the masses of state documents 
 accumulated almost untouched, through centuries, in 
 the Record Offices of various nations. This tendency 
 has been in the direction of minuteness and accuracy 
 of detail. The finer shades of policy, the subtler 
 turns in the game of nations, have been revealed by 
 this intimate study of the documents which record 
 them. Among the archives of Europe there is none 
 superior, in historical value and richness of minutiae, 
 to the archives of the Venetian republic, preserved 
 now in the convent of the Frari at Venice. The 
 importance of these archives is due to three causes : 
 the position of the republic in the history of Europe, 
 
 * In this essay I am much indebted to the following, among 
 other works: — Baschet, " Les Archives de Venise" (Paris : 1870), 
 and "Souvenirs d'une Mission" (Paris: 1857); "II regio 
 Archivio Generale di Venezia " (Venice : 1875); "Calendar of 
 State Papers : Venice," vol. i. ; Sir T. Duffus Hardy's Report on 
 the Archives ; Giannotti, " Delia Rep. de Viniziani " (Firenze : 
 1850) ; St. Disdier, " La Ville et Rep. de Venise " (Paris : 1680) ; 
 Amelot della Houssaye, " Histoire du Gouvernement de Venise" 
 (Paris: 1667). 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 179 
 
 the fullness of the archives themselves, and the 
 remarkable preservation and order which distinguishes 
 them, in spite of the many dangers and vicissitudes 
 through which they have passed. 
 
 Venice enjoyed a position, unique among the states 
 of Europe, for two reasons. Until the discovery of 
 the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, she was 
 the mart of Europe in all commercial dealings with 
 the East — a position secured to her by her supremacy 
 in the Levant, and by the strength of her fleet ; and, 
 in the second place, the republic was the bulwark of 
 Europe against the Turk. These are the two dominant 
 features of Venice in general history ; and under both 
 aspects she came into perpetual contact with every 
 European power. The universal importance of her 
 position is faithfully reflected in the diplomatic 
 documents contained in her archives. The republic 
 maintained ambassadors and residents at every court 
 These men were among the most subtle and accom- 
 plished diplomatists of their time, and the govern- 
 ment they served was exacting and critical to the 
 highest degree. The result is that the despatches, 
 news-letters, and reports of the Venetian diplomatic 
 agents, form the most varied, brilliant, and singular 
 gallery of portraits, whether of persons or of peoples, 
 that exists. There is hardly a nation in Europe that 
 will not find its history illustrated by the papers 
 which belong to the Venetian department for foreign 
 affairs. Nor are the papers which relate to the home 
 government of the republic less copious and valuable. 
 Each magistracy has its own series of documents, the 
 daily record of its proceedings : in these we find the 
 
i8o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 whole of that elaborate machinery of state laid bare 
 before us in all its intricacy of detail ; and we are en- 
 abled to study the construction, the origin, development, 
 and ossification, of one of the most rigid and enduring 
 constitutions that the world has ever seen ; a constitu- 
 tion so strong in its component parts, so compact in 
 its rib-work, that it sufficed to preserve a semblance 
 of life in the body of the republic long after the heart 
 and brain had ceased to beat. 
 
 Admirable as are the preservation and order of 
 these masses of state papers, it is not to be expected 
 that each series, each magisterial archive, should be 
 complete. There are many broad lacunae, especially 
 in the earlier period, which must ever be a cause for 
 regret : for Venice growing is a more attractive and 
 profitable subject than Venice dying. During the 
 nine hundred and eighty-seven years that the govern- 
 ment of the republic held its seat in Venice, the state 
 papers passed through many dangers from fire, revo- 
 lution, neglect, or carelessness. When we recall the 
 fires of 1230, 1479, 1574, and 1577, it is rather matter 
 for congratulation that so much has escaped, than for 
 surprise that so much has been destroyed. The 
 losses would, undoubtedly, have been much more 
 severe had all the papers and documents been pre- 
 served in one place, as they are now. But the Vene- 
 tians stored the archives of the various magistracies 
 either at the offices of those magistrates, or in some 
 public building especially set apart for the purpose. 
 The secret chancellery, which was always an object 
 of great solicitude, containing as it did all the more 
 private papers of the state, was deposited in a room 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. i8i 
 
 on the second floor of the ducal palace. Many of 
 the criminal records belonging to the Council of Ten 
 were stored in the Piombi under the roof of the 
 palace ; and the famous adventurer Casanova relates 
 how he beguiled some of his prison hours by reading 
 the trial of a Venetian nobleman, which he found 
 among other papers piled at the end of the corridor 
 where he was allowed to take exercise. Soon after 
 the fall of the republic, the following disposition of 
 the papers was made. The political archive was 
 stored at the Scuola di S. Teodoro ; the judicial, at 
 the convent of S. Giovanni Laterano ; the financial, 
 at S. Provolo. In the year 1815 the Austrian govern- 
 ment resolved to collect and arrange all state papers 
 in one place. The building chosen was the convent 
 of the Frari ; and the work was entrusted to Jacopo 
 Chiodo, the first director of the archives. The 
 scheme suggested by Chiodo has served as a basis for 
 the arrangement that has been already carried out, 
 or is still in hand. 
 
 Under the republic it was natural that access to 
 important diplomatic papers and to secrets of state 
 should be granted with reserve, and only to persons 
 especially authorized to make research. The directors 
 appointed by the Austrian government showed a 
 disposition to maintain that precedent ; and M. 
 Baschet relates that it was only by a personal appeal 
 to the emperor that he obtained access to the archives 
 of the Ten. The Italian government allow nearly 
 absolute liberty ; and nothing can exceed the courtesy 
 of the officials under their distinguished director, the 
 Commendatore Cecchetti. 
 
1 82 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Any attempt to explain the archives of Venice 
 and to display their contents, must be preceded by 
 a statement of the main features of the constitution 
 oi the republic upon which the order and the arrange- 
 ment of the archives is based. The constitution of 
 Venice has frequently been likened to a pyramid, 
 with the Great Council for its base and the doge for 
 apex. The figure is more or less correct ; but it is 
 a pyramid that has been broken at its edges by 
 time and by necessity. The political body was origi- 
 nally constructed in four groups, or tiers — if we are 
 to preserve the pyramidal simile — one rising above 
 the other. These four tiers were the Maggior Con- 
 siglio or Great Council, the Lower House ; the Pre- 
 gadi or Senate, the Upper House ; the Collegio, or 
 the Cabinet ; and the doge. The famous Council 
 of Ten and its equally famous commission, the three 
 inquisitors of state, did not enter into the original 
 scheme ; they are an appendix to the state, an 
 intrusion, a break in the symmetry of the pyramid. 
 Later on we shall explain their construction and 
 relation to the main body of government. For the 
 present we leave them aside, and confine our attention 
 to the four departments of the Venetian constitution 
 above mentioned. 
 
 The Great Council, as is well known, did not 
 assume its permanent form and place in the Venetian 
 constitution till the year 1296. At that date the 
 famous revolution, known as the closing of the Great 
 Council, took place. By that act, which was only the 
 final step in a revolution that had been for long in 
 process, those citizens who were excluded from the 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION, 183 
 
 Great Council remained for ever outside the constitu- 
 tion ; all functions of government were concentrated 
 in the hands of those nobles who were included by the 
 council ; the constitution of the republic was stereo- 
 typed as a rigid oligarchy. Previous to the year 1296, 
 a great council had existed, created first in the reign 
 of Pietro Ziani(ii72); but this council was really 
 democratic in character, not oligarchic ; it was elected 
 each September, and its members were chosen from 
 the whole body of the citizens. Earlier still than the 
 reign of Ziani, the population used to meet tumult- 
 uously and express their opinion upon matters of 
 public interest, such as the election of a doge or a 
 declaration of war, first in the Condone under their 
 tribunes, while Venetia was still a confederation of 
 lagoon-islands ; and then in the Arengo under their 
 doge, when the confederation was centralized at 
 Rialto. But of these assemblies the latter was dis- 
 orderly and irregular, and the former was of doubtful 
 authority. It is from the closing of the Great Council 
 that we must date the positive establishment of the 
 Venetian oligarchy, and the completion of that con- 
 stitution which endured for five hundred years, from 
 1296 till the fall of the Republic in 1797. 
 
 The age at which the young nobles might take 
 their seats in the council, that is to say, might enter 
 upon public life, was fixed at twenty-five, except in 
 the cases of the Barbarelli, or thirty nobles between 
 the ages of twenty and twenty-five, who were elected 
 by ballot on the fourth of each December, St. Bar- 
 bara's Day ; and in the case of those who, in return 
 for money advanced to the state, obtained a special 
 
l84 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 grace to take their seats before their twenty-fifth 
 year. 
 
 The chief functions of the Great Council were the 
 passing of laws and the election of magistrates. But 
 in process of time the legislative duties of the council 
 were almost entirely absorbed by the Senate ; and 
 the Maggior Consiglio only retained its great and 
 distinguishing function, the election of almost every 
 officer of state, from the doge downwards. The large 
 number of these magistracies, and the various seasons 
 of the year at which they fell vacant, engaged the 
 Great Council in a perpetual series of elections. It is 
 not our intention to explain in detail the elaborate 
 process by which the Venetians carried out their 
 political elections ; such an explanation would carry 
 us beyond our scope, which is to state the position 
 and functions of each member in the constitution of 
 the republic. But, briefly, the process was this. The 
 law required either two or four competitors for every 
 vacant magistracy, and the election to that magistracy 
 was said to take place a due or a qitattro mani, 
 respectively. If the office to be filled required quattro 
 mani, the whole body of the Great Council balloted 
 for four groups of nine members each, who were 
 chosen by drawing a golden ball from among the 
 silver ones in the balloting urn. Each of these 
 groups retired to a separate room, and there each 
 group elected one candidate to go to the poll for the 
 vacant office. The names of the four candidates 
 were then presented to the council and balloted. 
 The candidate who secured the largest number of 
 votes, above the half of those present, was elected to 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 185 
 
 the vacant office. Thus the election to a magistracy 
 was a triple process ; first, the election of the nomi- 
 nators, then the election of the candidates, and finally 
 the election to the office. 
 
 The Great Council, as representing the whole 
 republic, possessed certain judicial functions, which 
 were used on rare occasions only, when the state 
 believed itself placed in grave danger through the 
 fault of its commanders. The famous case of Vettor 
 Pisani, after his defeat at Pola, in 1379, and the case 
 of Antonio Grimani, in the year 1499, were both sent 
 to the grand council, who passed sentence on those 
 generals. But, broadly speaking, the judicial functions 
 of the Maggior Consiglio hardly existed, its legislative 
 functions dwindled away, and were absorbed by the 
 Senate, and its chief duty and prerogative lay in the 
 election of almost every state official. 
 
 Coming now to the second tier in the pyramid of 
 the constitution, the Senate, or Pregadi — the invited — 
 we find that the Senate proper was composed of sixty 
 members, elected in the Great Council, six at a time. 
 The elections took place once a week, and were so 
 arranged that they should be complete by the first of 
 October in each year. In addition to the Senate 
 proper, another body of sixty, called the Zonta or 
 addition, was elected by the outgoing Senate at the 
 close of its year of office ; but it was necessary that 
 the names of the Zonta should be approved by the 
 Great Council before their election was valid. The 
 Senate and the Zonta together formed one hundred 
 and twenty members ; and besides these, the doge, 
 his six councillors, the Council of Ten, the supreme 
 
iS6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 court of appeal, and many special magistrates, who 
 presided over departments of finance, customs, and 
 justice, belonged ex officio to the Senate, and brought 
 the number of votes up to two hundred and forty-six. 
 Further, fifty-one magistrates of minor departments 
 also sat, with the right to debate, but without the 
 right to vote. 
 
 The Senate was the real core of the administra- 
 tion. The presence, ex officio, of so many and such 
 various officers of state sufficiently indicates the wide 
 field which was covered by the authority of the 
 Pregadi. The large number of the senatorial body, 
 and the diversity of subjects with which it dealt, 
 required that business should be carried on with 
 parsimony of time and precision of method ; and 
 therefore private members were restricted to the right 
 of debate. Only the doge, his councillors, the savii 
 grandi, and the savii di terra ferma had the right to 
 move the Senate ; and their propositions related to 
 peace, war, foreign affairs, instructions to ambassadors 
 and representatives of foreign courts, to commercial 
 treaties, finance, and home legislation. The various 
 measures were spoken to by their proposers, and by 
 the magistrates whose offices they affected. As in 
 the case of the Great Council, the Senate also on rare 
 occasions exercised judicial functions. It was in the 
 discretion of the College to send a faulty commander 
 for trial either to the Great Council or to the Senate ; 
 but in that case the charge must be one of negligence 
 or misjudgment; if the charge implied treason, it was 
 taken before the Council of Ten. A few of the 
 higher officers of state were elected in the Senate, 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 187 
 
 among them the savii grandi and the savii di terra 
 ferma, and the admiral of the fleet. The functions of 
 the Senate were legislative, judicial, and elective. 
 But just as the Great Council was pre-eminently the 
 elective body, so the Senate was pre-eminently the 
 legislative body in the constitution of Venice. 
 
 The Collegio, or Cabinet of ministers, formed the 
 third tier in the pyramid. The College was composed 
 of the following members : the doge, his six coun- 
 cillors, and the three chiefs of the court of appeal ; 
 these ten persons formed the collegio minore, or 
 serenissima signoria ; in addition to these there were 
 the six savii grandi, the five savii di terra ferma, and 
 the five savii da mar ; a body of twenty-six persons 
 in all, forming the College. Beginning with the lowest 
 in rank, the savii agli ordini, or da mar, were, as their 
 name implies, a Board of Admiralty ; but they acted 
 in that capacity under the orders of the savii grandi, 
 upon whom the naval affairs of the republic imme- 
 diately depended. The savii agli ordini had a vote 
 but no voice in the College ; this post was given, for 
 the most part, to young and promising politicians ; 
 it was a training school for statesmen : " Officio loro," 
 says Giannotti, "e tacere ed ascoltare." The office 
 lasted for six months only ; and so there was a 
 constant stream of young men passing through the 
 political school, and becoming intimately acquainted 
 with the affairs of the republic and the methods of 
 government. How excellent that school must have 
 been will become apparent as we proceed to note the 
 functions of the College, of which the savii agli ordini 
 formed a silent part. 
 
i88 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Next in order above the savii agli ordini came 
 the savii di terra ferma. This board was composed 
 of five members ; the savio alia scrittura, or minister 
 for war ; the savio cassier, or chancellor of the 
 exchequer ; the savio alle ordinanze, or minister for 
 the native militia in the cities on the mainland ; the 
 savio ai da mo, or minister for the execution of all 
 measures voted urgent ; the savio ai ceremoniali, or 
 minister for ceremonies of state. These savii di 
 terra ferma, like the savii agli ordini, held office for 
 six months only. 
 
 The six savii grandi, who came above the savii di 
 terra ferma, superintended the actions of the two 
 boards below them, and, if necessary, issued orders 
 which would override those of the other ministers. 
 They were, in fact, the responsible directors of the 
 state. The savii grandi were required to prepare all 
 business to be laid before the College, where it was 
 first discussed and arranged before being submitted 
 to the Senate for approval. To facilitate this labour 
 of preparation, each of the savii grandi took a week 
 in turn, and the savio of the week was in fact prime 
 minister of Venice. It was he who read despatches, 
 granted audiences to ambassadors, and prepared 
 official replies. The doge presided in the College, it 
 is true, but it was the savio of the week who opened 
 the business, and suggested the various measures to 
 be adopted. 
 
 Besides these boards of savii, the College included 
 the ducal councillors, and the three chiefs of the 
 court of appeal. We shall speak of these latter when 
 we come to the judicial department of the constitution. 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 189 
 
 The office of ducal councillor was, perhaps, the most 
 venerable in Venice. These six men held, as it were, 
 the ducal honours and functions in commission ; they 
 embodied the authority of the doge to such an extent, 
 that without their presence he could not act ; he 
 became a nonentity unless supported by four at least 
 of his council ; while, on the other hand, the absence 
 of the doge in no way diminished the authority of the 
 ducal councillors. For example, the doge without 
 his council could not preside, neither in the Maggior 
 Consiglio, nor in the Senate, nor in the College ; but 
 four ducal councillors had the power to preside with- 
 out the doge. The doge might not open despatches 
 except in the presence of his council, but his council 
 might open despatches in the absence of the doge. 
 Yet, great as were the external honours of the ducal 
 councillors, the office was rather ornamental than im- 
 portant. It was the savii grandi who were the direct- 
 ing spirit through all the multitudinous affairs of the 
 College. As we have seen, those affairs embraced the 
 whole field of government, except the field of justice. 
 The College had no judicial functions, nor did it 
 legislate. As the Maggior Consiglio was the elective 
 member, and the Senate the legislative, so the College 
 was the initiative and executive member in the state. 
 The College proposed measures which became law in 
 the Senate ; and the execution of those laws was 
 entrusted to the College, which had the machinery 
 of state at its disposal. It is this right of initiating 
 which distinguishes the College ; and it is just upon 
 this point that the ducal councillors appear to have a 
 slight pre-eminence ; for the doge, his council, and the 
 
190 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 savii alone had the right to initiate in the Senate ; the 
 doge, his council, and the chiefs of the Ten alone 
 had the right to initiate in the Council of Ten ; the 
 doge and his council alone had the right to initiate in 
 the Maggior Consiglio. The doge and his council 
 alone move through all departments of government, 
 presiding and initiating, and embodying the spirit of 
 the republic ; and yet in no case is their power great ; 
 for the savii had more influence in the Senate, the 
 chiefs of the Ten in the Council of Ten ; and the Great 
 Council, where the doge and his councillors had the 
 field to themselves, was of little importance in the 
 direction of affairs. 
 
 At the apex of the constitutional pyramid we find 
 the doge.* The doge also had his distinctive functions 
 in the state ; his duties were ornamental rather than- 
 administrative. Though all the acts of the Govern- 
 ment were executed in his name, laws passed, 
 despatches sent, treaties made, and war declared, 
 yet it is not in these departments that the doge 
 stands pre-eminent ; it is throughout the pomp and 
 display of the republic that he is supreme ; and the 
 archive wherein his glory shows most brightly is the 
 Ceremoniali. 
 
 The doge was elected for .life. When a doge 
 died, the eldest ducal councillor filled the office of 
 vice-doge until the election of the new prince. The 
 remains of the deceased doge were laid out in the 
 chamber of the Pioveghi, on th^ first floor of the ducal 
 palace, dressed in robes of state, the mantle of cloth 
 of gold, and the ducal biretta. Twenty Venetian 
 
 * See Checchetti, "II Doge di Venezia" (Venezia : 1864). 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION, 191 
 
 noblemen were appointed to attend in the chapelle 
 ardente. On the third day the doge was buried ; and 
 the Great Council on the same day elected the officers 
 who were to revise the coronation oath, and to render 
 its provisions more stringent if the conduct of the 
 deceased had revealed any point where a future doge 
 could exercise even the smallest independence in 
 constitutional matters. At the same time the council 
 elected another body of officers, who were required to 
 examine the conduct of the late doge, and, if he had 
 violated his coronation oath, his heirs paid the penalty 
 by a fine. Immediately after the appointment of 
 these officers, the Maggior Consiglio proceeded to 
 create the forty-one electors to the dukedom. The 
 process of election was long and intricate, and occu- 
 pied five days at the least ; for there was a quintuple 
 series of ballots and votings to be concluded before 
 the forty-one were finally chosen. When the forty- 
 one noblemen had been appointed, they were taken 
 to a chamber specially prepared for them, where, as 
 in the case of a papal election, they were obliged to 
 stay until they had determined upon the new doge. 
 They were bound by oath never to reveal what 
 took place inside this election chamber. But that 
 oath was not always observed in the spirit ; and 
 memoranda of certain proceedings of the forty-one are 
 still preserved in the private archives of the Marcello 
 family. The first step was to elect three priors, or 
 presidents, and two secretaries. The presidents took 
 their seats at a table on which stood a ballot-box and 
 an urn. The secretaries gave to every elector a slip of 
 paper, upon which each one wrote the name of the 
 
192 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 man whom he proposed as doge. The forty-one slips 
 of paper were then placed in the urn, and one was 
 drawn out at hazard. If the noble, whose name was 
 written upon the slip, chanced to be an elector, he 
 was required to withdraw. Then each of the electors 
 was at liberty to attack the candidate, to point out 
 defects and recall misdeeds.* These hostile criticisms, 
 which covered the whole of a candidate's private 
 life, his physical qualities and his public conduct, 
 were written down by the secretaries, and the can- 
 didate was recalled. The objections urged against 
 him were read over to the aspirant, without the 
 names of the urgers appearing, and he was invited 
 to defend himself. Attack and defence continued till 
 no further criticisms were offered, and then the name 
 of the candidate was balloted before the priors. If it 
 received twenty-five favourable votes, its owner was 
 declared doge ; if less than twenty-five, a fresh name 
 was drawn from the urn, and the whole process was 
 repeated until some candidate secured the necessary 
 five and twenty votes. As soon as this issue was 
 reached, the Signoria was informed of the result, and 
 the new doge, attended by the electors, descended to 
 Saint Mark's, where, from the pulpit on the left side 
 of the choir, the prince was shown to the people, and 
 where, before the high altar, he took the coronation 
 oath and received the standard of Saint Mark. The 
 great doors of the Basilica were then thrown open, 
 and the doge passed in procession round the piazza 
 and returned to the Porta della Carta. At the top of 
 the Giants' Stair the eldest ducal councillor placed 
 * See the Marcello MS. 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 193 
 
 the biretta on his head, and he was brought to the 
 Sala dei Pioveghi, where the late doge had lain in 
 state, and where he too would one day come. Then 
 the doge retired to his private apartment, and the 
 ceremony of election closed. 
 
 As we have already observed, the position of the 
 doge in the republic of Venice was almost purely 
 ornamental. The doge presided, either in person or 
 by commission through his councillors, at every 
 council of state ; he presided, however, not as a 
 guiding and deliberating chief, but as a symbol of 
 the majesty of Venice. He is there not as an indi- 
 vidual, a personality, but as the outward and visible 
 sign of an idea, the idea of the Venetian oligarchy. 
 The history of the personal authority of the doge 
 falls into three periods. A period of great vigour 
 and almost despotic power dates from the foundation 
 of the dukedom, in the year 697, down to the reign 
 of Pietro Ziani in 1172. During this first period, the 
 ducal authority showed a tendency to become con- 
 centrated, and almost hereditary in the hands of one 
 or two powerful families. For example, we have 
 seven doges of the Partecipazio house, five doges of 
 the Candiani, and three of the Orseoli. But the 
 rivalry and balanced power of these great families 
 eventually exhausted one another, and preserved the 
 dukedom of Venice from ever becoming a kingdom. 
 A second period extends from the year 1172 down 
 to 1457, and is marked by the emergence of the great 
 commercial houses, and the development of the 
 oligarchy upon the basis of a Great Council. The 
 aristocracy during this period were engaged in ex- 
 
 O 
 
194 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 eluding the people from any share in the government, 
 and in curbing and finally crushing the authority of 
 the doge. The steps in this process are indicated by 
 the closing of the Great Council, the revolution of 
 Tiepolo, the trials of Marino Faliero, Lorenzo Celsi, 
 and the Foscari. The third period covers what 
 remains of the republic, from 1457 down to 1797. 
 During this period the doge was little other than the 
 figurehead of the republic ; the point of least weight 
 and greatest splendour ; the brilliant apex to the 
 pyramid of the Venetian constitution. 
 
 So far, then," we have examined the four tiers in 
 the original structure of the constitution, the doge, 
 the College, the Senate, and the Great Council ; and 
 we have seen that, broadly speaking, these were, 
 respectively, ornamental, initiative and executive, 
 legislative and elective. But this pyramid of the con- 
 stitution was not perfectly symmetrical ; its edges 
 were broken. This interruption of outline was caused 
 by the Council of Ten. The exact position in the 
 Venetian constitution occupied by this famous council, 
 and its relations to the other members of the govern- 
 ment, have proved a constant source of difficulty and 
 error to students of Venetian history. Leaving aside 
 the obscure problem of the origin of the Ten, it is 
 still possible for us to indicate the constitutional 
 necessity which called that council into existence. 
 As we have pointed out, the College could not act 
 on its own responsibility without the Senate ; the 
 Senate could not initiate without the College, for the 
 preparation of all affairs passed through the hands 
 of the College. To establish connection between 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 195 
 
 these two branches of the administration was a pro- 
 cess that required some time ; it could not be done 
 swiftly and secretly. In all crises of political import- 
 ance, whether home or foreign, some instrument, 
 more expeditious than the Senate, was required to 
 sanction the propositions of the College. That instru- 
 ment, acting swiftly and secretly, with a speed and 
 secrecy impossible in so large a body as the Senate, 
 was created with the Council of Ten. The Ten were 
 an extraordinary magistracy, devised to meet unex- 
 pected pressure upon the ordinary machine of govern- 
 ment. The history of the emergence of the Ten proves 
 this view. Without determining whether the council 
 existed previous to the year 13 10, we may take that 
 year as the date of its first appearance as a potent 
 clement in the state. The rebellion of Tiepolo and 
 Querini, an aristocratic revolt against the growing 
 power of the new commercial nobility, paralyzed the 
 ordinary machinery of state, and revealed the danger 
 inherent in a large and slow-moving body of rulers. 
 The Ten were called to power by the Venetians, just 
 as the Romans created the dictatorship, in order to 
 save the state in a dangerous crisis. 
 
 The place of the Ten in the constitutional structure 
 is below the College and parallel with the Senate. 
 Below the College the administration bifurcates ; the 
 ordinary course of business flows through the Senate, 
 the extraordinary through the Ten. The Ten pos- 
 sessed an authority equal to that of the Senate ; the 
 choice of which instrument should be used rested 
 with the College. The Ten appear to be of more 
 importance than the Senate, solely because they were 
 
196 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 used upon more critical and dramatic occasions. 
 Wherever the machinery of the College and Senate 
 moves too slowly, we find the swifter machinery of 
 the College and the Ten in motion. And so not only 
 in poHtical affairs, home and foreign, but also in 
 affairs financial and judicial, the Council of Ten takes 
 its part. The Ten, as being the readier instrument 
 to the hands of the College, gradually absorbed more 
 and more of the functions which originally belonged 
 to the Senate. This process of absorption, and the 
 extension of the province of the Ten, is marked by 
 the establishment of its sub-commissions, which took 
 their place in every department side by side with the 
 delegations of the Senate and the ordinary magis- 
 trates. In politics and foreign affairs there is the 
 famous office of the three inquisitors of state. In 
 the region of justice all cases of treason and coining, 
 and certain cases of outrage on public morals, came 
 before the Ten ; and it was always open to the 
 College to remove a case from the ordinary courts 
 to the Ten, when state reasons rendered it expedient 
 to do so. In the police department the Esecutori con- 
 tro la Bestemmia, and in finance the Camerlenghi, were 
 officers of that council. In the War Office the artillery 
 was under their control ; and in the arsenal certain 
 galleys, marked CX., were always at their disposal. 
 
 These five great members of the state, four regular 
 and one irregular, formed the political and legislative 
 departments of the Venetian government. It remains 
 now to give a brief account of the judicial machinery 
 of the republic before proceeding to examine the 
 papers which belong to these various departments. 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 197 
 
 In the administration of justice all cases, criminal 
 as well as civil, were broadly divided into cases arisin^c^ 
 in the city itself, di deiitro, and cases arising on the 
 mainland or elsewhere throughout the Dominion, 
 known as cases di fuori. In Dalmatia, the Levant, and 
 on the mainland, justice was administered, in the first 
 instance, by officers who bore most frequently the 
 title of rector. In Venice cases were tried, in the 
 first instance, before various special courts, each 
 having jurisdiction in certain cases only. Among 
 these courts we may mention the police courts of 
 the signori di notte and the cinque alia pace ; the 
 court of the Pioveghi, which decided cases of con- 
 tract ; the Sanitary court, the Jews' court, the 
 Strangers' court. From all these courts of first 
 instance, in the Dominion as well as in Venice, there 
 was an appeal to the supreme courts. The courts 
 of appeal were four in number; the quarantia crimi- 
 nale, the quarantia vecchia civile, the quarantia 
 nuova civile, and the collegio delle biade. To begin 
 with the lowest in authority ; the collegio delle biade 
 was a court composed of twenty-two judges, whose 
 duty was to try civil cases on appeal, both di dentro 
 and di fuori, in which the value at stake stood be- 
 tween fifty and three hundred ducats. The cases 
 di dentro and the cases di fuori were heard by this 
 court in alternate months. As the court was com- 
 posed of twenty- two members, it might be equally 
 divided ; in that case the cause was sent up to the 
 appeal courts above ; to the quarantia vecchia, if it 
 were an appeal di dentro ; to the quarantia nuova, if 
 it were an appeal di Jiiori. 
 
198 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 The quarantia vecchia civile and the quarantia 
 nuova civile were two courts, composed of forty 
 judges each, whose duties were to try appeal cases 
 where the stake stood above the value of three 
 hundred ducats. Cases di dentro went before the 
 old court, cases di fiiori were heard in the new court. 
 The forty judges of the quarantia nuova were elected 
 in the Great Council ; they were required to be 
 above the age of thirty. These forty judges served 
 eight months in the quarantia nuova, and then moved 
 on to the quarantia vecchia, where they served a 
 second eight months ; they then passed into the 
 quarantia criminale for a third period of eight months. 
 The Great Council elected a new quarantia nuova 
 every eight months ; and a nobleman's term of 
 judicial service lasted for twenty-four months, in all ; 
 after which he was ineligible for re-election till eight 
 months had elapsed. If the new court were equally 
 divided on a case of appeal, the cause passed into 
 the old court, and vice versa ; if the courts, upon 
 this second hearing, were still equally divided, the 
 case was sent up to the Senate, upon a motion made 
 in the Great Council. 
 
 The quarantia criminale tried all criminal cases of 
 appeal, both di dentro and di fuori ; but whereas the 
 two other quarantie were purely courts of appeal, the 
 quarantia criminale had the power to cite criminal cases 
 before it in the first instance. The criminal appeal 
 court was the most ancient and honourable court in 
 Venice; its three presidents sat ex officio in the Col- 
 legio, and were members of the Signoria, accompany- 
 ing the doge whenever he presided at any council, and 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION, 199 
 
 embodying and representing the spirit of Justice in the 
 Venetian constitution. The three presidents of the 
 criminal court held their seats in the Signoria for two 
 months at a time, and were then succeeded by other 
 three. During their absence from their own court 
 their place was taken by three ducal councillors, 
 called the consiglieri da basso, who represented the 
 doge by the side of Justice, as the presidents repre- 
 sented Justice by the side of the doge. 
 
 Each of the three quarantie had three officials 
 permanently attached to the court for the purpose of 
 preparing and explaining the case to be submitted to 
 the forty judges. The officers of the criminal court 
 were called the avvogadori di commun ; those of the 
 old civil court were called auditori vecchi ; those of 
 the new civil court were called auditori nuovi. If a 
 suitor wished to appeal against the decision of a rector 
 in a civil suit, he came to Venice and saw the auditori 
 nuovi. They cited both parties before them, and 
 heard the case exactly as it had been pleaded before 
 the rector. If one or more of the auditori held that 
 the appeal ought to lie, then, supposing the value in 
 dispute to be below fifty ducats, the auditori them- 
 selves heard the case ; but if the value was above fifty 
 and under three hundred ducats, the case was sent to 
 the coUegio delle biade ; if the value exceeded three 
 hundred ducats, the case went before the quarantia 
 nuova. The appellant caused the clerk of the court 
 to enter his case on the list in pursuance of an order 
 from the auditori ; and the cases were taken in order 
 of date, except cases between members of a family, or 
 cases affecting a ward or perishable goods, and these 
 
200 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 had the precedence. The presidents were bound to 
 yield the court to the appellant as soon as possible ; 
 and when the case had been called on, it might not 
 occupy more than three days. The auditori who 
 had allowed the appeal were bound to defend it before 
 the court, and to show reason why they had permitted 
 the court to be moved. No advocate might speak for 
 more than an hour and a half measured by a sand 
 glass ; but that hour and a half did not include the 
 time occupied in reading papers. When the pleadings 
 were closed, the court arrived at its judgment by 
 vote. Three kinds of vote were possible : the vote 
 tagliare, to quash the judgment of the court below ; 
 the vote lodare, to confirm that judgment ; or the 
 vote no?t sinceri, undecided. If the votes tagliare 
 exceeded the votes lodare and non sinceri taken to- 
 gether, the case was sent down again to the original 
 court. If the votes lodare exceeded the votes tagliare 
 and non sinceri, the judgment of the court was con- 
 firmed. But if neither of these results were reached, 
 the court heard the case again, minus the non sinceri 
 voters. This same method of procedure was observed 
 in the other quarantie ; but if the quarantia criminale 
 quashed a judgment, the case was not sent down to 
 the original court ; the quarantia itself passed the 
 final sentence. 
 
 In many cases appeal, which implied a journey 
 to Venice, was too expensive for the poor of the 
 distant provinces. To meet this difficulty the audi- 
 tori nuovi were obliged to go circuit every two years 
 through the mainland towns, and three sindici da 
 mar through the towns of Dalmatia, Greece, and the 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 201 
 
 Levant, hearing appeals and citing them to Venice 
 when necessary. 
 
 The arrangements for the pay of justice were both 
 simple and efficient. The members of the criminal 
 forty received two-thirds of a ducat, and the members 
 of the other forties received one-third of a ducat each 
 every time they sat. The avvogadori, who had charge 
 of the criminal cases, were paid a fixed sum yearly 
 out of fines and confiscations. In civil cases the 
 plaintiff paid to the judge of first instance a certain 
 amount per cent, on the value at issue. If he 
 appealed, he paid the same amount again to the 
 auditori. If he won his appeal, he recovered from 
 the judge of first instance, who was therefore paid for 
 sound judgments only ; if he lost his appeal, he 
 recovered from the auditori, who were thus refused 
 payment for sending a case before the court which 
 the forty judges ignored ; and this regulation served 
 to protect the court of appeal from abuse ; for 
 frivolous appeals brought no pay to the auditori, and 
 were sure to be disallowed by them at the outset. 
 
 One of the most remarkable features in the Vene- 
 tian constitution is the infinite subdivision of govern- 
 ment, and the number of offices to be filled. Nobles 
 alone were eligible for the majority of these offices, 
 and if we consider how small a body the Great 
 Council really was, it is clear that the larger number 
 of Venetian noblemen must have been employed in 
 the service of the state at some time in their lives. 
 The great political and administrative activity which 
 reigned inside the comparatively small body that 
 formed the ruling caste, as compared with the absolute 
 
202 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 stagnation and quiet which marked the life of the 
 ordinary citizen, is one of the most noteworthy points 
 in the history of Venice. Every noble above the age 
 of twenty-five was a member of the Maggior Consiglio ; 
 every week that council was engaged in filling up some 
 office of state, had some new candidate before it. The 
 tenure of all offices, except the dukedom and the pro- 
 curatorship of St. Mark, was so brief, rarely exceed- 
 ing a year or sixteen months, that the fret and activity 
 of elections must have been nearly incessant. This 
 constant unrest bore its fruit in perpetual intrigues, 
 and censors were appointed to check the rampant 
 corruption and bribery. But the main point which 
 is impressed upon us is the universality of political 
 training to which all the nobles of Venice were 
 subjected. No matter how frivolous a young patri- 
 cian might be, he was obliged to sit in the Great 
 Council ; he would be called upon to assist in electing 
 the Ten, whose omniscience and severity he had every 
 reason to dread ; he might even find himself named 
 to fill some minor post. It was impossible, under 
 these circumstances, that he should fail to be educated 
 politically, or that he should ever lose the keenest 
 interest in every movement of the state. It is to this 
 political activity that we must look for one of the 
 reasons which conduced to that extraordinary long- 
 evity which the constitution of Venice displayed. 
 
 Each of the government offices, many as they 
 were, possessed its own collection of papers. These 
 are either still in loose sheets, just as they left the 
 office, or bound in volumes. They are indicated by 
 the name of the government department, the subject 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 203 
 
 dealt with, and the date. The papers are of three 
 kinds ; first, there are the files or filze, the original 
 minutes of the board, written down in actual council 
 by the secretaries, and with \\i^ filze are the despatches 
 or other documents upon which the council took 
 measures. In many of the more important depart- 
 ments, such as the Senate, the Ten, or the College, 
 these filze were epitomized ; the substance of each 
 day's business was written out in large volumes known 
 as " Registri ; " each entry was signed by the secretary 
 who had made the digest, and was accepted as 
 authentic for all purposes of reference. These 
 registers are, in many cases, of the greatest value 
 where the files have been destroyed or lost. They 
 were more constantly in use, and therefore more 
 carefully preserved ; and now they frequently form 
 our sole authority for certain periods. As a rule the 
 registers are very full and good ; they contain all 
 that is of importance in the files ; but in making 
 research upon any point it is never safe to ignore the 
 files where they exist. In some cases the secretaries 
 made a further digest of the registers in volumes 
 known as " Rubrics," which contain in brief the head- 
 ings of all materials to be found in the registers. As 
 the registers sometimes supply the place of lost files, so 
 the rubrics are occasionally our only authority where 
 registers and file are both missing. The rubrics are 
 often of the highest value. As an instance, we may 
 cite the twenty volumes of rubrics to the despatches 
 from England between the years 1603 and 1748. 
 The method of research, therefore, where all three 
 kinds of documents exist is this : to examine first the 
 
204 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 rubrics, then the registers, and then the files. But the 
 infinite subdivisions of the government ofifices in 
 Venice render the task of research somewhat be- 
 wildering ; and a student cannot be certain that he 
 has exhausted all the information on his subject, 
 until he has examined a large number of these minor 
 offices. He will probably find some notice of the 
 point he is examining in the papers of the Senate 
 or of the Ten, and if it be a matter of home affairs, 
 he can trace it thence through the various magistracies 
 under whose cognizance it would come ; or if it be 
 a matter of foreign policy, he will find further infor- 
 mation in the papers of the College. 
 
 Under the republic these collections of state 
 papers were not known as archives, but as chan- 
 celleries. The collections of highest interest, the 
 papers to which the student is most likely to turn 
 his attention, are those relating to the ceremony, 
 to the home, and to the foreign policy of Venice. 
 These three groups are contained in the ducal, the 
 secret, and the inferior chancelleries. The three 
 chancelleries were committed to the charge of the 
 grand chancellor and his staff of secretaries, who 
 received, arranged, and registered the official papers 
 as they issued from the various councils of state. 
 The grand chancellor was not a patrician ; he was 
 chosen from that upper class of commoners known as 
 cittadini originarii, an inferior order of nobility, rank- 
 ing below the governing caste, but bearing coat 
 armour. The office of grand chancellor was of great 
 dignity and antiquity, and was held for life. The 
 chancellor was head and representative of the people, 
 
THE VENETIAN- CONSTITUTION. 205 
 
 as the doge was head and representative of the 
 patricians ; and, when the nobility began to exclude 
 the people from all share in the government, the 
 grand chancellor was allowed to be present at all 
 sessions of the Great Council and of the Senate as the 
 silent witness of the people, confirming the acts of 
 the government, and bridging, though by the finest 
 thread, the gulf that otherwise separated the governed 
 from the governing. The part which the grand 
 chancellor took in the business of the Maggior Con- 
 siglio and of the Senate was a constant and an active 
 part. It was his duty to superintend the arrange- 
 ments for every election, to direct the secretaries in 
 attendance, to announce the names of the candidates 
 for office, and to proclaim the successful competitor. 
 His seat in the Great Council hall was on the left-hand 
 of the doge's dais, and his secretaries sat below him. 
 But the custody of the state papers was by far the 
 most important function which the grand chancellor 
 had to perform. To assist him in these labours he 
 was placed at the head of a large college of secretaries, 
 trained in a school especially established to fit them 
 for their duties. In the year 1443 a decree of the 
 (jreat Council required the doge and the Signoria 
 to elect each year twelve lads to be taught Latin, 
 rhetoric, and philosophy, and the number of the pupils 
 was gradually increased. From this school they 
 passed out by examination, and became first extra- 
 ordinaries and ordinaries, called notaries ducal, then 
 secretaries to the Senate, and finally secretaries to 
 the Ten. The post of secretary was one which re- 
 quired much diligence and discretion. The secretaries 
 
2o6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 were in constant attendance on the various councils 
 of state, and thus became intimately acquainted with 
 all the secret affairs of the republic. They were 
 frequently sent on delicate missions. It was a 
 secretary of the Ten who brought Carmagnola to 
 Venice to stand his trial ; and, as we shall presently 
 relate, it was a secretary of the Senate who announced 
 to Thomas Killigrew, the English minister, his dis- 
 missal from Venice. The secretaries were sometimes 
 accredited as residents to foreign courts, though they 
 were not eligible for the post of ambassador. Inside 
 the chancellery the secretaries were entirely at the 
 disposal of the grand chancellor, and their duties were 
 to study, to invent, and to read cipher ; to transcribe 
 the registers and rubrics ; to keep the annals of the 
 Council of Ten, and to enter the laws in the statute 
 book. 
 
 We may now turn our attention to the principal 
 series of state papers which issued from the five great 
 members of the constitution, the Maggior Con- 
 siglio, the Senate, the Ten, the College, and the doge, 
 and show how these papers were arranged under the 
 three chancelleries of which we have spoken. 
 
 The cancelleria inferiore was preserved in one 
 large room near the head of the Giants' Staircase in 
 the ducal palace, and was entrusted to the care of 
 the notaries ducal, the lowest order of secretaries. 
 The documents in this chancellery related chiefly 
 to the doge ; his rights, his official possessions, his 
 restrictions, and his state. Among these papers, 
 accordingly, we find the coronation oaths, the 
 reports of the commissioners appointed to examine 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 207 
 
 those oaths, and the reports of the commissioners 
 appointed to review the life of each doge deceased. 
 This series is valuable as revealing the steps by which 
 the aristocracy slowly curtailed the personal authority 
 of the doge, and bound his office about with iron 
 fetters, and crushed his power. In addition to these 
 papers the inferior chancellery contained the docu- 
 ments relating to the dignitaries of Saint Mark's in 
 its capacity as ducal chapel ; the order and ceremony 
 of the ducal household ; the expenditure of the civil 
 list ; and the archives of the procurators of Saint 
 Mark, which contained the wills, trusts, and bequests 
 of private citizens. 
 
 The ducal chancellery, which the Council of the 
 Ten once called " cor nostri status',' was preserved on 
 the upper floor of the palace, and was reached by the 
 Scala d'oro. The papers were arranged in a number 
 of cupboards surmounted by the arms of the various 
 grand chancellors who had presided in that office. 
 The documents of the ducal chancellery are of far 
 higher importance than those contained in the 
 cancelleria inferiore ; they consist of political papers 
 which it was not necessary to keep secret. Among 
 the many interesting series of documents which fell 
 to the ducal chancellory, the most valuable are the 
 " compilazione delle Leggi," or statute-books dis- 
 tinguished by the various colours of their bindings — 
 gold, roan, and green — to mark the statutes which 
 relate to the Maggior Consiglio, the Senate, and the 
 College respectively ; the " secretario allc voci," or 
 record of all elections in the Great Council ; the " libri 
 gratiarum/' or special privileges. But most important 
 
2o8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of all is the great series of documents which include 
 the whole legislation of the Senate relating to Venetian 
 affairs on sea and land. Of this vast series, those 
 marked Terra contain 3128 volumes of files, 411 
 volumes of registers, and 7 volumes of rubrics ; those 
 marked Mar number 1286 volumes of files, 247 
 volumes of registers, and 7 volumes of rubrics. It 
 will easily be seen how important the ducal chancel- 
 lery is, both for the verification of dates, and also as 
 displaying so large a tract of the Venetian home 
 administration. 
 
 But important as the ducal chancellery un- 
 doubtedly is, it cannot vie in interest with the 
 cancelleria secreta, which might, with every justice, 
 have been called '^ cor nostri status^' for it is in the 
 papers of that chancellery that the long history of the 
 growth, splendour, and decline of the republic is to 
 be traced in all its manifold details and complicated 
 relations. The secret chancellery was established by 
 a decree of the Great Council in the year 1402. Its 
 object was to preserve those papers of highest state 
 importance from the publicity to which the ducal 
 chancellery was exposed. The regulation of the 
 secret chancellery was undertaken by the Council of 
 Ten, and the rigorous orders which they issued from 
 time to time abundantly prove the difficulty they 
 experienced in securing the secrecy which they 
 desired. The secret chancellery became the deposi- 
 tory of all state papers of great moment ; and if we 
 take the chief members of the constitution in order, 
 and note the documents issuing from them which fell 
 to the custody of the secreta^ we shall see how the 
 
THE VENETIAN CCNSTITUTION. 209 
 
 great flow of Venetian history is to be followed 
 here rather than in any other department of the 
 archives. 
 
 To begin with the Maggior Consiglio, we have the 
 long series of registers containing the deliberations 
 of the council from the year 1232 down to the fall of 
 the republic in 1797, occupying forty-two volumes, and 
 distinguished, at first, by such capricious names as 
 "Capricomus,""Pilosus," "Presbiter," and "Fronesis;" 
 and later on by the names of the secretaries who 
 prepared them, " Ottobonus primus," "Ottobonus 
 filius," " Busenellus/' and "Vianolus." In the special 
 archive of the avvogadori di commun, a contemporary 
 series of registers is to be found ; it covers from 1232 
 to 1547, and should be consulted together with the 
 first series, for it is more voluminous and minute. 
 The first reference to England that occurs in the 
 Venetian archives is in the volume "Fronesis" (1318- 
 1385)- This, and all other documents relating to 
 Great Britain, have been collected and rendered 
 accessible in the splendid and monumental series of 
 the "Calendar of State Papers," edited with such 
 diligence and care by the late Mr. Rawdon Brown. 
 
 The Senate supplied a far larger number of papers 
 to the secret chancellery than that yielded by the 
 Great Council. This was to be expected, owing to 
 the central position of the Senate in the constitution, 
 and its prominent place in the management of 
 Venetian policy, home and foreign. The oldest 
 documents in the archives of Venice belong to the 
 Senate. They are contained in the volumes of pacts 
 or treaties, seven in number, without including the 
 
 P 
 
210 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 volume " Albus," which is devoted to treaties between 
 the republic and the Eastern Empire, or the volume 
 " Blancus," which contains the treaties between Venice 
 and the Emperors of the West. The thirty-three 
 volumes of "Commemoriali" formed a sort of com- 
 monplace book for the use of statesmen ; in them 
 were registered briefly the most important events 
 and abstracts of principal documents which passed 
 through the hands of the government. The " Com- 
 memoriali" cover the years 1293 to 1797; but after 
 the middle of the sixteenth century they were neg- 
 lected, and they are chiefly valuable down to that date 
 only. After the "Patti" and "Commemoriali" we 
 begin the record of the regular proceedings in the 
 Senate. This series contains papers relating to home 
 government, foreign policy, the dominions of Venice 
 on the mainland, in Dalmatia and the Levant, eccle- 
 siastical matters, relations with Rome, instructions to 
 ambassadors, and reports from governors. So widely 
 spread and so varied were the attributes of the Senate, 
 that the analysis of a single day's proceedings in that 
 house would prove most instructive to the student of 
 the Venetian constitution, and would, in all probability, 
 bring him into contact with a large number of the 
 leading magistracies of the republic. The series of 
 senatorial papers proceeds in almost unbroken com- 
 pleteness from the year 1293 down to the close of 
 the republic ; and, counting files, registers, and rubrics, 
 numbers 1599 volumes. This main series is known 
 by different names at different periods, and shows 
 signs of that tendency to subdivision which charac- 
 terizes all Venetian government offices. The volumes 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION, 211 
 
 which run from the year 1293 to 1440 were known as 
 " Registri misti;" those covering from 149 1 to 1630 
 were called "Registri secreti." After the year 1630 
 the papers of the Senate are divided into those 
 known as ** Corti," relating to foreign powers ; and 
 those known as " Rettori," relating to the government 
 of the Venetian dominion. 
 
 Besides this great series of " Deliberazioni," con- 
 taining the general movement of business in the 
 Senate, there is another voluminous series of docu- 
 ments, equally important, and even more interesting 
 to the student of general history — the despatches 
 received from Venetian representatives at foreign 
 courts, and the " Relazioni," or reports which ambassa- 
 dors read before the Senate upon their return from 
 abroad. Nothing can exceed the brilliancy of this 
 series ; and the value of the " Relazioni " at least has 
 been fully recognized. Yet it should be borne in 
 mind that the " Relazioni " are only a part of the 
 series, and that, taken alone and isolated from the 
 despatches, they lose much of their value. For we 
 must not forget that the " Relazioni " were drawn 
 up on more or less conventional lines ; the headings, 
 under which the report was to fall, were indicated by 
 the government, and were invariable ; and, further, 
 the home-coming ambassador handed his report 
 to his successor, who frequently used it as a basis in 
 drawing up his own. The result is that, except in 
 the descriptions of court life, and in the sketches 
 of prominent characters, the " Relazioni " are apt to 
 repeat themselves. But, taken with the despatches, 
 which arrived almost daily, they form the most 
 
212 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 varied, brilliant, and minute gallery of national por- 
 traits that the world possesses. The reports and 
 despatches were made by men whose whole political 
 training had rendered them the acutest of observers, 
 and they were presented to critics who were filled 
 with the keenest curiosity, and were accustomed to 
 demand full and precise information. Not a detail is 
 omitted as unimportant ; the diurnal gossip of the 
 court, the daily movements of the sovereign and his 
 favourites, are all recorded with impartial and un- 
 erring observation. The relation of the "Dispacci" to 
 the " Relazioni " is the relation of the study to the 
 picture. The " Relazioni " are the large canvas upon 
 which the whole nation is broadly depicted, the 
 "Dispacci" are the patient and minute studies upon 
 which the excellence of the picture depends. The 
 majority of the Venetian ''Relazioni" between the years 
 1492 and 1699 have been published ; the earlier part 
 by Signor Alberi, and the later by Signori Barozzi 
 and Berchet. The eighteenth century still remains 
 to be worked out. In the series of " Relazioni " and 
 " Dispacci," Great Britain occupies a comparatively 
 small space. While France, Germany, and Constan- 
 tinople, each give five volumes of reports, England 
 gives one only, dating from 153 1 to 1773. Of de- 
 spatches from England there are 139 volumes in all ; 
 while from Constantinople we have 242, from France 
 276, from Milan 230, and from Germany 202. 
 
 Previous to the year 1603, when the regular series 
 of despatches from England begins, there had been 
 intermittent relations between the republic and the 
 English court. Sebastian Giustiniani was Venetian 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 213 
 
 ambassador in London in the reign of Henry VIII. 
 (15 1 5-1 5 19); and in the reign of Mary, Giovanni 
 Michiel represented the republic for four years — from 
 1554 to 1558. The Protestant reign of Elizabeth 
 caused a long break, during which the republic re- 
 ceived its information about the affairs of England 
 from its ambassadors in France and Spain. Per- 
 manent relations were not resumed between the two 
 powers till the accession of James I., one of whose 
 earliest acts was to send Sir Henry Wotton to Venice 
 as his ambassador. The appointment of Sir Henry 
 Wotton was a movement of gratitude on the part of 
 the king ; and the cause of it cannot be better told 
 than in the words of Sir Henry's biographer, who 
 thus describes this " notable accident : " 
 
 " Immediately after Sir Henry Wotton's return 
 from Rome to Florence — which was about a year 
 before the death of Queen Elizabeth — Ferdinand the 
 Great, duke of Tuscany, had intercepted certain 
 letters, that discovered a design to take away the 
 life of James, the then king of Scots. The duke 
 abhorring this fact, and resolving to endeavour a 
 prevention of it, advised with his secretary Vietta, by 
 what means a caution might be best given to that 
 king ; and after consideration it was resolved to be 
 done by Sir Henry Wotton, whom Vietta first com- 
 mended to the duke, and the duke had noted and 
 approved of above all the English that frequented 
 his court. 
 
 " Sir Henry was gladly called by his friend Vietta 
 to the duke, who despatched him into Scotland with 
 letters to the king, and with those letters such Italian 
 
214 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 antidotes against poison as the Scots till then had 
 been strangers to. 
 
 ** Having parted from the duke, he took up the 
 name and language of an Italian ; and thinking it 
 best to avoid the line of English intelligence and 
 danger, he posted into Norway, and through that 
 country towards Scotland, where he found the king 
 at Stirling. Being there, he used means, by Bernard 
 Lindsey, one of the king's bed-chamber, to pro- 
 cure him a speedy and private conference with his 
 Majesty. 
 
 " This being by Bernard Lindsey made known to 
 the king, the king required his name — which was 
 said to be Octavio Baldi — and appointed him to be 
 heard privately at a fixed hour that evening. 
 
 "When Octavio Baldi came to the presence- 
 chamber door, he was requested to lay aside his 
 long rapier, — which, Italian-like, he then wore ; — and 
 being entered the chamber, he found there with the 
 king three or four Scotch lords standing distant in 
 several corners of the chamber ; at the sight of whom 
 he made a stand ; which the king observing, bade 
 him be bold and deliver his message ; for he would 
 undertake for the secrecy of all that were present. 
 Then did Octavio Baldi deliver his letters and 
 message to the king in Italian ; which when the 
 king had graciously received, after a little pause, 
 Octavio Baldi steps to the table, and whispers to the 
 king in his own language, that he was an Englishman, 
 beseeching him for a more private conference with 
 his Majesty, and that he might be concealed during 
 his stay in that nation ; which was promised and 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 215 
 
 really performed by the king, during all his abode 
 there, which was about three months. All which 
 time was spent with much pleasantness to the king, 
 and with as much to Octavio Baldi himself as that 
 country could afford ; from which he departed as 
 true an Italian as he came thither." 
 
 The presence of Sir Henry in Venice, where he 
 was a persona gratissima, both on account of his love 
 for Italy and his knowledge of the language, did much 
 to strengthen the new relations between England and 
 the republic. The feeling between Venice and the 
 Stuart kings became extremely cordial ; but on the 
 outbreak of the Civil War, in 1642, the republic sus- 
 pended the commission of Vincenzo Contarini, who 
 had been appointed to succeed Giovanni Giustinian 
 as ambassador to England. The secretary Girolamo 
 Agostino, however, continued to discharge Venetian 
 affairs till the year 1645 ; and his despatches contain 
 minute particulars concerning the progress of the 
 Civil War. In the year 1645, Agostino was recalled, 
 and the interests of Venice in England were entrusted 
 to Salvetti, the Florentine resident. Agostino left 
 behind him in England a secret agent, with instruc- 
 tions to forward a weekly report on the progress of 
 affairs to the Venetian ambassador in France, among 
 whose despatches we find these news-letters from 
 London. After the death of Charles I. it is not 
 likely that the republic would have been represented 
 at the court of Cromwell, towards whom the feeling 
 of Venice was not cordial, had she not been in great 
 straits for help against the Turk. But in the year 
 1652 she resolved to dismiss the representative of 
 
2i6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Charles II., then in Venice ; and, at the same time, 
 the government instructed the ambassador at Paris 
 to send his secretary, Lorenzo Pauluzzi, to London 
 to open negotiations with Cromwell. With Pauluzzi 
 the series of despatches from London recommences ; 
 but these despatches are to be found among the com- 
 munications from the Venetian ambassador in Paris, 
 by whom they were forwarded to the Senate. The 
 despatches of Pauluzzi are of great importance, and 
 give us a vivid though hostile picture of Cromwell 
 and his surroundings. In 1655 the negotiations be- 
 tween England and Venice had advanced so far that 
 the republic had determined to send an ambassador 
 extraordinary to the Protector's court. Giovanni 
 Sagredo, ambassador at Paris, was chosen. The 
 result of Sagredo's mission is contained in the long 
 and brilliant relazione which he read in the Senate 
 on his return to Venice in 1656. In this splendid 
 specimen of a Venetian report, to which we shall re- 
 turn in a subsequent essay, Sagredo gives, with singu- 
 lar lucidity and grasp, a brief sketch of the condition 
 of Great Britain ; of the causes of the Civil War ; 
 of Cromwell's rise to power ; of his foreign relations ; 
 and closes with a portrait of the Protector which 
 confirms Pauluzzi's unfavourable view, and draws a 
 terrible picture of that restlessness and dread which 
 clouded Cromwell's last days — *' piu temuto che 
 amato . . . vive con sempiterno sospetto." When 
 Sagredo returned to Venice, his secretary, Francesco 
 Giavarnia, was left behind in England, as Venetian 
 resident, and continued to hold that post till the 
 Restoration, sending despatches every week direct 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 217 
 
 to Venice, detailing the close of the Protectorate, and 
 the return of Charles II., whom he was the first to 
 welcome at Canterbury the day after his landing. In 
 1 661 the republic gladly reopened full relations with 
 the Stuarts. Giavarnia was superseded by two am- 
 bassadors extraordinary, who conveyed to Charles 
 two gondolas for the water in St. James's Park, and 
 from that date onwards the diplomatic connection 
 between England and the republic followed the 
 ordinary course. 
 
 We come now to the papers of the Council of Ten ; 
 all of these were committed to the custody of the 
 secret chancellery. We have already seen that the 
 Council of Ten was an extraordinary office, used upon 
 extraordinary occasions, where secrecy and speed 
 were required. Its chief occupations may be summed 
 up under three heads — safety of the state, protection 
 of citizens, and public morals. That being the case, 
 the number and interest of its documents is very great 
 — greater than that of any other council of state ; but 
 this interest is confined, for the most part, to matters 
 affecting the home policy of the republic ; foreign 
 affairs find comparatively little illustration among the 
 papers of the Ten. The series of documents, con- 
 taining the ordinary business of the Ten, dates from 
 the year 13 15 to the close of the republic. The 
 documents are arranged according to the matter they 
 deal with ; that is to say, political matter,/^r// communi 
 and secretly or criminal mditicr, parti crimminali. The 
 immense importance and interest attaching to the 
 papers of the Ten will be illustrated by the statement 
 that there we find the cases of Marino Faliero, of the 
 
2i8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Carraresi, of Carmagnola, of Foscari, of Caterina 
 Cornaro, and of Foscarini. 
 
 Among the papers of the Collegio we find our- 
 selves once more in the general current of foreign 
 politics. The ordinary proceedings of the College, 
 the papers containing the arrangement and discussion 
 of affairs to be presented to the Senate, are included 
 in the volumes of files and registers, known as the 
 '' Notatorii del Collegio." The College was entrusted, 
 as we have said, to receive all the representatives of 
 foreign powers and to open all letters and despatches 
 addressed to the government. It is in the three series 
 known as "Lettere Principi," " Esposizioni Principi," 
 and " Ceremoniali," that we obtain the fullest informa- 
 tion about the action of the agents from foreign courts 
 resident in Venice. The series called " Lettere Principi," 
 letters from royal personages, covers the years between 
 I5(X) and 1797, and is contained in fifty- four volumes 
 of filze. England is represented by two of these, 
 beginning with the year 1570, and ending with 1796, 
 entitled " Collegio, Secreta, Lettere. Re e Regina d'ln- 
 ghilterra." These volumes contain one hundred and 
 seventy-one letters, thus distributed among the various 
 sovereigns : there are thirteen in the reign of Eliza- 
 beth ; forty in that of James I. ; four in that of 
 Charles I. ; three from Oliver Cromwell ; one from 
 Richard Cromwell ; one from Speaker Lenthal ; ten 
 during the reign of Charles 11. ; five during that of 
 his brother ; three during the reign of William, 
 including one from the Chevalier ; seven in the 
 reign of Anne ; eight in that of George I. ; twenty- 
 one from George II. ; and fifty-five from George III. 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 219 
 
 These letters are concerned with formal announce- 
 ments and the exchange of courtesies, the credentials 
 of ambassadors, and notices of royal births, marriages, 
 and deaths. Their historical importance is very slighc. 
 The long series of George III. is almost entirely 
 occupied by noting the yearly increase of his family. 
 The autographs of the ministers who countersigned 
 the letters form their greatest attraction. The late 
 Mr. Rawdon Brown has published facsimiles of these 
 autographs down to the year 1659 ; but after that 
 date we find such interesting endorsements as those 
 of Lauderdale, Arlington, Bolingbroke, Carteret, Pitt, 
 Halifax, Henry Conway, Shelburne, and Charles 
 James Fox. On a loose parchment among these 
 letters is one very curious document. It is dated 
 Bologna, 21st February, 1671, and begins "Carlo 
 Dudley per la gratia di Dio duca di Northumbria et 
 del Sacro Romano Impero, conte di Woruih e di 
 Licester, et Pari d'Ingliterra." The document goes 
 on to state that Charles Dudley, duke of Northumber- 
 land, in consideration of the affection and partiality 
 always shown towards his person and house, grants to 
 Ottavio Dionisio, noble of Verona, the title of marquis 
 to him and to his eldest son, to his younger sons and 
 to his brothers and their sons, the title of count, in 
 perpetuity ; and this in virtue of the declaration and 
 authority of his Holiness Pope Urban VHI., which 
 conferred on Charles Dudley and his eldest born the 
 right to exercise all the privileges of an independent 
 prince. At the date which this document bears, 167 1, 
 there was no duke of Northumberland ; that title 
 had lately been bestowed by Charles H. on an 
 
220 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 illegitimate son, and had perished with him. This 
 Charles Dudley was probably some pretender to the 
 honours of the Dudley family who once held the 
 dukedom of Northumberland. The document is 
 curious, for the noble family on whom Charles 
 Dudley conferred this title of marquis still exists, 
 and we do not know that any British subject, either 
 before or after, has ever claimed to be a fountain of 
 honour. But Charles Dudley is not the only English 
 pretender who figures among the papers at the Frari. 
 Filza 8 of the loose papers, titled " Miscellanea Diversi 
 Manoscritti," contains the marriage certificate and 
 will of James Henry de Boveri Rossano Stuart, 
 natural son of Charles II., and seven letters from his 
 son James Stuart, dated Milan, Gemona, and Padua, 
 1722 to 1728. The majority of these letters are 
 addressed to Cardinal Panighetti, from whom this 
 " povero principe Stuardo," as he calls himself, hoped 
 to receive money and support in some imaginary 
 claims on the Crown of England. . The letters are 
 full of a certain pathos — the pathos which cannot 
 fail to attach itself to fallen royalty. The hand- 
 writing is that of an uneducated man ; and James 
 Stuart, in these letters, certainly shows no signs of 
 the ability required to meet so trying a situation. 
 He appeals to the cardinal first on the grounds of 
 his creed. It is " for the faith that he finds himself 
 in the miserable little town " of Gemona. Failing upon 
 this line, James Stuart abandons himself to astrology, 
 in the hope that the stars may give an answer 
 favourable to his hopes. But to all his appeals 
 the cardinal replies with cold reserve, and when he 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 221 
 
 hears of astrology, he adds a sharp and crushing 
 reprimand. 
 
 Leaving the " Lettere Principi " we come to the last 
 two series of state papers of which we shall speak, the 
 "Esposizioni Principi,"or recordof all audiences granted 
 to ambassadors and of the communications made by 
 them in the name of the power they represented ; and 
 the "Libri Ceremoniali," or record of the great functions 
 of state, the coronations and funerals of the doges, 
 the elections of the grand chancellors, the reception 
 accorded to ambassadors, princes, and distinguished 
 travellers. The republic of Venice was as punctilious 
 as any court of Europe upon the points of precedence, 
 ceremony, and etiquette. The reader will not have 
 forgotten the amusing account, given by the elder 
 Disraeli, of the long struggle between the master of 
 the ceremonies and the Venetian ambassador at the 
 court of St. James. The government required from 
 its representatives a minute account of every detail 
 of etiquette observed towards them, and replied in 
 kind in their treatment of foreign ministers in Venice. 
 The republic was punctilious abroad, and no less so 
 at home. Every stage in the public entry, first 
 audience, and cong^ of foreign ambassadors was 
 carefully regulated and based upon precedent. The 
 ambassadors of Spain and France had each a special 
 volume devoted to the ceremonies and etiquette which 
 the republic observed towards them. M. Baschet 
 describes at length the receptions of the French 
 ambassadors, for whom he claims the highest rank 
 among the representatives of foreign powers at Venice 
 Great Britain sent fifty-eight embassies, in all, to the 
 
222 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 republic, between the years 1340 and 1797. Of these 
 ambassadors, Sir Gregory Cassalis filled the office 
 twice, Sir Henry Wotton thrice, the earl of Man- 
 chester twice, and Elizeus Burgess twice. The cere- 
 mony to which the ambassador was entitled may 
 be gathered from the accounts of these embassies 
 preserved in the " Esposizioni Principi " and the 
 *' Ceremoniali." 
 
 The reception of Lord Northampton in the year 
 1762 will afford us the most detailed view of the 
 ceremony, for on that occasion some questions of 
 precedent arose, and the Cavaliere Ruzzini, who was 
 entrusted with the conduct of the affair, presented 
 a long report to the Senate on the subject. The 
 ambassador was not officially recognized by the 
 government until he had made his public entry, and 
 presented his credentials at his first audience in the 
 College. Until that had taken place, he remained 
 incognito, and was in fact supposed not to be in 
 Venice. Before the ambassador arrived, the English 
 consul was expected to hire a palace for his use. 
 There was no fixed embassy in Venice ; Thomas 
 Killigrew lodged at San Cassano, Lord Holdernesse 
 at San Benedetto, Lord Manchester at San Stae. 
 John Udny, who was consul at the time of Lord North- 
 ampton's embassy, rented the Palazzo Grimani at 
 Canaregio for the ambassador whenever his appoint- 
 ment was announced, and an amusing and character- 
 istic story attaches to this affair. The palace belonged 
 to a Contessa Grimani, and was in bad repair ; but 
 the owner promised to restore and fit it up for the 
 ambassador. When the consul went to see the palace, 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 223 
 
 shortly before the ambassador's arrival, he found that 
 nothing had been done to it, and moreover that a 
 gondolier and his wife occupied the ground-floor and 
 refused to move. He wrote at once to the contessa 
 requesting her to move the gondolier, to which he 
 received for answer that the gondolier's wife had been 
 nurse to one of the countess's boys, and the Grimanis 
 had promised her twenty ducats a year; if the 
 ambassador liked to pay that amount, the gondolier 
 would turn out ; if not, they must manage to share 
 the palace between them. The consul appealed to 
 the English resident, John Murray, who wrote an 
 angry letter to the government, complaining of this 
 treatment ; " La carita della nobile donna," he says, 
 *• verso la moglie del gondoliere merita senza dubbio 
 gran lode, ma il sottoscritto s'imagina che I'avvocato 
 pill scaltro si troverebbe bene intrigato di produrre 
 una legge o esempio per incaricare I'Ambasciatore 
 Inglese di questa carita." 
 
 The matter was probably arranged, for on the 
 22nd of October Lord Northampton arrived, incognito 
 of course, with all his suite, and took up his residence. 
 Lord Northampton was ill, and it was not till the begin- 
 ning of the next year that he took the necessary step 
 to make his entry and to secure his first audience. 
 The etiquette observed upon such occasions required 
 that the ambassador should send his secretary to leave 
 copies of his credentials at the door of the College, 
 and to ask on what day the doge would receive him. 
 The College reply through one of their secretaries 
 that an answer will be sent. The doge was then 
 consulted what day would suit him, and he answers 
 
224 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 by putting himself at the disposal of the College. 
 The Senate is then informed of the ambassador's 
 arrival, and sixty senators, under the direction of a 
 leader, are appointed to attend the ambassador until 
 the ceremonies of his reception shall be completed. 
 The days selected for Lord Northampton's reception 
 were the 29th and 30th of May, 1763 ; and the 
 Cavaliere Ruzzini was named as head of the sixty 
 senators who were to attend the ambassador. Ruzzini 
 informed Lord Northampton of these arrangements, 
 and at the same time sent him a programme of the 
 ceremony, which was based upon that observed 
 towards Lord Holdernesse, and was identical with 
 that which the republic offered to the ambassador of 
 the king of Sardinia. Before his public entry, the 
 ambassador and his suite went to the island of 
 San Spirito, in the lagoon towards Malamocco. The 
 fiction of the ceremony supposed all ambassadors to 
 be lodged there until they had presented their 
 credentials. San Spirito was chosen as the point 
 of departure for the ambassadorial procession, be- 
 cause the distance between that island and Venice 
 was supposed to correspond exactly with the distance 
 between London and Greenwich, whence the Venetian 
 ambassador was wont to begin his progress. Sir 
 Henry Wotton's second embassy forms a rare excep- 
 tion to this rule, for the Venetians were so fond of 
 that charming and accomplished poet, that they 
 allowed him to make his entry from San Giorgio 
 Maggiore, which is much nearer the city and more 
 convenient. After midday on the 29th, Ruzzini and 
 his sixty senators, each in his gondola, arrived at 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 22$ 
 
 San Spirito, and found the household of the ambas- 
 sador drawn up along the landing-place en grande 
 tenue. Lord Northampton was informed of Ruzzini*s 
 arrival, and came to meet him on the staircase. 
 After exchanging the prescribed compliments, Ruzzini, 
 with the ambassador on his right hand, descended, 
 and both entered the cavaliere's gondola. The 
 whole procession left San Spirito, and proceeded by 
 the Grand Canal to the ambassador's lodging at San 
 Girolamo, accompanied, as Ruzzini says, by "un 
 immenso popolo spettatore del nostro viaggio;" for 
 these official entries were among the most popular 
 of the Venetian spectacles, and the whole city went 
 out to witness them. At the palace fresh speeches 
 and compliments followed. Lord Northampton was 
 suffering acutely from an illness of which he died that 
 same year, but Ruzzini reports with obvious satis- 
 faction that he did not spare him a single ceremony, 
 " adempi ad ogni parte del consueto ceremoniale." 
 The next day Ruzzini and the sixty senators again 
 attended at the ambassador's palace to conduct him 
 to his audience in the College. Lord Northampton 
 was worse than he had been the day before ; but 
 Ruzzini was implacable. It cost the ambassador 
 three-quarters of an hour to ascend the Giant's Stair. 
 When at last he reached the door of the Collegio, the 
 doge and all the College rose ; the ambassador 
 uncovered and made three bows, and, leaving his 
 suite behind him, he mounted the daYs and took his 
 seat on the right hand of the doge. The ambassador 
 then covered his head, and simultaneously one of 
 each order of the savii did the same. The ambas- 
 
 Q 
 
226 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 sador handed his credentials to the doge, and 
 remained uncovered while they were being read. 
 The doge made a brief and formal reply welcoming 
 the ambassador to Venice, and each time the king's 
 name occurred, the ambassador raised his cap. After 
 repeating his three bows, the ambassador retired, and 
 was accompanied to his palace by the sixty senators 
 who had waited for him at the doors of the CoUegio. 
 This closed the ceremony of entry. 
 
 The English ambassador extraordinary enjoyed 
 certain privileges, which were established on the 
 precedent of the embassy of Lord Falconberg, Crom- 
 well's son-in-law. Among these privileges was the 
 right to lodging and maintenance at the cost of the 
 republic, a right which the ambassador usually com- 
 pounded for the sum of five or six hundred ducats ; 
 a box at each theatre in Venice was placed at his 
 disposal, and when he took his conge the Senate 
 voted him a gold chain and medal of the value of 
 two thousand scudi. The ambassadors ordinary 
 enjoyed certain exemptions from customs dues. 
 These exemptions were frequently abused, and were 
 the cause of constant friction between the government 
 and the representatives of foreign powers. In the 
 year 1763 Mr. John Murray's Istrian wine was seized, 
 and he only recovered it after expressing himself ben 
 mortificato. Mr. Murray was constantly in trouble 
 on this subject. The year before he had addressed 
 an indignant letter to the government because "a 
 certain official of the custom-house had accused 
 him of allowing his servants to sell wine and flour at 
 the door of the residency. It is but a poor satis- 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION. 227 
 
 faction after so long a period of suspicion to know- 
 that that official is bankrupt and no proof of the 
 accusation is forthcoming." But by far the most 
 curious episode of this nature was that which befell 
 Tom Killigrew, the poet, grandfather of the Mrs. 
 Anne Killigrew of Dryden's famous ode and a friend 
 of Pepys, who recalls him as " a merry droll, but a 
 gentleman of great esteem with the king, who told us 
 many merry stories," this, perhaps, among the number. 
 Killigrew was sent to represent Charles II. at Venice 
 in 1649, just after the execution of Charles I., and 
 while his son was a ramingo^ or knocking about, as 
 the Venetian ambassador politely puts it. Killigrew 
 was received in the usual way on February 10, 1650, 
 and made his address in Ihigua cattivciy as the 
 report affirms. But the republic tired of its alliance 
 with an exiled king, and resolved to dismiss Killi- 
 grew as soon as possible. Killigrew was poor, and 
 his master had little or nothing to give him, so he 
 hit upon the expedient of keeping a butcher's shop, 
 where he could sell meat cheaper than any one else 
 in Venice, by availing himself of his exemptions from 
 octroi. The Senate resolved to fasten upon this illicit 
 traffic as a pretext for dismissing Killigrew ; and 
 on the 22nd of June, 1652, they sent their secre- 
 tary, Busenello, to tell Killigrew, vivd voce, that he 
 must go. Busenello went to San Fantin, and there 
 found one of Killigrew's butchers, who told him that 
 the resident only kept his shop there, but lived him- 
 self at San Cassano. At San Cassano Busenello was 
 told that Killigrew was dining at Murano, and would 
 not be home till evening ; but very soon after he saw 
 
228 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the resident at his window, and insisted on being 
 announced. He explained " with all possible delicacy," 
 as he says, the order of the Senate ; but Killigrew 
 received the message with every sign of anger and 
 pain. With tears in his eyes he declared that it was 
 the other ambassadors who robbed the customs, while 
 he had all the blame. It was true that he did keep 
 " a little bit of a butcher's shop to support himself," 
 but that could not hurt the revenue ; and he added 
 that, under any circumstance, he should leave Venice, 
 for he had received his letters of recall from France, 
 four days previously. The Senate no more than 
 their secretary believed in the existence of this letter 
 of recall ; but Killigrew really had the letter, dated 
 March 14th, and it was sent into the College, along 
 with a brief exculpatory epistle from the resident, on 
 the 27th of June. Killigrew left Venice the same 
 day, as he was bound to do by ambassadorial etiquette ; 
 and Charles had not another recognized agent to the 
 republic until his restoration ; for the Venetians 
 definitely adopted the policy of courting Cromwell, 
 in the vain hope that he would assist them against 
 the Turk. 
 
 With the papers of the College we close this notice 
 of the political documents in the archives at the Frari. 
 The other departments of the government had each 
 their own series of papers, equally copious and 
 valuable. The heraldic and genealogical archives 
 of the Avvogadori di Commun, for example, the 
 charters of the German and Turkish exchanges, and 
 the records of the mint and the public banks, offer 
 a wide and a rich field for study ; and in spite of the 
 
THE VENETIAN CONSTITUTION 229 
 
 profound and extensive labours of such scholars as 
 Thomas, Checchetti, Barozzi, Berchet, Fulin, Laman- 
 sky, Mas Latrie, and Rawdon Brown, it will be long 
 before the materials in the vast storehouse of the 
 Frari are exhausted or even adequately displayed. 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS 
 FRIENDS. 
 
 The general impression that the influence of the 
 Renaissance culture upon Italian society was corrupt 
 is, on the whole, a just one. That influence began 
 to show itself distinctly at the opening of the six- 
 teenth century. The period of humanistic study and 
 acquisition had passed ; the period of application had 
 begun. And Rome was the focus of the application, 
 as Florence had been the seat of the earlier efforts to 
 acquire. At Rome society gathered round the court 
 of the Vatican and the head of the Church. But it 
 was a Church in which Aretino might aspire to the 
 purple ; in which Bandello was a bishop and La Casa 
 inquisitor and compiler of the first " Index Expurga- 
 torius." The society was corrupt, but eminently refined, 
 displaying a finish and a charm which captivated the 
 gentler temper of men like Erasmus and made them cry 
 that only the floods of Lethe could drown for them 
 the memory of Rome, though in the sterner nature of 
 Luther this refinement merely added disgust to indig- 
 nation. It is needless here to dwell at any length upon 
 this point, for the whole subject has lately received 
 ample and eloquent treatment by an English historian. 
 But it is well to bear the fact in mind when we turn 
 
CARDINAL CONTARim AND HIS FRIENDS. 231 
 
 to the pleasanter contemplation of a portion of this 
 society which was refined and not corrupt. The nature 
 of men Hke Contarini, Pole, Sadoleto, Giberti, and 
 their friends stands out with additfonal sweetness and 
 lustre when we remember the dark setting of intrigue, 
 of dissoluteness, and of ruin which surrounded them. 
 They were a company of noble men animated by noble 
 objects of ambition, and bound together by the closest 
 bonds of friendship. We come across them with a 
 feeling of pure pleasure ; they shine like good deeds 
 in an evil world. It does not matter that they failed 
 in their ecclesiastical policy ; that the via media which 
 they espoused between the youthful vigour of Protes- 
 tantism and the corruption of the Roman Church was 
 never adopted ; that it exposed them only to suspicion 
 from the Lutherans and to charges of heresy from 
 Farnese and Caraffa ; that they foundered between 
 the two great and divergent lines of Reform and 
 counter-Reformation. Their object was a noble one, 
 and it ennobled lives singularly adapted to take the 
 lustre of nobility. 
 
 To understand the place of these men in the 
 ecclesiastical policy of the Reformation, it is needful 
 to look a little more closely at the conditions which 
 surrounded them. The aims of the papacy had 
 become secularized in the hands of such mundane and 
 warlike popes as Sixtus, Alexander, and Julius. The 
 desire to found a reigning house and to realize that 
 ever-present, ever-vanishing dream of the Church, a 
 temporal kingdom, determined the policy of these 
 pontiffs, and the Venetian ambassador thus summed 
 up Julius in a despatch to his government: "The 
 
232 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 pope," he said, "wishes to-be the lord and master in 
 this world's game." As the head was so was the 
 body. The bishops endeavoured to make their Sees 
 heritable property — the basis on which to establish 
 a family. The secularization of aim resulted in a 
 secularization of manner. The pope who aspired to 
 be a prince adopted the manners of a prince. The 
 bishops who contemplated founding a house adopted 
 the bearing which became the head of a house. 
 Mundane aspirations induced mundane habits, splen- 
 dour of life, of dress, of retinue, of board. And again, 
 a Venetian summed up Leo as a pendant to Julius. 
 Julius desired to be lord and master of this life's game. 
 Leo "desired to live." Beyond the immediate region 
 of the Church the Italians had been engaged in break- 
 ing open the treasure-house of the dead languages, 
 and the perfume invaded the country. The secularized 
 manners of the churchmen came in contact with a 
 wavering ethical standard, the outcome of humanism 
 and the free play of intellect that recognized nothing 
 superior to itself The result of this contact was two- 
 fold, a deterioration in the manners, habits, and 
 thoughts of society, and a confirmation of the secular 
 tendency among the clergy. For humanism brought 
 with it scepticism as to the foundations of Chris- 
 tianity, and with this scepticism there arose a doubt 
 whether the Church had any rights other than secular. 
 In Rome this twofold result soon disclosed itself in a 
 brilliant and intellectual atmosphere that was at the 
 same time corrupt. Poets and scholars and accom- 
 plished women crowded to the court of the Vatican or 
 to the palaces of cardinals, princes, and ambassadors. 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 233 
 
 Each great house had its clique, its coterie of parasites 
 enjoying the refined sunshine and speculating on the 
 prizes that lay in store should their patron attain to 
 the papacy. To the charm of life was added the zest 
 of a hazard, and the adventurer who sought the favour 
 of this or that prince of the Church secretly prayed 
 that his cardinal might draw the winning number. But 
 at the very moment when the Italians had so prepared 
 life as to be able to enjoy the papacy, should God give 
 it to them, the cup of pleasure slipped from their 
 hands. The refinement and brightening of intelligence 
 which rendered the papacy enjoyable, the seculariza- 
 tion of its aims which added a further colour to life's 
 game, were preparing beyond the Alps the very 
 means by which the papacy was to be robbed of all 
 enjoyment, were paving the way for Luther's advent 
 and the sack of Rome. The expansion of intelligence, 
 the discovery of intellectual muscles, and the pleasure 
 experienced in their play, which resulted from these 
 years of humanistic study and training, opened for the 
 ancient and organized people of Italy the door of 
 delightful existence. But the quickening element 
 passed beyond the borders of Italy itself. On the 
 other side of the Alps it found a different nidus, harder 
 and more vigorous, in which to germinate. And so 
 among the Teutonic people the revival took the 
 character of religious earnestness ; let us reform the 
 Church, they cried. In Italy it had taken the aspect 
 of cynical pliability ; let us enjoy the Church, said the 
 Italians. The result was Luther's advent with all its 
 compulsive power over the papacy. The schism north 
 of the Alps put into the hands of two great princes, 
 
234 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the king of England and the emperor of Germany, 
 a weapon for mastering the papacy so powerful that 
 Clement could not stand against it. At any hostile 
 movement on his part Charles threatened to release 
 Luther ; on the first refusal to obey, Henry declared 
 the secession of England. The screw was too powerful, 
 and had bitten only too well. Escape was impossible. 
 It remained to be seen what compliance could do ; to 
 test the appeasing efficacy of compromise and reform. 
 But before reform had become a necessity publicly 
 acknowledged by the Church, there existed inside the 
 Church itself a party of men who had begun to 
 recognize the need, and who turned their thoughts to 
 the question. These men used to meet together for 
 discussion at the Church of SS. Dorothy and Silvester, 
 in the Trastevere, and under the presidency of Padre 
 Dato, its parish priest. In the midst of corrupt and 
 indifferent Rome, of Rome that was enjoying the 
 Church, this handful of earnest men had caught an 
 echo of the elemental movement that was in progress 
 beyond the Alps. Reform and not enjoyment was 
 the subject of their thoughts. This company, which 
 met in the gardens of SS. Dorothy and Silvester, 
 called itself " The Oratory of Divine Love. " It was 
 composed of men drawn together from various parts 
 of Italy ; from Venice, Modena, Vicenza, and Naples ; 
 all of them distinguished, but for whom the future 
 reserved widely differing issues. There was John 
 Peter Caraffa, the lean and impetuous Neapolitan, 
 with the fierceness of the Inquisition in his heart, 
 destined to become Paul IV., to wage a hopeless war 
 against Spain, to be forced by circumstances he could 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 235 
 
 not control into the arms of this power he hated, to 
 die deceived by his nephews and detested by the 
 Church. There was Gaetano Thiene, founder of an 
 order of nobles, enthusiastic in zeal, but of gentler 
 mould and fascinated by the impetuosity of the fiery 
 Neapolitan. There, too, were Contarini and Sadoleto, 
 fast friends through life, working for the same object 
 and sharing the same hopes, a possible compromise 
 with Protestantism and a reunion of the Church under 
 her ancient chief, the pope. In fact, the Oratory of 
 Divine Love contained in miniature the future of the 
 Roman Church. Its tendencies were there, as yet 
 undeveloped. The two lines it might possibly adopt 
 were expressed in the temper of the Oratorians — the 
 line of absolute defiance to Protestantism, of uncom- 
 promising and haughty antagonism, of fire and blood 
 and inquisition tortures ; and the other line of tolera- 
 tion, of patience, of hope that the lost sheep might yet 
 be won back to the fold. But in the gardens by the 
 Tiber the companions were still undivided, unconscious 
 of the heart-burnings and the cruelty at one another's 
 hands which lay in store for them ; no Luther had yet 
 come among them with a sword of separation. It is 
 only by the light of subsequent history that we see 
 how they met later on, when the divergence of their 
 natures had become marked under the pressure of the 
 growing schism ; how that fierce monk Carafifa, drink- 
 ing his thick black wine, his " champ-the-battle," as he 
 called it, turned in fury on his former friends ; how he 
 thwarted Contarini at Ratisbon ; how Sadoleto's Com^ 
 mentary was placed upon the " Index; " how Pole was 
 deprived of his office of legate in England ; how even 
 
236 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 their humble followers were pursued ; how Priuli lost 
 the bishopric of Brescia. We do not, however, desire 
 to follow all the members of the Oratory to the close 
 of their divergent ways, but only that party among 
 them which gathered round Contarini, the party of 
 moderation and compromise, the party also of failure. 
 Nor is it in their public life and their ecclesiastical 
 policy that we wish to look closely at these men ; that 
 belongs to the general history of the counter-Reforma- 
 tion. It is rather to their inner lives that we would 
 turn and note, if possible, the manner of men these 
 friends appear among themselves. 
 
 It would be a difficult, and almost a hopeless task, 
 to extract the essence of these men, had not both Pole 
 and Sadoleto left a copious correspondence behind 
 them. In their letters, through the obscurity of a 
 foreign tongue, we see themselves and their friends 
 taking shape, acting, and reacting on one another, 
 growing nearer together as the years pass by. " I 
 seem to hear your voice speaking to me out of your 
 last letter," writes Sadoleto to Pole. " My letters to. 
 you have apparently miscarried. They reached you 
 either later than they should have done, or else not at 
 all. But whatever betide the letters, it is not in paper 
 and ink that our love resides, but rather in the hearts 
 of both of us ; and not merely written there, but 
 inburnt, so that it can never be obliterated." And 
 these phrases of affection pass current among them all. 
 They were, in sympathy, one at heart. The common 
 trials and dangers which beset them bound them 
 closely together. Each one of them suffered misfor- 
 tune. Contarini saw his country barely escaping 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS, 237 
 
 from the ruin of Cambray. Pole was an exile with 
 a price upon his head. Sadoleto experienced the 
 fluctuations of court favour and disgrace. Not one of 
 them avoided the imputation of heresy. And it was 
 inevitable that it should be so. The intellectual 
 aspect of Luther's reform, the distinctly rational 
 assertion of free judgment, could not fail to appeal to 
 the cultivated Italians brought up on Aristotle at 
 the feet of Pomponazzo. It was only the narrowest 
 margin which distinguished Contarini and his friends 
 from Castelvetri, the excommunicated outlaw, driven 
 to the mountains to save his life, and dying at length 
 in exile at Chiavenna. And when Sadoleto made his 
 last effort on Castelvetri's behalf he, though a cardinal, 
 appeals to the heretic as a man of letters first, as a 
 good churchman last. "I love you on every score, and 
 cannot believe that you hold any opinion unworthy 
 of a man of letters and a good Christian/' The 
 reasons which kept these men just inside the Church 
 were twofold. They were already high in the office 
 of that Church, and the wish of their hearts was not 
 to pass outside themselves, but to bring the wanderers 
 in. Another and profounder reason held them where 
 they were. The economy of the Church, so complete 
 in its details, so precise in its gradations of rank and 
 of duties, could not fail to exercise a strong fascination 
 over the Italian temper, which desires form above 
 everything. And now this satisfying symmetry was 
 threatened with destruction ; its very crown and apex 
 was in danger ; a many-headed Church appeared to be 
 no Church at all. It was Henry's declaration of him- 
 self as chief of the English Church which compelled 
 
238 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Pole to choose exile rather than obedience. With the 
 theological and philosophical doctrines, however, of 
 the reformers these friends showed a deep sympathy 
 which continually made itself felt in their writings. 
 And this common attitude towards the great question 
 of their day, an impossible attitude and doomed to 
 failure just because it appreciated too accurately the 
 good and the evil on either side, formed the ground- 
 work upon which the affection of these men was based. 
 This is the sphere within which they exercised their 
 finest qualities, their warm friendship and loyalty, 
 their intellectual keenness, their devotion to high and 
 noble studies. Within this region they differed, as 
 even the best friends must differ, in cast of character ; 
 each of them displayed his individual temperament ; 
 but within this region also they were sure of one 
 another's sympathy, and stood together as a party. 
 
 It is round Contarini that the party gathers ; he is 
 the most active and the most distinguished of their 
 number. Born in 1483 of noble Venetian parents, an 
 October child, when eighteen years of age he went 
 to the University of Padua. With characteristic im- 
 petuosity of temper he attacked both practical and 
 speculative studies — mathematics, engineering, and 
 philosophy ; and gave solid proofs of his ability to use 
 them all. On his return to Venice he was employed 
 by the government to regulate the river courses 
 throughout the difficult country of Bassano. It is 
 said that when he was in Spain, representing Venice 
 at the court of Charles, Magellan's ship, the Victory^ 
 came home after her voyage round the world, laden 
 with cloves gathered in the Spice Islands. The 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 239 
 
 Victory arrived a day later than her log-book showed, 
 and Contarini alone was found able to explain what 
 had become of the missing day. The temper of his 
 mind, the Venetian mind, was chiefly practical ; and 
 the larger part of his life was spent in active political 
 duties, for Venice first, and then for the Church. 
 Writing to a friend, he says his letters are not intended 
 for circulation : " They are scribbled in haste by a 
 busy man." 
 
 But Contarini never lost his interest in philosophy, 
 nor the passion for Aristotle, which consumed him 
 when he first went to Padua. His friends used to 
 say that if the whole works of the Stagyrite were 
 lost Contarini could supply them all again from 
 memory. And it may well have been so, for his 
 biographer and constant friend, Beccadello, tells us 
 that he was in the habit of reading Aristotle for seven 
 continuous years three or four hours a day, and then 
 during his afternoon walk he " ruminated " on the 
 subject of his morning's study, reconstructing the 
 whole chain of argument until it was indelibly im- 
 pressed upon his mind. And philosophy remained 
 for him a constant source of relaxation and delight 
 after the more pressing engagements of his political 
 career. " You ask me," he writes to a friend, " for 
 my opinion on the relation between the mind and 
 the understanding. Till now I have been too deeply 
 occupied by my duties in the Council of Ten. But 
 to-night, Christmas Eve, I am free, and shall take 
 some recreation and no small pleasure in discussing 
 the point with you. Moreover, meditation on this 
 subject is by no means unsuited to the solemn nature 
 
240 VENETIAN STUDIES. - 
 
 of the day." Then he passes on to the topic, and 
 loses himself in a lofty flight which closes in the 
 nature of the Divine. He forgets the Ten and his 
 political duties in the eternal consolations of a 
 philosophy based on faith, in the happiness of a 
 man whose hopes and whose reason are not divorced. 
 Study and writing were the rare pleasures and not 
 the constant occupation of Contarini's life, and he 
 valued them more highly for their rarity. " I know 
 no better means for whiling away a summer's after- 
 noon than listening to the music of some mighty poet." 
 Poetry and philosophical discussion were a relief and 
 a delight, but writing was a veritable passion with 
 the man. He lost his appetite and his sleep ; he 
 wandered about restless and alone, while planning 
 a work in his head. His friends could always tell 
 when the labour was upon him and he was about 
 to produce. After he had once seen and grasped his 
 subject he wrote with the greatest fury and rapidity, 
 as much as six pages in an hour, so hurriedly, indeed, 
 that " many words remained in his pen." Having 
 thus discharged his mind, he handed the whole work 
 over to a secretary, to polish, rewrite, and find the 
 missing words. He absolutely refused to touch his 
 thoughts again, partly, no doubt, from lack of time, 
 partly from indifference to the graces of style and from 
 preoccupation with the matter of his work, partly also 
 owing to a slight impatience with the laboured polish 
 of his contemporaries Sadoleto and Bembo. His 
 style suffered from this haste, but his health suffered 
 more owing to this addiction to the passionate pleasure 
 of writing. He became subject to insomnia ; sleeping 
 
CARDINAL CONTARJNI AND HIS FRIENDS. 241 
 
 but little, and never after he had wakened from his 
 first sleep. These night vigils were devoted to the 
 study of St. Augustine, or to the solution of some 
 problem in ethics. " Here I am," he writes, " awake 
 in one of these long winter nights, as so often happens 
 to me ; and I turn my thoughts to the consideration 
 of your question, which are the nobler, the speculative 
 or the moral qualities ? " 
 
 With a temper keen and impetuous, we should 
 expect to find that Contarini possessed a certain 
 amount of fearlessness and the courage of his opinions. 
 And, indeed, he always did display a frankness of 
 manner and directness of speech little in accordance 
 with the courtly habits of the Vatican. Though 
 choleric, he never allowed his temper to pass beyond 
 his control ; and his real gentleness of nature, and 
 his unswerving loyalty to his friends, bound them to 
 him in the closest attachment. Pole consulted him 
 about his private affairs in England. " Keep a good 
 heart," answers Contarini, " and do not doubt that 
 the day will come when we shall sing the psalm, 
 ' Glad were we for the days in which we saw evil, for 
 the years wherein Thou hast humiliated us.' ... I 
 have no time to write except to say, keep well and 
 come back soon to the man who loves you more than 
 any other." It was not his friends only who knew 
 the worth of the man ; that was only natural. But 
 perhaps no one in that age of difficult and crooked 
 policy had a greater power of inspiring confidence 
 than Contarini. The Venetians knew very well what 
 they were about when they sent him as their am- 
 bassador to the court of Charles, with whom their 
 
 R 
 
242 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 relations were strained and hostile. And Contarini 
 immediately won the regard of the emperor and 
 retained it. Charles took Contarini with him when 
 he made his hurried visit to England, and had not 
 forgotten him when they met once more at Bologna, 
 at Nice, and at Ratisbon. The mixture of frankness, 
 goodness, and grace which characterized Contarini, 
 made him a singularly lovable man ; one to whom 
 people turned with a sense of confidence and rest ; 
 and his modesty and simplicity in no way lessened 
 Jiis charm. There is a pretty story told of how he 
 met Margaret, the queen of Navarre, at Nice when 
 the pope and Francis and Charles were trying to 
 arrange their differences. Contarini went, as in duty 
 bound, to pay his respects to Margaret. The queen 
 came from her rooms towards the head of the stairs 
 to meet him, and the cardinal was about to kneel 
 and kiss her hand, when the lady ran forward laugh- 
 ing, and crying, "No, no, not to me," took him by 
 both his hands and kissed him on the cheek. Con- 
 tarini stood blushing like a boy, and all confused, 
 till one of the bystanders told him with a laugh that 
 such was the dolce costume of Navarre. 
 
 It was from his own countrymen, however, and 
 early in life that his worth received the highest tribute 
 of praise. Contarini was in Venice, actively engaged 
 in the business of the republic. He had just returned 
 from an embassy to Rome, and was looking forward 
 to a long life in the secular service of his native city, 
 when Paul III. determined to raise him to the car- 
 dinalate and to summon him to Rome in order to 
 initiate those reforms of the Church which the pro- 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 243 
 
 gress of Luther made imperative. Contarini, unaware 
 of the honour in store for him, was at his place in the 
 Great Council when the pope's messenger arrived on 
 Sunday morning and requested to see him. This, 
 while the council was in session, could not be allowed ; 
 but a secretary took the despatches and, opening them, 
 suddenly announced to Contarini that he had been 
 raised to the purple. The counsellors rose in a body 
 and pressed forward to congratulate their colleague. 
 But one of them, Alvise Mocenigo, was not so easily 
 pleased ; he could not rise from his seat with the 
 others, as he was suffering from the gout, but above 
 the buzz and patter of congratulation he cried, 
 "These priests have robbed us of the best gentle- 
 man this city has." Old Mocenigo's growl was fully 
 justified ; Venice was struggling to repair the mis- 
 chief wrought by the League of Cambray, and nothing 
 could have been more useful to her than the tact, 
 the firmness, and the popularity of Contarini. But 
 she lost him ; and that activity which might have 
 been employed to good purpose in the service of 
 Venice was transferred, with no result but failure, to 
 the service of the Church. 
 
 Contarini was no sluggard, the change of climate 
 did not change his temper. He no sooner reached 
 Rome than he began to form his party, clearly under- 
 standing the objects for which he had been summoned 
 thither. He had made the acquaintance of Pole in 
 Venice. He now called Pole, Sadoleto, Giberti, 
 Aleandro and Cortese to his aid ; and, in spite of 
 bitter opposition and jealousy inside the Sacred 
 College, he pressed the proposals for reform. The 
 
244 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 college endeavoured to crush the new-comer with 
 scorn. " Had Contarini come from the Senate of 
 Venice to reform the cardinals whose very names 
 he did not know ? " That was true. Contarini did 
 not know their names, but he had been beyond the 
 Alps and knew better than any of them the strength 
 of Luther's party and the imperative need for puri- 
 fication inside the Church. Yet his enemies were 
 able to poison the ear, though not the mind, of the 
 pope against Contarini. " I know how it is," said 
 Paul to the cardinal while the latter was remon- 
 strating with him on some of his recent creations ; 
 " it is in the very nature of cardinals to be jealous 
 lest others should be made their equals in considera- 
 tion." "Pardon me," replied Contarini, "your Holi- 
 ness cannot with justice bring this charge against me, 
 for I have suggested the appointment of many who 
 have proved good servants to your Holiness and the 
 Church. And indeed I do not count my hat my 
 chiefest honour. ... If your Holiness would make 
 the Church fair to see, publish no more decrees ; there 
 are enough ; but rather set forth living books who 
 shall give voice and expression to these decrees." 
 This was Contarini's appeal that his hands might be 
 strengthened by the admission of his friends to the 
 Sacred College. To the credit of Paul, he did not 
 take umbrage at a frankness so unwonted in the 
 court of St. Peter, but read the earnest sincerity of 
 the man. He commissioned Contarini and his friends 
 to draw up a scheme of reform ; and the result of 
 their meetings was the famous "Advice of the Select 
 Cardinals," which Sadoleto latined in such vigorous 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 245 
 
 Style. This document is the most singular monu- 
 ment to Contarini's courage. He struck fearlessly 
 at the root of the evil ; at the college itself, at the 
 boy bishops, at the absentee and pluralist cardinals, 
 and at the monastic orders whose entire suppression 
 he advocated. But all his zeal was in vain. The 
 " Advice " was read and shelved ; the hydra of abuse 
 did not lose a single head. And in the midst of 
 these absorbing public occupations Contarini was 
 ceaselessly engaged in literary correspondence with 
 his friends ; in reading, emending, and annotating the 
 work submitted to him by Bembo, Sadoleto, or Pole. 
 Busy, too, with treatises of his own on Free-will, 
 Justification, Predestination, the authority of the 
 pope, written with such outspoken frankness and 
 with such deep sympathy for the Lutheran point of 
 view, that it is a marvel how they escaped the " Index 
 Expurgatorius." Nor did all this engagement make 
 him bate one jot of his activity on his friends' behalf. 
 He hears that Pole is in want of cash ; by the next 
 post his friend learns that the pope will increase 
 his salary. For Sadoleto's sake he undertakes the 
 cause of the poor peasants at Carpentras against 
 the Jews. But if he willingly expends himself for 
 his friends' behoof, he claims that they, too, shall not 
 be dilatory nor self-indulgent. His letters calling 
 them to Rome and the service of the Church shook 
 Pole and Sadoleto in their peaceful study at Car- 
 pentras. Both felt and obeyed the compulsion of 
 this vigorous and loving man. 
 
 The failure of Contarini's hopes of reform and 
 the collapse of the " Advice "did not extinguish his 
 
246 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 activity. And when Charles proposed the Diet of 
 Ratisbon, and asked the pope to send Contarini as 
 legate, the cardinal, though fifty-eight years old, 
 gladly embraced the opportunity of attempting once 
 more the task of reconciliation and compromise. At 
 the end of January he left Rome, and, to the horror 
 of his attendants, he pressed straight on across the 
 Apennines above Bologna, though they lay deep in 
 snow. "We arrived here," writes one of his retinue 
 from Bologna, " all of us pierced through with cold, 
 which accompanied us the whole way, and will not 
 leave us yet awhile. The Padre Beccadello, though 
 smothered in a mountain of furs, looked as if he 
 would have perished of the frost." But Contarini never 
 complained. His eyes were fixed on Ratisbon, and 
 his thoughts were occupied by a vision of the Church 
 made one again through his endeavours. Pole had 
 followed the same road two years before on his way 
 to Spain, but with fainter hopes and a feebler courage. 
 "The fine weather," he wrote to Contarini, "has 
 allowed us to cross the Apennines, but the cold on 
 the mountains actually burned us. The passage 
 would have been impossible had there been rain or 
 snow." Contarini would not admit such an im- 
 possible, but he did not know the greater difficulties 
 that waited him in Ratisbon, difficulties which defied 
 even his powers of gentleness and zeal to overcome. 
 When the work of the Diet was once begun he made 
 rapid progress towards a reconciliation with the Pro- 
 testants, and differences seemed to be vanishing 
 under the charm of his treatment. But every step 
 in that direction only rendered the consummation of 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 247 
 
 his desire more hopeless. Luther suspected such a 
 facile agreement ; Charles dreaded a Germany united 
 and catholic once more through the labours of the 
 pope ; at Rome Carafifa inveighed against com- 
 promise, and accused Contarini of heresy ; the treach- 
 erous offers of Francis to the one party and the other 
 induced both Protestant and Roman to hope that 
 concession might be avoided. The legate's task was 
 an impossible one. Inspired by Caraffa, Cardinal 
 Farnese wrote a long despatch to Contarini, in which 
 the latter could not fail to read the ruin of his pros- 
 pects. "Bear yourself cautiously, and do not be 
 drawn to assent to any proposition through the hope 
 of accord. In the exposition of doctrine let us have 
 no ambiguity. And finally, if you will allow me to 
 sum up all in a word, do not conduct yourself so 
 frankly as to run the risk of being gulled by our 
 enemies." Such was the temper of Rome, and this 
 despatch was the warrant of Contarini's failure. He 
 returned to Italy and found his acquaintances cold 
 towards him. "What are these monstrous articles 
 which you have subscribed at the bidding of the 
 Lutherans?" said one. "That is only some squib 
 of Pasquin ; do not believe it." " Pardon, this is no 
 squib. I read it in a letter from a great cardinal." So 
 the Church which he had tried to serve refused to 
 acknowledge his efforts. Only his friends drew 
 closer to his side, and their letters came faster and 
 fuller of affection as the end approached. Contarini 
 was sent as legate to Bologna in 1 542, the year after 
 the Diet of Ratisbon. The summer heats began to 
 rage with great fierceness, and he retired to S. M. 
 
248 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 del Monte above the town. In the monastery there 
 was a loggia looking northwards across the Lombard 
 fields towards the Alps, which were just visible in 
 the distance, a fine and serrated line of snow above 
 the tropical shimmer and haze of the plain. Here 
 Contarini loved to sit and talk and feel the cooler 
 breeze. But the keen wind gave him a chill and 
 threw him into a fever. He knew at once that he 
 was dying. Beccadello, his faithful attendant, tried 
 to cheer him. " Do not think of this ; let the doctors 
 see to it ; only get well and we will set out on our 
 mission to the emperor." " Before another and a 
 greater Emperor I must present myself this day." He 
 was, as always, only too wise, says his biographer ; he 
 died that same evening, fifty-nine years old. 
 
 If Contarini proved himself vigor®us in the 
 political life which he adopted, his friend Sadoleto 
 was hardly less so in his own particular way. It is 
 part of the charm of this company of Contarini that 
 each member displays his own distinctive features 
 clearly marked ; though all are bound together by 
 affection and sympathy. Sadoleto is first and fore- 
 most a man of letters. He cannot help regarding 
 Rome from the humanist point of view ; he is one 
 with Erasmus in the colour of his indignation at the 
 sack of the Eternal City. " O barbariem inauditam ! 
 Quae fuit unquam tanta Scytharum, Quadorum, 
 Wandalorum, Hunnorum, Gothorum, immanitas .? " 
 Sadoleto wished to contemplate Rome from a 
 distance ; to focus it through the line of its classical 
 history; to see it through the emotional atmosphere 
 of all the ages and of all learning. To be compelled 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 249 
 
 to deal with Rome as the seat of the Sacred College, 
 as the home of the pontiff at war with Luther, 
 destroyed the illusion. Therefore Sadoleto escaped 
 from Rome whenever he saw his opportunity. He 
 escaped to plunge himself among his books in his 
 See of Carpentras ; to lose himself in the region 
 that he loved, the study of the classics and the 
 conversation of his friends. Not that he was cold- 
 hearted to the Church ; he was willing to labour for 
 her ; but she did not fill and brim his whole sphere 
 of vision as was the case with Contarini. When 
 his friend Pole failed in his legation to France, 
 Sadoleto wrote to him with hardly concealed in- 
 difference. " I was sorry to learn that your mission 
 has failed, but I take it the less to heart, as I always 
 foresaw the issue. Only come back safe and sound 
 to us." He was a scholar and a good friend, but 
 hardly a politician or a churchman. He knew that 
 politics were not his region ; and when, under the 
 pressure of Contarini, he did mix in affairs he chose 
 the pen, the weapon that came the readiest to his 
 hand. But we never can read far in his epistles 
 before we find him abandoning the discussion of 
 events to cry, " Veniamus ad litteras." The criticism, 
 the correction, and the composition of books were 
 the main passion of life for Sadoleto ; for Contarini 
 they were luxuries to be enjoyed but sparingly. Yet 
 the gravity and weight of Sadoleto's style fully 
 justified his choice. And this engine of vigorous 
 diction which he perfected, he devoted almost entirely 
 to the service of the Church. Within his chosen 
 sphere of literature he was a diligent servant. But 
 
250 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 as he grew older this literary temper and its claim 
 upon him grew stronger. " I wish to devote the 
 rest of my life to study," he writes to Farnese. " I 
 therefore think of giving up my diocese ; I only 
 long for peace and quiet anywhere. I renounce 
 Carpentras and my gardens ; only give me quiet, 
 be it where you will." This quiet for which he 
 prayed was employed in no ignoble manner. It was 
 then the custom to pass books in manuscript from 
 hand to hand among the friends of the author. 
 Criticism and correction were invited, and this led 
 to a continual correspondence upon literary topics. 
 Sadoleto's study in his villa suburbana at Carpen- 
 tras was one of the centres of this activity, one of 
 the fires of the literary forge. And he was happiest 
 when he was thus employed in company with some 
 congenial spirit. He caught Pole once on his return 
 from one of his many embassies, and we can see from 
 their correspondence how happy they were together. 
 Sadoleto preludes to Pole : " I have not written before 
 because I know that you are in receipt of all our 
 news. My love for you, however, requires the verifi- 
 cation of no letters. Only come back safe and sound 
 to me." Then Pole follows to Contarini : " I am here 
 in Carpentras, living in a monastery, a place solitary 
 and devout ; moreover, quite close to the gardens 
 of Sadoleto, whither I go at least once a week to 
 spend the whole day ; " and again : " These politics 
 prevent me from enjoying to the full the delightful 
 and tranquil company of Sadoleto. Here, however, 
 is an admirable solitude ; and were it not for the 
 letters from Rome we should have no news at all." 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 251 
 
 Pole, the most feminine spirit of the three, was 
 continually swayed between the stronger characters 
 of his friends Contarini and Sadoleto. On this 
 occasion Contarini broke in upon their peace with 
 cries and claims of duty. Pole had to face the 
 French legation, and the happiest months of his life, 
 those spent with Sadoleto at Carpentras, came to 
 an end. But it was not literary work solely which 
 occupied Sadoleto's days in his bishopric. He was 
 a man capable of the strongest personal attachments 
 when the object was brought within his immediate 
 reach. All that lay beyond his direct perception, and 
 which yet commanded his regard^ he transferred to 
 a region of emotion other than personal, into an 
 atmosphere that was artistic or intellectual. But 
 his personal feelings were rendered all the stronger 
 for this concentration. His affections are the affections 
 of an artist accustomed to deal with the whole sphere 
 of emotion as the matter of his art, and who suddenly 
 finds his familiarity with passion translated into terms 
 of himself and overmastering. But it is just in these 
 burning moments of his heart that the true nobility 
 and gentleness of Sadoleto most appear. He has left 
 one love-letter behind him, through which the deep 
 current of a genuine affection flows unmistakably. 
 It does not appear to whom it was addressed ; but 
 he says, " I have never ceased to love you. Yet, 
 since it is the wont of lovers to be ever anxious on 
 behalf of those they love, I wish to enjoin on you 
 one thing which both my love and your youth 
 recommend ;: strive, without any appearance of vain 
 glory, but in wisdom and modesty, to approve 
 
252 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 yourself among your company. I, as beseems my 
 love for you, and my ever-constant wish in all 
 that affects you, promise and dedicate to you, to your 
 well-being and adornment, whatever belongs to me ; 
 my every effort, forethought, influence, authority, 
 diligence, all, in short, that nature or fortune has 
 bestowed on me, however trifling it may be, is yours 
 for all time ; not only on my word as an honourable 
 man, but on the faith and evidence of this letter 
 wherewith, as by a solemn pact, I desire to be bound 
 to you." With such a well of affection in his nature, 
 Sadoleto could not miss the warm attachment of his 
 friends. But his lot was cast in troublous times for 
 a scholar and a recluse. He experienced the changes 
 and caprices of favour and disgrace, and was forced 
 to undertake no less than five journeys between 
 Rome and Carpentras. Thanks to one of these, he 
 escaped, by twenty days, the sack of Rome and all 
 the horrors it brought upon his learned friends. But 
 these long and dangerous expeditions broke in upon 
 his leisure and seriously embarrassed his affairs, and 
 towards the close of his life he found himself in 
 extreme poverty. " I am so utterly poor," he writes, 
 " that I cannot make even a four days' journey in a 
 manner becoming to a cardinal. Horses or mules 1 
 have none." But his poverty could not purchase 
 him seclusion. He lived to see his friends die away 
 one by one ; to hear that his Commentary on St. 
 Paul was condemned and placed upon the " Index ; " to 
 be torn from his study by an imperious summons to 
 Rome, where he died in his house by San Pietro in 
 Vincola, seventy years of age. 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 253 
 
 The third of this trio of friends, Reginald Pole, 
 "the gentle cardinal," the spirito angelica, "my Saint 
 Pole," as Sadoleto calls him, was at once the least 
 powerful and the most femininely attractive of the 
 three. It is not only his gentleness — a gentleness which 
 led him to shelter the man who tried to assassinate 
 him — nor yet his misfortunes, his own exile, and his 
 mother's execution that engage our sympathy. It 
 is the sweetness and sprightliness of his character 
 which are so attractive ; for Pole, the Englishman, is 
 the only one of the three friends who shows a grain 
 of humour. Cast among strangers whom he had to 
 make his friends, whom he desired above all to have 
 as his friends, it is touching to watch him struggling 
 with the barrier of language between them. In his 
 early letters he sometimes attempts Italian. He halts 
 along for a sentence or so, and then reverts to the more 
 formal but more familiar Latin. Gradually, however, 
 the barrier was broken down, and Pole learned to use 
 Italian freely. Before the disgrace of himself and 
 the ruin of his whole family, Pole had come to study 
 at Padua, after leaving Oxford. He had an income 
 of nine hundred pounds a year, and lived as became 
 a nobleman and a relation of the king of England. 
 On his return home the question of the king's divorce 
 placed him on the horns of a dilemma — obedience to 
 the king and rupture with the Church, or exile. Pole 
 chose the latter alternative, and remembering his days 
 of study in the Venetian city, he made his way to 
 Padua once more. It was upon this second visit that 
 he formed an intimacy with his friends Contarini and 
 Priuli, and also with the man who afterwards proved 
 
254 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 his foe, Caraffa the Neapolitan. Contarini at once 
 established an ascendency of affection over the gentle 
 Englishman ; and it was between the political impulse 
 of Contarini and the literary impulse of Sadoleto that 
 Pole spent the greater part of his life in Italy. When 
 Contarini was summoned to Rome to undertake the 
 work of reform, he called Pole, among other friends, 
 to his aid; and Pole appears as "the English cardinal" 
 among the signatories of the "Advice." Pole had 
 never enjoyed robust health, and the strain of work 
 in Rome made him glad to escape whenever possible. 
 Contarini was well aware of his friend's delicate 
 constitution, and anxiously urged him to pay more 
 heed to his physical condition, and to keep himself 
 efficient for the service of the Church. And there- 
 upon followed a humorous correspondence. Contarini 
 recommends a fish diet, and above all attention to 
 the advice of Priuli and his Italian friends, who 
 understand the climate. Pole replies, "You have 
 now commissioned Priuli to act as a keeper of my 
 health and arbiter of my goings ; but he began to 
 use his authority after so cavalier a fashion that my 
 horse, which he had borrowed, guessed my feelings 
 towards him and gave him a fall ; since then I find him 
 much milder. But, joking apart, travelling tries me 
 severely. The wind and open air, to which I have 
 not been accustomed for some months, give me a 
 fever ; and that attacks me chiefly at night." This 
 same Priuli is the man who, of all others, was most 
 deeply attached to Pole. From the time when they 
 first met in Venice Priuli never left his friend. His 
 villa near Treviso was always open to Pole ; and 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINl AND HIS FRIENDS. 255 
 
 thither Pole retired when in need of rest, or, as in the 
 middle of the Council of Trent, in search of health. 
 Priuli was with him on his many legations ; with him 
 too at his palace of Lambeth during the two years 
 that Pole was archbishop of Canterbury ; and when 
 Pole died, " Alvise Priuli, for twenty years my tried 
 friend," was left his heir and executor. In spite of 
 the joke about the horse, and his unwillingness to be 
 drilled, Pole had the good sense to listen to Priuli's 
 recommendations, and from his next letter, written to 
 Contarini from Piacenza, it is clear that he has profited. 
 "Again ! another letter on the same subject ! Do you 
 think you have no weight with me that you must 
 follow up the first by a second ? But from this I 
 learn how anxious all love must needs be. I cannot 
 deny that my strength has greatly benefited by 
 listening to your advice, and I am not only well, but 
 even in robust health. We stop here a whole day, a 
 thing I have never done before upon the journey. 
 I am left alone in the house, as my people have all 
 gone out to see the town. So I take up my pen once 
 more that I may spend the time with you." It was 
 partly his delicate health, partly his poverty — for all 
 his English fortune had been confiscated — partly, too, 
 a constitutional shyness and shrinking from publicity, 
 which made Pole dislike and avoid these official 
 journeys. He came only too willingly to the lure of 
 Sadoleto's gardens at Carpentras, and loudly bewailed 
 the hardship which compelled him to quit them for 
 a journey into France. And, later on, he writes as 
 legate from Viterbo to Contarini, explaining how he 
 likes to live : " I use my morning hours in study, and 
 
256 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 am therefore very jealous of them. Business comes 
 after dinner, and the rest of the day is devoted to the 
 company of Messer Carnesechi and Antonio Flaminio. 
 If only you were here this place would be a paradise 
 on earth. Your absence is the sole drawback to my 
 complete satisfaction. But were I to judge from my 
 past experience of the way in which God has ordered 
 my goings, I should have reason to doubt whether 
 this full measure of quiet could be mine for long." 
 It is only in the company of a friend or of a friend's 
 volume that he can forget the tedium of the road. 
 " Your book," he writes to Sadoleto, " was carriage, 
 and springs, and companion to me, so much did it 
 ease my journey." Pole never could see a monastery 
 without wishing to seek rest inside its walls ; he con- 
 stantly speaks of himself as though he were a hunted 
 deer running for the shelter of a cloister, be it at 
 Dilingen, at Carpentras, or at Maguzano on the Lake 
 of Garda. He is happy when he escapes from Rome 
 to the country ; he is happy at Viterbo in the company 
 of Flaminio, the poet of the country ; or at Rovellena, 
 among the Euganean hills, "our paradise, as I can 
 truly call this place, both because of the charm of its 
 situation amid these delicious hills, and also and 
 much more because of the friends whose society I 
 here enjoy;" happy, too, at Dandolo's villa, "ubi 
 jucunde et hilare epulati sumus." Pole was made for 
 the frank enjoyment and companionship of his friends 
 in all the quiet and refined conditions of life, but not 
 for the bustle and self-assertion of the great world. 
 Whether it was the poverty of his health, or that the 
 tragedy of his house was ever present to his memory, 
 
CARDINAL CONTARINI AND HIS FRIENDS. 257 
 
 this instinctive shrinking accompanied him through 
 life. It showed itself in his refusal of the cardi- 
 nalate, a refusal which compelled the pope to take 
 him, as it were, by surprise, first appearing to con- 
 sent, and then, on the morning of the Consistory, 
 causing him to be tonsured, consecrated, and declared 
 a cardinal before he well knew what had happened 
 to him. It showed itself later on, when he declined 
 to urge his candidature for the tiara ; and in the 
 indifference with which he learned that he had missed 
 it by a single vote, an indifference that irritated a 
 member of the Sacred College into calling him un 
 pezzo di legno to his face. But Pole was not wooden 
 in insensibility ; he had his objects of desire. He 
 longed, as most men do, for what he never did 
 possess, quiet and the enjoyment of his friends. 
 Caraffa pursued him as he pursued all who belonged 
 to Contarini and the party of conciliation. Pole 
 missed the pain of seeing England break with his 
 Church once more. He and Queen Mary died in 
 1548, on the same day; but Pole closed his career 
 under a cloud of suspicion at Rome, deprived of his 
 office as legate, and threatened in his See ; the 
 youngest, the gentlest, and the most unfortunate in 
 this trio of Contarini and his friends. 
 
 These three men differed widely from one another ; 
 though chance threw them together in a close and 
 beautiful intimacy. The happiest of Pole's days were 
 passed in Italy. There, in contact with the friends 
 he had made, his character is at its brightest and its 
 best. Pole's Italian sojourn, however, is no more than 
 an episode in his story. His real life centres in Eng- 
 
 S 
 
258 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 land. There he experienced the misfortunes of his 
 youth ; and there the dark story of the persecutions 
 from Canterbury gathers about his last years. In Eng- 
 land he was called on to face the crucial trials of his 
 career. Sadoleto's life could hardly have had a 
 different issue. He was a scholar and a recluse by 
 nature, and the difficulties of the times made his high 
 station a certain source of unhappiness. Yet among 
 these three friends Sadoleto's character presents the 
 greatest harmony and completeness. For Contarini 
 the problem was rather different. He was endowed 
 with a burning activity of temper, and a natural bias 
 in two directions, towards philosophical study and 
 towards politics. The fact that he was a Venetian 
 determined him rather as a man of action than as a 
 speculator. But, having adopted the career of politics, 
 his philosophical bias avenged itself and compelled 
 him to pursue a line of compromise. Such a line was an 
 impossible one, and doomed to failure between Luther, 
 Caraffa, Charles, and Francis. Had he not been a 
 philosopher Contarini might have been a politician of 
 the type of Caraffa ; had he been less of a politician 
 he might have been a speculator in the school of Pom- 
 ponazzo, and a possible precursor of Bruno. Through 
 his intellectual sympathies he felt the tumult and the 
 doubt of this period of change, and his sleepless 
 nights are witness to the questionings of his soul. 
 The interest of his life and the pathos of his failure 
 lay in this, that he was at once something more and 
 something less than a politician or a philosopher. He 
 reflected faithfully the period of transition and the 
 complexity of his own day. 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG A DIN, A SIX- 
 TEENTH-CENTURY CAGLIOSTRO. 
 
 I. 
 
 One of the most curious and permanent features 
 in the history of the human spirit is the perennial ex- 
 pectation that the impossible may be realized. The 
 human spirit, like a child with its toys, seems to grow 
 weary of that which it possesses, and to reach out its 
 hands to that which it has not. The very impro- 
 bability of attaining an object throws a fascination 
 around it, and renders it more attractive than that 
 which lies under our hand. Mankind never ceases to 
 hope — often in secret — that the picture of his imagina- 
 tion may become actual for him in some way or other. 
 The form which this expectation assumes continually 
 varies. Now its result is a credence in oracles ; now 
 a conviction that the millennium is imminent ; now 
 the philosopher's stone or El Dorado attracts desire ; 
 now it is the prospect of classifying ghosts or of 
 reading the secret behind the veil. But, however 
 various the manifestations of this reaching towards the 
 unrealized may be, each age, and especially each 
 age of any remarkable vitality, has shown itself 
 aoristic, undefined, and formless in some direction. 
 
26o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 It is to this dubious point that the curiosity, dissatis- 
 faction, and outgoings of mankind have always rushed. 
 Here, at this flaw in the solidity of the human intellect, 
 at this breach in the fortress of fact, this breach that 
 lets infinity flow in upon mankind, we find assembled 
 the strange and restless spirits of their time — the 
 magician, the prophet, the philosopher. The qualities 
 of these men differ widely from one generation 
 to another as the object of their hopes differed. 
 Sometimes it was a noble expectation which drew 
 them to the gates of the infinite ; a hope of Christ's 
 second coming, or a belief in universal equality and 
 brotherhood. Sometimes the expectation was mean 
 and tainted ; such as the belief in the power of 
 alchemy to create gold, or a hope of inexhaustible 
 pleasure to be purchased by a compact with the devil. 
 But, noble or mean in its extravagant aspirations, 
 each age shows us the human spirit occupied, in part 
 at least, with a hope that the impossible may become 
 possible, that the limitless may be grasped. 
 
 Each epoch, then, will have its Cagliostros, trading, 
 with more or less of conscious duplicity and villany, 
 upon the governing appetites and expectations of 
 the men about them. These charlatans, in spite of 
 their iniquity and their certain failure, are seldom 
 utterly uninteresting — the possibility and the peril of 
 self-deception touch mankind too nearly. And, more- 
 over, these charlatans possess the power of bringing to 
 the surface the salient qualities of the men with whom 
 they are implicated, and their career throws into 
 high relief the leading characteristics of their age. 
 The close of the sixteenth century was a period of 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG A DIN. 261 
 
 extreme ferment and corruption throughout Europe. 
 The air was charged with expectation. Men's minds 
 were on the alert for something startling and new ; 
 old landmarks had been swept away, old faiths called 
 in question, Machiavelli and the Reformation had 
 riven Europe and shaken thrones. Court and camp 
 were in a condition of morbid activity. Princes and 
 sovereigns moved restlessly, impelled by an insatiable 
 desire for change. Their palaces abounded in ad- 
 venturers, ready to propose and attempt impossible 
 schemes of political aggrandizement. In the world of 
 politics the bounds of sanity were overstepped, and 
 in the social world the same process was at work. It 
 was one of those periods when the moral conscience 
 seems to have fallen asleep and to have relaxed its 
 bracing and binding power. In every department of 
 life charlatans were abroad, preying upon the cupidity, 
 the folly, or the appetites of society. Our sixteenth- 
 century Cagliostro, Marcantonio Bragadin, was only 
 one among a hundred others of similar temper ; but 
 we have selected him for several reasons. In the first 
 place, his career led him to cross the paths of many 
 people of importance : * of Henry IV. of France and 
 the dukes of Bavaria and Mantua ; of Popes Sixtus 
 V. and Gregory XIV. ; and, finally and principally, he 
 came in contact with the republic of Venice. He 
 occupies two volumes of official letters, reports and 
 resolutions, which exist now in the archives of the 
 Frari.t In these manuscripts we are able to follow 
 
 * Doglioni, " Hist. Venet.," lib. xviii. ; Daru, " Hist, de 
 Venise," lib. xxviii. 
 
 t See also Cicogna Codice, No. 80. 
 
262 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 a part of his life with a minuteness that accounts 
 for almost every day, and in the process a vivid 
 picture of a charlatan's career, his successes, and his 
 failure, is unfolded before us ; while at the same time 
 we receive a singular demonstration of the patient 
 accuracy and the thorough method which distinguished 
 the Venetian government, even when dealing with a 
 subject apparently so unimportant as the movements 
 of a reputed alchemist. 
 
 II. In nubibus. 
 
 Marco Bragadin, of Cyprus, as he called himself, 
 would seem to have belonged to the noble Venetian 
 house whose name he bore. How that may be we 
 cannot say for certain. His birth, his boyhood, and 
 early youth are lost in obscurity ; and Cyprus is the 
 only fact upon which we can rely. In Cyprus he was 
 born, somewhere about 1 540, of a father who practised 
 alchemy and medicine with considerable success. 
 Between Cyprus in 1540, and Venice in 1574, we 
 catch only one fleeting and doubtful glimpse of 
 Marco as court fool and disreputable attendant in the 
 train of Bianca Capello, grand duchess of Tuscany.* 
 The next we hear of him is in Venice, with his 
 brother Hector, staying in the house of a friend — he 
 had already begun to make friends and followers — 
 a certain Caldogno, of Vicenza. There is nothing as 
 yet about alchemy or mystery of any sort, only 
 friendship, and that pura fascinatione^ the sheer 
 fascination which one of his victims subsequently 
 
 * See Celio Malespini, " Novelle," torn. ii. Nov. xc. 
 
MARCANTONIO BRACADIN. 263 
 
 recognized as a characteristic of the man. At this 
 time Venice was in a ferment of revelry for the 
 advent of Henry III. of France. The lavish expen- 
 diture, the riot, and the licence of these few days' 
 pageantry turned most heads ; and it occurred to the 
 two Bragadins that they would like to go to France 
 in Henry's train, seeing the number of adventurers 
 who swarmed about the king, and scenting the right 
 man for their prey, if they could come at him. Money 
 for the journey was not easily to be had ; but, thanks 
 to Marco's "sheer fascination," the Caldogno family 
 advanced fifty ducats and a bill of exchange for 
 four hundred more ; and, thus provided, the Bragadins 
 set out. At this point they disappear once more 
 behind their cloud, and what happened in France is 
 obscure to us. But it would seem that Marco began his 
 practice of alchemy or " philosophy," as it was called 
 by its professors, in that country, where the famous 
 Nostradamus was little more than dead, and that he 
 left something of a reputation behind him, enough at 
 least to secure for him repeated invitations to return. 
 Whatever reputation Marco may have gained, this 
 visit to France did not prove financially successful ; 
 and we find him back again in Venice, all the four 
 hundred and fifty ducats gone, himself in great straits, 
 overwhelmed with debts, pursued by creditors, and 
 with no ostensible means of livelihood. In this pass he 
 took a step which hampered him all his life, and from 
 the consequences of this act he never struggled free. 
 He resolved to enter a monastery of the Capuchins. 
 Before he assumed the cowl, the Father Superior 
 obtained for his novice an accommodation with his 
 
264 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 creditors, and Marco joined the order of St. Francis 
 a free man, as he beheved, but, in reahty, he had 
 fastened such a halter round his neck as was not to 
 be loosed except by his death. Bragadin had taken 
 this step merely as a temporary measure and under 
 the great pressure of his debts. A cloister life had 
 few attractions and offered no scope to a man of his 
 temper. He was not long in making his escape and 
 finding his way back to France. And it was after 
 this second visit to France that he emerged into 
 clear light, and began to attract the attention of the 
 Venetian government. 
 
 III. Bragadin emerges. 
 
 Hitherto Bragadin's course has lain chiefly in 
 nubibus ; there have been few indications of the 
 man's nature or powers ; we have heard little as yet 
 of transmutation of metals, and nothing of the anima 
 cToro. Only in Cyprus, Florence, Venice, and France, 
 has the veil lifted a moment to show us Marco in no 
 very reputable or hopeful circumstances. Now, how- 
 ever, he emerges into lucidity, and the vigilant eye of 
 Venice is turned upon his career.* In September, 
 1588, Bragadin was established in a small village of 
 the Bresciano, at the foot of the Alps, not far from 
 Bergamo. He had just returned from France, where 
 his second visit had proved no more lucrative than 
 the first. For he was living in a very poor way, " in 
 miserable rags," with one companion, a Flemish gun- 
 smith skilled at mending arquebuses. Here, at 
 
 * Cod. No. 80. 
 
MARC ANTONIO BR AG A DIN. 265 
 
 Torbiato, he might have remained undisturbed and 
 unnoticed, but that the officers of the Inquisition got 
 wind of his whereabouts, and were in search of him 
 as an apostate and runaway monk. So Bragadin was 
 forced to change his quarters ; and the next we hear 
 of him is from Lovere, on the Lago d'Iseo, with the 
 police close at his heels. One night he was roused 
 by a hammering at the door, and looking out to see 
 who knocked, he found the house surrounded, and 
 the chief constable of Bergamo come to arrest him. 
 " Alone and undressed, he flung himself out of a high 
 window, and so escaped," but not without a deep 
 wound under his chin, the scar of which he bore long 
 afterwards. Considering the height of the window, 
 and his narrow escape from capture, he decided that 
 a miracle had been performed on his behalf, and 
 asserted it with such confidence that he persuaded 
 some of his friends to believe the same. 
 
 A miracle alone, however, is not a source of 
 income ; and, as yet, Bragadin's prospects did not 
 seem very bright. But presently he is back again at 
 Lovere, and an extraordinary change has come over 
 his manner of life. At Torbiato he was poor, alone, 
 and pursued ; at Lovere he is rich and surrounded 
 by servants. The governors of Brescia report thus of 
 him in October, 1589: "He entertains in his house, 
 now twenty, now thirty nobles and other citizens of 
 Brescia. His expenses are so great that no private 
 individual could support them. Rumour says that 
 during these last four or five months he has disbursed 
 twenty thousand scudi ; and just now he has one 
 hundred mouths to feed, and one hundred horses in 
 
266 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 his stables." Truly a surprising change from the 
 ''miserable rags" of Torbiato just a year ago. And 
 the way in which Bragadin had wrought this trans- 
 formation gives him rank as a charlatan. His method 
 was that of the professional impostor and scamp. 
 He began by whispering to his neighbours of Torbiato 
 that God had committed to his keeping a secret 
 whose value was inestimable, but not for worlds must 
 they divulge this to another ; he told it them solely 
 because they had taken pity upon his rags and poverty. 
 And what was the secret .'' Then Bragadin produced a 
 fine powder, wrapped in a paper, and said that here 
 was the anima cToro, the spirit of gold, by whose 
 potency he could convert quicksilver into the precious 
 metal, and reap a profit of five hundred per cent. 
 Unlimited prospect of gold ! It was more than human 
 imagination could resist, and all to be had by simple 
 belief in this precious man ; no other price asked ; for 
 Bragadin began by refusing presents from these lesser 
 folk, meaning to fly at far higher game. Events 
 followed the course he expected. Such a light could 
 not long lie hidden under a bushel. The rumour 
 spread that at Lovere lived a man who owned the 
 spirit of gold ; and presently there arrived a certain 
 Alfonso Piccolomini, gentleman and soldier in the 
 service of the duke of Mantua, and shortly after the 
 duke himself, to see whether the anima d'oro might 
 not be carried off to Mantua, locked away, and so 
 make his Highness rich forever. Money was not 
 wanting now, for Bragadin had doubtless represented 
 to Piccolomini that the labourer is worthy of his hire 
 even before he has laboured. And so the duke 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG AD IN. 267 
 
 " stayed to dine and sup, and treated Bragadin with 
 more respect than he shows to our government " — so 
 report the governors of Brescia. " He made great 
 offers to Bragadin if he would go to Mantua. With 
 these, however, Bragadin merely played, and gave no 
 promise." A few days later, the duke is back again 
 to supper ; " a great feast, with fish, flesh, confetti 
 from Genoa and Spain ; all at the cost of seven 
 hundred scudi, not including an arquebus which 
 Bragadin presented to the duke, and which was worth 
 six hundred more ; " and after supper Bragadin did 
 himself the honour to refuse a diamond ring " worth 
 some million" — a singular moderation, considering that 
 it was the duke's pocket which had furnished the feast. 
 In this distinguished company the humbler friends 
 of Torbiato are forgotten and thrust aside. But they 
 do not forget their quickened hopes, their visions of 
 perennial gold ; and, resenting Bragadin's conduct, 
 they report ill of him to the authorities in Brescia. 
 These visits of the duke of Mantua required con- 
 sideration. The governors referred for orders to 
 Venice, and received instructions to furnish " the 
 fullest information regarding the life, habits, expenses, 
 servants, friends, and intentions of Bragadin." In 
 this way tlie alchemist came under the notice of the 
 Venetian government, and the series of daily reports 
 begins. 
 
 IV. Anima d'Oro. 
 
 Hitherto Bragadin's illustrious friends had heard 
 only promises and glowing accounts of the inex- 
 haustible resources of anitna cToro. Tangible proof 
 
268 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 as yet there was none. And they became impatient. 
 But Bragadin was now aware that Venice had began 
 to show some interest in his movements. This was 
 just what he desired. The more bidders for him and 
 for his precious " medicine,"* as he called it, the better 
 terms he would be able to make ; so at least he 
 thought. He was ready to give proof, but was 
 resolved to do so only in the presence of some 
 Venetian of authority whose report would impress 
 his government. He chose his man well. Count 
 Marcantonio Martinengo, of Villa Chiara, was a noble 
 of the republic, a distinguished general who had 
 represented Venice at the courts of Rome and 
 France, a man valued for his straightforward honesty 
 and simplicity. At that time he was recovering from 
 illness at a country house near Brescia. Bragadin 
 begged Piccolomini, as a friend of Martinengo, to 
 invite the count to be present at the operation of 
 making gold from quicksilver which he now intended 
 to perform. Martinengo gladly accepted the invitation, 
 for he had heard the rumours about Bragadin and 
 was curious. But first he consulted the authorities of 
 Brescia, and obtained their consent to his action on 
 the understanding that he should send them a detailed 
 report of all that occurred.f This is Martinengo's 
 report : " Sig. Marco Bragadin, as a most faithful and 
 loving subject of this serene republic, wishing to 
 demonstrate the reality of the gift committed to him 
 by the Divine Majesty, chose and summoned me as a 
 
 * See Ben Jonson's " Alchemist." Subtle might almost have 
 been studied from Bragadin. 
 t " Rivista Vienese," xii. 1840. 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG A DIN. 269 
 
 tried friend and servant and vassal of his Serenity, 
 that I might bear true testimony to the facts. He 
 made me take a pound of quicksilver, which I had 
 ordered my servant to buy, and put it in a crucible 
 upon a fire of live coals. He left it there as long as 
 one might take to say a Pater noster and an Ave 
 Maria. Then he made me take some orange-coloured 
 powder which he values very highly, about as much 
 as a grain of millet ground into meal ; and this he 
 made me mix with a red wax, that the powder, which 
 is very fine, might not fly away. Then he made me 
 take another small grain of some material between 
 green and black. This he declared was of no value 
 at all, and in proof he flung some of it out of the 
 window ; but at the same time he said that it was 
 absolutely necessary for the operation, which could 
 not be performed without it. This stuff with my 
 own hand I mixed in wax, and then threw both the 
 pellets into the crucible where the quicksilver was 
 already boiling. Then we heaped on more coals, so 
 that the fire was blazing all round, and left it about a 
 quarter of an hour ; at the end of which, I, by his order, 
 took the crucible, glowing hot, and put it in a vase 
 of liquid, like water in consistency but of a pale blue 
 colour. And when the crucible was cooled, we turned 
 out of it a lump weighing a pound, which I have 
 forwarded to you, that it may be sent to Venice, and 
 tested with the usual tests for gold of twenty-four 
 carats." The lump was sent to Venice and tested. 
 We shall hear more of it later on. 
 
 This was a good day's work for Bragadin. He 
 roused all the curiosity and cupidity of the Venetian 
 
270 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 officials by his lump of seeming gold, which reached 
 them through the governors of Brescia. But more 
 than that, he had attached to himself Count Marti- 
 nengo by a faith that no subsequent exposure was 
 able to shake. Martinengo was a plain, honest 
 man. He had seen the gold made ; that was 
 enough for him. From that day forward he be- 
 lieved in the God-gifted Marco Bragadin, and was 
 completely subdued by the " sheer fascination " of 
 the man and his work. In all future proceedings 
 he acts for Bragadin ; defends him ; watches his 
 interest ; counts it his greatest honour to know this 
 sage favoured of heaven, this man "with a singular 
 devotion to goodness." Nothing could have been 
 more fortunate for Sig. Marco. For, on the other 
 hand, the Venetian government, who cared little 
 about the source of his gift, be it from heaven or hell, 
 who were not at all impressed by his "singular 
 devotion to goodness," and indifferent as to his 
 character "more than middling," had been touched 
 in a place where they were highly susceptible. This 
 Brescian nugget wakened in them the vision of an 
 inexhaustible treasury. Their one anxiety now was 
 that Bragadin should be brought to Venice as soon 
 as possible ; their greatest fear lest the duke of Mantua 
 or some other prince should carry off this golden 
 prize. In their negotiations with the alchemist they 
 found no fitter intermediary than the Count Marti- 
 nengo, the man of Bragadin's own choice ; and so, as 
 plenipotentiary between himself and the Venetian 
 government, Bragadin secured a man wholly devoted 
 to himself, the humble slave of his " sheer fascination." 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG A Dm. 271 
 
 V. "His Natural Prince." 
 
 The negotiations for bringing Bragadin to Venice 
 required some delicacy in handling. France, Rome, 
 Mantua, and Venice were all bidding for the honour 
 of his presence. Venice was unwilling to arrest him 
 and carry him off by force, though at the same time 
 she was fully resolved that he should not escape. 
 Bragadin was aware of this resolve ; and the know- 
 ledge that he was virtually caught irritated him into 
 making a show of freedom by playing with other 
 princes, and by loudly declaring that he would take 
 no other road than that which " God should inspire 
 him to choose." Though he had desired to number 
 Venice among the claimants for his person, he 
 was now more than half afraid of his own action, 
 dreading the results of the notoriety he had created 
 and feeling that he had touched a power he was 
 unable to control. The Venetian government did 
 not wish to alarm him, and preferred that he should 
 come to Venice seemingly of his own accord. At 
 the request of Martinengo they sent a safe-conduct 
 for Bragadin, his powders, jars, and retorts, and ordered 
 the governors of Brescia to invite him to dine and 
 to show him every attention. On the other hand, 
 Piccolomini, as a soldier of adventure in command of 
 his own troop, was plying Bragadin with wild offers — 
 to seize Orvieto and make it over to Bragadin, if he 
 would consent to manufacture gold in that city. The 
 duke of Mantua, too, was at work in person. Late 
 one evening he arrived incognito at Brescia, in a 
 hired carriage with three attendants. He at once 
 
272 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 called on Bragadin, and was admitted, by a secret 
 stair, to the room where the alchemist was, he threw 
 his arms round Bragadin's neck, implored him to be 
 his friend, made him shake hands on it, assured him 
 of his immutable regard. Bragadin replied in the 
 same strain, and ended by saying, "When I am at 
 Venice I shall be with a prince who is so entirely my 
 friend that I can promise you all good offices through 
 my mediation." Then the two passed the evening 
 over a splendid supper, and next day the duke sent 
 to his host a collar, a jewelled watch, and robes with 
 golden buttons. 
 
 But the pressure from outside, from the governors 
 of Brescia, from Martinengo, from Contarini and 
 Dolfin, two commissioners sent on purpose to hasten 
 Bragadin's departure, was rapidly becoming more than 
 he could resist. As a matter of fact, one course only 
 was open to him ; and on the 8th of November he 
 announced that, " inspired by God to refuse all other 
 offers, he was now resolved to serve his natural prince," 
 the doge. The conditions which he asked were 
 modest enough ; for his game now was to establish 
 himself well at Venice, and secure the confidence of 
 the government and the great nobles. " I do not 
 seek," he says, " nay, I do not desire either dignity, or 
 honour. I am content with the pleasure I feel in 
 serving others. I bring to Venice my treasure, and 
 in Venice will my heart also be. I only entreat your 
 Serenity to leave me perfectly free to act as God shall 
 inspire. This operation of making gold requires 
 much time, and ninety months of undisturbed labour 
 will be needed to perfect and to multiply the anima 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG AD IN. 273 
 
 doro which I now possess, so that I may be able to 
 make a suitable gift to your Serenity. The medicine 
 I have with me is capable of producing one hundred 
 thousand ducats ; but in order to create five millions, 
 as I desire to do, I require thirty months for boiling 
 a certain water in dung under ground. One only 
 favour I have to ask ; that is, that your Serenity should 
 use your influence to secure my absolution at Rome 
 and release from my monastic vows." 
 
 But, though everything had been arranged, Bra- 
 gadin still delayed his departure. The duke of 
 Mantua still continued to ply him with presents and 
 letters beginning, " The lover to the beloved ; " and the 
 governors of Brescia had such grave suspicions that 
 the duke intended to waylay and carry off Bragadin, 
 that they deemed it necessary to have the whole 
 country scoured, and to double the guards at the 
 gates. At length, on the 20th of November, Bragadin, 
 Martinengo, and a large escort set out for Peschiera, 
 Verona, Padua, and Venice. The journey was 
 arranged to look as like a triumph as possible. The 
 authorities in each of the towns received Bragadin 
 at the public palace, feasted and entertained him, 
 consulted his wishes as to the details of his route, 
 and supplied him with an escort suitable to a prince — 
 " for the greater honour of his person," they always 
 said. But in reality Bragadin was a prisoner and he 
 knew it. At Padua he made one effort to shake off 
 his guards. He announced that he would go to 
 Venice down the Brenta by water, and one boat 
 could not accommodate all his retinue. He chose this 
 route because he knew that Piccolomini was lying 
 
 T 
 
274 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 in wait near Dolo, to carry him off to Mantua or 
 elsewhere. But the scheme failed ; for the governor 
 assured him that a personage so dear to the republic 
 could not be allowed to reach the lagoons unattended. 
 Upon the 26th of November Bragadin entered Venice, 
 and found himself safe under the protection of " his 
 natural prince," 
 
 VI. The Jar in the Ten. 
 
 Venice was in a state of expectation at the arrival 
 of the famous Marco Bragadin Mamugni — " Mam- 
 mon Bragadin," as the people immediately nicknamed 
 him. The Venetian government was always remark- 
 able for the rapidity of its action, when it had once 
 adopted a course ; and in this case they did not belie 
 their reputation. Bragadin arrived on the 26th, and 
 on the 28th, by the advice of Contarini and Dolfin, two 
 of his well-wishers and high state officers, he sent 
 Martinengo to the Council of Ten, to convey a 
 letter addressed by himself to the doge, and to offer 
 two jars of anima doro, as an earnest of his good 
 faith, upon the condition that these jars should be 
 placed in a cupboard in the mint, and the keys of 
 the cupboard handed over to Bragadin, so that he 
 might take from the jars the "medicine" as he 
 required it for his work. Martinengo was introduced 
 to the council, and the two jars placed beside him 
 on the floor. He reported at length on his relations 
 with Bragadin, and then demanded the answer of 
 the Ten as regarded the offer of his friend. The gift 
 of the anima d'oro was accepted, and likewise 
 
MARCANTONIO BRAGADIN. 275 
 
 Bragadin's conditions. The two jars were ordered to 
 the mint, and were carried out in solemn procession 
 by Pietro Marcello, governor of the mint, accom- 
 panied by the heads of the Ten and Martinengo, who 
 saw the precious powders stowed away, and himself 
 carried the keys of the cupboard to the alchemist. 
 
 The government suspended judgment, but pursued 
 their usual method of swiftly and silently securing 
 everything in their own hands before proceeding to 
 decisive action. They held Bragadin safe in Venice, 
 and now they had his anhna d'oro, \\\s piece justificative, 
 under lock and key. Bragadin had the keys, it is true, 
 but he could not touch his medicine without their know- 
 ledge and consent. From Bragadin's point of view, 
 this present of the anima doro was intended to inspire 
 confidence, and to justify any delays for which he 
 might apply ; and to make assurance doubly sure on 
 this head, he took a further step. On the 23rd of 
 December Marcello, master of the mint, reports to the 
 Ten : " This morning I went to the mint. Bragadin 
 came, accompanied by Martinengo, Contarini, and 
 Dolfin. They were brought into the mint by the Riva. 
 We all went to the cupboard where the jars were placed 
 a few days ago, and, having opened the cupboard with 
 the keys Bragadin had brought with him, we placed 
 therein a packet, sealed with four seals of Spanish 
 wax on the strings, three on one side and one on the 
 other. These seals, Bragadin tells me, are his own 
 and one of Count Martinengo's. He further adds 
 that this packet contains his secret and his Will. 
 After that we all separated and went our ways." 
 The government could hardly look for any greater 
 
276 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 marks of honesty. They now possessed Bragadin's 
 " spirit of gold," and the receipt for making it, sealed 
 with his own intaglio showing the figures of Philosophy 
 and Truth. 
 
 But in the mean time, the good effects of this 
 apparent candour ran a serious danger of being de- 
 stroyed. The Brescian nugget had been tested, and 
 found to be silver, coloured with bronze. This dis- 
 covery might have put an end for ever to Bragadin 
 and his secret, but that rumours of it reached his 
 ears, and he made a countermove to efface its in- 
 jurious results. A few days after hearing the report 
 of the assayers in the mint, the Council of Ten received 
 from several of its own members an account of certain 
 events which had taken place in the house of Conta- 
 rini, where Bragadin had volunteered a demonstration 
 of his powers. He had gone through his usual 
 performance with his crucible, his orange and black 
 powders, his wax and coloured water, and at the 
 close he had made this speech, holding the contents 
 of the crucible in his hand : " Gentlemen," he said, 
 " take the gold ; bear true witness to what you have 
 seen ; test it at your leisure. I hear that the piece 
 which I made in the presence of Count Martinengo 
 has been tested in your mint, and is said not to be 
 pure gold. I affirm that they mistake ; it is pure 
 gold. I will take a bit of this to test it " (and with 
 that he cut off a piece with his knife), " and then we 
 shall see who is wrong. I have come. here of my 
 own free will, to serve my natural prince. I rely upon 
 his safe-conduct, and I assure you that I make no 
 pretensions, nor desire aught but to live and die 
 
MARCANTONJO BR AG AD IN, 277 
 
 Marco Bragadin the Cipriot" Twice during his 
 career on Venetian territory, Bragadin had performed 
 his operation of projection ; both times reluctantly and 
 at a pinch. On both occasions it had served his 
 purpose for a time, and allayed a growing suspicion. 
 But this was a bank upon which he could not draw for 
 ever. One more draft and his account will be run out, 
 his cheque dishonoured and himself undone. 
 
 After hearing the report of their members, the 
 council hesitated again ; they thought the matter worth 
 further consideration ; and on the 1 3th of December the 
 Senate appointed a committee of the governors of the 
 mint, " to deal with this affair as quickly, dexterously, 
 and prudently as possible, that we may find out the 
 very truth upon the matter ; persuading Bragadin 
 with friendly exhortations to give us satisfaction on 
 the point." So Bragadin was on his last trial — was 
 face to face with the moment crucial for his prospects 
 in Venice. 
 
 VII. On the Guidecca. 
 
 Hitherto we have followed Bragadin's career from 
 the inside only. To the outer world, however, his 
 position appeared very different. There were no signs 
 of immediate collapse, no appearance of a rotten core, 
 no indication of doubtful foothold. To Venice he 
 had come as the great Marco Bragadin, philosopher 
 and alchemist, creator and dispenser of gold, world- 
 famous and holy man, to whom the government 
 showed all honour and regard. The great nobles, 
 greedy for wealth, gave him a ready welcome, and 
 supplied him with funds on which they hoped to gain 
 
278 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 an honest cent, per cent. The people, ready to adopt 
 the fashion of the moment, believed in the Divine 
 origin of his gift, and were ready to stone those 
 who should utter a doubt. Even before his arrival 
 Bragadin had secured many wealthy and powerful 
 connections ; the families of Contarini, Dolfin, Dan- 
 dolo, and Cornaro claimed friendship with him, and 
 so his arrival in Venice was, in appearance, a tri- 
 umphant success. He hired the beautiful palace of 
 the Dandoli on the Guidecca,* with its gardens, cortili, 
 fountains, and loggie looking over the lagoon, and 
 there he established himself with an immense retinue 
 of servants, actors, and musicians, and entertained his 
 noble friends at masques and balls and banquets of 
 regal magnificence. In fact, the pura fascinatione 
 of Signor Marco and his golden reputation reigned 
 supreme in Venice for a while. He possessed many 
 gifts which attracted people, talking well and playing 
 several instruments; while, to; support his character 
 as alchemist and intimate of the secret world, he 
 was followed wherever he went by two enormous 
 black dogs with gold collars round their necks ; and 
 it did not take the people long to determine that 
 these two hounds were his familiar spirits. Gold 
 there evidently was in the house on the Guidecca, 
 but as yet it had come chiefly from the pockets of 
 others, and not from Marco's laboratory. But, for 
 all that, the eclat was brilliant, and the fame of 
 Bragadin and his golden secret spread far beyond 
 Venice. This is the account which a learned con- 
 
 * Sansovino, " Venezia, Cittk nobilissima e Singolare," in vita 
 " Cicogna." 
 
MARCANTONIO BRAGADIN. 279 
 
 temporary sends to a friend. " It is true," he writes, 
 " that I have been to Venice to gain some informa- 
 tion about this famous Mamugna. They say that 
 he really is able to transmute metals, and therefore 
 many nobles run after him in the hope of having 
 their debts paid. They court and almost adore him, 
 and the least title they give him is that of 'most 
 illustrious.' Presents pour in from all sides, even 
 from princes. The price of coal, philosophers' cloaks, 
 and crucibles has gone up. Every one professes 
 mammonry. If you want my opinion, I don't be- 
 lieve a word of it. Species rerum transmutari non 
 possunty * 
 
 Bragadin's success was certainly great. But 
 underneath this blaze of notoriety there lay the 
 ominous order of the Senate, calling his case for 
 immediate judgment, with its rigid and uncom- 
 promising demand to know " the truth of these 
 matters." And his admirers, his noble and needy 
 friends, were growing impatient, and reiterated their 
 desire di subito veder oro — to see gold straightway. 
 This caused much uneasiness to Bragadin ; for, as he 
 carefully explained, gold could not be seen in this 
 sudden and summary way ; a philosopher requires, 
 above all things, time and a " serene mind." But 
 explanations were hardly acceptable while debts re- 
 mained to be paid and promises fulfilled. In fact, 
 the gale of public fame and private impatience was 
 driving the alchemist's bark further and faster than 
 he desired, and in the background hung the order of 
 the Senate, waiting to be discharged. 
 
   Giovanni Bonifacio, " Lettere," No. 78 (Rovigo : 1627). 
 
28o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 VIII. "Till God inspires." 
 
 The resolution of the Senate was communicated 
 to Bragadin two days after Christmas. He had 
 calculated on rousing cupidity, securing confidence, 
 and then delaying all action from month to month 
 upon the plea of requiring leisure, while he lived 
 upon the credulity and the gold of others. But the 
 rapidity of the government upset his scheme. Re- 
 luctantly, " renitente volontd.1' with shrinking will, he 
 turned to give battle to a power he could not hope to 
 control. In answer to the request of the committee, he 
 forwarded a letter to the doge * — an interminable 
 windy letter, whose core and meaning is reached only 
 after much difficulty and wading through pages of bitter 
 complaint that the proofs of his power which he has 
 already given have not secured him credence. He 
 assures the doge " that it is his nature to act sponta- 
 neously, and not when he is forced. For this power is 
 a great gift from God, and he would leave God to 
 make use of him as he pleases." He concludes — some 
 instinct that excuses would not avail compelling him 
 — by an appeal to the cupidity of the government : " I 
 do not desire to deceive you in aught, and if compelled 
 I can, in a very short time, convert my powder into 
 purest gold. But I warn you that if I act thus we 
 shall lose the notable advantage to be derived from 
 allowing the powder to multiply, which I can cause it 
 to do at the rate of three hundred per cent. This 
 would take a long time, but at the end I could, with 
 
 * " Revista Vienese," ut sup. 
 
MARCANTONIO BRAG AD IN. 281 
 
 part of this multiplied powder, produce a sum sufficient 
 to allow you to taste the benefit of my skill, while 
 the rest I would put to breed again. Your Serenity, 
 then, must choose whether you will at once see that 
 gold which my powder can now make — it will be a 
 comparatively insignificant amount — or will you let 
 me put it to multiply? Finally, I beg that in any 
 case I may not be disturbed during these holy days 
 of Christmas ; that I may have leisure to attend to 
 my soul's health, the repose of my body, the soothing 
 of my tormented spirit, and, in short, that I may 
 prepare myself for the service of your Serenity." 
 
 Bragadin's friends were for taking him at his own 
 time and waiting till the inspiration came to him. 
 But the committee, with the imperative order of the 
 Senate upon them, refused to delay. They continued 
 to urge Bragadin, while he floundered deeper and 
 deeper into the mire, from which he knew that there 
 was no escape compatible with success. On the 29th 
 of December he sent a formal communication to the 
 committee. He " begged to be left alone that week, 
 as he was attending to his soul ; he had confessed, 
 and hoped to take the sacrament, and so receive a 
 holy joy. But next week he would comply with their 
 demands." The answer came back that his request 
 was reasonable, that he might take his own time, but 
 must appoint a day in the following week. The day 
 agreed on was the 6th of January, Epiphany. 
 
282 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 IX. At the Palace.* 
 
 "On the 6th of January," so runs the report, ''Braga- 
 din and Martinengo came to visit the doge. They asked 
 if he would like to see the operation performed, and 
 a proof made of Bragadin's power. The doge replied 
 in the affirmative, and a servant was despatched to 
 buy a pound of quicksilver and a crucible ; while the 
 privy councillors, the heads of the law court, and the 
 masters of the mint were summoned to attend. A 
 fire of coal was prepared in the doge's private 
 chamber ; and when the servant returned with the 
 quicksilver and the crucible^ Signor Marco took the 
 crucible in his hand and said that it was too large for 
 the quantity of silver, and that he would have required 
 a fire twice as large. Then he explained to all that 
 by reason of its high edges the crucible was of no 
 use, and took another smaller one which he had 
 with him. This he handed round to the company, 
 that they might see whether there was anything in it 
 or no ; and all saw that it was clean and free from 
 suspicion. Then he took the quicksilver and folded 
 it in the handkerchief of Pasquale Cicogna, the 
 doge's nephew, and pressed it out into a plate of 
 white metal ; and because it had not all come out 
 of the handkerchief, he squeezed it again, and made 
 the rest pass through, and flung away some dirt that 
 remained in the handkerchief Then he took the 
 plate and handed it to Galeazzo Secco, the doge's 
 chancellor, and wished him to pour the silver into 
 
 * " Cod. Cicogna," ut sup. 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG AD IN. 283 
 
 the crucible ; but the chancellor was afraid of spilling 
 it, so Signor Bragadin himself poured it out. Then 
 he took a small folded paper, which he opened, and 
 inside was seen a very fine orange-coloured powder. 
 Then, turning to the illustrious Alexander Zorzi, 
 Bragadin said, * Do you recognize it? Look at it 
 well ; is it some of my medicine from the mint ? ' 
 Then he took a little on the point of a knife and 
 threw it on the quicksilver in the crucible. After this 
 he opened another paper containing some black stuff 
 in small pieces, and threw one of the pieces into the 
 crucible, saying that it was of no value ; and to prove 
 it threw the rest, paper and all, into the fire. Then 
 he took a piece of red wax and placed it in the 
 crucible on the top of the silver. One of the council 
 said, ' If that stuff is of no importance why do you 
 put it into the crucible ? ' and Marco replied, ' I don't 
 intend you to know why I put it there ; I mean to 
 keep that secret to myself.' Then, when he was 
 about to take up the crucible, he said, ' I must shake 
 the sleeves of my cloak well, so that no one may say 
 that I have slipped gold into the crucible.' So he 
 shook them well, twice over. Then, taking the 
 crucible, he said, * If you do not all of you presently 
 acknowledge that this stuff is gold, I am ready to be 
 branded a scoundrel.' Then he called Quirini and 
 Zorzi to see him put the crucible on the fire, and to 
 witness the operation ; and, turning to the doge, he 
 said, * Serene prince, will it please your Serenity to 
 come nearer, for this operation is performed on your 
 behalf.' So his Serenity rose and came to look on, 
 while Quirini sat down on a bench near the fire. 
 
284 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Then Signer Marco put the crucible on the coals, and 
 began to blow, and made the others help him. And 
 presently one heard the stuff beginning to boil, and 
 making a noise as though one had thrown salt on the 
 fire ; and this went on some little while. Then Priuli, 
 the councillor, rising to see what was going forward, 
 said, " One would think they were frizzling pitch by 
 the noise it makes.' After a bit Signor Marco, 
 raising the lid so that we could see the quicksilver 
 boiling, cried, 'You see how it boils. All this will 
 soon be gold ; ' and he put the lid on again, and 
 covered it over with live coal, and set to blowing once 
 more. And when the boiling and frizzling had ceased 
 somewhat, he called for a pitcher of water, and taking 
 the^crucible off the fire, he put it in the pitcher, plung- 
 ing it well in. Then he drew it out immediately, and, 
 placing the crucible on the window-sill, he took out 
 a lump of gold of the shape of the crucible, and 
 handed it round for all to see and examine. The 
 councillor Donado alone kept always in the distance, 
 without caring to see anything." 
 
 So for the third time Bragadin had made his 
 famous operation in the hope of delaying exposure. 
 But this was his last attempt to draw upon an 
 exhausted account. Two days after the scene at the 
 palace, the assayers of the mint handed in their 
 report : " Glory to God. Test made of a lump of 
 metal committed to us by the masters of the mint, 
 which is found by us, testers in the mint, to contain 
 four carats of silver and four carats of bronze." 
 With this brief and final document Bragadin's career 
 and prospects in Venice are closed for ever. Some 
 
MARCANTONIO BR AG A DIN. 285 
 
 few of his acquaintances still clung to him, inspired 
 by cupidity that could not believe itself baulked, or, 
 as in the case of Martinengo, by a real belief in 
 Bragadin that rose superior to all failure. But the 
 tide of popularity ebbed more rapidly than it had 
 flowed ; and for the Carnival of 1 590 Paolo Sarpi 
 invented the masquerade of Bragadin, the Mammon 
 God.* The people hooted him openly in the streets ; 
 and, after enduring the contumely for a month or 
 more, he escaped to Padua, where the Cornari offered 
 him a house and protection. 
 
 X. Flight. 
 
 Little more remains to be told ; but that little lies 
 outside Venice. It was not the Venetians who were 
 to score off and close for ever Bragadin's reckoning 
 with the world. The pressure of his debts, the 
 pursuit of his creditors, who had already secured the 
 sequestration of his goods, and his proximity to 
 Venice, made Padua by no means a safe or pleasant 
 home for Bragadin. Moreover, the Senate had con- 
 sidered a proposal to arrest and punish the man who 
 had fooled it. The motion was rejected solely on 
 the ground that such action would compromise the 
 dignity of the state, and publish the fact that the 
 Venetians had been gulled. Worse than all, Bragadin 
 could not trust his host Cornaro, who still pretended to 
 believe in his gift, and continued to clamour for gold. 
 
   Bianchi-Giovani, " Biog. di Frk Paolo Sarpi," i. no, in. 
 See Cicogna, " Miscel.," 1919, where a popular song on Bragadin 
 may be found. 
 
286 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 These circumstances alarmed Bragadin so much that 
 he resolved to quit Venetia. But where should he 
 go ? He had already received a letter from the duke 
 of Bavaria, couched in the most flattering terms, 
 addressed to " The Most Illustrious Marco Bragadin, 
 my dearest friend," * assuring him that the fame of 
 his secret had spread throughout all Germany, and 
 asking to be numbered among his admirers. Bavaria 
 then was open to him. The other alternative was 
 France. He had written to Henry IV., having reason 
 to believe that at the French court he would find a 
 ready welcome and honourable terms. Henry replied 
 to his ambassador at Venice, enclosing a letter for 
 Bragadin, and ordering De Maisse to open negotia- 
 tions with the alchemist.f The letter is a curious 
 specimen of the attitude upon which Bragadin and 
 his fellows could always count — a mixture of curiosity 
 and hope, a desire to see the new thing, and a lurking 
 expectation that there was some truth in the man's 
 pretensions ; enough, at least, to justify a trial. But 
 Bragadin never received Henry's letter ; for the 
 French ambassador replied to his master that the 
 alchemist was a miserable charlatan, already exploded, 
 and therefore he would not deliver the king's en- 
 closure. So Bragadin resolved to seek refuge in 
 Bavaria. On the 6th of August he set out for a 
 ride in the country, as he said. He galloped to 
 Bassano, passed the Alps without stopping, and 
 reached Landshut, near Munich, where the duke was 
 residing. 
 
 * " Cod. Cicogna," ut sup. \ Daru, op. cit.^ xxviii. 
 
MARCANTONIO BRAG AD IN. 287 
 
 XI. "Velut volatilis fugit Umbra." 
 
 Then follows a most singular series of letters * from 
 Bragadin to his friends, announcing his honourable 
 reception at the Bavarian court, the growing im- 
 portance of his position, his intimate relations with 
 the duke. By his own account, which the duke's 
 letters in a measure confirm, Bragadin was once 
 more on the full flood of success, enjoying a St. 
 Martin's summer of renown, blossoming again in the 
 warmth of princely favours. The duke, he says, is 
 " a very saint, worthy to be adored for his innate 
 goodness and his angelic temper." He has taken a 
 wonderful fancy to Bragadin ; has promised to obtain 
 his absolution at Rome : " My dear and sweet lord 
 is only waiting the election of the new pope. I 
 cannot express myself better than by saying that 
 I seem to be dealing with an angel from Paradise. 
 I only wish those rich old gluttons at Venice, puffed 
 up with ignorance, could see the way my dear and 
 only prince treats me. He often says, *I am all- 
 content if only Signer Bragadin be with me.' " And 
 the duke writes to the Cornari in terms almost as 
 warm. A very pretty duet ; Bragadin's pur a fas- 
 cinatione is clearly at work once more. Then follow 
 invitations, in Bragadin's name, to the whole Cornaro 
 family, and a present of four magnificent carriage 
 horses, from the duke, to bring them to Munich. The 
 postal service between the capital and Innsbruck is 
 placed at Marco's disposal. He receives a monopoly 
 
 * " Revista Vienese," ut sup. 
 
288 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of all the corn in Bavaria, and offers to make a present 
 of some to the doge ; for Venice is in need of grain, 
 and Bragadin wishes to bear no ill will to his natural 
 prince. But the affair did not go smoothly, and only 
 a miserable little dribblet found its way into the 
 granaries of Venice. Meantime Marco is not neg- 
 lecting his " philosophy," * and writes continually for 
 glass retorts, mortars, vials, jars, from the furnaces of 
 Murano ; for minerals, drugs, " Cyprian balsam of 
 terebinth ; " all things, in short, that are " necessary 
 for a great and skilled philosopher at work upon 
 distillation ; " for the duke is waiting till anima d'oro 
 shall generate, multiply, and finally produce gold. 
 
 But, as was inevitable with a charlatan, this 
 apparent success rested upon a rotten foundation. 
 This time the weak point was Bragadin's relations 
 with Rome — a point where the ground had already 
 trembled beneath his feet. His absolution and re- 
 lease from his monastic vows were not yet secured. 
 All had been put in order through the kind offices of 
 a Spanish priest, an intimate of the pope, and Sixtus 
 was ready to sign the necessary dispensations when- 
 ever Bragadin should pay the sum of twelve thousand 
 ducats into the papal treasury ; the owner of anima 
 cCoro could afford that amount. But Bragadin's 
 collapse at Venice rendered it impossible for him to 
 come by the ducats at once, and the whole matter 
 hung fire. Meantime, Sixtus died, and Pope Gregory, 
 with whom the alchemist had now to deal, was a man 
 of singular purity and austerity of manners. When 
 
 * "Filosofia" is frequently used to express both witchcraft 
 and alchemy. Cf. " La Signora di Monza.'' 
 
MARC ANTONIO BR AG AD IN. 289 
 
 the duke of Bavaria's representative, Minutio, men- 
 tioned the case, his Holiness would not hear of any 
 indulgence, and seems to have expressed an opinion 
 that the duke should rather make an end of a scamp, 
 an apostate friar, more than suspected of dealings 
 with the powers of darkness. With this angry- 
 message Minutio left Rome for Munich. 
 
 While this storm was gathering in the south, the 
 sky was still serene in Bavaria. The duet between 
 the duke and Bragadin goes on. There is a cre- 
 scendo of satisfaction in Marco's letters about himself 
 Suddenly these cease, and we hear that he is in 
 prison ; that he is secretly tried, confesses, and is 
 condemned to lose his head, and to be burned as a 
 sorcerer, his two black dogs along with him.* Minutio 
 had arrived from Rome ; the duke found himself 
 baulked of his desire to see gold. The combination 
 was fatal to Bragadin. 
 
 So sank his castles in the air, and vanished into 
 thin smoke. Marco Bragadin, his dogs, his jars, his 
 anima cToro, fall back into the obscurity whence they 
 had emerged for a while ; the dark gulf closes over 
 them — velut volatiles fugiunt umbrce. From the very 
 first there was never any hope of permanent success. 
 Bragadin is a type peculiar to his age. There were 
 hundreds of adventurers like him roaming over 
 Europe. The interest of their problem lies in this : 
 What end did these men really propose to themselves ? 
 How did they forecast their career so as to secure 
 anything like a permanent success .-* It is probable 
 that they did not look for permanence ; it did not 
 
 * See " Revista Vienese." He was executed April 27, 1591. 
 
 U 
 
290 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 enter into their scheme. They traded on curiosity, 
 greed, credulity, on the weaknesses of their contem- 
 poraries. They intended to make for each day 
 sufficient for each day's needs. Their skill consisted 
 in playing with circumstances, in combining or 
 counterposing the people with whom they came in 
 contact. The excitement of the game was its own 
 sufficient reward. It did not matter that it was a 
 game which could have one issue only — failure in 
 the end. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF 
 CYPRUS. 
 
 It is of Caterina Cornaro, lady of Asolo, queen of Jeru- 
 salem, Cyprus, and Armenia, that we have to speak : a 
 daughter of Venice, born in that heyday of Venetian 
 splendour, the close of the fifteenth century and the 
 opening years of the sixteenth. The lust of the eye 
 and the pride of life, the confident, unhesitating as- 
 sertion of sensuous emotion, were declaring them- 
 selves as principles of being ; the flower of pleasurable 
 existence was breaking from bud to blossom, to ripen 
 later and fall in that Dead Sea fruit of seventeenth- 
 century corruption. Venice had won her wealth ; she 
 was turning now to the use of it ; baring her bosom 
 to the joyous and seductive air, blown from the distant 
 salt sea, bright yet soothing, languid and caressing, 
 penetrating and pervading all with its magical perfume, 
 that stirred the soul and drew it to a very ocean of 
 rapturous delight. She opened her heart and throbbed 
 to the sweetness and love of her sea-girt home ; she 
 opened her eyes and drank the changeful symphonies 
 of colour that, morning and evening, flamed upon her 
 water-ways. Her artists caught upon their palettes 
 the reflection of sunsets seen from the Zattcre, and 
 laid with free hand this glow upon their canvases; 
 
292 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 while the golden glory of Venetian women grew there, 
 large like their skies, soft and undulating as their 
 ocean floor, clear as the morning light, aureoled with 
 hair of midday splendour, robed in a colour that was 
 learned from their sunsets. " Spartam nactus es ; hanc 
 orna." Venice had asked for no Arcadia ; her little 
 Sparta of the mud islands she had claimed, held, 
 made beautiful ; and now, should she not enjoy it ? 
 
 If we wish to know what the women of this ample 
 Venetian life looked like, we must turn to the pictures 
 of Titian. There, in his Venus of the tribune, large- 
 limbed and golden on the white sheets, or in his 
 Flora with full breasts and down-hanging hair, or, 
 higher and better still, in his Madonna of the ecstatic, 
 upraised face, with arms outstretched and breeze- 
 lifted locks, ecstatic, it is true, but not with any super- 
 terrestrial ecstasy — there it is that we shall find them. 
 But should we desire to learn what these women were, 
 not in body only, but in heart and mind ; if it be their 
 daily life we wish to scrutinize, to see them in their 
 homes about their business — we are left but poorly off, 
 and have to be content with such scraps of knowledge 
 and such inward glimpses as may be caught from the 
 comedies of their day, or from the few Venetian 
 novelettes of Bandello and his brother raconteurs. 
 
 One thing is clear about their manner of living ; 
 this wide luxury, this abundant life, was not for all 
 the women of Venice. A curious calculation * has 
 been made, from which it would seem that, out of seven 
 hundred noble ladies, not more than sixty or seventy 
 
 * Yriarte, " La Vie d'un Patricien de Venise " (Paris : 1874), 
 cap. ii. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 293 
 
 were in the habit of appearing daily in public ; the 
 others remained close shut in their houses, except 
 upon festivals and great public functions. It was the 
 courtesans who freely used and freely enjoyed the 
 diurnal splendour of Venetian habit. They were 
 always en evidence, present on the piazza ; their gon- 
 dolas to be met out on the lagoons, by San Spirito or 
 the Lido ; their liveries became well known ; their 
 doings and their sayings were the subject of the 
 people's gossip ; round them the popular interest settled. 
 The great ladies remained, for the most part, a shadow 
 and a name ; they were seen once or twice, perhaps, in 
 the year, upon one of those state ceremonies when 
 the noble houses vied with each other in the wealth of 
 jewellery and the richness of the robes worn by their 
 gentildonne. But even on such occasions as a ball in 
 the ducal palace, given to some wandering prince, 
 the courtesans held their own, and the more renowned 
 among them were sure of invitations, though, at times 
 like this, the Venetian nobleman took care that, in 
 splendour of dress at least, his mistress should not 
 eclipse his wife. It was a free and brilliant life that 
 these women led ; they affected a gorgeousness of dress 
 — rich coloured silks or velvets or Eastern stuffs — which 
 distinguished them from the noble lady whose every- 
 day wear was the long and simple black silk cappa. 
 Their houses were furnished to the furthest point the 
 sumptuary laws would allow. If a Venetian gentle- 
 man desired conversation, wit, music, even such politics 
 as the vigilance of the Three permitted— all, in short, 
 that we mean by a salon — it was to their drawing- 
 rooms that he had to go. It was there, and not in 
 
294 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 his own house, that he would meet Titian and Sanso- 
 vino the architect ; or, if he desired a lampoon on his 
 foe, Pietro Aretino, with his daughters Adria and 
 Austria. Venice was tuned to a high note of pleasure, 
 and the atmosphere of these drawing-rooms was cal- 
 culated to delight a trained sensibility ; for many 
 of the women were greatly accomplished — fine 
 musicians; brilliant talkers; sometimes, like Veronica 
 Franco, skilled writers of the sonnet and that curious 
 polished verse which says so little and says it so 
 beautifully. 
 
 Very different was the lot of the noble ladies. 
 They lived from their girlhood in an Eastern seclusion ; 
 as carefully and as jealously shut away as though they 
 were the inmates of some Turkish seraglio. The 
 Venetian men had imbibed their views on domestic 
 matters from the East ; in every department that 
 which touched them intimately was coloured from 
 Byzantium ; their deepest-rooted instincts, habits 
 and forms were Oriental. They did not keep eunuchs 
 as a guard upon their women, it is true ; but they 
 had a hundred jealous eyes always on the watch, and 
 no Venetian would think of leaving home for long 
 without a word to some more trusted servant* At all 
 events, they took advantage of one fashion in favour 
 among Venetian ladies, and by flattery they induced 
 them to wear a veritable instrument of torture 
 which prevented them from straying far afield ; 
 pattens of an enormous size were in vogue, and the 
 mania for increasing the height grew, until at length 
 
 * The Arsenal museum affords a proof of the extent to which 
 this brutal and insulting suspicion could be carried. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 295 
 
 a lady could not walk without the help of two atten- 
 dants, on whose shoulders the giantess leaned her 
 hands. One day the French ambassador was in 
 conversation with the doge, and touching on this 
 topic, he remarked that such a fashion must be most 
 incommodious. The doge admitted that no doubt 
 ordinary shoes would be more convenient, when one 
 of the councillors broke in with, "Yes, far, far too 
 convenient."* The cynical suspicion expressed in 
 this story suggests a far from happy life for nobly 
 born Venetian dames. 
 
 The married women were not, however, the greatest 
 sufferers in a Venetian household ; they saw the world 
 upon the great church feasts or the public ceremonies 
 of state, and on such occasions they received full 
 liberty to indulge their taste for jewellery and dress. 
 But the young girls never stirred outside their doors 
 except to go to mass or confession in the neighbour- 
 ing parrocchia ; and then they were jealously followed 
 by some old and faithful nurse, and their beauty care- 
 fully hidden beneath the long white fazzuolo. The 
 young men had to be content with their slight oppor- 
 tunities, and they made the most of them. The loves 
 of many a Venetian story begin with some chance 
 meeting in an aisle, some ardent glances exchanged 
 while waiting for the padre^ or the touch of a skirt 
 in the narrow calk between the house door and the 
 church. This jealous watchfulness was extended to 
 all teachers as well ; to music-masters, dancing- 
 masters, governesses. The head of a Venetian house- 
 hold disliked the presence under his roof of any one 
 * St. Disdier, " La Ville et la Republique de Venise," part iii. 
 
296 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 who v/as not entirely a dependent. And experience 
 may have taught him that he was right ; for, as it was, 
 very often the old and trusted nurse would find her 
 bowels of sympathy too deeply stirred to be with- 
 stood, and by hook or crook the lover of the church 
 door or the calle would win his way to meeting, brief 
 perhaps, but bright. But that was a happy fortune 
 not always granted to Venetian maids ; and, for the 
 most part, the result of such jealous guarding was 
 that the girl received no sort of education. Nor had 
 she that other feminine resource and occupation of 
 dress ; for at home she was confined to the simplest 
 clothing, and not a jewel was given her except, per- 
 haps, a little gold cross or a modest silver chain ; a 
 flower from the garden, a carnation or a rosebud, 
 she might put in her hair, just above her ear, but 
 that was all. What else could she dream of then, 
 the long dull day, but a lover or her wedding morn- 
 ing } For marriage meant liberty to her ; then she 
 would have music lessons, and a dancing-master, and 
 servants, and a gondola, and invitations to the ducal 
 balls. One occupation she had daily, and that was 
 to sit for hours in the sun upon the housetop,* with 
 all her hair drawn out through the top of a crownless 
 straw hat, each lock soaked in unguents and carefully 
 separated so that they fell in a veil all round her head. 
 There she sat, bleaching her tresses in the sun till they 
 grew to that glowing Venetian gold. Or in the after- 
 noon girls of her own age and fate might come to 
 keep her company, each with her old duefta, who 
 
 * The platforms where they sat were called altane. See Cesare 
 Vecellio, "Habiti Antichi e Moderni" (Venezia : 1590),. No. 119. 
 
CATER INA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 297 
 
 chattered and scolded in the inner court, while 
 they would sit in those little squares of high-walled 
 garden with a cypress rising on either side of the 
 tall, barred gate. Stories they told one another, of 
 what they fancied love was like on the other side 
 of the walls, or floating in a gondola across the 
 moon-lit lagoon. Songs, too, of the nursery, learned 
 in the cradle from those old women whose voices 
 reached them from the courtyard now — caught from 
 
 " Bona sera ai vivi ; . 
 E riposo ai morti poveri ; 
 Bon viaggio ai naviganti ; 
 E bona notte ai tutti quanti ; " 
 or — 
 
 *' Lei non m'amava, no ! " 
 
 some high-tenored gondolier as he rowed along the 
 little canal below their windows. They had games 
 of ball, with forfeits, now and then, if the weather 
 was not too warm, in the large rooms where the 
 balconies hung above the canaL And when the cats 
 were away surely these prisoned mice might play 
 a little, and steal out on to the balcony at the sound 
 of some singing voice they knew ; and then bright 
 smiles, and the wave of an arm, and the carnation 
 from the hair thrown down to the hands that waited 
 for it below. And then, sometimes, love would laugh 
 at locksmiths, and balconies seem made for ropcr 
 ladders, and night and the small canals are dark, 
 and gondoliers may be found trusty ; and a secret 
 marriage would follow, or else a runaway one, and 
 then came tears and scandal, unless, as Bianca Capello 
 did, the girl should end by wedding a grand duke of 
 
298 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Tuscany. But these, we may suppose, were rare 
 occurrences, and the life of a Venetian girl of quality 
 was dull and uneventful, and her one escape, in 
 marriage, did not offer a much brighter prospect. 
 All she could look for were ropes of pearls, the real 
 passion of every Venetian woman, more long and 
 solemn ceremonies, a visit each la sensa to the 
 Merceria,* where the puppet stood that changed its 
 fashions to the Paris mode every Ascension Day ; or, 
 if her husband were a podestd,, a captain, or prov- 
 veditor, she might hold a little court at Bergamo or 
 Brescia, and have the pleasure of being the greatest 
 lady there. 
 
 For Caterina, however, queen of Cyprus, a more 
 stirring though less placid fate was in store. She 
 was born on St. Catherine's Day, in 1454, the child 
 of Marco Cornaro and Fiorenza, his wife.f The 
 Cornari were a very noble Venetian house, and, as so 
 many Venetians did, they tried to heighten their 
 ancestral value by claiming the blood of the Roman 
 Cornelii for their veins. On her mother's side Caterina 
 had, unquestionably, an imperial lineage ; her great- 
 grandfather was John Comnene, emperor of Trebizond. 
 Queen of Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Armenia, child of 
 
 * See Yriarte, " La Vie d'un Patricien de Venise," cap. ii. 
 t Her descent on her mother's side was distinguished 
 (Romanin, " Storia Docum. di Ven.," vol. iv. lib. xi. cap. iii.) — 
 John Comnene. 
 
 Valenza = Nicolo Crispo, duke of Naxos. 
 
 I 
 Fiorenza = Marco Cornaro. 
 
 I 
 Caterina. 
 
CATER J NA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 299 
 
 the emperor of Trebizond, mother of the prince of 
 Galilee — what a curious collection of vague, shadowy, 
 half-real titles ! But as yet they lie in the distance, and 
 Caterina is only a little Venetian girl, living the quiet 
 home life of other Venetian maids. We may fancy her, 
 like St. Ursula in Carpaccio's picture, asleep, lying 
 straight out in her gaunt-posted bed with the old red 
 hangings, the sheet tucked close beneath her chin, 
 where the delicate hand and wrist are nestling ; the 
 small, bare room, with a seat or two, the open window 
 where the cool, fresh, sweet sea air blows softly in 
 with the morning light, bowing the heads of the car- 
 nation flowers in their pot by the window-sill, bearing 
 on its wings the few and early strokes of the cam- 
 panile's bell. But the angel that comes through the 
 opened door, bringing those morning dreams that are 
 true, brings not to her, any more than to St. Ursula, 
 tidings of peace. The dreams that come with him 
 are dreams of that " Fortunate Isle " floating on the 
 far Levantine waters, of Cyprus, "the mother city 
 of delights," of pomp and splendour, of a royal 
 crown, of death and murder, of merciless treachery. 
 But the angel is Destiny, and he has no tears for 
 so much goodness, youth, and beauty born to such a 
 fate. 
 
 We cannot now paint a portrait of Caterina with 
 any certainty of likeness. It is impossible to obtain a 
 close view of the queen as she really was ; she speaks 
 too seldom in history — indeed, only once, and that 
 when the pain of her life was bitterest upon her. 
 All that we can do is to sketch her figure upon the 
 wide canvas of her story, catching hints for our study 
 
300 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 from contemporary chroniclers and artists. We can 
 show her drawn to Cyprus in pride and expectation, 
 wounded there by death and treachery, crushed by 
 Venice of the velvet paws, sinking quietly down the 
 hill of life at last in the sunny seclusion of Castle 
 Asolo. 
 
 We must leave her then for the present, asleep in 
 her Venetian chamber, and turn to the place whither 
 she is surely drifting, to Cyprus and the court of the 
 Lusignan. It was a dark background for Caterina's 
 bright young life to stand relieved against. The 
 kingdom of Cyprus passed, by sale, from Richard 
 Coeur de Lion to Guy de Lusignan in 1192. Guy's 
 brother and heir, Almerico, married Isabella, queen 
 of Jerusalem and Armenia, and thus both these titles 
 became united to that of Cyprus. The crown de- 
 scended for two centuries through a succession of 
 Ugos, Almericos, and Pierres, till 1426, when King 
 Jan Lusignan was made a prisoner by the Mame- 
 lukes of Egypt, and bought his liberty by the promise 
 of an annual tribute to their soldan. Jan was 
 succeeded by his son, John the Second, a man of 
 infirm character,* easily led by the women about 
 him, and married, for the second time, to one of 
 singular strength, ambition, and unscrupulousness, 
 Elena Paleologus, daughter of the tyrant of the 
 Morea. The queen Elena was a woman of that type 
 so often produced by the palace life of Eastern courts. 
 Like Eudoxia, Irene, or Pulcheria, she was mistress of 
 
 * " Vir muliere corruptior," says ^neas Sylvius of him, op. 
 omnia (Basilese : 1551), p. 379. Hen. Giblet, "Hist, de' re 
 Lusignani" (Bologna : 1647), lib. x. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 301 
 
 intrigue, and determined to govern both her husband 
 and his kingdom. She brought with her from her 
 home those principles of poHcy which shrank from 
 no cruelty, which dwelt among the inner chambers 
 of the seraglio, and moved by secret stairs, by venal 
 courtiers, by treachery and poison. When Elena 
 reached the Cyprian court, she found that King John 
 had one child, a bastard boy, called James,* the son of 
 his mistress, the beautiful Maria Patras. James was 
 bright, brave, ambitious, and popular ; he had inherited 
 his mother's gift of great beauty, and the king was 
 infinitely devoted to him. There was every probability 
 that, though a bastard, he would be named heir to 
 the crown. The queen, however, gradually asserted 
 her power over her husband ; and in the end, by the 
 
 * Vianoli, " Historia Veneta" (Venezia : 1680), lib. xix. b. 
 675 : *' Restava (James) nella nuditk della mera qualitk naturale 
 che riceve dalla madre ; " yEneas Sylvius, op. omn. edit, cit., p» 
 579 : " Natus est magni spiritus adolescens." This is the pedigree 
 of James (Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," Archiv. St. Ital., vol. vii. 
 part ii.) : 
 
 I. Ugo IV. 1339. 
 
 4. Giacomo, 1382. 2. Pietro the Valiant, 1361. 
 
 I 3. Pierino, 1372. 
 
 5. Giano, 1397, 
 tributary of the soldan. 
 
 6. Giovanni II., 1432-1436. 
 
 Carlotta, Giacomo II., 
 
 m. I. John of Portugal ; m. Caterina Cornaro. 
 
 2. Lewis of Savoy. | 
 
 Giacomo III., d. 1475. 
 
302 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 cold cruelty with which she mutilated Maria,* his 
 mistress, she terrified John into complete submission. 
 She saw that if she desired to rule absolutely, she 
 must do so through her own daughter, Charlotte ; 
 but first the handsome and beloved James must be 
 removed. Elena would have chosen his death, no 
 doubt, as the surest way to the attainment of her 
 object ; but James's excessive popularity rendered 
 such a course too dangerous. She determined, there- 
 fore, to destroy his hopes of the throne by compel- 
 ling his father to appoint him archbishop of Nicosia. 
 Though the boy could not then have been much 
 more than fifteen years old, he was tonsured, con- 
 secrated in the four orders, and sent down to the 
 palace of his See. There he led a life of consider- 
 able freedom, and mixed constantly in amours and 
 intrigues ; \ but he never failed to attach all those 
 who came near him, by his beauty and his grace. 
 At Nicosia he also became intimately acquainted with 
 the Venetian merchants, and especially with Andrea, 
 Cornaro, brother of Marco and uncle to Caterina. 
 This friendship laid the foundation for the closer 
 connection with Venice and for the marriage which 
 were to follow. 
 
 The queen, believing that she had disposed of 
 James, now turned her attention to the other half of 
 her design. She intended to seek a husband for 
 
 * Queen Elena, with diabolical cruelty, deprived Maria of 
 her nose and ears, and then sent John to visit her. 
 
 t The queen was constantly, attempting his murder, and 
 once he nearly lost his life through the treachery of a favourite 
 servant. But James was born under a lucky star. See Giblet, 
 op. cit., hb. X. p. 6 1 6. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 303 
 
 Charlotte, to induce the king to resign in favour of 
 his son-in-law, and then to reign herself, through 
 Charlotte. Prince John, of the royal house of Portugal, 
 was chosen. He arrived at Cyprus ; the marriage was 
 completed, and, under the direction of the queen, 
 John assumed the reins of government. But Elena 
 found in him a man more powerful than suited her 
 purpose. He had resolved to rule, not in appearance 
 only, but in fact. The queen saw her mistake, and 
 corrected it. John was poisoned.* It now became 
 necessary to choose a second husband for Charlotte, 
 and this time Elena was more fortunate. Prince 
 John's widow was betrothed to Lewis, a son of the 
 duke of Savoy, selected because his feeble character 
 and easy temperament made it improbable that he 
 would oppose the queen. But before Lewis could 
 reach Cyprus, Elena died,t and the king immediately 
 sent for his bastard son, loaded him with caresses 
 and favours, refused to allow him out of his sight, 
 and showed every disposition to make him resign the 
 mitre for the apparent title to the throne : he would 
 certainly have named him prince of Galilee, had not 
 death cut him short. John followed his wife within a 
 very few months, and Charlotte, who was still waiting 
 the arrival of her husband, was proclaimed queen. 
 
 * <^neas Sylvius, op. omn. edit, at., p. 379 ; Giblet, op. cit., 
 iib. X. p. 592. 
 
 t The queen died in 1458 ; King John on the 24th July the 
 same year. See Mas Latrie, " Histoire de I'lle de Chypre," 
 Doc. vol. iii. No. xiv. The island was most unhealthy : death 
 after death occurred every summer during the heats. See Capo- 
 di-lista's journey to Cyprus, ap. Mas Latrie, loc. at. 
 
304 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 James took the oath of allegiance to his sister, and 
 then endeavoured to leave the court in order to return 
 to Nicosia. But his intentions there were suspected, 
 and he was arrested by the constable of the island, 
 detained a prisoner, and some attempt was made to 
 poison him.* Thanks to his innumerable friends, and 
 to the strength of the party which preferred a male 
 succession to the crown, James escaped and reached 
 Nicosia, with every determination to make an effort 
 to unseat his sister. His friend, Andrea Cornaro, 
 encouraged him with hopes of Venetian aid, feeling 
 sure that the republic, out of jealousy for Genoa, who 
 had espoused the cause of Charlotte, would gladly 
 win an ascendency in the island by helping James to 
 the throne. Charlotte, in the greatest alarm, urged 
 Lewis to hasten his coming. The prince of Savoy 
 passed through Venice, and reached Cyprus before 
 the archbishop could complete any plan of action. 
 James declined to risk his life, and, with the help of 
 the Venetians, he fled to Alexandria, to the court 
 of the soldan, the titular superior of the Cyprian 
 crown. 
 
 There James pleaded his sex, always a powerful 
 argument in the Eastern mind, and excused his ille- 
 gitimacy, which Oriental nations have seldom con- 
 sidered a bar to succession. He further urged upon 
 the soldan that a crown tributary to him was being 
 disposed of without his advice or consent. James 
 is also said to have made a formal recantation f of 
 
 * Georgio Bustron, MSS. Arund., Brit. Mus., No. 518, fol. 
 21'°., given by Mas Latrie, op. cit., Doc. No. xv. 
 
 t The document is a curious one, and is given by Mas 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 305 
 
 Christianity in order to clinch the favour of the 
 Mahomedans. The document was eventually sent to 
 Pius the Second, and became one of the reasons why 
 the Holy See always showed itself so hostile to James. 
 But there is very little doubt that the whole of this 
 episode of the recantation, as well as the document 
 produced to attest it, was nothing but a forgery by 
 the knights of Rhodes,, who were warm partisans of 
 Charlotte. Whether the archbishop ever signed 
 such a monstrous deed or not, his success at the 
 soldan's court proved complete. His beauty helped 
 him to the favour of all who heard him plead his case, 
 and the charm of his manner created a furore in his 
 favour. In the hall of the palace and surrounded 
 by his Mamelukes, the soldan ordered James, then 
 twenty-two years old, to be robed and crowned 
 king of Cyprus,t and adopted him as his own son. 
 From his new father James received a convoy of 
 ships and a detachment of Mamelukes ; with these 
 he sailed to claim his kingdom. He landed at 
 Cyprus, and city after city fell or yielded without 
 a struggle. Only two castles, those of Famagosta 
 and Cerines, made any resistance, but they presently 
 
 Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii. p. 1 10. ^neas Sylvius also refers to it, 
 op. omn. edit, cit.., p. 580. One or two phrases will show its 
 character : " Et negabo deitatem, et adorabo humanitatem," 
 " luxuriabor cum hebrea super altare," etc. 
 
 t For the success of James at Alexandria, see Mas Latrie, 
 op. cit.^ vol. iii. Doc. p. 99, ad ann. 1460 ; ^neas Sylvius, op. 
 et edit, cit., p. 579 ; Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," p. 596 ; Sanudo, 
 "Vite dei Duchi," ap. Muratori, Rer. It. Scrip., tom. xxii. p. 
 1185 ; Navagero, "Storia Veneziana," ap. Murat., op. cit., tom. 
 xxiii. 
 
3o6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 surrendered. Lewis fled from Cyprus and returned 
 to his father's court. The queen Charlotte withdrew 
 first to Rhodes, and then to Rome, there to implore 
 the aid of Pope Pius against her brother and his 
 infidel allies. 
 
 James was firmly placed upon the throne. But he 
 saw arrayed against him the Genoese, whom he had 
 expelled from the island, the duke of Savoy, in the 
 interest of Charlotte, and the pope, who refused to 
 acknowledge his title and had received his ambas- 
 sadors with very scant courtesy. He could look for 
 no sure support from the soldan, who was more likely 
 to seize Cyprus for his own than to undertake wars in 
 defence of James. It was imperative that the king 
 should find an alliance elsewhere, and marriage seemed 
 the easiest method for cementing one. The prepon- 
 derance in Cyprus could not fail to be a tempting 
 dowry, and the chief competitors for King James's 
 hand were Naples, Venice, and the princes of the 
 Morea. Venice appeared first in the field. James's 
 old friend, Andrea Cornaro, pointed out to him that 
 the republic was his firmest support, and that it v/as 
 to her he should contract himself Andrea therefore 
 proposed a match between the king and his own 
 niece, Caterina Cornaro. A romance has been made 
 out of the circumstances of this suggestion. It is said 
 that one day Andrea dropped upon the floor a minia- 
 ture of Caterina ; the king picked it up, and the picture 
 was so lovely that he became deeply enamoured of 
 the original. But Andrea played with him, concealing 
 the name and pretending that the portrait was that of 
 his mistress, until he had worked the young man to a 
 
CATERINA CORNAROy QUEEN OF CYPRUS, 307 
 
 frenzy of passion.* Then he told James that this 
 was in truth Caterina his niece, to be won only as 
 queen of Cyprus. However that may be, whether 
 James was moved by love alone or more by policy, 
 he sent an embassy to Venice to ask, in form, the 
 hand of Caterina as his queen. The Senate gladly 
 accepted the offer in the name of Venice. They 
 further promised to adopt the bride as a daughter of 
 the republic, that her birth might in no way fall below 
 that of her husband, and added a fitting dowry of 
 one hundred thousand ducats. 
 
 The contract was signed, in 1468, by the doge, 
 Cristoforo Moro, on the one hand, and Filippo 
 Mastachelli, James's ambassador, on the other. The 
 ceremonyt of the betrothal took place in the hall of 
 the Great Council. Forty noble ladies went to the 
 Palazzo Cornaro to bring the bride to the ducal 
 palace. There she was received by the doge, the 
 council, the senators, and state officials. A conse- 
 crated ring was placed on Caterina's finger by Masta- 
 chelli, and Cristoforo Moro formally gave her away 
 to James Lusignan. Then, with all the ceremony 
 and incidents of royalty, her court reconducted her to 
 her palace at San Polo. But her passage to Cyprus 
 was delayed. A hitch occurred in the negotiations, 
 and for the next four years Caterina remained at 
 Venice, treated as a queen by her fellow-citizens, but 
 
 * Daru, " Storia della Repub. di Venezia" (Capolago : 1837), 
 lib. xvii. p. 356. 
 
 t See Mas Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii. Doc. p. 182. He gives a 
 fragment of an anonymous chronicle at present in the National 
 Library, Paris. The author is in complete accord with MaHpiero, 
 already cited. 
 
3o8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 more than doubtful whether she would ever wear the 
 crown of Cyprus. For Ferdinand of Naples had been 
 secretly endeavouring to detach James from his Vene- 
 tian engagements, and strongly recommending a match 
 with a daughter of his own house. He had agents 
 at work for him in Cyprus — Lewis Fabrice, a Catalan, 
 who had been created archbishop of Nicosia in spite 
 of all the efforts of Venice to prevent the nomination, 
 and Marin Rizzo, the king's chamberlain. James 
 wavered between the Neapolitan and the Venetian 
 alliance, and showed his coldness towards the latter by 
 quarrelling with Andrea Cornaro, uncle of h\s fia?tcee* 
 The republic, however, determined to hold the king to 
 his engagements ; she was not in the habit of putting 
 her hand to any work without carrying it through. The 
 government sent an ambassador to the Cyprian court 
 to explain that Venice would make the rupture of 
 this match a public question ; further, to urge James 
 not to disgrace his royal word, solemnly given by his 
 own ambassador, nor yet to put this slight upon the 
 queen already pledged to him. Venice promised to 
 take the island under her protection whenever the 
 king should fulfil his contract. The attitude of 
 Caterina's guardian and his own personal inclination 
 determined James to abandon the Neapolitan connec- 
 tion. In 147 1 his representatives were sent to Venice 
 to bring his queen to Cyprus. There still remained 
 one ceremony to be performed. Caterina was brought 
 from her palace to the Church of St. Mark, and 
 there, before the high altar, the doge adopted her as 
 
 * Mas Latrie, op.cit.^ vol. iii. Doc. pp. 307, 310, 311, 312, and 
 316 ; Romanin, op. cit.^ vol. iv. lib. xi. cap. iii. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 309 
 
 a child of the repubHc* She was now no longer a 
 Cornaro, but Caterina Veneta Lusignan, a daughter 
 of Venice. Venice took the parents' vows for her 
 child ; we shall see how well she kept them. Great 
 rejoicing followed in the city, and, as a bystander 
 remarked, "it seemed to each and all that the Signory 
 had won a kingdom, as, by God's good grace, did 
 actually happen." t Early in the next year, 1472, the" 
 Bucentaur came once more for Caterina, to speed her 
 on her way to her new kingdom. In cloth of gold and 
 regal train she appeared on the steps of her palace ; 
 the doge gave her his right hand, and side by side 
 they seated themselves upon the dais, while the great 
 boat moved slowly down the grand canal and out to 
 the Lido, where the admiral of the fleet was waiting 
 with the ships that were to carry her to Cyprus and 
 her home. 
 
 Caterina was eighteen years old. Titian has 
 painted a portrait of her about this time, in a purple 
 robe, with a crown and a veil upon her head and a 
 flower in her hand. She is not tall, and rather slight 
 in figure ; beautiful, graceful, sprightly, with a witty 
 mouth and happy countenance. Happy she must 
 have been. She had passed suddenly from the 
 cloistral quiet of her home to a splendour, a pomp, 
 a destiny that her most far-winged dreams, in their 
 widest flight, could hardly have revealed to her. The 
 fate that was unfolding before her must have seemed 
 
 • Romanin, loc. cit., July 14th, 1472; Malipiero, " Annali 
 Veneti," pp. 597, 598. 
 
 t Paolo Morosini, "Historia della Citta di Venetia" (Venetia : 
 1637), lib. XX. 
 
3IO VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 magical in its brilliancy. Queen of Jerusalem, Cyprus, 
 and Armenia, surely it was like some Eastern tale 
 come true. She was young, with that large capacity 
 for enjoyment which the Venetians had ; her hus- 
 band she knew to be handsome and brave ; he had 
 won his kingdom, and, in his heart, had chosen her 
 to be its queen ; she might well rely upon her beauty 
 and her charm to gain and keep his love ; their 
 two lives were being drawn together to the very 
 home of the mother of love, to Paphos and to Fountain 
 Amorous. The prospect was one of mingled mag- 
 nificence and delight, unclouded, for her, by any 
 prophetic vision. 
 
 Caterina reached Cyprus, and one brief year of 
 quiet and of happiness was given to hen Then 
 James died in the July heats of 1473, from a fever 
 caught out hunting. He was only thirty-three years 
 old, and the enemies of Venice did not hesitate to 
 say that the fever was the result of Venetian poisons.* 
 But between the foes of the republic at the Roman 
 court, who bring this charge, and her friends, who as 
 strenuously deny it, we cannot now decide. The young 
 king died and left his wife with child. For other off- 
 spring there were three illegitimate children, two sons 
 and one daughter named Zarla, a contraction for 
 Charlotte. By his will f James bequeathed his kingdom 
 to his queen and the child that should be born of her. 
 
 * Sismondi ("Rep. Ital.," cap. xxviii.) quotes Raynaldus, 
 " Ann. Eccles.," as the authority for the poisoning. 
 
 t Giorgio Bustron, "Chron.," MSS. Arund., Brit. Mus., No. 
 518, fol. 69V0., the Will of James ; Mas Latrie, op. cit., vol. iii. 
 Doc. p. 445 ; Sanudo, op. cit., p. 1197. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 311 
 
 He appointed a commission of seven nobles, including 
 Andrea Cornaro, to advise and support Caterina. On 
 her death the crown was to descend to her child 
 solely, with reversion to each of his bastard sons in 
 order of birth, and then to his bastard daughter, in 
 case the legitimate line should fail. The constitution 
 of the queen's council did not give much promise of 
 peace, for it contained such antagonistic elements as 
 Andrea Cornaro, the Venetian, and Marin Rizzo, and 
 John Fabrice, brother of the archbishop of Nicosia, 
 both of whom we have already seen engaged by 
 Ferdinand of Naples to break the match between 
 James and Caterina. 
 
 Her troubles were beginning to close around the 
 queen. No child had yet been born ; and Cyprus 
 was almost an open prey, lying ready to the swiftest or 
 the strongest arm. Caterina, only nineteen years old, 
 saw enemies on every hand. The Cypriot nobles 
 were jealous of Venetian ascendency, and the arch- 
 bishop had little difficulty in persuading them to think 
 favourably of Ferdinand's pretensions as the surest 
 counterbalance to the influence of the republic. 
 Venice, as Caterina knew, would never hesitate to 
 take her kingdom from her when the moment came. 
 But just now the government was engaged in a close 
 and single-handed struggle with the Turk; Venice had 
 lost Negropont,and next year was to witness the heroic 
 defence of Scutari, and Europe was presently to 
 experience the shock of seeing the Turks before 
 Otranto. So for the present Caterina might look for 
 help and advice from her home, knowing that if the 
 Venetians were themselves unable to occupy the 
 
312 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 island, they would never willingly allow another power 
 to do so. There was yet a third danger besetting the 
 queen : Charlotte renewed her claim to the throne as 
 the sole legitimate Lusignan. 
 
 In August, 1473, a child was born to Caterina, 
 and called James after his father. As grandson of 
 the republic, his sponsors at the font were Mocenigo, 
 the admiral, and the two provveditori* of the fleet. 
 By the will of James, the birth of this boy should 
 have settled all claims to the throne. But no sooner 
 had the Venetian fleet sailed away than the arch- 
 bishop of Nicosia, who had been maturing his plans 
 with the king of Naples, rose in revolt. His scheme 
 was to marry Alfonso, a bastard of Naples, to Zarla, 
 James's illegitimate daughter. To carry out this 
 design the archbishop, the counts of Tripoli and 
 Jaffa, with Marin Rizzo, all three of whom had been 
 named of the council by James, seized on the city 
 of Famagosta, where Caterina was lying, recover- 
 ing from childbirth. The town was roused by the 
 uproar in the middle of the night. The conspirators 
 forced their way into the palace ; Gabriel Gentile, 
 the queen's physician, fled for safety to Caterina's 
 own chamber, whither he was pursued by Marin, and, 
 like David Rizzio, slain in the very arms of the 
 queen. Her uncle Andrea and her cousin Marco 
 Bembo were both stabbed under the walls of the 
 castle, and their naked bodies thrown into the moat, 
 where they lay many days within sight of the queen's 
 windows, nor dared she take them up to bury them 
 
 * Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," p. 599 ; Ceppio Coriolan, 
 " De Petri Mocenici gestis," lib. ii. 
 
CATER IN A CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS, 313 
 
 until they were half eaten by the dogs. The con- 
 spirators carried the young boy James away from 
 his mother, and Alfonso was proclaimed prince of 
 Galilee. Caterina, herself a close prisoner, they com- 
 pelled to write a letter to the Venetian Senate, 
 explaining that the murder of her uncle and her 
 cousin was due to some private quarrel between 
 them and the soldiers whose pay they had withheld.* 
 But the Venetian consul sent home a true account 
 of how matters stood, and orders were despatched to 
 Mocenigo to sail at once for Cyprus, where he was 
 to secure by any means the safety of Caterina and 
 her son.f Mocenigo, however, had forestalled his 
 instructions, and had already sent the provveditor 
 Soranzo to the island, promising himself to follow. 
 When Soranzo reached Cyprus, he found the con- 
 spirators quarrelling among themselves, while the 
 
 * Nov. 15, 1473. See despatch of Giosafat Barbaro to doge, 
 MasLatrie,^/.^//.,vol. iii. Doc. p. 352. Barbaro gives an account 
 of the events of that night : " Questa note preterita, cercha a 
 bore XL, essendo nel letto, premeditando molte e diverse cose, 
 alditi verso la piaza uno inusato son de campana . . . per la 
 qual cossa chiamai suso el mio fameglio e disili chel s^ dovesse 
 far a la fenestra e star attento se el sentiva remor alguno, sen- 
 tando mi ulular e latrar assaissimi cani." Roman., loc. cit.^ 
 Letter of Senate to Angelo de Adria, Jan. 22, 1474 : " Ma in la 
 camera propria in conspecto di quella povera zoveneta taglioro 
 a pezzi il suo proprio medico e un altro suo servitor e domestico. 
 . . . Tolsero la cassa e le zoie, I'anello del sigilo e I'obbligarono 
 a scriver lettere ai castellani di ceder loro le fortezze." Malipiero, 
 " Annali Veneti," p. 600 ; Ceppio Coriolan, " De Petri Mocenici 
 gestis," lib. iii. ; Sabellico, " Historia Veneta," Dec. iii. lib. ix. ; 
 Navagero, op. cit.^ p. 1 138. 
 
 t Despatch of Senate to Mocenigo, Dec. 20, 1473, Secreti, 
 xxvi. fol. 58 ; Mas Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii. p. 362. 
 
314 , VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 people of Famagosta and Nicosia had risen for 
 the queen, and were clamorously demanding her 
 liberation. On the approach of Mocenigo the chief 
 conspirators fled. Order was restored and many 
 executions followed. In obedience to injunctions 
 from Venice, the forts were put into the hands of 
 men wholly devoted to the republic. A review of 
 all arms took place before the queen at Famagosta, 
 as a display of power and a warning to the dis- 
 affected ; and, in reward for his services, Caterina 
 presented Mocenigo with a golden shield, emblazoned 
 with the arms of Lusignan. Quiet was apparently 
 secured, and the Venetian admiral sailed away. 
 
 Venice was beginning to lay her hand upon 
 Cyprus ; by this protection of the queen she estab- 
 lished a right to a voice in the government of that 
 island. In March of the following year the Senate 
 appointed a provveditor and two councillors as perma- 
 nent residents to assist Caterina in her government* 
 
 But trouble on trouble pursued Caterina. In 
 August, 1474, her boy died of fever. He was only 
 one year old ; and again the charge of Venetian 
 poisoning was renewed, but the more obvious and 
 more probable cause of his death was the deadly 
 malaria t of the coast region. Caterina wrote to the 
 Senate, telling them of her loss ; and orders were given 
 that her father, Marco Cornaro, should go to Cyprus,^ 
 
 * Secreti, xxvi. fol. 79 ; Mas Latrie, loc. cit.^ p. 370 ; Roma- 
 nin, loc. cit. 
 
 t Romanin, op. cit., lib. xi. cap. 5. 
 
 X Nov. II, 1474, Secreti, xxvi. fol. 152 ; Mas Latrie, loc. cit., 
 p. 398. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN- OF CYPRUS. 315 
 
 nominally to comfort his daughter and to bear the 
 condolences of the republic, really to act as Vene- 
 tian agent in conjunction with Giovanni Soranzo, 
 their provveditor, in checking any revolt which might 
 follow on the death of young James Lusignan. This 
 dread of revolution was not groundless. When her 
 nephew died, Charlotte renewed her claim to the 
 throne, and many of the Cypriot noblemen declared 
 for her as the last true Lusignan. She was a brave, 
 determined woman, with the courage and the resource 
 of her mother Elena. When the boy died, she was 
 at the court of the soldan of Egypt, urging her 
 legitimacy, as her brother James had urged his man- 
 hood and his beauty. Charlotte further promised, 
 if the soldan helped her to the crown, that she would 
 pay in full the annual tribute, which Caterina had 
 allowed to fall into arrears. Venice was not at that 
 moment able to undertake the defence of Cyprus 
 against Charlotte and the soldan, but by diplomacy 
 she succeeded in cutting the ground from under 
 the ex-queen's feet. The provveditor was instructed 
 to advise Caterina to send an embassy to the Alex- 
 andrian court with the tribute which was wanting,* 
 and to excuse the delay on the score of the ravages 
 committed by the locusts. Venice was really govern- 
 ing Cyprus and directing its policy, down to the 
 minutest details of an apology. Caterina obeyed ; 
 her embassy was favourably received in Egypt, and 
 Charlotte was dismissed. But she refused to cease 
 her efforts. She returned to Italy, and continued to 
 urge the dukes of Milan and Savoy, the Genoese, 
 * Secreti, xxvi. fol. 138 ; Mas Latrie, loc. cti.^ p. 39i' 
 
3i6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 and the pope to lend her their aid. Letters written 
 by her to Genoa were intercepted and sent to Venice.* 
 They disclosed a scheme for a descent on Cyprus 
 already far advanced. The Venetian government 
 ordered their admiral, Antonio Loredano, the hero 
 of Scutari, to garrison the forts on the island,t and 
 to arrest and send to Venice Maria Patras, the 
 mother of James, along with his three bastard 
 children. The marriage between young Alfonso of 
 Naples and Zarla Lusignan, which formed the basis 
 of the archbishop's plot in 1473, had never been 
 completed ; and the republic saw that if they held 
 the young girl and her two brothers in their power, 
 they would have one difficulty the less in this delicate 
 business of keeping all other powers out of Cyprus 
 till they themselves were ready to absorb it. Their 
 orders were obeyed as promptly as though the king- 
 dom were in fact already a province of their empire. 
 Loredano sent the children to Venice. But Alfonso 
 refused to renounce the marriage which had been 
 arranged with Zarla. He pursued her to Venice, 
 and, with the help of his father Ferdinand, he nearly 
 succeeded in carrying her off by stealth.J The 
 Venetians replied by sending the child to Padua, 
 where she soon afterwards died of the plague,§ as 
 was said. Alfonso was baulked ; but his father would 
 
 * Malipiero, "Annali Veneti," p. 607. 
 
 t Council X., Misti, fol. 175; Mas Latrie, loc. cit., p. 408, 
 Oct. 30, 1476 ; Rom., loc. cit. 
 
 X Navagero, op. cit., p. 11 56. 
 
 § Council X., Misti, xviii. fol. 182 ; Jan. 16, 1477 ; Mas. 
 Latrie, /^(T. cit.^ p. 412. 
 
CATERINA CORNAROy QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 317 
 
 not allow him to abandon the game, and in 1478 he 
 sent him to the court of the soldan. Once more 
 Caterina was obliged to pay the deficient tribute. 
 This time, however, Venice instructed her to demand 
 a formal act of investiture* in return for the dis- 
 charge of her debt. The diploma came back to the 
 court of Cyprus, and Alfonso's mission failed. He 
 wearied of this chase after a wife and a crown ; he 
 was glad to find himself beyond the reach of his 
 father's restless ambition ; Alexandria was to his 
 taste, and he gave himself up to the pleasures of 
 the town.f 
 
 External danger seemed at an end for the present. 
 But the continual pressure of hostility, the rapid and 
 repeated blows of destiny, had shattered the royalty 
 of Caterina's state. Her tenure of the throne hung 
 upon the fine thread of Venetian pleasure ; her tenure 
 of life depended upon an equation between the 
 strength of the Venetian garrison and the force or 
 cunning of the Cypriot nobles. By the year 1478 the 
 queen's household, her movements, her very income, 
 now limited to eight thousand ducats, were under the 
 direction of the provveditor and his councillors. The 
 doge has to order them not to hold the reins so tight, 
 but to allow the queen to move from one palace to 
 another, and to see that her table is properly supplied. J 
 Her liberty was gone ; it was hardly possible that 
 
 * Malipiero, "Annali Veneti," p. 605, where the deed is 
 given in full. 
 
 t Romanin, loc. cit. 
 
 % Colbertaldi, " Hist, di Cat. Cornara," MS. Cod. viii., It. 
 alia Marciana. 
 
3i8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 she could, by any course of conduct, satisfy the 
 government which intended eventually to unthrone 
 her. One thing she certainly might not do ; she must 
 never dream of a second marriage. It might have 
 been some consolation to Caterina had the Venetian 
 domination secured to her peace. But there was no 
 rest inside her island kingdom. The citizens, the 
 people of Cerines, Famagosta, Nicosia, were faithful to 
 her ; they loved their queen. But all through the 
 island the great nobles were her enemies, and drew 
 with them their peasants. They were profoundly 
 jealous of Venetian rule ; they saw the weakness of 
 the queen ; some of them coveted the throne for 
 themselves. Caterina was compelled to live in constant 
 dread of revolution, murder, or dethronement, shut 
 within the walls of one or other of her faithful towns. 
 Conspiracy after conspiracy was discovered, some 
 directed against her life, others against her liberty. 
 At each new outbreak she could see the frown gather- 
 ing upon her parent's brow. The dread of Venice 
 was always before her eyes. Yet she was absolutely 
 helpless ; never was a queen more so ; caught be- 
 tween rebellious subjects whom she could not rule 
 and a cold, uncompromising guardian who desired her 
 kingdom. For the better protection of Caterina, 
 Venice, in 1477, had proposed to send a colony of one 
 hundred Venetian nobles * to the island. They were 
 to receive large fiefs and a salary of three hundred 
 ducats each. But when the commissioners sent to 
 prepare the draft of the scheme came to examine the 
 Cyprian exchequer, they had to report that it would 
   Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," pp. 606, 607. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 319 
 
 not bear this additional charge. The design accord- 
 ingly fell through. The government, however, con- 
 tinued to appoint governors, captains, treasurers, 
 provveditori ;■* occupying every post at court and 
 every fort in the island. Each new arrival from 
 Venice deepened the hatred of the Cypriot nobles 
 and increased the danger to Caterina's life. The 
 pain of her position was so great that she may well 
 have wished for the end ; but that was to be delayed 
 for many years yet ; and, when it did come, it proved 
 to her the bitterest experience of all her bitter fate. 
 For ten years more she lived on in Cyprus, feeling her 
 life daily curbed and crushed between her subjects 
 and her guardians. Young, beautiful, and unhappy, 
 called to a government beyond her powers, the fate 
 of Caterina recalls to us the equally disastrous lot of 
 that other lovely, hapless, and abandoned lady, Mary 
 Stuart, queen of Scots. 
 
 At length, in 1488, Venice was ready to take her 
 final step towards annexing Cyprus. She only re- 
 quired a pretext, and that was soon offered to her 
 by two events of this year. The sultan Bajazet II. 
 intended to subdue the Mamelukes of Egypt, and 
 had prepared a large force for the purpose. The 
 Venetians surmised that, on the way, he would seize 
 Cyprus as a base of operations. They determined 
 to remove the queen, and their action was hastened 
 by the discovery of a plot. Marin Rizzo, the old 
 conspirator of 1473, had met Alfonso of Naples at 
 Alexandria. Rizzo suggested that Alfonso should 
 sue for the hand of Caterina, and rely on his father 
 • Mas Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii. appendix, p. 841. 
 
32o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Ferdinand for support. To pave the way for this 
 match, Rizzo sailed for Cyprus in a French boat. He 
 intended to sound the queen on the subject, and took 
 with him Tristan Giblet, whose sister .was waiting- 
 maid to Caterina. The two landed at Fountain 
 Amorous, and told the rnaster of the galley to cruise 
 off shore till he should see, up on the headland, a fire 
 signal raised by night. The Venetian admiral Priuli, 
 however, was aware of the whole design. He seized 
 the Frenchman, and, after learning the hour at which 
 the signal might be looked for, he manned the galley 
 with his own sailors and sent it towards the Fountain 
 Amorous. All went well ; the fire was lighted and 
 answered ; Rizzo and Giblet came on board, and were 
 arrested by Priuli's men.* Both were sent to Venice, 
 but Giblet poisoned himself on the way. Rizzo was 
 kept in close and secret confinement ; the Ten hesi- 
 tated to condemn him to death, as he pleaded that he 
 was ambassador of the soldan.f Finally, however, a 
 year later, he was strangled secretly in the armoury of 
 the Council of Ten. 
 
 The discovery of this last plot determined the 
 Venetian government to act. Venice could never 
 permit a second marriage, which would have destroyed 
 the shadowy title of heir to her daughter which she 
 now claimed. On the 28th of October the Ten arrived 
 at their final decision that Caterina should be recalled ; 
 and Priuli was instructed to carry out their orders as 
 
 * Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," p- 609 ; Navagero, op. cit., 
 p. 1 197. 
 
 t Mas Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii. pp. 435-444; extracts from the 
 Chron. of Marin Sanudo, Council X., May 13, 1489; Rom., loc, cit. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 321 
 
 firmly, yet as gently as might be,* only under no cir- 
 cumstances was he to fail. "We fully authorize you to 
 bow her to our will, with or without her own consent." 
 In case of refusal, he was to inform her Majesty that 
 she had forfeited all claim on the protection of the re- 
 public, and, as a consequence, her income would be 
 suspended and herself treated as a rebel. On obtain- 
 ing her consent, Priuli was to affirm everywhere that 
 the queen had taken this action of her own free will, 
 and not on any compulsion from Venice. Giorgio 
 Cornaro was also commissioned to accompany Priuli 
 to Cyprus,! where he was to assist the general in com- 
 pelling his sister to resign. And both were told how to 
 act in case they found Caterina already fled to Rhodes, 
 a design the unfortunate queen, in her terror, was sus- 
 pected of harbouring.^ Venice had closed her hand, 
 and it always proved a strong one. Giorgio arrived 
 in Cyprus, and found no pleasant or easy task before 
 him. He had to encounter the strongest repugnance 
 to his proposals — tears, entreaties, even, as we have 
 seen, thoughts of flight ; so closely did the queen 
 cling to her kingdom and her shadowy semblance of 
 a royal state. " Is it not enough," she said, " that 
 Venice shall inherit when I am gone ? " § No, it was 
 ilot enough ; abdication complete and at once was 
 demanded of her. Promises of a regal reception, of 
 
 * " Ultraque omnia, utemini erga majestatem suam omnibus 
 illis dulcibus, humanis, placabilibus et gratiosis verbis que judi- 
 caveritis posse operari effectum hujus nostre intentionis." 
 
 t Misti, xxiv. fol. 29 ; Mas Latrie, loc.ctL, p. 420. 
 
 X Misti, xxiv. fol. 34 ; Mas Latrie, loc. cit., p. 429. 
 
 § Bembo, " Historia Veneta" (Basileae : 1556), lib. i. 
 
 Y 
 
322 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 princely treatment, of recognition as a crowned head, 
 of a large income, of fiefs in the Veneto, were lavishly 
 made to her, only she must obey. At last she yielded. 
 In the piazza of Famagosta and of Nicosia solemn 
 Te Deums were sung and the banner of St. Mark 
 was blessed and unfurled, while the queen looked on 
 from beneath a baldachino. She saw her cities taken 
 from her one by one, the cities that had always been 
 her own. No point in all the long ceremony of un- 
 robing was spared her ; in every town and village the 
 same cruel pageant was performed. She entered 
 each one as a queen and left it discrowned. Venice 
 was determined that all the world should see how 
 willing had been her abdication. But the people 
 flocked about her on her mournful progress, with tears 
 and blessings ; tears for their liberty lost with their 
 queen. At last, early in 1479, ^^ was finished. 
 Caterina and her brother sailed for Venice, and 
 Cyprus became a part of the Venetian empire. 
 
 The government prepared an excellent constitu- 
 tion* for the island. Venice never failed in that 
 respect. A lieutenant, the supreme governor, with 
 two councillors, was established at Nicosia ; a captain, 
 or deputy governor, also with two councillors, was 
 sent to Famagosta ; to these were added a military 
 governor or provveditore.\ But the Venetian title 
 to the island had no legal ground. James Lusignan, 
 Caterina's husband, was a usurper ; Charlotte, his 
 legitimate sister, was the real queen, and it is in virtue 
 
 * Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," p. 611; Navagero, op. cit.^ 
 
 p. 1 197. 
 
 t Mas Latrie, op. cit.^ vol. iii., appendix, p. 844. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 323 
 
 of her claim that the house of Savoy still bears the 
 empty title of king of Cyprus. But, further admitting 
 James's title as good, the succession to the crown 
 should have been governed by his will, which be- 
 queathed it, after the death of his last bastard, to the 
 nearest of the blood of Lusignan. In truth, the 
 republic had no title ; she desired Cyprus and took 
 it. It never brought her any good ; it is even said to 
 have worked much harm to her social morality, for 
 the island was the home of a deep-seated luxury. 
 Its influence, no doubt, did help to heighten the 
 corruption which was then beginning to appear at 
 Venice. The opening of the next century saw the 
 establishment of many offices,* each, however, more 
 powerless than its neighbour, to check the extrava- 
 gance of the dress, the licence of the monasteries, the 
 rapid growth of vice, the decay of health and spread 
 of infectious diseases. With much trouble and expense 
 Venice held Cyprus for a little less than a century, 
 and then lost it to the Turks in 1571. 
 
 On the 5th of June, 1479, Caterina's galley reached 
 the Lido. There she landed under an awning of gold 
 and crimson stripes. She was conducted to a chamber 
 prepared for her at San Nicolo, where she might rest 
 and prepare for the ceremony of the next day. On 
 the 6th the doge, accompanied by a train of noble 
 ladies, came to wait on her and lead her to the Palazzo 
 Ferrara,t now the Fondaco dei Turchi, where her 
 
 * The following offices may be noted : — The provveditore 
 alle pompe, 15 14; contra besiemmia^ I537 ; sopra monasterj^ 
 1521 ; della sanitdy 148 5- 1556. 
 
 t The building occupied by the Museo Civico. 
 
324 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 lodging had been made ready at the public expense. 
 But when the Bucentaur neared the Lido, a burasco 
 blew down, and so disturbed the ladies that their 
 condition seemed likely to destroy the stateliness of 
 the occasion. The doge therefore ordered the anchor 
 to be dropped, and waited till the wind went by. 
 When the sea had subsided, Caterina was brought on 
 board the barge ; she was dressed in black velvet with 
 a veil and jewels alia Zipriota, as we see her kneeling 
 in Bellini's picture, " The Miracle of the Cross." 
 The procession moved up the Grand Canal, and as it 
 passed the Palazzo Cornaro, Giorgio received the 
 honour of knighthood from the doge, as a reward for 
 his services in persuading his sister to abdicate. Then 
 followed long banquets, and three days of ceremony 
 in the Ferrara palace.* But one last function 
 yet remained to be performed before the republic 
 would let the queen of Cyprus go. At St. Mark's, 
 in the very place where nineteen years before Venice 
 had adopted Caterina as her child, she now set the 
 seal of the Church to her spoliation. The queen was 
 forced to go through the long office of a second and 
 more solemn abdication. Then the government 
 invested her, for life only, with Castle Asolo-f- in 
 the Marca Amorosa, the Trevisan march. Till Asolo 
 should be ready to receive her, she was lodged in 
 that palace on the Grand Canal, now the Monte di 
 Pieta, called the Palazzo Corner della Regina after her. 
 
 * Marin Sanudo, " Chron.," extract by Mas Latrie, loc. cit.y 
 
 p. 445- 
 
 t " Commemoriali," lib. xvi., ap. Mas Latrie, loc. at., p. 
 
 435 ; Mutinelli, " Annali Urbani," lib. v. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 325 
 
 The castle of Asolo stood on the spurs of the 
 Alps, between Bassano and Montebelluno, at no great 
 distance from the Villa Maser. Far away it looked 
 across the plain to Padua and the Euganean Hills, 
 those islanded mounds that rise abruptly from the 
 rich growth of vineyards and of mulberry groves. On 
 the other side of those hills lived another famous 
 woman, beautiful, with golden hair — Lucrezia Borgia, 
 duchess of Ferrara. The morning sun and clear 
 light morning air come fresh to Asolo from the sea 
 that lies round Venice ; while behind it the Julian 
 Alps swell upward, wave on wave, towards the 
 boundary heights. It was here that Caterina was to 
 taste the sweet idyllic close to all her stormy life, 
 surrounded by her little court, her twelve maids of 
 honour, and her eighty serving-men, her favourite 
 negress with the parrots, her apes and peacocks and 
 hounds, and dwarf buffoon. Here the still days went 
 by in garden walks, or by the little brooks, or in the 
 oak grove, where the company would talk of love as 
 though it had no life, like some dead god that could 
 not reach their hearts ; or else would sing the sun to 
 his setting with touch of lute strings and sweetly 
 modulated voices. A dreamy, gentle company in a 
 soft, rich land, where the seasons melted from glory 
 to glory, from pure green spring, through summer, "all 
 delights," to russet autumn and its falling leaves ; 
 where "dead-cold winter" was as brief as might be. 
 
 Caterina left Venice for Asolo, and all the people 
 of her little principality, olive crowned and bearing 
 olive branches in their hands, came out to meet their 
 lady. Under a canopy of cloth of gold they led her 
 
326 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 to the piazza of Borgo d'Asolo, where an address was 
 presented to her. " Oh, happy land of Asolo," cries 
 the orator in peroration — " oh, happy land of Asolo, 
 and oh, most happy flock that now hast found so just 
 and sweet a shepherdess ! Oh, ship thrice fortunate 
 whose tiller lies in such a skilful hand. Ye then, ye 
 laurel boughs, the victor's meed, endure the sharp 
 tooth of our knife that carves on you the name of 
 Caterina. Sing, birds, unwonted strains to grace the 
 name, the glorious name, Cornelia." And so he goes 
 on, appealing to poets, to historians, even to the very 
 rocks, to eternize the splendour of her story ; apostro- 
 phizing Apelles and Zeuxis, Zephyr and Jove, and 
 the Delian goddess.* In spite of the unintended 
 irony, it was all like some May masque designed by 
 Poliziano or Lorenzo de' Medici, and executed by 
 Piero da Cosimo, with its sham classicism, its false 
 old gods, and its real sweet leaves and springtide air. 
 Caterina began to give laws to her little kingdom, 
 and to take a queenly interest in its cares and its well- 
 being. She opened a monte di pietd, or pawnbroking 
 bank, for the relief of those in pressing need. She 
 imported grain from Cyprus and distributed it. She 
 appointed her treasurer of state, her potestas regius^ 
 and an auditor to hear and judge appeals.f She 
 wielded her little sceptre for her people's good, and 
 won their love by her gentleness and grace. Here, in 
 
 * Tentori, " Saggio d. St. Civil, e Polit. d. Venezia" (Venezia : 
 1790), vol. xii. 
 
 t Colbertaldi, "Vita di Caterina." From this author and 
 from Bembo's dialogues, " Degli Asolani," I have taken the 
 details of this part of Caterina's life. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 327 
 
 the quiet of twenty years, she lived, surrounded by a 
 phantom royalty ; yet, unsubstantial as it might be 
 it was as real as any she had known in Cyprus. Here 
 she and her court listened one and all to those grave 
 ragionamenti on platonic love, with their weariful, 
 never-ending age of gold ; with their gods and goddesses 
 and mortals made immortal ; with Ceres, Venus, Cupid, 
 Mars, and Jove ; with Ganymede, or Daphnis, or a 
 Danae. 
 
 Let us look at one day of her life that has been 
 preserved to us. The speaker is Pietro Bembo, 
 brilliant, handsome, twenty-eight years old. He has 
 come across the Euganean Hills from Ferrara and 
 Lucrezia's court, perhaps with that famous lock of 
 her yellow hair already closed in the leaves of some 
 book he carries. The month is September ; and the 
 occasion the marriage of one among Caterina's maids 
 to Floriano di Floriano da Montagnana. There are 
 many guests from the country round, and from Venice 
 too, all of them glad to escape to the cool mountain 
 slopes from the torrid summer heat upon the plain. 
 They have been breakfasting about twelve o'clock in 
 the large central hall with loggias on either side, open 
 to the air, but sheltered from the sun that is growing 
 hotter and hotter to its meridian blaze. The faint 
 breeze reaches them through the arches of the loggia^ 
 curling round the wide-spanned pillars. Between 
 each of these is framed the tall-topped cypress spires 
 that shoot up from the gardens below, relieved in 
 black against the deep and throbbing blue. In the 
 woods and alleys and under the pergolas is no hush ; 
 all the pleasaunce lies quiet and silenced in the noon- 
 
328 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 day heat. The meal is over, but the company is still 
 at table, Caterina sitting at one end, while the talk 
 flows languidly around. The musicians have played 
 and the singers sung. At a sign from the queen, two 
 of her maids rise up, and, moving down the hall 
 between the rows of guests, they curtsy low to 
 Caterina. Then the elder, like one of Gian Bellini's 
 or Carpaccio's " Angiolini," raises her lute and with one 
 hand holds it to her breast, while with the other she 
 sounds some few notes of prelude, and then breaks 
 into song : 
 
 "A maid I lived, in mirth and jocund air ; 
 Sweet fancies fed me, with my lot content. 
 Now Love doth me afflict, doth so torment, 
 Nor now nor ever will his torments spare. 
 
 " I thought, ah me ! to Hve a life of joy- 
 When first, dear Love, I passed into thy train ; 
 But now for dolorous death I wait, am fain ; 
 My trusting heart how could'st thou thus decoy .? 
 
 " While yet to love unyielded and estranged, 
 Medea looked on Colchis free and glad ; 
 But when she burned for Jason, bitter and sad 
 Was all her life henceforth, to her last hour unchanged." 
 
 She, when she had finished her chaunt, played 
 yet a little longer, returning upon the first notes of 
 her song : then the younger took up her companion's 
 refrain, but in an altered fashion, and, weaving around 
 it with her lips and voice, made answer in this wise : 
 
 " A maid I lived, in dolour and distress. 
 
 With comrades wroth, with my own self in rage ; 
 Now love with such sweet thoughts doth me assuage, 
 What can I else but sing for mirthfulness 1 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 329 
 
 " I would have sworn, O Love, to follow thee 
 Were but to make sure shipwreck on a rock ; 
 Yet, while I feared this doom, heart-riving shock, 
 Release from all my pains is granted me. 
 
 Until that day when first Love conqueror plays, 
 Andromeda knows naught but sore annoy ; 
 When she to Perseus bows, delight and joy 
 
 Companion her through life, through death eternal praise." 
 
 So they go on with "nay " and " yea ; " the "oh, diviner 
 air " is caught up and answered by the " oh, diviner 
 light." And when the girls have finished their 
 antiphony the queen calls on her favourite maid to 
 take her viol and sing to them, a closing note to the 
 "yes" and the "no" of the other two. Then Caterina 
 rises from table, and she and her attendants retire to 
 their rooms to rest and sleep through the burning 
 hours till evening shall bring the time for supper, 
 more music, and dancing carried to the dawn. But 
 three young Venetian gentlemen and three Venetian 
 ladies prefer to leave sleep behind the curtains of 
 their beds and wander out into the deep, inviting 
 garden shade. The gardens were the pride of Asolo ; 
 and these six people, who are presently to lose them- 
 selves in the labyrinth of Bembo's dialogue, stroll 
 now beneath a pergola of vines that divided the 
 garden cross-wise. The shade from the woven leaves 
 was delicious and cool ; on either side of the walk 
 ran a square-cut hedge of juniper, breast high only, so 
 that the eye might take in all the greenery of the 
 close. There were other walks bounded by well- 
 trimmed laurel walls, rising high up and at their 
 summits, curling slightly over so as to throw a shadow 
 
330 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 on the path beneath. Into this garden they strolled — 
 the young men in close-fitting hose of bright and 
 many coloured silks, and short black cloaks ; the 
 ladies in velvet and brocades of gorgeous dyes 
 and tight-rolled masses of golden hair : a globe of 
 colour moving through a deep green shade. They 
 wandered on, rising slowly uphill, for the gardens 
 lay behind the house and towards the Alps, until 
 they came to a lawn of fine and velvety grass, 
 studded with flowers, where the more formal garden 
 lost itself. Beyond the lawn was a shrubbery of 
 laurel growing as it chose ; through this thicket a 
 pathway led into a grove where the silence and the 
 shade alike were profound. In the middle of this 
 wood a clear stream bubbled from the living rock, 
 welling up and filling a basin hollowed for it in the 
 stone. Over the lips of the basin it fell, and was 
 caught in a runnel of marble and led, with soft 
 murmur and bickerings through light and shade, 
 down to the gardens which it watered and kept cool. 
 Here by this fountain the three ladies and their 
 cavaliers sat down, and, after some slight coyness not 
 quite real, spun out that cobweb of platonic love 
 through the long declining afternoon.* The whole 
 picture recalls the very spirit of Boccaccio's f intro- 
 ductions, of Polizian's ballate, of Giorgione and his 
 garden-parties ; it is a " never-ending Decamerone." 
 
 * See Bembo, " Degli Asolani," lib. i. op. class. Ital., No. 
 135 (Milano : 1808). 
 
 t See Boccaccio, Sonnet x., p. 376 of Sig. Carducci's edition ; 
 " Rime di Cino d. Pistoia ed altri del secolo xiv.," Barbera 
 (Firenze : 1862). 
 
CATER IN A CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 331 
 
 For Caterina and her maids we may hope, how- 
 ever, that it was not all pure platonism. For her 
 court was full of guests constantly arriving and 
 departing ; and every fifteenth day came Pandolfo 
 Malatesta, lord of Rimini, from his castle of Citta- 
 della, to make his suit to Caterina herself, or, as others 
 said, to win the love of her waiting-maid Fiammeta. 
 And her own family, the Cornari, were courting 
 Caterina for her influence. On the strength of their 
 sister's royalty they aspired to the title of princes ; 
 and by them she found herself forced to arrange a 
 match between one of her nieces and a prince of the 
 house of Naples.* But Venice watched this ambition 
 with a jealous eye. She held that the Cornari were 
 sufficiently rewarded by the knighthood of Giorgio 
 and by the cardinal's hat which had been procured 
 for his son. Venice would not permit a private family 
 to assume exceptional rank, and administered many 
 sharp rebukes to Caterina, warning her to live content 
 with that state of life to which it had pleased the 
 republic to call her, and to cease all thought of 
 Cyprus, round which her fancy and her hopes still 
 lingered.f 
 
 The queen really loved Asolo, her gardens, and 
 her court, nor ever wished to leave them, summer or 
 winter. Three times only did she make a journey 
 from her castle. Once when the weather was so cold 
 that men could walk from Mestre to Venice across 
 the lagoon, the rigour of winter compelled her to return 
 to her palace on the Grand Canal. Once too, in 1497, 
 
 * Malipiero, " Annali Veneti," p. 612. 
 
 t Roman., loc. cit.y p. 437, note i, cap. x., April 3, 15 10. 
 
332 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 she paid a visit to her brother Giorgio, then podesta 
 in Brescia.* She was splendidly and regally received. 
 A guard of forty youths met her outside the town ; 
 on the close-fitting hose of each were blazoned the 
 arms of Cornaro and Lusignan. Triumphs and 
 allegorical pageants followed : Diana and her nymphs, 
 who meet a winged dove that sings to them ; but the 
 nymphs all stay their ears, and, falling on the boy, 
 tear his wings from his shoulders, as they do in 
 Signorelli's picture in our National Gallery. The 
 queen entered the city in a chariot of state drawn by 
 four white horses horned like unicorns. Jousts by 
 torchlight were given in the evening, and the j ousters 
 marched in procession, with helmets on their heads 
 from whose crests burst flame. It was Caterina's last 
 royal ceremony, and it was continued for twelve days ; 
 then the queen returned to Asolo. But Venice showed 
 herself jealous of this play at mimic royalty, and for 
 the honour then done to his sister Giorgio was soon 
 after recalled from Brescia. 
 
 The troubled condition of the mainland which 
 resulted from the wars of the League of Cambray 
 drove the queen from her home ; Asolo was occupied 
 by the troops of Maximilian. Caterina went to 
 Venice for greater safety, and died there on the loth of 
 July, 1 510, fifty-six years old.f Her funeral displayed 
 as much magnificence as Venice, on the verge of ruin, 
 could afford. On the nth of the month a bridge of 
 boats was made across the Grand Canal from the 
 Cornaro Palace to the other side. The dead queen 
 
 * Marin Sanudo, " Diarii," I. 741. 
 
 t Bembo, " Historia Veneta" (Basileae : 1556), lib. x. p. 417. 
 
CATERINA CORNARO, QUEEN OF CYPRUS. 333 
 
 was followed by the patriarch, the Signory, the vice- 
 doge, the archbishop of Spalato, and an immense 
 crowd of citizens with torches in their hands. There 
 was something fitting in the manner of her burial, for 
 the night was a stormy one, with heavy wind and 
 rain. On her coffin lay the crown of Cyprus — out- 
 wardly, at least, Venice insisted that her daughter 
 was a queen ; but inside her body lay shrouded in 
 the habit of St. Francis, with cord and cowl and 
 coarse brown cloak. Caterina was carried to the 
 Cornaro chapel in the Church of the Sant' Apostoli, 
 and next day the funeral service was performed. Over 
 her grave Andrea Navagero, poet, scholar, and am- 
 bassador, made the oration that bade farewell to this 
 unhappy queen, whose beauty, goodness, gentleness, 
 and grace were unavailing to save her from the 
 tyrannous cruelty of fate. 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY: 
 
 AN EPISODE IN THE DECLINE OF VENICE. 
 
 The Spanish Conspiracy, by the timely discovery of 
 which Venice was believed to have narrowly escaped 
 destruction in 1618, is one of those episodes in history 
 which at once arrest attention by focussing the condi- 
 tions of a period and throwing a flood of light upon 
 subsequent events. In diabolical picturesqueness 
 this conspiracy takes rank with the Gunpowder Plot 
 or the Massacre of Saint Bartholomew. Owing partly 
 to the doubts thrown upon its reality at the very out- 
 set, partly also to the silence of the Venetian govern- 
 ment, to the mystification of some contemporaries, 
 and the declared scepticism of others, the whole affair 
 has acquired the fascination of a riddle. It has 
 attracted abundant research, and has even found its 
 way into dramatic literature in the best of Otway's 
 tragedies, "Venice Preserved." At the time there 
 was a French answer, a Spanish answer, a Neapolitan 
 answer, a Turkish answer to this riddle, and subse- 
 quent historians, Capriata, San Real, Chambrier, Daru, 
 have each adopted one or other of these solutions. No 
 one of the answers, however, is quite satisfactory, nor 
 covers the whole ground of our information so as to 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 335 
 
 rebut all objections. It may be impossible now to 
 read to the bottom of this muddy pool ; and von 
 Ranke, the most distinguished as well as the most 
 recent of those who have attacked the problem, has 
 confined himself to researches in the fact without 
 expressing a decided opinion in any direction. Indeed 
 it would be difficult to find a more tangled skein for 
 the historian to unravel ; yet the process reveals so 
 curious a condition of society in Europe, and in 
 Venice especially, at the opening of the seventeenth 
 century, and throws so strong a light upon the causes 
 which first corrupted and then destroyed the republic, 
 that the effort to follow each clue through the 
 labyrinth is repaid with interest. 
 
 And first for the outward and visible facts of the 
 case as they appeared to the Venetians in the spring 
 of 161 8. Early in this year the city was full of 
 strangers — Italians from the mainland and foreigners 
 wandering in search of adventure, whose nature it was 
 to be drawn at last towards the city of the sea, to "fall 
 like spent exhalations to that centre." They were 
 attracted thither by the splendour of Venetian state 
 ceremonies which were gradually growing more and 
 more sumptuous, were surely being made the pretext 
 for a larger licence. On this occasion Venice was pre- 
 paring to celebrate the election of a new doge, and the 
 yearly pageant of wedding the sea happened to fall 
 about the same time. The locande, therefore, were 
 all full ; so too were the lodging-houses which served 
 as dependencies to the overcrowded inns. The piazza 
 at night was thronged with foreign forms in long 
 cloaks, slouched hats, and high leather boots, pro- 
 
336 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 menading and swaggering, now in shadow, now in 
 moonlight, and filling the air with the adventurer's 
 language, French in all its endless modifications of 
 patois. The air seemed charged with vague uneasi- 
 ness, and Venice had reached a highly nervous condi- 
 tion between her pleasures and her fears. For some 
 time past the conduct of the Spanish governors in 
 Naples and Milan had been the cause of serious alarm 
 to those politicians who were not entirely dazzled by 
 the blaze of pageantry and lost in the hunt after 
 pleasure ; but there was a wild swirl of reckless enjoy- 
 ment all about them, and a warning voice, had they 
 raised one, would have been drowned in the din of 
 the revel. 
 
 On the morning of the i8th of May, Venice awoke 
 to another day of amusement — to her morning bath, 
 her midday siesta, the evening promenade upon the 
 lagoon, the "masques and balls begun at midnight, 
 burning ever to midday." But a thrill of terror 
 awaited her. This morning of the i8th the early- 
 risers found the bodies of two men, hung each by 
 one leg to a gibbet in the piazza, in sign that they 
 had been executed for treason. On the 23rd, two 
 days before the Sposalizio del Mare, another body, 
 bearing the marks of terrible torture, was also exposed 
 in a like manner. The public emotion became intense. 
 The people felt themselves suddenly pulled up by this 
 evidence of death, secret, swift, and apparently cause- 
 less, in their very midst, hung full in face of their 
 heedless enjoyment. The silence of the government 
 heightened the alarm. The executive made no motion 
 to postpone the ceremonies of the next few days ; the 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 337 
 
 three bodies hung there, unexplained, but relieved in 
 horrible colours upon the brilliant background of civic 
 pomp. No one knew these men who had been put 
 to death. They belonged to the mob of vagabonds 
 and adventurers whom Venice attracted, and upon 
 whom she, in a measure, lived. One thing alone was 
 clear ; they were all Frenchmen. Conjecture was 
 allowed free play ; and the public soon pieced together, 
 out of the endless rumours of the town, a consecutive 
 story. These men were the agents of the duke of 
 Osuna, viceroy of Naples, and of the Marquis Bed- 
 mar, Spanish ambassador in Venice. In accordance 
 with a preconcerted design, the city was to have been 
 seized by a Spanish fleet, which already lay outside 
 Malamocco, the arsenal fired, the mint and treasury of 
 St. Mark's rifled, the doge and his council blown up. 
 When Venice had been sufficiently cowed she was 
 to be handed over to Spain. The plot had been dis- 
 covered in time, the guilty arrested and tortured ; 
 more than five hundred of their accomplices had been 
 drowned by night in the canals. In proof of this, the 
 inns, full to the garret a few days before, were now 
 nearly empty. Such was the story which gained im- 
 mediate acceptance. The reticence of the government 
 neither affirmed nor denied anything, and the popular 
 fury exploded in an attack upon the Spanish embassy. 
 Bedmar's palace and even his life were in serious 
 danger. 
 
 At the moment when the conspiracy was discovered 
 the French ambassador, Bruslart, was absent from 
 Venice on a pilgrimage to Loretto. He received 
 information of events from his brother Broussin, who 
 
 Z 
 
338 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 was in charge of affairs, and therefore sent a similar 
 communication on the subject to the Minister of the 
 Exterior in Paris. Even thus early, four days after 
 the first executions, Broussin expresses his disbeUef in 
 the reasons popularly given for the sentence. He 
 was sceptical as to the alleged Spanish origin of 
 the plot, because he and all the French officials 
 knew that there existed a French plot to which the 
 condemned were parties, and whose centre was in 
 their own court ; a plot directed not against the 
 republic, it is true, but against a power the republic 
 dreaded and desired to conciliate — against the Turks. 
 Moreover, this French design was aimed at the Levant,, 
 where Venice had always shown herself jealous of any 
 interference. To the French embassy, therefore, it 
 seemed clear that here lay the real reason for these 
 sudden executions. Bruslart returned to Venice three 
 weeks later ; and since those who had suffered death 
 were Frenchmen, a long correspondence ensued 
 between the ambassador and the Minister in Paris. 
 In all his despatches Bruslart denies that the Spaniards 
 were the authors of the plot. Daru, the French 
 historian of Venice, accepts Bruslart's negation and 
 carries it a step further. He boldly asserts that the 
 Spanish Conspiracy never had any existence at all. 
 
 Daru's theory is so startling, and in supporting it 
 he deals so elaborately with the condition of the plot, 
 that it will be of service to follow him closely for a 
 little way. By rejecting the accredited story of the 
 conspiracy, the French historian lays himself under 
 the obligation to explain the action which Venice 
 took in the matter. This he does with surprising 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 339 
 
 dexterity. The duke of Osuna, Spanish viceroy of 
 Naples, Daru affirms, was engaged in schemes to make 
 himself king of Naples. He asked Venice to help 
 him, and she consented. Osuna's treason was dis- 
 covered at Madrid, and Venice exerted all her 
 powers to obliterate every proof of her complicity 
 with the viceroy. To do this effectually she hanged, 
 drowned, or strangled five hundred men, emissaries 
 of Osuna, whom she found in her dominions, and 
 who were aware that she was herself a party to 
 their designs, and who might be called as witness 
 against her at the Spanish court. The tortures she 
 inflicted were applied to wring from her own con- 
 federates the names of all who, by the slightest side- 
 wind, might have obtained an inkling that the 
 republic was a principal in the conspiracy. To the 
 world Venice said that Spain had been compassing 
 her ruin, and her doge celebrated a public Te Demn 
 for this salvation from danger ; in reality she had 
 been plotting against Madrid, and the thanksgiving 
 was held because she had succeeded in destro3'ing 
 all her accomplices, and with them every trace of 
 her guilt towards Spain. This is a startling theory, 
 and picturesque in the lurid light in which it places 
 the Venetian government. If Daru's theory were 
 correct, no more sacrilegious ceremony than the 
 Te Deum in St. Mark's was ever (Celebrated inside 
 a Christian church. But it is not correct ; and a 
 wider view, embracing the general condition of Europe, 
 and more especially the attitude of France, Spain, 
 and the viceroyalty of Naples, will prove its fallacy. 
 By the Peace of Lyons, France had virtually with- 
 
340 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 drawn from Italy in 1601. She had ceded Saluzzo, 
 in Piedmont, to the duke of Savoy, in exchange for 
 the district of La Bresse on the French side of the 
 Alps. The French no longer possessed a claim to 
 any portion of Italian territory ; Spain was left in 
 undisturbed possession. The withdrawal of France 
 caused serious alarm to those Italian states which still 
 retained their independence. No power remained in 
 Italy to prevent Spain from suppressing the last embers 
 of freedom ; and these fears received colour when 
 the Spanish began to harass the duke of Savoy. 
 The peace of Madrid, however, in 161 7, promised to 
 restore quiet to Italy, and that peace was especially 
 the work of the Spanish court. Indeed the centre 
 of disturbance lay by no means in Spain itself. There 
 the attitude was pacific. The court of Madrid was 
 virtually asleep, sunk in a deathlike inactivity. The 
 king, Philip III., was consumed by a gloomy religious 
 fervour, unrelieved by any vital interest beyond the 
 preservation of a rigid and stifling etiquette. He 
 was completely dominated by the dukes of Lerma 
 and Uzeda, who dreaded a war which might rouse his 
 Majesty from this lethargy or should call into notice 
 men of action who would prove rivals. In contrast to 
 the paralysis of Madrid, the provinces were fever- 
 ishly restless, owing to the active ambition of their 
 governors. It was Inojosa, Fuentes, Toledo, Osuna, 
 Bedmar, who threatened the remnants of Italian free- 
 dom. They, and not their court, were the source of 
 that alarm which Italy felt. These men were powerful 
 and fully aware of the weakness of their home 
 government. They seldom received instructions 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 341 
 
 from Madrid, and still seldomer obeyed them. 
 Virtually independent princes, it was in war, in con- 
 spiracy, and in movement that they came to the fullest 
 consciousness of their power. To the Spanish repre- 
 sentatives in Italy the peace of 16 17 was distasteful, 
 as any peace must have been, and they agreed to 
 ignore it. Toledo and Osuna both continued to 
 annoy Venice, in spite of repeated orders to disarm. 
 
 The viceroy of Naples plays so important a part 
 in the story of the Spanish Conspiracy, that we must 
 look a little closer at the course of his life. Don 
 Pedro y Giron, grandee of Spain, knight of the 
 Golden Fleece, and gentleman of the bed-chamber, 
 was the head of a powerful Spanish house, and had 
 increased his influence by an alliance with the family 
 of the duke of Lerma, favourite and all-powerful 
 minister of King Philip. By nature Don Pedro was 
 ambitious and impetuous, and the restless air of his 
 century raised his pulse still higher. At the age 
 of twenty-five he conceived himself neglected by his 
 court. He therefore formed a company of troops 
 at his own charge, and took them to the Netherlands, 
 where he served under the archduke of Austria. 
 On the close of the campaign he returned to Madrid 
 with a fine reputation for valour, and was soon after 
 appointed viceroy of Sicily. In his kingdom he 
 made himself unboundedly popular. His manners 
 were distinguished by courtly Spanish grace, relieved 
 by flashes of humour which appealed to the popular 
 taste. He soon became a favourite with nobles and 
 people alike. But he committed one fatal mistake ; 
 he allowed himself too great a freedom in matters 
 
342 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of religion. Already he was suspected by the Church 
 for his fearless defence of the heretics against the 
 rigours of his own court. And now many stories 
 of his levity were set afloat, and came to the ears of 
 his enemies the Jesuits, who stored them up against 
 the day of his disgrace. When Venice fell out with 
 Ferdinand of Austria, Osuna was sent as viceroy to 
 Naples, under orders to support the archduke. At 
 Naples he continued his popular policy, taking special 
 care to conciliate the people. He even went so far 
 as to execute certain barons for cruelty to their 
 dependents. The populace of Naples adored him. 
 They called him the " good viceroy ; " but the 
 nobility, whom he curbed, united with his old enemies 
 the Jesuits to work his ruin, and the combination in 
 the end proved too strong for Osuna. On the Peace 
 of Madrid being signed, the viceroy refused to disarm, 
 and continued to attack Venice in the Adriatic. 
 With a frankness characteristic of himself, Osuna 
 again and again told the Venetian resident that he 
 had no intention of observing the treaty. " I am 
 resolved," he said, "to send the fleet into Venetian 
 waters, in spite of the world, in spite of the king, in 
 spite of God." The fleet sailed under Osuna's own 
 colours, and his enemies were not slow to comment on 
 the viceroy's flag flying from the ships of Spain. His 
 army steadily grew in numbers, and became the 
 asylum for all the bravi and broken men who were 
 wandering in swarms over Europe. The Jesuits and 
 the nobility had little difficulty in surmising that 
 Osuna's object was the crown of Naples. They gave 
 him another year to commit himself, and then they 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 343 
 
 struck. In October of 16 18 — that is, five months after 
 the Spanish plot was discovered at Venice — a formal 
 information against Osuna was lodged at the court 
 of Madrid. Early in the following year the govern- 
 ment determined to recall him ; and then, for the 
 first time, Osuna secretly sounded the Venetian 
 resident as to whether the republic would support 
 him in case he determined to resist the authority 
 of his own court. The Venetian answer was prompt 
 and decisive. The Ten declined to treat upon the 
 subject at all. Osuna saw that his case was hopeless, 
 and quietly resigned his office to his successor. 
 Cardinal Borgia. He returned to Madrid, where, 
 contrary to all expectation, he met with a most 
 favourable reception ; and it is probable that the 
 government did not consider his treason proved. 
 The Venetian ambassador wrote from Madrid that 
 the duke of Osuna lived in greater state than ever 
 he did in Italy ; adding, however, " we must not 
 praise the day till night fall." A stormy night soon 
 closed upon Osuna. The king died in 1621, and 
 the ex-viceroy lost the protection of his relation the 
 duke of Uzeda, whose reign ended with his master's 
 life. Osuna's enemy, the Church, revived the old 
 charge of heresy, and he was put upon his trial. For 
 more than three years the process lasted, spun out 
 to an interminable length by the Jesuits, who had 
 at length involved their prey. For these three years 
 Osuna languished in prison ; finally he died at the 
 castle of Almeda, poisoned, it is said, by the hand 
 of his wife, to save the family honour from the shame 
 of a public execution. 
 
344 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 The whole of Daru's argument in explanation of 
 the Spanish Conspiracy rests upon the relations 
 between the viceroy of Naples and the Venetian 
 republic. It is more than probable that Osuna did 
 meditate seizing the crown of Naples. The scheme 
 may appear to us now little better than a mere bubble 
 certain to burst. But it is just one of the notes of this 
 period that a thousand such mad and vague designs 
 were in the air. That Osuna asked Venice to aid 
 him, and that the republic lent a willing ear, is incor- 
 rect. The Viceroy made no overtures to Venice until 
 a year after the plot was discovered, and then they 
 were at once rejected. 
 
 Thus far, then, the French historian has carried us, 
 and we have obtained no explanation of the Spanish 
 Conspiracy. Nor can we, without taking into con- 
 sideration the force which was moving the whole con- 
 tinent at this time. The human spirit had for long been 
 busy, fusing and amalgamating much diverse matter 
 inside the crucible of Italy. Now the crucible was 
 broken by foreign invasion, and its contents flowed 
 out to work in the innermost core of European society. 
 The North was vivified at last, and returned upon its 
 vivifier. After long years it had caught the element 
 of life and became intellectualized in its constant and 
 brutal violations of Italy. It left its mistress dead, 
 but itself arose, quickened to a nobler life by her 
 undying and invincible spirit. It was an age of libera- 
 tion, of freedom beyond the borders of Italy, who died 
 in the effort to project the ideas she created. She, 
 " the lamp of other nations, the sepulchre of her own 
 splendour," had taught the world how to tread firmly 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 345 
 
 in the path where the spirit guides. But this liberation, 
 this firm tread, brought with them, as of necessity 
 they must, certain defects ; and so we find side by side 
 freedom and licence, the steady step and the head- 
 long rush. The motto of the age was — " attempt ; " 
 Perge! ne tmieas ! Luther obeyed the spirit in 
 his own bold, rough fashion ; rejoicing like a lad in 
 his new-found strength ; almost hoping that he might 
 find as many devils in Augsburg as there were tiles 
 on the roof ; gladly accepting the devil as a bodily 
 fact for the sake of a blow at him, for the pleasure 
 of a well-aimed ink-pot. But in Italy they were long 
 past this boyhood they once knew so well ; they 
 had now struggled so long that they were weary of 
 movement and desirous of rest. For ages past the 
 Italians had been active, creating the Roman Empire, 
 the Roman Church, reawaking the arts and redis- 
 covering humanity. They might look at Luther as 
 a man looks at a child, but they could not feel with 
 him even in memory. Italy was old. She had not 
 that directness which comes from partial understand- 
 ing, nor the youth nor the brutality to free herself as 
 entirely in outward form from Rome, as she was 
 already freed in spirit. Campanella, Bruno, and 
 Sarpi are intellectually as bold as Luther and of 
 far further vision, far more prophetic. But just there 
 lay the cause of their defect as agents. In their 
 wide and almost universal view the points for which 
 Luther was struggling seemed of such trifling moment. 
 The raw muscle for an external blow they had not, 
 though the intellectual courage to deal one was theirs 
 in abundance. See the hardihood, the audacity, the 
 
346 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 adventurous spirit of Sarpi. At each moment you 
 expect him to falter, to stay his hand, hearing behind 
 him the thunder of Rome, or dreading the gleam of 
 her assassin's dagger. But no ! step by step he 
 advances ; each proposition stated and established 
 becomes to him, as it were, a spring-board whence to 
 take a wider and a bolder flight ; till from apologist 
 he becomes accuser : Venice, his client, quits the dock 
 for the judgment-seat ; and the pope, no longer the 
 terrible judge, is in his turn arraigned, tried, and con- 
 demned. Yet all the while Sarpi remains inside the 
 Church, not outside it with Luther. Luther passed 
 outside the Church through an intellectual defect, 
 through a boyishness of understanding, because he 
 did not go the whole length of his argument, because 
 he was about to found a new Church. Sarpi remained 
 inside the Church because he was intellectually com- 
 plete, a full-grown man, following his argument to 
 its close, because, in short, he was a man of no Church. 
 But these men are the fine phenomena of the 
 spirit, the brilliant side of the mirror. We may be 
 sure there was also a darker side. Nothing is more 
 open to infection than the human mind ; the quality 
 of its flame depends on the air which feeds and sur- 
 rounds it. When^such world-moving forces as freedom 
 are at work no portion of the social organism can 
 escape the shock, or refuse to share in the impulse. 
 But the nature of the manifestation depends upon 
 the medium ; and so, while we look with pride on 
 a Luther or a Sarpi as brilliant examples of spiritual 
 liberation, we are warned to read a lesson of humility 
 in the motiveless anarchy of a Guy Fawkes or a 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 347 
 
 Jacques Pierre. In men of coarser fibre, the boldness 
 and self-reliance which constituted the strength of 
 Luther became licence and unreasoned restlessness. 
 What could be done by pushing audaciously onward, 
 by adopting the motto "Attempt," was constantly 
 receiving illustration in countless instances of suc- 
 cessful adventure. Concini, the Italian, was marshal 
 of France and virtual sovereign ; handsome George 
 Villiers was ruling England to the ruin of the 
 Crown. For all the men wl^o were obeying the spirit 
 of their age, whose minds were being ruffled to 
 unrest, some such success seemed possible. They 
 turned their eyes from the failures — from D'Ancre's 
 dead body in the courtyard of the Louvre, from 
 Ravaillac torn in pieces by horses, from the three 
 corpses in St. Mark's Square; — they turned their eyes 
 from these, or rather their desire made them single- 
 eyed, with vision only for the impossible goal. The 
 how, the when, the probabilities, they forgot to think 
 of; their delirium overlaid all such back-drawing 
 thoughts. There was a South Sea bubble always 
 floating within their ken ; an El Dorado about to be 
 won by them, as others had just failed to win it. 
 That the bubble was never caught before it burst, 
 that the El Dorado was never gained, but ended 
 only in a Raleigh's death, merely added a keener zest 
 to the pursuit which fruition would have satiated. 
 Adventure for adventure's sake, querer por sol querer^ 
 that was the real joy of life's game. 
 
 The Reformation had shaken Europe to its foun- 
 dations, and the tremulous condition of the powers 
 afforded the very medium in which this restless spirit 
 
34S VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of adventure might most freely indulge itself. Plot 
 after plot, hazy in outline, undefined in object, im- 
 possible of execution, appears in the political world ; 
 "perplexing kings with fear of change," no one of 
 whom could find the sore place, nor lay their hand 
 on it to heal it. Conspiracy was epidemic, infecting 
 the social atmosphere, breathed by princes and 
 adventurers alike. Men born to great estate reck- 
 lessly embarked upon schemes of which they only 
 dimly saw the value or the issue. The duke of 
 Nevers meditated establishing a principality in 
 Greece and resuscitating the empire of the East. 
 Pope Gregory was in close connection with the 
 adventurer Stukeley, concocting designs for a revolu- 
 tion in Ireland. The duke of Osuna saw himself 
 king of Naples and Sicily. Even if the passion for 
 intrigue had not been so rife in Europe, this gambling 
 spirit of its princes and nobles would inevitably have 
 created a lower class of doubtful characters — men 
 who became denationalized and ready, on sufficient 
 bribe, to turn their hand to any disgraceful work. 
 But as it was, circumstances had already created such 
 a class. The civil wars in France and the Spanish 
 wars in the Netherlands turned loose upon the 
 continent a number of men reared in camps, living 
 by brawls and intrigues, cosmopolitan in the most 
 vicious sense. They passed freely from one capital 
 to another, and offered themselves for hire wherever 
 anything was stirring. Their credentials were the 
 rough outlines of a hundred plots, and with these in 
 their pockets they presented themselves to men like 
 Nevers, Osuna, or Toledo. Should any one of these 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 349 
 
 schemes happen to take the fancy of these princes, 
 the details received the necessary alteration and 
 expansion ; and then the whole work was put in hand, 
 with the adventurer as manager. In fact, these men 
 were the promoters of bubble companies. The chief 
 difference between our day and theirs is that the 
 bubbles they blew were not railroads or silver mines, 
 but political conspiracies. Their designs are marked 
 by reckless and meaningless audacity. The number 
 of assassinations planned or effected at this time was 
 very large. William the Silent is shot ; Henry IV. 
 stabbed ; James and the lords nearly blown up ; the 
 doge of Venice escapes a like fate by a hair's breadth. 
 Yet no reasonable explanation based upon political 
 necessity can be found for these multitudinous 
 conspiracies. It was madness to imagine that 
 England or Venice could be overthrown by a Gun- 
 powder Plot or a Spanish Conspiracy, and it is still 
 more impossible to see what advantage Guy Fawkes 
 or Pierre could have reaped from their ruin. There 
 was the pleasure of the long and secret preparation, 
 the excitement of the scramble for the plunder and 
 the hurried flight ; but nothing more. Yet it is 
 among men such as these, who owned no allegiance 
 but to the spirit of revolutionizing adventure, that we 
 must look for the authors and agents of these 
 diabolical schemes. The whole air was disturbed. 
 For the North this disturbance meant life, vitality, 
 and growth. England was about to develop her 
 Parliamentary liberty. France was approaching the 
 brilliant epoch of Lewis XIV. But for Italy this 
 invasion of the North, this rejection upon herself 
 
350 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 of her own spirit, this apparition of Machiavelli 
 as an avenging ghost, was preparing a tenebrce from 
 which there could be no resurrection. 
 
 Italy was breaking down into the abyss of the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and Venice 
 shared in the general declension. She had reached 
 her apogee and was steadily declining. After the 
 Peace of Cateau-Cambresis in 1558, she had enjoyed 
 nearly forty years of comparative quiet. She appeared 
 in her fullest splendour. Never before had the 
 republic made so magnificent a display in the eyes 
 of Europe ; nor was she slow to invite the princes 
 of Europe to visit her. Palaces rose along the 
 Grand Canal ; state ceremonies increased in number 
 and in pomp ; life in the sea city appeared like one 
 prolonged fete. But there were two ominous symptoms 
 manifesting themselves, almost unobserved, at the 
 very heart of Venice. The banking system caught 
 the general fever, became inflated, and burst with 
 ruinous results ; and the population of Venice 
 continued steadily to decrease. Not only did the 
 population fall off in numbers, it also began to 
 deteriorate in quality. The race for distinction in 
 wealth and splendour shattered the poorer noble 
 families, and the collapse of the banking system 
 completed their ruin. The young men of these 
 broken case nobili refused to embark on business ; 
 and nothing remained for them but a life of mis- 
 chievous adventure, centring round the churches 
 and the piazza. There was decay in the noble class 
 and a corresponding decay among the artisans. 
 Commerce and shipbuilding steadily declined. The 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 351 
 
 number of pauper and foundling children increased 
 so rapidly that the government was compelled to 
 make provision for their support. A large part of 
 the population was living on the charity or the vices 
 of the rich. But this general collapse of a wide- 
 spread prosperity had a reflex action ; and, while it 
 ruined the smaller nobility and the smaller traders, 
 it confined the flow of money to the larger houses 
 who had weathered the storm. And so side by side 
 there existed enormous private fortunes, luxury, and 
 display, and a desperate poverty which hated the 
 luxury while serving it. In fact, there was a schism 
 inside the state ; and this schism showed itself in the 
 art no less than in the social life of Venice. The 
 great schools of painting and of architecture, magnifi- 
 cent, rich, ornate, were a fitting expression of the 
 wealth, the pomp, and pride of Venice. But from 
 the people came a poetry that was spontaneous, 
 native, licentious, irreligious, because it felt the reflex 
 of the Reformation. Profanity invaded the altar. 
 The Pere Duchesne of Venice appeared. The Senate 
 was obliged to prosecute those who chaunted fictitious 
 psalms and obscene litanies, to take action against 
 mock priests who administered the sacraments or re- 
 ceived confessions. Everywhere there was an insur- 
 gence of dialect ; a reformation directed not against 
 the dogma of Rome, but against the pedantry of Rome. 
 Comedy rose once more from the heart of the people 
 to answer the Ciceronian phrase or the Platonic 
 refinement. " This was the apparition of the people 
 in letters, of Luther in poetry, of free judgment on 
 the stage. Harlequin is opposed to the Inquisition : 
 
352 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 Pulcinella to pontifical wrath ; Pantaloon to the last 
 session of the Council of Trent. Beltran counter- 
 balances S. Carlo Borromeo ; Florindo neutralizes 
 S. Filippo dei Neri."* While Europe is at the reforma- 
 tion, Italy had reached the revolution. 
 
 Here, then, is Venice divided. And the division is 
 marked in its strongest tones of splendour and of 
 corruption by two events : the reception of Henry HI., 
 king of France and Poland, and the Spanish Con- 
 spiracy. Henry passed through Venice in 1574, on 
 his way to take the crown of France. The republic 
 determined to receive him as became his rank and 
 her desire to secure the friendship of France. The 
 sumptuary laws were suspended during the ten days 
 of Henry's stay. The great ladies were invited to 
 vie with one another in magnificence of dress and 
 jewellery. The guilds were ordered to prepare a 
 splendid pageant. The Palazzo Foscari, the destined 
 lodging of the king, was hung with cloth of gold, 
 with crimson velvet, with sky-blue silk sem^ of 
 fleurs-de-lys.f Forty pages, the youth, the beauty, 
 the nobility of Venice, were appointed for service on 
 the king. They met him as he came in his barge 
 from the shore near Mestre, each in his gondola, and 
 his gondolier in silken shirt and hose embroidered 
 with the family arms. They swept in a semicircle 
 round the royal barge and conducted the king to 
 Murano. Then, on the following day, in grand 
 procession, they brought him to the palace of the 
 
 * See Ferrari, op. at. 
 
 t See Marsilio della Croce for a detailed account of Henry's 
 visit, " Historia della publica e famosa entrata in Vinegia del 
 Serenissimo Henrico III.," etc. 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 353 
 
 Foscari. For ten days the king was feted as no 
 prince had ever been before. There were the gor- 
 geous liveries of France and of Venice ; fantastic 
 barges, sea monsters on whose backs the workmen 
 of Murano fashioned crystal vases at the furnace 
 mouth ; water pageants ; triumphal arches designed 
 by Palladio and painted by Tintoret ; regattas ; 
 serenades ; fireworks on the canal by night ; banquets 
 where the plates, the knives, the forks, the food were 
 all of sugar ; a ball in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio, 
 and that parterre of lovely ladies whose perfume of 
 beauty intoxicated the royal senses past all waking. 
 The king never forgot it nor recovered. His life after 
 was a long mad dream. Henry is said to have left 
 the remains of his vigour in Venice. We cannot 
 wonder, for he brought very little with him, and 
 Venice was a siren tangling the hearts of men in that 
 network of woven light and colour, the silver-golden 
 waters of her lagoons. Or shall we say that she was 
 a harlot, selling herself for her own pleasure ; buying 
 a doubtful political importance by bartering her body, 
 not by the force and weight of her arms } 
 
 Underneath all this pomp which Henry saw, 
 there lay a starving and a dangerous population, 
 casting up as a froth a mob of varied nationality ; men 
 who haunted the piazza and gained a livelihood by 
 all disgraceful means — by spying, by informations, 
 and by murder. The bravi were a source of constant 
 alarm, and in 1600 the government passed a stringent 
 decree of banishment against them all ; but in vain. 
 These ruffians were thoroughly acquainted with all the 
 hiding-places of the intricate city ; a favourite refuge 
 
 2 A 
 
354 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 was the palace of some ambassador, where they were 
 sure to find a ready asylum. The police magistrates 
 have constantly to complain that their sbirri are 
 mocked and insulted from the grille in the basement 
 of some embassy by the man they were sent to arrest. 
 These basements were, in fact, hives of scoundrels of 
 all sorts, petted, caressed, embraced by men like 
 Bedmar or like Bruslart, who required their services 
 to obtain information or to remove a foe. The 
 difficulty of dealing with these people, the rapid 
 spread of political corruption, and the continual 
 murders, induced the government to encourage a 
 class of men who were in themselves as dangerous 
 as the bravi. Denouncement became a trade. The 
 bocca del hone was opened and a reign of terror 
 began, very similar to that produced by the delatores 
 of imperial Rome. No one was safe — the charge 
 of treason offered such a sure and secret method of 
 securing vengeance on an enemy. In every great house 
 some servants were to be found who were informers 
 by profession. The fearful lengths to which this 
 system of espionage might be pushed received an 
 illustration in the fate of the unfortunate Foscarini, 
 accused of plotting in the house of Lady Arundel, 
 with whom he was only in love. Foscarini was put to 
 death ; and the lady herself only escaped humiliation 
 by compelling Wotton, the English ambassador, to 
 plead her cause before the Senate ; so powerful were 
 informers and so dangerous the confidence reposed 
 in them by the government. Spies, bravi, courtesans, 
 footmen, barbers, quack doctors — in short, all the evil 
 spirits of the place stood together in a kind of 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY, 355 
 
 freemasonry of iniquity with which the police were 
 quite unable to cope. These were the elements of 
 a corrupt society, banded together to prey on all 
 from whom they could wring any money or other 
 advantage. Their numbers were constantly recruited 
 by fresh arrivals from Naples, from Spain, above all 
 from France. The Venetian ambassador writes from 
 Paris, " Every day my house is crowded with people 
 who declare themselves desirous to serve the republic ; 
 the applications are numberless ; so full is this king- 
 dom of idle men." No one of these adventurers who 
 arrived at Venice was likely to remain outside the 
 floating population of his brothers whom he found 
 already established there. His initiation would take 
 no long time, and he would soon learn that under 
 the life of the Venetians themselves there was a life 
 of foreigners, rou^Sy diclassh — men all of them en- 
 gaged in intrigue of some sort. Before long he 
 might find himself committed to a plot as wild as 
 that for blowing up the doge and sacking the city. 
 
 There were three Frenchmen, Jacques Pierre, 
 Regnault, and Langlade, living in this seething 
 society. They had come to Venice in 161 7, in the 
 course of their profession as adventurers. Pierre was 
 a Norman by birth, and had served with distinction 
 against the Turks. Owing to the knowledge of the 
 East which he had thus acquired, the duke of Nevers 
 frequently consulted him in the preparation of his 
 schemes for a descent on the Levant. The matter, 
 however, had grown cold, and Pierre quitted France 
 to seek a fresh field in Italy. Venice was the point 
 he determined to make for eventually, but he wished 
 
356 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 to go there in the pay of the government. With 
 that object in view he presented himself to Simon 
 Contarini, the Venetian ambassador at Rome, and 
 produced the usual credentials of his class — the asser- 
 tion that he was in possession of secrets important to 
 the state of Venice. Contarini, whose suspicions 
 were aroused, pressed Pierre for an exact statement 
 of what he meant. The adventurer replied that the 
 viceroy of Naples entertained vast designs against 
 the Turk in the Levant and on the coast of Albania, 
 but showed great vagueness as to details. Contarini 
 wished to forward profitable information to his 
 government and therefore continued to urge Pierre, 
 asking, " Are you sure that the points are the Archi- 
 pelago and Albania t " The Frenchman pressed 
 Contarini's hand and answered, " Somewhere there- 
 abouts." This was enough for the ambassador, who 
 now knew the type of man he was dealing with. He 
 dismissed Pierre and made a note that he was a man 
 to mistrust. Pierre then took service with the duke 
 of Osuna, and soon discovered his hatred of Venice 
 and surmised his desire to make himself king of 
 Naples. Pierre continued some time at Naples, ac- 
 quiring importance in the service of the duke, discuss- 
 ing plans for attacking the republic, and adding to his 
 stock-in-trade by mastering the viceroy's political 
 secrets. The adventurer was growing conscious of one 
 serious drawback. He could not write fluently and 
 spoke no Italian. To remedy this defect he attached 
 to himself another Frenchman, Regnault ; described 
 as " an old scamp, a man of no spirit, a drunkard, a 
 gamester, and a smoker, . . . branded with a lily on the 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY, 357 
 
 shoulder for misdeeds in France." But Regnault was 
 ready with his pen, and willingly entered into partner- 
 ship with his brother adventurer ; his duty was to 
 act as secretary to this company which Pierre was 
 forming. To complete the trio, Langlade was also 
 admitted to partnership ; and all three applied to the 
 Venetian resident at Naples for pay in the service of 
 the republic, bidding, as usual, for his countenance 
 by offering to disclose political secrets affecting his 
 government. This time they were successful. Spinelli, 
 the resident, was less sharp sighted than Contarini, 
 and Langlade and Regnault were more plausible than 
 Pierre. They left Naples for Venice with letters of 
 introduction ; but they did not find the reception they 
 expected. Langlade, who had secured a written 
 contract from Spinelli, was sent to the arsenal to 
 carry on his trade of Greek-fire maker ; but the other 
 two were left out in the cold. The reason for this 
 conduct on the part of the government was the 
 repeated warnings against Pierre, which Contarini 
 forwarded from Rome. Pierre, however, was not a 
 man to be baulked. He understood the character of 
 Spinelli and believed he could frighten the resident. 
 Accordingly, he wrote to Spinelli, " As yet I have not 
 received a penny from the government. I believe I 
 am being trifled with. While acknowledging every 
 obligation for the trouble you have taken, I will come 
 to Naples myself to thank you." Spinelli believed 
 this to be a threat against his life ; and, at his earnest 
 request, the Venetians gave Pierre an appointment 
 in the fleet. 
 
 Meanwhile Pierre and Regnault had presented 
 
358 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 themselves to their ambassador, Leon Bruslart. 
 Their object was, if possible, to reopen negotiations 
 with the duke of Nevers concerning his designs in 
 the Levant. Furthermore, through the help of 
 Bruillard, Bedmar's secretary, a thorough scamp like 
 themselves, they had obtained a footing in the Palazzo 
 di Spagna, and had even gained an interview with 
 the ambassador, in whose presence they freely dis- 
 cussed Osuna's designs against Venice. These were 
 no secret, but no doubt Pierre, by an adroit manage- 
 ment of the information he had picked up at Naples, 
 induced Bedmar to believe that he was deeper in the 
 viceroy's confidence than was really the case. How- 
 ever that may be, Pierre and his party had opened 
 relations with two great ambassadors at Venice. It 
 remained for Regnault to attempt the like with Wotton, 
 who represented England. Regnault met Wotton one 
 day, by accident, in a bookseller's shop, and asked for 
 a private interview, on the plea that he possessed im- 
 portant political information, which he wished to take 
 to England himself, but required letters and money. 
 Wotton, however, was as wary as Contarini, and 
 Regnault as ignorant and maladroit as Pierre, and 
 the whole matter fell through. Nothing could more 
 thoroughly bear the stamp of charlatanism than the 
 conduct of Pierre and his friends. They were spinning 
 such a tangled web that to unravel it became im- 
 possible. The high personages with whom they were 
 playing had only partial light upon their movements. 
 Bruslart knew nothing, or only by rumour, of the 
 Bedmar connection ; Bedmar had heard nothing of 
 the Nevers scheme; Wotton had no inkling of either ; 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 359 
 
 and the Venetian government was, as yet, in perfect 
 darkness. It was impossible that any one of these, 
 when called upon, should have been able to give an 
 adequate account of the plot. 
 
 The Frenchmen had now obtained what they re- 
 quired to float them. They had established apparent 
 connections with three ambassadors in Venice. They 
 might be seen going in and out of their palaces ; 
 familiar with side doors, and known to the servants. 
 They could use these powerful names, and hint at more 
 powerful ones in the background. It was time now to 
 water the stock, to enlarge the number of shareholders. 
 The great recruiting ground, the piazza, was always 
 open to them, teeming with idlers ready for any 
 mischief. Pierre had no difficulty in finding adherents 
 who would not press too rudely for the how or the 
 when of his scheme. Enough that there was a plot. 
 Its vagueness merely rendered it the more fascinating; 
 the imagination had the freer scope to magnify the 
 possible prizes. One day, as Pierre was sauntering 
 in St. Mark's, he passed a young Frenchman, whom 
 he at once determined to enlist. He proved to be 
 a native of Languedoc, Gabriel Moncassin by name, 
 and a soldier of fortune by profession. Pierre carried 
 him off to dine with him, and afterwards established 
 him in his own room. Then, under a promise of 
 secrecy, the plot was hinted at, and, on hearing the 
 names of Osuna and Bedmar, Moncassin consented 
 to join. A day or two later, Pierre took his recruits, 
 now a band of four or five, to the top of the campanile. 
 From that height he unfolded to them the plan of 
 the conspiracy, so far as it had any. He pointed to 
 
36o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the treasury of St Mark's, right below them ; to the 
 mint, looking towards San Giorgio and the sea ; to 
 the otiose crowd of nobles sauntering on the broglio ; 
 to the unarmed throng of citizens at the piazza's end. 
 "A handful of stout men with sticks might make 
 themselves masters of it all, and drive this herd of 
 pantaloons into the water." " Is it not a wonder," he 
 cried, *' that Venice has remained so long a virgin ? " 
 Then he turned and pointed to the two ports of Lido 
 and Malamocco, promising that the Neapolitan fleet 
 should sail in there to second their enterprise when 
 the right moment arrived. But Osuna's ships, 
 whether promised to Pierre or only sailing in the gulf 
 to damage Venetian shipping, never came. They 
 were wrecked off Manfredonia ; and the chief had to 
 tell his followers that the execution must be delayed 
 till autumn, as he and Langlade had been ordered to 
 join the fleet. So the company separated — Pierre and 
 Langlade to their posts ; the two brothers, Desbou- 
 leaux, to Naples ; Regnault for France, to see the 
 duke of Nevers. The Ten had received an anony- 
 mous warning to be upon their guard ; hence the 
 orders to Pierre and Langlade. Pierre endeavoured 
 to avoid compliance by submitting to the government 
 an elaborate statement of alleged designs entertained 
 by Osuna against some place and some power not 
 named. He hoped that the desire to read to the 
 bottom of this communication would induce the Ten 
 to keep him in Venice. But the ruse did not serve 
 his turn. 
 
 In the middle of April another young Frenchman 
 had come to Venice. His name was Balthassar 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 361 
 
 Juven ; a man well connected, the nephew of Marshal 
 Lesdigueres, and altogether of a better character than 
 the men with whom he chose to associate. He lodged 
 at the Locanda Trombetta, and there he fell in with 
 Moncassin. The two compatriots soon became 
 friends, and Moncassin, who was uneasy under the 
 weight of his secret, unbosomed himself to his new 
 acquaintance. Balthassar made up his mind at once. 
 He took Moncassin with him to the doge's palace, on 
 the pretext of some business, and left him in the 
 anteroom, while he related all that he knew to the 
 doge and his council. Moncassin was then called in 
 and frightened and cajoled into completing Balthassar's 
 story where it was wanting. Then, having gone so 
 far, he offered his whole services to the Signory. The 
 name of Osuna had alarmed the council, and they 
 desired to have proof of his complicity. Moncassin 
 assured them that such proofs would be found, in the 
 shape of letters under Osuna's signature, upon the 
 person of Bedmar's secretary. At first the council 
 proposed to arrest Bruillard at the Palazzo di Spagna, 
 but this course was abandoned as too violent. Mon- 
 cassin then offered to tempt Bruillard to a certain 
 house where he might easily be seized. The secretary, 
 however, proved wary. He had already committed 
 a murder, and refused to venture beyond the embassy, 
 whose right of asylum the government were unwilling 
 to violate. The Venetians never obtained any con- 
 clusive proof that Osuna was the author, or even an 
 accomplice of the plot. Foiled here, the government, 
 with the help of Moncassin, introduced a spy at one 
 of the conspirators' meetings, and the faces of all 
 
362 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 were noted. The brothers Desbouleaux and Regnault 
 were arrested, examined by torture, executed, and 
 hung on the piazza. Four others suffered death in 
 the ducal prisons. Pierre and another conspirator, 
 Rossetti, were drowned at sea by order of the admiral. 
 Langlade was shot at Zara, along with a soldier and 
 a boy, whom he had attached to himself. These 
 twelve men were all who suffered death ; but the 
 excitement of the moment made the popular voice 
 multiply these twelve into five hundred, and the 
 sudden flight of so many foreigners from the city, 
 gave some colour to their calculation. The fury of 
 the populace fastened upon the Spanish ambassador, 
 and Bedmar was soon afterwards recalled. 
 
 The discovery of the conspiracy coming with such 
 startling rapidity, and in the midst of apparent 
 security, gave a violent shock to the Venetian imagi- 
 nation, and the danger was magnified beyond all 
 reasonable bounds. The government kept silence 
 because they were unwilling to exaggerate an event 
 which they knew to be, after all, more mad than 
 perilous. But their silence had an effect the reverse 
 of that intended. Indeed, the conspiracy in itself was 
 of no vital moment. It is only as a symptom that it 
 acquires importance, and as a symptom it is terribly 
 significant. That it was localized at Venice draws 
 attention to the curious and abnormal social condition 
 of the sea city — sure precursor of her decline and ruin. 
 Her vital force was gone, her growth stayed. Death 
 and decay were at her heart. That beautiful body, 
 beautiful still with a siren's fascination, was irrevocably 
 doomed. " Esto perpetua," the last prayer, the last 
 
THE SPANISH CONSPIRACY. 363 
 
 words of her great patriot Sarpi, could not save Venice 
 from the fate that was coming past reprieve. The 
 prophet of the " sun-girt city," looking upon her from 
 her campanile's top, might well have wept and closed 
 his prophecy with these words : " Piangi, che ben hai 
 donde." 
 
OLIVER CROMWELL AND THE 
 VENETIAN REPUBLIC, 
 
 During the course of these essays we have fre- 
 quently had occasion to point out the excellence of 
 the Venetian diplomatic papers — the "Relazioni," or 
 reports made by ambassadors on their return from 
 their missions, and the almost daily despatches from 
 the courts to which they were accredited. The 
 despatches contain the minister's first impressions, the 
 details of court life, and the events of the political 
 world ; while the " Relazioni " are elaborate synopses 
 of the general aspect and conditions of those kingdoms 
 whence the ministers had returned. The reports are 
 largely based upon the despatches ; but, being written 
 at leisure, they are frequently cast in a more literary 
 form. 
 
 The Venetian school of diplomacy has always 
 enjoyed a deserved reputation. Our readers will not 
 have forgotten Lord Chesterfield's advice to his son 
 to cultivate, in whatever capital he found himself, the 
 Venetian ambassador as the man from whom he 
 would learn more than from any other. There were 
 two classes of diplomatic agents employed by the 
 republic, ambassadors and residents. Ambassadors 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 365 
 
 were always patricians ; they were elected in the 
 Senate ; and the post, though usually onerous, was 
 valued as a mark of esteem. The Senate elected none 
 but its ablest members to an embassy, and the mission 
 was frequently a stepping-stone to the dukedom. 
 The residents were chosen from among the secretaries 
 to the Senate and the Ten. These secretaries all 
 belonged to the class known as cittadini originarii — 
 a sort of middle-class aristocracy ; not admitted, it 
 is true, to the Great Council, but possessing various 
 privileges — the right to bear arms, for example — and 
 standing between the patricians and the people. The 
 proper title of a resident was " Circumspect;" the title 
 of an ambassador was "Most illustrious and most 
 excellent." Both ambassadors and residents were 
 men who had enjoyed ample training in political life ; 
 skilled observers ; bred in the school of peiisieri 
 stretti e viso sciolto ; and the standard of fulness 
 and accuracy demanded by the Senate was so rigid 
 and exacting that these Venetian despatches and 
 reports — now that they are open to inspection — 
 acquire a singular value for us. Mistakes in detail 
 inevitably occur, for it was impossible that a Vene- 
 tian should thoroughly master all the minutiae of 
 daily life in the country to which he was ac- 
 credited ; but in these documents we have the per- 
 fectly honest and candid opinion of a skilled foreign 
 observer, writing with the freedom and frankness 
 engendered by the knowledge that his comments 
 were made for his master's eye and for none other. 
 Of course the value of the despatches and reports 
 varies with the natural ability of the writer ; but we 
 
366 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 believe no one will quarrel with the fulness and acute- 
 ness of the noble specimen we shall give in the 
 following pages. 
 
 The documents which we purpose to use have 
 been collected and transcribed by Signor Berchet, 
 and cover the period of English history from the 
 death of Charles I. to the fall of Richard Cromwell. 
 We have selected them for two reasons : first, be- 
 cause of the striking portrait they present to us of 
 the great Protector ; and, secondly, because they are 
 in themselves an excellent example of the Venetian 
 diplomatic style. 
 
 Venice had always maintained friendly relations 
 with the house of Stuart. On the fall of that house 
 the Venetians were in doubt how to act. They 
 disliked a republican form of government, and they 
 had no confidence that the Parliamentary regime 
 would last, and were therefore unwilling to commit 
 themselves to any acknowledgment of its supremacy. 
 But the pressure of the war of Candia, the loss of 
 that island, and the perpetual danger from the Turks 
 compelled them to seek assistance wherever it could 
 be found. No alliance seemed more desirable to 
 them than that with England, whose fleet was rapidly 
 becoming the most powerful in Europe, and whose 
 interests in the East were growing steadily under 
 the care of the Levant Company. We shall see that 
 Venice was compelled to acknowledge first the Parlia- 
 ment, then Oliver, and finally Richard Cromwell, and 
 all without obtaining the object she had in view. 
 
 We come now to the documents ; and we shall 
 leave them to speak for themselves ; adding merely 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 367 
 
 such connecting matter as may serve to make them 
 clear, and to lead us up to the main purpose of this 
 essay, the portrait of Cromwell drawn by Giovanni 
 Sagredo. 
 
 As we have pointed out in a previous essay, 
 Charles II., when- in exile, sent Tom Killigrew to 
 represent him in Venice. The Venetians expected 
 that the Stuarts would soon return to England, and 
 accordingly the resident was received with due 
 honours on the 17th of February, 1650. This action 
 on the part of Venice gave the greatest offence in 
 England, and it subsequently cost the Venetian repre- 
 sentative much time and trouble before he could 
 remove the ill effects of the slight put upon Parlia- 
 ment. It was not long, however, before the Venetians 
 discovered that the Stuart cause was still on the wane. 
 The Turkish war was pressing hard upon the re- 
 public, and it resolved to abandon the royal house of 
 England, to make peace, if possible, with Parliament, 
 and to secure the co-operation of the English fleet 
 against the common foe. The first step towards 
 these objects was to dismiss Killigrew. We have 
 already recounted the amusing details of the resident's 
 expulsion for keeping "a bit of a butcher's shop." 
 Killigrew left Venice in June, 1652. Previous to this, 
 however, the Senate had sent orders to Morosini, 
 the ambassador in Paris, to despatch his secretary, 
 Lorenzo Pauluzzi, to London ; to open relations with 
 Parliament; to urge the Levant Company to assist 
 Venice; to raise troops and ships for the Turkish war; 
 and generally to report upon the condition and the 
 prospects of that government. But Pauluzzi was 
 
368 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 sent without credentials and without any recognized 
 official position. This was an error which cost Venice 
 dear ; for Parliament was determined to accept 
 nothing short of a full acknowledgment of its 
 sovereign position. Pauluzzi left Paris for London. 
 The duty of receiving him fell upon Sir Oliver 
 Fleming, master of the ceremonies, a man whom 
 Carlyle has described as "a most gaseous but indis- 
 putable historical figure, of uncertain genesis, uncertain 
 habitat, gliding through the old books as master of 
 the ceremonies — master of one knows not what." 
 Pauluzzi seems to have found Sir Oliver solid enough, 
 and certainly quite master of the situation. On the 
 2nd of May, Pauluzzi reports to Morosini as follows : 
 — " I went to Fleming, master of the ceremonies, 
 and began by explaining to him that I was your 
 Excellencies' secretary, sent to England in Venetian 
 interests, to raise ships and men. For that purpose 
 I had desired to be put in communication with some 
 of the gentlemen of Parliament ; but, since the forms 
 of the present government did not permit of this, 
 I had come to him to assure him that if the republic 
 thought that its friendship was desired and would be 
 returned, it would not withhold it. At these words 
 of friendship desired and returned Sir Oliver broke 
 in, * I beg you not to use such language. This 
 republic has no need to court the good will of Venice. 
 Let us leave these rigmaroles and formalities, and 
 speak frankly. If you have credentials proving you 
 the accredited minister of the Serene Republic, well 
 and good — you will get what you want. Pray tell 
 me distinctly ; for if you have I will adopt one tone. 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 369 
 
 if you have not I will adopt another.' I found my- 
 self obliged to confess that I had no credentials, as 
 I had only come to raise ships ; but I believed that 
 if credentials were necessary the republic would send 
 them to me at once. Sir Oliver then grew very angry, 
 and said, * I am surprised that you should come here 
 in this fashion even for the object you mention. If 
 I, let us suppose, were to go to Venice in this way, 
 pray tell me, what would the Serene Republic say?' 
 I replied that he would, no doubt, receive every satis- 
 faction, and that I expected the same. Sir Oliver 
 answered, ' I am willing to believe it, and, no doubt, 
 you know better than I do. But I am amazed, and 
 so will Parliament be amazed, all the more as we 
 have frequently been advised that the Serene Republic 
 intended to . send a commission to recognize this 
 republic, and the delay can only proceed from aver- 
 sion to the present government.' I wished to disabuse 
 him, but he interrupted : ' Well, you have come here 
 to raise ships and men : I believe it : but perhaps also 
 to play the spy, as a Frenchman did lately ; I must 
 tell you that we compelled him to leave the kingdom. 
 Up to the present time the republic acknowledges a 
 minister of Charles Stuart ; what good can such 
 irresolution do you } If you want our friendship we 
 are ready. And now your prudence will tell you 
 how you ought to act.'" With this sharp lesson 
 Pauluzzi was dismissed. 
 
 Venice proceeded to repair her mistake. On the 
 1st of June, 1652, Pauluzzi's credentials, addressed "To 
 the Parliament of England," passed the Senate. But 
 the republic had to wait seven months before Parlia- 
 
 2 B 
 
370 VENETIAN STUDIES, 
 
 ment considered its honour vindicated and consented 
 to acknowledge the representative of Venice. On the 
 8th of January, 1653, Speaker Lenthal replied, re- 
 ceiving Pauluzzi as agent for the republic. Meantime 
 Morosini had been removed from Paris, and Giovanni 
 Sagredo filled his place. Sagredo was now Pauluzzi's 
 immediate master, through whom he communicated 
 with the Senate and received their orders. On the 17th 
 of May Pauluzzi is instructed to sound the Constituent 
 Convention as to its willingness to send an embassy 
 to Venice should the republic send one to London. 
 To this an affirmative answer, signed by *'E. Montagu, 
 President of the Council of State, " came from 
 Whitehall, under date November 25. But before 
 this reciprocal intention could be carried out, Oliver 
 Cromwell had been created Protector, and Pauluzzi 
 remained in London in the quality of resident. 
 
 Throughout his despatches Pauluzzi is hostile to 
 Cromwell. He announces in these words Cromwell's 
 assumption of the Protectorate : " London, January 
 3, 1654. Friday last the general was created Pro- 
 tector of the three kingdoms. The Parliamentarians 
 do not cease to bite their nails for having allowed 
 him, step by step, to mount to such a height of 
 authority as renders him odious to the people." 
 On the 2 1st of February we have an account of 
 Cromwell's first public appearance after his elevation 
 to the Protectorship : " On his appearance not the 
 slightest sound of applause or of satisfaction was 
 heard, nor any blessings on the name and person 
 of the Protector. Very dififerent from that which used 
 to happen when the late king appeared in public. 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 371 
 
 In general the Protector enjoys but little affec- 
 tion ; nay, there are not wanting signs of that hatred 
 against him, which grows daily because, under cloak 
 of humility and care for the nation's and the people's 
 weal, he has arrogated all authority and sovereignty. 
 Only the title of king is wanting, while his actual 
 power certainly exceeds that of the late king. 
 At present, however, though they feel themselves 
 downtrodden, dissatisfied, and deluded, they dare 
 attempt no action ; nor do they speak except through 
 their teeth. But every one hopes to see fulfilled some 
 day the prophesy that this government cannot last 
 long." And again, on March ist, he writes, "Every 
 day the ill humour against the Protector and the dis- 
 obedience of the troops increases. Cromwell, how- 
 ever, persists in his habitual attitude of humility and 
 retirement. He protests that he is only what they 
 have made him ; that he will never be other than 
 they wish him to be. Traits of an insincere humility, 
 under cloak of which he aims, perhaps, at glory greater 
 than his present ; and on this ground his headlong 
 fall is continually foretold and desired. But he will 
 save himself with all the greater astuteness that he 
 knows it to be the general expectation and desire." 
 
 Pauluzzi had already had an audience of Cromwell 
 on the 29th of January, which he thus describes : "The 
 day before yesterday was appointed for my audience. 
 I was received with the same ceremonial as that 
 observed towards other ministers. I was met by Sir 
 Oliver Fleming, and conducted to his Highness, whom 
 I found in a chamber surrounded by twenty gentle- 
 men, arranged on either side, and Cromwell in the 
 
372 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 middle. On my appearance in the chamber he un- 
 covered, and remained so till I began to speak. He 
 uncovered again at every act of reverence I made 
 when naming the most Serene Republic. I expressed 
 myself as follows : congratulating the Protector on his 
 elevation, assuring him of the good will of Venice, and 
 begging his aid against the Turks. He remained 
 attentive to all I said, without interrupting me ; and 
 Sir Oliver translated the whole into English. Crom- 
 well replied in the following terms, translated into 
 Italian by Sir Oliver, expressing his good will towards 
 Venice ; declaring that he had every desire to assist 
 the republic, which he considered the buckler of 
 religion against its most powerful foe. I bowed at 
 these expressions, and promised to report them to my 
 government ; and with that I took my leave, accom- 
 panied by Sir Oliver to my carriage, as is the 
 etiquette adopted towards all who are recognized as 
 representatives of their princes and masters." 
 
 In August of the same year, Pauluzzi again had 
 an audience of the Protector, in order to present 
 letters of congratulation from the Senate. He was 
 treated with greater ceremony on this occasion, having 
 the compliment of a guard of honour of one hundred 
 halberdiers of the Protector's household troops. 
 Pauluzzi again raised the question of assistance against 
 the Turk. Cromwell replied that he always admired 
 the courage of the republic ; he would inform 
 Pauluzzi, later on, of his decision in the matter. In 
 January of the following year, the Senate write to 
 Sagredo that they can no longer delay the despatch 
 of an embassy to England. They were anxious to 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 373 
 
 clinch what appeared to be a favourable disposition 
 on the part of Cromwell. The ambassador is to 
 receive six hundred gold ducats a month as salary ; 
 four months paid in advance, and no obligation to 
 render accounts ; a present of one thousand five 
 hundred gold ducats for outfit ; three hundred 
 Venetian ducats for horses, boxes, rugs ; three hundred 
 for vails, of which account is to be rendered. He is to 
 take a secretary at twenty-five ducats a month, and 
 one hundred ducats paid down ; two couriers at thirty 
 ducats each, as usual ; an interpreter and a chaplain 
 at ten scudi a month, as usual. On the 5th of June 
 Sagredo himself was elected for the English embassy, 
 and received his credentials. Sagredo endeavoured 
 to excuse himself on the ground that he was already 
 nearly ruined by the expenses of his embassy at Paris ; 
 but the Senate declined to relieve him of his duties. 
 Sagredo accordingly began preparations for his new 
 mission. His carriage alone cost him one thousand 
 five hundred crowns, and his liveries as much again. 
 On the 1st of September he left Paris with a large 
 suite, including, over and above his embassy staff, 
 five Venetian noblemen and their servants. Cromwell 
 was pleased at this mark of attention on the part of 
 the republic, and showed his sense of the compliment 
 by sending a man-of-war to meet Sagredo at Dieppe, 
 which the ambassador had chosen as the point of 
 embarkation in preference to Calais, owing to the 
 frequent robberies committed by the garrisons of 
 Gravelinghen and Dunkirk. Sagredo was much 
 impressed by the size and strength of this man-of-war, 
 and wrote to the Senate, " If your Serenity had twelve 
 
374 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 such ships, no power in the world could resist the 
 onset. It has seven hundred men and one hundred 
 guns." The ship crossed the Channel to Dungeness 
 in seven hours, and landed the ambassador in England. 
 His public reception took place by water. The grand 
 master of the ceremonies, accompanied by thirty 
 gentlemen and the Protector's trumpeters, came to 
 meet him, " in sixteen feluccas," at Greenwich, whence, 
 after a sumptuous repast, they conducted him to the 
 Tower. At the Tower the Protector's carriage was 
 waiting him ; and, followed by five other carriages 
 and a guard of fifty horse, he was conducted to the 
 lodgings reserved for ambassadors and other dis- 
 tinguished foreigners. 
 
 Sagredo sent the Senate an account of his first 
 audience in these terms : " On the fourth day after 
 my public entry I was informed that, owing to the 
 colic which had attacked his Highness, my audience 
 was to be postponed for three days. Cromwell sent 
 the master of the ceremonies to assure me of the 
 regret which he felt at this delay, and to inform me 
 that, notwithstanding the sickness which confined 
 him to bed, he would rise on purpose to receive me, 
 if I thought it necessary. I did not fail to thank 
 his Highness for such obliging expressions, and 
 added that his well-being was too valuable to be 
 exposed to any imaginable risk ; that I would wait 
 his recovery, nothing complaining of this delay if it 
 were employed in restoring his health. 
 
 ** Three days later, he sent his carriages and two 
 councillors of state to my lodging to fetch me. I 
 was conducted to Whitehall, that is, the palace of the 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 375 
 
 late king. On my entering the great royal hall, hung 
 with the richest tapestry and crowded with people, 
 Cromwell took two short steps towards me. He 
 begged me to be covered, and I then expressed 
 myself as follows : that the republic, wishing still 
 further to mark their regard for the Protector, had 
 sent me as special envoy to repeat to him what 
 Pauluzzi had already communicated. Cromwell 
 replied, thanking the republic, and declaring that 
 their ambassador should receive the same treatment 
 as that accorded to the representatives of other 
 crowned heads. On my withdrawing, he again took 
 two short steps towards me, hat in hand. I found 
 him somewhat pulled down, with signs of a health 
 not absolutely and entirely established, for I noticed 
 that while he remained uncovered, the hand which 
 held his hat trembled. For the rest, he is a man of 
 fifty-six years ; a thin beard ; a full habit ; short, robust 
 and martial in appearance. His countenance is dark 
 and profound ; he carries a large sword by his side. 
 Soldier as well as orator, he is gifted with talents 
 to persuade and to act." 
 
 Sagredo's next despatches, dated the 5th, 6th, and 
 1 2th of November, dwell upon the difficulties he 
 encountered in securing the object of his mission, 
 Cromwell's aid against the Turk : " The Protector, in 
 order to maintain the credit of his arms, and to 
 justify his heavy taxation, resolved to attack either 
 Turkey or the West Indies. Various considerations 
 inclined him to the latter. I shall do all I can to 
 induce him to attack the Turk, but there are two 
 grave obstacles. The first is the Spanish war ; the 
 
376 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 second, the Turkey merchants, who form the most 
 powerful party in the city, and who fear the seques- 
 tration of their wealth in the Levant. His Highness 
 sent me last week a pamphlet setting forth the 
 reasons which oblige England to go to war with 
 Spain. The conjuncture is little favourable to my 
 designs. I resolved, however, to neglect no efforts 
 which might conduce to the public benefit. I de- 
 manded an audience of his Highness, which was 
 granted me in his private cabinet. He met me in 
 the middle of the room, and on my departure he 
 accompanied me to the door. My interview had for 
 object to win him round by playing on his religious 
 feelings, which he displays with all palpable demon- 
 strations of zeal, even going so far as to preach every 
 Sunday to the soldiers, exhorting them to live godly 
 lives. And this preaching he accompanies not merely 
 with efficacious persuasions, but also with the example 
 of his tears, which he holds ready at a moment's notice. 
 By these means he excites and controls the spirit of 
 the troops at his pleasure. In the second place, I did 
 not fail to ply him with the stimulus of glory and 
 fame, as follows : ' I am instructed to remind your 
 Highness that Venice has now for eleven years been 
 the buckler of all Christendom against the Turk. 
 These barbarians are preparing to complete the 
 conquest of Candia, the outwork of Italy. The zeal 
 your Highness has for the Christian faith, that piety 
 and religion which are the noble ornaments of your 
 generous spirit, will surely set on fire the sacred flame 
 of your great courage, and put a keen edge on your 
 valorous sword, which cannot be drawn in a more 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 377 
 
 glorious cause than the cause of the gospel.' To 
 this Cromwell replied that the generous and constant 
 defence offered by Venice against the common foe 
 laid every Christian prince under obligations to your 
 Serenity ; that he had frequently felt the pricks 
 and goads of zeal for the service of God ; that it 
 would have been better had I come to this court 
 earlier — I should then have found the conjuncture 
 favourable to my wishes ; that he would take the 
 opinion of his council. He personally was much 
 disposed to all that might profit your Serenity, for 
 whom he entertained a particular esteem." 
 
 These negotiations, however, produced no fruit, 
 and Sagredo, perceiving that he could make no way 
 with the purpose of his mission, demanded his recall. 
 The Senate granted his request, and he left England 
 on the 1 8th of February, 1656, in the middle of a 
 violent snowstorm, having spent five months in 
 London. He left his secretary, Francesco Giavarina, 
 behind him as resident for the republic. 
 
 On his return to Venice, Sagredo, according to 
 custom, read, in the Senate, an account of his 
 embassy. This relazione is so interesting in itself, 
 as a fine specimen of what these Venetian reports 
 were like, and contains so succinct and instructive a 
 view of the great rebellion and the Protectorate as 
 observed by a foreign ambassador, that we shall 
 venture to give it almost in extenso. 
 
 "Most Serene Prince, 
 
 "The position, size and population of 
 England, Scotland, and Ireland are so well known to 
 
378 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 you, from books and from the reports of ambassadors 
 to that court, that it would be superfluous and tedious 
 to recite them here. 
 
 " I, Giovanni Sagredo, knight, find it more oppor- 
 tune that I, as your first ambassador to London after 
 the downfall of the royal house, should give you a 
 distinct account of how the civil war began, of the 
 causes of that change of government, of the character 
 of the man who at present directs and commands, 
 of the forces and the alliances of England, and of 
 the designs she now entertains. 
 
 "For an uninterrupted period of fifteen years 
 that kingdom has been tossed on the troublous sea of 
 civil war, whereon at last the royal authority made 
 lamentable and disastrous shipwreck. 
 
 " The causes of this shipwreck are various ; and 
 perhaps the essential causes are not those which live 
 in the mouth of the vulgar and by the notoriety of 
 common report. 
 
 "The hatred against Charles I. of England was 
 augmented by a certain instability in religious 
 matters, an instability which he clearly proved by 
 professing himself first Calvinist, then Lutheran, and 
 finally by his passionate endeavours to render the 
 ceremonies of the Protestant Church as similar as 
 possible to those of Catholicism. His subjects, 
 who had imbibed from their ministers an implacable 
 aversion to the Catholic faith, hated him for this 
 policy, which proved him entirely Catholic at heart. 
 It is true, however, that his Majesty on the scaffold, 
 guided by a diabolical desire to prove the injustice 
 of his condemnation, publicly professed the dogmas 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 379 
 
 of Protestantism, and, to the damnation of his own 
 soul, endeavoured to give the lie to the rumour that 
 he leaned towards the Catholic faith. We must add, 
 as no unimportant agent in his ruin, that he lacked 
 the spirit to govern by himself, and availed himself 
 of ministers whose wits were slow and heavy, such 
 as Lord Holland, or of austere prelates like the 
 bishop of Canterbury, who desired to govern London 
 as though it had been a college or a religious house. 
 
 " His Majesty was gifted with a placid nature, 
 infinite goodness, and incomparable sincerity, and his 
 breast, as though it had been made of crystal, allowed 
 all his most secret thoughts to shine through ; so that 
 his Scotch servants, by whom he was surrounded, 
 treacherously published his most intimate intentions, 
 and made service to him impossible by giving his 
 foes the opportunity to traverse his designs. 
 
 " That he did not, at the outset, present a bold front 
 to Parliament contributed much to his misfortunes. 
 He suffered meetings and assemblies where, under 
 cloak of urgent reforms, the royal prerogative was 
 attacked, and the first seeds of revolution were sown. 
 
 "The Parliament, perceiving the. occasion favour- 
 able to its designs, grew in courage and audacity as 
 the king's council showed itself lacking in credit and 
 esteem. And, as frequently happens in civil con- 
 vulsions, the first movements of Parliament were 
 received with approval by those who love to fish 
 in troubled waters, and think to better their own 
 fortunes by the misfortunes of their country. 
 
 " Matters having come to an open rupture, and to 
 the arbitrament of arms, the earl of Essex was the 
 
38o VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 first who took the field against the king. In the open- 
 ing encounter Essex was so thoroughly crushed and 
 defeated, that eight thousand Parliamentarians yielded 
 themselves prisoners to the king ; among them many 
 of his bitterest foes. But the king, always prone to 
 clemency, and neglecting the sound advice to make 
 a summary and deserved example of these men, let 
 them all go free upon their oath not to bear arms 
 against him again. 
 
 "Fairfax, successor of Essex who had been poisoned 
 by the Parliamentarians on suspicion of his personal 
 ambition, defeated the royal troops twice ; and, 
 after various reverses, the king resolved to place 
 himself in the hands of the Scotch, in the hope that, 
 as he was their countryman, they would espouse his 
 just cause. But the Scotch, who had already ruined 
 his Majesty by selling his secrets, now actually sold 
 the king himself to the Parliament for two hundred 
 thousand pounds sterling. His Majesty was closely 
 guarded by the Scotch in a certain castle ; and being 
 asked by them whether he preferred to stay where 
 he was or to be consigned to the English, he replied 
 that he would rather be in the hands of those who 
 had bought than of those who had sold him. 
 
 " When they had the king in their power the Par- 
 liamentarians deliberated long. The more moderate 
 were of opinion that, when abuses had been reformed 
 and pledges taken, the king should be restored to 
 authority. Others, and among them Cromwell, who 
 was then second in command and who enjoyed the 
 highest esteem, represented that affairs were already 
 reduced to extremities, admitting no adjustment and 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 381 
 
 no compromise ; that the hatred between the king 
 and Parliament was too deeply rooted, and mutual 
 injuries too far advanced, to allow of retreat ; that 
 the king restored would take revenge ; that those 
 who feared to smite a crowned head would find a 
 hundred of their own heads smitten in its place ; that 
 the safety of Parliament must be weighed against the 
 safety of the king ; and, in short, that, holding the 
 king a prisoner, they should proceed to condemn him 
 as a criminal. This opinion, which gave security to 
 guilty consciences, met with approval ; and Charles I., 
 king of England, was condemned to be publicly 
 executed. 
 
 " The charges against him turned on his share in 
 the late disturbances ; on his subservience to vicious 
 and greedy favourites ; and on the sufferings of the 
 people during the civil war. 
 
 "The scaffold was raised level with a window of 
 the palace, and hung with black velvet. And be- 
 cause they were afraid that his Majesty might resist 
 the execution of the sentence, and refuse to lay his 
 neck on the block, two iron rings were fastened to 
 the foot of the scaffold, through which a cord was 
 passed to be placed round his Majesty's neck, and so 
 to compel him by force to extend his neck to the 
 axe should he refuse to bow to the fatal blow. 
 
 " But the king, warned in time, without coming 
 to these extremes, begged that no violence might 
 be used, as he would of his own accord yield to the 
 law of necessity and the rigour of force. He died 
 with constancy on the 30th of January, 1648,* amid 
 * More Veneto. 
 
382 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 universal silence and amazement ; for, owing to the 
 strong detachments of troops posted in various parts, 
 no one dared to show his sorrow except in his heart 
 of hearts. So he died ; an example without example 
 which struck pity not only among men, but also among 
 the very beasts. For an old lion, who still lives in 
 the Tower of London, showed his emotion by fierce 
 roars, not only on the day of the execution, but even 
 now, every year on the anniversary of the same, to 
 the wonder and observation of all people. 
 
 " London was the chief and the most obstinate 
 centre of the war. The people advanced from their 
 private purses untold treasures for the maintenance of 
 their army. The goldsmiths alone are still creditors 
 for eight hundred thousand crowns. 
 
 " Fairfax, who was at that time in supreme com- 
 mand, was unwilling to sign the death-warrant. He 
 gave a forced consent, however, when urged by 
 Cromwell, who brought him the order from Parlia- 
 ment. Fairfax also refused to advance against the 
 Scots, as that would have been a violation of treaty. 
 Parliament compelled him to resign his baton to 
 Cromwell, his lieutenant. Cromwell, though then only 
 second in titular command, was in every way supreme 
 in authority. For Fairfax was a practical soldier only, 
 whose sword was his sole resource ; while Cromwell 
 knew how to use his sword and his tongue equally 
 well, and to such purpose that, after unhorsing his 
 own general, he also unseated Parliament, though 
 that had been the chief cause of his aggrandizement. 
 They say that Cromwell, foreseeing that the supreme 
 power must one day fall into his hands owing to 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 383 
 
 the weakness of others and his own ability, insisted 
 that the execution of the king should follow an act of 
 Parliament — that is, a decree of the people — in order 
 that the breach between the people and the king's 
 descendants might become impassable. And to 
 render any return of the royal family all the more 
 difficult, the royal property, to the amount of 
 eight hundred thousand crowns of income, was sold, 
 along with the furnishings of the king's wardrobe, 
 which was put up to auction. 
 
 " And as upon the wreck of some fallen palace we 
 may see another and more magnificent edifice arise, 
 so upon the ruins of the royal house Cromwell piled 
 up the portentous splendour of his fortunes, until he 
 reached that culminating point where he now stands. 
 
 "And, because all subsequent events of moment 
 are either the result of his councils or the fruit of his 
 actions, my report will now deal with nothing but the 
 deeds of this man, who has become, through his for- 
 tune and his ability, the most famous figure of our 
 day. 
 
 " On the fall of the royal authority all government 
 and the entire control of public affairs passed into the 
 hands of Parliament. Although Cromwell had only 
 one vote, yet, as representative of the army, his 
 opinion was venerated and supported by the majority. 
 We must remember that Parliament was deliberative, 
 the army executive. 
 
 " Cromwell's success in Ireland, and his personal 
 courage there, rendered him all the more powerful. 
 The reduction of Scotland, accomplished with only 
 nine thousand men, added to his renown. Before 
 
384 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 going into battle, he encouraged his troops by telling 
 them that God had assured him of victory by a voice 
 which spoke to him in the midnight ; and such was 
 the confidence which his soldiers had in him, that 
 their attack was irresistible. The Scotch broke, and 
 there was not a man of the English army who did not 
 bring in a prisoner apiece. 
 
 " Civil war being thus ended, a foreign war with 
 Holland followed, on the question of the herring 
 fisheries. 
 
 " The navies of former days were far inferior in 
 tonnage and in guns to those of to-day, and so one 
 may say without exaggeration that the ocean never 
 saw more formidable armaments nor more bloody 
 battles between two nations braver or more ferocious. 
 As many as three hundred ships, English and Dutch, 
 took the sea, and with such a letting of blood that 
 many times the very waves have blushed for the shame 
 of such cruel slaughter. 
 
 "The Dutch have received a heavy blow. They 
 have spent more in two years' war with England than 
 in one hundred with Spain. Their disadvantages fall 
 under three heads. 
 
 " First, their merchant navy is out of all proportion 
 to their fleet. Secondly, they have no bronze cannon, 
 in which the English are well found. The English 
 range and weight being superior, they disable the 
 enemy before coming to close quarters. 
 
 " The third and most notable disadvantage is that 
 the English intelligences are so good, that at the 
 very outbreak of the war they were able to seize 
 Dutch shipping in various waters ; and in this way 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 385 
 
 one may say that the Dutch have indemnified 
 England for the expenses of the war. 
 
 " Parliament taxed the nation heavily for the main- 
 tenance of the fleet. This rendered it odious to the 
 people. Cromwell fomented the disgust. Questions 
 between the Parliament and the army began to arise. 
 The army refused to submit to reforms which would 
 weaken its power. Cromwell, foreseeing an attack 
 on himself, with masculine resolution, placed guards 
 at the strategical points of the city, and entering 
 Parliament, accompanied by a few officers, said, ' You 
 have too long sucked the purest blood from English 
 veins ; the nation is weary of suffering the ruinous 
 consequences of your misgovernment ; you have over- 
 played the prince, a rdle that does not belong to 
 you ; now, stripped of the royal mantle and kingly 
 authority, get you about your business ; the comedy 
 is over.' 
 
 " The members, in amazement, kept silence ; but 
 the Speaker demanded by what authority Cromwell 
 dared to sack Parliament. Then Cromwell, showing 
 his sword, replied that his authority lay there. He 
 drove the Speaker from his seat, removed the mace, 
 and the other members, in terror and confusion, went 
 their ways. 
 
 "This change of government took place without 
 any rising. Those who pitied the king rejoiced to 
 see the authors of his disasters humiliated. The 
 people applauded the vigour of Cromwell, whose 
 authority and esteem served to justify his acts. 
 
 " The Dutch war continued ; but after the fierce 
 battle in which Tromp was killed, peace was con- 
 
 2 c 
 
386 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 eluded upon terms most advantageous to England. 
 By this peace Cromwell became yet more respected 
 and feared. He summoned two other Parliaments, 
 but these proving restive under his orders were 
 presently dissolved. Cromwell was unwilling any 
 longer to submit his towering and dominating pros- 
 perity to public criticism. He accordingly established 
 the military government which now exists. He caused 
 himself to be proclaimed Protector of the three king- 
 doms, with the council, which he retained in order to 
 preserve the fiction of a republic, and to lessen the 
 odium which his despotic government creates. He 
 has declined the crown ; for, after overthrowing the 
 royal dignity, it would have been a too naked display 
 of hypocrisy to place the crown on his own head. 
 Cromwell cares nothing for a name. He is content 
 with his authority and power, beyond all comparison 
 greater, not only than that of any king who ever 
 reigned in England, but than that of any monarch 
 who wields a sceptre in the world just now. 
 
 " The fundamental laws of the nation are upset, 
 and Cromwell is the sole legislator. His laws are 
 dictated by his own judgments and his ownMesires. 
 All offices issue from his hands. The members of 
 the council must be nominated by him ; nor can they 
 rise to power except through him ; and, that no one 
 may become master of the army, he has left the office 
 of lieutenant-general vacant. 
 
 " As for his wealth, no king ever raised so much 
 from his subjects. England pays at present one 
 hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling a 
 month in burdens ; besides this, the duty of five per 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 387 
 
 cent, on all merchandise sold or bought in a city of 
 such flourishing commerce as London amounts to 
 three million two hundred thousand crowns a year ; 
 add to this the dues on export and import for the 
 whole kingdom, and the confiscations of private 
 fortunes, such as the duke of Buckingham's, which 
 amount to an enormous sum — for the revenue of the 
 English nobility exceeds that of any other nobility. 
 The Catholics, on a payment of two-thirds of their 
 income, are permitted to continue in the exercise of 
 their creed. In spite of all this wealth the Protector 
 is not rich. His expenditure exceeds his income. 
 There are twelve millions a year for the armament ; 
 for Cromwell is obliged to support those who sup- 
 ported him. At the beginning of the civil war the 
 pay of the Parliamentary troops and sailors was in- 
 creased, in order to entice the king's forces away from 
 him. But the durability of a government founded on 
 force depends upon the troops ; it is therefore neces- 
 sary to pay the soldiers punctually to avoid revolt. 
 The army is well fed and clad, but rigorously disci- 
 plined. Neglect of duty is punished by the rod ; for 
 an ordinary oath, instant cashiering ; for excesses, im- 
 prisonment, and sometimes hanging. Promotion by 
 merit, not by seniority, causes complaints against 
 the government. These are reported to the Protector 
 by his numerous spies. He purifies the army by 
 sending mutinous troops to the Indies, or to the 
 extreme parts of the kingdom ; by these purgatives 
 he cures the disease, and prevents it from increasing 
 and infecting the principal members. 
 
 "It is a remarkable point among the maxims of his 
 
388 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 supersubtle policy, that, knowing he could not rely on 
 the aristocracy, he began to raise to the highest 
 commands in the army people of low degree, on 
 purpose that they, seeing their whole fortunes to 
 depend on him, might be bound to support his 
 pre-eminence. This policy, which has welded the 
 existence of the Protector and of the army in 
 indissoluble bands, leaves but faint hopes that the 
 king of Scotland will ever be able to untie and 
 dissolve a union based upon such reciprocal interests. 
 It is certain that the troops live with as much regu- 
 larity as a religious body. It was observed during the 
 late war that when the king's soldiers gained a victory 
 they abandoned themselves to wine and debauchery ; 
 those commanded by Cromwell were compelled, after 
 their greatest successes, to pray and fast. 
 
 " And here I must touch upon Cromwell's religion. 
 He makes no regular external professions, and so it 
 is impossible to know what rites he follows. In the 
 late civil war he professed himself Anabaptist. This 
 is a sect which abhors princedom and pretends to 
 hold off God alone. Cromwell, immediately on his 
 elevation to the command, not only separated from 
 the Anabaptists, or Independents, but disavowed and 
 persecuted them. Guided by interests of state he 
 changes his religion. He holds that it comports with 
 his policy that in London they profess two hundred 
 and forty-six religions, all united in alienation from 
 the pontiff, but among themselves very dissimilar and 
 antagonistic. The disunion of so many various sects 
 renders them all weak, and none can waken his 
 apprehension. 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 389 
 
 "If at this point I were to represent to your 
 Excellencies the dissonance and variation of these 
 sects, I should waste much time and merely stir your 
 pity and your smiles. Near my house there lives a 
 noble lord with six grown sons, all of different 
 religions ; they are always in disputes perpetual and 
 infinite, and sometimes come to blows, so that their 
 father's whole time is employed and embarrassed in 
 separating and pacifying them. 
 
 "Cromwell, in short, is master of the most beautiful 
 island in the world, of great circumference and width, 
 abounding in men, and so happy in its fertility that 
 in the most rigid winter season the animals always 
 find green pastures ; where, though the land produce 
 no wine, one drinks better than in viniferous countries ; 
 for the wine acquires strength and flavour on its 
 journey, and by its passage over sea. 
 
 "What the land produces not is nevertheless 
 abundant ; it is drawn thither by the copious and 
 flourishing commerce of London— a city which yields 
 not to Paris in population, in the wealth of its mer- 
 chants, in extent, and, above all, in its convenience to 
 the sea, which wafts in such abundance of shipping 
 that, on my arrival, I counted more than two thousand 
 sail upon the famous river Thames. 
 
 " And yet it is true that, after the change of govern- 
 ment, the glory and the grandeur of London have 
 altered much. For the most illustrious nobility which 
 gathered there and made it brilliant is now crushed 
 and mortified and scattered over the country. And 
 the delicacy of the court, the gayest and most 
 sumptuous in the world, is changed now to a perpetual 
 
390 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 march and countermarch of troops, an incessant 
 noise of drums and trumpets, and a long train of 
 officers and soldiers at their posts. 
 
 " The government knows that it possesses a king- 
 dom separated from the rest of the world — a kingdom 
 that fears not invasion, and needs no foreign support, 
 for it has abundant forces to protect itself and to 
 cause alarm in others with its fleet of choice ships 
 that hold the sea in obedience and give the law 
 wherever they pass. 
 
 " And foreign powers are held of so much the less 
 account that they have vied with one another in open 
 demonstrations of respect and esteem for the man 
 who now rules England. 
 
 " In short, I can assure your Serenity that England 
 fears no other power ; nay, she claims to waken fear 
 in them. 
 
 " And therefore they receive without returning 
 embassies, as do the Turks; nor do they seek alliances, 
 but expect to be sought. 
 
 " As regards your Serenity, I am bound to report 
 with frankness events as they occurred ; and I say 
 that the despatch of Pauluzzi without credentials was 
 taken ill. For this reason they refused him audience 
 for seven months, nor would they ever have granted 
 it had not credentials been given him in quality of 
 resident. 
 
 " Then the tardy despatch of an ambassador 
 extraordinary was taken in bad part ; for Venice 
 was the last of all the powers to send one. 
 
 " It was openly said that the Senate entertained an 
 aversion to this form of government, and stigmatized 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 391 
 
 it as illegitimate. It cost me some pains, before my 
 arrival, to remove this suspicion. I succeeded in 
 convincing his Highness that the despatch of an 
 embassy to him, when none had been sent to Parlia- 
 ment, was a sign of peculiar respect for his person 
 and rank. This argument made a breach in his 
 mind. He sent a man-of-war to France for me, and 
 I was received with all the distinctions and pre- 
 rogatives in use towards other ambassadors. When 
 the French and Spanish ambassadors left London 
 my chapel was crowded with Catholics. The ministers 
 objected, but Cromwell refused to interfere with my 
 liberty. 
 
 " I reached England at a moment unfortunate for 
 the object of my mission, when the West Indian 
 campaign was already resolved upon. It is true, 
 moreover, that the Levant Company — that is to say, 
 the wealthiest Turkey merchants — watched my nego- 
 tiations jealously. They insisted that, as the company 
 had four millions of capital in Turkish ports, the 
 slightest suspicion would suffice to induce the Turk to 
 confiscate it, as had lately happened in Spain, 
 
 " Having now succinctly reported the changes, the 
 forces, alliances, designs, and form of the English 
 government, I must return to certain particulars about 
 Cromwell, who has become so conspicuous and so 
 famous throughout the world. 
 
 ** Certain it is that history will have to dwell at 
 length on all that I have compressed into this 
 compendium, and that Cromwell must be considered 
 as a favourite of Fortune's partiality. It is impossible 
 to deny that by his genius and activity he has 
 
392 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 contributed to his own glory. But although he is 
 rich in courage, wit, and natural prudence, all those 
 parts would have served him nothing had he lacked 
 the opportunity to become great. He made use of 
 his talents and he seized his opportunity. 
 
 " Born at Huntingdon of a father whose blood was 
 noble, but whose fortune was less than moderate, 
 Cromwell was first a cornet, then a captain in the 
 cavalry. Cambridge elected him as its member and 
 sent him to Parliament. 
 
 " He is a man of the sword as well as of the tongue, 
 and hence it is that he has climbed by such great 
 strides. He rose to be colonel, sergeant-general, 
 lieutenant-general, and finally general of the whole 
 army. Favoured by fortune in many a battle, he 
 proved himself a man of iron courage and fearless in 
 the sharpest and most dangerous encounters. 
 
 "When he was general, two thousand sailors 
 mutinied and betook themselves to his house, demand- 
 ing their pay. He heard the noise, and went down- 
 stairs with four officers who were dining with him. 
 He thrust himself into the crowd, sword in hand, killed 
 one and mortally wounded another, with such speed 
 and dexterity that the rest, terrified at this example 
 and overawed by their veneration for his person, fled 
 to their ships. 
 
 " Outwardly religious in the extreme, he preaches 
 with eloquence to the soldiers, exhorting them to live 
 according to the law of God ; and, to render his per- 
 suasions more efficacious, he often makes use of tears, 
 weeping more for the sins of others than for his own. 
 He is a man of a solid and massive judgment ; and 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 393 
 
 he knows the character of the English as a horseman 
 knows horses of his manage, and so with the smallest 
 sign of his whip he guides them whither he will. 
 
 "He is not severe except with those of the opposite 
 party ; courteous and civil with his own, and liberal 
 in rewards to those who have served him well. 
 
 " For the rest, in general he is more feared than 
 loved — mortally hated by the Royalists, who are no 
 small body, but who are powerless, being spoiled of 
 wealth and arms. 
 
 " His pleasure is to ride often in his coach to 
 Hampton Court, a country house of the late king. 
 He never shows himself in London because of the 
 accident which happened to him there when he 
 was going to the City to take the Protectorate. A 
 large stone was thrown from a window and fell on the 
 top of his carriage, breaking it in and passing close to 
 his head. In spite of every effort the author was never 
 discovered. 
 
 " He lives in perpetual suspicion. The smallest 
 gathering of men rouses his apprehension ; and there- 
 fore plays, horse-races, and all recreations which 
 might collect a crowd, are forbidden. At the public 
 audience which is open to all, I have seen, at various 
 doors, officers of the guard with drawn swords in 
 their hands. 
 
 " They say he never sleeps twice in the same room, 
 and often changes his bed for fear of some mine. Some 
 have even been discovered. It is true, however, that 
 the government often invents conspiracies to afford a 
 pretext against the Royalists, and therefore to increase 
 the army and the guards. 
 
394 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 " Cromwell is deeply mortified that he has no 
 children of spirit and intelligence. His two sons 
 lack the vigour of their father, and therefore he takes 
 no pains to make his greatness hereditary ; being 
 sure the edifice must fall when it has such weak 
 supports as these two sons of tardy and heavy 
 intellect. 
 
 " The first man in the army is Sergeant-General 
 Lambert. They say that in his heart he does not 
 love Cromwell, though outwardly he professes the 
 closest union with him. In any case, no one is more 
 able than Lambert to cause a change and form a 
 party. 
 
 " Whether the present government will last long is 
 a difficult question. It is likely, however, that after 
 the death of Cromwell we may see some change of 
 scene, in accordance with the universal law that 
 violence can never endure." 
 
 Giavarina, late secretary to the embassy, remained 
 in London as Venetian resident at the Protector's 
 court. His instructions were to urge, upon every 
 possible occasion, the advisability of assisting the 
 Venetians against the Turks. This he did, but with- 
 out success. On the death of Cromwell, Giavarina 
 conveyed the condolences of the Senate to his son 
 Richard. Giavarina was treated with all ceremonious 
 respect. Five court carriages, drawn by six horses 
 each, were sent to take him to Whitehall. Richard 
 Cromwell held out every prospect of being willing 
 to satisfy the Venetians' request. But Giavarina 
 warned his government not to place much reliance on 
 these promises, which he considered were made more 
 
CROMWELL AND THE VENETIAN REPUBLIC. 395 
 
 with a view to induce the republic to acknowledge 
 Cromwell by the despatch of a special envoy, than 
 with any idea of their actual fulfilment. Giavarina's 
 residence in London was not more pleasant than it 
 was profitable. He found himself in difficulties on 
 account of the asylum and shelter which he gave at 
 the residency to twenty Catholic priests, whom the 
 Spanish ambassador had left behind him when he was 
 recalled. Giavarina was still further embarrassed by 
 the superior place assigned to the legate of Branden- 
 burg at court ceremonies. He considered it his duty 
 to absent himself on this ground from the festivities 
 attending the confirmation of Richard Cromwell as 
 Protector. The Senate, however, disapproved his 
 conduct, and even proposed to recall him from his 
 post. Nor were these the only troubles which 
 Giavarina had to endure. The Senate paid him very 
 poorly and very irregularly ; the expenses of the 
 residency were heavy ; he found himself overwhelmed 
 with debt ; and, to put a crown to his misfortunes, on 
 the night of the i8th of October, 1657, the residency 
 was broken into by twelve thieves, who bound and 
 beat the resident, and, as he says himself, " robbed me 
 of everything, even my hat ; the public ciphers and 
 despatches alone escaping by a miracle." 
 
 But better days were in store for Giavarina. The 
 Protectorate fell, the Stuarts were restored, and the 
 Venetian resident had the honour to be the first 
 foreign representative to welcome Charles at Canter- 
 bur)' the day after his landing in England. 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY, 
 
 So much has been written, and is being written daily, 
 about Venice from the picturesque point of view, that 
 one is tempted to cry " Enough," to declare that the 
 subject is exhausted for the present. Such, however, 
 is not the case. For some reasons, which we will 
 presently try to indicate, the fascination which the 
 sea-girt city exercises over her devotees is inex- 
 haustible. The lover returns to the contemplation of 
 his mistress with ardour ever new ; he resumes the 
 endless task of cataloguing her charms, only to find 
 that having said all, he has not said half enough. 
 The truth' is that we must number Venice among the 
 " cities of the soul ; " she ranks with Oxford, Rome, 
 Siena, Prague ; she has the fatal gift to touch the 
 imagination, to awaken a permanent desire. Of course 
 I do not mean that every one feels thus about Venice. 
 I cannot forget, when the floods of 1882 had destroyed 
 the exits from the city, that row of discontented 
 Englishmen who lined the hall of one hotel, cursing 
 the place and glowering at the porter as though he 
 were responsible for the downpour on the Alps. For 
 these the language of the Venice-lover must seem as 
 the crackling of thorns under the pot, like sheer moon- 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 397 
 
 madness ; but they are always at liberty to keep away, 
 to read nothing that bears the name of Venice, not 
 so much as to have heard whether there be a Venice 
 or no. 
 
 Perhaps the aesthetic quahty which most empha- 
 tically belongs to the Venetian landscape, the quality 
 wherein resides the secret of her charm, is infinite 
 variety. As a proof of this assertion, I would adduce 
 the fact that no one is quite satisfied with what others 
 write or say about the city, is not satisfied with what 
 he says himself; something is said, but not all — part of 
 the truth, but not the whole truth. The aspects of 
 Venice are as various, as manifold as the hues held in 
 solution upon her waters beneath a scirocco sky. 
 There is a perpetual miracle of change ; one day is 
 not like another, one hour varies from the next ; there 
 is no stable outline, such as one finds among the 
 mountains, no permanent vista, as in a view across a 
 plain. The two great constituents of the Venetian 
 landscape, the sea and the sky, are precisely the two 
 features in nature which undergo most incessant 
 change. The cloud-wreaths of this evening's sunset 
 will never be repeated again ; the bold and buttressed 
 piles of those cloud-mountains will never be built 
 again just so for us ; the grain of orange and crimson 
 that stains the water before our prow, we cannot be 
 sure that we shall look upon its like again. The 
 revolution of the seasons will, no doubt, repeat certain 
 effects : spring will chill the waters to a cold, hard 
 green ; summer will spread its breadth of golden light 
 on palace front and water-way ; autumn will come 
 with its pearly grey scirocco days, and sunsets flaming 
 
398 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 with a myriad hues ; the stars of a cloudless winter 
 night, the whole vast dome of heaven, will be reflected 
 in the mirror of the still lagoon. But in spite of this 
 general order of the seasons, one day is less like 
 another day in Venice than anywhere else ; the lagoon 
 wears a different aspect each morning when you rise, 
 the sky offers a varied composition of cloud each 
 evening as the sun sets. Words cannot describe 
 Venice, nor brush portray her ever-fleeting, ever- 
 varying charm. At most they can give one mood 
 that Venice creates, one aspect of the light and colour 
 upon her palace walls and water streets. Venice is 
 to be felt, not reproduced ; to live there is to live a 
 poem, to be daily surfeited with a wealth of beauty 
 enough to madden an artist with despair at its un- 
 graspability ; and hence it may be that Venice has 
 had so few adequate portrayers among the thousands 
 who have essayed the task, and not a single poet, 
 if we except Shelley, who better than any one else 
 has, incidentally in " Julian and Maddolo," caught and 
 expressed the general spirit of the lagoon landscape ; 
 and Mr. Pinkerton, who has seized another of the 
 more prominent qualities of that landscape, the all- 
 pervading, sad, caressing grey, characteristic of the 
 lagoons in scirocco weather, and has translated this 
 quality into its corresponding mood of mind with a 
 touch at once so true and delicate, that I know not 
 where to look for a more faithful portrayal of this 
 emotion. 
 
 It is remarkable that the most frequent efforts to 
 express the feeling of Venice in words, should have 
 been cast in prose and not in verse, and should be the 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 399 
 
 work of foreigners, not of Venetians. George Sand, 
 Ruskin, Thdophile Gautier, all strangers over whom 
 has been thrown the spell of the siren, who, leaving 
 her, have borne away with them an incurable wound, 
 for which the only solace has been to dwell again in 
 memory with the features of the beloved, and to 
 reproduce her lineaments on the mirror of the mind. 
 The Venetians love their Venice, but they do not write 
 about her; they live with her, and that is enough. 
 With painters, on the other hand, the case is different ; 
 though here again we feel that the artists have given 
 us a part of Venice, not the whole, a quality of light 
 or of colour, one aspect of her infinitely various beauty. 
 Although the great Venetian masters are chiefly con- 
 cerned with the external life of their city, her pomp 
 and circumstance, incidentally we find them influenced 
 to the very depths of their art by the aesthetic qualities 
 of their native place. The dome-like spaces which 
 Bellini leaves above his throned Madonnas' heads, 
 recall the infinite sweep of the vast Venetian sky ; 
 nowhere in painting do we feel, as we feel in Tintoret, 
 that shimmer of light, that blending of tones which 
 belong to the waters of the lagoon ; nowhere are the 
 flaming glories of the sunset sky more vividly repro- 
 duced than in the triumphant splendours of Titian's 
 canvases. Turner perceived the diffusion and blend- 
 ing of light and colour which we note as a principal 
 feature in the Venetian landscape, and strove to repro- 
 duce it in the radiant morning light of " Returning 
 from the Ball," and in the marvellous blending of colour 
 in sky, sail, and sea, in " The Sun of Venice." Turner 
 came near to grasping the spirit of Venetian land- 
 
400 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 scape; but even he found that there were more tones 
 in heaven and sea than dwelt upon his palette. 
 
 In writing about the charm of Venice, it is difficult 
 for those who feel it to avoid becoming dithyrambic. 
 Venice admits no Laodiceans ; hot or cold you must 
 be. The spell begins the moment the traveller leaves 
 the dust and roar of the railway station, and finds 
 himself suddenly, and without warning, on the borders 
 of the Grand Canal. No one who has once felt the 
 thrill of delight that revelation brings is likely to 
 ■forget it. And day by day the spell is deepened as 
 the stranger grows familiar with the city's winding 
 ways, and with the waters upon which she floats. 
 Hitherto we have asked what is the chief character- 
 istic in this landscape which acts so swiftly and so 
 potently, and we have found that, in its widest terms, 
 the dominant external, aesthetic quality of the lagoons 
 is vastness and variety ; the vast dome of heaven 
 above, the vast expanse of water below, the infinite 
 variety of light and colour in both. 
 
 But this wide external setting of sea and sky is 
 not the only ingredient in the Circe-cup. There is 
 the city itself and her people. And, coming a little 
 closer, we may dwell for a while on the singularity 
 of Venice's geographical position, and the uniqueness 
 of her history and life. An old Venetian Avriter has 
 styled one of his books, "Venezia, Citta Nobilissima 
 Singolare;" and singular, indeed, is the position of this 
 city, lying spread out like a lotus, her palaces and 
 campanili thrown up from the long level of the water, 
 a boss upon the silver shield of the lagoon. Perhaps 
 no piece of water in the world is more remarkable 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 401 
 
 than this hundred and eighty-four square miles of 
 Venetian lagoon, shut off from the sea by the narrow- 
 breakwater of sandy islands, called the Lidi. Whether 
 the lagoons were formed by a subsidence of the 
 land and an inroad of the sea, leaving the Lidi as 
 high points unsubmerged ; or whether the Lidi were 
 originally bars built by the rivers Brenta, Sile, and 
 Piave, across their mouths, eventually causing those 
 streams to flood their deltas, is an open question. 
 But whatever may be the history of their formation, 
 the lagoons are an essential feature in the landscape 
 and the life of Venice. They gave protection to her 
 first founders, when flying from the ruin wrought by 
 the Huns upon the mainland ; and to-day the health 
 and safety of the city still depend upon the regular 
 ebb and flow of their waters. The rivers which 
 helped to make the lagoon have long been banished 
 from their ancient courses, and now discharge their 
 streams direct into the sea. All the varied movement 
 of this water-system depends upon the Adriatic for its 
 life and being. The lagoon is not a lake, still less is 
 it a swamp, nor is it like the open sea. The internal 
 economy of the lagoons is a piece of most singular 
 natural engineering, for the circumference of these 
 hundred and eighty-four square miles, which at high 
 tide seems to inclose one unbroken stretch of water, 
 really contains four distinct water-systems, with 
 separate watersheds, main arteries, and confluent 
 streams by which the sea, twice a day, as from a 
 great heart, comes pulsing in through the four breaks 
 in the Lido barrier, performing its task of cleansing 
 and purifying the lagoon, and bearing away with it, 
 
 2 D 
 
402 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 on its outgoing, all the refuse of the city. At low- 
 tide these channels and arteries are quite distinctly 
 marked, as they wind between the oozy banks of mud, 
 which in spring are green with long trails of sea-grass, 
 and in autumn are brown and bare, taking the reflec- 
 tion of colour from the sky. But at high tide the 
 whole surface is flooded, and there lies Venice with 
 her adjacent islets — San Servolo, San Clemente, 
 Poveglia — set like gems upon a silver targe. On the 
 mainland shore of the lagoon there is a strange 
 debatable territory called the Laguna Morta, where 
 the sea and land are in doubt, blending with one 
 another, and producing a region that is neither sea 
 nor land. This dead lagoon is the home of wild fowl, 
 and of pungent, salt sea-plants, tamarisk and samphire, 
 and above all, in autumn, wide fields of pale sea- 
 lavender. Beyond the Laguna Morta the ground 
 consolidates, and the Venetian plain, studded with 
 villas, poplars, vineyards, and mulberry-groves trends 
 up to the foot of the barrier Alps. The lagoon, the 
 Alps, and Venice, floating upon the one and guarded 
 and circled by the other, are the noblest features 
 in the landscape. From the water you can see the 
 whole vast sweep of mountain chain, beginning far 
 in the east with the snowy hills of Carnia, curving 
 round the broad Fruili plain, and springing to 
 exquisite proportions and jewelled shape in Monte 
 Cavallo, Antelao, and Tofana, finally dying away in 
 filmy pale-blue crests beyond Verona and the Lago 
 di Garda, and under the battlemented snows of 
 Adamello. Here again we enjoy a sense of vastness 
 and of space. These long and immovable Hnes of 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 4C3 
 
 serrated peaks, touched, even in summer, now and 
 again with snow, and in winter white and cold and 
 clear to their very roots — peaks with beloved names 
 that invite the climbing spirit, are all yours to gaze at 
 and to dream about, lazily rocked in your gondola on 
 the bosom of the still lagoon. 
 
 Such is the general external aspect of Venice. The 
 history of the city is no less singular. When those 
 first refugees from the mainland sought an asylum on 
 the shoal mud-banks, drove their first piles, and built 
 their wattled walls, they little thought that they were 
 founding a community whose history would flow in 
 unbroken current for more than a thousand years, 
 that their descendants would be the richest lords in 
 Europe, that their navies would ride supreme in c It 
 known waters, and pour the wealth and opulence of 
 the East through Venice upon the Western world. 
 In the isolation of their lagoons the Venetians 
 acquired freedom and learned self-government. The 
 obscurity of their position permitted them to grow 
 undisturbed. The first seed, blown by the gust of 
 invasion from the mainland to the mud islands, had 
 time to mature in quiet, to strike deep roots into the 
 soil, and to spring into a lofty and beautiful tree. The 
 chief feature in the early history of Venice is that she 
 belonged neither to the East nor to the West ; 
 neither to the empire of Constantinople, nor to the 
 kingdoms which sprang up on the ruins of Rome. 
 She lay between the two, a nest of hardy islanders, 
 determined and ready to assert her independence. If| 
 the Lombards claimed her, she appealed to Constan-^ 
 tinople ; if the emperor wished to interfere, she flung 
 
404 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 herself on the Western side. She drew from East and 
 West alike that nourishment which went to make her 
 what she really was — a nation by herself, a peculiar 
 people, Venetians of Venice. The history of this 
 singular growth falls broadly into four great periods : 
 these we may distinguish as the period of consolida- 
 tion, the period of empire, the period of entanglement, 
 and the period of decline. 
 
 When the early settlers, flying before the Hunnish 
 terror, first took to the lagoons, they fell upon thevarious 
 islands of the Archipelago and upon the long ridges 
 of sand that guard the lagoon from the sea ; and each 
 little group of immigrants began a separate life for 
 itself, retaining as far as possible the customs, religion, 
 and constitution of their ruined home on the main- 
 land. The Lidi, as being furthest removed from the 
 danger of invasion, were the favourite asylum ; the 
 largest townships sprang up there — Heraclea, Jesolo, 
 and Malamocco. These townships gradually drew 
 together into a federation of twelve communes, each 
 governed by its own tribune, and meeting in general 
 assembly for the settlement of business which affected 
 the general interest of the lagoons. Jealousy and 
 internecine feuds soon appeared, as one or other of 
 these townships came to the front, and endeavoured 
 to impose its will upon its neighbours. Now it was 
 Heraclea which claimed to lead, and destroyed its 
 neighbour and rival Jesolo, and was in its turn 
 attacked and razed to the ground by Malamocco. 
 It is possible that had this period of internal rivalry 
 continued for long, the lagoon communities might 
 have frittered away their strength in private quarrels, 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 405 
 
 and the state of Venice might never have emerged 
 at all. But external pressure came in time to save 
 the confederation and to compel the lagoon town- 
 ships to consolidate. The perils of the mainland 
 sowed the first seeds of Venice ; the peril of the sea 
 was to form and complete her. Pipin's attack taught 
 the Venetians for the first time how impregnable was 
 their sea-girt home ; and they never forgot the lesson. 
 For long months the Prankish chivalry was held at 
 bay, defied by the impenetrable network of small 
 canals and oozy mud-banks, through which no 
 passage could be found. Finally the assault was 
 shaken off, and Pipin retired to Milan. At this 
 moment of their great victory a fusion between the 
 Venetians and their home took place ; henceforth 
 each belongs essentially to the other. It is to this 
 triumph over Pipin that the Venetians looked back 
 as to their birth-hour : the story of the victory is 
 haloed in romance, and cherished as the sacredest 
 record in all Venetian history. The Hunnish invasion 
 proved the dangers of the mainland ; Pipin's attack 
 demonstrated the peril of the sea. The Venetians 
 now effected a compromise, and chose as the future 
 home of their state that group of islands, midway 
 between the sea and the land, then known as Rialto, 
 but henceforth to bear the proud name of Venice. 
 
 The consolidation at Rialto closes the first period 
 of Venetian history ; the period of deepest interest 
 for us. Modern Venice, with all her pride of palaces, 
 wealth of art, variety and picturesqueness of life, dates 
 from the repulse of the Franks. The people of Venice 
 in this struggle attained to manhood ; they learned 
 
4o6 VENETIAN- STUDIES. 
 
 their power ; their union gave them force. They began 
 to create their constitution, that singular monument 
 of rigidity and durability, which persisted, with hardly 
 a break in its structure, for the next ten centuries. 
 The aristocracy of Venice emerges ; her empire ex- 
 tends, following the lines of her commerce in the 
 East ; St. Mark is substituted for St. Theodore as 
 patron ; the Crusades are used as a means to conquer 
 Dalmatia and to plant the lion in the Greek Archi- 
 pelago. Venice clashes with her rival Genoa, and 
 struggles for this Eastern Empire ; from the shock 
 she emerges victorious. Into her state coffers and 
 her private banks poured all that wealth which was 
 presently to issue in the pomp of art, the pageantry 
 of existence, her palace fronts along the Grand 
 Canal, her learned academies, her printing press, her 
 schools of painting, her regal receptions, the splendour 
 of her state functions, the sumptuousness of private 
 life ; all, in short, that made her what she was — the 
 dazzling pleasure-garden of Europe, the envied of 
 other states, although she had already overpassed 
 her apogee. For her greatness and her pride were 
 leading her towards her doom. Not content with 
 her commercial empire in the East, Venice could not 
 resist the temptation to put out her hand and to 
 seize the wrecks of the Visconti's dukedom ; to build 
 herself an empire on the land. She was caught and 
 entangled in the mesh of Italian intrigue ; she became 
 a factor in continental politics, and was brought face to 
 face with the great powers of Europe. Her progress 
 upon the mainland aroused jealousy ; the other states 
 of Italy became uneasy for their own safety. Rome 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. ^o^ 
 
 seized the opportunity to form the League of Cambray, 
 whose object was to annihilate the republic. The 
 league failed of its object ; but the wars it entailed 
 left Venice crippled, and other disasters poured upon 
 her head. Her commerce in the East received an 
 irreparable blow by the discovery of the Cape of 
 Good Hope, which took the carrying trade out of her 
 hands. She ceased to be the mart of Europe.* She 
 was left to battle alone against the Turk ; slowly 
 expending blood and money, vainly appealing to in- 
 different Europe. Under this weight of misfortunes 
 her strength was broken ; she declined, and sank. 
 The rigidity of her constitution held her still together ; 
 there were flashes of her old brilliancy and power in 
 Morosini's conquest of the Peloponnese. But her 
 day was past, and Venice gradually wasted away 
 till she was but a wreck and hollow show of her 
 former glory ; the last of her doges yields the state 
 to Napoleon without a blow, and, laying the ducal 
 biretta on the table, calls to his servant, " Take it 
 away, I shall not use it more." 
 
 But, though the republic fell, Venice still remains ; 
 Venice, the place and the people. There are two ways 
 of seeing Venice intimately, of obtaining a closer view 
 of both as they are to-day : one is by sea, with help 
 of a gondola ; the other is by land, wandering through 
 that curious maze of narrow streets in which it is a 
 delight to lose one's self. No conveyance can be 
 more delightful, more easy, more romantic than the 
 gondola : it is the most beautiful boat in the world, 
 
 • It is not impossible that the Suez Canal may restore to 
 Venice her lost position. 
 
4o8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 and the most luxurious carriage ; and, like all things 
 connected with Venice, is essentially a child of the 
 place ; its form is adapted to the needs of the strange 
 city that created it ; the lines of its structure are 
 governed by the purpose it has to serve, the passage 
 of the narrow Venetian water-ways. The visitor who 
 is interested in his carriage cannot do better than pay 
 a visit to the squero, or building-yard, where his 
 gondola was made. His gondolier will be proud to 
 take him. The squeri are picturesque though pitchy 
 places. The long lines of boats drawn up to be cleaned 
 or mended lie like a row of stranded whales. At one 
 corner the pitch-pot stands always ready boiling, send- 
 ing its thick black smoke into the air ; and the boys 
 rush round the caldron, grimy as imps, each with a 
 smearing brush brandished in his hands. Or, perhaps, 
 the bottom of some boat has to be dried thoroughly 
 and in haste, before receiving its coating of melted 
 tallow. This is done by kindling a brisk blaze of 
 reeds under the boat ; the flames leap high into the 
 air ; volumes of pale smoke roll up over the housetops, 
 and are swept away seaward by the breeze; the boys 
 dance about in front of the flames, like demons 
 officiating at some sacrifice ; there is much shouting 
 and noise; the whole scene is strange and picturesque. 
 The art of gondola-building is one which requires 
 great nicety and exactness. Three qualities are 
 especially demanded of the boat : that it should draw 
 little water, that it should turn easily, and that it 
 should be rowable by one oarsman. To secure these 
 conditions the hull is built of light thin boards ; only 
 a very small portion of its flat bottom, thirty-six feet 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 409 
 
 in length, rests upon the water, and the boat swings 
 as on a pivot; and, finally, the boat is not equally- 
 divided by a line drawn from stern-post to bow — 
 there is more bottom on one side than on the other, 
 in order to counterbalance the weight of the rower 
 behind. The ornaments of the gondola, the familiar 
 steel prow or ferro, the sea-horses or dolphins, the 
 rude carving of some scene from Tasso, all that makes 
 the vessel the picturesque object we know, are 
 furnished elsewhere than at the squero. Should any 
 one be curious about the natural history of these 
 ornaments, and their gradual development through 
 the centuries, he cannot do better than consult the 
 pictures in the Academy by Gentile Bellini and Car- 
 paccio, and the later works of Guardi and Canaletto. 
 In the former he will see the Venetian noblemen in 
 their gondolas, with the bright covering of Eastern 
 rugs for a tenda ; the ferro not shaped as now, 
 with its hatchet-head and six teeth, but merely a 
 round club of metal ; the tall rower, graceful then as 
 ever, in his party-coloured hose and slashed doublet. 
 In the pictures of Guardi and Canaletto the gondola 
 has undergone a great change ; it is the modern 
 gondola that we see : the boat has lost its brilliant 
 colouring, but, as a compensation, it has certainly 
 gained in grace. 
 
 The gondola is so intimately connected with life 
 in the sea-city, that, of the pictures and impressions 
 which one carries away, stored in the portfolio of the 
 mind, a very large number must be associated with 
 one's boat. And what can be more delightful than 
 to start some morning early to spend a day upon the 
 
410 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 lagoon ? Venice is never more lovely than on a clear 
 summer morning ; the air is sweet, the light falls on 
 palace fronts in broad white flakes, the breeze blows 
 fresh from the Lido, whither we are bound. As we row 
 past the green point of the public gardens the fishing- 
 boats are coming in from their night's toil, laden with 
 fish for the Rialto market; some are not yet come 
 to anchor, and cross and recross one another as they 
 tack, threading the figures of their sea sarabmtde ; 
 others lie, bow by painted bow, their nets hauled 
 mast-high to be mended and dried in the sun, and 
 their great coloured sails close together, and folded 
 like the wings of a butterfly just alighted on a flower. 
 The sails of Venice are a constant object of beauty 
 in the landscape ; their deep oranges and reds, their 
 fantastic designs — here a heart pierced by a sword, 
 there a rose in bloom, or a star with a flash of 
 lightning breaking from it — contrast so vividly with 
 the cool grey of the waters upon which they float. 
 On the Lido itself, when one has reached the Adriatic 
 side, one may wander for miles in either direction 
 along the shore, where the lizards bask in the hot 
 sand, where the pale sea-holly, with its delicate purple' 
 bloom, grows to perfection, mingled with the faint 
 yellow of the evening primrose. The Adriatic, the 
 great water avenue to Venice, opens away to south- 
 east, while on the furthest horizon you can just discern 
 the faint blue line of hills above Trieste, and the top 
 of Monte Maggiore that overhangs Fiume and the 
 Quarnero Gulf A little way along the shore, and 
 out of reach of those crowds that flock to the bath- 
 ing establishment, is an unfinished wooden chalet ; 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 411 
 
 standing in grounds partially enclosed, and planted 
 with euonymus, a shrub that grows luxuriantly in 
 Venice. The house was begun for Victor Emanuel, 
 but never completed ; and from its upper windows 
 you command a glorious view of Venice, backed by 
 her chain of guardian Alps. The city lies like a 
 flower upon the water ; the rosy front of the ducal 
 palace, the slender campanili of San Giorgio and 
 San Francesco, set on either side of St. Mark's 
 more massive tower ; on the one hand the bright 
 green woods of the public garden, and far away on the 
 other the cones of the Euganean Hills, that rise like 
 islands above the misty levels of the plain : over all, 
 the vault of the vast Venetian sky, cut by the serrated 
 line of silent and eternal snow. It is pleasant, as the 
 day grows hotter, to leave the glare of the more open 
 shore of Sant' Elizabetta, and to seek the woods of 
 the Favorita, where the acacia groves and catalpas 
 yield some shade, where the whole ground is carpeted 
 with the white and gemlike star of Bethlehem ; or, 
 better still, to wander down the English-looking lane 
 and water-meadows that lead to the fort of San 
 Nicolo, where the gondola can be sent to meet us. 
 Inside the fort the grass is greener and the boskage 
 more profound than anywhere else within easy reach 
 of Venice. In late spring the perfume from the pure 
 acacia blooms is borne far out across the water, and 
 in the grass sweet violets grow in abundance. 
 Behind the acacia grove is a Protestant burial-ground, 
 now disused, where lie the bones of many an English- 
 man who came to Venice for pleasure, and remained 
 to die : here is the tomb of Sir Francis Vincent, last 
 
412 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 English ambassador to the republic ; and here, too, 
 that distinguished Anglo- Venetian, Mr. Rawdon 
 Brown, prepared himself a grave, and daily came to 
 tend the shrubs and flowers at whose feet he hoped 
 to sleep. The Austrians granted Mr. Brown this 
 exceptional privilege ; but the present masters of 
 Venice refused to carry it into effect, and nothing 
 now remains except the thick and rankly growing 
 hedge which surrounds the empty grave. There is 
 no more beautiful promenade in Venice than that 
 around the ramparts of the San Nicolo ; past the 
 little red osteria^ the Buon Pesce, where the black- 
 birds sing in the ivy-mantled walls of the old convent 
 garden, out by the Custom House, and on to the 
 ramparts themselves. In summer the broad earth- 
 works are spread with a carpet of more than Persian 
 brilliancy ; crimson poppies, purple salvias, and vivid 
 green grass. Round the corner of the fort the current 
 sweeps in or out of the Lido mouth, the ancient water 
 entrance to the city, and marks the water surface in 
 swirls and varying tones of silver grey. Far to the 
 east, in the offing, the sunlight falls upon the congre- 
 gated sails of the fishing-boats plying their business 
 by the Piave's mouth, where fish are most abundant. 
 Everywhere there is a sense of space in sky and 
 sea, and the pungent odour of sea-brine upon the air. 
 In the evening we may return by the island con- 
 vent of San Lazzaro, where the Armenian monks 
 spend their placid lives in study and the culture of 
 their garden lands here and on the Lido. The island 
 is a veritable gem of colour set upon the lagoon ; for 
 the monks have painted their convent a deep crimson, 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 413 
 
 and all day long San Lazzaro glows upon the water like 
 an oleander bloom blown from one of its own garden 
 bowers. Ungrudging access is granted to this garden 
 and cloister rich in flowers. The terraced walk looks 
 towards Venice, and is planted with alternate cypress 
 and oleander trees. Between these exquisite settings 
 are framed vignettes of the city ; San Giorgio and 
 San Marco, San Giovanni and San Francesco ; and 
 the green point of the public gardens. This terrace 
 is a place on which to bask and dream the evening 
 through ; watching the crabs sunning themselves and 
 fighting on the sloping wall-foundations, or noting the 
 ripples stirred by some fish upon the shoal lagoons ; 
 watching, too, the sunset flame itself to death behind 
 the Euganean Hills, while the heavens slowly change 
 from gold to orange, to crimson, to purple, to pale 
 transparent azure, till night comes silently over the 
 Eastern waters, veiling the brilliant hues of day ; the 
 first stars begin to tremble in the blue ; it is time to 
 seek the gondola and to row home towards the long 
 line of piazza lights that make a broad inviting path 
 for us across the lagoon. 
 
 The lagoon offers many expeditions more distant 
 than the one to which we have just referred. Torcello, 
 with its ancient Basilica and mosaics, its Greek church 
 of Santa Fosca, its old traditions of early lagoon his- 
 tory, and its present desolation, will always prove a 
 favourite. The way to Torcello takes us through six 
 miles of lagoon scenery. After leaving Venice behind 
 us, our prow is set towards the easternmost corner of 
 the lagoon, that desolate unexplored tract of marsh- 
 land, formerly known as the " Dogado," where the 
 
414 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 doge had his preserves of fishing and shooting, and 
 whence came the wild-duck, which by custom he was 
 obliged to present to every noble on St. Barbara's 
 Day. Torcello lies between Venice and the Dogado ; 
 and to reach it we have to pass Murano, with its 
 glass furnaces sending their long black streamers of 
 smoke into the air. Presently we reach Mazzorbo, 
 once the greater city, the major urbs^ now composed 
 of a few scattered houses, a wine-shop, and a church, 
 whose campanile is riddled with Austrian shot. The 
 Alps go with us all the way to Mazzorbo, march- 
 ing along, pace for pace ; but at the entrance to the 
 village we forsake the open lagoon, and pass into 
 a narrow canal that winds between high garden 
 walls, over whose coping hangs a mantle of ivy, 
 with here and there a burning spot of pomegranate 
 flower. Spring and autumn are equally delightful 
 at Torcello. In spring the orchards and the hedges 
 of thorn are in full bloom ; the delicate sprays of 
 pink or white are thrown up in relief against the 
 blue sky. In autumn all the water-meadows are a 
 shimmer of purple-red, from the feathery plumes of 
 the sea-lavender that gives to the waste spaces the 
 colour and feeling of a Scotch moor. The island of 
 Torcello is a desolate place, with a world's-end atmo- 
 sphere about it Once it was populous, but now 
 marshes and malaria render it almost uninhabitable. 
 There is a little museum of antiquities that have been 
 found on the spot. But the custode of the museum, 
 one of the few natives of Torcello, is more interesting 
 than any of the antiquities which he guards. He is 
 a robust -and healthy young fellow, but with a manner 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY, 415 
 
 SO mellow, so dreamy, so far away, such a sense of 
 ancient half-remembered things in his blue eyes, that 
 it seems as though the very spirit of Torcello had 
 passed into his soul. He will take you round the 
 museum, laying a light hand here on a torso, there on 
 a Roman tomb. " A cippus!' he will say, in gentle, 
 lingering tones, " a Roman cipptis ; " and then, as you 
 pass on, he adds lower, as though quite to himself, and 
 caressing some secret all his own, " a Roman cippus" 
 The campanile of Torcello is, as usual in Venice, a 
 solid, square brick tower, rising to a great height, and 
 the view from it, when you have climbed the rickety 
 wooden ladders that led to the bell-chamber, is most 
 striking. To the east the broken land — half sea, half 
 land — begins ; and the whole country is cut by wide 
 ditches which intersect one another. These are the 
 " Valli," where fish are bred for the Venice market ; 
 and a very valuable property the "Valli" are. To 
 the south is the Adriatic, and the long line of Lidi 
 breakwaters, curving away to Chioggia ; Venice and 
 the Euganean Hills to the west ; and north, the ever- 
 present Alps, visible from Torcello as hardly from 
 anywhere else, for there is absolutely nothing to 
 interrupt the view ; the plain runs right up to their 
 roots, and the eye may wander on and on till it finds 
 the eternal snows of Tofana, Antelao, or Pelmo. The 
 sea and sky, Venice and the mountains, these are the 
 four chords on which the music of the Venetian land- 
 scape is played. 
 
 A sail home from Torcello in the evening is a 
 delightful experience ; and some of the gondoliers are 
 skilful at handling their boats, without keel or rudder. 
 
4i6 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 steering them with an oar behind, like the Vikings of 
 old. If it be summer or autumn, a storm, sudden and 
 furious, is not at all improbable, and will make no 
 bad close to such a day. The great masses of cloud 
 gather in the east, and sail slowly and stately towards 
 us, surely gaining upon us. The van of the storm- 
 clouds is curved into an arc by the pressure of the 
 wind behind, though here upon the water there is 
 only breeze enough to fill the sail. Steadily the 
 billowy battalions advance until, as we are off Murano, 
 the colour of the water begins to change to a pale 
 pea-green, no longer transparent, but thick as jade. 
 There is a feeling of oppression in the air, a brooding 
 stillness, then suddenly the wind drops ; not a breath, 
 not a hush for five minutes, while the storm-clouds 
 overtake us. Then, far away behind Murano, one 
 catches a low humming, like the noise of a threshing- 
 machine ; it is the wind in the city — you must 
 down sail and make for the nearest post. The 
 hurricane leaps out from the city, striking the water, 
 tearing it into foam, and flinging the spray high into 
 the air. There is fury and confusion in the sky. The 
 thundery masses are rent and riven ; through the gaps 
 of dun-coloured vapour you catch the steely blue of 
 storm-clouds, boiling as in a caldron ; and beyond 
 them even again, pure blue sky and sunlight. A rain- 
 bow rises high in the air, relieved against the turbulent 
 heavens, and spans the lagoon. Then the whole 
 tornado sweeps away south-westward. The sunset 
 reasserts itself, and dashes the sky with streamers of 
 crimson and orange; then darkness, with lightning 
 and storm slowly dying away into the west, leaving 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 4x7 
 
 the heavens serene and the night breeze fresh and 
 cool. These summer storms are sudden and almost 
 tropical in their fury, but they are quickly spent ; and, 
 like tropical cyclones, their path is a narrow one, con- 
 fined to one line on the lagoon, but where they strike 
 they have been known to unroof houses. 
 
 Besides these better known expeditions to the 
 Lido, Torcello, and San Lazzaro, there are many 
 others quite as worthy the attention of any one who 
 has time and to spare in Venice. A little to the right 
 of the canal that leads to Torcello, lies the island of 
 San Francesco in Deserto. In a desert of water and 
 mudbanks. Saint Francis's island certainly stands. 
 It is easily distinguished and always remembered by 
 its solitary stone pine, which spreads its umbrella of 
 sunproof boughs over one angle of the convent garth. 
 For San Francesco is still a convent of the Franciscan 
 order, and the brothers show the stone coffin in which 
 their founder used to acclimatize himself to death. 
 But the large square of rich deep grass which the 
 island walls inclose is by far the most enticing feature 
 of San Francesco. A noble avenue of cypresses, the 
 finest to be found near Venice, runs down one side ; 
 and in spring the air is heavy with the perfume of the 
 narcissus, which grows here luxuriantly. Some way 
 off to the south li^s Treporti, on the outermost bank 
 of sand that keeps the Adriatic from invading the 
 lagoon. At Treporti the scenery is very different 
 from that of the other places we have visited : long 
 sweeps of sandy dune, covered with coarse bent grass 
 and heather, and broken into pools of brackish water 
 that reflect the sky like a mirror. The ground is all 
 
 2 E 
 
4i8 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 uncultivated ; the air is filled with pungent aromatic 
 odours born of the sea and the wild sea-loving plants. 
 On the shores, which seem to stretch inimitably on 
 either hand, the sand is fine and soft and yellow ; there 
 is no choicer place for a bathe ; the sea is wide open 
 before you, warm, limpid, pure, and inviting ; and as 
 you swim far out, the domes and campanili of Venice 
 rise up in low relief upon the water-level, and the 
 sound of her bells comes mellowed and blended across 
 the blue expanse. 
 
 Or if the western lagoon is to be explored, no ex- 
 pedition is more favourable for this purpose than the 
 one to Fusina. Through Fusina once lay the main 
 road between Venice and Padua ; but the Austrian 
 railway bridge has, until lately, diverted the current 
 of traffic from Fusina to Mestre, and any one making 
 the journey to Fusina was almost sure to have the 
 lagoon to himself, or, at most, to share it with some 
 sparse and scattered fishermen. Within the last year, 
 however, a tramway has been opened between Fusina 
 and Padua, and a small steamboat plies from Venice 
 to meet the trains ; but this will not seriously break 
 the loneliness of the voyage, nor rob of its inalienable 
 charm that great sweep of lagoon that opens away 
 from the mouth of the Giudecca, and stretches on and 
 on to the lagoon's end at Chioggia and Brondolo. It 
 is well to choose a grey day for this expedition — one 
 of those pearly silver-grey days, so subdued, so delicate 
 in suggested colour, that come every now and then in 
 autumn. As the gondola leaves the Giudecca canal 
 and makes for the island of Saint George-among-the- 
 Seaweeds, the surface of the lagoon has an oily ap- 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 419 
 
 pearance, and is almost pallid in its grey whiteness. 
 In the offing you can see the few trees which stand in 
 a group near the port of Malamocco, and the spars of 
 some big shipping ; nearer still the fort of Sant' 
 Angelo and the island of Saint George itself. Every- 
 thing is mellowed by an all-pervading semi-transparent 
 haze, which, on the horizon, confounds the limits of 
 the sea and sky. Upon the surface of this silver-grey 
 mirror rise the black silhouettes of the fishermen ; 
 each solitary figure upright and poised upon the stem 
 of his narrow boat. The gondola passes under the 
 red brick wall of San Giorgio, where the Madonna 
 stands guardian at the corner, and the saint in stone 
 charges and slays the dragon. The island was once a 
 convent belonging to the Benedictine order, and the 
 home of the Venetian Saint Lorenzo Guistiniani ; but 
 now the church has lost its campanile, and the church 
 itself, refectory, and cloisters are converted to the base 
 uses of a powder magazine. At Fusina the Brenta 
 used to flow into the lagoon, and a considerable 
 portion of its waters still discharge here — sufficient to 
 allow the gondola to proceed up this branch till it 
 joins the present main stream. This is worth doing ; 
 for in spring the Brenta is rich in water-lilies, yellow 
 ranunculus, and flags. From the banks of the Brenta 
 one looks westward across a curious flat country — 
 so low-lying that one hardly perceives any difference 
 between its level and that of the lagoon — until the 
 eye reaches the Euganean Hills, thirty miles away, 
 whose cones and pyramids form such a beautiful 
 episode in every Venetian sunset. 
 
 The expeditions to be made upon the lagoon are 
 
420 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 SO numerous and so various that it is impossible to 
 catalogue them here, nor is it our intention to offer 
 such a catalogue. Our object was to show how 
 great is the variety in the Venetian landscape, in 
 Venice as seen from outside. But it must not be 
 supposed that the lagoons are always steeped in sun- 
 light. They have their moods : now black beneath a 
 sudden storm ; now cold and hard as steel under the 
 piercing east wind — the bora that reaches Venice 
 from the hills above Trieste ; and sometimes in winter 
 wrapped in an impenetrable blanket of damp mist, so 
 thick and heavy that one may easily lose one's course 
 between the Lido and Venice ; and the steamers, 
 slowly feeling their way in or out, loom for an ins^nt 
 and then disappear, swallowed up in that dense wall 
 of vapour, and the; sound of their fog-horns dies away 
 down the wind. All the shipping looks ghostly, tall, 
 and gaunt as one passes it, and the whole scene is like 
 the sea-traffic in a world of dead men. 
 
 Nor is the variety less remarkable or less enchant- 
 ing if we forsake the gondola and take to the land. 
 Nothing can be more full of charm than a walk through 
 Venice ; the infinite variety and windings of the calli^ 
 the sudden debouchment upon some open campiello^ 
 the perpetual changes of scene. There is usually some 
 surprise in store for any one who takes a walk through 
 the city ; either some piece of architecture, some 
 balcony or doorway that has escaped notice, or some 
 vivid picture of popular life. 
 
 The beauty of the city itself is, of course, more 
 subject to destruction than the beauty of the lagoon. 
 It seems impossible that "progress" should ever be 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 42c 
 
 able really to ruin the vast dome of the sky and the 
 wide expanse of sea-floor ; but inside the town, resto- 
 ration, new streets, iron bridges have entailed a decided 
 loss in picturesqueness. Yet even on this point 
 Venice is more fortunate than many other Italian 
 towns. It is not long before salt winds and sun begin 
 their labour upon the newest stone, and insensibly 
 man's handiwork suffers a sea-change that gradually 
 brings the most glaring restorations into harmony 
 with their surroundings. There are two moments 
 particularly favourable for an artist to take his walks 
 in Venice. One is after a rain shower, when the old 
 intonaco upon the walls has every tone brought out, 
 and is vivid with colour ranging from grey through 
 pale sea-green to red — the old Venetian red with which 
 so many houses used to be stained. The other choice 
 moment for a walk is in the early morning before the 
 business of the day has begun. The sunlight falls in 
 such broad cool flakes upon the Istrian stone, the 
 islands San Clemente and San Servolo look exqui- 
 sitely pure and white upon the water, San Giorgio 
 Maggiore springs up like a goddess new risen from 
 her bath. As one wanders about the deserted calliy 
 the birds sing in the inclosures ; and on the zattere the 
 air is laden with the perfume of honeysuckle and other 
 creepers that trail over the wall of Princess Dolgo- 
 rouki's garden. Indeed, the gardens in Venice, like 
 everything else in the city, have a character all their 
 own. In the first place, they are greatly prized, for 
 space is scarce in this city built upon islands won 
 from the very sea. The soil of Venice, composed of 
 lagoon mud, is rich and heavy, but so impregnated 
 
422 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 with salt that only certain plants will grow freely in 
 it ; and it hardly repays the labour to force reluctant 
 flowers towards an imperfect and precarious bloom. 
 But the variety of plants that thrive and are happy in 
 Venetian soil is quite sufficient to furnish forth a 
 lordly show. Many flowering and aromatic shrubs 
 take kindly to the soil ; then roses, and above all the 
 banksia ; most bulbs ; and, freest and happiest of all, 
 carnations — the garofoli that play so large a part in 
 Italian love-stories. There are two gardens on the 
 Giudecca, very different in their character, but each 
 illustrating in its way what a Venetian garden may 
 be. In the one every resource of wealth and art has 
 been lavished to produce a succession of brilliant beds. 
 In the middle of this desert of colour is a green oasis, 
 a sort of English orchard, where the fruit trees are 
 gathered together, and fling their laced and flickering 
 shadows on turf as fine, as velvety, and of as deep a 
 green as any to be found in England. On either side 
 the walks meander away among beds of splendid 
 colour that varies with the varying seasons. There is 
 an Oriental lavishness about the scene ; the eye is sur- 
 feited, and the scent of flowers almost oppresses the 
 air. The other garden is not less beautiful ; but it 
 has been left in the condition given to it by its old 
 Venetian proprietors. A narrow strip is divided from 
 the rest of the garden by a thick hedge ; and here are 
 congregated all the flowers that grow freely in Venice. 
 The flame-coloured trumpets of the bignonia hang 
 from the cypress, up which it has climbed ; the walks 
 are overarched by bowers of roses ; banksias festoon 
 the wall ; one corner is filled by a Daphne odorifera 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 423 
 
 that draws to its perfume innumerable butterflies. At 
 intervals openings in the hedge give access to that 
 part of the garden which is set apart for profit rather 
 than for pleasure ; aisle upon aisle of vine-covered 
 pergolas cross each other ; and down these cool pro- 
 menades, where the sun is never too strong, one can 
 saunter on and on, till the boundary wall is reached, 
 and before one open out the long reaches of the 
 lagoon that stretch away to Malamocco and the fort 
 of Alberoni. 
 
 It is in the streets of Venice that one comes to 
 know the people and the manner of life they lead. 
 And it will be strange if one does not like them, in 
 spite of all their faults. There is a gaiety, a laughter 
 and light-heartedness about these children of the 
 lagoons that is very winning ; a disengagement and 
 apparent frankness of manner that captivate, for all 
 their indifference to truth, and that fatal desire to find 
 out what you want them to say and to say it. 
 
 I doubt if there was ever much decided costume in 
 Venice except among the nobles and the gondoliers, 
 and what there was has disappeared. The women, 
 however, still wear that most graceful of all garments 
 — a shawl large enough to cover the head and to fall 
 below the waist — handkerchiefs, they call them, — and 
 they have unerring taste in the choice of colours. 
 These shawls are seldom gaudy, their tone is usually 
 subdued — fawn, pale mauve, sometimes a tawny red ; 
 the strong colours are reserved for the bodices and 
 neckcloths. The linen of Venice is famed for its 
 whiteness, and of this the women make abundant dis- 
 play on festas and holy days. Nothing can surpass 
 
424 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 the grace of these shawl-clad figures, seen down the 
 long perspective of a narrow street, or gathered in 
 groups round the carved well-head in some open 
 campiello. 
 
 Although there is not much colour and variety of 
 costume to be met with in Venice, the streets them- 
 selves are full of picturesque suggestions. Most of 
 the shops are quite open in front, and the whole con- 
 tents may be seen — part, indeed, overflows and 
 straggles on to the narrow pathway. Here is a 
 corn-dealer's shop, with open sacks of polenta flour of 
 every shade of yellow ; there an old-clothes shop, with 
 dresses of every hue and shade ; and next door to it is 
 a worker in bronze, whose rows of burnished pots and 
 plates serve as a red-gold background. Then, again, 
 up at the Rialto, where the vegetables are sold, what 
 a wealth of colour in the piles of tomatoes, vegetable 
 marrow, and great pumpkins cut down the middle, and 
 displaying all their orange insides. One of the charms 
 of a stroll through Venice, of losing one's self, as is 
 easily done, in that labyrinth of streets, is that one 
 never knows what surprise may be in store. Now it 
 is some scene of market or popular life ; again it is a 
 great stone angel standing guardian at some calle- 
 head ; here a coat-of-arms that sets you blazoning, 
 there a Gothic door with terra-cotta mouldings : the 
 place seems inexhaustible ; and for ambient to all 
 this variety and richness of art and life, there is the 
 singularly limpid air and light of the lagoon. 
 
 Few crowds are more cheerful or better ordered 
 than a Venetian crowd. The people love to congre- 
 gate ; every one is out on the business of pleasure, and 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 4*5 
 
 determined to enjoy themselves to the full. There 
 are flashes of a ready wit in repartee that play across 
 the throng. I remember once — the government was 
 then in a critical state, and the ministry was likely 
 to go out — there was a man who had drunk more 
 wine than would allow him to walk steadily : " Take 
 care," said some one, " you'll fall." " Well," came the 
 instant reply, " Depretis is going to fall, and so 
 mayn't I } " Touches of sentiment, too, are some- 
 times displayed, the sentiment that finds expression in 
 the quaint villotte or Venetian popular songs. The 
 struggle between the sea-wind and the land-wind is 
 regarded as a battle for ever being waged ; the clouds 
 are the victims of this endless strife — " They are 
 going to the mountains, but the mountains will not 
 receive them." The immortal wanderings of the moon 
 strike the Venetian fancy as they struck the fancy of 
 Shelley and of Leopardi : " Povaretta ! viaggia sempre 
 e non riposa mai ; " and sometimes a profounder note is 
 struck, as in the remark, "Quando viene il desiderio non 
 c'^ mai troppo." But these are rarer touches, depths 
 that are seldom stirred ; as a rule the Venetian popolo 
 is the lightest and most easy-going in the world, free 
 as a child from care or doubt about right or wrong. 
 Indeed, this carelessness, so disturbing to a northern 
 temper, apt to take all things seriously, is charac- 
 teristic not of the Venetian popolo only, but of the race 
 in general. The writer once had the misfortune to be 
 summoned as a witness before the pretor. His fellow- 
 witness, the only one, was an old woman dressed in a 
 thick flannel petticoat. After weary waiting in the 
 ante-room, where every one was smoking and throwing 
 
426 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 their matches about, we were summoned into the 
 crowded court, made to stand up, and were lectured 
 on the nature of an oath and the terrible consequences 
 of perjury. While this was going on, one of the 
 policemen suddenly said to the old woman, *' You're 
 burning," but he never moved ; and sure enough 
 a thin thread of smoke was rising from the old 
 lady's petticoat. " Santissima Vergine Maria!" she 
 cried in horror, but no one moved. The judge on 
 the bench put his finger-tips together, observed the 
 witness for a second, and confirmed the policeman's 
 remark, " Yes, you are burning ; " and prosecutor, 
 counsel, and general public confirmed the judge, and 
 said, "Yes, she's burning." The old lady's fellow- 
 witness could not let her burn in this way quite quietly, 
 so he caught her petticoats tight in his hands, while 
 the judge, still with his finger-tips together, nodded 
 approval from the bench and said, " Squeeze her, 
 squeeze her, squeeze her well." The smouldering 
 flame was soon put out. The judge smiled, the police- 
 men smiled, the public smiled, and the case went on. 
 
 The Venetians have always been, and still are, a 
 festa-XoVmg people. In the days of its wealth and 
 pride the republic spent lavishly upon its State 
 entertainments. The natural capacities of the city 
 for a great spectacle, the winding waterway of the 
 Grand Canal, opening upon the basin of St. Mark, 
 with San Giorgio on one side, and the ducal palace, 
 the Piazzetta, and the Basilica upon the other, the 
 curve of the Riva closed by the public gardens, all 
 seem to invite and require the compliment of some 
 scenic display. The pictures of the old Venetian 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY, 427 
 
 masters — Bellini, Carpaccio, Veronese — prove how 
 deeply the Venetians revelled in the pageants of state. 
 But when the republic fell the great ceremonies came 
 to an end. Only among the people the roots of the 
 original passion were kept alive. The people have 
 lost most of their old sports in which they delighted : 
 the battle on the bridge between the rival factions of 
 black and red, the Nicolotti and Castellani ; the human 
 towers and pyramids, piled up in many a fanciful 
 shape, called the Forze d'Ercole ; but one sport — the 
 national sport of the Venetians — the regatta, still 
 lives on ; and lately, since Venice became a part of 
 United Italy, the Town Council has done much to 
 revive the splendour of the show. The regatta is fre- 
 quently combined with a serenade on the Grand Canal 
 in the evening, and the two together form a spectacle 
 which can be surpassed by no other city in Europe. 
 The race is rowed in light gondolas, much smaller 
 than the gondola in ordinary use. The course is from 
 the stairs of the public garden up to the station and 
 back again to the Palazzo Foscari, the traditional win- 
 ning-post. The prizes are money and flags for the 
 first three, and a pig and a flag with a pig upon it for 
 the last. Long before the race begins the Grand Canal 
 is crowded with boats of every sort and size : gon- 
 dolas, sandolos^ barche, barchette, topos, cavaline, vipere^ 
 bissoni — there is no end to the names and kinds of 
 Venetian craft. The facades of the palaces are all 
 a-flutter with flags, and from the windows hang tapes- 
 tries, carpets, curtains, anything that will add to the 
 dance of colour. The balconies are filled with people ; 
 every window has its bevy of heads; the very roofs are 
 
428 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 black with sightseers. Down below on the water the 
 scene is no less animated and brilliant. The course is 
 kept by large boats with twelve oars, called bissoni. 
 Each of these is decorated symbolically. One re- 
 presents the Arctic regions ; its rowers are clad like 
 walruses, a Polar bear lies on its bows, and a block 
 of ice serves as a seat for its captain and steersman. 
 Another represents the tropic regions, with palms and 
 gorgeous flowers for decoration. A third is a trophy 
 of the Murano glassworkers* art. These great boats, 
 crossing and recrossing one another on the waters of 
 the canal, weave, as it were, a web of colour. The 
 eye is ever charmed by some new combination of the 
 water-loom. Presently comes the boom of a distant 
 cannon. The race has begun. A hush falls upon the 
 crowd, only to be broken when the first boat appears 
 round the curve, and it becomes certain whether 
 Nicolotto or Castellano leads. The race sweeps by, and 
 disappears again behind the Rialto, which swallows it 
 up like a yawning mouth. There is a perpetual buzz 
 of voices — criticism, comment, bets flying about — until 
 the boats come in sight on their journey home ; a 
 moment of breathless excitement, then a roar of the 
 victor's name as he shoots his bow past the winning 
 post and snatches up his flag as he passes. The race 
 is finished. All the while, overhead is the wide, blue, 
 quiet sky, and, underneath, the water silently, persist- 
 ently, heedlessly going its way to the sea. 
 
 In the evening the serenade starts from some 
 point above the Rialto. The singers and orchestra 
 are placed on a barge which is decorated and lighted 
 by numbers of little lamps arranged sometimes like a 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 429 
 
 pyramid, sometimes like a fountain of fire. The object 
 of every good gondolier is to take his padroni as near 
 to the music as possible, whether they like it or not. 
 The result is that the singers' barge soon becomes 
 wedged in between a solid mass of gondolas, like a 
 ship in an ice-floe ; and it is only with the greatest 
 difficulty that any progress can be made. The whole 
 of the solid mass floats slowly down with the tide, 
 getting more and more closely jammed as the canal 
 narrows to pass the Rialto bridge. Under that wide 
 arch the scene is most fantastic. The electric light 
 casts its cold white ray down the Grand Canal, falling 
 now on this palace front and now on that, causing 
 them to start into sudden and ghastly prominence, 
 like ghosts unmasked. The smoke of the Bengal 
 lights streams out from under the arch in dense 
 coloured masses, and wavers away on the night air. 
 The figures of the poised and statuesque gondoliers, 
 each one standing upright on the stern of his boat, oar 
 in hand and hair blown by the breeze, form a series 
 of varied and beautiful silhouettes against the darker 
 background of the houses or the sky. The serenade 
 is a long affair ; and when one has had enough of 
 the whole strange and fantastic scene, escape is easy 
 down one of the innumerable side canals that lead to 
 the quiet quarters of the town. 
 
 Besides these great spectacles of regatta and 
 serenade, there are many o\\\qx feste in Venice, chiefly 
 of a religious character. Each parish church, for 
 example, honours the feast of its patron saint by a 
 procession to all the shrines within the parish boun- 
 daries. It is a picturesque sight to see one of these 
 
430 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 bright trains of priests and people streaming across 
 the bridges and along the fondamenta of some small 
 canal. First come the porters of the church clad in 
 long blouses of white, red, and blue, bearing the 
 candles, the pictures, the banners, and images of the 
 church ; then a band of music, playing the gayest of 
 operatic airs, and behind the music the priests sur- 
 rounding the parocco, who carries the Host under a 
 canopy of a cloth of gold ; more music, a long file of 
 the devout bearing candles, and boys with crackers and 
 guns bring up the rear of the procession. The day 
 ends with public dancing in the largest campo of the 
 parish. Venice still records her gratitude for salvation 
 from plague in two annual ceremonies, the Madonna 
 delta Salute in November and the Redentore in July. 
 On both occasions the priests of every parish in 
 Venice go in procession from St. Mark's to the 
 respective churches of the Salute and Redentore. 
 As the festa of the Redentore falls in high summer 
 the occasion is seized to make its vigil a night-long 
 water-frolic. As soon as the sun has set, the broad 
 Giudecca canal begins to swarm with boats, gaily 
 dressed with boughs and lanterns, forming an arbour 
 under which a supper-table is spread for a party of 
 friends. There are fireworks and prizes for the best- 
 dressed boats ; and towards two o'clock all the crowd 
 move off to the Lido to salute the rising sun, and rush 
 into the sea to meet it. 
 
 One of the most curious and characteristic of 
 Venetian popular ceremonies is the way in which 
 they keep Good Friday, and with an account of this 
 function we will close this attempted picture of Venice 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 43 1 
 
 of to-day, the place, and the people, as seen in its 
 general external aspects. 
 
 If a stranger arrived in Venice on Good Friday, he 
 would certainly take that day for a feast and not for 
 a fast The streets are full of people in their Sunday 
 best. The inevitable sign and signature of a festa 
 is present everywhere in the herds of children who 
 rush, roll, and romp among the passengers, whirling 
 their rattles to frighten Judas, or turning somersaults 
 and calling them Carpaccio for the benefit of aesthetic 
 foreigners. But, upon this day, the chief delight of 
 the Venetian children is to fit up a Santo Sepolcro, 
 and to appeal, on the strength of it, to the crowd for 
 coppers. In most of the churches there are represen- 
 tations of the Holy Sepulchre, and the children of 
 Venice follow the lead of their Church, but they are 
 content with less apparatus. Indeed, almost anything 
 will do for a Saftto Sepolcro. I saw one little creature, 
 about six or seven, who had constructed her sepulchre 
 from an old bottle, a sprig of bay, and two candle-ends, 
 and who appealed most successfully to the passers-by, 
 winning as much for her pretty face and gentle mien, 
 as for her idea of the Holy Grave. 
 
 It is at night, however, and in the more populous 
 quarters ^of the city, little frequented by strangers, 
 that the most characteristic sight of a Venetian Good 
 Friday is to be seen. The people of the quarter, the 
 shopkeepers, wine-sellers, fishermen, agree to sing 
 the Twenty-four Hours, a long chaunt in twenty-four 
 verses, following the life of our Lord through His 
 Passion. The ceremony is a purely popular one ; the 
 Church has no part in it. The natives of the quarter 
 
432 VENETIAN STUDIES. 
 
 subscribe among themselves, in kind or in money, to 
 bear the expenses of the function ; one gives oil for 
 the lamps, another the wick, another wine for the 
 singers, who are usually a company of gondoliers or 
 porters from the district. At one end of the calle^ a 
 shrine is raised in the shape of a temple ; the pillars 
 and pediment and all its lines defined by little glass 
 lamps, whose flames flicker and waver in the evening 
 breeze. The yellow light of these altar-lamps contrasts 
 strangely with the stronger and whiter light of the 
 ordinary gas-jet that projects from the middle of the 
 shrine ; and this blended light is thrown upon the faces 
 of the men and women who stand in a dense group 
 waiting till the singing shall begin. On either side of 
 the calle the upper windows of the houses are open, 
 and filled with heads, leaning out, looking down and 
 chatting to friends below. At the far end of the 
 street, crowning the angle of a garden wall, stands a- 
 Madonna, carved in stone, with the Infant in her arms, 
 a lamp and rose-wreaths about her feet, and behind 
 her the thick clusters of a westeria that has climbed 
 up and falls in delicate violet showers about her head. 
 Over all is the long narrow strip of dusky sky that the 
 house-roofs cut, lit by one large star. 
 
 Presently the singing begins. In harsh, but 
 powerful voice, the leader of the band strikes up the 
 first of the twenty-four hours, and the rest of his com- 
 pany join in as they catch the note. The tune is a 
 grave and sombre chaunt, and the whole reminds one 
 of psalm-singing in a Scotch kirk, with the precentor 
 leading the way. Each verse takes about three 
 minutes to sing, and there is a pause of five minutes 
 
VENICE OF TO-DAY. 433 
 
 between one verse and the next. The crowd is quiet 
 during the singing; but in the interval the women 
 begin to chatter, the men take a pull at their long Vir- 
 ginias, and the thin blue smoke floats lazily up into 
 the night ; the boys rush and tumble, until the pre- 
 centor's voice, commencing the next verse, bids silence 
 fall upon the throng once more. 
 
 The ceremony lasts about three hours, and ends, 
 of course, in the inevitable supper at the nearest wine- 
 shop. As we return to go down the calle they are 
 singing the fourteenth hour. The light from the altar 
 falls upon the hair of the women, the bronzed necks 
 and faces of the men, and the fairer faces of the chil- 
 dren they hold in their arms to see the sight. One 
 moment, and we turn the corner by the garden wall. 
 There all is quiet ; not a footfall in the streets, and 
 above us the silence and the fragrance of the rich 
 Venetian night. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 PRINTBD BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITKI), LONDON AND BttCCLKS. 
 
 2 F 
 
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A CLASSIFIED LIST 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 21 
 
 Pulpit Commentary — continued. 
 
 Genesis, by the Rev. T. Whitelaw, D.D. Homilies by 
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22 Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s 
 
 Pulpit CommentsiTy— continued. 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 23 
 
 Pulpit Commentary — continued, 
 
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24 Kegan Paul, Trench, Triibner, and Co.'s 
 
 Pulpit Commentary — continued. 
 
 Corinthians and Galatians, by the Ven. Archdeacon 
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 Hebrews and James, by the Rev. J. Barmby, and Rev. 
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Classified List of Publications. 67 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 69 
 
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 SALMONE, H. A., Arabic-English Dictionary. Comprising 
 
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 BERTIN, GEORGE, Abridged Grammar of the Languages of 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 71 
 
 DANISH. 
 
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 WHITNEY, Prof. W. D., Essentials of English Grammar. 
 
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 LARMOTER, M. DE, Practical French Grammar. Crown 
 
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 THOMPSON, E. MAUNDE, Handbook of Greek and Latin 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 75 
 
 HEBREW. 
 
 BALLIN, ADA S. and F. L., Hebrew Grammar. With 
 
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 BICEELL, G., Outlines of Hebrew Grammar. 8vo, cloth, 4^. 
 
 HINDI. 
 
 BALLANTYNE, J. R., Elements of Hindi and Braj Bhakha 
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 BATE, J. D., Hindi-English Dictionary. Royal 8vo, cloth. 
 
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 KELLOGG, S. H., Grammar of the Hindi Language. With 
 
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 HINDUSTANI. 
 
 CRAVEN, T., English-Hindustani and Hindustani-English 
 
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 DOWSON, J., Grammar of the Urdu or Hindustani Language. 
 
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 Hindustani Exercise Book. Passages and Extracts for 
 
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 PALMER, E. H., Simplified Grammar of Hindustani, Persian, 
 
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 STOKES, WHITLEY, Goidelica. Old and Early-Middle 
 
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 CAMERINI, E., L'Eco Italiano. A Guide to Italian Con- 
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 MILLHOUSE, J., English and Italian Dictionary. 2 vols. 
 
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 Cloth, 4^. dd. 
 
Classified List of Publications. 'J^ 
 
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 Second Edition, 1889. 8vo, ds. 
 
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 ROBERTS, H., Grammar of the Khassi Language. Crown 
 
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 MALAGASY. 
 
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 MULLER, E., Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language. 
 
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 TOROEANU, R., Simplified Grammar of the Roumanian 
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Classified List of Publications. 79 
 
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 CUNNINGHAM, Major-Genl. ALEX., Ancient Geography of 
 
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Classified List of Publications. 85 
 
 MASON, P., Burma, its People, and Productions. Being 
 
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 ROUTLEDGE, J., English Rule and Native Opinion in India. 
 
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 SCOTT, J. G., Burma as it Was, as it Is, and as it Will Be. 
 
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 WRIGHT, W., Book of KaUlah and Dimnah. Translated 
 
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 GOWER, Lord RONALD, Notes of a Tour from Brindisi to 
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 GRIFFIS, W. E., The Mikado's Empire. Book I.— History 
 
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 History of the Empire of Japan. Compiled and Translated 
 
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 TAYUI, R., The Commercial Guide and Trade Directory of 
 
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 WENCKSTERN, F. von, Bibliography of the Japanese Em- 
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 reprint of Leon Pages' Bibliographic japonaise depuis l^XV^. sikle 
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 ORIENTAL BUDDHISM. 
 BEAL, S., The Romantic Legend of Sakya Buddha. From 
 
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 Life of Hiuen-Tsiang. By the Shamans Hwui Li and 
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 RHYS-DAVIDS, T. W., Buddhist Birth-Stories ; or, Jataka 
 
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 IBRAHIM, HIMLY, Prince, The Literature of Egypt and 
 
 the Soudan. A Bibliography, comprising Printed Books, Periodical 
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 Ancient Papyri Manuscripts, Drawings, etc. 2 vols. Demy 4to, 
 
 Japan, Bibliography of. {See Oriental.) 
 
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 POLLARD, A. W., Early Illustrated Books. With Plates. 
 
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