LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. . . LIVES OF Till PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES; WITH BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES UK TUB SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE} SKETCHES OK THE MOST REMARKADLE EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE COUNTRY, FBOM ITS 1J1SCOYEKY TO THE PRESENT TIME; AND A GENERAL VIEW OF ITS PRESENT CONDITION BY ROBERT W. LINCOLN. EMBELLISHED WITH A PORTRAIT OF EACH OF THE PRESIDENTS FORTY-FIVE ENRAVINGS NEW-YORK : PUBLISHED BY N. WATSON & CO, 1 836- fOAN STACK Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1833, BY S. G. GOOhRICH, in the Clerk s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts. LOAN STACK / GIFT /f/77 PREFACE. IN writing the Lives of the Presidents of the United States, i has been difficult to preserve the strict impartiality which the nature of the work requires, and avoid running either into eulogy or abuse. The circumstances of their administration are so recent, that one who has lived through the greater portion of them, and entered into all the excited feelings of party strife, can hardly be supposed capable of divesting himself of prejudices, and passions, however much he may desire to be an honest chronicler of the times. We .can only say, that it has been our sincere aim and endeavor to see near events with the eye of a distant spectator, and to anticipate the dispassionate judgment which posterity will pass upon the great men who have admi nistered our Government, The affairs of the last twenty years are yet hardly ripe for the biographer, and the materials for their history are scattered in various directions, and to be drawn from many different sources. That all those sources should be pure, is more than can be expected ; but we have uniformly endeavored to resort only to those least exposed to suspicion. For the materials of our work, we owe much obligation to many distinguished writers. To the Lives of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence, by a gentleman who has done a great deal for the illustration of American history, we have been much indebted in the course of the volume, and particularly in our summary of their biographies. To the eloquent eulogist of Mr. Monroe, to Marshall, Bancroft, Ramsay, Thacher, Tudor, Wirt, Lee, Jefferson, Irving, Knapp, the author of a Biographical Sketch of J. Q,. Adams, Goodrich, Hinton, the editor of Ame- 375 IV PREFACE. rican Anecdotes, the author of the History of the United States, published in Lardner s Cyclopaedia, to Eaton, Goodwin, the editors of the Annual Register and North American Review, and many others, of whose- labors we have had occasion to avail ourselves, we take this opportunity of noticing our repeated obligations. It is idle, in a woilr of this description, to pretend to originality, and unfair not to acknowledge the sources to which we have been indebted. We hope that our readers will find in this work all that has been promised, and indeed more. Of its imperfections no one can be more aware than ourself; but of its impartiality and honesty we believe that no one will have reason to doubt. R. W. LINCOLN. NEW- YORK, JULY 20, 1833. CONTENTS. Page. LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS 1 George Washington 1 John Adams 71 Thomas Jefferson .97 James Madison 131 James Monroe 178 John Quincy Adams 237 Andrew Jackson 273 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS 323 LIVES OF THE SIGNERS 331 Samuel Adams 331 Josiah Bartlett 333 Carter Braxton 335 Charles Carroll 336 Samuel Chase 342 Abraham Clarke 344 George Clymer . . 345 William Ellery 347 William Floyd .348 Benjamin Franklin 348 Elbridge Gerry .351 Button Gwinnett 355 Lyman Hall 356 John Hancock 357 Benjamin Harrison 359 John Hart 360 Joseph Hewes 361 Thomas Heyward 363 William Hooper 364 Stephen Hopkins . 365 Francis Hopkinson 366 Samuel Huntington 367 Francis Lightfoot Lee 368 Richard Henry Lee 370 Francis Lewis . . . . .372 Vl CONTENTS. Page. Philip Livingston 373 Thomas Lynch 375 Thomas M Kean , 376 Arthur Middleton 377 Lewis Morris 378 Robert Morris . 379 John Morton 381 Thomas Nelson, Jun 382 William Paca 383 Robert Treat Paine 383 John Penn 385 George Read . 385 Caesar Rodney 386 George Ross 387 Benjamin Rush 388 Edward Rutledge 390 Roger Sherman 390 James Smith 392 Richard Stockton 393 Thomas Stone 394 George Taylor 394 Matthew Thornton . 395 George Walton 396 William Whipple 397 William Williams 398 James Wilson 399 John Witherspoon 400 Oliver Wolcott 401 George Wythe 402 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA 403 Early Adventures in North America 425 Settlement of the Southern States 431 North and South Carolina .441 Settlement of the Northern States 447 FRENCH WARS 457 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION 473 GENERAL VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES . 481 LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. GEORGE WASHINGTON. THERE is no individual whose life is more completely identified with the history of his country, than is that of George Washington. Notwith standing the order, dignity, and beauty of his private character, there are many whose private life would furnish much more interesting subjects to the pen of a biographer. The interest of his life depends upon more im portant circumstances than personal adventure, or romantic incident. It rests upon his connexion with the great events, which led to the indepen dence of his country, and which, in their still spreading and accumulating effects, may break up the institutions of tyranny all over the globe. GEORGE WASHINGTON was born at Bridge s Creek, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the twenty-second of February, 1732. He was the son of Augustine Washington, a descendant of one of the earliest settlers of the first English colony in America, who died when his son George was about ten years of age. The education of the orphan devolved upon his mother, who devoted herself to the task with a zeal and industry, for which she afterwards reaped an ample reward. The means of education at that period were of course very limited, and a grammatical knowledge of the English language, mathematics, history, natural and moral philoso phy, formed the course of his youthful studies. Of this education, mathe matics formed by far the most important part. This was of great advan tage to him in early life, in qualifying him for the office of practical sur veyor, and in later years in its connexion with military science. At the age of fifteen, he was desirous to enter into active life, and obtained the birth of a midshipman in the British navy ; but the anxiety of an af fectionate mother dissuaded him from the adoption of this course of life. Of the early youth of Washington, no authentic anecdotes have been preserved. He has been described by his contemporaries as grave, silent, and thoughtful ; diligent in his business ; correct in his deportment, and strictly honorable in all his conduct. His patrimony was small, but ma naged with prudent industry. Of the estimation in which he was held, even when quite young, we may judge, from his being appointed one of the adjutants general of Virginia, at the age of nineteen. When hardly twenty-one, he was employed by the government of his native colony in an enterprise of very considerable importance. WASHINGTON. The French were the first European discoverers of the Mississippi, and claimed all those extensive regions whose waters emptied into that river. They had just formed a plan of connecting their possessions in America, by the union of Louisiana with Canada. In pursuance of this design, a line of military posts from the lakes to the Ohio had been commenced in the year 1753. This territory was situated within the boundaries of Vir ginia, and the governor of that province deemed it his duty to remonstrate against encroachments, which he considered in violation of previous treaties. He determined to send an agent to the French commandant on the Ohio, to convey his views upon this important and delicate subject. For this purpose Mr. Washington was the person selected. In discharge of this trust, he set out about the middle of November, from Wills Creek, then an extreme frontier settlement, and pursued his course over an unexplored tract of morasses and forests, over rivers of diffi cult passage, and among tribes of hostile Indians. Reaching the Monon- gahela on the twenty-second, he there learned that the French general was dead, and that the greater part of the army had retired into winter quarters. He spent a few days among the Indians, and very wisely secured the ser vices of some of their chiefs, who guided him to the fort at French Creek, where he found the commanding officer on the Ohio. Delivering his let ters, in three or four days he received an official reply, and immediately set out on his return. Finding the snow deep, and his horses weakened with fatigue, he determined to pursue his way on foot. He took his necessary papers, a gun and a pack, and wrapping himself in his watch-coat, set out Avith a single companion. On the day following, they fell in with a party of French Indians, one of whom fired upon them. They took this Indian WASHINGTON. prisoner, and kept him until nine o clock in the evening, when they re leased him, and walked without stopping all the rest of the night, in order to be out of the reach of pursuit. As the answer of the French commandant indicated no disposition to withdraw from the disputed territory, the Assembly of Virginia determin ed to maintain by force the rights of the British crown. A regiment was immediately raised of three hundred men. The command of this body was given to Mr. Fry, and Washington was appointed lieutenant colonel. Desirous to engage in active service, and take as early measures as possi ble in defence of the colony, Washington obtained permission to march in advance of the other troops, to Great Meadows. On reaching this place, he learned from the friendly Indians that a party of the French were en camped in a valley a few miles to the west. The night was dark and rainy, and entirely concealed the movements of the troops. They sur rounded the French camp, and took it completely by surprise. The com manding officer was killed, one person escaped, and all the rest immedi ately surrendered. Soon after this affair, Colonel Fry died, and the command of the regiment devolved upon Washington, who speedily collected forces at Great Mea dows, to the number of four hundred men. A small stockade was erected, called Fort Necessity, in which a few soldiers were stationed to guard the horses and provisions, while the main body moved forward to dislodge the French from Fort Du Quesne. They had not proceeded more than thir teen miles, when they were informed by friendly Indians, " that the French, as numerous as pigeons in the woods, were advancing in an hostile manner towards the English settlements, and also, that Fort Du Quesne had been recently and strongly reinforced." In this critical situ ation it was resolved to retreat to the Great Meadows, and every exertion was made to render Fort Necessity tenable. Before the completion of the works erecting for that purpose, the fort was attacked by a considerable force. The assailants were protected by trees and high grass. The Americans received them with great intrepidity, and Washington distin guished himself by his coolness and address. The engagement continued from ten in the morning until dark, when the French general demanded a parley, and offered terms of capitulation. These were refused, but in the course of the night other proposals were accepted. The fort was sur rendered on condition that the garrison should march out with the honors of war, should be permitted to retain their arms and baggage, and to pro ceed without molestation into the inhabited parts of Virginia. A public vote of thanks was given to Washington and the officers under his com mand, for their conduct in this affair ; and three hundred pistoles were distributed among the soldiers. The controversy in respect to the Ohio lands, which commenced in Virginia, was taken up with much zeal in Great Britain, and two regiments were sent to America to support the pretensions of his Britannic majesty. They arrived early in 1755, under the command of General Braddock, who invited Washington to serve the campaign as.,a volunteer aid-de-camp. This invitation he at once accepted, and joined the regiment on its march to Fort Cumberland. Here the army was detained till the twelfth of June, 4 WASHINGTON waiting for wagons, horses and provisions. Soon after resuming their march, Washington was seized with a violent fever, but refusing to re main behind the army, was conveyed with them in a covered wagon. The object of the campaign was the capture of Fort Du Quesne. Washington advised the general to leave his heavy artillery and baggage behind, and to press forward with a chosen body of troops as expeditiously as possible. This advice was adopted, and twelve hundred men were se lected, to be commanded by General Braddock in person, and to advance with the utmost despatch. This corps immediately commenced its march, but did not move with the celerity that had been expected. " I found," said Washington, in a letter to his brother, " that instead of push ing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road, they were halting to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." They were four days in passing over the first nineteen miles from the Little Meadows. Here the sickness of Washington made it impossible for him to proceed on the march. General Braddock ordered him to stay behind with a small guard, till the arrival of Colonel Dunbar, with the rear di vision of the army. As soon as his strength would permit, he rejoined the general, and immediately entered on the duty of his office. The next day was an eventful one in our early history. It was the ninth of July. General Braddock had crossed the Monongahela, and was pressing forward, with no apprehension of danger, to Fort Du Quesne. He was already within a few miles of his destination, marching on an open road thick set with grass, when on a sudden a heavy and well directed fire was opened upon his troops by an invisible enemy, consisting of the French and Indians. From their sheltered retreats they were able to take a safe and steady aim, and the officers of the British troops were slain in great numbers. In a short time Washington was the only aid-de-camp left alive and unwounded. He was obliged consequently to carry all of the general s orders, to every part of the battle-field in person. In performing WASHINGTON. 5 this duty, he had two horses killed under him, and four balls passed through his coat. " I expected every moment," says an eyewitness, " to see him fall. Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." During the whole course of the battle Braddock displayed the utmost intrepidity and firmness. He encouraged his men to keep their ground ; but valor was useless, and he saw his army falling around him Tike grass under the scythe, without being able to render them any assistance. Un acquainted with the Indian mode of fighting, his efforts to form his broken troops only exposed them more surely to the galling fire of the enemy. The action continued for three hours, in the course of which the general had three horses killed under him, and received himself a mortal wound. His troops immediately fled in great confusion. It was impossible to rally them, until they had crossed the Monongahela, and placed a river between themselves and their enemy. The Indians were too much occupied with the plunder, to think of continuing the pursuit. Braddock was carried to the camp of Dunbar, where in a few days he died. On this occasion the British officers behaved with admirable bravery, but the common soldiers broke into confusion in spite of every effort to rally them, and fled like sheep before hounds. The three Virginia com panies, on the contrary, conducted with great spirit, and fought with such disregard of danger, that there were scarcely thirty men left alive from their whole number. This defeat did not injure the reputation of Wash ington. His countrymen praised his conduct, and it was well understood that the disasters of the day originated in a neglect of his advice. Intelligence of the defeat of Braddock, and of the withdrawal of the regular forces from Virginia, arrived while the Assembly of that colony were still in session. It was at once resolved to raise a regiment of sixteen companies to protect the frontier settlements. The command of this was given to Washington, with authority to name the field officers. In executing the duties of his office, Washington visited the frontiers, and made the best disposition of the few soldiers he found in the various posts. On his way to Williamsburg, he was overtaken by an express, with information that the back settlements had been broken up by the French and Indians, who were burning their houses, devastating their crops, murdering and leading into captivity the men, women and children. The few troops stationed on the frontiers were unable to render them any assistance, but retired for their own safety to the stockade forts. Alarm and confusion prevailed on all sides. Before any sufficient force could be collected to repel the assailants, they had retreated beyond the Alleghany mountains, and were out of the reach of punishment. Irruptions of this kind were repeatedly made into the frontier settlements during the years 1756, 1757, and 1758. The distresses of the inhabitants were extreme. In the forts they suffered from hunger, and were often besieged and mur dered. In their farms and villages they lay down every night with the fear of a cruel death, or a more cruel bondage, continually before them. The people looked to Washington for the protection he was unable to give. The difficulty of raising a large number of men, and the inability of a small number to protect the extensive frontiers of Virginia, were 6 WASHINGTON. continual sources of anxiety and distress. The savages made no distinc tions in their warfare. They slew the women and children, the aged and the helpless, as well as the men whom they found in arms. Wash ington, in a letter written during this period to the governor, observed "The supplicating tears of the women and moving petitions of the men. melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people s ease." He was indefati gable in representing to the governor the wretched condition of the inha bitants, and the great defects of the existing mode of defence. He ad vised the reduction of Fort Du Quesne, the lurking-place and strong hold of these predatory bands, as the only means of effectually restoring secu rity to the frontier settlements. In case this measure was not adopted, he advised that twenty-two forts, extending in a line of three hundred and sixty miles, should be erected and garrisoned by two thousand men, in constant pay and service. In the autumn of 1758, to the great joy of Washington, an expedition was fitted out against Fort DuUuesne; but on reaching the post, they found that the garrison had deserted it and re treated down the Ohio. A treaty of peace was soon after concluded with the Indian tribes. Fort Du Quesne received the name of Fort Pitt, was repaired and garrisoned with two hundred men from Washington ? regiment. Henceforward it was a source of as much advantage to the English settlements, as it had before been of detriment. The remains of this fort presented the following appearance in the year 1831. The great object of his wishes having been thus happily accomplished, Washington resigned his commission, and thus ended his career as a provincial officer. Soon after this resignation, he married Mrs. Martha WASHINGTON. 7 Custis, a young and beautiful lady, of great accomplishments, and an amiable character. Retiring to the estate at Mount Vernon, which he had acquired a few years before by the death of his elder brother, he devoted himself assiduously to the business of agriculture He became one of the greatest landholders in North America. His Mount Vernon estate alone consisted of nine thousand acres, and his domestic and farming establishments were composed of nearly a thousand persons. From the close of the frontier war to the commencement of the revolu tion, Washington acted as judge of a county court, and as a member of the House of Burgesses of his native province. In this body he was never distinguished as a speaker, yet he secured the esteem and confidence of all who knew him, by the firmness and propriety of his conduct, and the uniform good sense of his counsels. While in this situation, he took an active part in opposition to the principle of the British parliament, to tax the American colonies. He was elected a representative to the first Congress, which .met at Philadelphia, in 1774, and was the active mem ber of all the committees on military affairs. When the commencement of hostilities made it necessary to appoint a commander-in-chief of the American forces, George Washington was unanimously elected to the office. On receiving from the President of Congress official notice of this appointment, he thus addressed him : " Mr. President, although I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. How ever, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testimony of their approbation. " But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. "As to pay, Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress that as no pecunia ry consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employ ment, at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses; those I doubt not they will discharge, and that is all I desire." A special commission was made out for him, and at the same time an unanimous resolution was adopted by Congress, "that they would main tain and assist him, and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes, for the maintenance and preservation of American liberty." He prepared to enter immediately on the duties of his high station. Having passed a few days in New-York, and making some arrangement with General Schuyler who commanded there, he proceeded to Cambridge, which was the headquarters of the American army. On his way thither, he received from individuals and public bodies, the most flattering atten tion and the strongest promises of support and assistance. A committee of the Massachusetts Congress met him at Springfield, about one hun dred miles from Boston, and conducted him to the army 8 WASHINGTON. Immediately after his arrival, the Congress presented him an address, in which they expressed their approbation of his appointment, and the great respect and affection they entertained for him. His reply was well calculated to increase these sentiments. He returned the warmest ac knowledgments of their kindness, and promised ever to retain it in grateful remembrance. In the course of this reply, he observed, "In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and public spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts, which, with a firmness and patriotism without example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in support of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted province again restor ed to peace, liberty and safety." On reaching the camp, the first movements of the commander-in-chief were directed to an examination of the strength and situation of his forces. They amounted to about fourteen thousand and five hundred men ; occupying several posts in an extent of about twelve miles. Some were stationed at Roxbury, some at Cambridge, and some on Winter and Prospect Hills in front of Bunker s Hill. A few companies were posted in the towns about Boston Bay, which were most exposed to attacks from British armed vessels. The troops were not sufficiently numerous to defend so large an extent of country, but it was difficult to make a more compact arrangement. The British army were posted in three divisions. The main body, under General Howe, was intrenching itself on Bunker s Hill, in Charlestown. Another division was stationed on Copp s Hill, and the third was strongly entrenched and fortified on Roxbury Neck. There were three floating batteries in Mystic river, and a small body of infantry and light horse stationed in Boston. The American army was very badly provided with the necessaries of war. Of military stores, they were almost entirely destitute. All the powder in New-England \vould not have furnished nine rounds to each soldier. In this condition, the army remained for a fortnight. There was no discipline among the troops, owing to their being enlisted only for short periods. The appointment of general officers by Congress gave great dissatisfaction, and induced several of those who thought themselves injured, to quit the service. To remedy all these evils, to form an uniform mass of discordant materials, and subject men striving for independence to the rigid discipline of a camp, required patience, firmness, and a spirit of conciliation. General Gage had received a small reinforcement from New- York, so that the whole number of the British army now amounted to about eight thousand men. Their plans were principally directed to self-defence. With little interruption, both armies were employed in strengthening their re spective fortifications. But few skirmishes took place, and those without much bloodshed. This state of things did not satisfy the mind of Wash ington. He was eager for some active measures to destroy the British army in Boston, before it should receive additional reinforcements ; and before the resources of the colonies should be entirely exhausted. WASHINGTON. 9 The situation of the enemy was frequently reconnoitered, and every effort made to ascertain their strength. To carry their works by storm was a dangerous project, but it appeared to Washington practicable, and he determined to suggest it to his general officers. A council of war was called, and the measure proposed. It was decided that the attempt ought lot to be at that time made. The original plan of continuing the block ade appeared the most advisable, and Washington acquiesced in the decision of the council. The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, induced the enemy to sen* 1 , small parties to forage along the shores of the continent, under the pro tection of their armed vessels. The defence of their property imposed such a hqavy burden upon the seaboard towns, that the governors of several colonies applied to Washington to send detachments to their assistance. Repeated applications of this nature were very embarrass ing, till Congress passed a resolution " that the army before Boston was designed only to oppose the enemy in that place, and ought not to be weakened by detachments for the security of other parts of the country." In the course of the autumn, gradual approaches were made towards the British posts. The army was also reinforced by the arrival of more than fourteen hundred riflemen, from Pennsylvania and Maryland. Through the season, the most active exertions of the Commander-in- chief were directed to procuring arms and ammunition for his troops. A voyage was made to Africa, and every pound of gunpowder for sale in the British factories along the coast, was obtained by the exchange of New-England rum. A British ordnance ship, completely Isden with military stores, was captured by a privateer under the command of Cap tain Manly. On the fifth of September, a committee of Congress was appointed to visit the camp at Cambridge, and confer with the chief magistrates of the northern colonies, and the Council of Massachusetts, on the continuance and regulation of the continental army. The result f their conference was, that the new army should consist of twenty thou sand three hundred seventy-two men, to serve till the last day of Decem ber, 1776. This short term of enlistment proved a very serious and almost a fatal evil. In the execution of this resolve, Washington called upon the soldiers and officers to make their election, whether to retire or remain with the army. Great difficulties occurred in effecting the re-enlistment. Many were unwilling to continue in the army on any terms; some required leave of absence to visit their families, and others were in doubt, and uncertain what course to pursue. In his general orders, Washington appealed directly to the pride and patriotism of both officers and men "The times," he observed in the orders of October twentieth, "and the importance of the great cause we are engaged in, allow no room for hesi tation and delay. When life, liberty arid property are at stake ; when our country is in danger of being a melancholy scene of bloodshed and deso lation ; when our towns are laid in ashes, innocent women and children driven from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rigors of an incle ment season, to depend, perhaps, on the hand of charity for support; when calamities like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal, savage enemy 2 10 WASHINGTON. threatens us, and every thing we hold dear, with destruction from foreign troops, it little becomes the character of a soldier to shrink from danger, and condition for new terms. It is the general s intention to indulge both officers and soldiers, who compose the new army, with furloughs for a reasonable time ; but this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the service, or weaken the army too much at once." The new regiment did not fill so rapidly as had been expected. The old troops, whose term of service had expired, were eager to return home ; the new troop3 were slow in coming in. From this circumstance, the lines were often in a defenceless state. "It is not," says General Washington, in a communication to Congress, " in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket shot of the enemy, for six months together, without ammunition, and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another, within that dis tance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted." About the middle of February, 1776, the waters about Boston had become sufficiently frozen to bear the troops. Washington was now desirous to execute his plan of attacking the enemy. A council of war was again called, and was again almost unanimous against the measure. It was therefore reluctantly abandoned. The regular force engaged for the year, now amounted to more than fourteen thousand men, and the militia to about six thousand. With these troops, Washington determin ed to take possession of the heights of Dorchester ; a step which he thought must certainly bring on a general action. To favor the execu tion of this plan, a heavy bombardment on the town, and lines of the enemy, was commenced, on the evening of the second of March, and con tinued on the two succeeding nights. On the night of the fourth, a detachment, under the command of General Thomas, crossed the neck from Roxbury, and took possession of the heights. The ground was deeply frozen, and it was with great labor that the party were able, during the night, to raise works which nearly covered them from the shot of the enemy. The British were very much surprised at the first view of these works, and immediately commenced a tremendous cannonade from their ship ping in the harbor, and their forts in Boston. This scene has been very vividly described by Dr. Thacher. " Cannon shot are continually rolling and rebounding over the hill ; and it is astonishing to observe how little our soldiers are terrified by them. During the forenoon, we were in momentary expectation of witnessing an awful scene ; nothing less than the carnage of Breed s hill battle was expected. The royal troops are perceived to be in motion, as if embarking to pass the harbor, and land on Dorchester shore, to attack our works. The hills and elevations in this vicinity are covered with spectators to witness deeds of horror in the expected conflict. His Excellency, General Washington, is present, ani mating and encouraging the soldiers, and they, in their turn, manifest their joy, and express a warm desire for the approach of the enemy ; each man knows his place, and is resolute to execute his duty." General Howe determined to attack the heights, and ordered three thousand men WASHINGTON. 11 on this service. These were embarked, and fell down to the Castle with the intention of proceeding up the river to the attack, but were dispersed by a tremendous storm. Before they could be in readiness to proceed, the American works were in such a state of security as to discourage any attempt against them. The British now resolved to evacuate Boston as soon as possible. A paper signed by four of the selectmen was sent out with a flag of truce, containing a proposition, which purported to come from General Howe, that the town should be left uninjured if the troops were allowed to em bark without molestation. This letter was directed to the commander-in- chief, but did not bear the signature of General Howe. Washington therefore declined taking any notice of it, but at the same time he " inti mated his good wishes for the security of the town." On the seventeenth, the royal army commenced their embarkation on board of the transports. They were suffered to depart without annoyance. Immediately after their departure, Washington ordered a part of his army to New- York, to defend that town against the expected invasion of the enemy. On entering Boston, the commander-in-chief was wel comed on all sides with the warmest gratulations. Congress passed a vote of thanks, to express the public approbation of his conduct ; and ordered the striking of a medal, with suitable devices, to perpetuate the remembrance of the event. The town had received much less injury than was at first anticipated. During the siege, the Old South Church, a brick building near the centre of the town, had been converted into a riding school for Burgoyne s dragoons. The pulpit and pews were re moved, and the floor covered with earth, to make it suitable for exercising their horses upon. A beautiful pew, ornamented with silk and carved work, was broken up, and its pieces taken for a fence to a hog-stye. The North Church was torn down, and consumed for fuel. After providing for the security of Boston, Washington marched with the main army to New- York, and made every preparation for the defence of this very important position. In these labors, the American army was incessantly occupied, until Lord and General Howe arrived at Sandy Hook with their naval and land forces. Before the commencement of hostilities, an attempt was made at negociation. General Howe sent a letter by a flag, directed to " George Washington, Esq." This the general refused to receive, as it did not recognise the public character with which he had been invested by Congress. His conduct on this occasion met with the approbation of this body, and they resolved, " that he had acted with the dignity becoming his character." The British general was very anxious to obtain an interview with the commander-in- chief, but was unwilling to adopt his military address. He accordingly sent Colonel Patterson to the American headquarters, with a letter to " George Washington, &,c. &/c. &c." The general still declined receiv ing it. He said it was true, the etceteras implied every thing ; they also implied any thing : and a letter directed to a public character should have an address descriptive of that character. Colonel Patterson then said that General Howe would not urge his delicacy any further ; repeating his assertion that not the slightest disre- WASHINGTON. spect was intended in the form of the address. Some conversation ensued in respect to the treatment of prisoners ; when the colonel observed that Lord and General Howe had been appointed commissioners by the king, and were very desirous of arranging the difficulties that had so unfortu nately arisen. General Washington observed that he was vested with no power of treating upon the subject. He had read the act of parliament, and found Lord and General Howe only authorized to grant pardons. The Americans, having committed no fault, desired no pardon ; they were only defending their rights. Colonel Patterson seemed confused, and said this would open a wide field for argument. After some few remarks, he was invited to a small collation, and introduced to the general officers. With many polite expressions at taking leave, he observed "Has your Excellency no commands to my Lord or General Howe?" " None, Sir," replied Washington, " but my particular compliments to both of them." On the arrival of General Howe at Staten Island, the American army did not exceed ten thousand men, but before the end of August they amounted to twenty-seven thousand. This force was distributed so judi ciously, that the enemy were doubtful in what quarter to commence their operations. Every probable point of debarkation was guarded. From the arrival of the army, the Americans were in daily expectation of being at tacked, and Washington was actively engaged in preparing their minds for action. In general orders he called upon the officers to be deliberate, and upon the soldiers to be firm, courageous and obedient. He directed that any soldier who deserted his ranks in time of battle should be im mediately shot down. " The time," he observed, " is now at hand, which must probably determine whether Americans are to be freemen or slaves ; whether they are to have any property they can call their own ; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject submission. We have to resolve to conquer or die. Our own, our coun try s honor, call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shamefully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, arid on the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hands victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessings and praises, if happily we are the instruments of saving them from the tyranny meditated against them. Let us therefore animate and encourage each other, and show the whole world, that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own ground, is superior to any slavish mercenary on earth." On the twenty-seventh of August, the enemy attacked the American forces under the command of General Sullivan, on Long Island. The variety of ground and the number of different parties engaged on both sides, occasioned a succession of small engagements, pursuits, and slaughters, which lasted for many hours. The Americans were defeated WASHINGTON. 13 in every quarter. They suffered exceedingly from the want of discipline, and the means of ready transmission of intelligence. The troops retired within their line, discouraged and fatigued, with a victorious army in front, and a powerful fleet about to enter East river, for the purpose of cutting off their retreat. Washington immediately determined to evacuate the island with all his forces. For this purpose, he crossed over to the island on the night of the twenty-ninth, to conduct the retreat in person. It so happened, that, about two o clock in the morning, a heavy fog enveloped the whole of Long Island. Under this cover, an army of nine thousand men, with their baggage, provision, horses, and military stores, crossed a river more than a mile wide, and landed at New- York with no material loss. It was done in such silence, that the enemy, who were so near that they were heard at work with their pickaxes, knew nothing about the matter, till the clearing up of the fog. In conducting this difficult movement, Washington was incessantly active. For forty-eight hours he did not close his eyes, and much of that time he was on horse back. Notwithstanding the entreaties of his officers, he remained among the last upon the shore, refusing to embark till he saw his troops safely on board the transports. The unfavorable issue of this engagement led to the most alarming consequences. Hitherto the soldiers had possessed such confidence in themselves and their officers, from being engaged in the cause of their country and liberty, that it outweighed all their apprehensions from the skill and discipline of the enemy. But on this occasion they found them selves encompassed with difficulties and dangers, from which their valor could not extricate them. They exaggerated the adroitness and military dis cipline of the enemy, and in every movement were apprehensive of some new surprise or skilful stratagem. " Our situation," said Washington in his letter to Congress, " is truly distressing. The check our detachment received on the twenty-seventh ultimo has dispirited too great a propor tion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost efforts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable, and impatient to return." Washington had recourse to entreaty, to persuasion, and to promises, to arrest the progress of these evils. In his communication to Congress, he urged the necessity of making enlistments for a longer period. The de fence of the public liberties was to be entrusted only to a permanent army, regularly disciplined. It required time to reduce men who had been sub ject to no control, to the requisite military strictness. In a few days after this remonstrance, Congress resolved to raise eighty-eight battalions to serve during the war. It was important, therefore, to wear away the pre sent campaign with as little loss as possible, in order to take the field in the ensuing year with a well organized army. The evacuation of New- York was accordingly determined on, as soon as events might make it necessary for the preservation of the troops. While Washington was taking measures to preserve his troops and stores by evacuating the city, the British commander was pursuing his plan of bringing about a general action. On the fourteenth of September, 14 WASHINGTON. General Clinton landed with four thousand men, three miles above New- York. This landing was effected under cover of five men of war. Works had been thrown up at this place by the Americans, and they were capa ble of defence ; but the troops posted there, on the firing of the ships, im mediately abandoned them. Two brigades were detached from the main body to support them. Washington rode promptly to the scene of action, and to his great mortification found the whole retreating. While attempt ing to rally them and with some success, they again broke and retreated in great confusion, on the appearance of a very small body of the enemy. At this shameful conduct, Washington entirely lost his self-command. He thought of the ruin, which this miserable cowardice might bring upon the cause in which his whole soul was engaged. In despair he turned his horse s head towards the enemy, with the intention of seeking an honora ble death ; and it was only by the friendly violence of his aids that he was compelled to retire, and his life saved for his country. The issue of this day hastened the evacuation of New- York. This was effected with the loss of very few men, though all the heavy artillery, the tents, and most of the military stores, were left behind. The British gene ral immediately stationed a detachment in the city, and posted his main army in front of the American lines, in encampments across York Island. The flanks of the army from front to rear were protected by the shipping. The strongest post of the Americans was at Kingsbridge, and this post secured their communication with the country. A detachment was also posted on the heights of Haerlem, within a mile and a half of the enemy. This disposition of the two armies would naturally lead to frequent skir mishes, and it was on this account very desirable, as it might accustom the undisciplined troops to military service. On the very day after the retreat from New- York, a body of the enemy appeared in the open plain between the two camps. The general detach ed some troops, under the command of Colonel Knowlton and Major Leitch, to attack them. After leading their men into action, in the most soldierlike manner, both these officers were brought mortally wounded from the field. Their troops bravely continued the attack, and drove the enemy, though superior in numbers, from their position. The success of this skirmish had a great influence upon the army. In his general orders, Washington applauded the courage of the officers and men on this occasion, and contrasted it with the cowardly conduct of the troops the day before. He called upon the whole army to remember and imitate this brave example. He gave out on the next day " Leitch," for the parole. In filling the vacancy occasioned by the death of the colonel, he observed that " the officer succeeded the gallant and brave Colonel Knowlton, who would have been an honor to any country, and who had fallen gloriously fighting at his post." This was the method which he adopted to animate the spirits of the army. General .Howe continued to prosecute his scheme for cutting off Washington s communication with the eastern states, and compelling him to a general engagement. Failing however in this design, he adopted a new plan of operations, and directed his attention to the invasion of New-Jersey. Washington penetrated his design, crossed the North river, and wrote to the governor of New-Jersey, WASHINGTON. 15 urging him to put the militia of that state in a condition to defend it. About this time Fort Washington was taken by storm, and the garrison, consisting of more than two thousand men, surrendered themselves pri soners of war. The loss on this occasion was very heavy. Tents and military stores were taken by the enemy, which could not be replaced. The conquest of Fort Washington made the immediate evacuation of Fort Lee, on the opposite Jersey shore, a necessary measure. This was effected with little loss of men, but with great loss of baggage and artillery. When General Howe passed into New-Jersey, Washington posted his army along the Hackensack ; and as the British forces advanced, he retreat ed towards the Delaware. It often happened, that the front guard of one army entered a village, as the rear guard of the other was quitting it at the opposite end. Whenever it could be done with prudence, Washington took a stand and made a show of resistance ; sometimes advancing a small detachment as if to engage the enemy. At Brunswick, Lord and General Howe issued a proclamation as commissioners, commanding all persons in arms against the king to return peaceably to their homes, and offering a full pardon to all who would subscribe a submission to the royal authority. This was the darkest period of the whole war. The American army were reduced in numbers, worn out with fatigue, disheartened by defeat, bare foot, without tents or clothing, and flying before a numerous and disci plined body of well armed and well provided troops. A general spirit of despondency prevailed through New-Jersey, and most of the families of fortune and influence were inclined to return to their allegiance to the king. A few, however, maintained their political integrity, and nearly a thousand of the militia of the state bravely kept the field. In the worst of times Congress remained unshaken, roused only to new and more vigo rous exertions by the public danger. A retreat beyond the Delaware became necessary, and this was effected on the eighth of December. The boats on the Jersey shore were all se cured, the bridges broken down, and parties stationed in such a manner as to guard the different fording places over which it was possible for the enemy to pass. General Howe, after an unsuccessful attempt to obtain boats to pass the river, posted his army in New-Jersey ; intending to wait till the ice should furnish him with a passage to Philadelphia. During this retreat, when affairs were taking their most gloomy aspect, Washing ton observed to Col. Reed, passing his hand over his throat : " My neck does not feel as if it were made for a halter ; we must retire to Augusta county, in Virginia, and if overpowered, we must pass the Alleghany mountains." On the thirteenth of this month, a disaster of much importance happen ed in the capture of Major General Lee. While marching at the head of his division to join the main army, he very imprudently took up his lodgings for the night at a house three or four miles distant from his troops. In this situation he was made prisoner, and conveyed to New- York. Such was now the gloomy state of affairs, that the whole country took the alarm ; and strong apprehensions were entertained that the continental army would be entirely broken up. The term of service of many of the troops had nearly expired;-and no sufficient number of recruits arrived to 16 WASHINGTON. supply their places. Under all these circumstances of doubt and distress, Washington was undismayed. He remained firm, self-possessed, and serene, omitting nothing that could animate his own soldiers or embarrass the enemy. Laying before Congress the state of the army, he pointed out the impolicy of short enlistments, and urged the establishment of corps of cavalry, artillerists, and engineers. " We find," he observed, "that the enemy are daily gathering strength from the disaffected. This strength, like a snow-ball by rolling, will increase, unless some means can be devised to check, effectually, the progress of the enemy s arms. Militia may possibly do it for a little while ; but in a little while, also, the militia of these states, which have frequently been called upon, will not turn out at call ; or if they do, it will be with so much reluctance and sloth, as to amount to the same thing." He also hinted at the propriety of enlarging his own powers, so as to enable him, in urgent cases, to act without application to Congress, and thus execute important measures in the most effectual manner. " I have no lust," he added, " after power, but wish with as much fervency as any man upon the wide extended continent for an opportunity of turning the sword into the ploughshare. But my feelings as an officer, and a man, have been such as to force me to say, that no person ever had a greater choice of difficulties to contend with than I have." The American forces now amounted to about seven thousand men ; though during their retreat through the Jerseys they seldom amounted to half that number. The two armies were separated by the Delaware. In the security of conquest, the British had cantoned their troops in a very loose and uncovered manner, being in daily expectation to pass over into Pennsylvania by means of the ice, which is generally formed about that time. On receiving information of the number of the different canton ments, Washington exclaimed, "Now is the time to clip their wings, when they are so spread." He formed the bold design of re-crossing the Delaware, and attacking the British posts on its eastern banks. In the evening of Christmas day, he made arrangements to pass over in three divisions ; two of these parties failed in their attempt from the quan tity of ice by which their passage was obstructed. The main body, of about two thousand four hundred men, began to cross very early in the evening, during a severe storm of snow and rain. Having landed on the Jersey shore, they had still a march of nine miles before they reached the village of Trenton, where a party of about fifteen hundred Hessians and British light horse was stationed. This party was taken altogether by surprise. A smart firing ensued, but in a few minutes the enemy, finding themselves surrounded, threw down their arms and surrendered. Colonel Rahl, the commanding officer, was mortally wounded ; and of the other officers and soldiers nine hundred and forty-eight were taken prisoners. Of the American troops, two privates were killed, an officer and five or six privates wounded, and two frozen to death. On the same day, General Washington recrossed the Delaware with his prisoners, six pieces of ar tillery, a thousand stand of arms, and some military stores. These being secured, and his men having enjoyed two or three days of rest, he returned, and took possession of Trenton. On the next day Lord Cornwallis moved WASHINGTON. 17 forward with a numerous force, and reached Trenton about four o clock in the afternoon. General Washington drew up his army behind a creek which runs through the town, and in this position waited for -the move ments of the enemy. After having attempted to cross this creek, and finding the passes guarded, the British general halted his troops, and de termined to defer the attack till the following morning. The situation of the American troops was critical. Washington called a council of his officers, and laid before them the different plans that they might adopt. A retreat across the Delaware was impracticable, on account of the ice. A defeat, if they risked an engagement, would be entire destruction. It was determined to quit their present position, and get in the rear of the British army at Princeton. On the next morning, Lord Cornwallis discovered that his enemy had disappeared. Soon after dark, Washington had given orders for the re moval of the baggage to Burlington. Guards were stationed to perform the usual rounds, and to keep the watch fires burning throughout the night. At one o clock, the army silently left the camp, and gained the rear of the enemy. They reached Princeton early in the morning, and would have completely surprised the British, if they had not been met by an advance of three regiments, which were on their way to join the main army. The centre of the American troops was severely charged by this party, and gave way in disorder. In his effort to rally them, General Mercer was mortally wounded. At this moment, Washington advanced at the head of his troops, and plunged into the hottest fire of the enemy. He was bravely supported by his men, and the British were obliged to retreat. One party of them fled to the colleges, but after a few discharges from the American fieldpieces, they came out and surrendered them selves. More than an hundred of the British were left dead upon the battle ground, and three hundred were made prisoners. These victories led to the most important consequences. Philadelphia was saved for the winter ; Jersey was recovered ; and the depressed spirits of the Americans were again revived. The character of the commander- in-chief rose still higher in public estimation ; and the soldiers began to entertain confidence in themselves and each other. After the campaign had been thus carried into the month of January, Washington retired into winter quarters at Morristown. His forces were small in comparison with those of the enemy, but public report had much exaggerated their number, and this deception was carefully continued. The remainder of the season passed over in a war of skirmishes, which generally terminated in favor of the Americans. Arranging the army in spring gave the commander-in-chief inconceivable trouble. A difficulty arose in as sembling the troops from the different states in which they had been enlisted. The state regulations, in respect to pay and bounty, were different, and occasioned petty and vexatious jealousies among the troops. Each state, that conceived itself exposed to invasion, was desirous of retaining a part of its force for its own security. All these embarrass ments, however, were finally removed by the authority and great personal influence of Washington. The treatment of American prisoners, by the British officers, was a 3 18 WASHINGTON. source of great vexation and difficulty. They were viewed as rebels, and confined in prisons with common felons. General Washington had written to General Gage on this subject early in the war. In this letter he de clared the intention to regulate his conduct towards prisoners in his own hands, by the treatment which those should receive in the power of the British general. To this communication an insolent reply was received, in which General Gage retorted the charge, and stated, as a mark of British clemency, that the cord was not applied to their prisoners. Gene ral Washington rejoined in a manner worthy of his character, with a communication which, he observed, was " to close their correspondence, perhaps forever." In conclusion he remarked, " if your officers, our pri soners, receive from me a treatment different from what I wished to show them, they and you will remember the occasion of it." Accordingly, all the British officers in his power were put into close jail, and the soldiers were confined in places of security. When Howe succeeded to the com mand, the treatment of prisoners became more humane on both sides. The capture of General Lee opened new sources of irritation on this subject. As he had formerly been a British officer, General Howe pretended to consider him as a traitor, and at first refused to consider him as a subject of exchange. Congress directed the commander-in-chief to propose to exchange six fieldofficers for General Lee ; and in case of the rejection of this proposal, they resolved that these officers should be closely confined and receive in every respect the treatment that General Lee did. This plan of retaliation Washington considered unjust and impolitic, and he was reluctant to execute it. He remonstrated against it, and Congress eventually adopted the measures he recommended. In the approach of active operations, Congress determined to form an encampment on the western side of Philadelphia. Washington had made his arrangements for the campaign, with the expectation that the British would attempt to obtain possession of Philadelphia, or the Highlands on the Hudson. To prevent this, the northern troops were divided between Ticonderoga and Peekskill ; while those from the south were posted at Middlebrook, near the Raritan. This position was fortified by intrench- ments. The force of the Americans, collected at this strong encampment, was nominally between nine and ten thousand men ; but the effective force was about six thousand. A large portion of these consisted of raw recruits, and a considerable number of those enlisted in the southern states were foreigners. To encourage their desertion, General Howe offered a bounty to every soldier who would come over to his army ; and, to counteract this measure, Washington recommended Congress to grant full pardon to all Americans who would relinquish the British service. On the part of the British, the campaign opened early in June. Their forces advanced toward Philadelphia as far as Somerset County in New- Jersey, but they soon fell back to New-Brunswick. The whole of this month was wasted in alternate advance and retreat, without any deter minate action. Apprehensive that Sir William Howe would ultimately move up the North river, and that his movements southwardly were merely feints, Washington detached a brigade to reinforce the northern division of his army. Further advices favored the idea that a junction of WASHINGTON. 19 the royal armies near Albany was intended ; but still the whole affair was embarrassed, and made doubtful by the future movements. About the middle of August, certain accounts were received that the British had taken possession of the Chesapeake, and landed as near Phila delphia as was practicable. As soon as this was known, Washington ordered the divisions of his army to unite in the neighborhood of Phila delphia, and the militia of the surrounding states to take the field. He had previously written very pressing letters to the governors of the eastern states to strengthen the northern army opposed to Burgoyne ; and even detached some of the best of his own forces on that important service. The effective American army did not exceed eleven thousand men. With these troops Washington marched through Philadelphia, that the sight of them might make an impression on the minds of the wavering and disaffected. The two armies approached each other on the third of September. As the British troops advanced, Sir William Howe endeavored to gain the right wing of the American army. General Washington continued to fall back, until he crossed the Brandywine river. He here posted his troops on the high ground, near Chadd s Ford. The light corps, under General Maxwell, was advanced in front, and placed on the hills south of the river, in order to assail the enemy if they should approach in that direction. Troops were also posted at a ford two miles below, and at several passes some miles above. The opinion of Congress, and the general wish of the country, made it necessary for Washington to risk a general action at this place. On the morning of the eleventh, the British army advanced in two columns to the attack. One column took the direct road to Chadd s Ford, and soon forced Maxwell s corps to cross the river, with very little loss on either side. General Knyphausen, the commander of this body, continued to parade on the heights, to reconnoitre the American army, and was apparently preparing to attempt the passage of the river. The other column, led by Lord Cornwallis, moved up on the west side of the Brandywine, making a circuit of about seventeen miles. On com ing within view of the American troops, it instantly formed the line of battle, and at about half after four the action began. It was continued with great spirit for some time. The American right first fell into dis order and gave way. They attempted to rally, but on being vigorously charged by the enemy, again broke. The flight now became common. General Washington, who had hastened towards the scene of action as soon as the firing commenced, only arrived in season to cover the retreat. When the right wing was engaged with Lord Cornwallis, the works at Chadd s Ford had been assaulted and carried by General Knyphausen. The whole army retreated that night to Chester, and on the next day, to Philadelphia. The Americans lost in this battle about nine hundred men ; three hundred of whom were slain, and the rest wounded and taken prisoners. This defeat occasioned no dejection either among the citi zens, or in the army. Measures were immediately taken to procure reinforcements. Fifteen hundred men were marched from Peekskill, and large detachments of militia ordered into the field. It was determin- 20 WASHINGTON. ed to risk a second engagement, for the security of Philadelphia. The enemy sought it, and Washington was willing to meet it. The commander-in-chief was empowered to impress all horses, wagons, and provisions, requisite for the use of the army. Perceiving that the enemy were moving into the Lancaster road, towards the city, Washing ton took possession of ground on the left of the British, and about twenty- three miles from Philadelphia. On the next morning, the approach of the British was announced. He immediately put his troops in motion, and a skirmish had already commenced, when a violent rain storm oblig ed them to separate. The retreat of the Americans was now unavoida ble. Their gun locks and cartridge boxes were badly made, and the storm rendered most of the arms unfit for use. The exposure of the army was still greater, from their being entirely destitute of bayonets. Washington continued his retreat through the day, and most of the night, amidst a very cold storm, and through very bad roads. On a full discovery of the damage that had been done the ammunition and arms, the general ascended the Schuylkill, and crossed it at Warwick Furnace, that the army might refit their muskets and replenish their cartridge boxes. He still resolved to risk a general engagement. Recrossing the Schuylkill at Parker s Ferry, he encamped on the east side, posting de tachments at the different fords at which the enemy might attempt to force a passage. Instead of urging an action, the British moved rapidly on their march towards Reading. To save the military stores which had been deposited in that place, Washington took a new position, and left the enemy in undisturbed possession of the road which led to the city. Sir William Howe availed himself of this advantage, and on the twenty- sixth of the month entered Philadelphia in triumph. Washington had taken seasonable measures to remove the public stores from the city, and to secure the most necessary articles for the use of the army. Though failing in his plan to save Philadelphia, he retain ed the undiminished confidence of the people, and of Congress. Instead of now going into winter quarters, he approached and encamped near the enemy. Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British army were cantoned at Germantown. The first object of Sir William Howe was to effect an open communication through the Delaware with the British fleet. General Washington was desirous to cut off this source of supplies, and erected forts on both banks of this river, near its junction with the Schuylkill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia. In the channel between the forts, large pieces of timber strongly framed together and pointed with iron, were sunk in two ranges, to obstruct the passage of the ships. These works were covered by floating batteries and armed ships. A considerable number of British troops having been despatched to destroy these works, it was thought a favorable time to attack their main body. The American forces now amounted to about eight thousand regular troops and three thousand militia. The plan formed was, to attack the enemy in front and rear at the same time ; and, on the fourth of October, the army was moved near the scene of action. The line of WASHINGTON. 21 the British encampment crossed Germantown at right angles. At sun rise, on the next morning, the attack was commenced. The American troops were at first successful. They routed the enemy at two different quarters, and took a number of prisoners. But the morning was extreme ly foggy, and the Americans were unable to take advantage of their success. They could not perceive the situation of the enemy, nor under stand their own situation. The field was hastily abandoned, and Wash ington was obliged to resign a victory of which he had thought himself secure. The loss of the Americans, including the wounded, and four hundred prisoners, was about eleven hundred. A retreat was made twenty miles to Perkioming, with the loss of a single piece of artillery. The plan of the battle of Germantown was judicious, and its com mencement well conducted ; unavoidable circumstances prevented a fortunate issue. Congress voted their unanimous thanks "to General Washington, for his wise and well concerted attack, and to the officers and soldiers of the army, for the brave exertions on that occasion." From the time that the British obtained possession of the city, every aid was given to the forts constructed on the Delaware, to close the naviga tion of that river. Troops were sent out, to prevent the farmer from carrying provisions to the market, and to cut off the foraging parties. The British soon after broke up their encampment at Germantown, con centrated all their forces at Philadelphia, and directed their attention principally to opening the navigation of the Delaware. This opera tion employed them about six weeks, and after a great display of valor on both sides, was successfully accomplished. In this state of public affairs, a long and very singular letter was ad dressed to Washington, by the Rev. Jacob Duche, late chaplain of Con gress, and a clergyman of rank and character. The purport of this communication was, to persuade him that farther resistance to Great Britain was hopeless, and would only increase the calamities of their common country ; and to urge him to make the most favorable terms, and give up the contest. Such a letter, from a man of eminence, worth, and patriotism, corresponding also with the views of very many respecta ble citizens, would have produced considerable effect on a mind less firm and resolute than that of Washington. He took no further notice of the letter, than merely to send a verbal message to the writer, "that if the contents of his letter had been known, it should have been return ed unopened." While Sir William Howe was successful in all his enterprises in Penn sylvania, the intelligence arrived that General Burgoyne and his whole army had surrendered prisoners of war. A portion of the northern army soon after joined Washington, and with this reinforcement he took a posi tion at and near White Marsh. Sir William Howe marched out of Phila delphia, with the expectation of bringing on a general engagement. On the next morning he took a position upon Chesnut Hill, about three miles in front of the Americans, and spent several days in reconnoitering their camp. He changed his ground, and made every appearance of an inten tion to commence an attack. Several severe skirmishes took place, and a general action was hourly expected. But Sir William Howe was too well 22 WASHINGTON. aware of the advantage of the enemy s position, and returned to Phila delphia without coming to an engagement. Three days after the retreat of the British army, Washington made pre parations to retire into winter quarters. He expressed in his general orders strong approbation of the conduct of his troops. Presenting them with a favorable view of their country s situation, he exhorted them to bear with firmness the sufferings to which they must be exposed in the po sition they were about to occupy. Valley Forge, about twenty-five miles back of Philadelphia, was fixed upon for winter quarters. This position was preferred to distant and more comfortable villages, as it was calculated to give the most extensive security to the country. The American army might have been tracked, by the blood of their bare feet, from White Marsh to their new position. They were badly clothed and badly pro vided with food. Many were obliged to go almost naked, suffering at the same time from famine. In this situation the men behaved with great for titude. They felled trees, and built log huts, which were covered with straw and earth, and afforded but very poor shelter from the severity of the season. Washington was now obliged to pursue a course, which he adopted with the greatest reluctance. The army suffered exceedingly from hunger. It was necessary that they should be allowed to satisfy their wants by force. In obedience to the commands of Congress, the general issued a procla mation, calling on " the farmers, within seventy miles of headquarters, to thresh out one half of their grain by the first of February, and the resi due by the first of March, under the penalty of having the whole seized as straw." While these transactions had been going on in the middle states, the northern campaign had terminated in the capture of the army of General Burgoyne. This event had very highly raised the reputation of General Gates, the commander in that department. The different issue of affairs under General Washington, afforded the ignorant and discontented an WASHINGTON. 23 occasion to murmur and complain. Several members of Congress, and a few general officers of the army, were engaged in a plan to supplant him in his office, and raise General Gates to the chief command. In the prosecution of this scheme, every effort was made to injure the character of General Washington. The conspiracy did not escape his notice ; but love of country was superior to every consideration. He re pressed his indignation, to prevent an appearance of disunion and dissen sion, that might ruin the cause in which he was engaged. His private letters at this period exhibit the state of his feelings, and the honorable motives which directed his conduct. In a communication to the President of Congress, Mr. Laurens, he ob serves upon this subject: " My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of po licy deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make against their in sidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however injurious, without disclosing secrets it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station. Merit and talents which I cannot pretend to rival, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me it has been my unremitted aim to do the best which circumstances would permit ; yet I may have been very often mistaken in my judgment of the means, and may, in many instances, deserve the imputation of error. About this time it. was rumored that Washington had determined to resign his command. On this occasion he wrote to a gentleman in New- England as follows : " I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day ; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services while they are considered of importance in the pre sent contest : but to report a design of this kind, is among the acts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practising to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an officer in the service of the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But I would have this decla ration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satis fied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink from the cause. But the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the wearied traveller retired to rest." Washington now devoted himself to preparations for an active cam paign in 1778. He labored to convince Congress of the necessity of en listing a regular army, at least equal to that of the enemy. Congress deputed a committee from their body to reside in the camp, and act in concert with the commander-in-chief, in reforming the condition of the forces. This committee repaired to Valley Forge in January, 1778. Washington laid before them a minute view of the army, in which he minutely pointed out what he deemed necessary for the correction of abuses, and for the advancement of the service. He recommended, "as essentially necessary, that, in addition to present compensation, provision should be made by half pay, and a pensionary establishment, for the future 24 WASHINGTON. support of the officers, so as to render their commissions valuable." He pointed out " the insufficiency of their pay (especially in its present state of depreciation) for their decent subsistence ; the sacrifices they had al ready made, and the unreasonableness of expecting that they would con tinue patiently to bear such an over proportion of the common calamities growing out of the necessary war, in which all were equally interested ; the many resignations that had already taken place, and the probability that more would follow, to the great injury of the service ; the impossi bility of keeping up a strict discipline among officers whose commissions, in a pecuniary view, were so far from being worth holding, that they were the means of impoverishing them." These and other weighty considera tions were accompanied by a declaration from Washington, " that he neither could nor would receive the smallest benefit from the proposed establishment, and that he had no other inducement in urging it, but a full conviction of its utility and propriety." Congress acted upon the proposed reforms with a general concurrence of sentiment, but before the army could receive the benefit of them, their distresses had reached the most alarming height. Of seventeen thousand men in the camp, but five thousand were able to discharge effective duty. Several times during the winter, they experienced little less than famine ; and a total dissolution of the army was often threatened in consequence. " It was on this occasion," observes Dr. Thacher, " that a foreigner of distinction said to a friend of mine, that he despaired of our independence ; for while walfung with General Washington along the soldiers huts, he heard from many voices echoing through the open crevices between the logs, no pay, no clothes, no provisions, no rum, and when a miserable being was seen flitting from one hut to another, his nakedness was only covered by a dirty blanket. It will be difficult to form a just conception of the emotions of grief and sorrow, which must have harrowed up the soul of our illustrious patriot and philanthropist. In this darkening hour of adversity, any man who possesses less firmness than Washington, would despair of our independence." It was at this period that the British government were disposed to make conciliatory proposals. The first certain intelligence of these offers was received by Washington in a letter from the British governor of New- York, enclosing the proposals, and recommending " that they should be circulated by General Washington among the officers and privates of his army." These proposals were immediately forwarded to Congress, and on the day after their rejection an order was adopted, in which it was urged upon the different states to pardon, under certain limitations, such of their misguided citizens as had levied war against the United States. This resolution was transmitted to the British Governor, with a request, by way of retort, that he would circulate it among the Americans in the British army. The proposals of the British government had been made in consequence of a treaty which had just been concluded between France and the United States. Sir William Howe had resigned the command of the British army, and was succeeded by Sir Henry Clinton. This officer received immediate orders to evacuate Philadelphia. Washington was uncertain what course WASHINGTON. 25 he would probably pursue. Deciding on a march to New- York, the British general crossed the Delaware about the middle of June. When this was known, a council of war was immediately called in the Ameri can camp. There was a great difference of opinions. Since the recent alliance with France, independence was considered secure, unless the army should be defeated. Under such circumstances a general engage ment was not to be hazarded, without a fair prospect of success. This was the opinion of a majority of the general officers. Washington, how ever, was very desirous to risk an action. When Sir Henry Clinton had advanced to Allentown, instead of pur suing the direct course to Staten Island, he drew towards the sea coast. On learning that he was marching in this direction, towards Monmouth court-house, Washington sent Brigadier Wayne with a thousand men to reinforce his advanced troops. The command of this body was offered to General Lee, who in the exchange of prisoners had been restored to the army. This officer was opposed to any engagement with the enemy at that time, and declined the service. It was accordingly given to the Marquis de La Fayette. The whole army followed at a proper distazice for supporting the ad vanced corps, and reached Cranberry the next morning. Washington increased his advanced corps with two brigades, and sent General Lee, who was now desirous of assuming the command, to take charge of the whole, and followed with the main army to give it support. On the next morning, orders were sent to Lee to move forward and attack the enemy, unless there should be very strong objections to the measure. When Washington had marched about five miles to support the advance corps, he found it retreating, by Lee s orders, and without having offered any opposition. He immediately rode up to Lee and requested an explana tion ; the reply was unsuitable and insolent. Orders were then given to ibrm on a piece of ground which seemed to offer advantages as a position to check the enemy. Lee was asked if he would command on that ground ; he consented, and replied " your orders shall be obeyed, and I will not be the first to leave the field." Washington returned to the main army, which was soon formed for iction. After several unsuccessful movements of the British troops, they retired and took the ground that had been before occupied by General Lee. Washington determined to attack them, and ordered two detach ments to move round, upon their right and left sides. They did not ar rive at their ground in season to commence the attack that night. They remained in that position till morning, General Washington reposing on his cloak under a tree in the midst of his troops. Before dawn, the British moved away in great silence. Nothing was known of their inarch till the next day. They left behind four officers, and forty privates, so severely wounded that it was not safe to remove them. Including prisoners, the whole loss of the British army was about three hundred and fifty. They pursued their march to Sandy Hook without farther interruption and without any loss of baggage. The Americans lost about two hundred and fifty men. Declining pursuit of the royal troops, they retired to the borders of the North river. 4 26 WASHINGTON. Shortly after the action, Congress resolved on a vote of thanks to Gene ral Washington, for the activity with which he marched from the camp at Valley Forge in pursuit of the enemy ; for his distinguished exertions in forming the line of battle ; and for his great good conduct in leading on the attack, and gaining the important victory of Monmouth. General Lee followed up his passionate language on the day of the battle, by writ ing two violent letters to Washington, which occasioned his being arrested and brought to trial. After a protracted hearing before a court-martial, of which Lord Stirling was president, Lee was found guilty, and sentenced to be suspended from any command in the armies of the United States for the term of one year. Soon after the battle of Monmouth, the American army took post at the White Plains, and remained there and in the vicinity till autumn was far advanced, and then retired to Middlebrook, in New Jersey. During this period, nothing occurred of greater importance than an occasional skirmish. The French fleet arrived too late to attack the British in the Delaware. It was determined, therefore, that a joint expedition, with the sea and land forces, should be made against the British posts in Rhode Island. General Sullivan was appointed to the conduct of the American troops ; Count D Estaing commanded the French fleet. The preparations for commencing the attack had been nearly completed, when a British fleet appeared in sight. The French commander immediately put out to sea, to come to an engagement. A violent storm arose, and injured both fleets to such an extent, that it was necessary for the one to sail for Boston, and the other to New- York, to refit. General Sullivan had commenced the siege, in the expectation of being shortly seconded by the French fleet. The determination of D Estaing to return to Boston excited general alarm. It left the harbors of Rhode Island open for reinforcements to the British, from their headquarters in New- York. The very safety of the American army was endangered by it. Every effort was made to induce the French commander to change his intentions, but without effect. This affair produced a great deal of discontent and irritation, among the American officers, and was likely to lead to very serious difficulties. With his usual prudence and good judgment, General Washington exerted his influence to quiet the wounded feelings of both parties. He was powerfully assisted in this attempt, by the Marquis de La Fayette, who was very much beloved by the Americans as well as the French, and gladly rendered his services to bring about a reconciliation. Washington wrote on the subject to the several general officers of his army, and took the first opportunity of recommencing his correspondence with Count D Estaing. His letter took no notice of the angry dispute that had occurred, and good humor and cordial good-will were speedily restored. With the battle of Monmouth, active operations closed in the middle states. On the approach of winter, the American army went into quarters in the neighborhood of the Highlands. Being better clothed and better fed than in the preceding winter, their situation was greatly ameliorated. At the close of 1778, except the possession of New- York by the British, the local situation of the hostile armies did not much WASHINGTON. 27 differ from that of the commencement of the campaign of 1776. " It is not a little pleasing," observed Washington in a letter to a friend, " nor less wonderful to contemplate, that after two years manoeuvring, and undergoing the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and the offending party in the beginning is now reduced to the use of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of Providence has been so conspicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations." In the last months of the year 1778, when the active operations of the campaign were over, Congress decided on a magnificent plan for the conquest of Canada. This plan was to be carried into effect by the joint operations of distinct detachments of Americans, acting in different points, and co-operating with a French fleet and army on the river St. Lawrence. The scheme was not communicated to Washington, till it had been adopted by Congress. He was then consulted, and requested to write to Dr. Franklin, then minister at Paris, to interest him in securing the proposed co-operation of France. Doubtful of the success of the operation, even with the assistance of the French, Washington was urgent to obtain its rejection. Congress persisted in the measure, and a committee of their body was chosen to confer with the general on this business, and on the state of the army. His objections were then found to be insurmountable, and the expedition was laid aside. The alliance with France had seemed to many to secure our independence. It was supposed that Great Britain would despair of final success, and relinquish farther prosecution of the war. Washington was very busy in opposing the progress of this dangerous delusion. In his correspondence with members of Congress, and influential men throughout the state, he represented the fallacy of this opinion, and the impolicy of indulging it. He was anxious that early and vigorous measures should be taken for the next campaign. Yet it was not till the twenty-third of January, 1779, that Congress passed resolutions for re-enlisting the army; and not till the ninth of March, that the states were called upon to furnish their proportion of the general forces. This state of affairs greatly alarmed Washington, and his apprehensions at the time may be gathered from the following extract of a letter to one of his confidential friends. " To me it appears no unjust simile, to compare the affairs of this great continent to the mechanism of a clock, each state representing some one or other of the small parts of it, which they are endeavoring to put in fine order, without considering how useless and unavailing their labor is, unless the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to and kept in good order. I allude to no particular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, as it may be said, to do so upon their representatives; but as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent by party ; that much business of a trifling nature and personal concernment withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment, at this critical period ; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation take place of close attention and application ; no man who wishes well to the liberties of his 28 WASHINGTON. country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid crying out Where are our men of abilities ? Why do they not come forth to save their country 1 Let this voice, my dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson, and others. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under our own vine and our own figtree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me, when I tell you, there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking that the administration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace \vith us upon almost any terms ; but I shall be much mistaken, if they do not now, from the present state of our currency, dissensions, and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure, will prevent it, but the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Prussia." The depreciation of the paper currency had so reduced the pay of the American officers, as to render it inadequate to their support. This led to serious troubles and discontents. Early in May, the Jersey brigade was ordered to march by regiments to join the western army. In answer to this order, a letter was received from General Maxwell, stating that the officers of the first regiment had addressed a remonstrance to the legislature of the state, in which they professed a determination to resign their commissions, unless that body immediately attended to their pay and support. General Washington knew the sufferings to which the army had been exposed, and the virtue and firmness with which they had supported them. He knew the truth and justice of the complaints now made by the Jersey regiment ; but saw and felt the evils that would result from the measures they had adopted. Relying on their patriotism and persona] attachment to himself, he immediately wrote to General Maxwell a letter to be communicated to the officers. In this address, he adopted the language of a friend as well as of an of ficer. He acknowledged the inconvenience and distress to which the army were exposed ; and expressed the hope that they had done him the justice to believe, that he had been incessant in endeavors to procure them relief. The limited resources of the government were mentioned, and their embarrassment in procuring money. He then alluded to the pro gress of the cause, the probability of soon attaining the object of their struggles, and the meanness of a shameful desertion, and forgetmlness of what was due to their country. " Did I suppose it possible," he observed, " this could be the case, even in a single regiment of the army, I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expression. I should feel it as a w T ound given to my own honor, which I consider as embarked with that of the army at large. But this I believe to be impossible. Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the consequences : and no officer of common discernment and sensibility would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings, on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferior to the rest of the army. Or if their example should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country. They would remember, that the army would share a WASHINGTON. 29 double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an American officer would become as despicable as it is now glorious." The officers did not expressly recede from their claims, but they were prevailed upon by the representations of the letter to continue in service. In an address to General Washington, they expressed regret that any act of theirs should have given him pain, and proceeded to justify the measures they had taken. They stated that their repeated memorials to the legislature had been neglected, and that they had lost all confidence in that body. " Few of us," they said, " have private fortunes ; many have families who already are suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we, then, to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues, and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home ; and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is now only nominal ? We are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish or desire this from us. " We beg leave to assure your Excellency, that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtues ; that executing your orders has ever given us pleasure ; that we love the service, and we love our country ; but when that country is so lost to virtue and to justice as to forget to support its servants, it then becomes their duty to retire from its service." Washington, with his usual prudence, resolved to take no further notice of this address, than to notify the officers through General Maxwell, that, as long as they continued to do their duty, he should only regret the step they had taken, and hope that they themselves would perceive its impro priety. The occasion was a favorable one for the commander-in-chief, to urge upon Congress the necessity of making suitable provision in behalf of his officers. " The distresses in some corps," he observed, " are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that officers have solicited even to be supplied with the clothing destined for the common soldiers, coarse and unsuitable as it was. I had not power to comply with the request. The patience of men, animated by a sense of duty and honor, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obviate it." The legislature of New-Jersey were alarmed, and at length induced to notice the situation of their soldiers ; the remonstrance was withdrawn, and the officers continued to perform their duty as usual. The American army, in these years, was destitute, not only of food, but of clothing. The seasons of 1779 and 1780, were unfruitful ; the labors of the farmers had been interrupted by the calls of war ; paper money was no equivalent, in its present value, for the produce of the soil ; and, consequently, no provisions could be obtained but by measures of compulsion. The soldiers were demanding food, the inhabitants de manded protection, and, distracted by the wrongs of the one, and the wants of the other, Washington was in a state of the deepest embarrass ment and anxiety. At length, even force began to fail ; the neighboring country was drained of all its produce, and absolute famine appeared to threaten the army. In this situation, the conduct of the commander-in- 30 WASHINGTON. chief was of the most prudent, wise, and conciliating character ; and it was indeed a crisis which called for all his address, popularity, and firm ness, to carry him through it. He succeeded in keeping the army to gether, and in retaining, not only their approbation, but that of his fellow citizens. The effective force of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1779, strongly fortified in New- York and Rhode Island, amounted to about sixteen thousand five hundred men ; that of the Americans did not exceed thirteen thou sand. The British were supported by a powerful fleet, which enabled them to move with expedition and facility, and when on the Hudson, to concentrate their forces on either side of it. West Point was the chief post of the Americans, on this river ; and the preservation of this place and its dependencies, was an object of primary importance. For this purpose, Washington concentrated his forces here, and all the efforts of the British to allure him from this position by attacking and burning the towns on the coast of Connecticut, proved unavailing. The American army limited its operations to securing the passes of the North river, and protecting the country as far as was consistent with this important object. While the British devastations were going on, Washington planned an expedition against Stony Point, a bold hill, projecting into the Hudson, on the top of which a fort had been erected and garrisoned by six hun dred men. The enterprise was entrusted to General Wayne, and was completely successful. It was soon followed by the surprise of the British garrison at Paules Hook, concluded on the eighteenth of August, by Major Henry Lee. With three hundred soldiers, he entered the fort about three o clock in the morning, and, with very inconsiderable loss, carried away one hundred and fifty-nine prisoners. It was thought desirable to avoid all hazardous movements, from the expected arrival of a French fleet, with which the army might success fully co-operate. This fleet, under Count D Estaing, reached the vicinity of Georgia, with a body of troops, and, in conjunction with the southern army, under General Lincoln, made an attack on the British post at Savannah. The united forces were led to the lines of the enemy with great valor and firmness, but after standing a very severe fire for about an hour, they were repulsed with loss. The campaign terminated in the northern states without any decisive efforts on either side. The British attempts upon the posts in the High lands had been defeated. The Indians had been reduced to peace by an expedition sent against them, under the command of General Sulli van. Winter quarters for the American army were chosen at Morris- town. On their march to this place, and after their arrival, they suffered exceedingly. The snow was two feet deep, and the soldiers were desti tute, both of tents and blankets, some of them barefooted and almost naked. At night, their only defence against the weather, was in piles of brushwood. After reaching the place that had been chosen for winter quarters, they found it very difficult to pitch their tents in the frozen ground. They built up large fires, but could hardly keep from freezing. Besides the sufferings from cold, they were without necessary food. For seven or eight days together, they had no other provision than miserable fresh beef, without bread, salt, or vegetables. WASHINGTON. 31 The weather in January, 1780, was remarkably cold and severe. On the third of the month, there was a most violent snow storm. Several of the marquees were blown down over the officers heads, and some of the soldiers were actually buried under the snow in their tents. The officers of the army had a sufficient supply of straw, over which they could spread their blankets, and, with their clothes and large fires, keep themselves from extreme suffering. But the common soldiers on duty, during all the violence of the storm, and at night, with but a single blan ket, were exposed to great distress. They were so enfeebled by cold and hunger, as to be unable to labor in the erection of their log huts. The sufferings of the soldiers, from the unusual severity of the winter, and the privation of food, were extremely severe; but though desertions were frequent, not a single mutiny was excited. Notwithstanding the situa tion of his army, Washington was active in seeking opportunities for a favorable attack ; and planned an expedition against the British works on Staten Island. A detachment of twenty-five hundred men, under the command of Lord Stirling, was despatched on this service. The party passed over from Elizabethtown, at night, on the ice. The British troops, however, had received intelligence of their design, and withdrawn into their fortifications. All the benefit of the expedition con sisted in procuring a quantity of blankets and military stores, with a few casks of wine and spirits. The snow was three or four feet deep, and the troops remained on the island twenty-four hours without covering ; about five hundred of them were slightly frozen, and six were killed ; the retreat was effected with no other loss. Soon after this event, Washington received intelligence of the loss of Charleston, and the surrender of that detachment of the southern army, under General Lincoln. When the news of this disaster reached the northern states, the American army was in the greatest distress. The officers had been for some time dissatisfied with their situation ; they had been exposed to great distress, and had made great sacrifices, for small wages, paid with no punctuality. The paper money had dimi nished so much in value, that it was difficult to procure supplies with it, even at the reduced rates. Forty dollars in these bills were worth less than one dollar in silver. A number of officers were compelled, by necessity, to give up their commissions. General Washington was un wearied in his efforts to procure from Congress a more generous provi sion for them, and at length succeeded. The disaffection of the troops at length broke out into actual mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms, announcing their intention of returning home, or obtaining a subsistence by their arms. By the prudent and spirited conduct of their officers, however, the ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to their duty. Soon after the surrender of the southern army, the commanding officer of the enemy, in New- York, thought to take advantage of the discontent and distress prevailing among the northern troops. General Knyphausen crossed over from Staten Island with about five thousand men. Orders were immediately given in the American camps, to be in readiness to march at a moment s notice. The enemy advanced to Springfield, and 32 WASHINGTON. set fire to the village ; burning the church, and twenty or thirty dwelling houses. They then made a rapid retreat to Staten Island. The object of this expedition was supposed to have been the destruction of the stores at Morristown. The first months in the year were spent in these desul tory operations. No disposition to give up the contest, was produced in the north, by the disasters in the south ; but the weakness of the govern ment, and the depreciation of the paper currency, deprived Washington of all power to act on the offensive. When affairs were in this condition, the Marquis de La Fayette arrived from France, with the assurance that the French army and fleet might soon be expected upon our coast. This roused the Americans from their lethargy, and Washington was very active in his extensive correspond ence through the states, to stimulate the public mind to the exertions the crisis demanded. The resolutions of Congress were slowly executed, and from the want of their efficient assistance, the operations of Wash ington were very much embarrassed. Some relief was obtained from private sources, and the citizens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a supply of necessaries for the suffering soldiers. In a few days, the sum of three hundred thousand dollars was subscribed, for this purpose, and converted into a bank, from which great advantages were derived. The ladies of that city, also made large donations for the im mediate relief of the soldiers ; but large as all these supplies were, they fell far short of the wants of the army. On the tenth of July, the expected allies arrived on the coast of Rhode Island. Their fleet consisted of seven sail of the line, five frigates, and five smaller vessels ; their army amounted to six thousand men. So tardy had been the arrangements for raising the American army, that their force at this time did not amount to one thousand men. Trusting, however, that the promised support would be forwarded with all possible despatch, Washington sent proposals to the French commander for com mencing the siege of New- York. " Pressed on all sides," he observed in a letter to Congress, " by a choice of difficulties, in a moment which required decision, I have adopted that line of conduct, which comported with the dignity and faith of Congress, the reputation of these states, and the honor of our arms. I have sent on definitive proposals of co-opera tion to the French general and admiral. Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to decency would permit delay. The die is cast ; and it remains with the states, either to fulfil their engagements, preserve their credit, and support their independence, or to involve us in disgrace and defeat. * * * If we fail for want of proper exertions in any of the governments, I trust the responsibility will fall where it ought, and that I shall stand justified to Congress, my country, and the world." The fifth of August was fixed upon, as the day when the united armies were to commence operations. Sir Henry Clinton, who had returned the preceding month, with his victorious troops from Charleston, had embarked about eight thousand men, with the apparent intention of attacking the French force at Rhode Island. Washington put his army in motion, and crossed the Hudson, to besiege New- York during his absence. The enemy were alarmed at the danger of this city, and WASHINGTON 33 returned to defend it. The American army recrossed the Hudson to the Jersey shore. This passage was made in boats and floats, and occu pied three days and nights. The designs on New- York were only sus pended, riot entirely abandoned ; and Washington had a personal inter view on this subject, with the French commander, at Hartford. But the arrival of Admiral Rodney, with eleven ships of the line, upon the American coast, disarranged the plans of the allies, and no expedition of the kind could be undertaken during the present campaign. At this time, Washington wrote thus in a letter to a friend : " We are now drawing to a close an inactive campaign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favorable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening, which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to domestic life. The favorable disposition of Spain ; the promised succor from France ; the combined force in the West Indies ; the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by other powers of Europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of Great Britain;) the superiority of France and Spain by sea, in Europe ; the Irish claims, and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate, an opinion in my breast, (which is not very suscep tible of peaceful dreams,) that the hour of deliverance was not far distant : for that, however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But alas ! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory ; and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress. We have been half our time without provision?, and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines, nor money to fon i them. We have lived upon expedients until we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. It is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue exists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. But, to suppose that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army ; that this army will be sub sisted by state supplies ; and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is, in my opinion, absurd." At a period when the resources of the country were almost exhausted, and countless troubles and embarrassments surrounded Washington, treason entered the camp of the Americans, and had nearly strangled their infant liberties. Benedict Arnold had been regarded from the commencement of the American war, as a brave and patriotic officer. He had fought in several battles, with great valor and gallantry, and ac quired the entire confidence of his countrymen. His services had been rewarded by promotion, to the rank of major general. At his own re quest and solicitation, he was entrusted with the command of West Point. Partly from motives of avarice, and partly from feelings of re venge, for some public censures, he had received from the government, he determined to deliver this post into the hands of the enemy. He entered into a secret correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton, and actual ly agreed to put him in possession of the garrison. The British general readily consented to the treachery, and selected Major John Andre, his 5 34 WASHINGTON. adjutant general and aid-de-camp, to have a personal interview with Arnold, and arrange the plan for the surrender of the post. A British sloop of war, called the Vulture, sailed up the North river, and anchored about twelve miles below West Point. On board of this vessel was Major Andre, under the assumed name of John Anderson. The parties could now communicate with each other, without exciting suspicions of any treasonable designs. But a personal interview became at length necessary, and the place chosen for this purpose was the beach, near the house of Mr. Joshua Smith, who had long been suspected of favoring the British cause. Arnold now sent a boat to bring Andre on shore. This was unexpected to the British officer, but he was unwilling that the enterprise should fail, through any fault upon his part. Putting on a grey surtout, to hide his uniform, he accompanied the messenger of Arnold to the shore. After conversing some time at the water s edge, they went to the house of Smith for greater security. Andre remained concealed here till the following night, when he became anxious to return on board the Vulture, and went alone to the beach, where he expected to find a boat to convey him to this vessel. During his visit to the shore, however, the Vulture had been driven from her station, and had removed some miles farther down the river. When Andre proposed to the boat men to carry him back to the vessel, they told him that it was too far, and refused to go. It being impossible to procure a boat and men for the purpose, it was resolved that Andre should return to New- York by land. For this dangerous attempt, he laid aside his uniform altogether, and put on another dress. Arnold furnished him with a horse, and accom panied by Smith, he set out upon his journey. Each of them had a passport from Arnold "to go to the lines on White Plains, or lower, if the bearer thought proper; he being on public business." By means of these passports, they got beyond all the American outposts and guards, without being suspected. They lodged together on the night of their departure at Crompond. They arrived without interruption, a little beyond Pine s Bridge, a village situated on the Croton. They had not yet crossed the lines, though they were in sight of the ground occupied by the British troops. Smith here looked round, and seeing no one, and no sign of danger, he said to Andre " You are safe good by," and retook the road by which they had come. Andre put spurs to his horse, and supposing himself out of danger, rode forward at full speed to deliver the favorable result of his mission. He had pro ceeded about a dozen miles with the same good fortune. He was about entering Tarrytown, the border village that separated him from the royal army, when a man sprung suddenly from a thicket, and exclaimed, "where are you bound?" This man was armed with a gun, and was immediately joined by two armed companions. They were not in uni form, and Andre supposed at once they must be of his own party. In stead of producing his passport, he asked them in his turn, where they belonged. They replied, "to below," alluding to New- York. "And so do I," said Andre, " I am a British officer, on urgent business, and must not be detained." " You belong to our enemies," was the reply, " and we arrest you." WASHINGTON. 35 Andre was surprised at this unexpected language," presented his pass port, but this paper only served to render his case more suspicious, when considered in connexion with his confessions. He offered them gold, his horse, and promised large rewards, and permanent provision from the English government, if they would let him escape. They refused all his offers, and proceeding to search him, they found in his boots, in the handwriting of Arnold, exact returns of the state of the forces, ordnance, and defences of West Point, with many other important papers. No longer in doubt, they carried him at once before Colonel Jameson, who commanded the outposts. Andre retained his self-possession, and still passing under his assumed name, requested permission to write to Ar nold, to inform him that his messenger was detained. Jameson thought it more simple to order him to be conducted to Arnold, and was already on his way for that purpose, when the suspicious circumstances of the case induced him to change his mind ; and sending in all haste after the pretended Anderson, had him conveyed under guard to Old Salem. He despatched at the same time an express to Washington, containing an account of the affair, with the draughts and other papers taken from the prisoner. But the commander-in-chief, who set out on the same day, the twenty-third of September, to return to his army, had pursued a different route from that by which he went to Hartford, and the messenger was compelled to retrace his steps without having seen him. This delay proved the salvation of Arnold. Jameson began to regard his suspicions of Arnold as unjust and un worthy, and wrote him that Anderson, the bearer of his passport, had been arrested. Arnold was busy with his arrangements for the reception of the enemy, when he received the letter from Jameson. Those who were present at the time, afterwards recollected that he was very much dismayed and agitated. Recovering himself quickly, he said in a loud voice that he would write an answer, and withdrew to reflect upon the course which it was best for him to pursue. The entrance of two Ame rican officers interrupted his reflections. They were sent by the com mander-in-chief, and informed Arnold that he had arrived within a few leagues of West Point, and was to have set out a few hours after them, to complete his journey. The traitor had now no safety but in immedi ate flight. Concealing his emotions, he told the two officers that he wished to go and meet the general alone, and begged them not to follow him. He then entered the apartment of his wife, exclaiming " All is discovered ; Andre is a prisoner ; the commander-in-chief will know eve ry thing. Burn all my papers I fly to New- York." Leaving his wife, without waiting for a reply, he mounted the horse of one of the two officers, and rushed towards the Hudson. Here he had taken care to have always ready a barge well manned. He threw him self into it, and ordered the boatmen to make for the English sloop with all possible despatch. The barge, bearing a flag of truce, was in sight when Washington arrived. The officers related to him what had hap pened. Arnold had absconded, and no one knew how to account for it. The commander-in-chief instantly repaired to the fort of West Point, but he could learn nothing there. He returned to the house of General Ar- 36 WASHINGTON. nold, where the messenger of Jameson presented himself, and delivered the packet with which he was charged. Washington seemed for a few moments overwhelmed by the enormity of the crime. Those who were near him waited silently, but impatiently, for the result. He at length said " I thought that an officer of courage and ability, who had often shed his blood for his country, was entitled to confidence, and I gave him mine. I am convinced now, and for the rest of my life, that we should never trust those who are wanting in probity, whatever abilities they may possess. Arnold has betrayed us." Major Andre was conducted to West Point, and afterwards to headquarters at Tappan. A court-martial was here instituted, and this unfortunate officer was condemned to death. General Washington was now called upon to discharge a duty from which he revolted, and it is said that his hand could hardly command his pen, when signing the warrant for the execution. But the laws and usages of war required that Andre should die, and he accordingly perished on the scaffold. The treason of Arnold, the capture of Andre, together with private intelligence received from New- York, induced General Washington to believe that other officers in his army were connected with the late con spiracy. This belief gave him great uneasiness. The moment he reached the army, then encamped at Tappan, under the command of Major Gene ral Greene, he sent to request an interview with Major Lee. This officer immediately repaired to headquarters, and found the general in his marquee alone, busily engaged in writing. As soon as Lee entered, he was requested to take a seat, and a bundle of papers, lying on the table, was given to him for perusal. In these much information was detailed, tending to prove that Arnold was not alone in treachery, but that the poison had spread, and that a Major General, whose name was not concealed, was certainly as guilty as Arnold himself. This officer had enjoyed, without interruption, the complete confidence of the commander- in-chief. The only reason for suspicion rested on the intelligence deriv ed from papers before him. Major Lee immediately suggested that the whole was a contrivance of Sir Henry Clinton, to destroy the necessary confidence between the commander and his officers. This suggestion had occurred to the mind of Washington ; but he was still anxious and distrustful. Deeply agitated, as was plainly shown by his tone and countenance, the general proceeded : " I have sent for you, in the expec tation that you have in your corps individuals capable and willing to undertake an indispensable, delicate, and hazardous project. Whoever comes forward will oblige me forever, and, in behalf of the United States, I will reward him amply. No time is to be lost. My object is to probe to the bottom the afflicting intelligence contained in the papers you have just read ; to seize Arnold, and, by getting him, to save Andre. They are all connected. My instructions are ready ; here are two letters to be delivered as ordered, and some guineas for expenses." Major Lee replied that he had no doubt Jhis legion contained many individuals capable of the most daring enterprises. There were some feelings of delicacy that prevented him from suggesting the step to a commissioned officer, but he thought the sergeant major of the cavalry in WASHINGTON. 37 all respects qualified for the undertaking, and to him he would venture to propose it. He then described the sergeant, as a native of Loudon county, in Virginia, about twenty-four years of age, rather above the common size, full of bone and muscle, grave and inflexible. He had enlisted in J 776, and was as likely to reject a service coupled with ignominy as any officer in the corps. The general exclaimed that he was the very man for the business ; that he must undertake it ; that going to the enemy at the request of his officer was not desertion, though it appeared to be so. He enjoined that this explanation should be impressed upon Champe, as coming from him, and that the vast good in prospect should be contrasted with the mere semblance of doing wrong. This he hoped would remove every scruple. Major Lee assured the general, that every exertion should be used on his part to execute his wishes, and, taking leave, returned to the camp of the light corps, which he reached about eight o clock at night. He sent instantly for the sergeant major, and introduced the subject in as judicious a manner as possible. Dressing out the enterprise in brilliant colors, he finally removed all scruples from the honorable mind of Champe, and prevailed on him to yield entirely to his wishes. The instructions were then read to him. He was particularly cautioned to be careful in deliver ing his letters, and urged to bear constantly in mind that Arnold was not to be killed under any circumstances, but only to be taken prisoner. Giving the sergeant three guineas, he recommended him to start without delay, and enjoined him to communicate his arrival in New- York as soon thereafter as might be practicable. Pulling out his watch, Champe reminded the major of the necessity of holding back pursuit, as he should be obliged to go in a zigzag direction in order to avoid the patroles. It was now nearly eleven ; the sergeant returned to camp, and, taking his cloak, valise, and orderly book, drew his horse from the picket, and, mounting, committed himself to fortune. Within half an hour, Captain Carnes, the officer of the day, waited on the major, and told him that one of the patrol had fallen in with a dragoon, who, on being challenged, had put spurs to his horse, and escaped. Major Lee contrived various expedients to delay sending a party in pursuit; but it was finally despatched, under the command of cornet Middleton. When Middleton departed, it was only a few minutes past twelve, so that Champe had only the start of about an hour. Lee was very anxious, not only from fear that Champe might be injured, but that the enterprise might be delayed. The pursuing party were delayed by necessary halts to examine the road. A shower had fallen soon after Champe s departure, which enabled them to take the trail of his horse, as no other animal had passed along the road since the rain. When the day broke, Middleton was no longer obliged to halt, but passed on with great rapidity. As the pursuing party reached the top of a hill on the north of the village of Bergen, they descried Champe not more than half a mile in front. The sergeant at the same moment discovered them, and gave the spurs to his horse. He eluded them, just as they felt secure of taking him, and again disappeared. Pursuit was renewed, and Champe was again descried. He had changed his original intention of going directly to Paules Hook, 38 WASHINGTON. and determined to seek refuge from two British galleys, which lay a few miles to the west of Bergen. As soon as Champe got abreast of the galleys, he dismounted, and ran through the marsh to the river. He had previously prepared himself for swimming, by lashing his valise on his shoulders, and throwing away the scabbard of his sword. The pursuit was so close and rapid, that the stop occasioned by these preparations for swimming had brought Middleton within twa or three hundred yards. The sergeant plunged into the water, and called upon the galleys for help. They sent a boat to meet him ; he was taken on board, and conveyed to New- York, with a letter from the captain of the galley, who had witnessed the whole of the scene. The horse, with his equipments, the sergeant s cloak and sword scabbard, were taken by the pursuing party. About three o clock in the evening they returned, and the soldiers, seeing the horse, made the air resound with cries that the scoundrel was killed. Called by this heart rending annunciation from his tent, Major Lee began to reproach himself with the blood of the faithful and intrepid Champe. He was relieved by Middle- ton s information, that the sergeant had made his escape. The command- er-in-chief was sensibly affected by the perilous adventures of Champe, and anticipated the confidence that would follow the enemy s knowledge of its manner. Champe was conducted to Sir Henry Clinton, who, after a long conversation, presented him with a couple of guineas, and recom mended him to call on General Arnold, who was engaged in raising an American legion in the service of his majesty. Arnold expressed much satisfaction on hearing from Champe the manner of his escape, and the influence which he attributed to his own example, and concluded his numerous inquiries by assigning him quarters. Champe now turned his attention to the delivery of his letters, which he was unable to effect till the next night, and then only to one of the parties. This man received the sergeant with extreme attention, and assured him that he might rely on his prompt assistance in any thing that WASHINGTON. 39 could be prudently undertaken. The sole object in which the aid of this individual was required, was in regard to the general and others of the army, implicated in the information sent by him to Washington. This object he promised to enter upon with zeal. Five days had elapsed after reaching New- York, before Champe saw the confidant to whom only the attempt against Arnold was to be entrusted. This person entered at once into his design, and promised to procure a suitable associate. The com plete innocence of the suspected general was soon established. Andre had confessed the character in which he stood, disdaining to defend himself by the shadow of a falsehood. He had been condemned as a spy, and had suffered accordingly. Nothing now remained to be done by Champe but the seizure and safe delivery of Arnold. To this object he gave his undivided attention, and Major Lee received from him the complete outlines of his plan on the nineteenth of October. Ten days elapsed before Champe brought his measures to a conclusion, when Lee was presented with his final commu nication, appointing the third subsequent night for a party of dragoons to meet him at Hoboken, when he hoped to deliver Arnold to the officer. Champe had been improving every opportunity to become acquainted with the habits of the general. He discovered that it was his custom to return home at about twelve every night, and that, previous to going to bed, he always visited the garden. During this visit, the conspirators were to seize him, and, being prepared with a gag, were to apply it instantly. Adjoin ing the house in which Arnold resided, and in which it was intended to seize and gag him, Champe had taken off several of the palings, and so replaced them that he could easily open his way to the adjdining alley. Into this alley he meant to have conveyed his prisoner, with the assistance of a single companion. Another associate was to be prepared with a boat to receive them at one of the wharves on the Hudson. Champe and his friend intended to have placed themselves each under Arnold s shoulder, and to have thus borne him through the most unfre quented alleys and streets to the boats. If questioned, they were to represent him as a drunken soldier whom they were conveying to the guard house. The day arrived, and Lee, with a party of dragoons, left camp late in the evening, with three led accoutred horses, one for Arnold, one for the sergeant, and the third for his associate, never doubting the success of the enterprise. The party reached Hoboken about midnight. Hour after hour passed; no boat approached. At length the day broke, and the major, with his party, returned to camp. Washington was much chagrined at the issue, and apprehensive that the sergeant had been detected in his dangerous enterprise. It so happened that on the very day preceding the night fixed for the plot, Arnold had removed his quarters to another part of the town, to superintend the embarkation of some troops. The American legion had been transferred from their barracks to one of the transports, so that Champe, instead of crossing the Hudson that night, was safely deposited on board one of the vessels of the fleet, whence he never departed till the troops under Arnold landed in Virginia. It was some time before he was able to escape from the British ; when he deserted, and, proceeding high up into Virginia, passed into 40 WASHINGTON. North Carolina, and safely joined the army. His appearance excited great surprise among his former comrades, which was not a little in creased when they saw the cordial reception he met with from the then Lieutenant Colonel Lee. His whole story soon became known to the corps, and excited universal admiration. Champe was introduced to General Greene, who cheerfully complied with certain promises that had been made to him by the commander-in-chief. He was provided with a good horse and money for his journey to headquarters. Washington treated him munificently, and presented him with his discharge from further service, lest, in the vicissitudes of war, he should fall into the hands of the enemy, and die upon a gibbet. The campaign of this year ended with no very decided efforts, and the army went into winter quarters. On the first night of the new year a very serious mutiny broke out among the troops at Morristown. A preconcerted signal having been given, the whole line, except three regiments, paraded under arms without their officers, marched to the magazines, supplied themselves with provisions and ammunition, and seizing six fieldpieces, took horses from General Wayne s stable to transport them. The mutineers then ordered the party who opposed them to come over instantly or they should be bayoneted, and the com mand was obeyed. General Wayne endeavored to interpose his influence and authority, but to no purpose ; on his cocking a pistol, they presented their bayonets to his breast and said, " We love and respect you ; often have you led us into the field of battle, but we are no longer under your command ; we warn you to be on your guard ; if you fire your pistols, or attempt to enforce your commands, we shall put you instantly to death." General Wayne reasoned and expostulated with them to no purpose ; they enumerated their grievances, and determined to march to Philadelphia and demand of Congress the justice that had so long been denied to them. This transaction terminated successfully for the insurgents; they even tually accomplished their views. Washington was far from being pleased at the issue of this affair, and determined to adopt more severe and decisive measures in future. A revolt shortly after broke out in another regiment, and he at once ordered a detachment of five hundred men to march and reduce them to duty. This party was placed under the command of Major General Robert Howe. On the twenty-seventh of January, about daylight, this detach ment arrived within sight of the huts of the insurgents. Here they were halted, and received orders to load their arms. General Howe then addressed them, representing the enormity of the crime of the mutineers, and adding that no terms could be made with them till they were brought to entire submission. The troops were then directed to surround the huts on all sides. He then ordered his aid-de-camp to command the mutineers to appear in front of their huts, unarmed, within five minutes. A second messenger was sent, and they immediately formed as they were directed. Being thus overpowered, the mutineers quietly submitted to their fate. General Howe ordered that three of the ringleaders should be selected for immediate punishment. These wretched men were tried on the spot, by a court-martial standing in the snow, and were sentenced to WASHINGTON. 41 be shot. Twelve of the most guilty mutineers were now chosen to be their executioners. Two of these offenders were shot, and the third pardoned. The terror of this scene produced a very powerful effect upon the guilty soldiers. They asked pardon of their officers, and promised a faithful discharge of duty for the future. On the first of May, 1781, Washington commenced a military journal, in which he makes a brief summary of the wants and prospects of the army. " Instead of having magazines filled with provisions, we have a scanty pittance scattered here and there in the distant states. Instead of having our arsenals well supplied with military stores, they are poorly provided and the workmen all leaving them. Instead of having the various articles of field equipage in readiness, the quartermaster is but now applying to the several states to provide these things for their troops respectively. Instead of having a regular system of transportation estab lished upon credit, or funds in the quartermaster s hands to defray the contingent expenses thereof, we have neither the one nor the other ; and all that business, or a great part of it, being done by impressment, we are daily and hourly oppressing the people, souring their tempers, and alien ating their affections. Instead of having the regiments completed agreea ble to the requisitions of Congress, scarce any state in the Union has at this hour one eighth part of its quota in the field, and there is little prospect of ever getting more than half. In a word, instead of having any thing in readiness to take the field, we have nothing : and instead of having the prospect of a glorious offensive campaign before us, we have a bewildered and gloomy prospect of a defensive one ; unless we should receive a powerful aid of ships, troops, and money, from our generous allies, and these at present are too contingent to build upon." While the Americans were laboring under the embarrassments and troubles which introduced the year 1781, the enemy were laying plans for more extensive operations than they had hitherto attempted. Their previous policy had been concentration, but events seemed to indicate that division would be more successful, by enabling them to make an impression on several points at the same time. In this campaign they carried on the war, not only in the vicinity of their headquarters at New- York, but in Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and in Virginia. Of course, the commander-in-chief could have no immediate agency in the southern department ; he deemed it of more importance to remain on the Hudson, not only to secure the most important post in the United States, but to concert the operations which resulted in the termination of the war. While the British were in the Potomac, they sent a flag on shore at Mount Vernon, requiring a supply of fresh provisions. To prevent the destruction of property which would follow a refusal, the person who had the management of the estate complied with this request, and requested that the buildings might be spared. For this Washington severely repri manded him : " It would have been a less painful circumstance to me to have heard, that, in consequence of your noncompliance with the request of the British, they had burned my house, and laid my plantation in ruins. You ought to have considered yourself as my representative, and should have reflected on the bad example of communicating with the enemy, and 6 42 WASHINGTON. making a voluntary offer of refreshment to them, with a view to prevent a conflagration." It was at this period that Washington received intelligence that the French government had loaned to the United States the sum of six millions of livres, and had resolved to equip a fleet to co-operate with the land force of the Americans. In conformity with this arrangement, M. de Grasse sailed from Brest in March, and, after some preliminary movements in the West Indies, arrived in the Chesapeake on the thirtieth of August. Here he was soon joined by the French fleet from Rhode Island. The plan of operation had been so well digested, and was so well executed, that Washington and Count Rochambeau had passed the British headquarters at New- York, and were considerably advanced in their way to Yorktown, before Count de Grasse had reached the American coast. The first determination of Washington had been to attack New- York, but the arrival of the additional fleet induced him to change his operations, and to march to Virginia and lay siege to the post of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. This expedition Washington had determined to command in person, and had advanced as far as Chester, when he received the news of the arrival of the fleet commanded by M. de Grasse. He immediately visited the count, attended by several of the general officers of the French and American armies. A plan of operations was then agreed upon, and the combined forces proceeded on their way to Yorktown. In this place. Lord Cornwallis, with the royal army, had constructed strong fortifications. It is a little village, on the south bank of the river York, about fifteen miles from its entrance into Chesapeake Bay. The British forces amounted to seven thousand men ; the allied army to about twelve thousand. The works erected for the security of the town weie redoubts and batteries, and every effort was made to strengthen them. On the first of October, the allied armies had made some progress in the siege. They had compelled the British to abandon several of their redoubts, and retire within the town. During a severe cannonade from the enemy, while the Rev. Mr. Evans was standing near the commander-in-chief, a shot struck the ground so near as to cover his hat with sand. Being much agitated, he took off his hat, and said, "See here, general." "Mr. Evans," replied Washington with his usual composure, " you had better carry that home, and show it to your wife and children." The American troops labored for a number of days, with incessant activity, in digging trenches and erecting batteries. Two or three batteries having been prepared to open upon the town, General Washing ton put the match to the first gun, and a furious discharge of cannon and mortars immediately followed. From the tenth to the fifteenth of the month, a severe and continual firing was kept up by the allied armies. The enemy returned the fire with little effect. During this period, a shell from the French battery set fire to a forty-four gun ship, and two or three smaller vessels in the river. It was in the night time, and presented a splendid spectacle. The fire spread all over the ships, running about the rigging to the tops of the masts, and casting a broad and bright flame over the waters. This dreadful scene, in the darkness of night, amid the roar of cannon and bursting of shells, must have been brilliant and sublime. WASHINGTON. 43 A fine description of this siege is given by Dr. Thatcher. " Being in the trenches," he observes, "every other night and day, I have a fine opportunity of witnessing the sublime and stupendous scene which is continually exhibiting. The bomb shells from the besiegers and the besieged are incessantly crossing each others path in the air. They are clearly visible in the form of a black ball in the day, but in the night they appear like a fiery meteor with a blazing tail, most beautifully brilliant, ascending majestically from the mortar to a certain altitude, and gradu ally descending to the spot where they are destined to execute their work of destruction." After carrying on this kind of warfare for a number of days, the American general determined to take possession of two redoubts about three hundred yards in front of the principal works of the enemy, and which presented formidable impediments to their approaches. These redoubts were both assaulted at the same time ; one by a brigade of American troops under the command of the Marquis de La Fayette, and the other by a French detachment under the Baron de Viomenil. The assault commenced at eight o clock in the evening, and was soon suc cessfully concluded ; the Americans losing but a very few men, and the French a considerable number. The reason of this difference in the loss of men was, that the Americans, in coming to the abatis, tore away a part of it, and leapt over the remainder. The French, however, waited till their pioneers had cut away the abatis according to rule, being exposed, meanwhile, to a severe fire from the enemy. When the marquis entered the works, he sent his aid, Major Barbour, through a terrible fire of the enemy, to inform Baron Viomenil, " that he was in his redoubt, and to ask the baron where he was." The messenger found the French troops clearing away the abatis, but the baron sent back this answer " Tell the marquis I am not in mine, but will be in five minutes." He advanced, and entered the works within his time. During the assault, the British kept up a very severe and incessant fire of musketry and cannon. Washington and the generals Lincoln and Knox, with their aids, were standing in an exposed situation, waiting the 44 WASHINGTON. result. One of Washington s aids, solicitous for his safety, said to him, " Sir, you are too much exposed here ; had you not better step a little back?" "Colonel Cobb," replfed the general, " if you are afraid, you have liberty to step back." On the seventeenth of the month, Lord Cornwallis was reduced to the necessity of sending out a flag, to request a cessation of hostilities for twenty-four hours. Two or three flags passed in the course of the day, and at length a suspension of hostilities for two hours was resolved upon. At an early hour in the forenoon of the eighteenth, Washington communicated to the British commander the basis of the terms of capitu lation to which he would consent. A sufficient time was allowed for reply. Two officers were then selected from each army to meet, and prepare the particular articles of agreement. These were arranged, and confirmed by the commanders-in-chief. On the nineteenth of October, preparations were made to receive the British general and his soldiers prisoners of war. The terms of capitulation were similar to those granted to General Lincoln, at Charleston. At about twelve o clock, the allied armies were arranged, and drawn up in two lines, extending more than a mile in length. The Americans, with General Washington at their head, occupied the right side of the road ; the French, with Count Rochambeau, occupied the left. The French troops were in complete and beautiful uniform, arid presented a very military and noble appearance. The Americans were not dressed so neatly, but their air was martial, their step lightened, and their countenance animated with joy. Great crowds were collected from the neighboring villages to witness the ceremony. At about two o clock, the captive army advanced through the lines formed to receive them. It was expected that Lord Cornwallis would be at their head, but he pretended indisposition, and made General O Hara his substitute. This officer was followed by the conquered troops, with shouldered arms, colors cased, and drums beating a slow and solemn march. Having arrived at the head of the line, General O Hara advanced to Washington, and apologized for the absence of Lord Cornwallis. Tho commander-in-chief courteously pointed to General Lincoln for directions. WASHINGTON. 45 This officer conducted the British army into a large field, where they were to ground their arms. This was a severe trial for the disciplined and haughty soldiers of England. It was a "great mortification to yield to raw continentals, and to the Yankee general whom they had ridiculed in their farces. Some of the platoon officers were weak enough to make no secret of their chagrin and ill temper. After having grounded their arms, anJ taken off their accoutrements, the captives were reconducted to Yorktown, ?nd put under guard. In his general orders on the next day, Washington expressed his warmest thanks to the soldiers and officers of the combined army for their brave conduct during the siege. Wishing that every heart should share in the general joy, he gave orders that all in confinement or under arrest should be at once pardoned and set at liberty. The troops were immediately employed in embarking the artillery and military stores on board of transports for the North river. Lord Cornwallis and his officers received every civility and attention from the American generals, that it was in their power to bestow. General Washington and Count Rocham- beau frequently invited them to entertainments, and they expressed grateful acknowledgments of their hospitality. On one occasion, when Cornwallis, in the presence of the commander-in-chief, was standing with his head uncovered, Washington politely said to him, " My lord, you had better be covered from the cold." " It matters little, sir," replied Cornwallis, " what becomes of this head now." An anecdote has been told of Washington, which reflects as much credit upon his delicacy of feeling, as the event to which it relates does upon his military skill. After tua surre.nde of the town, when the British soldiers were marching forth from the garrison to deliver up their arms, the commander-in-chief thus addressed the division of the army to which he was attached : " My brave fellows, let no sensation of satisfaction for the triumphs you have gained, induce you to insult your fallen enemy let no shouting, no clamorous huzzaing increase their mortification. It is sufficient that we witness their humiliation. Posterity will huzza for us." When Congress received the letter from Washington, that announced the surrender of the British army, they determined to go in procession, at two o clock, to the Dutch Lutheran church, and return thanks to Heaven for the success of the allied forces. They issued a proclamation for observing, throughout the United States, the thirteenth of December as a day of thanksgiving and prayer. They also resolved to erect in Yorktown a marble column adorned with emblems of the alliance between the United States and his most Christian Majesty of France, and inscribed with a brief narrative of the surrender of the British army. Two stands of colors, taken from the enemy at the capitulation, were presented to General Washington by Congress, in the name of the United States. Two pieces of field ordnance, taken at the same time, by a resolve of Congress were presented to Count Rochambeau. On these a few words were engraved, expressing that the gift was made in consideration of the part which this officer had borne in effecting the surrender. After the capture of Cornwallis, Washington, with the greater part of his army, returned to the vicinity of New- York. Though complete success 46 WASHINGTON. had been attained in Virginia, and great advantages in the Carolinas, the commander-in-chief urged immediate preparations for another campaign. He was afraid that Congress would think the work so nearly done, as to relax their efforts in raising the requisite number of troops. In a letter to General Greene, he observed, " I shall attempt to stimulate Congress to the best improvement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and effectual measures to be ready for an early and decisive campaign the next year. My greatest fear is, that, viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance, they may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. To prevent this error, I shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." The military establishment for 1782 was passed with great celerity, and the attention of Washington was incessantly occupied with the plan of dislodging the British from their strong holds of New- York and Charleston. While he was concerting measures with a view to co-operate with the French for this purpose, intelligence arrived that the discontinuance of the war had been moved and debated in the British parliament. Early in May, Sir Guy Carleton, the successor of Sir Henry Clinton as com mander-in-chief of the British forces in America, arrived in New- York, and announced in successive communications the increased probability of a speedy peace. The expected approach of peace relaxed the efforts of the states, and it was impossible to procure funds for the pay and subsistence of the troops. In a letter to the Secretary of War, Washington observed " I cannot help fearing the result of reducing the army, where I see such a number of men, goaded by a thousand stings of reflection on the past, and of anticipation on the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury and what they call the ingratitude of the public : involved in debts without one farthing of money to carry them home, after having spent the flower of their days and many of them their patrimonies, in establishing the freedom and independence of their country, and having suffered every thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritable circumstances, I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow, of a very serious and distressing nature." These apprehensions were well founded : and when the army retired into winter quarters, Washington remained in the camp to watch and control the discontents of the soldiers, though there was no probability of any military operations to require his presence. During the whole campaign of this year, not a gun had been fired between the two armies. Nothing had been decided by Congress, in respect to the claims of the soldiers, when news arrived, in March, 1783, that Great Britain had acknowledged the independence of the United States in the preceding November. This intelligence spread around an universal joy. The army exulted with the rest of their fellow-citizens, but their gladness was clouded with fears of injustice in their country. They thought their prospect of compensation diminished with the necessity of their services. Petitions had been presented to Congress in respect to the pay of officers WASHINGTON. 47 but the objects which they solicited were not obtained. Under these circumstances, anonymous addresses were circulated in the army, which produced the most violent excitement. Every indication was given of a storm that would destroy the peace of the country, and its new liberties. A paper had been privately handed about, calling a meeting of the officers on the next day. It was an occasion that demanded all the wisdom and influence of Washington. He accordingly noticed the anonymous summons in general orders, and requested a meeting, nominally for the same purpose, four days later. In the mean time, sending for the officers one after ano ther, he enlarged upon the fatal consequences that would result from the adoption of any violent measures. His unwearied efforts were used to quiet the agitation. When the officers assembled, Washington arose to address them. Finding his eyesight fail him, he observed " My eyes have grown dim in my country s service, but I never doubted of its justice." He then delivered a very interesting and feeling address. After commenting fully upon the anonymous papers that had been circulated in the camp, he entreated the officers to rely on the justice and good faith of Congress. ." Let me request you," he observed, " to rely on the plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress, that, previous to your dissolution as an army, they will cause all your accounts to be fairly liquidated, as directed in the resolutions which were published to you two days ago; and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious services. And let me conjure you in the name of our common country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the military and national character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our country, and who wickedly attempts to open the floods of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood. By thus determining and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes ; you will defeat the insidious designs of our enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings ; and you will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to mankind, Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining. " Having finished his eloquent and powerful address, his Excellency withdrew, and the convention unanimously resolved to present him their thanks, and assure him " that the officers reciprocate his affectionate expressions with the greatest sincerity of which the human heart is capable." General Knox, Colonel Brooks, and Captain Howard were then appointed a committee, to prepare resolutions expressive of the business of the convention, and to report in half an hour. These reso lutions professed an undiminished attachment to the liberties of their country, and an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress. The 48 WASHINGTON. result of these proceedings was communicated, by the commander-in- chief, to Congress, accompanied by an impressive letter. "If the whole army," he observes in the course of it, " have not merited whatever a grateful people can bestow, then have I been beguiled by prejudice, and built opinion on the basis of error. If this country should not in the event perform every thing which has been requested in the late memorials to Congress, then will my belief become vain, and the hope that has been excited, void of foundation. * * * But I am under no such appre hension. A country rescued by their arms from impending ruin, will never leave unpaid the debt of gratitude." Congress at length came to resolutions, in which they expressed a desire to gratify the reasonable expectations of the officers of the army, and remove all objections which might exist in any part of the United States to the principles of the half pay, which had been pledged to them. They commuted the half pay for life to full pay for the space of five years, at the option of the parties interested. The commander-in-chief thus addressed the army on the cessation of hostilities, in April : " The commander-in-chief orders the cessation of hostilities, between the United States of America and the king of Great Britain, to be publicly proclaimed to-morrow at twelve o clock, at the New Building; and that the proclamation which will be communicated heiewith be read to-morrow evening, at the head of every regiment and corps of the ?rmy ; after which, the chaplains, with the several brigades, will rentier tnanks to Almighty God for all his mercies, particularly for his overruling the walh of man to his own glory, and causing the rage of war to cease among the nations." The reduction of the army had been resolved by Congress, but it was a difficult measure, and required deliberation. To avoid the inconvenience of dismissing a great number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were freely granted on the application of individuals, and, after their dispersion, they were not enjoined to return. In this manner a great part of an unpaid army was dispersed over the states, without tumult or disorder. While the troops under the immediate command of Washington mani fested the utmost good conduct, a mutiny broke out among some new levies stationed at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania. About eighty soldiers, in defiance of their officers, marched to Philadelphia, to seek a redress of their alleged grievances from the executive council of the state. They proceeded to the barracks in the city, where some other soldiers were quartered, who joined them. The whole body amounted to about three hundred. On the following day, the insurgents, with drums beating and fixed bayonets, marched to the State-house, the seat of Congress and of the supreme executive council of Pennsylvania. They placed sentinels at every door, sent in a written message to the president and council, anr 1 threatened to break in upon them, if their demands were not grar ed within twenty minutes. No further insult was offered to Congress, but they were confined in this manner for about three hours. Congress resolved that the authority of the United States had been grossly insulted by the armed soldiers, and it was determined that a committee of their body should confer with the executive council, and if it should appear to WASHINGTON. 49 the committee, that the state of Pennsylvania ought not to take measures to support the dignity of the federal government, the president should summon the Congress to meet on Thursday, the twenty-sixth, at Princeton or Trenton. The Secretary of War was also directed to communicate to the commander-in-chief the state and disposition of the mutineers. On receiving information of this disgraceful outrage, Washington im mediately despatched Major General Howe, with fifteen hundred men, to quell the mutineers, and punish the most guilty of them. Before his arrival, however, they had dispersed without bloodshed. Several were brought to trial, two were condemned to death, and four others to receive corporal punishment. On this occasion, General Washington addressed the president of Congress in very feeling and eloquent language : "While I suffer the most poignant distress in observing that a handful of men, contemptible in numbers, and equally so in point of service, if the veteran troops from the southward have not been seduced by their example, and who are not worthy to be called soldiers, should disgrace themselves and their country, as the Pennsylvania mutineers have done, by insulting the sovereign authority of the United States and that of their own ; I feel an inexpressible satisfaction, that even this behavior cannot stain the name of the American soldiery. It cannot be imputable to, or reflect dishonor on, the army at large, but, on the contrary, it will, by the striking contrast it exhibits, hold up to public view the other troops in the most advantageous point of light. On taking all the circumstances into consideration, I cannot sufficiently express my surprise and indigna tion at the arrogance, the folly, and the wickedness of the mutineers ; nor can I sufficiently admire the fidelity, the bravery and patriotism which must forever signalize the unsullied character of the other corps of our army. For when we consider that these Pennsylvania levies, who have now mutinied, are recruits, and soldiers of a day, who have not borne the heat and burden of war, and who can have in reality very few hardships to complain of; and when we at the same time recollect that those soldiers, who have lately been furloughed from this army, are the veterans who have patiently endured hunger, nakedness, and cold ; who have suffered and bled without a murmur, and who, with perfect good order, have retired to their homes, without a settlement of their accounts, or a farthing of money in their pockets, we shall be as much astonish ed at the virtues of the latter, as we are struck with horror and detes tation at the proceedings of the former." On the second of November, 1783, General Washington issued his farewell orders to the armies of the United States. After noticing a recent proclamation of Congress, he observed that it only remained to address himself for the last time to the armies of the United States, and to bid them an affectionate farewell. He remarked upon the circum stances under which the war was begun ; the signal interpositions of Providence in their behalf; and their unparalleled perseverance through eight years of every possible suffering and discouragement. His closing words were " Your general being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military charac- 7 50 WASHINGTON. ter, and to bid adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done to them here, and may the choicest of Heaven s favors, both here and hereafter, attend those, who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others ! With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed forever." The treaty of peace was signed on the twenty-third of September, and a proclamation was issued by Congress to disband the army. Painful indeed, was the parting. The old soldiers, who had been sharers for seven years in privation and suffering, were to separate under circum stances of the most distressing character. They were poor, without money or employment, and many with no other prospect than that of painful dependence or miserable penury. Though their whole military life had been a scene of want and wretchedness, it had sometimes been chequered with splendid triumphs, or at any rate had been throughout supported by an anxious excitement. That excitement was now past, for the object of their labors and sacrifices, the liberty of their common country, had been obtained. The glorious hope, that gleamed continual ly before their eyes in the battles of the revolution, had been changed into a glorious certainty, by the declaration of peace : and now that the wrongs and sufferings of their country had been vindicated, their thoughts were naturally concentrated upon their individual fortunes. There were sorrow and suffering, want and wretchedness, but no tumult, no mutiny, no disorder. They would not end a succession of generous sacrifices by a violation of their faith and their duty; but de termined to abandon their rights, rather than resort to force to recover them. The British army evacuated New- York in November, and the Ameri can troops, under General Knox, took possession of the city. Soon after, General Washington and Governor Clinton, with their suite, made their public entry into the city on horseback, followed by a procession of civil and military officers, and a large number of citizens. General festivity reigned throughout the city, and the governor made a public dinner. This was followed, a day or two afterwards, by an elegant entertain ment, given by the governor to the French ambassador, the Chevalier de la Luzerne. General Washington, the principal officers of New- York state, and of the army, and upwards of a hundred other gentlemen, were present. On Tuesday noon, the fourth of December, the principal officers of the army assembled at Francis s tavern, to take a final leave of their beloved commander-in-chief. When Washington entered the room, his emotions were too strong to be repressed or concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to the surrounding officers and said " With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Having drank, he added, " I cannot come WASHINGTON. 51 to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, in tears, grasped his hand, embraced and kissed him. In the same manner he took leave of each succeeding officer, Lincoln, and Greene, and La Fayette, and the other valiant men with whom he had been connected in hours of peril and darkness, to be rewarded with endless gratitude and glory. Every eye was moistened with tears. Not a word was spoken to inter rupt the silent solemnity of the parting. Leaving the room, Washington passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a coach was in waiting to receive him. The whole company fol lowed in mute procession, with sad and dejected countenances. On entering the barge, he turned to his companions, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent farewell. They paid him a similar mark of respect and affection, and, when they could no longer distinguish in the barge the person of their beloved commander, returned, in the same solemn manner, to the place where they had first assembled. On the disbanding of the army, Washington proceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of Congress, to resign his commission. On his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller of accounts, at Philadelphia, an account of his receipts and expenditures of public money. The whole amount that had passed through his hands, was only c14,4?9 16$. 9rf. ster ling. Nothing was charged or retained for his own services. The resignation of his command was made in a public audience. Congress received him as the guardian of his country and her liberties. He appeared there under the most affecting circumstances. The battles of a glorious war had been fought, since he first appeared before them to accept, with a becoming modesty, the command of their armies. Now the eyes of a whole nation were upon him, and the voices of a liberated people proclaimed him their preserver. 52 WASHINGTON. His resignation was communicated, in the following address, to the President of Congress : " MR. PRESIDENT, " The great events on which my resignation depended, having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands The trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from the service of my country. " Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. " While I repeat my obligations to the army in general, I should do injustice, to my own feelings, not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished merits of the persons who have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers, to compose my family, should have been more fortunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the service to fhe present moment, as worthy of the favora ble notice and patronage of Congress. "I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintendence of them to his holy keeping. "Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action; and, bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have long acted, I here offer my commission, and take leave of all the employments of public life." This address being ended, General Washington advanced, and deliver ed his commission into the hands of the President of Congress, who received it and made an appropriate reply. Having thus, of his own accord, become one of the people, the American chief hastened to his delightful residence at Mount Vernon. The feelings and emotions of Washington, on thus going into retire ment, were expressed in the following manner: " I feel as a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed, and from his house-top is looking back and tracing, with an eager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mire which lay in his way, and into which none but the All- Powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling. "I have become a private citizen on the .banks of the Potomac, and, under the shadow of my own vine and my own figtree, free from the bustle of a camp and the busy scenes of public life, I am solacing myself with those tranquil enjoyments of which the soldier, who is ever in pursuit of WASHINGTON. 53 fame the statesman, whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in devising schemes to promote the welfare of his own, perhaps the ruin of other countries, as if this globe was insufficient for us all and the courtier, who is always watching the countenance of his prince, in the hope of catching a gracious smile, can have very little conception. I have not only retired from all public employments, but am retiring within myself, and shall be able to view the solitary walk, and tread the paths of private life, with heart-felt satisfaction. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear friend, being the order of my march, I will move gently down the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers." Washington now devoted his attention, with untiring industry, to the pursuits of agriculture and the extension of inland navigation. He corresponded with the officers and influential men of all the states on the most prominent subjects of public interest and improvement. He formed a plan to render the rivers Potomac and James navigable as high as practicable, and to open such inland navigation between these waters and those west of the Ohio, as would secure the trade of the western country to Virginia and Maryland. According to this suggestion, two companies were formed for opening the navigation of these rivers; and of each, Washington consented to be the president. The legislature of Virginia directed the treasurer of the state to subscribe for one hundred and fifty shares in each company for the benefit of General Washington. This appropriation was generously made and as generously received. According to the desire of Washington, these shares were appropriated to the support of a college in the vicinity of each river. Near the close of the revolutionary war, the officers of the American army, with the view of continuing their intercourse and friendship, formed themselves into an association named the society of Cincinnati. Of the general society Washington officiated as president, from its institution in 1783 till the time of his death. By the rules of this society, the honors of it were to be hereditary in the respective families, and distinguished individuals were to be admitted as honorary members for life. These aristocratic features of the institution alarmed the community, and excited a great degree of jealousy. On full inquiry, Washington found that these objections were general, and he therefore exerted his influence among the officers, to induce them to drop the offensive part of the institution. At the annual meeting, in May, 1787, these portions were accordingly ex punged ; and the modification entirely quieted public apprehensions. The articles under which the United States originally confederated proved to be inadequate to the purposes of national government. A crisis was expected in public affairs, which would again require the personal presence and influence of Washington. His friends communicated freely with him on this subject, and his own apprehensions were deeply excited. In a letter to Mr. Jay, in 1786, he observed : " Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be is beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct ; we have probably had too good an opinion of human nature, in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not 54 WASHINGTON. adopt and carry into execution, measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner, as the authority of the state governments extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion ? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents ? By the rotation of appointments, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were not possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election ? We must take human nature as we find it ; perfection falls not to the share of mortals. " What then is to be done 1 Things cannot go on in the same strain forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme to another. To anticipate and prevent disastrous contingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. " What astonishing changes a few years are capable of producing! I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking : thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies, to verify their predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism, to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems, founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and fallacious. Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. " Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on the sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in a most solemn manner. I then, perhaps, had some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present." Illumination on the subject of enlarging the powers of Congress was gradual. A convention of delegates from the several states was proposed, for the purpose of remodelling the terms of the confederation. This convention met in Philadelphia in May, and unanimously chose George Washington their President. On the seventeenth of September, 1787, they closed their labors, and submitted the result to Congress, with the opinion that it should be submitted to a convention of delegates chosen WASHINGTON. 55 in each state by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for its assent and ratification. The constitution being accepted by eleven of the states, and measures being taken for carrying it into execution, all eyes were turned towards Washington as the most suitable person to be President of the United States. He was then fifty-seven years of age, and . in the full enjoyment of health and vigor. It would appear, however, from numerous letters written about this period, that the return into public life was to him a source of anxiety arid trouble which he would gladly have avoided. He was fond of retirement and private life. " Every personal consideration," he observed in a letter to General Lincoln, " conspires to rivet me to retirement. At my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a conviction that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that I preferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease to the good of my country. After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call Heaven to witness that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feelings and wishes that I have ever been called upon to make. It would be to forego repose and domestic enjoyment, for trouble, perhaps for public obloquy ; for I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness." Before the election came on, the expectation of Washington s appoint ment was so universal, that numerous applications were made to him for the offices of government which would be in his gift. Contemptible as such applications must always be, Washington condescended to notice them with a dignified refusal. To one applicant he wrote as follows : " Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the situation in which your letter presupposes me, I have determined to go into it perfectly free from all engagements of every nature whatsoever. A conduct in conformity to this resolution would enable me, in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with a sole reference to justice and the public good. This is in substance the answer that I have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have already been made." The official announcement of his election to the Presidency was made to General Washington on the fourteenth of April, 1789. On the second day after receiving this notice, Washington set out for New- York. The road was thronged with numbers anxious to gaze upon the hero of the revolution, and the man of the people s choice. Escorts of the militia and of gentlemen of the highest rank and character attended him from state to state, and he was every where received with the highest honors. Gray s bridge over the Schuylkill was beautifully decorated for his passage with laurels and evergreens. At each end of it splendid arches were erected, composed of laurels, and on each side was a laurel shrubbery. As Washington passed the bridge, a boy from above dropped a crown of laurel upon his brows. An immense throng of citizens lined the road from the Schuylkill to Philadelphia. Through these he was conducted 56 WASHINGTON. to the city. An elegant entertainment was there provided, and was succeeded in the evening by a display of fireworks. When Washington crossed the Delaware and landed on the Jersey shore, he was saluted with three cheers by the assembled inhabitants. When he came to the brow of the hill on his way to Trenton, he again passed through a triumphal arch ornametned with laurels and flowers. On the crown of it was displayed, in large characters, "December twenty-sixth, 1776." On the sweep of the arch beneath was inscribed, " The Defender of the Mothers will also protect the Daughters." On the north side he was met by a number of female children, dressed in white, with baskets of flowers on their arms and garlands on their heads. In the second row stood the young women, and behind them the married ladies, of the vicinity. As he passed the arch, the children began to sing the following ode. Welcome, mighty Chief! once more Welcome to this grateful shore. Now no mercenary foe Aims again the fatal blow, Aims at thee the fatal blow. Virgins fair, and matrons grave, These thy conquering arm did save, Build for thee triumphal bowers : Strew, ye fair, his way with flowers ; Strew your hero s way with flowers." .While singing the last lines, they strewed the flowers in the path of their great deliverer. How different his feelings from those experienced a few years before upon the same spot ! Then all was depression and sadness now, all joy and triumph. He was rowed across the bay to New- York by thirteen pilots in an elegant barge. All the vessels in the harbor hoisted their flags. On his landing, he was received and congratulated by the governor of the state and officers of the corporation. He was conducted to the house which had been prepared for his reception, followed by a procession of militia in WASHINGTON. 57 their uniforms, and a large number of citizens. In the evening the houses of the inhabitants were brilliantly illuminated. A day was fixed, soon after his arrival, for his taking the oath of office. It was in the following words : " I do solemnly swear, that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States; and will, to the best of my ability, pre serve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States." On this occasion he was wholly clothed in garments of American manu facture. In the morning, the different congregations assembled in their respective places of worship, and offered up prayers for the President and people of the United States. About noon, a procession moved from the President s house to Federal Hall. When they came within a short dis tance of the hall, the troops formed a line on both sides of the way, through which, accompanied by the Vice-President, Mr. John Adams, Washington passed into the senate chamber. Immediately after, with the two houses of Congress, he went into a gallery fronting on Broad- street, and, before an immense throng of citizens, took the oath prescribed by the constitution. It was administered by Mr. Livingston, the chan cellor of the state of New- York. A solemn silence prevailed during the ceremony. The chancellor then proclaimed him President of the United States. This was answered by the discharge of cannon, and the joyful shouts of assembled thousands. The President bowed most respectfully to the people, and retired to the senate chamber in the midst of their acclamations. After delivering an address to Congress and receiving their reply, the President attended divine service in their company. In the evening there was a very ingenious and brilliant exhibition of fireworks. A transparent painting was displayed, in the centre of which was the por trait of the President, represented under the image of Fortitude. On his right hand was Justice, and on his left Wisdom ; emblematic of the Senate and House of Representatives. Thus concluded the ceremonies of the first presidential inauguration. When Washington commenced his administration, the situation of the United States was highly critical. There were no funds in the treasury, and large debts were due upon every side. The party in opposition to the new constitution was numerous, and several members of this party had been elected to seats in the new Congress. Two of the states for a while refused to accept the constitution, and were, consequently, beyond the reach of its power. The relations of the general government with foreign nations were very unsettled. Animosities raged with considera ble violence between the United States and Great Britain. Each charged the other with a violation of the late treaty of peace. Difficulties occurred with Spain in respect to the navigation of the Mississippi, and the boundaries of the states towards the Spanish territories in the South. Fifteen hundred of the northern Indians were at open war with the United States ; the Creeks in the southwest, who could bring six thou sand fighting men into the field, were at war with Georgia. Congress having organized the great departments of government, it became the duty of the President to designate proper persons to fill them. 8 58 WASHINGTON. Washington looked round with care and impartiality to fill these posts to his own satisfaction, and to that of the people. He accordingly placed Colonel Hamilton at the head of the Treasury department ; General Knox in the department of War ; Mr. Jefferson at the head of the depart ment of Foreign Affairs ; and Mr. Edmund Randolph in the office of Attorney General. It was among the first measures of Washington to make peace with the Indians, and commissioners were appointed for this purpose. General Lincoln, Mr. Griffin, and Colonel Humphreys, were deputed to treat with the Creek nation. They met M Gillivray, their chief, with other chiefs, and about two thousand of the tribe, at Rock Landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. The negotiation was suddenly broken oft by M Gillivray, on the pretence of a dispute about the boundaries, but in reality, through the influence of the Spanish government. A second mission proved more successful. A number of the Creek chiefs were induced to visit New-York, where a conference was held, and a treaty soon established. The attempt to effect a peace with the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamies, did not terminate with like success. In con sequence of this, the President, in September, 1791, despatched General Harmer into the Indian territories, with orders to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. This general was defeated, as was also Major General St. Clair. The final conquest of these tribes was effected in 1794, by General Wayne ; and soon after that event, a peace was concluded between the Indians and the United States. By skilful and prudent management, all the difficulties with Spain were amicably settled ; but much greater difficulties stood in the way of a peace ful adjustment of controversies with Great Britain. In the first years of his Presidency, Washington took informal measures to ascertain the views of the British cabinet respecting the United States. This business was intrusted to Mr. Governeur Morris, who conducted it with great ability, but found no disposition to accede to the wishes of our government. In two years from that time, the British, of their own accord, sent their first Minister to the United States, and the President, in return, nominated Mr. Thomas Pinckney as the Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of Great Britain. About this time war commenced between France and Great Britain. The correct and mature judgment of Washington immediately decided that the proper position of the United States was that of perfect neutrality. A strong disposition existed in the people to favor the cause of France. The benefits that had been conferred upon them by that gallant nation during the revolutionary struggle were fresh in their remembrance. A feeling still existed of resentment towards England, for the oppression which had led to the war, and the miseries that attended it. To compel the observance of neutrality, under these circumstances, was a task that required all the influence and popularity of Washington. Motions were made in Congress for sequestrating debts due to British subjects ; to enter into commercial hostility with Great Britain, and even to interdict, all intercourse with her till she pursued other measures with respect to the United States. Every thing threatened immediate war. In this WASHINGTON. 59 state of affairs, the President, in April, 1794, nominated John Jay, Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Great Britain. By this measure an adjust ment of the points in dispute between the two nations was happily effected, and the result of the mission was a treaty of peace. This was pronounced by Mr. Jay to be the best that was .attainable, and one which he believed it for the interest of the United States to accept. While this treaty was under the consideration of the Senate, a copy of it was furnished to the editor of a newspaper, in violation of the laws of that body. The publication of this document at once rekindled the smothered passions of the people, and meetings were held in all the large cities, to pronounce the treaty unworthy of acceptance and to peti tion the President to refuse his signature to so obnoxious an instrument. These agitations were naturally the source of much anxiety to Washing ton, but they did not cause him to swerve for a moment from the true path of his duty. He regretted that the treaty was so generally unpopular, but determined to ratify it, as the only alternative with war. His policy was always peace, if it can be preserved with honor. In a letter to General Knox, he observes on this subject : " Next to a conscientious discharge of my public duties, to carry along with me the approbation of my constituents, would be the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible. But the latter being secondary, I cannot make the former yield to it, unless some criterion more infallible than partial (if they are not party) meetings, can be discovered as the touchstone of public senti ment. If any person on earth could, or the Great Power above would, erect the standard of infallibility in political opinions, no being that inhabits this terrestrial globe would resort to it with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have hitherto found no better guide than upright intentions, and close investi gation, I shall adhere to them while I keep the watch." Difficult as it was to decide upon the proper policy to be pursued towards England, it was even more embarrassing in respect to France. The attachment to the French interests was much increased by the arrival of M. Genet, the first Minister Plenipotentiary from the republic of France to the United States. Encouraged by the indications of good wishes for the success of the French revolution, this gentleman under took to authorize the fitting and arming of vessels, enlisting men, and giving commissions to vessels to cruise and commit hostilities on nations with whom the United States were at peace. The British minister complained against these proceedings, and the American government disapproved of them. Still, however, the people continued enthusiastic in the cause of their old allies. At civic festivals, the ensigns of France were displayed in union with those of America, the cap of liberty passed from head to head, and toasts were given expressive of the fraternity of the two nations. To preserve neutrality at such a crisis was a matter of much difficulty, but Washington resolved, at every hazard, to adhere to the principle that the United States would hold all mankind enemies in war, and friends in peace. He at length decided to request the recall of M. Genet, and soon had the satisfaction to learn that the course this gentleman had pursued was entirely disapproved by his own government. 60 WASHINGTON. The successors of Genet followed in his steps, but with less violence. With a view to reconcile all difficulties, Washington appointed General Pinckney, Minister Plenipotentiary to the French republic. From this mission he anticipated an adjustment of all points in dispute, but the Directory announced their haughty determination not to receive another Minister from the United States, until after a redress of grievances which the French republic had a right to expect from the American government. Before the result of the mission was known, Washington had ceased to be President of the United States. Having served through eight years of doubt and difficulty, and having brought all the affairs of great public interest into a fair train for equitable adjustment, and being far advanced in life, he announced his intention of declining a re-election in full time for the people to fix upon a successor. His resignation was announced to the people of the United States, in an address which every true lover of his country must be willing to adopt as his political text book. The following passages speak with peculiar force to us at all periods of political and sectional excitement : " The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresre, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in vour minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in y nr politic:^ fortress against which the batteries of internal and externa 1 enemies will be mot constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of innnite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it, accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. " For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together ; the independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts of common dangers, suffer ings, and successes." * * To the efficacy and per manency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable. WASHINGTON. 61 No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interrup tions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation ; completely free in its principles ; in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendments, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish a government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government." " Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration I am unconscious of intentiona.1 error ; I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that after forty-five years of my life, dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. " Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. " UNITED STATES, September 17, 1796." This valedictory address was received in every part of the Union with the most unbounded admiration. Shortly after its promulgation, the President met the National Legislature in the senate chamber for the last time. His address on the occasion touched upon the most important topics that were then in agitation. In the course of it he recommended the establishment of national works for manufacturing implements of defence ; of an institution for the improvement of agriculture ; and pointed out the advantages of a military academy, of a national university ; and the necessity of augmenting the salaries of the officers of the United States. He concluded in the following words : " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of 62 WASHINGTON. the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced ; and I cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent suppli cations to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of nations, that his providential care may still be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved , and that the government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual." On the day preceding the termination of his office, in a letter to General Knox, he compared himself to a weary traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his body thereon. " Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without regret at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these, be assured, you are one." The numerous calumnies which assailed him never but once drew forth his public notice. A volume had been published by the British, in the year 1776, consisting of letters which they attributed to General Wash ington. It was the object of this publication to produce impressions unfavorable to the integrity and character of the commander-in-chief. When the first edition of this forgery had been forgotten, it was repub- lished, during his Presidency, by some citizens who differed from him in politics. On the morning of the last day of his office, Washington addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, in which he enumerated the facts and dates connected with the forgery, and declared that he had hitherto thought it unnecessary to take a formal notice of the imposition. In this letter he solemnly declared that the correspondence was entirely a base forgery, and that he never saw or heard of it till it appeared in print. He requested that his letter upon the subject should be deposited in the office of the department of state, to be a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity. The time had now come when his own official power was to cease, and that of his successor, John Adams, was to commence. The old and new Presidents walked together to the house of representatives, where the oath of office was administered. Mr. Adams concluded his address upon the occasion, by an impressive allusion to his predecessor, in observing, that though about to retire, " his name may still be .a rampart, and the knowledge that he lives a bulwark, against all open or secret enemies of his country." Washington rejoiced that the way was open for his return to the happiness of domestic and private life. After paying his respects to the new President, he immediately set out for Mount Vernon. He was desirous of travelling privately, but it was impossible. Wherever he passed, crowds came out to meet him and testify their respect for him. In his retirement he resumed his agricultural pursuits; and, in the society of his private friends, looked for a quiet ending to an active arid anxious life. He still, however, continued interested in public affairs, and heard, with regret, the insults offered to the United States by the French Directory. These injuries at length obliged our government to adopt WASHINGTON. 63 vigorous measures. Congress authorized the formation of a regular army, and all eyes were turned upon Washington as its commander. President Adams nominated Washington to the chief command of the armies of the United States, with the rank of lieutenant general. To the letter, sent with the commission to Mount Vernon, Washington replied in a letter which concluded as follows ; " Feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description to contribute at all times to his country s welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened, I have finally deter mined to accept the commission of commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States ; with the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. In making this reservation, I beg it to be understood that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to arrange and organize the army, which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty, also, to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any immediate charge upon the public ; or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the ap pointment, before entering into a situation to incur expense." After the receipt of this appointment, Washington divided his time between agricultural pursuits and the organization of the army. He always thought an actual invasion of the country very improbable, but he made arrangements to repel it at the water s edge. No sooner had these warlike preparations been made, than France signified her desire for a peaceful accommodation. Mr. Adams immediately sent three envoys extraordinary to negotiate with the French republic. On repairing to France, they found the Directory overthrown, and the government in the hands of Bonaparte. With him negotiations were immediately com menced, and terminated in a peaceful arrangement of all difficulties. Washington, however, did not live to participate in the general joy which this event occasioned. On the twelfth of December, 1799, Washington rode out in the morn ing to his farms. The weather soon became very cold, and there was an alternate fall of rain, hail, and snow. He did not return till past three, when he went to dinner without changing his dress. In the evening he appeared as well as usual. On the next day, there was a heavy fall of snow, which prevented him from riding out as usual. He had taken cold from his exposure the day before, and complained of having a sore throat. His hoarseness increased towards evening, but he took no remedy for it, observing, as he would never take any thing to carry off a cold, " Let it go as it came." On Saturday morning he was very seri ously unwell, and a physician was sent for to bleed him. Finding that no relief was obtained from bleeding, and that he was entirely unable to swallow any thing, his attendants bathed his throat externally with sal volatile. A piece of flannel was then put round his neck, and his feet were soaked in warm water. It was impossible to procure any relief. Several physicians were immediately sent for, and various remedies resorted to without effect. Between five and six o clock in the afternoon, his physicians came to his bedside, and Dr. Craik asked him if he would 64 WASHINGTON. sit up in the bed. He held out his hands, and was raised up, when he said " I feel myself going ; you had better not take any more trouble about me, but let me go off quietly ; I cannot last long." They found what had been done was without effect ; he laid down again, and all except Dr. Craik retired. He then said to him, " Doctor, I die hard, but I am not afraid to go ; I Relieved, from my first attack, I should not survive it; my breath cannot last long." The doctor pressed his hand, but could not utter a word ; he retired from the bedside, and sat by the fire, absorbed in grief. About ten o clock he made several attempts to speak before he could effect it. He at length said, "I am just going. Have me decently buried ; and do not let my body be put in the vault in less than two days after I am dead." His attending physician bowed assent. He looked at him again and said, " Do you understand me ?" The reply was, " Yes, sir." Washington answered, " Tis well." About ten minutes before he expired, his breathing became much easier, he lay quietly, and he withdrew his hand from the physician to feel his own pulse. His hand fell from the wrist. Dr. Craik placed his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh. While the physicians and attendants were standing fixed in silent grief, Mrs. Washington asked, in a firm and collected voice, " Is he gone?" When intelligence of the death of Washington reached Congress, they immediately adjourned until the next day. Mr. John Marshall, since chief justice of the United States, then delivered a short and impressive speech to the house of representatives ; and the senate addressed a letter to the President. To this letter Mr. Adams returned an answer, which concluded in the following words : " The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that character and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. " Malice could never blast his honor, and envy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had lived long enough to life and to glory ; for his fellow-citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Providence over the passions of men and the results of their actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resignation. " His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians." Congress passed a series of resolutions, in which it was determined that a marble monument should be erected by the United States, at the WASHINGTON. 65 capitol of the city of Washington, to commemorate the great events of the military and political life of the late President. It was also deter mined that there should be a funeral oration and procession, and that it should be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on their left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. When the resolution of Congress that she should be requested to permit the remains of her husband to be deposited under a marble monument, to be erected at the capitol, was communicated to Mrs. Washington, she replied in the following language : " Taught by the great example which I have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the public will, I must consent to the request made by Congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of public duty." Information of the death of Washington was received in every part of the states with expressions of regret, and called forth sentiments of the highest veneration for his memory. Legislative bodies, civil corporations, colleges, and all other societies of importance formed funeral processions and attended upon prayers, eulogies and orations in his honor. The resolution of Congress respecting the monument has not been carried into execution. An appropriation for this purpose was opposed, as an improper use of the public money ; the reason assigned for objecting to the measure was that the only fit monument of Washington was in the gratitude and veneration of his countrymen. It has been difficult to interrupt the narrative of public and important matters, by the introduction of those apparently unimportant anecdotes, which sometimes, more than any thing else, make us familiar with the character of a great man. Those which follow have been collected from a variety of sources, and we believe to be generally well authenticated. When General Washington had closed his career in the French and Indian war, and had become a member of the House of Burgesses, the Speaker, Robinson, was directed, by a vote of the house, to return their thanks to that gentleman, on behalf of the colony, for the distinguished military services which he had rendered to his country. As soon as Washington took his seat, Mr. Robinson, in obedience to his order, and following the impulse of his own generous and grateful heart, discharged this duty with great dignity ; but with such warmth of coloring and strength of expression, as entirely confounded the young hero. He rose to express his acknowledgments for the honor ; but such was his trepida tion and confusion, that he could not give distinct utterance to a single syllable. He blushed, stammered, and trembled, for a second ; when the Speaker relieved him, by a stroke of address, that would have done honor to Louis XIV. in his proudest and happiest moments. " Sit down, Mr. Washington," said he, with a conciliating smile ; " your modesty is equal to your valor ; and that surpasses the power of any language that I possess." In the town of , in Connecticut, where the roads were extremely rough, Washington was overtaken by night, on Saturday, not being able to reach the village where he designed to rest on the Sabbath. Next morning, about sunrise, his coach was harnessed, and he was 9 66 WASHINGTON. proceeding forward to an inn, near the place of worship, which he pro posed to attend. A plain man, who was an informing officer, came from a cottage, and inquired of the coachman whether there was any urgent reasons for his travelling on the Lord s day. The General, instead of resenting this as an impertinent rudeness, ordered the coachman to stop, and with great civility explained the circumstances to the officer, commending him for his fidelity ; and assured him that nothing was farther from his intention, than to treat with disrespect the laws and usages of Connecticut, relative to the Sabbath, which met with his most cordial approbation. Washington accomplished the most of his great work with ap parent ease, by a rigid observance of punctuality. It is known that whenever he assigned to meet Congress at noon, he never failed to be passing the door of the hall when the clock struck twelve. His dining hour was four, when he always sat down to his table, only allowing five minutes for the variation of timepieces, whether his guests were present or not. It was frequently the case with new members of Congress, that they did not arrive until dinner was nearly half over, and he would re mark, " Gentlemen, we are punctual here ; my cook never asks whether the company has arrived, but whether the hour has." When he visited Boston in 1789, he appointed eight o clock in the morning as the hour when he should set out for Salem, and while the Old South clock was striking eight, he was crossing his saddle. The company of cavalry which volunteered to escort him, not anticipating this strict punctuality, were parading in Tremont-street, after his departure ; and it was not until the President had reached Charles river bridge, where he stopped a few minutes, that the troop of horse overtook him. On passing the corps, the President with perfect good nature said : " Major , I thought you had been too long in my family, not to know when it was eight o clock." The following anecdote was related by Captain Pease, the father of the stage establishment in the United States. He had purchased a beautiful pair of horses, which he wished to dispose of to the President, who he knew was an excellent judge of horses. The President appointed five o clock in the morning to examine them at his stable. The captain thinking the hoar was too early for so great a man to be stirring, did not arrive with the horses until a quarter after five, when he was told by the groom that the President was there at five, and was then fulfilling other engagements. Pease was much mortified, and called on Major Jackson, the Secretary, to apologize for his delay, and to request the President to appoint some new time ; and he added that he found the President s time was wholly preoccupied for several days, arid that he was compelled to stay a week in Philadelphia before the examination took place, merely for delaying the first quarter of an hour. Major Ferguson, who commanded a rifle corps a day or two previous to the battle of Brandy wine, was the hero of a very singular accident, which he thus describes in a letter to a friend. It illustrates, in a most forcible manner, the overruling hand of Providence in directing the operations of a man s mind, in moments when he is least aware of it. WASHINGTON. 67 " We had not lain long, when a rebel officer, remarkable by a hussar dress, pressed toward our army, within a hundred yards of my right flank, not perceiving us. He was followed by another, dressed in dark green and blue, mounted on a bay horse, with a remarkable high cocked hat. I ordered three good shots to steal near and fire at them ; but the idea disgusting me, I recalled the order. The hussar, in returning, made a circuit, but the other passed within a hundred yards of us ; upon which, I advanced from the woods towards him. Upon my calling, he stopped ; but after looking at me, proceeded. I again drew his attention, and made signs to him to stop, levelling my piece at him ; but he slowly cantered away. By quick firing, I could have lodged half a dozen balls in, or about him, before he was out of my reach. I had only to deter mine ; but it was not pleasant to fire at the back of an unoffending individual, who was very coolly acquitting himself of his duty ; so I let him alone. " The next day the surgeon told me that the wounded rebel officers informed him that General Washington was all the morning with the light troops, and only attended by a French officer in a hussar dress, he himself dressed and mounted as I have above described. I am not sorry that I did not know who it was at the time." It is now settled as a fact beyond dispute, that General Gates was connected with General Lee in a conspiracy to supersede the illustrious Washington. The commander-in-chief was well aware of the means they used to deprive him of the affections of the army, and the confidence of the people. How he sought revenge, is shown in the following anecdote : " I found General Gates traversing the apartment under the influence of high excitement. His agitation was excessive every feature of his countenance, every gesture, betrayed it. He had been charged with unskilful management at the battle of Camden, and he had just received official despatches, informing him that the command was transferred to General Greene. His countenance betrayed no resentment, however ; it was sensibility alone that caused his emotion. He held an open letter in his hand, which he often raised to his lips, and kissed with devotion, while he repeatedly exclaimed Great man! Noble, generous proce dure! When the tumult of his mind had a little subsided, with strong expressions of feeling, he said, I have this day received a communica tion from the commander-in-chief, which has conveyed more consolation to my bosom, more ineffable delight to my heart, than I believed it possible for it ever to have felt again. With affectionate tenderness, he sympathizes with me in my domestic misfortunes, and condoles with me on the loss I have sustained in the recent death of my only son ; and then, with peculiar delicacy, lamenting my misfortune in battle, assures me that his confidence in my zeal and capacity is so little impaired, that the command of the right wing of the army will be bestowed on me, as soon as I can make it convenient to join him. ; Washington entertained a very deep respect and friendship for General Knox, and always kept him near his own person. After the defeat of Gates army, at Camden, General Greene was offered the arduous 68 WASHINGTON. command of the southern department. The quaker General, with his usual modesty, replied, " Knox is the man for that difficult undertaking ; all obstacles vanish before him; his resources are infinite." " True," answered Washington, " and therefore I cannot part with him." While the American army, under the command of Washington, lay encamped in the environs of Morristown, New-Jersey, it occurred that the service of the communion (there observed semi-annually only,) was to be administered in the Presbyterian Church of the village. In a morning of the previous week, the General, after his accustomed inspec tion of the camp, visited the house of the Rev. Dr. Jones, then pastor of that church, and after the usual preliminaries, thus accosted him. " Doctor, I understand that the Lord s supper is to be celebrated with you next Sunday ; I would learn if it accords with the canons of your church to admit communicants of another denomination ?" The Doctor rejoined " Most certainly : ours is not the Presbyterian table, General, but the Lord s table ; and we hence give the Lord s invitation to all his followers, of whatever name." The General replied, " I arn glad of it : that is as it ought to be ; but as I was not quite sure of the fact, I thought I would ascertain it from yourself, as I propose to join with you on that occasion. Though a member of the Church of England, I have no exclusive partialities." The Doctor reassured him of a cordial welcome, and the General was found seated with the communicants the next Sabbath. Shortly after his election to the Presidency of the United States, General Washington, his lady, and secretary, Major Jackson, on their way from the seat of government to Mount Vernon, stopped for the night at Chester. The President had scarcely arrived, and expressed a wish not to be disturbed, when a message was brought that an old gentleman, once honored with his favor and protection, requested permission to pay his respects, adding, that his name was Lydick. " Let him enter, by all means," said the President ; " he is the man, Major Jackson, who, at the hazard of his life, entered New- York, while in possession of the enemy, for the purpose of distributing among the German troops, proclamations, inviting them to our standard ; and who, afterwards, superintended, for many years, our baking establishment with zeal and diligence." As the old man entered, the General, taking him kindly by the hand, said " My worthy friend, I am rejoiced to see you, and truly happy to express my thanks to a man to whom I feel myself under great obligation. You ever served your country with exemplary fidelity, and her warmest gratitude is richly your due." " Such praise from my beloved commander," replied Lydick, " is high reward. I shall now go to my grave in peace, since it has been my happiness once again to meet and pay my duty to your Excellency." The person of Washington was unusually tall, erect, and well propor tioned. His muscular strength was very great. His features were of a beautiful symmetry. He commanded respect without any appearance of haughtiness, and was ever serious without being sullen or dull. " It is natural," says Dr. Thacher, " to view with keen attention the countenance of an illustrious man, with a secret hope of discovering in his features some peculiar traces of the excellence which distinguishes him from and WASHINGTON. 69 olevates him above his fellow mortals. These expectations are realized, .n a peculiar manner, in viewing the person of General Washington. His tall and noble stature and just proportions, his fine, cheerful, open coun tenance, simple and modest deportment, are all calculated to interest every beholder in his favor, and to command veneration and respect. He is feared even when silent, and beloved even while we are unconscious of the motive." Of the character of Washington it is impossible to speak but in terms of the highest respect and admiration. The more that we see of the operations of our government, and the more deeply we feel the difficulty of uniting all opinions in a common interest, the more highly we must estimate the force of the talent and character which have been able to challenge the reverence of all parties, and principles., and nations, and to win a fame as extended as the limit of the globe, and which we cannot but believe will be as lasting as the existence of man. JOHN ADAMS. JOHN ADAMS was born at Quincy, in Massachusetts, on the nineteenth day of October, (Old Style,) 1735, of John and Susannah Boylston Adams. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who, to quote the inscription upon his tombstone, "took his flight from the dragon perse cution, in Devonshire, England, and alighted with eight sons near Mount Wollaston." He early gave proof of superior abilities, and he enjoyed the best advantages for their cultivation, which the country afforded. He entered Harvard College in 1751, and was graduated in four years after wards. His course in the University was creditable to his character and talents, and after completing it, he, like most of the distinguished men in New-England, from the earliest times to the present day, engaged for a time in the employment of teaching. He instructed in the grammar school in Worcester, and at the same time studied law with Mr. Putnam, a lawyer of considerable eminence in that town. In 1758, he was ad mitted to the bar, and commenced the practice of his profession in Brain- tree, his native town, and his success was soon made certain by the ability with which he argued a criminal cause before a jury in Plymouth. In 1759, he was admitted into the bar of Suffolk, at the request of Jeremy Gridley, the Attorney General of the province, and of the highest emi nence in his profession. Mr. Gridley was the active friend and patron of Adams, and had also been the instructer in law of the celebrated James Otis ; and, proud of these highly promising young men, he was wont to say, "that he had raised two young eagles, who were, one day or other, to peck out his eyes." In compliance with his advice, Mr. Adams applied himself diligently to the study of the civil law, which was not much known to the lawyers at that time. In 1761, he was admitted to the de gree of barrister of law, and succeeded, by the death of his father, to a small landed estate. The same year was made memorable by an event, preg nant with the most important results to the country, and which awakened the most enthusiastic flame of patriotism in the breast of Mr. Adams. For many years the feelings between the mother country and the colonies, particularly that of Massachusetts, had been any other than those of good-will and mutual confidence. The Parliament viewed with a jealous eye their rapidly increasing wealth and population, and began to interfere with their external and internal relations, in a manner that roused the old puritan spirit of resistance. The colonies regarded them selves as under the immediate protection and patronage of the King, and denied the power of the Parliament, a body in which they were not repre sented, to violate their charters, or to impose any restraints upon the employment of their industry and capital. These feelings of ill-will, 72 ADAMS. though apparent to all sagacious observers, did not lead to any overt act of resistance till 1761. An order of council had been passed in Great Britain, ordering the officers of the customs in Massachusetts Bay, to execute the acts of trade. The custom-house officers, in order that they might fully perform this duty, petitioned the Supreme Court, to grant " writs of assistance, according to the usage of the Court of Exchequer in England, which authorized those who held them to enter houses, &c. in search of goods liable to duty. This created a great excitement, and the right to grant them was strenuously denied. Its legality was made the subject of a trial. Mr. Gridley, the King s Attorney General, argued in support of the power of the court, and he was opposed by the celebrated James Otis, a man of splendid abilities and ardent patriotism, at that time, in the prime of life, and the full blaze of his reputation. His speech was a magni ficent display of eloquence, argument, and learning. And Mr. Adams, who heard it, has recorded his impressions of it, in his glowing and peculiar language. "Otis," says he, "was a flame of fire! With a promptitude of classical allusion, a depth of research, a rapid summary of historical events and dates, a profusion of legal authorities, a prophetic glance of his eyes into futurity, a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American Independence was then and there born ; every man of an immensely crowded audience, appeared to me to go away ready to take up arms against writs of assistance." On another occasion, he says of the same speech, " that James Otis, then and there, breathed into this nation the breath of life." The court decided against the legality of the writs, but it is generall* supposed that they were issued clandestinely. In 1764, Mr. Adams married Abigail, daughter of the Rev. Williar" Smith, of Weymouth, and few men have been so fortunate in their choice, or so happy in their domestic relations. Mrs. Adams was a woman of great personal beauty, and strength of character, with a highly cultivated mind, and the most feminine sweetness of disposition. She sympathized with her husband, in his patriotic enthusiasm, was the con fidant of all his plans and feelings ; cheered and supported him in his hours of trial, and submitted, without repining, to the long separations, which his duty to the public rendered necessary. In 1765, the British ministry, with what now seems a providential infatuation, passed the memorable stamp act, by which stamped paper was required to be used in all legal instruments, and imposing a tax upon it, by which a large amount was to be raised in the colonies. A flame of opposition blazed out immediately throughout the whole country. The right of Parliament to lay the tax was denied, pamphlets were written against it, the newspapers contested it, town-meetings were held, and the most spirited resolutions passed. The men who took the lead in the opposition, were Patrick Henry, of Virginia, and James Otis, who was powerfully supported by Mr. Adams. These two last gentlemen, together with Mr. Gridley, appeared before the Governor and Council, and argued that the courts should administer justice without stamped paper. About this time he gave to the world, his first printed performance, ADAMS. 73 his " Dissertation on the Canon and Feudal Law." The object of this work, was to show the absurdity and tyranny of the monarchical and aristocratic institutions of the old world, and, in particular, the mischie vous principles of the canon and feudal law. He contends that the New-England settlers had been induced to cross the ocean to escape the tyranny of church and state, and that they had laid the foundations of their government in reason, justice, and a respect for the rights of humanity. It exhorts his countrymen not to fall short of these noble sentiments of their fathers, and to sacrifice any thing rather than liberty and honor. " The whole tone of the essay is so raised and bold," says Mr. Wirt, "that it sounds like a trumpet-call to arms." It was much read and admired in America and Europe, and was pronounced by Mr. Hollis, of London, to be the best American work which had crossed the Atlantic. In 1766, he removed his residence to Boston, to reap the more abun dant harvest of professional honor and emolument which the capital afforded, but still continued his attendance on the neighboring circuits. The stamp act was opposed throughout the colonies, with such spirit and unanimity, that on the tenth of March, 1766, it was repealed ; but still the British cabinet, notwithstanding the eloquent remonstrances of Burke and Chatham, would not give up the idea of raising a revenue in Ame rica, and the repeal act was accompanied by a declaratory act, in which it was asserted, " that the Parliament had, and of right ought to have, power to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever." In the next year, a law was passed, laying duties in the British colonies, on glass, paper, painters colors, and tea. These proceedings, coupled with the declara tion above-mentioned, raised a new storm in the colonies, who were determined to resist the tax, and to extort from the British ministry the acknowledgment that they had no right to tax them. The town of Bos ton had, also, its peculiar sources of irritation and dislike to the mother country. It had always been considered as taking the lead in the opposition, and in order to overawe the inhabitants, some armed vessels were stationed in the harbor, and two regiments of foot were quartered in the town. During these troubled times, Mr. Adams was zealous and unremitting in asserting the rights of his country. The value and importance of his services in behalf of liberty, may be estimated by the fact that the crown officers thought him worthy of being purchased by a high price. They offered to him the place of Advocate General in the Court of Admiralty, a very lucrative office at that time, and a steppingstone to still higher ones But as he could not accept it, without abandoning his friends and princi ples, he declined it, as he himself says, " decidedly and peremptorily, though respectfully." In 1769, he was the chairman of a committee, consisting of himself, Richard Dana and Joseph Warren, chosen by the citizens of Boston, to prepare instructions to their representatives to resist the encroachments of the British government. These were conceived in a bold tone of spirited remonstrance, and particularly urged the removal of the troops from Boston. 10 74 ADAMS. But the soldiers still continued in town, and this gave rise to an inci dent, which was highly honorable to the professional firmness and moral courage of Mr. Adams. The inhabitants looked with an evil eye upon the soldiers. Squabbles were perpetually taking place between them, and on the fifth of March, 1770, a bloody affray occurred in State-street, in which five citizens were killed and many others wounded. This is commonly called the Boston massacre, about which it is almost impossible to learn the exact truth, even at this day, or to settle the amount of blame which ought to be attached to both parties. The town was thrown into a most violent ferment, as may well be supposed, and nothing but the most active exertions of the leading men prevented the populace from rising en masse, and putting to death every man who wore a red coat. The inhabitants assembled in town-meeting and chose a committee, of which Samuel Adams was the chairman, to present a remonstrance to the Governor, with a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. The state of popular feeling is well described in the words of John Adarns himself. "Not only the immense assemblies of the people from day to day, but military arrangements. from night to night, were necessary to keep the people and the soldiers from getting together by the ears. The life of a red coat would not have been safe in any street or corner of the town. Nor would the lives of the inhabitants been much more secure. The whole militia of the city was in requisition, and mili tary watches and guards were every where placed. We were all upon a level, no man was exempted ; our military officers were our only supe- riors> I had the honor to be summoned in my turn, and attended at the state-house with my musket and bayonet, rny broadsword and cartridge- box, under the command of the famous Paddock. I know you will laugh at my military figure, but I believe there was not a more obedient soldier in the regiment, nor one more impartial between the people and the regulars. In this character, I was upon duty all night upon my turn." The Governor did not attempt to stem the current of popular feeling, but the soldiers were sent to the castle, and Captain Preston, the com manding officer, and some of the privates, were arrested and held for trial. Mr. Adams was applied to, to be their counsel. This request placed him in an embarrassing situation. The people were clamorous against the criminals, and demanded their blood with one voice ; and any man who appeared in their defence, was in danger of losing his popularity and influence with them ; and Mr. Adams, who had been so zealous a champion in the popular cause, ran the risk of being accused of deserting his former principles, and becoming the advocate of tyranny. But these considerations had no weight with him. His life was ordered in obedi ence to duty, and his conduct was never influenced by the hope of gaining, or the fear of losing, the favor of the people. He undertook the defence without any hesitation, and Josiah Quincy, Jr., another eminent patriot, was associated with him. The result of the trial was, in the highest degree, honorable to the community. Captain Preston was ac quitted by a jury, chosen from the exasperated inhabitants of the town, and his counsel, who defended him with great ability and eloquence, lost nothing in their good opinion by their resolute performance of their ADAMS. 7o defence without any hesitation, and Josiah Quincy, Jr., another eminent patriot, was associated with him. The result of the trial was, in the highest degree, honorable to the community. Captain Preston was ac quitted by a jury, chosen from the exasperated inhabitants of the town, and his counsel, who defended him with great ability and eloquence, lost nothing in their good opinion by their resolute performance of their pro fessional duty. Such incidents as these show us the exalted motives, and the sublime sense of right and justice, which influenced the men of the revolution, and of the dark days that preceded it. Mr. Adams was chosen, in the same year, one of the representatives in the General Assembly. The session which ensued was signalized by an obstinate contest with Lieutenant Governor Hutchinson, as to whether the General Court should be held in Cambridge, where Governor Bar nard had removed it, or in Boston, the usual place. Mr. Adams was one of a committee chosen to remonstrate with the acting Governor on his changing the place of assembly, to gratify the wishes of his Majesty s ministers ; and their eloquent appeal to him, probably proceeded from his pen. But the Lieutenant (and acting) Governor was determined not to go to Boston, of whose bold and spirited population, he stood in no little awe. Urged by the necessity of the times, the members proceeded to transact business at Cambridge, protesting, however, against the restraint they were under. In 1772, the ministers introduced a regulation, by which the salaries of the judges were paid in such a manner, as rendered them wholly de pendent upon, and subservient to, the crown. This excited great offence, and gave rise to a controversy in the public papers, between William Brattle, the senior member of the council, on one side, and Mr. Adams, on the other. Mr. Adams numbers were learned and able, and com municated much useful information to the people. These essays were published in the Boston Gazette, of February, 1773, under his proper signature. When the General Court met in January, 1773, Hutchinson, who had been appointed Governor, made a very injudicious and violent speech to the two houses, on the supremacy of Parliament, and the impolicy of resisting it. To their reply, he made an elaborate rejoinder, and the sense in which Mr. Adams was held, may be learned from the fact, that, though not a member, he was called upon to furnish a reply. He pro duced an eloquent and argumentative dissertation, remarkable both for the beauty of its style and the cogency of its reasoning. It was repub- lished by Dr. Franklin, in England, as the ablest exposition of colonial affairs that had appeared. Soon after this, he was chosen a member of the Assembly, and nomi nated by them on their list of Councillors, but his name was erased by Governor Hutchinson, and the same compliment was paid him the next year by Governor Gage. The act of 1767, which granted duties in the British colonies on glass, paper, painters colors, and tea, had been repealed as to all the articles except tea, and, in consequence, associations were formed in all the colonies, to discourage the use of it. Large shipments of it were made to 76 ADAMS. The consignees were prevailed upon to send it back to England, but the custom-house officers refused a clearance. The patience of the inhabitants became quite exhausted, and on the evening of the fifteenth of December, a band of them, amounting to between seventy and eighty in number, went quietly down to the wharf, boarded the vessels, hoisted the chests upon deck, and emptied their contents into the sea. A consideration of the circumstances of the times exalts this seeming frolic into an act of the most sublime daring. It was the first open act of rebellion. It was the throwing the gauntlet of defiance to the mother country. It removed all chances of recon ciliation, and rendered an appeal to arms inevitable.* The British ministry were highly incensed at this outrage, and deter mined to visit it with signal punishment. An act was passed for closing the port of Boston, which is commonly called the Boston Port Bill. This was a deadly blow to the prosperity of the place, and the inhabitants looked anxiously to the sister colonies for aid in carrying on the contest. They resolved to make application to them to refuse all importations from Great Britain ; they sent agents among them to ascertain their views, and to persuade them to the adoption of their own sentiments. Among these was a plan for a general Congress, deeming that the condition of the colonies was such as to require the most vigorous and united mea sures. To this Congress they chose five delegates, James Bowdoin, Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and Robert Treat Paine. While the General Court were engaged in the discussion of these impor tant measures, and electing the delegates, Governor Gage, having been informed of what was passing, sent his secretary with a message dis solving them. But he found the doors locked, and was resolutely refused admission. The secretary, by the Governor s orders, came to the door of the room, and read a proclamation for dissolving the assembly. This was the close of the power of England in and over Massachusetts. From that moment she was, to all intents and purposes, an independent state. An interesting incident is related, as having happened to Mr. Adams at this time, and which is valuable, as illustrating the state of his feelings. Soon after he was elected a delegate, his friend, Mr. Sewall, the King s Attorney General, labored earnestly to dissuade him from accepting the appointment. He told him " that Great Britain xvas determined on her system ; her power was irresistible, and would be destructive to him and all those who should persevere in opposition to her designs." Mr. Adams re plied to him, " I know Great Britain has determined on her system, and that very determination determines me on mine ; you know I have been constant and uniform in opposition to her measures. The die is now cast. I have passed the Rubicon. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish with my country, is my unalterable determination." The delegates from Massachusetts, with the exception of Mr. Bowdoin, took their seats in Congress, the first day of its meeting, September fifth, * For a minute and interesting account of this transaction, see Tudor s Life of James Otis, chap. xxv. ADAMS. 77 1774, in Philadelphia. The proceedings of the first Congress are too well known to be minutely detailed. They form one of the noblest chapters in the history, not only of our country, but of the world ; and they have left to every American citizen a heritage of glory, before which all the fabled splendor which tradition has thrown around the origin of older nations, fades into insignificance. The public papers issued by them drew from Lord Chatham the compliment " that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master-spirits of the world ; but that, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of con clusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this Congress." The first session continued eight weeks, during which Mr. Adams was in active and constant attendance. He was a member of some of the most important committees, such as that which drew up a statement of the rights of the colonies, and that which prepared the address to the King. Mr. Adams and his colleagues, being inhabitants of the colony which had been the most oppressed and insulted, and in which the most deter mined spirit of opposition had been roused, were convinced of the entire impracticability of any reconciliation, and that it would be necessary to throw off the allegiance of the mother country, and to act as an indepen dent nation. But these were by no means the sentiments and feelings of the inhabitants generally, and they were highly unpopular among them. Mr. Adams, in particular, from his ardent temperament and enthusiastic character, was an object of particular suspicion and dislike. He was charged not to make public the idea of a dissolution of the connexion, as it was as unpopular as the stamp act itself. He was even pointed at in the streets as the visionary advocate of the most desperate measures. His own views, and those of some of his most distinguished colleagues, may be learned from an extract from one of his own letters. " When Congress had finished their business, as they thought, in the autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associations, and nonimportation agreements, however they might be expected in America, and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. Mr. Henry said they might make some impression among the people of England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upon the government. I had but just received a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, containing a few broken hints, as he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done, and concluding with these words, After all, we must fight. This letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention ; and as soon as I had pronounced the words, After all, we must fight, he raised his head, and, with an energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with By God, I am of that man s mind. I put the letter into his hand, and when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with the writer. " The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full 78 ADAMS. confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when we parted, were, We shall infallibly carry all our points ; you will be completely relieved ; all the offensive acts will be repealed ; the army and fleet will be recalled ; and Britain will give up her foolish project. Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with those who advocated a nonexportation, as well as a nonimportation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail ; without either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two." The sentiments of Mr. Lee, were those of the great majority of the nation. They were strongly attached to the mother country, and believed that the feeling was mutual. They felt confident both of her justice and generosity. But these fond anticipations were destined not to be realized. The ministers of England, at that time, were deficient in high, magnani mous, and statesman-like views, and were resolved to use no arguments but those of force. They, as well as the whole people, were ignorant, to a ludicrous degree, of the condition, extent, population, geography, and resources of the colonies. Even the Prime Minister talks of the " island" of Virginia. The Congress adjourned in November, and Mr. Adams returned to his family. At this time, his literary talents were again called into exertion for the service of his country. His friend, Mr. Sewall, the Attorney Genera], had been publishing a series of able essays, under the name of Massachusettensis, contending for the supreme authority of the Parliament and against the revolutionary spirit of the country. Mr. Adams wrote a series of papers, under the name of Novanglus, in defence of the doctrines and conduct of the whigs. These are written with strength and ability, and are remarkable, as showing the extent of the author s general read ing, and, in particular, his acquaintance with colonial history. This last merit, even his adversary was compelled to acknowledge. " Novanglus/ he says, " strives to hide the inconsistencies of his hypothesis under a huge pile of learning." In writing these papers, Mr. Adams was em barrassed with peculiar difficulties. He was obliged to defend the principles of natural liberty and equality, to deny the authority of Parlia ment, but, at the same time, to acknowledge the rightful power of the King. To the monarch himself the people were so much attached, that even after the battle of Lexington, which, one would think, would have severed every tie which bound them to Great Britain, the militia that had been engaged in actual battle with the royal forces, were called the " King s troops," and the regular soldiers were termed " Bute s men/ in allusion to Lord Bute, who was highly unpopular, and was supposed to exercise a pernicious influence over the young King s mind. Mr. Adams and his colleagues were reelected members of the Conti nental Congress, John Hancock being chosen in the place of Mr. Bowdoin. It assembled in Philadelphia, on the tenth of May, 1775. In the month of April of that year, the first blood of the revolution had been shed at Lexington and Concord, and Congress were obliged to take measures for active resistance. Still, the minds of men were not ripe for ADAMS. 79 independence, and they clung to the hope that their grievances would be redressed. They took up arms in self-defence merely. It was necessary to select some one for the post of commander-in-chiefof the forces raised, and to be raised. A short history of this transaction will afford proof of Mr. Adams disinterested patriotism, and sacrifice of sectional prejudice to the common good. The only thing like an army at that time in the country, was a hand ful of New-England militia, hastily assembled at Boston, in consequence of the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord. These were under the command of General Artemas Ward, whom the New-England delegation were desirous of having made commander-in-chief ; but Mr. Adams urged them to lay aside all local partialities, and appoint Colonel George Washington, of Virginia, who had given proof of uncommon military talents in the French war. His colleagues were extremely averse to this plan. They thought it disrespectful to their own friends, to appoint a stranger, who had no higher rank than that of colonel, over the heads of generals, at the head of brigades and divisions. Mr. Adams persisted in his own views, and in the determination that Washington should be ap pointed. He was accordingly nominated the next day, by Governor Johnson, of Maryland, at the instigation of Mr. Adams, and seconded by him, to the great surprise of many of the members, and none more so, than of Washington himself, who was present as a member, and who, with characteristic modesty, immediately rose and left the house. It is needless to remark how honorable this selection was, not only to Mr. Adams patriotism, but to his sagacity. It is impossible to say how large a part of the success of any undertaking is to be ascribed to the agency of any one individual, but it seems to us, that our revolutionary struggle, if it had been successful at all, must have been protracted many years longer, and have cost much more blood and treasure, if any other man than Washington had been at the head of our armies. Soon after the appointment of General Washington, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in Congress from Virginia, having been chosen in the place of Mr. Peyton Randolph, who had retired on account of ill health. Between him and Mr. Adams, a warm intimacy, arising from congeniality of feeling and agreement on the great points which agitated the minds of men, com menced, which continued, with some unfortunate interruptions, as long as they lived. The Congress assembled again in the spring of 1776. At this time the feelings of the people had undergone a material change. The battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, and the British army had evacuated Boston. The Parliament had declared the provinces in a state of rebellion, and it was voted to raise and equip a force of twenty-eight thousand seamen and fifty-five thousand land troops. The indignation of the people was raised to the highest pitch, by learning that Lord North had engaged sixteen thousand German mercenaries, to assist in subduing them. To cherish the hope of an amicable adjustment of their differences, was little short of madness. The time had come for them to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard ; to assume the erect attitude and bold tone of inde pendence. Such had been Mr. Adams opinions from the first com- 80 ADAMS. mencement of the difficulties ; and the time had now come, when it was no longer dangerous or inexpedient to express them. Accordingly, on the sixth of May, 1776, he moved in Congress a resolution, which was in fact a declaration of independence, recommending to the colonies " to adopt such a government as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constitu ents and of America." This proposition was adopted on the tenth. On the same day, the Massachusetts House of Representatives voted a resolution, that if the Congress should think proper to declare independence, they were ready to support it with their lives and fortunes. Five days afterwards, Mr. Adams reported and advocated a preamble to the resolutions already passed, which, after reciting the insults and aggressions of the British government, and that they had called in the assistance of foreign mercenaries, proceeded in the following terms; " Whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good con science, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies." This preamble was adopted, after an animated discussion. It was published for the consideration of the colonies. They all expressed a wish for independence ; North Carolina being the first, and Pennsylvania the last, to make it publicly known. It now remained to issue a formal Declaration of Independence, in the name of the United Colonies. Virginia being the leading state, it was thought proper that the motion should proceed from one of her delegation. Richard Henry Lee, being chosen by his colleagues, offered, on the seventh of June, the glorious and immortal resolution, " that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and of right ought to be, totally dissolved." This motion was seconded by Mr. Adams, and was debated with great warmth till the tenth, when the further discussion of it was postponed till the first of July. At the same time, it was voted, that a committee be appointed to prepare a draft of a declaration, to be submitted to Congress for its consideration. This committee was chosen by ballot, and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston ; being arranged in order, according to the number of votes which each had received. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, being at the head of the committee, were requested by the other members to act as a subcom mittee, to prepare the draft ; and Mr. Jefferson, at Mr. Adams earnest request, drew up the paper. The declaration was reported to Congress by the committee, on the ADAMS. 81 first day of July. Mr. Lee s original resolution was passed on the second, and on the fourth, the Declaration of Independence, after having under gone a few changes, was adopted in the committee of the whole. It was not engrossed and signed, however, till the second of August. We omit to make any remarks on the Declaration itself, as they more properly belong to the life of Jefferson. During all the discussions that preceded this important measure, and they were long and animated, Mr. Adams took the lead. Mr. Jefferson has said, " that the great pillar of support to the Declaration of Indepen dence, and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the house, was John Adams." On another occasion, he said of him, " He was our Colossus on the floor. Not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and expression, which moved us from our seats." The Congress of the Revolution debated with closed doors, and their discussions are preserved only by memory and tradition. The late Go vernor M Kean, of Pennsylvania, said, on this point, " I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British Parliament, and our late Congress, to have been made in the Revolutionary Congress ; we had no time to hear such speeches, little for deliberation ; action was the order of the day." The eloquence of Mr. Adams was precisely adapted to the state of the times. It was manly and energetic, warmed and animated by his ardent temperament, and bold, independent character. He has indeed, without being conscious of it, drawn the character of his own eloquence : " Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is altogether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration ; yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit, coruscations of imagination, and gay pictures, what are they ? Strict truth, rapid reason, and pure integrity, are the only ingredients in sound oratory. I flatter myself that Demosthenes, by his action ! action ! action ! meant to express the same opinion." On the day after the Declaration of Independence was passed, while his soul was yet warm with the glow of excited feeling, he wrote a letter to his wife, which, as we read it now, seems to have been dictated by the spirit of prophecy. " Yesterday," he says, " the greatest question was decided that ever was debated in America ; and greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting colony, that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states. The day is passed. The fourth of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated, by succeeding generations, as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomps, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that 11 82 ADAMS. it will cost to maintain this declaration, and support and defend these states ; yet, through all the gloom, I can see the rays of light and glory. I can see that the end is worth more than all the means ; and that poste rity will triumph, although you and I may rue, which I hope we shall not." On his return to Massachusetts, he was chosen a member of the Coun cil of Massachusetts, which occupied the place formerly held by the Governor s Council. He accepted the appointment, and assisted in their deliberations, but declined the office of Chief Justice, which they urged upon him, since it would interfere with his duties in Congress. In August, 1776, the American army on Long Island were attacked and defeated by the forces under Lord Howe, who, supposing this a favorable moment for negotiation, requested an interview with some of the members of Congress. Mr. Adams opposed the plan, as likely to produce no favorable result; but he was overruled, and a committee appointed to treat with the British General, consisting of himself, Dr. Franklin, and Edward Rutledge. They were received with much polite ness by General Howe, but he was not willing to treat with them as a committee of Congress, and they were not willing to be considered in any other capacity. " You may view me in any light you please," said Mr. Adams, " except in that of a British subject." The only terms on which peace was offered, were, that the colonies should return to the allegiance and government of Great Britain, and these, the commissioners stated to him, were entirely out of the question ; and thus, as Mr. Adams had predicted, the negotiation was entirely fruitless. During the remainder of the year 1776, and throughout 1777, Mr. Adams was assiduous in his attendance upon Congress, and in attention to public affairs. He was a member of ninety committees, a greater number than any other member, and twice as many as any, except R. H. Lee and Samuel Adams. Of these he was the chairman of twenty-five, and in particular, of the laborious and important board of war. From these arduous duties he was relieved by being appointed, in November, 1777, a commissioner to France, in the place of Silas Deane, who was recalled. The other members were Dr. Franklin and Arthur Lee. The object of the mission was, to obtain assistance, in arms and money, from the French government. Mr. Adams accepted the appointment without hesitation, though it separated him from his family, and obliged him to cross the ocean in the depth of winter, and when it was swarming with ships of the enemy, and he knew that he should be treated with the utmost rigor if captured. He embarked on board the frigate Boston, in the month of February, 1778, from the shores of his native town. An incident occurred on the voyage, which proved that Mr. Adams courage was not exclusively moral. Captain Tucker, the commander of the Boston, saw a large English ship, showing a tier of guns, and asked Mr. Adams consent to engage her. This was readily granted. Upon hailing her, she answered by a broadside. Mr. Adams had been requested to retire to the cockpit ; but Tucker, looking forward, observed him among the marines, with a musket in his hands, having privately applied to the officer of the marines for a gun, and taken his station among them. At this sight Captain Tucker became alarmed; ADAMS. 83 and, walking up to the ambassador, desired to know how he came there ? Upon which the other smiled, gave up his gun, and went immediately below. The treaty of alliance and commerce with France had been signed, before Mr. Adams arrived in Europe ; and on the appointment of Dr. Franklin as Minister Plenipotentiary, Mr. Adams asked and received permission to return home, which he accordingly did, in the summer of 1779. On his return to America, he was chosen a member of the Convention which was called to prepare a constitution for the state of Massachusetts, He was placed on the subcommittee chosen to draft the plan of the constitution ; and much of its character and spirit is due to his exertions. Soon after this, Congress determined to send a Minister Plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace with Great Britain. Mr. Adams and Mr. Jay, at that time President of Congress, were put in nomination, and received an equal number of votes. On the next day, it being proposed to send a Minister to Spain, Mr. Jay was almost unanimously elected, and Mr. Adams received the appointment of Minister to England. He received instructions, by which he was to be guided ; among which were, that the United States should be treated with as a free and independent state, and that the right to the fisheries should be insisted on. His salary was fixed at twenty-five hundred pounds sterling. He embarked in the French frigate La Sensible, November 17, 1779, and was obliged to land at Corunna, in Spain, from which place he travelled over the mountains to Paris, where he arrived in February, 1780. He communicated the objects of his mission immediately, to Dr. Franklin, the American Envoy at Paris, and the Count de Vergennes, the French Prime Minister. The latter was very pressing to learn the nature of Mr. Adams instructions, but they were not communicated to him. Mr. Adams soon became con vinced, that a peace with Great Britain on the terms required, was quite impracticable, and that it would be needless for him to go to that country. The French government, also, were averse to the negotiation. He accordingly remained in Paris for some time. In August, 1780, he repaired to Holland, and a vote of approbation was passed upon his conduct. Congress, upon hearing of the captivity of Mr. Laurens, who had gone out as Minister to Holland, appointed Mr. Adams in his place, to negotiate a loan ; and in December he was invested with full powers to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce with that country. Mr. Adams had great difficulties to contend with in Holland. He was thrown among capitalists and money brokers, with the details of whose business he was unacquainted, and with whom he had often no language in common. He was opposed by the whole strength of the British in fluence. The Dutch people were extremely ignorant of the resources and wealth of the United States, and of course, their moneyed men were unwilling to advance their property, without knowing what security they had to depend upon. Mr. Adams commenced the writing of a series of papers, in answer to a set of queries proposed to him by Mr. Kalko3n, an eminent jurist of Amsterdam, containing an account of the rise and progress of the disputes between the colonies and the mother country ; 84 ADAMS. and of the resources and prospects of the United States. These papers were circulated by newspapers, all over Holland, arid had a good deal of effect upon public opinion. We will leave, for a moment, the order of dates, and state that this portion of Mr. Adams labors was concluded by the negotiation of a loan, in September, 1782, of eight millions of gilders, upon reasonably favorable terms. In July, 1781, while residing at Holland, he was summoned to Paris, for the purpose of consulting upon a plan of mediation, proposed by the Courts of Austria and Russia, which was not accepted, as the mediating powers would not acknowledge the independence of America, without the consent of Great Britain. During these negotiations, Mr. Adams was much annoyed, and the interests of his country much injured, by the selfish and intriguing conduct of the Count de Vergennes. He seems to have taken a dislike to the straight forward, manly character of the American minister. It was the policy of France, also, that the Americans should be debarred from some of the advantages which they insisted upon as indispensable preliminaries of a pacification with Great Britain. It was not desirable for France, that the British Parliament should be aware of Mr. Adams powers, respecting a treaty of commerce, because it was her intention, as the more important country, in settling the conditions of peace, to secure to herself the lion s share of the com mercial privileges, which England might be disposed to yield to her colonies. But Mr. Adams had too much skill, and too much indepen dence to be either the dupe or the tool of the Count de Vergennes. Early in the year 1781, a message was transmitted to Congress, through the French Minister, at Philadelphia, complaining somewhat of the con duct of the Plenipotentiary, and requesting them, " to be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary, a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King ; and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty ; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiations, in the name of the King." Congress instructed their Minister to repose the utmost confidence in the Ministers of the King of France, and to undertake nothing in the negotiation for peace or truce without their knowledge and concurrence. But, as we have stated, the negotiation was broken off, and Mr. Adams returned to Holland. In 1782, Congress appointed Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Jay, Mr. Henry Laurens, and Mr. Jefferson, commissioners for negotiating a peace ; and, in a spirit of unworthy concession to the French government, added to their instructions that " they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the Ministers of the King of France." This placed them almost entirely under the control of the Count de Vergennes. The com missioners were displeased at finding themselves thus shackled, and strangers appointed to act upon the most vital interests of their country. They determined, therefore, to disobey the rash orders of Congress, and ADAMS. 85 to secure for their country much better terms than fell in with the views of the French Ministry. The treaty of peace was signed November 80, 1782, and ratified January 14, 1784; and its honorable and favorable terms are mainly due to the firmness and ability of the commissioners. A full account of Mr. Adams labors and services, from his first arrival in Europe to the peace, belongs to the diplomatic history of the country, and not to a sketch of his own life. The works which can be advanta geously consulted on this subject, are Lyman s Diplomatic History of the United States, and Sparks Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution. In January, 1785, Congress resolved to appoint a Minister Plenipoten tiary at the Court of Great Britain, and Mr. Adams was chosen for this important and delicate office. A letter was written by him, to Mr. Jay, giving a graphic and interesting account of the circumstances of his public reception, which we will quote. " During my interview with the Marquis of Carmarthen, he told me it was customary for every foreign Minister, at his first presentation to the King, to make his Majesty some compliments conformable to the spirit of his credentials ; and when Sir Clement Cottrel Dormer, the master of the ceremonies, came to inform me that he should accompany me to the Secretary of State and to court, he said that every foreign minister whom he had attended to the Queen, had always made an harangue to her Majesty, and he understood, though he had not been present, that they always harangued the King. On Tuesday evening the Baron de Lynden (Dutch ambassador) called upon me, and said he came from the Baron de Nolkin, (Swedish envoy,) and had been convers ing upon the singular situation I was in, and they agreed in opinion that it was indispensable that I should make a speech, and that it should be as complimentary as possible. All this was parallel to the advice lately given by the Count de Vergennes to Mr. Jefferson. So that finding it was a custom established at both these great courts, that this court and the foreign ministers expected it, I thought I could not avoid it, although my first thought and inclination had been to deliver my credentials silently and retire. At one, on Wednesday, the first of June, the master of ceremonies called at my house, and went with me to the Secretary of State s office, in Cleveland Row, where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. Frazier, his under secretary, who had been, as his lordship said, uninterruptedly in that office, through all the changes in administration for thirty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon the subject of importing my effects from Holland and France free of duty, which Mr. Frazier himself introduced, Lord Car marthen invited me to go with him in his coach to court. When we arrived in the antichamber, the CEil de Boeuf of St. James, the master of the ceremonies met me and attended me while the Secretary of State went to take the commands of the King. While I stood in this place, where it seems all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room very full of ministers of state, bishops, and all other sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the King s bedchamber, you may well suppose that I was the focus of all eyes. I 86 ADAMS. was relieved, however, from the embarrassment of it, by the Swedish and Dutch ministers, who came to me and entertained me in a very agreeable conversation during the whole time. Some other gentlemen whom I had seen before, came to make their compliments too ; until the Marquis of Carmarthen returned and desired me to go with him to his Majesty ! I went with his lordship through the levee room into the King s closet. The door was shut, and I was left with his Majesty and the Secretary of State alone. I made the three reverences ; one at the door, another about halfway, and the third before the presence, according to the usage established at this and all the northern courts of Europe, and then addressed myself to his Majesty in the following words : Sir, the United States of America have appointed me their Minister Plenipotentiary to your Majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your Majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your Majesty of their unani mous disposition and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal intercourse between your Majesty s subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your Majesty s health and happiness, and for that of your royal family. " The appointment of a Minister from the United States to your Majesty s court, will form an epoch in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow-citizens, in having the distinguished honor to be the first to stand in your Majesty s royal presence, in a diplomatic character ; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your Majesty s royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and affection, or in better words, "the old good nature, and the old good harmony," between people, who, though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your Majesty s permission to add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my whole life, in a manner so agreeable to myself. The King listened to every word I said, with dignity, it is true, but with apparent emotion. Whether it was the nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agitation, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched him, I cannot say, but he was m/ich affected, and answered me with more tremor than I had spoken with, and said, Sir The circumstances of this audience are so extraordinary, the language you have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered, so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasure the assurances of the friendly disposi tion of the people of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be their Minister. I wish you, Sir, to believe, and that it may be understood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest, but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separation : but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States, as ADAMS. 87 an independent power. The moment I see such sentiments and language as yours prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, that moment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, religion, and blood, have their natural and full effect. " I dare not say that these were the King s precise words, and y it is even possible that I may have, in some particular, mistaken his meaning ; for although his pronunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesi tated sometimes between his periods, and between the members of the same period. He was indeed much affected, and I was not less so, and therefore I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all his words or sense ; this I do say, that the foregoing is his Majesty s meaning, as I then understood it, and his own words as nearly as I can recollect them. " The King then asked me, whether I came last from France ? and upon my answering in the affirmative, he put on an air of familiarity, and smiling, or rather laughing, said, there is an opinion among some people, that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France. I was surprised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion, and a descent from his dignity. I was a little embarrassed, but determined not to deny the truth on one hand, nor leave him to infer from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an air of gaiety and a tone of decision, as far as it was decent, arid said That opinion, Sir, is not mistaken. I must avow to your Majesty I have no attachment but to my own country. 3 The King replied as quick as lightning, An honest man will never have any other. " The King then said a word or two to the Secretary of State, which, being between them, I did not hear ; and then turned round and bowed to me, as is customary with all kings and princes, when they give the signal to retire. I retreated, stepping backwards, as is the etiquette, and making my last reverence at the door of the chamber, I went my way ; the master of ceremonies joined me at the moment of my coming out of the King s closet, and accompanied me through all the apartments down to my carriage. Several stages of servants, gentlemen porters, and under porters, roared out like thunder as I went along, Mr. Adams servants. Mr. Adams carriage, " &c. Notwithstanding this courteous reception at the British court, the feelings of the Ministry were soon discovered to be unfriendly towards the United States. The irritations produced by the long strife were not yet allayed, and the parent had not quite magnanimity enough to forgive her rebellious child. They refused to listen to any proposals for entering into a commercial treaty. While Mr. Adams was residing in London, he was enabled to render his country material service by the exercise of his literary talents. The new states of America were of course objects of great interest to the philosophers and statesmen of Europe, and a variety of opinions were held upon their policy and prospects. Among those who expressed themselves as dissatisfied with their political organization, were Mons. Turgot, the Abbe de Mably, and Dr. Price. M. Turgot, in a letter to 88 ADAMS. Dr. Price, observes, " The Americans have established three bodies, viz. a Governor, Council, and House of Representatives, merely because, there is in England a King, a House of Lords, and a House of Commons ; as if this equilibrium, which, in England, may be a necessary check to the enormous influence of royalty, could be of any use in republics founded upon the equality of all the citizens." M. Turgot recommends the concentration of the whole power upon one representative assembly. These opinions derived weight from the high character of their author. This was a dark period in our history the federal government was not yet formed our credit was low and the minds of men desponding and disposed to regard any state of things as better than that which actually existed. To counteract these impressions, Mr. Adams wrote and published in London, his Defence of the American Constitutions, in three volumes. It is a work of learning and ability, though bearing marks of the haste with which it was written. It did much service to his country, not only in correcting the influence of the above-mentioned writings at home, but in rendering the American cause respectable abroad. Mr. Adams moved in the most enlightened circles of English society, and occupied himself in gathering information which might be useful to his own country. In 1787, he asked, and received permission to return home, and had the happiness to join his family and friends, after an absence of between eight and nine years. Congress at the same time, passed a resolution of thanks to be presented to him, for his able and faithful discharge of the various and important commissions with which he had been entrusted while abroad. In 1788, he was elected Vice President of the United States, and re- elected in 1792. In 1796, General Washington retired from public life, and Mr. Adams was elected President of the United States, though not without a good deal of opposition. After serving in this office four years, he was succeeded, as is well known, by Mr. Jefferson. To trace the history of Mr. Adams administration, and to show the causes of his unpopularity, would fall within the province of general history, rather than of biography. But a slight sketch of his motives and principles, is due both to his own character and to the expectations of those who wish to obtain correct views of it. The French Revolution was the point upon which he was at issue with the majority of his countrymen. That tremendous political con vulsion shook the whole earth to its centre, and created the most frantic excitement throughout the civilized world. The young and the enthu siastic, hailed it as the dawn of a brighter day, not only for France, but for Europe, and pardoned its sanguinary excesses, regarding them as the natural results of that wild transport which would take possession of an uneducated population, at the sudden change from the most galling despotism to entire freedom. In this country, in particular, just begin ning to enjoy the republican institutions which we had so dearly purchas ed, there was an almost universal expression of admiration and sympathy. But there were not wanting many, even in our own country, who viewed the French Revolution with alarm and disgust. They abhorred its ADAMS. 89 atrocities, regarded with suspicion and dislike the characters of its leaders, and dreaded the influence of its principles, as tending to over throw the whole social fabric, and introduce the most visionary schemes of polity in the place of the governments, whose excellence had stood the test of ages. To this latter class, Mr. Adams and his party belong ed. He had imbibed a strong, and, in truth, an unreasonable prejudice against the French people, while he resided in Europe ; and he viewed them, and their conduct, through its distorting medium. At the very commencement of his administration he found the country involved in a dispute with France, and one of his earliest communications to Con gress complained, in dignified and elegant language, of an insult offered to the ambassador of the United States, by the government of that coun try. So strong, however, was the partiality to the French, that many believed that the first provocation had been given by us, and that it was our duty to tender an apology, and not demand satisfaction. Mr. Adams persisted, however, in the course which he deemed required by a regard for the honor of his country. He sent a commission, consisting of three envoys, Messrs. Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry, to France, who were treated with insolence and contumely by the French Directory. In these transactions, it was Mr. Adams misfortune to please neither one of the great parties, which then divided the country. The demo cratic party considered them as too strong, and actuated by too great an hostility towards France, while the federalists thought a more high- spirited conduct and more dignified attitude were required by the cir cumstances of the case. The bitterness with which this party strife was carried on, is probably fresh in the recollections of many of our readers. It was actively foment ed by a most licentious press, which violated all the confidences of private life, and indulged in the most unwarrantable personal allusions and reflections. Mr. Adams was accused of favoring monarchical insti tutions, though his whole life had been spent in resisting them. It is curious to observe how the malice of his enemies warped and perverted the best acts of his life. His Defence of the American Constitution, which favors the plan of having an executive and two houses of legisla tion, was quoted as a proof of his prepossessions in favor of a king, lords, and commons ; and his noble, moral courage, at the beginning of his career, in defending Captain Preston and his soldiers, was brought up at this late day, as giving evidence of his being under British influence. It is but doing justice to Mr. Jefferson, the leader of the opposing and tri umphant party, to state, that he always retained the highest personal respect for Mr. Adams, though, in political opinions, he differed so wide ly from him. When some young politicians were, in his presence, accus ing Mr. Adams of designs hostile to republican institutions, he remarked, "Gentlemen, you do not know that man; there is not upon this earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. It. is not in his nature to meditate any thing that he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general govern ment, are a fair subject for differences of opinion, but do not found your opinion on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral 12 90 ADAMS. or political, in the character of John Adams, for I know him well, and I repeat, that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of his Creator." Mr. Adams was also firm in his conviction of the importance of a naval establishment, and he deserves the title of Father of the American Navy. Time has confirmed the justness of his views on this subject, but they were not popular at the time. His own manners and bearing were not dignified or conciliating, and, in this respect, he was decidedly inferior to Mr. Jefferson. The warmth of his temperament, and the ardor of his feelings, often betrayed him into intemperate expressions and rash actions, which no one would re gret more than he, in his cool moments. In March, 1801, in the sixty-seventh year of his age, he retired to his quiet home, at Quincy, where he passed the remainder of his days. He amused himself with agricultural pursuits, and still retained a lively interest in the politics and literature of the day. He had an extensive correspondence, to fill up his leisure hours, and a large circle of friends, to whom he devoted much of his time. He was invited to become a candi date for the office of Governor of Massachusetts, but declined. He de fended the policy of Mr. Jefferson s administration towards England ; and when the dispute terminated in war, he advocated its expediency and ne cessity, in opposition to the views and sentiments of the majority of the people of Massachusetts. He published a series of letters on this subject, in one of the Boston papers, and when a loan was opened by the General Government, to meet the expenses of the war, he immediately took up a portion of the stock. In 1815, he had the pleasure of seeing his son at the head of the commission which signed the treaty of peace with Great Britain. He also renewed that friendship with Mr. Jefferson, which had been interrupted by party strife, and some beautiful and characteristic letters passed between them, many of which have been printed. In 1816, he was chosen a member of the college of electors, which voted for Mr. Monroe for President. In 1818 he was called upon to sustain the severest affliction that had ever befallen him, by the death of his beloved wife, who had been for so many years his guide, solace, and friend, and who had shared his patriotic enthusiasm, and borne without a murmur, all the sacrifices which duty to their country had required them both to make. On this occasion he received the following beautiful letter from Mr. Jefferson. " Monticello, November 13, 1818. " The public papers, my dear friend, announce the fatal event of which your letter, of October twentieth, had given me ominous foreboding, Tried myself in the school of affliction, by the loss of every form of connexion which can rive the human heart, I know well, and feel, what you have lost what you have suffered are suffering and have yet to endure. The same trials have taught me, that, for ills so immeasurable, time and silence are the only medicines. I will not, therefore, by useless condolences, open afresh the sluices of your grief, nor, although mingling sincerely my tears with yours, will I say a word more where words are ADAMS. 1 vain, but that it is of some comfort to us both, that the term is not very distant, at which we are to deposit, in the same cerement, our sorrows and suffering bodies ; and to ascend, in essence, to an ecstatic meeting with the friends we have loved and lost, and whom we shall still love and never lose again. God bless you and support you under your heavy afflictions. THOMAS JEFFERSON." In 1820, a Convention of the people of Massachusetts was called, for the purpose of revising their State Constitution, and Mr. Adams was elected a member from Quincy. The Convention testified their sense of his services to his country, and their respect for his character, by electing him unanimously to the office of President, passing at the same time the following highly flattering resolution. " IN CONVENTION, NOVEMBER 15, 1820. " Whereas, the Honorable John Adams, a member of this Convention, and elected the President thereof, has, for more than half a century, devoted the great powers of his mind and his profound wisdom and learning to the service of his country and mankind : " In fearlessly vindicating the rights of the North American provinces against the usurpations and encroachments of the superintendant govern ment : " In diffusing a knowledge of the principles of civil liberty among his fellow subjects, and exciting them to a firm and resolute defence of the privileges of freemen : "In early conceiving, asserting, and maintaining the justice and practi cability of establishing the independence of the United States of America : " In giving the powerful aid of his political knowledge in the formation of the Constitution of this his native state, which Constitution became, in a great measure, the model of those which were subsequently formed : " In conciliating the favor of foreign powers, and obtaining their coun tenance and support in the arduous struggle for independence : " In negotiating the treaty of peace, which secured forever the sove reignty of the United States, and in defeating all attempts to prevent it, and especially in preserving in that treaty the vital interest of the New- England States : " In demonstrating to the world, in his Defence of the Constitutions of the several United States, the contested principle, since admitted as an axiom, that checks and balances, in legislative power, are essential to true liberty : " In devoting his time and talents to the service of the nation, in the high and important trusts of Vice-President and President of the United States : " And, lastly, in passing an honorable old age in dignified retirement, in the practice of all the domestic virtues ; thus exhibiting to his country men and to posterity an example of true greatness of mind and of genuine patriotism : u Therefore, Resolved, That the members of this Convention, repre senting the people of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, do joyfully avail themselves of this opportunity to testify their respect and gratitude 92 ADAMS. to this eminent patriot and statesman, for the great services rendered by him to his country, and their high gratification that, at this late period of life, he is permitted, by divine Providence, to assist them with his counsel in revising the Constitution, which, forty years ago, his wisdom and pru dence assisted to form. " Resolved, That a committee of twelve be appointed by the chair, to communicate this proceeding to the Honorable John Adams, to inform him of his election to preside in this body, and to introduce him to the chair of this Convention." This station he declined on account of his advanced age, being then eighty-five years old, but he was able to attend upon the Convention and fulfil his duties as a member. The world has hardly ever seen a spectacle of more moral beauty and grandeur, than was presented by the old age of Mr. Adams. The violence of party feeling had died away, and he had begun to receive that just appreciation which, to most men, is not accorded till after death. He had been always happy in his domestic relations, and he had a large circle of friends and acquaintances, who looked up to him with affectionate admiration. He was also an object of great interest to intelligent strangers from all parts of the world, all of whom were desirous of seeing a man who done so much for the glory and happiness of his country. No one could look upon his venerable form, and think of what he had done and suffered, and how he had given up all the prime and strength of his life to the public good, without the deepest emotions of gratitude and respect. It was his peculiar good fortune, to witness the complete success of the institutions which he had been so active in creating and supporting. He saw, every day, the influences of the revolution widening and extending, and the genial light of freedom continually adding increase to the wealth, intelligence, and happiness of his country men. He could look around upon the thriving towns, the smiling villages, the busy factories, the crowded warehouses of his country, and exclaim, " Behold the work of my hands, the fruits of my labors, the result of my toils, dangers, and sacrifices." It was his privilege also to preserve his mind unclouded to the last. He always retained his enjoy ment of books, conversation, and reflection. In 1824, his cup of happi ness was filled to the brim, by seeing his son elevated to the highest station in the gift of the people. The fourth of July, 1826, which completed the half century since the signing of the Declaration of Independence, arrived, and there were but three of the signers of that immortal instrument left upon earth, to hail its morning light. And, as it is well known, on that day two of these finished their earthly pilgrimage, a coincidence so remarkable, as to seem miraculous. For a few days before, Mr. Adams had been rapidly fail ing, and on the morning of the fourth, he found himself too weak to rise from his bed. On being requested to name a toast for the customary celebration of the day, he exclaimed, " INDEPENDENCE FOREVER." When the day was ushered in, by the ringing of bells, and the firing of cannon, he was asked by one of his attendants, if he knew what day it ADAMS. 93 was ? He replied, " O yes ; it is the glorious fourth of July God bless it God bless you all." In the course of the day he said, " It is a great and glorious day." The last words he uttered were, " Jefferson survives." But he had, at one o clock, resigned his spirit into the hands of his God. When the news was spread throughout the country that these two men, who had been associated together in so many important labors, and whose names were identified with the glory and prosperity of their country, had both died on the same day, and on that which completed the half century since they signed the Declaration of Independence, of which one was the author, and the other the most powerful advocate and defender ; the effect was solemn and thrilling in the highest degree. It seemed a direct and special manifestation of God s power. The general feeling was, (to borrow the beautiful words of one of their eulogists,) " that had the prophet lent his chariot of fire, and his horses of fire, their ascent could hardly have been more glorious." In all parts of the country a day was set apart, by the large towns, for the solemn commemoration of their death, and men of the most distinguished talents were invited to pronounce their eulogies. All political prejudices were forgotten in the general burst of feeling ; nothing was recollected but their long lives of devoted patriotism, and the sublime circumstances which attended their close. The character of Mr. Adams has been displayed in his life so fully, that only a few remarks need now be made upon it. He was a man of bold and ardent temperament, and strong passions, and was occasionally led by them into imprudences and indiscretions. But his motives were always high and honorable. No man was less selfish, or less swayed by personal considerations. He was ready to sacrifice every thing to the public good. He thought for himself, and expressed his sentiments and opinions with great, sometimes with too great, boldness. He did not always treat with proper respect the views of those who differed from him, nor show a sufficient toleration to their honest prejudices. But his frank, manly, intrepid character and bearing, which kept nothing in reserve, and permitted his weakness and his strength to be equally seen, secured him the warm attachment of his friends, and the respect of his political enemies. His intellectual powers were of a high order. He had much of that vividness of conception, and glow of feeling, which belong to the temperament of genius. But there was nothing that was visionary and Utopian in his mind ; on the contrary, it was distinguished by a large share of the practical and useful, by good sense, judgment, shrewdness, and knowledge of the world. He had read and studied, both books and men, with great attention ; his writings bear witness to the former, and his life to the latter. He took large and comprehensive views, and saw a great way ahead ; we have already remarked in his life, that, from the first beginning of the disturbances, he clearly foresaw that it must end in a rupture between the two countries, and an appeal to arms ; and in this opinion he was almost alone for some time. Time has also shown, how correct his views were, with regard to the French Revolution, though they were those, at the moment, of a very small 94 ADAMS. majority. He was a nervous, eloquent, and impressive speaker ; and, in this respect, had a decided advantage over his great rival, Mr. Jefferson. In their written compositions there was a marked difference ; each being characteristic of the temperament, education, and habits of thought of the two. The style of Mr. Adams was vigorous, condensed, and abrupt, sacrificing elegance to strength, going straight to the point proposed, and not stopping to gather ornaments by the way ; that of Mr. Jefferson was more marked by ease, gracefulness, finish, and a happy selection of words, and by a vein of philosophical reflection, which we do not see in the writings of Mr. Adams. The eloquence of Mr. Adams has been delineated in a passage of great power and splendor by Mr. Webster. Though often quoted, it is of such uncommon merit, both in thought and style, that we have no hesitation in transcribing it. " The eloquence of Mr. Adams resembled his general character, and formed indeed a part of it. It was bold, manly, and energetic ; and such the crisis required. When public bodies are to be addressed on momen tous occasions, when great interests are at stake, and strong passions excited, nothing is valuable in speech, farther than it is connected with high intellectual and moral endowments. Clearness, force, and earnest ness are the qualities which produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist in speech. It cannot be brought from far. Labor and learning may toil for it, but they will toil in vain. Words and phrases may be marshaled in every way, but they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, in the subject, and in the occasion. Affected passion, intense expression, the pomp of declamation, all may aspire after it, they cannot reach it. It comes, if it comes at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from the earth, or the bursting forth of volcanic fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught in the schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust men, when their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. Then words have lost their power, rhetoric is vain, and all elaborate oratory contemptible. Even genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the presence of higher qualities. Then patriotism is eloquent : then self devotion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward to his object, this, this is elo quence ; or rather, it is something greater and higher than eloquence, it is action, noble, sublime, godlike action." The personal appearance and manners of Mr. Adams were not particularly prepossessing. His face, as his portraits manifest, was intellectual and expressive, but his figure was low and ungraceful, and his manners were frequently abrupt and uncourteous. He had neither the lofty dignity of Washington, nor the engaging elegance and gracefulness, which marked the manners and address of Jefferson. Mr. Adams was the father of four children, of whom none but the ADAMS. 95 Hon. John Quincy Adams are now living. Mr. Adams left to this son his mansion house, and many valuable papers. He gave to the town of Quincy a lot of land, to erect a church for the society, of which he was for sixty years a member. This edifice is now completed, and is one of the most beautiful churches in New-England. He also bequeathed another lot of land to the town for an Academy, and his library, of more than two thousand volumes, for the use of that Academy. THOMAS JEFFERSON. THE early life of any man so distinguished as the subject of this memoir, must ever be interesting, not only to the philosopher, who de lights to follow the gradually expanding mind, from the weakness of infancy, through all the stages of existence, to the full maturity of man hood, and to mark the effect of even trifling causes in ennobling or debasing the mind, and in forming the character ; but also, in a degree, to all, whose interest in mankind is not lost in self. When we find a man, to whom have been intrusted the destinies of nations ; who has con structed and set in motion great moral machines, whose influence and effects have been felt long after he has passed away; who has been active in promoting either the good or the evil of the human race ; we naturally ask, whence he has sprung? With eager curiosity we look back, and in the sports of the child, in the pursuits and occupations of youth, we seek the origin and source of all that is noble and exalted in the man, the germ and the bud from which have burst forth the fair fruit and the beautiful flower ; and we carefully treasure up each trifling incident and childish expression, in the hope to trace in them some feature of his after greatness. Feeling that even the childhood of a man like Thomas Jefferson, and the growth of those feelings and opinions which afterwards embodied themselves in the Declaration of American Independence, would be interesting to every American, we should deem it fortunate, could we give even a short sketch of his early life. But of this, or of his family, we have few accounts ; and must, therefore, content ourselves with a general outline of his after life, so full of striking events and useful labors. THOMAS JEFFERSON, the third President of the United States, was born on the second day of April, 1743, (Old Style,) at Shadwell, an estate own ed by his father, in Albermarle County, Virginia, and near to Monticello, where he afterwards resided. His family emigrated at a very early period from a part of Wales, near Mount Snowden, as is supposed, and occu pied a most respectable situation in the colony. His father, Peter Jeffer son, although self educated, was a man of talent and science, as would appear from the fact, that he was appointed, together with Joshua Fry, then Professor of Mathematics, in William and Mary College, to com plete the boundary line between Virginia and North Carolina, which had been begun some time before ; and also to make the first map of the State, since that made, or rather conjectured, by Captain Smith, could scarcely be called one. His father was married in 1739, to Jane, daugh ter of Isham Randolph, by whom he had six daughters and two sons, of whonivThomas was the elder. 13 98 JEFFERSON. At the age of five years, Thomas was sent to an English school, and at the age of nine, was placed under the care of Mr. Douglass, with whom he continued till his father s death, in August, 1757; by which event he became possessed of the estate of Shathvell, his birth-place. The two years after his father s decease were passed under the instruc tions of the Rev. Mr. Maury, who is represented to have been a fine classical scholar, at the termination of which period, that is, in 1700, he entered William and Mary College, where he remained two years. While at this institution, he enjoyed the instruction and conversation of Dr. Small, Professor of Mathematics ; and we do not know how we can better express the benefit he received from that source, than in Jeffer son s own words. "It was my great good fortune," says he, in the short memoir he has left us, "and probably fixed the destinies of my life, that Dr. William Small, of Scotland, was then Professor of Mathematics ; a man profound in most of the useful branches of science, with a happy talent of communication, correct and gentlemanly manners, and an enlarged and liberal mind. He, most happily for me, became soon attached to me, and made me his daily companion, when not engaged in the school; and from his conversation, I got my first views of the expansion of science, and of the system of things in which we are plac ed. Fortunately, the philosophical chair became vacant soon after my arrival at college, and he was appointed to fill it per interim : and he was the first who ever gave, in that college, regular lectures in Ethics. Rhetoric, and Belles Lettres. He returned to Europe in 1762, having previously filled up the measure of his goodness to me, by procuring for me, from his most intimate friend, George Wythe, a reception as a student of law, under his direction, and introduced me to the acquain tance and familiar table of Governor Fauquier, the ablest man who had ever filled that office. With him and at his table, Dr. Small and Mr. Wythe, his amid omnium horarum, and myself, formed a partic quarrec, and to the habitual conversations on these occasions, I owed much instruc tion. Mr. Wythe continued to be my faithful and beloved Mentor ir. youth, and my most affectionate friend through life." In 1707, Mr. Jefferson was called to the bar ; and for the short time he continued in the practice of his profession, rose rapidly, and distin guished himself by his energy and acuteness as a lawyer, and by his enlarged and liberal views. But the times called for greater action :" and the dull pleadings and circumscribed sphere of a colonial court were ill fitted for such a mind and for such views as Jefferson s. The policy of England, never kind and affectionate towards her colonies, whom she was disposed to treat as a froward child, had for several years past, manifested itself in more open violations of the rights of her American subjects. Her ministers seemed blinded to consequences, nnd wholly forgetful that the same spirit of liberty, which led the Pilgrims across the Atlantic to seek a refuge from the oppressions of a king and an arch bishop, would compel them, now that the arm of the oppressor had fol lowed them across the waters, to resist even unto blood the exactions of a Parliament. This spirit of resistance was already roused anioncr the colonists, and was gradually spreading itself from Massachusetts Bay to JEFFERSON. 99 the Carolinas ; and every proceeding of the mother country was scruti nized and weighed with the utmost jealousy. This, then, was no time for mere professional labor ; the political arena was open, and the courts of law were soon deserted ; the rights of individuals were forgotten for the rights of nations ; the contests for things were neglected, in the con test for principles. The enlarged views which Mr. Jefferson had ever entertained, soon led him to take an active part in political life, and he abandoned, in a great measure, the profession of the law. In 1769, he was elected a member of the General Assembly of Virginia, for Albemarle County, .and it was in this body that he made his first effort in favor of the eman cipation of slaves, but without success ; for, as he himself remarks, under a regal government, and while every thing was to be made subservient to the interests of the mother country, " nothing liberal could expect success." This session was of short duration, the Assembly being very early dissolved by the Governor, Lord Botetourt, on account of some offensive resolutions which were passed, countenancing the proceedings of Massachusetts. Mr. Jefferson was, however, immediately reelected, and continued a member until the Revolution put an end to the meeting of those bodies. In 1773 the Legislature of Virginia appointed a committee of corres pondence, of which Mr. Jefferson was one, to communicate with similar committees, which should be appointed in the other parts of the country, for the purpose of animating the people of the different colonies in their resistance to British aggression ; and the wisdom of this measure soon became apparent in the unity of operations which it produced during that eventful period, and in the community of sentiment and brotherhood among the inhabitants of the several colonies, whose cause was the same, and who now began to feel themselves one nation. The people of Virginia, though they had already shown themselves determined not to submit to any infringement of their liberties, were yet far behind Massachusetts in their opposition to the encroachments of the British government. They had not yet felt the full weight of the iron arm of oppression ; the acts of Parliament had pressed most heavily on Massachusetts; and the cup of her wrongs was nearly full, when the Boston Port Bill completed the measure. The passage of this bill sent a shock through the colonies, that roused them to a consideration of their situation ; for although it was aimed at and intended to operate in a single place, yet it showed too well the determination of the government to de stroy, one by one, the liberties of America ; it taught them that they must live and die the slaves of absolute power, or promptly and manfully make common cause with Massachusetts. The news of the passage of this bill was received while the Assembly of Virginia was in session; and through the agency of Patrick Henry, Jefferson, and a few other members, a resolution was passed, setting apart the first day of June, 1774, on which the act was to go into operation, as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, " devoutly to implore the divine interposition for averting the heavy calamities which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of a civil war, and to give them one mind to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." 100 JEFFERSON. This resolution was of course highly offensive to the royal Governor, Lord Dunmore, who immediately had recourse to the usual expedient, and dissolved the assembly. He could not, however, prevent the mem bers from meeting in convention as private individuals, which they immediately did, and passed resolutions, recommending the people of the colony to elect deputies to a State Convention, for the purpose of con sidering the affairs of the colony, and also to appoint delegates to a a General Congress, in case such a measure should be agreed to by the other colonies. Mr. Jefferson was afterwards chosen a member of the State Convention, which met in pursuance of these resolutions, but was himself unable to attend from sickness. He sent them, however, a draught of some instructions for the delegates to the General Congress, which, though not adopted, were published by the convention, under the title of " A Summary View of the Rights of British America." The terms in which the rights of the colonies were asserted, the authority claimed by the Parliament absolutely and totally denied, and the conduct of the King and the administration commented upon, were esteemed so bold and severe by the majority of the members, that they refused to adopt them ; and, in consequence, more mild and temperate instructions were given. The pamphlet soon found its way to England, where, after undergoing some alterations by Mr. Burke, it was published, and several editions circulated. In consequence of this publication, Mr. Jefferson was threatened with a prosecution for high treason by Lord Dunmore, and in England his name was added to those of Hancock, Henry, the Adarnses, and others, in a bill of attainder commenced in Parliament, but suppressed in its early stages. The doctrine advocated by Mr. Jefferson, however universally admitted at the present day, must then have been esteemed singularly bold, as is indeed evident from the fact, that it was disapproved by some of the most ardent patriots of the Revolution. The people, attached as they were to England, were certainly not prepared for it at that period. The substance of it is given by Mr. Jefferson as follows. " I took the ground that, from the beginning, I had thought the only one orthodox or tena ble, which was, that the relation between Great Britain and these colonies, was exactly the same as that of England and Scotland, after the accession of James and until the Union, and the same as her present relations with Hanover, having the same executive chief, but no other necessary political connexion ; and that our emigration from Eng land to this country, gave her no more rights over us, than the emigra tions of the Danes and Saxons, gave to the present authorities of the mother country over England. In this doctrine, however, I had never been able to get any one to agree with me but Mr. Wythe. Pie con curred in it from the first dawn of the question, What was the political relation between us and England ? Our other patriots, Randolph, the Lees, Nicholas, Pendleton, stopped at the half-way house of John Dickinson, who admitted that England had a right to regulate our com merce, and to lay duties on it for the purposes of regulation, but not of raising revenue. But for this ground there was no foundation in com pact, in any acknowledged principles of colonization, nor in reason; JEFFERSON. 101 expatriation being a natural right, and acted on as such by all nations, in all ages." The proceedings of the first Congress which met at Philadelphia on the fifth September, 1774, in pursuance of resolutions passed by the several colonies, similar to those of Virginia, do not properly belong to the life of Mr. Jefferson, who was not a member, and are therefore passed over here without remark. Before the meeting of the second Congress, however, Mr. Jefferson was elected in the place of Peyton Randolph, who, as Speaker of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, was obliged to attend the meeting of that body, and accordingly took his seat on the twenty-first June, 1775, and was very soon placed on several very important committees. As Mr. Jefferson, with his colleagues, Mr. Lee and Mr. Harrison, were on their way to Philadelphia, an incident is said to have occurred of a most flattering nature, showing the confidence placed in them by their fellow-citizens. They were met by some of the inhabitants of the colony, who, living in the remoter parts of the country, had heard only by report of the tyranny which was preparing for them, and thus ad dressed : " You assert that there is a fixed design to invade our rights and privileges. We own that we do not see this clearly, but since you assure us that it is so, we believe the fact. We are about to take a very dangerous step, but we confide in you, and are ready to support you in every measure you shall think proper to adopt." In August, 1775, Mr. Jefferson was reelected by the Convention of Virginia, to the third Congress, and, during the winter, took an active part in all its proceedings. To us who now look calmly back on the events of that momentous period, the conduct of the British Ministry seems little short of infatua tion. When the American colonists first raised their voice against the acts of the Parliament, it was but to obtain a redress of a few particular grievances ; the thought had not occurred to them of a separation from the mother country, and had it been but whispered to them, the proposi tion woald have been universally rejected. They loved their father land ; they were Englishmen, or the sons of Englishmen, and they look ed up to the institutions arid the customs of England, with the deepest veneration. They would have endured any thing, but slavery, every thing, but the loss of those rights, which, as Englishmen, they believed unalienable, and which they held dearer than existence itself; and had the British Ministry but adopted conciliatory measures, and relaxed somewhat of their pretensions, they might still have retained the brightest jewel of the British crown. But instead of adopting the wise counsels of Chatham and Burke, they imposed greater burdens, and added insult to oppression, till it was too late; till the spirit of opposition had acquired a fearful and resistless energy ; till the cloud, at first no bigger than a man s hand, had spread over the whole heavens, and the storm burst with a violence that swept before it the firmest bulwarks of British power. For a year or two before the meeting of the Congress of 76, the belief that a separation from the mother country was necessary, had prevailed among the leading men of the colonies, and was now fast increasing 102 JEFFERSON. among the great body of the people. They felt that the period for reconciliation had gone by ; the blood of American citizens had been shed on the plains of Lexington and Concord, and on the heights of Bunker Hill, and nothing was now left but a resort to arms, and an as sumption of their rights as an independent nation. On Friday, June seventh, 1776, in conformity with the instructions given them by the Convention, the Virginia delegates in Congress moved, " that the Congress should declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the State of Great Britain, is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; that measures should be immediately taken for procuring the assistance of foreign powers, and a confederation be formed to bind the colonists more closely together." A proposition like this, fraught as it was with the most momentous consequences, was not to be adopted hastily. It was very fully discussed on the Saturday and Monday fol lowing, when the further consideration of it was postponed to the first day of July, and a committee of five were appointed in the mean time to draft a Declaration of Independence. This committee consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Dr. Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. Mr. Jefferson, as chairman of the committee, was desired by his colleagues to prepare the draft. Here let us pause for a moment, and consider the causes, which, operating for a series of years, had at last led, or rather compelled, the colonists, to sever the ties which had so long bound them to England. The measures which Great Britain had adopted towards her American colonies, had ever been most arbitrary and unjust. These colonies had grown up entirely without her aid or fostering care. Separated by the wide Atlantic from every civilized nation, unassisted by the troops or the money of England, they had struggled successfully against all the dangers and disadvantages of their situation. With a savage foe con tinually hovering on their borders, and whose incursions were every where marked by the blood of their wives and children, and the ashes of their dwellings, the settlers had still subdued the forests, cultivated the soil, built up flourishing towns over every part of the Atlantic States, and sent forth their ships to every part of the commercial world. When the parent saw her colonies thus rapidly increasing in wealth and power, and that, so far from being a burden and a drawback, they could be made a source of a great and continually growing revenue, it was then that she thought of protection. From that moment it became the fixed and determined policy of the British government to make America, in every thing, contribute to the wealth, the importance, and the glory of England; and every measure tended to this end, no matter how injurious in its effects to the colonies. One of the first encroachments upon their rights was, by denying them the exercise of free trade with all parts of the world. In order to make them a source of profit, Great Britain was to be the depot of all their most valuable exports, which were afterwards to be shipped to other countries by the British merchant for his own benefit. All the most necessary articles for home consumption were to be purchased JEFFERSON. 103 of the British manufacturers, at such prices as they, fearing no competi tion from abroad, might choose to demand ; and, to enhance this profit, the colonies were not only forbidden to purchase of any other nation than England, but even to manufacture themselves. Or if this privilege was in any case granted them, they were prohibited from advancing beyond the first stages, and were only allowed to prepare the material for the hands of the British workman ; and the Governors of the different pro vinces were directed, under severe penalties, to abate the manufactories and mills of certain sorts as common nuisances. But Great Britain did i lot content herself with barely regulating the commerce of her colonies, she; soon interfered with their domestic affairs, and made manifest her deter mination to reduce them to a state of absolute dependence and subjection. It is not our intention here to particularize all the various encroachments upon American liberties; such detail would far exceed the narrow/ compass of this work. Let the Stamp Act, the Tea Act, the Boston Port Bill, bear witness to those invasions. But the descendants of those men who had dared all the hardships of an inhospitable shore, and an unexplored wilderness, were not to be tamely enslaved ; they were not the men to sit quietly by, and see their rights and liberties, as Englishmen, as men, one by one taken from them, without raising a voice or an arm in their defence. They believed, that although the Atlantic rolled between, they were still entitled to the same rights and the same privi leges as British subjects in the old world, and they determined to contend for those rights. When the course of oppression began, they petitioned ; those petitions were but the occasion of new injuries. They remonstrated respectfully, but firmly ; those remonstrances were disregarded, insult was added to oppression, and every opportunity was taken to irritate and ex asperate them. In vain did Burke raise his voice against this mad policy of the Ministry ; in vain did Chatham warn them of the disastrous conse quences. Led on by a blind fate, they heeded not, they stopped not, till America, stript of every resource, and driven to desperation, could only appeal to arms. The moment when that appeal was to be made, so full of interest, so big with the destinies of a world, had now arrived. The step which was now to be taken, could never be retraced ; the declaration now to be made could never be recalled ; once made, there could be no hope of reconciliation but in absolute submission. The Rubicon was before them. On the one side was slavery ; on the other clouds and darkness. What must have been the feelings of that man what the emotions which swelled his breast who was charged with the preparation of that Declaration, which, while it made known the wrongs of America, was also to publish her to the world, free, sovereign, and independent 1 For himself he had not a thought ; a cold, calculating prudence, in vain warned him how great was the risk, how few the chances of success ; in vain told him of his country pillaged by foreign troops, and deluged in the blood of its own citizens; in vain pointed to the gibbet, the rebel s doom. What though the loss of all things, and the death of a traitor were before him it was his country demanded the sacrifice, and it was cheerfully made. Through all the darkness of the present, he saw the brightness of the 104 JEFFERSON. future ; he saw, in imagination, his country the abode of a free and happy people, and he was content ; his hand trembled riot, as he wrote, America, Free and Independent. Living as we now do in a free land, far removed from all the troubles and vicissitudes of war, in the full enjoyment of liberties, which seem as necessary to our existence as the air we breathe, we can hardly conceive of the thoughts which must have crowded on the mind of Jefferson, while penning the Declaration of Independence. A man of weaker mind, or less firmness and decision of character, would have been overwhelmed, and have shrunk in dismay from the task. But Jefferson did not disap point the high expectations which had been formed of him. He went to his task with the full assurance that his cause was the cause of liberty ; and he rose from it confirmed in the resolution, to die, if necessary, in its defence. The Declaration of Independence is one of the most remarka ble papers ever written ; and did no other effort of the mind of its author exist, that alone would be sufficient to stamp his name with immortality. The Declaration, as drafted by Mr. Jefferson, was by him submitted to his colleagues, and, after a few unimportant alterations made by them, was reported by the committee, and read on Friday, the twenty-eighth of June. The original motion made by the Virginia delegation, namely, that Congress should declare the colonies free, sovereign, and indepen dent, having been disposed of in the affirmative, on Tuesday, the second of July, by a vote of all the States except New- York, (whose members did not consider themselves authorized by their instructions to vote on this question,) Congress proceeded to a consideration of the Declaration, which, after being debated during the greater parts of the second, third, and fourth of July, and after some passages which were thought objectionable had been stricken out, and some other alterations made, was finally agreed to by the House, and signed on the evening of the fourth by all the members present, except Mr. Dickinson. The Declaration of Independence is so intimately connected with the name of Thomas Jefferson, that any sketch of his life would seem imper fect without it. We therefore present it as originally reported by him, together with the alterations of Congress. A Declaration by the Representatives of the United States of America, in [General] Congress assembled.* When in the course of human events, it becomes neces sary for one people to, dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind, requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. * The parts struck out by Congress are printed in italics, and enclosed in brackets ; and the parts added are placed in the margin, or in a concurrent column. JEFFERSON. 105 "We hold these truths to be self evident: that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Crea tor with [inherent and] inalienable rights ; that among certain these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it ; and to institute new government, lay ing its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate, that governments long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right them selves, by abolishing the forms to which they are accus tomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations [begun at a distinguished period and] pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suffer ance of these colonies ; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to [expunge] their former systems alter of government. The history of the present King of Great Britain, is a history of [unremitting] injuries and usurpa- repeated tions, [among which appears no solitary fact to contradict all having the uniform tenor of the rest, but all have] in direct object the establishment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world, [for the truth of which we pledge a faith yet unsullied by falsehood.] He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome, and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of immedi ate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation, till his assent should be obtained, and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws, for the accommoda tion of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of representation in the legis lature, a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places unu sual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representatives houses repeatedly [and 14 106 JEFFERSON. continually] for opposing with manly firmness, his inva sions on the rights of the people. He has refused for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected, whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise, the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these- states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturali zation of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. obstructed He has [suffered] the administration of justice, {totally by to cease in some of these states,] refusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made [our] judges dependant on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. He has erected a multitude of new offices, [by a self- assumed power] and sent hither swarms of new officers, to harass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us in times of peace, standing armies [and ships of war] without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined with others, to subject us to a jurisdic tion foreign to our constitutions, and unacknowledged by our laws, giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation, for quartering large bodies of armed troops among us ; for protecting them by a mock trial from pun ishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states; for cutting off our trade with all parts of the world ; for imposing taxes on us with in many cases out our consent ; for depriving us [ ] of the benefits of trial by jury ; for transporting us beyond seas, to be tried for pretended offences ; for abolishing the free system of English laws, in a neighboring province; establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boun daries, so as to render it at once an example and fit instru ment for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies [states ;] for taking away our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws, and altering fundamentally the forms of our governments ; for suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us, in all cases whatsoever. by declaring He has abdicated government here, [withdrawing his gov- us out of his ernors, and declaring us out of his allegiance and protection.] protection, and waging war against us JEFFERSON. 107 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries, to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of cruelty, and perfidy, [ ] unworthy the head of a civilized nation. scarcely pa- He has constrained our fellow-citizens taken captive on ralleled in the the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to be- most barbar- come the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to ous ages, and fall themselves by their hands. totally He has [ ] endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of excited do- our frontiers, the merciless Indian savages, whose known me stic insur- rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all re ctions a- ages, sexes, and conditions [of existence.] mong us ^ an d [He lias incited treasonable insurrections of our fellow- nas citizens, with the allurements of forfeiture, and confiscation of our property. He has waged cruel war against human nature itself, violating its most sacred rights of life and liberty, in the persons of a distant people, who never offended him, cap tivating and carrying them into slavery in another hemis phere, or to incur miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical warfare, the opprobium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market, where men should be bought and sold, he has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce. And that this assemblage of horrors might want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very people to rise in arms among us, and to purchase that liberty of which he has deprived them, by murdering the people on whom he also obtruded them : thus paying off former crimes committed against the liberties of one people, with crimes which he urges them to commit against the lives of another.] In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress, in the most humble terms; our repeated peti tions have been answered only by repeated injuries. A prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a [ ] free people, [who mean to be free. Future ages will scarcely believe, that the hardiness of one man adventured, within the short compass of twelve years only, to lay a foundation so broad and so undisguised for tyranny, over a people fostered andjixed in principles of freedom] Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature, to extend [] jurisdiction an unwar- over [these our states.] We have reminded them of the rantable US 108 JEFFERSON. circumstances of our emigration and settlement here, [no one of which could warrant so strange a pretension : that these were effected at the expense of our own blood and treasure, unassisted by the wealth or the strength of Great Britain : that in constituting indeed our several forms of government, we had adopted one common king, thereby lay ing a foundation for perpetual league and amity with them, but that submission to their Parliament, teas no part of our constitution, nor ever in idea, if history may be credit- have ed, and] we [ ] appealed to their native justice and mag- and we have nanimity, [as well as to] the ties of our common kindred conjured to disavow these usurpations which [were likely to] inter- them by rupt our connexion and correspondence. They too have would inevi- been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity, tably [and when occasions have been given them, by the regular course of their laws, of removing from their councils the disturbers of our harmony, they have, by their free election, reestablished them in power. At this very time, too, they are permitting their Chief Magistrate to send over not only soldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mer cenaries, to invade and destroy us. These facts have given the last stab to agonizing affection, and manly spirit bids us to renounce forever these unfeeling brethren. We must endeavor to forget our former love for them, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We might have been a free and a great people together; but a communication of grandeur and of free dom, it seems, is below their dignity. Be it so, since they must will have. it. The road to happiness and to glory is open to us too. We will tread it apart from them, and] acqui esce in the necessity which denounces our [eternal] sep- and hold them aration [ ]! as we hold the rest of man kind, enemies in war, in peace friends. We therefore We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these [states re ject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the Kings of Great Britain, and all others, who may hereafter claim by , through, or un der them; we utterly dissolve all political connexion which may hcre- We therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appeal ing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our inten tions, do in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and de clare, that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states ; that they are JEFFERSON. 109 tofore have subsisted between us and the people or Parliament of Great Britain ; and finally ice do assert and declare these colonies to be free and independent states] and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, con clude peace, contract alliances, es- absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, con clude peace, contract alliances, es tablish commerce, and to do all tablish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which inde- i other acts and things, which inde pendent states may of right do. pendent states may of right do. And for the support of this declara- And for the support of this decla- tion, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. ration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. Mr. Jefferson continued an active member of the second Congress, and was appointed, together with Dr. Franklin and Silas Deane, a Com missioner to the Court of France, to negotiate treaties of alliance and commerce with that nation, but was compelled, on account of the state of his health, and other causes of a private nature, to decline the appoint ment. During the year 1776, the people of Virginia had been occupied in forming a constitution and plan of government for that state, and now that the more important measures of Congress had been carried, and the bark of Independence fairly launched, and though still tossing upon a wide and tempestuous sea, was yet under the guidance of bold hearts and strong hands, Mr. Jefferson turned his attention to his native state, and thinking that he could be of more use in her counsels, resigned the seat to which he had been elected in the third Congress, in September, 1776, and having been returned a member of the state legislature, immediate ly took his seat in that body in the following October. Early in the session, a committee was appointed in pursuance of a mo tion made by Mr. Jefferson, to make a careful revision of the laws of the state. This committee consisted of Mr. Jefferson, Edmund Pendleton, George Mason, Thomas L. Lee, and George Wythe, the former instructor of Jefferson, and afterwards Chancellor of Virginia. From this commit tee Mr. Mason and Mr. Lee soon excused themselves, considering them selves as not qualified for the undertaking, on account of their not being lawyers. The work was therefore divided between the other three mem bers, who in June, 1779, reported to the legislature a code of laws, comprised in the compass of one hundred and twenty -six bills. A few of these were from time to time passed by the legislature, as occasion or necessity required, but the greater part were deferred until after the peace in 1785, when most of them were enacted with little alteration. The labors of Mr. Jefferson, while a member of this committee, were so various and so extensive, that it would be impossible to convey an adequate idea of them, without encroaching upon other matters, of equal 110 JEFFERSON. importance, and, perchance, of more interest. Mr. Jefferson has perhaps been considered by many, as an innovator ; as too fond of destroying the old established customs and laws of society, and substituting in their place, the fanciful theories of his own brain. He had, it is true, no veneration for old laws and customs, merely because they were old ; he looked alone to their justice, and their adaptedness to human nature, and the existing state of things : and if he found not those qualities in them, their antiquity was no protection. He was not willing to live under a bad law, because his fathers had done so, when a better one could be obtain ed. But whether the charge of love of innovation be just or not, it must be confessed by all, that the alterations introduced by his means, into the constitution and laws of Virginia, were changes of the most beneficial nature. Many of these were important, as tending to abolish those cus toms of the old countries, which, whenever introduced, or suffered to re main in a newly established nation, must prove serious obstructions to its growth and prosperity such, for instance, as the laws converting estates tail into fee-simple, abolishing the right of primogeniture, and establish ing the freedom of religious opinion. To these may be added the laws for the general establishment of schools, and the abolishment of the slave trade all these were proposed, and eventually carried, though with modi fications in some cases, almost exclusively by the exertions of Mr. Jeffer son. " I considered," says Mr. Jefferson, " four of these bills, passed or reported, as forming a system, by which every fibre would be eradi cated, of ancient or future aristocracy ; and a foundation laid for a go vernment truly republican. The repeal of the laws of entail, would pre vent the accumulation and perpetuation of wealth, in select families, and preserve the soil of the country from being daily more and more absorbed in mortmain. The abolition of primogeniture, and equal partition of inheritances, removed the feudal and unnatural distinctions which made one member of every family rich, and all the rest poor, substituting equal partition, the best of all Agrarian laws. The restoration of the rights of conscience, relieved the people from taxation, for the support of a religion not theirs; for the establishment" (that is, of the Church of England,) " was truly the religion of the rich, the dissenting sects being entirely composed of the less wealthy people ; and these, by the bill for a general education, would be qualified to understand their rights, to maintain them, and to exercise with intelligence their parts in self government : and all this would be effected, without the violation of a single natural right, of any one individual citizen." In June, 1779, Mr. Jefferson was elected successor to Mr. Henry, as Governor of Virginia, a situation of peculiar difficulty, to one so entirely unused to military matters. Yet even here his genius showed itself equal to every emergency, and every thing was done by him that could be, to protect the state from the attacks made by the traitor Arnold on the seaboard, and Tarlton and Cornwallis on the southern frontier: but in 1781, the term for which he was elected having expired, believing that the people would be better satisfied with having a military man at the head of affairs, and the defence of the country better conducted, he resigned the office and was succeeded by General Nelson. JEFFERSON. Ill But two days after his resignation, Mr. Jefferson narrowly escaped being made a prisoner by Tarlton, who, with his regiment of horse, had been despatched by Lord Cornwallis, for the purpose of surprising the Governor, and the members of the Assembly, then in session at Charlottes- ville. Notice of the approach of the enemy was, however, brought to Charlottesville so early, that the members had time to escape. Mr. Jefferson was at breakfast with his family and some guests, when the intelligence of this movement was received at Monticello. He im mediately sent off his family to a place of safety, while he himself re mained to make some arrangements in his house, and while so occupied, a neighbor rode up to inform him that the enemy were then actually ascending the hill at full speed, and so near were they, that he had barely time to throw himself upon his horse and plunge into the woods, by which means he escaped the search that was made for him. Soon after Mr. Jefferson s retirement from office, however, some mem bers of the then legislature, believing, or pretending to believe, that he had been remiss, and culpably negligent, in the measures which he had adopted for the defence of the seaboard, at the time of Arnold s descent upon Richmond, moved for an investigation of his conduct. To this neither Mr. Jefferson or his friends made any opposition, and at the ses sion of the legislature, when the investigation was to have taken place, the movers, convinced that there was no ground for complaint, wholly de clined the farther prosecution of the charges. It has been a distinguishing feature in the lives of some of the most celebrated characters the world has ever produced, that, amidst the con fusion of war or the cares of state, they have still, with that true econo my so little understood, the economy of minutes, found time to devote to the cause of literature and science. It was so with Mr. Jefferson at this period. Notwithstanding the conspicuous part he had taken in public affairs, and the laborious duties he had been called upon to perform, amidst all the tumult of a civil war, he had still found time for works of a more peaceful nature. During the year 1781, M. de Marbois, Secretary of the French Legation in the United States, having been instructed by his own Court, to obtain all useful statistical information concerning the American States, that was in his power, addressed some inquiries to Mr. Jefferson, concerning Virginia. Mr. Jefferson had ever been in the habit of committing to writing, all the information he could at any time collect, and the numerous memoranda he had in this way obtained, now furnished him with materials for his answers to M. de Marbois questions. These he replied to at great length, giving a most interesting statement of the natural history, the soil, productions, institutions, and statistics of his native state. This work was afterwards published by him, under the title of " Notes on Virginia." But in those times of emergency and danger, talents of so high an order as Mr. Jefferson s, could not long be spared by his country, and she therefore soon made a new call for his services. In the early part of 1781, Mr. Jefferson had been appointed a Minister Plenipotentiary, to gether with Mr. Adams, Mr. Jay, Mr. Laurens, and Dr. Franklin, for the negotiation of peace which was then expected to take place. His ill 112 JEFFERSON. health, and the situation of affairs at home, however, compelled him to decline the appointment, and no progress was ever made in regard to the treaty. In 1782, he was again appointed a commissioner for the same purpose, and the hope of promoting the public interests, and at the same time of restoring his own health by a change of climate, induced him to accept the appointment ; but before his embarkation, news was received that the preliminaries of peace had already been signed by the other ministers, and he was therefore excused. In 1783 and 4, we find Mr. Jefferson again in Congress, and active in all important measures, especially as chairman of the committee upon the state of the treasury, and also of the committee to which was referred the definitive treaty of peace between Great Britain and the United States, which was finally ratified by this Congress, on the fourteenth January, 1784. On the seventh May, of the same year, in pursuance of a vote of Congress, Mr. Jefferson was appointed, together with Mr. Adams, and Dr. Franklin, who were then in Europe, a Minister Plenipotentiary for the purpose of forming treaties of commerce with foreign nations, and accordingly embarked, with his eldest daughter, at Boston, on the fifth of July, and, after a pleasant voyage, arrived at Paris on the sixth of August, where he was immediately joined by Dr. Franklin, and soon after by Mr. Adams. The commissioners were by no means as suc cessful in their attempts to form treaties, as had been anticipated, and at the end of a year, spent in almost fruitless negotiations, the only powers with whom treaties had been effected, were Prussia and Morocco, and their commission expired without any thing of importance having been accomplished. In February, 1786, Mr. Jefferson, who had been previously appointed to succeed Dr, Franklin, as Minister to France, at the solicitation of Mr. Adams, then at the Court of St. James, went over to England, in the hope of effecting a treaty of commerce with that nation : how dis couraging was his reception, can best be le arnt from his own words. " On my presentation," says he, " as usual, to the King and Queen at their levees, it was impossible for any thing to be more ungracious, than their notice of Mr. Adams and myself. I saw at once, that the ulcera- tions of mind in that quarter, left nothing to be expected on the subject of my attendance ; and on the first conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the distance and disinclina tion which he betrayed in his conversation, the vagueness and evasions of his answers to us, confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have any thing to do with us." Mr. Jefferson, therefore, finding his visit fruit less, returned to Paris on the thirtieth of April, after an absence of seven weeks. It would be useless, in this hasty sketch, to attempt to give any account of the various diplomatic transactions in which Mr. Jefferson was engag ed, during his residence in France, a period of little more than five years, from August, 1784, to October, 1789, especially, as they would not be of great interest to the general reader. As the representative of a new country at a foreign court, there was, of course, much to be done by him, yet there was nothing which required the exercise of any great talents or JEFFERSON. 113 powers of mind, at least when compared with the scenes of deep and eventful interest through which we have lately followed him ; and after contemplating such scenes and such transactions, the mere details of business and diplomatic negotiations must necessarily appear dull and even insignificant. But the years passed by Mr. Jefferson in Europe, although not now so interesting to most readers, as the other periods of his life, was still one of great enjoyment to him. Fond as he had ever been of science, the stirring scenes in which he had been called to take so conspicuous a part, had allowed him little time for study and investiga tion : that time, it is true, had been carefully employed, but he now found full opportunity for the free indulgence of his literary and scientific tastes. In the most polite court in Europe, surrounded by the most learned men of the age, honored and esteemed by them, not only as a statesman, but as a philosopher, he led a life most congenial to a mind like his, so eager in the pursuit of knowledge, and so capable of enjoying all that was elegant and refined. He was, too, the friend of Franklin, and so great was the enthusiasm felt by the French people for that remarkable man, that to be his friend, was of itself, apart from all other circumstances of public character, a sufficient passport to the society and friendship of Condorcet, Buffbn, D Alembert, and all the wise and learned of the French capital. To the happiness Mr. Jefferson experienced there, and the many pleasant attachments formed there, must be in part attributed the strong preference he ever afterwards exhibited towards that nation. In his memoirs, when speaking of his departure from France on his re turn to America, he adds, " And here I cannot leave this great and good country, without expressing my sense of its preeminence of charac ter among the nations of the earth. A more benevolent people I have never known, nor greater warmth and devotedness in their select friend ships. Their kindness and accommodation to strangers is unparalleled, and the hospitality of Paris is beyond any thing I had conceived to be practicable in a large city. Their eminence too in science, the commu nicative dispositions of their scientific men, the politeness of the general manners, the ease and vivacity of their conversation, give a charm to their society, to be found no where else. In a comparison of this with other countries, we have the proof of primacy, which was given to The- mistocles after the battle of Salamis. Every general voted to himself the first reward of valor, and the second to Themistocles. So, ask the trav elled inhabitant of any nation, In what country on earth would you rather live ? Certainly in my own, where are all my friends, my relations, and the earliest and sweetest affections and recollections of my life. Which would be your second choice ? France." Yet notwithstanding his love of France and its society, America still held the first place in his heart, and, amidst all the refinement and learn ing of Paris, he often sighed for the retirement of Monticello. In a letter to the Baron Geismer, dated at Paris, September sixth, 1785, he says, " The character in which 1 am here, at present, confines me to this place, and will confine me as long as I continue in Europe. How long this will be, I cannot tell. I am now of an age, which does not easily accommodate itself to new manners and new modes of living, and I am 15 114 JEFFERSON. savage enough to prefer the woods, the wilds, and the independence of Monticello, to all the brilliant pleasures of this gay capital. I shall therefore rejoin myself to my native country, with new attachments, and with exaggerated esteem for its advantages ; for though there is less wealth there, there is more freedom, more ease, and less misery." Mr. Jefferson was naturally led, during his residence in Europe, to com pare the state of the French people, their advancement in morals, in science, and the arts of life, with his own countrymen. As a citizen of a new republic, where perfect freedom of religious opinions existed, and where the only end of government was to improve the people, and deeply anxious as to the result of the great experiment which was then on trial, Whether the people could rule themselves ? he was constantly watching the effects of the government, and the long established institutions of France, on the character and happiness of the people, and instituting comparisons between the inhabitants of that and of his own land ; and although America was even then suffering all the evils which a long and bloody war, carried on in the midst of her own territories, had inflicted on her, the result of his observations was uniformly in her favor. In a letter to Mr. Bellini, dated Paris, 1785, he thus expresses himself" Be hold me at length on the vaunted scene of Europe ! It is not necessary for your information, that I should enter into details concerning it. But you are, perhaps, curious to know how this new scene has struck a sa vage of the mountains of America. Not advantageously, I assure you. I find the general fate of humanity here most deplorable. The truth of Voltaire s observation offers itself perpetually, that every man here must be either the hammer or the anvil. While the great mass of the people are thus suffering under physical and moral oppression, I have endeavor ed to examine more nearly the condition of the great, to appreciate the true value of the circumstances in their situation, which dazzle the bulk of spectators, and, especially, to compare it with that degree of happiness which is enjoyed in America by every class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the younger, and those of ambition the elder part of the great. Conjugal love having no existence among them, domestic happiness, of which that is the basis, is utterly unknown. In lieu of this, are substitut ed pursuits which nourish and invigorate all our bad passions, and which offer only moments of ecstacy, amidst days and months of restlessness and torment. Much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, perma nent felicity, with which domestic society in America blesses most of its inhabitants ; leaving them to follow steadily those pursuits which health and reason approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of those pursuits. " In science the mass of the people is two centuries behind ours ; their literati, half a dozen years before us. With respect to what are termed polite manners, without sacrificing too much the sincerity of language, I would wish my countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness, as to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which really ren der European manners amiable, and relieve society from the disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it. Here, it seems that a man might pass a life without encountering a single rudeness. In the plea- JEFFERSON. 115 sures of the table they are far before us, because with good taste they unite temperance. They do not terminate the most sociable meals by trans forming themselves into brutes. I have never yet seen a man drunk in France, even among the lowest of the people. Were I to proceed to tell you how much I enjoy their architecture, sculpture, painting, music, I should want words. It is in these acts they shine. The last of them, particu larly, is an enjoyment, the deprivation of which with us cannot be calcu lated. I am almost ready to say, it is the only thing which from my heart I envy them, and which, in spite of* all the authority of the Deca logue, I do covet." In another letter to Mr. Wythe, dated Paris, August, 1786, when speaking of the revision of the laws in which the Assembly of Virginia had been engaged, he writes " I think, by far the most important bill in our whole code, is that for the diffusion of knowledge among the peo ple. No other sure foundation can be devised for the preservation of freedom and happiness. If any body thinks that kings, nobles, or priests, are good conservators of the public happiness, send him here. It is the best school in the universe, to cure him of that folly. He will see here with his own eyes, that these descriptions of men are an abandoned confederacy against the happiness of the mass of the people. The om nipotence of their effect cannot be better proved, than in this country particularly, where notwithstanding the finest soil upon earth, the finest climate under heaven, and a people of the most benevolent, the most gay and amiable character, of which the human form is susceptible ; where such a people, I say, surrounded by so many blessings from nature, are loaded with misery by kings, nobles, and priests, and by them alone. Preach, my dear Sir, a crusade against ignorance ; establish and im prove the law for educating the common people. Let our countrymen know, that the people alone can protect us against these evils, and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose, is not more than the thou sandth part of what will be paid to kings, priests, and nobles, who will rise up among us if we leave the people in ignorance." During Mr. Jefferson s residence in Europe, his official duties demand ed so much of his attention, and confined him so closely to Paris, that he had few opportunities for visiting the other parts of the continent. We have already mentioned, that soon after his appointment, at the request of Mr. Adams, and in the hope of effecting a commercial treaty with England, he visited London. He also went to the Hague at a later period, to meet Mr. Adams, for the purpose of negotiating a loan to Con gress, and returned thence along the banks of the Rhine. In the early part of 1787, having suffered much from a dislocated wrist, he was in duced to try the warm mineral springs of Aix, in Provence, in the hope that they would prove beneficial, but not finding them of the service he had expected, he took the opportunity to visit the southern provinces of France, and the northern parts of Italy ; and the short journal he has left us, is enough to make us regret that he had not possessed more leisure, or that fortune had not made him a traveller. While in Paris, Mr. Jefferson became acquainted with Ledyard, the celebrated American traveller, who had come there with the intention of 116 JEFFERSON. forming a company for the prosecution of the fur trade on the northwest coast, and in which plan he found an active coadjutor in Paul Jones, who was at that time in France. Not succeeding in this, Mr. Jefferson suggested to him the idea of a journey through the Russian dominions to Kamschatka ; thence to cross to Nootka Sound, and return across the continent of America to the United States. This plan was readily adopt ed by Ledyard, who was eager for any expedition of discovery, whether to the frozen regions of Siberia, or the burning deserts of Africa. Mr. Jefferson accordingly undertook"*to obtain the permission of the Empress Catharine, for him to journey through her dominions. This, however, was peremptorily refused by the Empress. But Ledyard, once started in an enterprise, was not to be deterred by an obstacle of this nature ; he therefore left Paris for St. Petersburg, thinking that in person he might obtain the necessary permission. Not finding the Empress at St. Peters burg, and unwilling to suffer any delay, he proceeded without it, and had actually arrived on the banks of the Lena, arid within a few days journey of Kamschatka, when he was overtaken by officers despatched after him, brought back to the frontiers of Russia, and there dismissed. Hitherto we have regarded Mr. Jefferson merely as a statesman, but it is not in this light only that he is to be viewed. During all the time of his residence abroad, the numerous letters to his friends in America, de tailing all the new discoveries made in science and the arts, prove how deeply he was interested in those subjects ; and the following letter will show how readily he could turn from the cares of state, to familiar inter course of the lightest and most sportive kind. Of the lady to whom it was addressed we know nothing, but we are confident its playfulness and the goodness of heart which it exhibits, will prove an ample apology for the length of the extract. " To MRS. COSWAY. " Paris, October 12, 1786. " My dear Madam, " Having performed the last sad office of handing you into your car riage, at the pavilion de St. Denis, and seen the wheels get actually into motion, I turned on my heel and walked, more dead than alive, to the opposite door, where my own was awaiting me. Mr. Danquerville was missing. He was sought for, found, and dragged down stairs. We were crammed into the carriage, like recruits for the Bastile ; and not having soul enough to give orders to the coachman, he presumed Paris our des tination, and drove off. After a considerable interval, silence was broke, with a " Je suis vraimcnt afflige du depart de ces bons gens." This was a signal for mutual confession of distress. We began immediately to talk of Mr. and Mrs. Cosway, of their goodness, their talents, their amia bility ; and though we spoke of nothing else, we seemed hardly to have entered into the matter, when the coachman announced the Rue St. Denis, and that we were opposite Mr. Danquerville s. He insisted on descending there, and traversing a short passage to his lodgings, I was carried home. Seated by my fireside, solitary and sad, the following dialogue took place between my Head and my Heart. " Head. Well, friend, you seem to be in a pretty trim. JEFFERSON. 117 " Heart. I am indeed the most wretched of all earthly beings. Over whelmed with grief, every fibre of my frame distended beyond its natural powers to bear, I would willingly meet whatever catastrophe should leave me no more to feel or to fear. " Head. These are the eternal consequences of your warmth and pre cipitation. This is one of the scrapes into which you are ever leading us. You confess your follies, indeed ; but still you hug and cherish them ; and no reformation can be hoped, where there is no repentance. " Heart. Oh ! my friend, this is no moment to upbraid my foibles. I am rent into fragments by the force of my grief ! If you have any balm, pour it into my wounds ; if none, do not harrow them by new torments. Spare me in this awful moment. At any other, I will attend with pa tience to your admonitions. " Head. On the contrary, I never found that the moment of triumph, with you, was the moment of attention to my admonitions. While suffer ing under your follies, you may perhaps be made sensible of them ; but the paroxysm over, you fancy it can never return. Harsh, therefore, as the medicine may be, it is my office to administer it. ***** * * * * I w ish to make you sensible how imprudent it is to place your affections without reserve on objects you must so soon lose, and whose loss, when it comes, must cost you such severe pangs. Remember the last night. You knew your friends were to leave Paris to-day. This was enough to throw you into agonies. All night you tossed us from one side of the bed to the other ; no sleep, no rest. The poor crippled wrist, too, never left one moment in the same position ; now up, now down, now here, now there ; was it to be wondered at if its pains returned ? The surgeon then was to be called, and to be rated as an ignoramus, because he could not divine the cause of this extraordinary change. In fine, my friend, you must mend your manners. This is not a world to live at random in, as you do. To avoid those eternal distresses, to which you are forever exposing us, you must learn to look forward before you take a step, which may interest our peace. Every thing in this world is matter of calculation. Advance, then, with caution ; the balance in your hand. Put into one scale the pleasures which any object may offer ; but put fairly into the other the pains which are to follow, and see which prepon derates. The making an acquaintance is not a matter of indifference. When a new one is proposed to you, view it all round. Consider what advantages it presents, and to what inconveniences it may expose you. Do not bite at the bait of pleasure, till you know there is no hook beneath it. The art of life is the art of avoiding pain ; and he is the best pilot, who steers clearest of the rocks and shoals with which it is beset. Pleasure is always before us, but misfortune is at our side ; while running after that, this arrests us. The most effectual means of being secure against pain, is to retire within ourselves, and to suffice for our own happiness. Those which depend on ourselves, are the only pleasures a wise man will count on ; for nothing is our own, which another may deprive us of. Hence the inestimable value of intellectual pleasures. Ever in our own power, always leading us to something new, never cloying, we ride secure and sublime above the concerns of this mortal world, contemplating truth 118 JEFFERSON. and nature, matter and motion, the laws which bind up their existence, and that eternal Being, who made and bound them up by those laws. Let this be our employ. Leave the bustle and tumult of society to those who have not talents to occupy themselves without them. Friendship is but another name for an alliance with the follies and the misfortunes of others. Our own share of miseries is sufficient. Why enter, then, as volunteers into those of another? Is there so little gall poured into our cup, that we must need help to drink that of our neighbor ? A friend dies or leaves us : we feel as if a limb was cut off. He is sick : we must watch over him and participate of his pains. His fortune is shipwrecked : ours must be laid under contribution. He loses a child, a parent, or a partner : we must mourn the loss as if it were our own. Heart. And what more sublime delight, than to mingle tears with one whom the hand of Heaven hath smitten ! to watch over the bed of sickness, and to beguile its tedious and its painful moments ! to share our bread with one to whom misfortune has left none ! This world abounds indeed with misery ; to lighten its burden, we must divide it with one another. But let us now try the virtue of your mathematical balance ; and as you have put into one scale the burdens of friendship, let me put its comforts into the other. When languishing, then, under disease, how grateful is the solace of our friends ! how are we penetrated with their assiduities and attentions ! how much are we supported by their encourage ments and kind offices ! When Heaven has taken from us some object of our love, how sweet is it to have a bosom whereon to recline our heads, and into which we may pour the torrent of our tears ! Grief with such a comfort is almost a luxury. In a life where we are perpetually exposed to want and accident, yours is a wonderful proposition, to insulate our selves, to retire from all aid, and to wrap ourselves in the mantle of self- sufficiency ! For assuredly, nobody will care for him, who cares for nobody. But friendship is precious, not only in the shade, but in the sunshine of life ; and thanks to a benevolent arrangement of things, the greater part of life is sunshine. I will recur for proof to the days we have lately passed. On these, indeed, the sun shone brightly ! How gay did the face of nature appear ! Hills, valleys, chateaux, gardens, rivers, every object wore its liveliest hue ! Whence did they borrow it ? From the presence of our charming companion. They were pleasing, because she seemed pleased. Alone, the scene would have been dull and insipid : the participation of it with her gave it relish. Let the gloomy monk, sequestered from the world, seek unsocial pleasures in the bottom of his cell ! Let the sublimated philosopher grasp visionary happiness, while pursuing phantoms dressed in the garb of truth ! Their supreme wisdom is supreme folly, and they mistake for happiness the mere absence of pain. Had they ever felt the solid pleasure of one generous spasm of the heart, they would exchange for it all the frigid speculations of their lives, which you have been vaunting in such elevated terms. Believe me, then, my friend, that that is a miserable arithmetic, which could estimate friendship at nothing, or at less than nothing. Respect for you has induced me to enter into this discussion, and to hear principles uttered, which I detest and abjure. Respect for myself now obliges me to recall you into the JEFFERSON. 119 proper limits of your office. When nature assigned us the same habita tion, she gave us over it a divided empire. To you she allotted the field of science, to me that of morals. When the circle is to be squared, or the orbit of a comet is to be traced, when the arch of greatest strength or the solid of least resistance is to be investigated, take up the problem ; it is yours ; nature has given me no cognizance of it. In like manner, in denying to you the feelings of sympathy, of benevolence, of gratitude, of justice, of love, of friendship, she has excluded you from their control. To these she has adapted the mechanism of the heart. Morals were too essential to the happiness of man, to be risked on the uncertain combina tions of the head. She laid their foundation, therefore, in sentiment, not in science. That she gave to all, as necessary to all ; this to a few only, as sufficing with a few. I know, indeed, that you pretend authority to the sovereign control of our conduct in all its parts ; and a respect for your grave saws and maxims, a desire to do what is right, has sometimes induced me to conform to your counsels. A few facts, however, which I can readily recall to your memory, will suffice to prove to you, that nature has not organized you for our moral direction. When the poor wearied soldier, whom we overtook at Chickahominy, with his pack on his back, begged us to let him get up behind our chariot, you began to calculate that the road was full of soldiers, and that if all should be taken up, our horses would fail in their journey. We drove on therefore. But soon becoming sensible you had made me do wrong, that though we cannot relieve all the distressed, we should relieve as many as we can, I turned about to take up the soldier, but he had entered a by-path, and was no more to be found ; and from that moment to this, I could never find him out to ask his forgiveness. Again, when the poor woman came to ask charity in Philadelphia, you whispered that she looked like a drunkard, and that half a dollar was enough to give her for the alehouse. Those who want the dispositions to give, easily find reasons why they ought not to give. When I sought her out afterwards, and did what I should have done at first, you know that she employed the money immediately towards placing her child at school. If our country, when pressed with wrongs at the point of the bayonet, had been governed by its heads instead of its hearts, where should we have been now ? Hanging on a gallows as high as Hainan s. You began to calculate, and to compare wealth and numbers ; we threw up a few pulsations of our blood ; we supplied enthusiasm against wealth and numbers ; we.put our existence to the hazard, when the hazard seemed against us, and we saved our country : justifying, at the same time, the ways of Providence, whose precept is to do always what is right, and leave the issue to Him. In short, my friend, as far as my recollection serves me, I do not know that I ever did a good thing on your suggestion, or a dirty one without it. I do forever, then, disclaim your interference in my province. Fill paper as you please with triangles and squares ; try how many ways you can hang and combine them together : I shall never envy nor control your sublime delights. But leave me to decide when and where friendships are to be contracted. You say I contract them at random. So you said the woman at Philadelphia was a drunkard. I receive none into my esteem, till I know they are worthy of it. Wealth, title, office, 120 JEFFERSON. are no recommendations to my friendship. On the contrary, great good qualities are requisite to make amends for their having wealth, title, and office. You confess that, in the present case, I could not have made a worthier choice. You only object that I was so soon to lose them. We are not immortal ourselves, my friend; how can we expect our enjoyments to be so ? We have no rose without its thorn, no pleasure without its alloy. It is the law of our existence, and we must acquiesce. It is the condition mnexed to all our pleasure, not by us who receive, but by Him who gives them. True, this condition is pressing cruelly on me at this moment. I feel more fit for death than life ; but when I look back on the pleasures of which it is the consequence, I am conscious they were worth the price I am paying. Notwithstanding your endeavors, too, to damp my hopes, I comfort myself with expectations of their promised return. Hope is sweeter than despair, and they were too good to mean to deceive me. " In the summer," said the gentleman ; but " in the spring," said the lady ; and I should love her forever, were it only for that. Know then, my friend, that I have taken these good people into my bosom ; that I have lodged them in the warmest cell I could find ; that I love them, and will continue to love them through life ; that if fortune should dispose them on one side the globe and me on the other, my affections shall pervade its whole mass to reach them. Knowing, then, my determina tion, attempt not to disturb it. If you can at any time furnish matter for their amusement, it will be the office of a good neighbor to do it. I wih, in like manner, seize any occasion which may offer, to do the like good turn for you with Condorcet, Rittenhouse, Madison, La Cretelle, or any other of those worthy sons of science, whom you so justly prize. " I tnought this a favorable proposition whereon to rest the issue of the dialogue. So I put an end to it by calling for my nightcap. Methinks, I hear you wish to Heaven I had called a little sooner, and so spared you the ennui of such a sermon." In October, 1789, Mr. Jefferson having obtained from government the permission he had long solicited, to return home for a short time, em barked at Havre for the United States. It was not his intention, at that time, to resign his station at the Court of Versailles. France, ever a de sirable residence to him, was at this time an object of the strongest inte rest. The flame of revolution which had been kindled in America had already touched the shores of Europe, and the spirit of republicanism was rapidly spreading through all classes of people in France. To Mr. Jef ferson, to the citizen of a country, itself just emancipated, just escaped from servitude, the struggle which was now rapidly approaching between the people and the throne, between liberty and long established oppres sion, was one of peculiar interest, desirous as he must have been to see the rights and principles for which he had so successfully contended in America, transplanted and flourishing in the soil of Europe. It was therefore his intention, after a short visit to his native country, to return and resume his office. Immediately, however, upon his arrival at Nor folk, in the latter part of November, he was met by a letter from General Washington, containing an appointment to be Secretary of State. To this Mr. Jefferson replied, stating his desire to return to France, but at JEFFERSON. 121 the same time assuring the President of his willingness to remain, could his services be more beneficial to his country at home. A second letter from the President, expressing the same wish as the former, but giving him the choice of the two situations, induced him to forego his own in clinations, and accept the appointment. During Mr. Jefferson s long absence, great changes had taken place in the United States. The country which he had left five years before, just emerging from a pro tracted and exhausting war, without a government, and in almost as great danger from the internal dissensions, which were naturally to be expected among a people so peculiarly situated, as she had previously been, from external enemies, he now beheld flourishing, and happy, and rapidly increasing in wealth and population. During that interval, the Federal Constitution had been adopted, a government organized, and at its head the gratitude of a free people had placed that man, who had so successfully conducted her armies, and who, as the first President of the Western Republic, proved himself as wise in counsel, as he had before shown himself victorious in war. Mr. Jefferson immediately entered upon the duties of his station, and, <luring his continuance in office, he ever discharged them with the greatest zeal and ability. We can here, of course, speak only in general terms : to enter into a detail of the whole course of his administration would be impossible, without at the same time writing the political histo ry of the country. The duties assumed by him were of the most arduous and responsible nature, embracing the superintendance, both of domestic affairs, and of foreign relations : and they were at that time more difficult from the infancy both of the office and the government. Nevertheless, our intercourse with foreign nations, for the management of which, Mr. Jefferson was eminently qualified by his former diplomatic experience, was so conducted, that the interests and rights of the citizen were pro tected, and the honor and dignity of the nation supported, without any infringement of the rights of others; and in the home department, the numerous reports and state papers on subjects of the highest impor tance, which from time to time he laid before Congress, furnish abun dant proof of his talents and industry. At the close of the year 1793, Mr. Jefferson, finding himself one of an administration, from a majority of whose members he differed in views, which were every day becoming of more and more importance, and that he could not consistently act with them, in the measures which would be adopted, especially in regard to our foreign relations, retired from the office of Secretary of State. Party spirit, never long asleep in any coun try, and least of all in a republic, had already risen high in America, and the whole body of the people, from the first statesman in the cabinet, down to the merest village alehouse politician, were ranged under the banners of one or the other of the contending parties. To that one of these parties, known by the name of Democratic, Mr. Jefferson found himself strongly drawn by the whole course of his previous habits and opinions. The other members of the cabinet, however, were attached to the opposite party ; and Mr. Jefferson, therefore, thought himself call ed upon to withdraw. 16 JEFFERSON. For a time, therefore, Mr. Jefferson retired from public life, and de voted himself to the cultivation of his estate, and to those literary and scientific pursuits of which he was so fond ; and at Monticello, in the bosom of his family, and undisturbed by the calls of office, he experienced, for a few years, the domestic happiness and quiet, he was so well fitted to enjoy. He was about this time, too, chosen President of the American Philosophical Society, as successor to Rittenhouse, and, for the long period that he filled the chair, was active in promoting, in every way in his power, the prosperity of the institution. Mr. Jefferson, however, was not long permitted to remain a private citizen. In September, 1796, General Washington, the only person who could unite the affections of the whole people, in his Farewell Address to the people of the United States, declined being any longer considered a candidate for the office of Chief Magistrate. The two great parties, into which the nation was divided, therefore, immediately brought forward their candidates. Mr. Adams was nominated by the one, and Mr. Jefferson by the other ; and at the election which took place in the fall of that year, Mr. Adams was chosen President, and Mr. Jefferson Vice-President, for the four years next ensuing. As the principal duty of the Vice-President, unless in case of the death of the President, is merely to preside in the Senate, much of these four years, except during the sessions of Congress, was spent by Mr. Jefferson in the tranquillity of Monticello. In 1801, Mr. Jefferson, who had again been nominated as a candidate, in opposition to Mr. Adams, received a majority of the votes of the peo ple. But as the number of votes given for Mr. Jefferson and for Mr. Burr, who had been nominated by the democratic party for Vice-Presi dent, were equal, and the constitution did not require that the votes should specify the office to which each one was respectively elected, neither having such a majority as was necessary to a choice, the election devolved upon the House of Representatives. When the election came on, the opponents of Mr. Jefferson threw their votes for Mr. Burr, and it was not until after thirty-five unsuccessful ballots, that Mr. Jefferson was elected President, and Mr. Burr became, of course, Vice-President. On the fourth of March, 1801, Mr. Jefferson took the oath of office, and delivered his inaugural address in presence of both houses of Con gress. After declaring his diffidence and distrust of his own powers, in the conduct of the affairs of so vast a nation, he thus expresses the hope that all parties would unite in the support of the government and the union. " Let us then, fellow-citizens, unite with one heart and one mind ; let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection, without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things. And let us reflect that, having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little, if we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonizing spasms of infuri ated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore ; that this should be more felt and feared by JEFFERSON. ; 123 some, and less by others; and should divide opinions as to measures of safety ; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans ; we are all federalists. If there be any among us who would wish to dissolve this union, or to change its republican form, let them stand undisturbed as monuments of the safety with which error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it. I know, indeed, that some honest men fear that a republican government cannot be strong ; that this government is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the full tide of successful experiment, abandon a govern ment which has so far kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and vision ary fear, that this government, the world s best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the con trary, the strongest government on earth. I believe it the only one, where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order as his own personal concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he then be trusted with the government of others ? Or have we found angels, in the form of kings, to govern him ? Let history answer this question." He then proceeds to give, in the following summary manner, a brief statement of the principles which were to be the rule of his administra tion. " About to enter, fellow-citizens, on the exercise of duties which comprehend every thing dear and valuable to you, it is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and, consequently, those which ought to shape its administration. I will com press them within the narrowest compass they will bear, stating the general principle, but not all its limitations. Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political ; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none ; the support of the state governments in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies ; the preservation of the general government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home, and safety abroad ; a jealous care of the rights of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are un provided ; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism ; a well disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them ; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority ; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened ; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith ; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid ; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason ; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trials by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constel- 124 JEFFERSON. iation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation. The wisdom of our sages and blood of our heroes have been devoted to their attainment ; they should be the creed of our political faith, the text of civic instruction, the touchstone by which to try the services of those we trust ; and should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." The democratic party having now gained the ascendency in the national councils, the policy of the country underwent considerable changes. Of the merits of the different measures sanctioned and pur sued by the respective administrations, it is not necessary here to speak ; the distinctions which then prevailed, and led to so much bitterness and hostility, are passed away, and the measures of government are now to be adjudged wise or unwise, beneficial or injurious, without reference to the party from which they emanated. The policy of Mr. Jefferson s ad ministration, however, at that time, was so far approved, that in 1805, at the expiration of the term for which he had been chosen, he was reelect- ed to the chief magistracy by a large majority, notwithstanding all the exertions of the federal party. There can be no doubt that many of the acts of Mr. Jefferson were beneficial, and probably would be allowed to be so now, by those who, in the excitement of party, believed them to be destructive of the best interests of the country. Of this character is the purchase of Louisiana, and the annexation of all that fertile country to the United States, thereby giving us not only a vast extent of valuable territory, but what was also of the greatest importance, the undisputed navigation of the Mississippi, the great outlet of the west. Of others, as of the embargo of 1807, the expediency, to say the least, may be doubt ful. Since the adoption of the Federal Constitution, perhaps no act of the government, at any period, has ever been more warmly supported by its friends, or more violently and unsparingly attacked by the opposition. The deep and continued aggressions of the two great belligerent powers of Europe, England and France, upon the neutral commerce of the country, after negotiation and remonstrance had been tried in vain, call ed for more efficient measures for protection on the part of the govern ment. These aggressions, by the injuries offered to our trade, especially with the British colonies, by the impressment of seamen and the numerous depredations on our coasts, had become so annoying, that, in December of 1805, Mr. Jefferson thus calls the attention of Congress to the subject. " Our coasts have been infested, and our harbors watched, by private armed vessels, some of them without commissions, some with illegal com missions, others with those of legal form, but committing piratical acts beyond the authority of their commissions. They have captured in the very entrance of our harbors, as well as on the high seas, not only the vessels of our friends coming to trade with us, but our own also. They have carried them off under pretence of legal adjudication, but, not daring to approach a court of justice, they have plundered and sunk them by the way, or in obscure places, where no evidence could arise against them, maltreated the crews, and abandoned them in boats in the open sea, or JEFFERSON. 125 on desert shores, without food or covering. The same system of hovering on our coasts and harbors, under color of seeking enemies, has been also carried on by public armed ships, to the great annoyance and oppression of our commerce. New principles, too, have been interpolated into the law of nations, founded neither in justice nor the usage or acknowledg ment of nations. According to these, a belligerent takes to itself a com merce with its own enemy, which it denies to a neutral, on the ground of its aiding that enemy in the war. But reason revolts at such an incon sistency ; and the neutral having equal rights with the belligerent to decide the question, the interests of our constituents, and the duty of maintaining the authority of reason, the only umpire between just nations, impose on us the obligation of providing an effectual and determined opposition to a doctrine so injurious to the rights of peaceable nations. In consequence of these suggestions of the Executive, the first measures taken by Congress were the preparations for the defence of our coast in case of a war, and the non-importation act, passed in the early part of 1806. Commissioners were also appointed at the several foreign courts, to make some adjustment of the existing difficulties, and prevent a repe tition of such injuries. While these negotiations were pending, a most flagrant outrage, com mitted by the British frigate Leopard upon the frigate Chesapeake, in our very waters, and almost in sight of our coast, produced the proclamation of the President of July second, 1807, requiring all British armed vessels, then within the waters of the United States, to depart, and forbidding them to enter. Scarcely, however, was this injury disavowed and offers of reparation made, when the British Orders in Council, of November of the same year, appeared. By these the British government prohibited all commerce between the United States and the ports of his enemies in Europe, unless the articles had been first landed in England, and the duties paid for their re-exportation. Under these circumstances, more decided measures were called for on the part of our government. Sub mission was not for a moment thought of; and the only alternative was between open war, or such measures as should take us completely out of the power of our enemies and the operation of these orders. In the opinion of Mr. Jefferson, the country was not then in a situation to hazard a war ; and, therefore, the only means left to prevent the entire destruction of our commerce, was a prohibition of all intercourse, which it was supposed would have the desired effect, not only by keeping our own shipping in port, out of the way of the enemy, but by depriving them of the benefit of our commerce, thereby inducing them to come to some term* Consequently, an embargo was laid on all our vessels, prohibiting their de parture from any port of the United States, by an act of Congress, passed December twenty-second, 1807. The consideration, whether this mea sure was expedient, or the best one which could be adopted, belongs to the political historian. The early part of Mr. Jefferson s second administration, was disturbed by an event, which threatened the tranquillity and peace of the union ; this was the conspiracy of Aaron Burr. Defeated in the late election to the Vice-Presidency, and led on by an unprincipled ambition, this 126 JEFFERSON. extraordinary man formed the plan of a military expedition into the Spanish territories, on our southwestern frontier, for the purpose of form ing there a new republic. This, however, as has been generally suppos ed, was a mere pretext; and although it has never been accurately known what his real plans were, there is no doubt that they were of a far more dangerous character. The opinion generally received, is, that his object was to bring about a separation of the states west of the Allegha- nies from the general government, and form them into an independent state. The plan, however, whatever it might have been, was never ma tured, for no sooner were the government apprized that bodies of men were organizing, and arming themselves for the avowed purpose of an attack upon a neighboring government, then at peace with us, without the authority of Congress, than measures were taken to disperse those who had assembled, to seize their arms and stores, and to arrest the ringleaders. Immediately upon the discovery of the plan, Colonel Burr fled, but was soon overtaken, and brought back to Richmond, Virginia. Here he was examined before Chief Justice Marshall, upon a charge of high misdemeanor, in preparing, within the limits of the United States, an expedition against the Spanish provinces, and also on a charge of treason, and bound over for trial on the former, there not being sufficent evidence to justify a commitment on the latter, and upon the trial for the misde meanor, in August, 1807, he was also acquitted for a like want of evi dence. In 1809, at the expiration of the second term for which Mr. Jefferson had been elected, he determined to retire forever from political life. For a period of nearly forty years, he had been continually before the public, and all that time had been employed in offices of the greatest trust and responsibility. Having thus devoted the best part of his life to the ser vice of his country, he now felt desirous of that rest which his declining years required, and upon the organization of the new government, in March, 1809, he bid forever farewell to public life, and retired to Monti- cello, there to enjoy all " That which should accompany old age, As honor, love, obedience, troops of friends." From this time, Mr. Jefferson never took any part in politics ; but to one like him, even old age had its duties, and in the cultivation of his estate, in study, and in the exercise of a boundless hospitality, he found full employment for his time. But the object which most interested him during his later years, was the establishment of a system of general education in Virginia, and especially the superintendance of the new university of Virginia, which was founded in 1818, through his instru mentality. Of this institution, which was located at Charlottesville, a town at the foot of the mountain on which the estate of Monticello was situated, Mr. Jefferson was chosen rector at the time of its foundation, and continued in that office during the remainder of his life, devoting himself unremittingly to the interests and advancement of this child of his old age. There was one circumstance, however, which contributed in some JEFFERSON. 127 degree to disturb the happiness of the last years of his life. As the greater part of his life had been spent in the service of his country, and in public stations, to the support of which the small salary, which the more than Spartan economy of a republic allowed, was by no means equal, the estate of Mr. Jefferson, though originally large, had been con stantly diminishing, and in 1825, he found himself obliged to apply to the Legislature of Virginia, for leave to dispose of his estate of Monticello by lottery, to prevent its being sacrificed, and in order to raise money sufficient to discharge his debts. This indeed was granted, but the days of the patriot were numbered, the time was fast approaching when his earthly wants were to cease, and the name of Jefferson must ever remain another instance of the tardy gratitude of republics. The fourth of July, 1826, being the fiftieth anniversary of the Declara tion of American Independence, great preparations were made, in every part of the Union for its celebration, as the nation s jubilee, and the citizens of Washington, to add to the solemnity of the occasion, invited Mr. Jefferson, as the framer, and one of the few surviving signers, of the Declaration, to participate in their festivities. But an illness, which had been of several weeks duration, and had been continually increasing, compelled him to decline the invitation. In his reply, on the twenty- fourth of June, he gives evidence, that although his earthly frame was fast perishing, his mind was still the same ; still animated with the same ardent love of liberty, still eager for the universal emancipation of man. "It adds sensibly," he writes, "to the sufferings of sickness, to be de prived by it of a personal participation in the rejoicings of that day; but acquiescence under circumstances, is a duty not placed among those we are permitted to control. I should, indeed, with peculiar delight, have met and exchanged there congratulations, personally, with the small band, the remnant of the host of worthies who joined with us, on that day, in the bold and doubtful election we were to make for our country, between submission and the sword ; and to have enjoyed with them the consola tory fact, that our fellow-citizens, after half a century of experience and prosperity, continue to approve the choice we made. May it be to the world, what I believe it will be, (to some parts sooner, to others later, but finally to all,) the signal of arousing men to burst the chains, under which monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded them to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self government. The form which we have substituted, restores the free right to the un bounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. All eyes are opened, or opening, to the rights of man. The general spread of the lights of science has already laid open, to every view, the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual return of this day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undhmnished devotion to them." Soon after this letter was written, the illness, which before had not been considered at all dangerous, increased rapidly, and on the twenty- sixth, he was obliged to confine himself to his bed. On the second of 128 JEFFERSON. July, the disease, under which he was laboring, left him, but in such a reduced state, that his medical attendants entertained no hope of his recovery. From this time he himself was perfectly sensible, that his last hour was at hand, and with the utmost calmness he conversed with the different members of his family, and gave directions concerning his coffin, and his funeral, which he was desirous should be at Monticello, and without any display or parade. On the next day, which was Monday, he asked of those around him, the day of the month, and on being told it was the third of July, he expressed the earnest wish that he might be permitted to breathe the air of the fiftieth anniversary. His prayer was heard that day, whose dawn was hailed with such rapture through our land, burst upon his eyes, and then they were closed forever. And what a noble consummation of a noble life ! To die on that day, the birthday of a nation, the day which his own name and his own act had rendered glorious; to die amidst the rejoicings and festivities of a whole nation, who looked up to him, as the author, under God, of their greatest bles sings, was all that was wanting to fill up the record of his life. Fifty summers had rolled over his head, since the day when the Congress of 76 declared America independent ; fifty years he had watched over her like a parent over his child : and he had been permitted to see that country, whose cause in her hour of darkness he had so nobly maintain ed, prosperous and happy. He had prayed that he might see that day : and on that day, amidst the acclamations of twelve millions of freemen, in the hour within which, fifty years before, he had signed the Magna Charta of American Freedom, his spirit was freed from the bondage of earth. Happy in his life, more happy in his death, of him it may truly be said, that " Nothing in his life, Became him like the leaving it." And almost at the same hour, the kindred spirit of the venerable Adams, as if to bear him company, left the scene of his earthly honors. Hand in hand they had stood forth, the champions of freedom ; hand in hand, during the dark and desperate struggle of the revolution, they had cheered and animated their desponding countrymen ; for half a century they had labored together for the good of their country ; and now hand in hand they departed. In their lives they had been united in the same great cause of liberty, and in their deaths they were not divided. At the time of his death, Mr. Jefferson had attained the age of eighty- three years and a few months. In January, 1772, he was married to Martha, widow of Bathurst Skelton, and daughter of John Wayles, a lawyer of considerable eminence in the then colony of Virginia. Their union, however, was of short duration ; she died in September, 1782, leaving three daughters, one of whom died young, the other two were married, one to Thomas M. Randolph, afterwards Governor of Virginia, the other to Mr. Eppes. In person Mr. Jefferson was tall and thin, rather above six feet in height, but well formed ; his eyes were light, his hair, originally red, in after life became white and silvery ; his complexion was fair, his forehead broad, and his whole countenance intelligent and thoughtful. He pos- JEFFERSON. 129 scsscd great fortitude of mind as well as personal courage ; and his com mand of temper was such, that his oldest and most intimate friends never recollected to have seen him in a passion. His manners, though dignified, were simple and unaffected, and his hospitality was so unbounded, that all found at his house a ready welcome. In conversation he was fluent, eloquent, and enthusiastic ; and his language was remarkably pure and correct. He was a finished classical scholar, and in his writings is discernible the care with which he formed his style upon the best models of antiquity. His style is pleasing and attractive, seeking rather to per suade by the beauty and refinement of manner, than to convince by the mere force of argument. Of Mr. Jefferson s Notes on Virginia, we have already spoken ; another work published by him, while he was Vice-Presi dent, and, consequently, presiding officer of the Senate, was a Manual of Parliamentary Practice, which has since been a standard work on that subject, and probably contains the best collection of rules for forensic debate in existence. But for Mr. Jefferson s most numerous and most important productions, we must go to the archives of the government, and there in the state papers, and reports made by him, we shall find the evidence of his talents, industry, and learning. His correspondence was very extensive, embracing not only the great men of his own country, but also the most distinguished philosophers and statesmen of France. Since his death, four volumes of his writings, edited by his grandson, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, have been published, containing a short memoir of his life, to the time of his appointment to be Secretary of State, written by himself, in 1821, and also a large collection of his letters, to various persons, and on various subjects. It is neither our intention or wish, to speak of the religious opinions of Mr. Jefferson. Discarding as we do, all political prejudices, we have heretofore been enabled to speak of him in terms of approbation, and that too, as we trust, without any sacrifice of truth. This could not be the case, however, should we now enter upon the consideration of his religious sentiments. As a mere moralist, he must ever be esteemed for opinions and doctrines, which would have done honor to the purest sages of Greece and Rome, and which certainly far surpassed the theories and the practice of his masters in religion, the sceptics of the French school. But little now remains to be said of Mr. Jefferson; his whole life was passed before the public eye, and his actions speak his character better than any words can express them. Whatever may be the judgment of posterity, in regard to Mr. Jefferson s administration, it is as the bold and fearless patriot of the revolution, as the framer of the Declaration of American Independence, that he will be best known. Posterity may be divided, as the present age has been, concerning the wisdom and the expediency of his measures, while he occupied the chair of the Chief Magistrate, for those measures were of such doubtful tendency, that the best and wisest might differ concerning them ; but as one of the Congress of 76, as one of the firmest opposers of British aggressions, as one of the most able statesmen of the revolution, his conduct has been stamped by the approbation of a whole nation, and a judgment rendered, that no future age will ever reverse. The latter part of Mr. Jefferson s life also 17 130 JEFFERSON. presents a most pleasing picture. It is delightful to see a man of such vast acquisitions, and such varied powers, after a life spent in the service of his country, and in the fulfilment of the highest duties, calmly retire from public stations, to spend his declining years, not in inactivity and lethargy, but in untiring exertions for the advancement of the human race ; and instead of sinking into a second childhood, by constant exercise maintaining all the faculties of his mind unimpaired to the last. We hardly know which is the more interesting object Thomas Jefferson, as the young and ardent patriot of 76, or as the silver haired philosopher of Monticello. Or if the former is the more interesting, surely the latter is the more pleasing. When we look upon the former, while we admire his noble spirit, and his holy daring, we yet tremble for his safety, as we think of the rocks and quicksands by which he is sur rounded, and of which the least may make shipwreck of him forever. But when we contemplate the latter, in all the serenity of an honored old age, resting from his labors, and seeking in the cultivation of philosophy the highest pleasures of the intellect, and the means still to benefit man kind we feel an emotion of thankfulness rising in our hearts, at the thought that all those dangers we so much dreaded have been passed ; that the course so prosperously commenced, has been gloriously pursued, and the long wished for haven at last obtained. The admiration we involuntarily feel for the former, is more than equalled by the veneration we willingly offer to the latter. JAMES MADISON. MATERIALS for the biography of a public man are to be found, for the most part, in the history of the great events in which he was an actor. In our own country this is particularly the case. It is, perhaps, hardly to be regretted that the private life of our distinguished men is in some mea sure sacred from the offensive notoriety which is the lot and the penalty of eminence in other countries. The numerous dependants on the peri odical press of Great Britain deem themselves privileged to annoy men of any reputation, by what they term sketches of their lives. They pick up garbled and inaccurate stories, invent one or two leading incidents, and, to complete the biography, fasten upon its unfortunate subject a few of the most popular anecdotes that have been current for the last century. These accounts circulate for the truth, and a man is obliged to see himself the hero of battles which he never fought, and an actor upon boards which he never trod. But there is some satisfaction in reading even an incorrect, but well written account of a great man s life, for the same reason that there is pleasure in looking on an indifferent likeness, which is well painted and handsomely framed. Taste is pleased, if curiosity is not satisfied. A void is filled ; we have learned something, and if that something is not accurate, we still have high authority for believing that all history is little better than fable. Of the early life of Mr. Madison we have been able to collect no au thentic anecdotes. His later years have been passed in retirement, and he is now living in the strictest privacy at Montpelier, in Virginia. He was born in the year 1750, and took an early and efficient interest in the affairs of our infant republic. Sound principles on subjects of public and political interest seem to have been instilled into him from his birth. To state what little we know of his private life, before commencing the narra tion of that part of his career which is the property of his country, Mr. Madison, in 1794, was married to Mrs. Todd, in Philadelphia, widow of John Todd, Esq. a practitioner of the Pennsylvania bar. Her maiden name was Paine, and her father, who was of the Society of Friends, emigrated from Virginia to Philadelphia. She was eighteen years of age at the time of her first marriage, and as her husband died in less than three years afterwards, she was still quite young when she became the wife of Ivlr. Madison. Her manners were agreeable, her deportment mild and dignified, and her conversation fascinating. With the wish to please, and a willingness to be pleased, she was popular in her circle of associates ; and when her second husband was called to his high office, she discharged, with a dignified affability, those polite attentions which were so constantly required of her. She exerted a woman s tender influ- 132 MADISON. ence to soften the political asperities of the time by the amenities of social life ; and strove to hide the thorns of public controversy under the roses of private cheerfulness. It has been said, to her great praise, that in her highest fortune she never neglected her early friends, but extended to all who approached her, those aitentions which please the exalted and inspire the humble with confidence. The first knowledge that we have of Mr. Madison finds him, at an early age, a very active member of the Continental Congress. To him, more than to any one living, the people of the United States are indebted for the constitution under which they live. He was a leader in the con vention that framed the Federal Constitution, and the most influential of its supporters in the Virginia Convention which adopted it. He wrote the greatest part of the Federalist; was the author of the Virginia Resolu tions of 1798, and the Virginia Report of 1799, and for sixteen years was charged with the administration of the government, as the incumbent suc cessively of the second and first offices in the Executive. The first subject that pressed upon the attention of Congress, at the close of the revolution, was the debt incurred during the war, and which it was imperative upon them either to fund or pay. The national com merce had been annihilated. To revive it was the first step towards reviving prosperity. But as a preliminary to any commercial arrange ments or treaties with foreign powers, a settlement of their own debt was indispensable. In this first step, however, Congress immediately felt its utter inefficiency, its incapability of even moving with its actual powers. To the impost laid on during the war, divers states had refused acquies cence. How was that or any tax to be now enforced? Nevertheless a committee was appointed. It drew up a report, which was soon issued, as an address to the several states, praying them to make provision for the national creditors. The address was received with the same spirit which had endangered the commonwealth so lately, by holding out against the claims of the veterans of the war ; and as Congress had resolved not to raise money from one state till all had consented to the measure, each waited for its neighbor to commence, and each excused itself by its neighbor s backwardness. At the same time Congress felt its want of authority marring the national interests upon another point. Envoys had been despatched to Europe for the purpose of concluding commercial treaties. England, the first applied to, held off, declaring that Congress had not power to conclude one. In vain did Mr. Jefferson argue that the American government had in reality suffi cient authority. If it had, it was certainly not very clear ; and the Bri tish ministry, well pleased at an opportunity to disappoint the United States envoys, and to flout the inexperience of their government, held firm in its denial. The states were in the mean time dispensed from coming to a determi nation respecting raising a general fund, as the envoys of Congress had found it necessary to meet pressing demands by a loan. Individuals still smarting from the losses of a war were very willing to throw forward, as it were, the burden of taxes to a future and more prosperous time. They were disappointed in these selfish calculations. Prosperity came MADISON. 133 not, nor promised to come. Commerce was not restored. England still kept up her prohibitions or high duties upon all the great exports of America; nor could France consent to receive them, notwithstanding her own inclination, and all the efforts of Jefferson. To England, and to some relaxation in that country s ri^id prohibition, they were obliged to look ; and this alone produced the consolidation of the Federal Govern ment. England had changed her policy. She had laid aside the sword ; but she still carried on, what, to America, was as destructive, a commercial war. She monopolized the fisheries, shut out the American ships from her West Indies, and essayed to take to herself the whole carrying trade of her late colonies. Jefferson and Adams labored in Europe to open markets for their countrymen. They concluded treaties with Portugal, with Sweden, with divers European powers. But shut out from the Medi terranean by the Barbary corsairs; from France, notwithstanding the amity of the countries, by the monopoly of tobacco and other causes ; the only alternative left to America was to force England to be equitable. This, however, could not be done by the state legislatures ; for if one ad mitted British ships, whilst the other excluded them, the union of the com monwealth was not only destroyed, but the object of exclusion defeated. Congress, in 1784, therefore, demanded powers to exclude generally the vessels of all countries not having treaties of commerce with America. Most of the states acceded to this request ; but delays and difficulties intervened ; some could not be brought to understand it. Ere it was ac cepted, the necessity of powers more extended and minute were felt, so that Congress made a fresh demand of being permitted to regulate the entire commerce of the republic. To these commercial difficulties were added political causes of quarrel between England and America. Notwithstanding the express stipulation of the treaty, the British creditors remained still unpaid; and the ministry refused, in consequence, to evacuate the military posts within the north western frontier of the United States. The fault lay with divers states of the Union, who resisted carrying into effect the honest stipulation of Con gress. The progress of the United States was thus effectually arrested. It was in vain that Congress or its leading members discussed or passed votes for forming treaties, raising funds, or regulating commerce. It was vain to devise remedies without the power of applying them. Every American of eminence and experience saw the necessity of giving more authority to Congress, of forming a federal head, and giving, in fact, an efficient go vernment to the country. The foremost in their opinions were the Virginians. Seeing the weak ness of Congress, this state had early united with Maryland in a prohibi tory system. Proving the good effect of this, they had besought the other states to send commissioners to agree upon making it general. This proposition, made by Mr. Madison, produced what was called a conven tion, or a meeting of delegates from five states, at Annapolis, in Septem ber, 1786. The assembly soon perceived that unity upon commercial regulations must depend upon the political and fundamental unity of the 134 MADISON. state, .and that the only possibility of agreeing as to a common tariff, was to frame an efficient constitution. For this important task the delegates at Annapolis were not prepared. They declared, however, the necessity of taking such a measure into consideration, and, ere they separated, agreed as to the expediency of calling* more general and solemn meet ing of delegates from all the states, to meet in the following year at Philadelphia. At this period broke forth that political schism, that separation of the Americans into two parties, which had been brooding and preparing since the peace. The war had been a struggle between whig and tory ; the supporters of independence on one side, the favorers of monarchy and British connexion on the other. By the destruction of the latter, the independents were left alone to split into new parties, as the nature of every political society requires. Those which were formed on the present occasion, have ever since endured, and the flags which each then hoisted long continued to float with their ancient principles inscribed. But the jealousy of certain states in the preservation of their own local rights and interests was likely to operate fatally in marring the project of a constitution, and rendering any innovation for the purpose impracticable ; since the dissentient states were resolved not to choose delegates, or accede to the desire of Virginia. At length, however, the majority of the state legislatures was brought to coincide with the views of the federal statesmen. Convinced by late experience of the necessity of an established and general government, even for purposes of domestic security, the hitherto refractory states nam ed, without hesitation, their delegates to the appointed convention for forming a constitution.* Accordingly, in the month of May, 1787, the delegates of twelve states met at Philadelphia. Washington, who had reluctantly consented to attend, was chosen president. The discussion and arrangement of the several articles were carried on with closed doors, and lasted four months. And at length, on the 17th of September, the proposed consti tution was made public. It was presented to Congress, and by that body was submitted to the several states for acceptance. t The following interesting summary of Mr. Madison s opinions on the subject of confederation is from a paper in the hand-writing of Gene ral Washington, and presents the substance of a letter received by him a * The state of Rhode Island alone refused. f A history of this convention has never been written. The causes which led to it may be easily ascertained and traced out, but the opinions and private movements of the great political leaders of the day, the precise share of merit due to each for the part he acted in enlightening the public mind, and preparing it for the issue of events, the previous interchange of thoughts and sentiments, the exposition of mo tives, the ultimate hopes, and above all, the proceedings of the convention itself, the views, arguments, and designs of individuals, and the general voice of their con stituents, as expressed by them ; all these topics and numerous others are yet in the dark, and must remain so, till the papers left by the departed actors in the scene, and such as are still held by the few venerable worthies that remain of that dignified assembly, shall come under the eye of the faithful historian, and receive a patient inspection and a discriminating award. N. A. Review. MADISON. 135 short time previous to the holding of the Convention at Philadelphia. For this valuable document we are indebted to the twenty-fifth volume of the North American Review. " Mr. Madison thinks an individual independence of the states utterly ir reconcilable with their aggregate sovereignty, and that a consolidation of the whole into one simple republic would be as inexpedient as it is unat tainable. He therefore proposes a middle ground, which may at once support a due supremacy of the national authority, and not exclude the lo cal authorities whenever they can be subordinately useful. " As the groundwork, he proposes that a change be made in the prin ciple of representation, and thinks there would be no great difficulty in effecting it. " Next, that, in addition to the present federal powers, the national go vernment should be armed with positive and complete authority in all cases which require uniformity; such as the regulation of trade, including the right of taxing both exports and imports, the fixing the terms and forms of naturalization, &/c. " Over and above this positive power, a negative in all cases whatever on the legislative acts of the states, as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative, appears to him absolutely necessary, and to be the least pos sible encroachment on the state jurisdictions. Without this defensive power he conceives that every positive [law ?] which can be given on paper, will be evaded. " This control over the laws would prevent the internal vicissitudes of state policy, and the aggressions of interested majorities. " The national supremacy ought also to be extended, he thinks, to the judiciary departments ; the oaths of the judges should at least include a fidelity to the general as well as local constitution ; and that an appeal should be to some national tribunals in all cases, to which foreigners or in habitants of other states may be parties. The admiralty jurisdictions to fall entirely within the purview of the national government. " The national supremacy in the executive departments is liable to some difficulty, unless the officers administering them could be made ap- pointable by the supreme government. The militia ought entirely to be placed in some form or other under the authority which is interested with the general protection and defence. " A government composed of such extensive powers should be well or ganized and balanced. " The legislative department might be divided into two branches, one of them chosen every years by the people at large, or by the legisla tures ; the other to consist of fewer members, to hold their places for a Jonger term, and to go out in such rotation as always to leave in office a large majority of old members. " Perhaps the negative on the laws might be most conveniently exer cised by this branch. "As a further check, a council of revision, including the great ministe rial officers, might be superadded. " A national executive must also be provided. He has scarcely ventured as yet to form his own opinion, either of the manner of which it ought to be constituted, or of the authorities with which it ought to be clothed. 136 MADISON. " An article should be inserted, expressly guarantying the tranquillity of the states against internal as well as external dangers. " In like manner, the right of coercion should be expressly declared. With the resources of commerce in hand, the national administration might always find means of exerting it either by sea or land ; but the dif ficulty and awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a state, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it might be precluded. Perhaps the negative on the laws might create such a mutual dependence between the general and particular authorities as to answer ; or perhaps some defined objects of taxation might be submitted along with commerce to the general authority. ** To give a new system its proper validity and energy, a ratification must be obtained from the people, and not merely from the ordinary au thority of the legislature. This will be the more essential, as inroads on the existing constitutions of the states will be unavoidable." Although the party, designated as democratic, had given up a con siderable portion of its hostility to a united government, still it was far from wanting representatives in the convention. We are informed, in deed, that, in the most important questions, votes were so nicely balanced, that it was impossible to foretell any decision. During the discussions the leading men opposed to the democrats published their opinions in a series of letters, signed the Federalist, a name which henceforward seemed to designate the party. Mr. Madison and Mr. Jay were writers ; but the principal one, as well as the most esteemed in his opinions, was Colonel or General Hamilton. This gentleman went the length of propos ing that the president and each senator should hold his office, as our judges do, during their good behavior. The anti-federalists, on the other hand, of whom the future leader, Jefferson, was, however, as yet in France, supported the principle of rotation, or frequent change in the person wielding the executive of the country. The federalists side was most powerful in talent, and being supported by the authority of Wash ington, their opinions mainly prevailed. The constitution no sooner appeared, than it was attacked with a host of objections. One party exclaimed that it had melted the states into one government, without fencing the people by any declarations of rights ; that a standing army was not renounced, and the liberty of the press not secured ; that Congress reserved to itself the power of suspending trial by jury in civil cases ; that rotation in office was abandoned ; that the president might be re-elected from four years to four years, so as to ren der him a king for life, like a king of Poland ; and that the check or aid of a council had not been given him. Notwithstanding these objections, the constitution obtained the assent of all the states, save two Rhode Island and North Carolina. New- York was said to have acceded, chiefly, from fear of being excluded from the union ; and, in consenting, she had demanded a new convention to make amendments in the act. Even Vir ginia thought it necessary to propose alterations. She required a decla ration of rights, and the limitation that the President should be but once re-elected. These discussions occupied the year 1788, after which the constitution was generally accepted, and the grand point of a federal union achieved. MADISON. 137 The month of March, 1789, was the epoch appointed for the com mencement of the new government. So wanting, however, were many of the states, or their representatives, in zeal, that three weeks elapsed ere a full meeting of both Houses could be procured. Their first neces sary step was to elect a President ; and George Washington was unani mously chosen to the office. With unfeigned reluctance, occasioned both by love of retirement and tenderness for his reputation, did that great man accept the first office of the commonwealth. The sacrifice was de manded of him, as, in the words of Hamilton, the success of the great experiment, viz. the working and existence of the new government, alto gether depended upon the moral force which the name and character of Washington would bring to its chief office. Washington s progress from his seat of Mount Vernon to Philadelphia was a triumphant procession, such as few conquerors have known. The ceremony of his inauguration took place on the 30th of April, and the new President addressed Congress in a noble and touching discourse. He could not have evinced a stronger conviction of the importance of his own duties, as well as of those whom he addressed, than is conveyed in the following words : " The preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican form of government, are justly consi dered as deeply, perhaps as finally, staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people." No sooner was the federal government thus completed by the inaugu ration of its chief, than Congress proceeded at once to the considera tion of what most pressed upon its attention the revenue. But as every thing had hitherto remained unsettled, the discussion on this point, involv ed the question of foreign policy and preference ; and, leading to a warm debate, occasioned a collision between parties at the very outset of their legislative career. Mr. Madison proposed a tax upon imported goods and tonnage. This, in principle, was objected to by none ; but as the tonnage duty, pressing upon foreign vessels exclusively, was intended to act in favor of domestic, and at the expense of foreign shipping, it excited opposition. Some urged that America had few ships of her own, and needed the use of those which this duty might drive away. But Madison pointed out, in answer, the necessity of fostering the infant navy of the country, as the only defensive force that would be required or available in a future war. This argument overcame the objections. But another part of Mr. Madison s plan, that which favored the commerce of France rather than that of Great Britain, called forth greater heat and opposition. France had contributed largely by her aid and alliance to the cause of American independence, from selfish reasons, no doubt, rather than from any love either for America or freedom ; but this latter country was not called upon to scrutinize her motives. In addition to the claims of gratitude on this account, the envoys of the United States had been received as foes in Great Britain, as friends in France. The correspondence of Franklin and Jefferson, more especially the latter, exists, to attest how the sullen pride of merely English manner might have the effect of exciting ran cor in a statesman, and by consequence in his country. 18 138 MADISON A provision being made for raising a revenue and answering the just debts of the states, Congress proceeded to the completion of the machine of government by the institution of ministerial offices, according to the usage of the monarchies of Europe. Departments were erected, of the treasury, of war, and of state, the latter including foreign and domestic relations. This last important office attracted particular attention. The bill for establishing it intrusted the President with the power of removing the minister from office. It was moved, by way of amendment, that the President should not have the power of dismissing the minister without the assent of Congress. This assent or co-operation, it was argued, hav ing been considered requisite to the appointment, why should it not be indispensable, to the act of dismissal ? The government party op posed strenuously this attempt to nullify the presidential office, which, indeed, if shorn of this authority, would have been reduced to a level with that of its secretary. Nay, they were not content with voting this power at present, but contended that the rule should have been a funda mental part of the constitution. It was now declared to be so by a vote, the derogatory amendment having been previously negatived ; and the wholesome prerogative of the President was effectually secured. The several ministerial departments were now filled up. Colonel Ham ilton, the friend of Washington, and he who had chiefly induced him to accept the guidance of the new government, was appointed to the treasury. General Knox, who had been the war minister under Congress, was now re-appointed ; whilst Jefferson, envoy in France, but then on his return to the United States, was named secretary of the state department, including foreign and home affairs. At the head of the law was placed Mr. Jay, as chief justice, one of the most estimable characters of the time. Mr. Randolph was named attorney-general. Mr. Adams had been elected Vice-President : the only name of eminence omitted in the arrangements was that of Madison. A particular view of the successive administrations is given in the life of each of the Presidents. With a short account, therefore, of Mr. Madi son s celebrated commercial resolutions offered to Congress in January, 1794, we shall pass to the period and to the most striking affairs of his presidency. When Congress assembled in the month of December, 1793, a variety of important and interesting topics were pressing upon the public atten tion. The British government had declared France to be in a state of blockade, by issuing orders to stop all neutral ships laden with provisions bound to her ports. Corn at that time formed the chief export of the United States, and to prohibit them from shipping it at all, for the new regulation amounted in fact to this, was a grievance to which the most pacific neutral could scarcely submit. Another continually recurring source of complaint on the part of the United States against England was the pressing of their seamen, which circumstances rendered of frequent occurrence and tardy rectification. In reference to this state of affairs, Mr. Madison early in January, 1794, submitted to the House his commercial resolutions. The substance of the first of these resolutions was, that the interest of the United States would MADISON. 139 be promoted by further restrictions and higher duties in certain cases, on the manufactures and navigation of foreign nations. The additional du ties were to be laid on certain articles manufactured by those European nations which had no commercial treaties with the United States. These resolutions required reciprocity in navigation, except with respect to the West India trade. The last of the resolutions declared that provision ought to be made, for ascertaining the losses sustained by American citi zens, from the operation of particular regulations of any country contra vening the law of nations ; and that these losses be reimbursed, in the first instance, out of the additional duties on the manufactures and vessels of nations establishing such regulations. The debates on these resolu tions were long and animated. On the 3d of February the first was adopted by a majority of five only.* On the 4th of March, 1809, Mr. Madison, who had been Secretary of State under the preceding administration, was inducted into the office of President of the United States. At this time the situation of our affairs was in many respects gloomy. France and England were still at war, and were continuing to array against each other the most violent commercial edicts, that exhibited but little deference to the rights and interests of neutral nations. Previously to the adjournment of the last Congress under Mr. Jefferson, an act had been passed which repealed the then existing em bargo, and interdicted commercial intercourse with France and Great Britain. Should either of these powers, however, revoke their edicts, the President was authorized to renew their intercourse. Mr. Madison s in augural address was as follows : " Unwilling to depart from examples of the most revered authority, I avail myself of the occasion now presented, to express the profound im pression made on me, by the call of my country to the station, to the duties of which I am about to pledge myself, by the most solemn of sanc tions. So distinguished a mark of confidence, proceeding from the deliberate and tranquil suffrage of a free and virtuous nation, would, under any circumstances, have commanded my gratitude and devotion, as well as filled me with an .awful sense of the trust to be assumed. Under the various circumstances which give peculiar solemnity to the existing period, I feel that both the honor and the responsibility allotted to me, are inexpressibly enhanced. The present situation of the world is indeed without a parallel ; and that of our country full of difficulties. The pressure of these, too, is more severely felt, because they have fallen upon us at a moment when the national prosperity being at a height not before attained, the contrast resulting from the change has been rendered the more striking. Under the benign influence of our republican insti tutions, and the maintenance of peace with all nations, while so many of them were engaged in bloody and wasteful wars, the fruits of a just poli cy were enjoyed, in an unrivalled growth of our faculties and resources. Proofs of this were seen in the improvements of agriculture, in the suc cessful enterprises of commerce, in the progress of manufactures and * Pitkin. 140 MADISON. useful arts ; in the increase of the public revenue, and the use made of it in reducing the public debt, and in the valuable works and establish ments, every where multiplying over the face of our land. It is a pre cious reflection that the transition from this prosperous condition of our country to the scene which has for some time been distressing us, is not chargeable on any unwarrantable views, nor, as I trust, on any involun tary errors in the public councils. Indulging no passions which trespass on the rights or the repose of other nations, it has been the true glory of the United States to cultivate peace by observing justice ; and to entitle themselves to the respect of the nations at war, by fulfilling their neutral obligations with the most scrupulous impartiality. If there be candor in the world, the truth of these assertions will not be questioned. Posterity at least will do justice to them. This unexceptionable course could not avail against the injustice and violence of the belligerent powers. In their rage against each other, or impelled by more direct motives, principles of retaliation have been introduced, equally contrary to universal reason and acknowledged law. How long their arbitrary edicts will be continu ed, in spite of the demonstrations that not even a pretext for them has been given by the United States, and of the fair and liberal attempts to induce a revocation of them, cannot be anticipated. Assuring myself that, under every vicissitude, the determined spirit and united councils of the nation will be safeguards to its honor and its essential interests, I repair to the post assigned me, with no other discouragements than what spring from my own inadequacy to its high duties. If I do not sink un der the weight of this deep conviction, it is because I find support in a consciousness of the purposes and a confidence in the principles which I bring with me int this arduous service. To cherish peace and friendly intercourse with all nations having correspondent dispositions; to maintain sincere neutrality towards belligerent nations; to prefer, in all cases, amicable discussion and reasonable accommodation of differen ces to a decision of them by an appeal to arms ; to exclude foreign intrigues and foreign partialities, so degrading to all countries, and so baneful to free ones ; to foster a spirit of independence, too just to invade the rights of others, too proud to surrender our own, too liberal to indulge unworthy prejudices ourselves, and too elevated not to look down upon them in others ; to hold the union of the states as the basis of their peace and happiness ; to support the constitution, which is the cement of the union, as well in its limitations as in its authorities ; to respect the rights and authorities reserved to the states and to the people, as equally incorporated with, and essential to the success of, the general system ; to avoid the slightest interference with the rights of conscience, or the func tions of religion, so wisely exempted from civil jurisdiction ; to preserve in their full energy the other salutary provisions in behalf of private and personal rights, and of the freedom of the press ; to observe economy in public expenditures ; to liberate the public resources by an honorable dis charge of public debts ; to keep within the requisite limits a standing military force, always remembering that an armed and trained militia force is the firmest bulwark of republics ; that without standing armies their liberty can never be in danger, nor, with large ones, safe ; to promote by MADISON. 141 authorized means improvements friendly to agriculture, to manufactures, and to external as well as internal commerce ; to favor in like manner the advancement of science and the diffusion of information, as the best aliment to true liberty ; to carry on benevolent plans, which have been so meritoriously applied to the conversion of our aboriginal neighbors from the degradation and wretchedness of savage life, to a participation of the improvements of which the human mind and manners are susceptible in a civilized state. As far as sentiments and intentions such as these can aid the fulfilment of my duty, they will be a resource which cannot fail me. It is my good fortune, moreover, to have the path in which I am to tread, lighted by examples of illustrious services successfully rendered, in the most trying difficulties by those who have marched before me. Of those of my immediate predecessor, it might least become me here to speak. I may, however, be pardoned for not suppressing the sympathy with which my heart is full, in the rich reward he enjoys in the benedictions of a beloved country, gratefully bestowed for exalted talents zealously de voted, through a long career, to the advancement of its highest interest and happiness. But the source to which I look for the aid which alone can supply my deficiencies, is in the well tried intelligence and virtue of my fellow citizens, and in the councils of those representing them in the other departments associated in the care of the national interest. In these, my confidence will, under every difficulty, be best placed ; next to that which we have all been encouraged to feel in the guardianship and guidance of that Almighty Being, whose power regulates the destiny of nations, whose blessings have been so conspicuously dispensed to this rising republic, and to whom we are bound to address our devout gratitude for the past, as well as our fervent supplications and best hopes for the future." A new administration generally commences with fair promises on one side, and hopes on the other, of a change. It is a period of congratula tion and politeness. Mr. Madison was declared to want the inveterate republicanism and anti-British feeling of his predecessor. He had been the first to propose the federal union, and his political career since had not been marked as that of a partizan. These considerations raised the hopes of the English minister in America, that some arrangement might be made. The repeal of the embargo, and the substitution of a less ob noxious act, offered a fit and favorable pretext for renewing negotiations ; more especially as a clause was inserted in the later act, to the purpose, that if either of the belligerents should recall its hostile edicts, a procla mation of the executive should suffice to suspend the non-intercourse with respect to that belligerent. Mr. Erskine, accordingly, received from Mr. Canning, the English secretary of state, powers to treat, together with instructions as to the points to be insisted on. He was to consent to withdraw the orders in council on the essential points, on certain preliminary conditions, such as the prohibition against English ships appearing in American waters being repealed, and the abandonment of the right claimed by the United States to trade with such of the enemy s colonies as she was not permitted to trade with in peace. Overlooking these altogether, Mr. Erskine consi- 142 MADISON. dered the supension of the non-intercourse as a fair equivalent for that of the orders in council, and did not hesitate to stipulate, accordingly, that these should cease to be in force at a certain epoch. The President, accordingly, suspended the non-intercourse. But tidings no sooner reached England of the obsequious haste of Mr. Erskine, than he was disavowed. The orders in council were suspended only so far as not to endanger those vessels which had sailed from America on the faith of Mr. Erskine s declaration. The President, in consequence, declared the non-intercourse act as still in force, and the silent war of prohibitory edicts continued on its old footing. These blunders in diplomacy were singularly unfortunate, since they had the effect of irritating and giving rise to hateful suspicions. The Americans believed that Mr. Erskine had acted in consequence of his instructions, and that the disavowal was an act of capricious hostility on the part of the British minister. The parliamentary opposition in En gland took the same view ; and a partial production of the correspon dence accredited the belief, which afterwards, however, was proved to be erroneous. But the effect was tantamount. Erskine was recalled, and Mr. Jackson sent in his place. The latter was as ill-chosen as the former ; since there was some cause which rendered him particularly ob noxious to the Americans. He was received with studied coldness, and made to wait even for his recognition for a long time. His endeavors to renew the broken negotiation were met by the remark of the inutility of such an attempt, and by an allusion to the duplicity of the British srovern- ment in the affair of Erskine. Jackson retorted with warmth. His ob servations were considered as insults ; and, on this plea, further commu nication with him was declined, and his recall demanded of the minister in London. France having been again applied to by America at this time, the em peror replied, that his decrees were but retaliation ; and that if England recalled her blockade and her orders in council, he would suffer his de crees to be considered null. Mr. Madison took advantage of this appa rent fairness on the part of the French ruler, and obtained from the ma jority of Congress divers resolutions, approving of the high and defiant tone of policy observed by him towards England. The state of Massa chusetts alone protested. Preparations for war continued with activity ; and the people already began to turn their attention and capital to the domestic production of those manufactures with which Great Britain had been in the habit of more cheaply supplying them. England, at the same time, began to seek elsewhere those commodities which the United States had furnished : she sought them in Canada chiefly. The alienations and mutual injury thus worked by commercial prohibitions were, perhaps, greater than could have come of actual war. The conduct of Mr. Madison and the American government to the British envoy showed such signs of a leaning towards France, and, in deed, such an imitation of Napoleon s own behavior on similar occasions, that the emperor became more obsequious. The non-intercourse act expir ing in 1810, the Americans again summoned the two powers to remove their restrictions. This was asked with the manifest purpose of declaring MADISON. 143 war ; the latter being the only alternative, if the restrictions were not removed ; since the Americans could not consent to abandon the sea altogether. To this Bonaparte replied by an amicable advance, intimat ing, through his minister, that his decrees should be suspended. It was understood by him, of course, that America should no longer submit to the orders in council if unrepealed. To the English ministry an appeal was now made to follow the example of France. Unfortunately they hesitated, chicaned as to the supposed insincerity of the French declara tion, or the informality of its announcement ; and feeling that the demand was accompanied by menace, they held out more from pique than policy. No conduct could have been more ill-judged ; it served all the purpo ses of the anti-British in America, and flung the United States completely into the arms of France, whose vessels were now admitted to the ports of the former, whilst the interdict against the English was renewed. The British minister seems to have inferred that the French emperor could not be sincere in his declarations to consider his decrees no longer in force ; since such would have broken through that continental system, which was known to be his most fixed principle. In vain did the Ameri can envoy offer proof of his assertion in this respect. Reply was evaded : and at length, Mr. Pinkney demanded his audience of leave, determined to put an end to a mission that was hopeless. In this doubtful state of connexion between America and England, an accidental collision took place between vessels of the respective countries, tending much to inflame and widen the existing differences. An English sloop of war, the Little Belt, commanded by captain Bing- ham, descried a ship off the American coast, and made sail to come up with it ; but finding it a frigate and dubious of its nation, he retired. The other, which proved to be American, the President, under captain Rogers, pursued in turn. Both captains hailed nearly together; and both, instead of replying, hailed again ; and from words, as it were, came to blows, without explanation. Captain Bingham lost upwards of thirty men, and his ship suffered severely. A court of inquiry was ordered on the conduct of captain Rogers, which decided that it had been satisfac torily proved to the court that captain Rogers hailed the Little Belt first, that his hail was not satisfactorily answered, that the Little Belt fired the first gun, and that it was without previous provocation or justifiable cause. The Americans continued making every preparation for war. Forti fications were carried on at New- York and New Orleans. This latter position was, indeed, the vulnerable part of the confederacy. It was so felt, and divers plans were proposed ; one for a kind of military colony : that is, to grant lands to a body of men, on the condition of their being trained, and ready to take arms, should an enemy appear off the coast. But this plan, so little in accordance with the spirit of a free government, was not adopted. West Florida was, however, taken possession of, to cut the Gordian knot of difference on the subject with Spain. The moment was such as allowed the ungenerous advantage to be taken : Spain herself being occupied by the French, whilst her colonies were torn by civil wars. This formed another item of complaint and remon strance on the part of the British. 144 MADISON. In the spring of 1811, Mr. Foster was sent out plenipotentiary from England, to make another attempt at negotiation. But, as he had no power for stipulating the repeal of the orders in council, his mission was illusive : it was merely productive of argument and diplomatic pleading between him and Mr. Monroe. The British envoy contended, that it was France, not England, which commenced the blockade, prohibiting neu trals ; and that the repeal of her decrees was merely nominal. The American replied that the wrongs of France against his nation, afforded no plea for the wrongs of England to be wreaked on it also : he more over said, that France was sincere. Such arguments were of little avail. Mr. Foster returned without having effected any thing. In the November following, Congress was called together ; and Presi dent Madison addressed it fully respecting the points and consequences of the still widening difference. It was hoped, he said, at the close of last session, that the successive confirmation of the extinction of the French decrees would have induced the government of Great Britain to repeal its orders in council : on the contrary, however, they had been put into more rigorous execution, and fresh outrages had been committed on the American coasts. " Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the Unit ed States to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence, we have seen that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs, so long and so loudly calling for it, but in the execution, brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful commerce. With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent na tion can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corres ponding with the national spirit and expectations." This was followed up by demands of increase in the army, the navy, and all military stores and establishments. In this address, the President took occasion to allude to a new spirit of hostility displayed amongst the north-western Indians. Party attributed this to British gold and interference. The cause was evident, however, in the appearance of an Indian prophet, a reformer, who preached to his red brethren, that all their disasters had been owing to their having for saken the wise and simple habits of their ancestors ; and that he had been prompted by the Great Spirit to warn them from mingling with the whites, from eating hogs and bullocks, in lieu of the game that used to give them the warrior s and the hunter s spirit; and, above all, from the use of ardent spirits. This last salutary injunction gave force and truth, to all that the savage prophet uttered. This fanatic advice, however salutary in one respect, necessarily produced hatred towards the whites, and outrages upon them. General Harrison was despatched against the Indians in the autumn of 1811. The savages, at first, appeared friendly ; but it was only to cover the purpose of a night assault, which proved almost fatal to the American force : it lost considerable numbers, but suc ceeded in repulsing the enemy. MADISON. 145 The winter of 1811 12 passed in preparations for immediate war, as the British government, then for the first time elated with military success, showed no signs of yielding. However, the friends of peace and of America exerted themselves in parliament to deter the ministry from the rash act of adding the United States to the number of its enemies ; and this, for the support of commercial prohibition warranted neither by just pride nor wise policy. The marquis of Lansdowne, in the House of Lords, and Mr. Brougham, in the Commons, moved for a committee to take into consideration the orders in council. " If," said the former statesman, " at the time of the revolution in America, any one could have foreseen that the whole commerce of continental Europe would have fallen under the iron grasp and dominion of France, they would have looked to the establishment of an independent state on the other side of the Atlantic, out of the reach of French power, to become the carrier of our commerce and the purchaser of our manufactures, as the greatest boon that could have been given us. Such an event has occurred, as if provi dentially : yet this great and inestimable advantage has been destroyed by the orders in council." A majority in both houses voted for going into committee. Petitions from the manufacturing towns of England poured in against the orders ; and when the report of the committee was brought up, the general voice of the country and of parliament compelled the abandonment by the tories of their obnoxious orders. It was too late, however. The elo quence of Brougham, and never was greater shown both with tongue and pen, prevailed, but prevailed in vain. On the arrival of a ship from England, bringing no satisfactory tidings, the President sent a mes sage to Congress, recapitulating all the causes of complaint against Bri tain, (amongst which the stirring up of the Indians on the Wabash was not forgotten,) and recommended a formal declaration of war. Congress acceded to the proposal ; and, notwithstanding the energetic protest of the federals in opposition, war was declared against Great Britain on the 18th of June, 1812. The talk of Mr. Madison to the Indians, in 1812, at the commence ment of the war, contains sentiments so honorable to himself and his country, and so appropriately and beautifully expressed, that we shall copy a part of this very interesting document. It may be considered as the manifesto of the American government, establishing the principles of its intercourse with its aboriginal neighbors, in the critical circumstances, which imposed new duties upon both. And the contrast between this course, and that pursued by the British government, must awaken reflec tions here and elsewhere, which although tardy may yet be useful. " The red people who live on the same great island with the white peo ple of the eighteen fires, are made by the same Spirit, out of the same earth, from parts of it differing in color only. My regard for all my red children has made me Desirous that the bloody tomahawk should be buri ed between the Osages, the Cherokees, and the Choctaws. I wish also that the hands of the Shawnese and the Osage should be joined in my presence, as a pledge to cherish and observe the peace made at St. Louis. 19 146 MADISON. This was a good peace for both. It is a chain that ought to hold them fast in friendship. Neither blood nor rust should ever be upon it. "I am concerned that the war has so long been kept up by the Sacs and Foxes against the Osages ; and that latterly a bloody war is carried on between the Osages and the Toways. I now tell my red chil dren here present, that this is bad for both parties. They must put under my feet their evil intentions against each other, and henceforward live in peace and good will : each hunting on their lands and working their own soil. A father ought to give good advice to his children, and it is the duty of his children to hearken to it. The people composing the eighteen fires are a great people. You have travelled through their country. You see they cover the land, as the stars fill the sky ; and are as thick as the trees in your forests. Notwithstanding their great power, the British King has attacked them on the great water beyond which he lives. He has robbed them of their ships, and carried away the people belonging to them. Some of them he murdered. He has an old grudge against the eighteen fires, because when he tried to make them dig and plant for his people beyond the great water, not for themselves, they sent out warriors who beat his warriors ; they carried off the bad chiefs he had sent among them, and set up good chiefs of their own. The eighteen fires did this when they had not the strength they now have. Their blows will now be much heavier, and will soon make him do them justice. It happened when the thirteen fires, now increased to eighteen, forced the British King to treat them as an independent nation, one little fire did not join them. This he has held ever since. It is there that his agents and traders plot quarrels and wars between the eighteen fires and their brethren, and between one red tribe and another. Maiden is the place where all the bad birds have their nests. There they are fed with false tales against the eighteen fires, and are sent out with bloody belts in their bills to drop among the red people who would otherwise remain at peace. It is good for all the red people as well as all the people of the eighteen fires, that a stop should be put to this mischief. Their warriors can do it. They are gone and are going to Canada for this purpose. They want no help from their red brethren. They are strong enough without it. The British, who are weak, are doing all they can. by their bad birds, to decoy the red people into war on their side. I warn all the red people to avoid the ruin this must bring upon them. And I say to you, my children, your father does not ask you to join his warriors. Sit still on your seats : and be witnesses that they are able to beat their enemies, and protect their red friends. This is the fatherly advice I give you. " I have a further advice for my red children. You see how the coun try of the eighteen fires is filled with people. They increase like the corn they put into the ground. They all have good houses to shelter them from all weathers ; good clothes suitable to all seasons ; and as for food of all sorts, you see they have enough and to spare. No man, wo man, or child of the eighteen fires ever perished of hunger. Compare all this with the condition of the red people. They are scattered here and MADISON. 147 there in handfuls. Their lodges are cold, leaky, and smoky. They have hard fare, and often not enough of it. " Why this mighty difference ? The reason, my red children, is plain: the white people breed cattle and sheep. They plough the earth, and make it give them every thing they want. They spin and weave. Their heads and their hands make all the elements and productions of nature useful to them. Above all, the people of the eighteen fires live in con stant peace and friendship. No tomahawk has ever been raised by one against the other. Not a drop of blood has ever touched the chain that holds them together as one family. All their belts are white belts. It is in your power to be like them. The ground that feeds one lodge by hunting would feed a great band by the plough and hoe. The Great Spirit has given you, like your white brethren, good heads to contrive, strong arms, and active bodies. Use them like your white brethren, not all at once, which is difficult, but by little and little, which is easy. Es pecially, live in peace with one another, like your white brethren of the eighteen fires ; you will be well fed, well clothed : dwell in good houses, and enjoy the happiness for which you, like them, were created. The Great Spirit is the friend of men of all colors. He made them to be friends of one another. The more they are so, the more he will be their friend. These are the words of your father to his red children. The Great Spirit, who is father of us all, approves them. Let them pass through the ear into the heart. Carry them home to your people. And as long as you remember this visit to your father of the eighteen fires, remember these are his last and best words to you. ? Certain states, that of Massachusetts especially, have been represented as most averse to hostilities with England, and to those measures by which the existing government of the Union tended to that end. The federals in this region not only protested, but meditated the preservation of a state of neutrality, if that were possible without dissolving the Union. In fact, Massachusetts did not like to be dragged into war against its consent. To take advantage of this strong dissent and disunion, the governor of Canada had, it seems, sent an agent to New-England. It was, indeed, an unwarrantable step ; and so criminal was the design, that even the federals denounced it. Jefferson owns that he first learned it through the younger Adams, as early as the time of the embargo. In stead of making any preliminary complaint or communication to the British government, Mr. Madison brought it forward in Congress ; and it tended considerably to inflame the American mind against England, and to screw it up to that pitch requisite to set aside the consideration of the risk and great expenses of the war. This step was undertaken also for the purpose, no doubt, of intimidat ing the anti-war party of the eastern states. This party was still con siderable : it counted, a minority on the decisive vote of forty-nine to seventy-nine ; and even since it continued to protest and petition. At Boston, the capital of Massachusetts, that town which, one may say, had commenced the war of independence, the flags of the shipping were hoisted half-mast high, in token of mourning for the war of 1812. The southern states were as violent in support of the contrary opinion ; and 148 MADISON. Baltimore was more especially signalized for its anti-English zeal. A federal paper here dared to brave the prevalent opinion. A mob was ex- cited to attack the establishment, which was defended against them ; and force arriving, the defenders, not the offenders, were taken to prison. But this did not secure them. The prison doors were broken open next day, and many of the federals massacred ; among whom were two veteran generals, friends of Washington. Except rencontres between single ships, the only theatre of war in the United States was the Canadian position ; and thither, accordingly, their ^eiforts were turned. Attempts to call out the militia in Upper Canada had been productive of disturbances, in which the troops and the inhabi tants had mutually fired upon each other. This encouraged the Ameri cans to an invasion, and an army was collected for that purpose in the north. General Dearborn was created commander-in-chief ; Pinkney, Major-General Wilkinson, Hampton, Hull, were the other names on the .list of commanding officers. General Hull was Governor of the Michigan Territory. Not much more than a fortnight after the declaration of war, he collected a body of upwards of two thousand troops of the line and militia, and pushed over the frontier, as if he intended to attack Montreal, publishing, at the same time, an arrogant proclamation. His subsequent movements were as dilatory as his previous haste ; and upon hearing that the Indians had invaded his province upon another point, and that the English general, Brock, was at the head of a respectable force, Hull retreated. He was pursued by Brock, who besieged him in Fort Detroit, and was about to try the fortune of an assault, when the American commander, panic- struck, hoisted the white flag, and surrendered, with his fort and army, to the surprise and indignation of the Americans. This signal defeat took place in August. As the blame was thrown upon the pusillanimity of the commanders, in little more than a month an American force was again collected upon the same position. On this occasion it was thought advisable not to risk an invasion, the aim being rather to master some neighboring post, which might make amends for the loss of Detroit. Queenstown, on the Niagara, was fixed on as the object of attack. An American division, under Colonel Van Rennselaer, crossed with the view of mastering it. They stormed it gallantly ; bat General Brock arrived at the moment of success, and drove the Ameri cans back. Whilst reinforcements arrived to the British, the American militia refused to cross the river to reinforce their party ; and, in short, shrunk from the fight. The English, therefore, remained complete vic tors, capturing all who had crossed to the assault. It was, however, with the loss of the gallant Brock, who was shot whilst cheering on his men, during the doubtful period of the conflict. Thus, upon land, the advantages of this first campaign rested altoge ther with the British. It was at sea, on the element where they felt most secure, that their superiority was seriously disputed. About the very time that General Hull surrendered in Detroit, Captain Hull, commanding the Constitution frigate, fell in with the British frigate the Guerriere. An engagement ensued ; when, in half an hour, the latter was so totally MADISON. 149 disabled, as not only to be obliged to surrender, but to be burned by her captors. On the 17th of October, another naval victory was achieved over an enemy decidedly superior in force, and under circumstances the most favorable to him. This was the capture of the brig Frolick, of twenty- two guns, by the sloop of war Wasp. Captain Jones had returned from France two weeks after the declara tion of war, and on the 13th of October, again put to sea. On the 17th, he fell in with six merchant ships, under convoy of a brig and two ships, armed with sixteen guns each. The brig, which proved to be the Frolick, Captain Whinyates, dropped behind, while the others made sail. At half past eleven, the action began by the enemy s cannon and musketry. In five minutes the main-top-mast was shot away, and falling down with the main-top-sail yard across the larboard fore and fore-top-sail, rendered her head yards unmanageable during the rest of the action. In two minutes more, her gaff and mizen-top-gallant-mast were shot away. The sea being exceedingly rough, the muzzles of the Wasp s guns were sometimes under water. The English fired as their vessel rose, so that their shot was either thrown away, or touched only the rigging of the Americans ; the Wasp, on the contrary, fired as she sunk, and every time struck the hull of her antagonist. The fire of the Frolick was soon slackened, and Captain Jones determined to board her. As the crew leaped on board the ene my s vessel, their surprise can scarcely be imagined, as they found no person on deck except three officers and the seaman at the wheel. The deck was slippery with blood, and presented a scene of havoc and ruin. The officers now threw down their swords in submission, and lieutenant Biddle, of the Wasp, leaped into the rigging to haul down the colors, which were still flying. Thus, in forty-three minutes, ended one of the most bloody conflicts recorded in naval history. The loss on board the Frolick, was thirty killed and fifty wounded ; on board the Wasp, five were killed, and five slightly wounded. The Wasp and Frolick were both captured the same day, by a British seventy-four, the Poictiers, Cap tain Beresford. The above splendid achievement of Captain Jones was followed on the 25th of October by a combat between the frigates, the United States, commanded by Commodore Decatur, and the Macedonian. The latter, after having suffered dreadfully and unaccountably in men and vessel, was obliged to surrender. These encounters, and the arguments they gave rise to, strongly sharpened the animosities on both sides, and cheer ed the American war-party for the disappointments which they experi enced by land. In November, Congress met ; and the President addressed it by mes sage, in which he frankly stated the defeats experienced on the Canadian position, and complained much of the employment of the Indians by the British, thus bringing the horrors of savage warfare upon the land. He also complained of the conduct of Massachusetts and Connecticut in re fusing their contingent of militia. The victories of American ships were cited with just pride ; and Congress was begged to extend some- 150 MADISON. what their allowance to the army. So sparing had this been, that neither soldiers could be recruited nor general officers appointed, nor was there such a thing as a military staff. December 29th, a second naval victory was achieved by the Constitu tion, then commanded by Commodore Bainbridge, over the Java, a British frigate of thirty-eight guns, but carrying forty-nine, with four hundred men, commanded by Captain Lambert, who was mortally wounded. This action was fought off St. Salvador, and continued nearly two hours, when the Java struck, having lost sixty killed and one hundred and twenty wounded. The Constitution had nine men killed and twenty- five wounded. On the 1st of January, the commander, finding his prize incapable of being brought in, was obliged to burn her. During the winter, an engagement took place between the Hornet, Captain James Lawrence, and the British sloop of war Peacock, Captain William Peake, off South America. This action lasted but fifteen minutes, when the Peacock struck. On her surrendering, a signal of distress was discovered on board the Peacock, She had been so much damaged, that, already, she had six feet of water in her hold, and was sinking fast. Boats were immediately despatched for the wounded, and every measure taken, which was practi cable, to keep her afloat until the crew could be removed. Her guns were thrown overboard, the shot holes were plugged, and a part of the Hornet s crew, at the imminent hazard of their lives, labored incessantly to rescue the vanquished. The utmost efforts of these generous men were, however, vain ; the conquered vessel sunk in the midst of them, carrying down nine of her own crew, and three of the Americans. With a generosity becoming them, the crew of the Hornet divided their clothing with the prisoners, who were left destitute by the sinking ship. In the action the Hornet received but a slight injury. The killed and wounded, on board the Peacock, were supposed to exceed fifty. However considerable was the opposition to Mr. Madison s policy and administration in the eastern states, still the southern, increased by the number of the newly created states in the western territory, were enabled to out-vote their rivals on the grand presidential question. Mr. Madison was, without difficulty, re-elected to his second term of office ; whilst Mr. Gerry became Vice-President in the room of Clinton. The same pre ponderance he was enabled to exercise in Congress, where a majority passed resolutions approving of the President s refusal to make peace, except upon the removal of the possibility of the English impressing or searching for American seamen. The British government, on its side, placed the principal ports and rivers of America at once in a state of blockade. In order, however, to favor such states as displayed aversion to the war, a system of licenses was adopted, in order to enable ships from their ports to enjoy a trade with the West Indies. The President was indignant at thje tenderness shown by foreign for domestic foes, and he denounced it with great heat to the legislature. Winter had, in the mean time, brought no respite to war, even in those inclement countries. In January, 1813, the Americans, under General Winchester, marched to the recapture of Detroit. They were anticipated MADISON. 151 by Colonel Procter, the British officer commanding in the conquered province ; who, with a body of regular troops and Indians, completely defeated the Americans, took their leader and the greater number priso- \riers. Of these, a great number fell sacrifices to the cruelty of the sa vage Indians. Harrison himself was soon after besieged by the British in a fort which he had erected. Disaster in this frontier, however, always brought the American side a reinforcement of spirited volunteers ; and the Kentucky men marched to take their revenge upon Colonel Procter, and, in their first onset, dispossessed him of position and batteries. But the British returned to the charge, and, in their turn, routed the Ameri cans finally. The events of the war had by this time taught the Americans to reverse an opinion previously formed. They knew themselves far superior in force to the British in Canada, where the Indians alone restored propor tion to the respective numbers. On land, therefore, they had reckoned to be victors ; whilst at sea their numerical inferiority seemed to promise defeat : events had turned out directly contrary to this ; their soldiers had been beaten shamefully, their sailors were mostly victorious. The advantage was, therefore, seen, of converting, as far as it was possible, the military operations on the side of Canada into naval ones. The nature of the position, passing through the great lakes, seas in depth and extent, rendered this possible. Their first endeavors were directed to the fitting out of a squadron upon Lake Ontario, which should master its waters, and be able to con vey to the several points upon it, possessed by the British, such force as would be irresistible. Sackett s Harbor was the name of the chief American port upon the lake. Here a fleet was fitted out with great activity and zeal, and, by the end of April, was ready to transport a small army. Upwards of two thousand men embarked, commanded by the American General, Pike. These were wafted to the vicinity of York, the capital of Upper Canada, where the British had only a garrison of six hundred strong. This small force offered every possible resistance. During the combat, General Pike was slain ; but his troops were too nu merous for the enemy, and the British were obliged to surrender York. Other expeditions were undertaken by the Americans upon different points, always with success, unless when, riot content with getting pos session of the place or fort attacked, they thought fit to pursue the retreating British. On one of these occasions, the Americans had two of their generals captured. Upon another, a detachment of eight hundred men, commanded by Colonel Boerstler, was surrounded and made pri soners. The British, in the mean time, exerted themselves to rival their enemy upon the lakes. An attack, gallantly made, on Sackett s Harbor was repulsed ; but in a little time, Sir James Yeo was enabled to take the command of a flotilla, equal or superior to the Americans, which turned the advantage upon Lake Ontario against them. On Lake Champlain, also, the British had taken the start of their foes, and destroyed the American establishment of Plattsburg, in revenge for the affair of York, which had been twice captured and plundered. 152 MADISON. It was upon Lake Erie, however, that the fiercest struggle took place ; and it ended completely in favor of the Americans. The vessels equip ped on both sides were mostly from fifty to sixty guns. The advantage of force was on the side of Perry, the American Commodore, who had nine of these vessels. Barclay, his antagonist, numbered six ; these six, however, bearing more cannon than an equal number of their antagonists. The naval battle fought by these squadrons for the mastery of Lake Erie, was the most important which had yet occurred in the war. Perry, rush ing headlong with his vessel into action, was at first disabled, and obliged to shift his flag ; but when all his force came up, the Canadian squadron was beaten in the fight, most of the officers killed, the ships disabled, and obliged to surrender.* This was a source of great exultation to the Americans, whom it com pensated for all previous losses. Nor were its consequences less important ; as the British forces were compelled to abandon the advantages and posi tion which they previously won. Detroit, the first conquest of the war, was now given up ; and the retreat was not conducted with that skill and spirit which had marked previous operations. The Americans, under General Harrison, came up with Sir George Prevost, near the Moravian villages, on the Thames, and defeated him, with signal loss on the part of the British. Amongst the slain was the famous Indian chief, Tecum- seh,t brother of the Wabash prophet ; by which loss, as well as by the reverses of the war, these savage allies were much disheartened. * During the battle of Erie, the Lawrence, which Commodore Perry was on board of, was so shattered as to be entirely unmanageable, and only nine of her large crew remained. In this dilemma, Perry resolved to hoist the American flag on board a more fortunate vessel. For this ptirpose he entered an open boat, to pass over to the ship Niagara ; and though broadsides were levelled at him, and showers of musketry from three of the enemy s ships, he remained standing in the stern of the boat, until absolutely pulled down by the crew. The Americans watched him with breathless anxiety, as he passed through this scene of peril, and with a transport of joy they saw his flag hoisted at the mast head of the Niagara. Soon after he enter ed that ship, a captain of one of the guns, having had all his men shot down, ap proached him, and laying his hand on his shoulder, exclaimed, " For God s sake, sir, give me some more men." When all sense of personal danger was thus swallowed up in eagerness for victory, it is not surprising that Commodore Perry was able to write his strikingly laconic letter : " Dear Sir, We have met the enemy, and they are ours." | This Indian warrior was not only an accomplished military commander, but also a great natural statesman and orator. Among the many strange, and some strongly characteristic events of his life, the council which the American General, Harrison, held with the Indians at Vincennes, in 1811, affords an admirable instance of the sublimity which sometimes distinguished his eloquence. The chiefs of some tribes had come to complain of a purchase of lands which had been made from the Kickafoos. The council effected nothing, but broke up in confusion, in consequence of Tecumseh having called General Harrison " a liar." During the long talks which took place in the conference, Tecumseh, having finished one of his speeches, looked round, and seeing every one seated, while no seat was prepared for him, a momentary frown passed over his countenance. Instantly General Harrison order ed that a chair should be given him. Some person presented one, and bowing, said to him, " Warrior, your father, General Harrison, offers you a seat." Tecumseh s dark eye flashed. " My father !" he exclaimed indignantly, extending his arms MADISON. 153 The result of the operations of the north-west, and the victory on Lake Erie, prepared the way to attempt a more effectual invasion of Canada. General Wilkinson was now commanding the American forces in the north, General Dearborn having some time before retired on account of indisposition. The force destined for the contemplated invasion of Cana da, amounted to twelve thousand men, eight thousand of whom were stationed at Niagara, and four thousand at Plattsburg, under the command of General Hampton. In addition to these forces, those under General Harrison were expected to arrive in season to furnish important assis tance. The outline of the plan which had been adopted, was to descend the St. Lawrence, passing the British forts above, and, after a junction with General Hampton, at some designated point on the river, to proceed to the Island of Montreal. Unexpected difficulties, however, occurred, which prevented the execution of this plan, and the American forces retired into winter quarters at St. Regis. General Wilkinson concentrated his forces at Grenadier s Island, be tween Sackett s Harbor and Kingston, one hundred and eighty miles from Montreal, by the way of the river. This place the army left, on the 25th of October, on board the fleet, and descended the St. Lawrence, sanguine in the expectation of subduing Montreal. On the arrival of the flotilla at Williamsburg, November 9th, one thou sand five hundred men, of General Boyd s brigade, were landed with a view to cover the boats in their passage through the rapids. On the llth an engagement took place, which continued two hours, between this de tachment of the American army, and a detachment of the British under Lieutenant Colonel Morrison. Both parties claimed the victory, but it was, properly, a drawn battle, the British retiring to their encampments, and the Americans to their boats. The loss of the British is not ascer tained ; that of the Americans, in killed and wounded, was three hundred and thirty-nine. Among the latter was General Carrington, who died of his wounds. A few days previous to this battle, as General Harrison had not arrived, General Wilkinson despatched orders to General Hampton to meet him at St. Regis. To these orders, General Hampton replied, that it was impracticable to comply with them. On the receipt of this communica tion, a council of officers was called, which advised to abandon the pro ject and to retire. Accordingly, General Wilkinson ordered a retreat, and selected French Mills, as the winter quarters of his army. The troops of General Hampton soon followed this example. Thus ended a campaign which gave rise to dissatisfaction, proportion ed to the high expectations that had been indulged of its success. Pub lic opinion was much divided as to the causes of its failure, and as to the parties to whom the blame was properly to be attached. In the south-west a furious war was, at the same time, carried on be- towards heaven ; " the sun is ray father, and the earth is my mother ; she gives me nourishment, and I repose upon her bosom." As he ended, he suddenly seated him self on the ground. 20 154 MADISON. tween the Creek Indians and the Americans. The savages, never com pletely pacified or reconciled to the Americans, had been roused by a visit from Tecumseh ; who, in the name of the great prophet, told them to arise and whet their tomahawks. On the last day of August, they surprised a fort on the Georgian frontier, and massacred all within, wo men and children not excepted. General Jackson undertook to seek vengeance for this sanguinary outrage, and marched with a large body of militia into the wilds tenanted by the Creeks. These were not slow to meet their enemies ; and a series of bloody encounters ensued, in all of which, the Indians, though outnumbered, fought with their native desperation, and perished to a man. Jackson earned his renown by the martial spirit he displayed in these wars. The Indians had learned the art of entrenching themselves to advantage. Though beaten at Talla- poosa, they had caused the whites great loss. They made another stand at Tohopeka ; where a thousand chiefs withstood triple their force, and perished valiantly. At last, when the bravest and best of them had been carried off, they submitted. One of the remaining chiefs addressed Jack son : " Once I could animate my warriors ; but I cannot animate the dead. They can no longer hear my voice. Their bows are at Emuch- faw and Tohopeka. While a chance remained, I asked not for peace : but I now ask it for my nation and myself." At sea, the Americans this year had not so much cause for triumph, although their acknowledged character for equality with British skill and courage was well supported. In the month of February, the United States sloop Hornet, commanded by Captain Lawrence, was attacked by the Peacock, of about equal force. After twenty minutes combat, the British crew were not only defeated, but their vessel sinking. There was not even time for saving the vanquished; the sloop going down with twelve persons, of whom three were American sailors, engaged in rescu ing their foes. For this feat, Captain Lawrence, on his return to Boston, was promoted to the command of the frigate Chesapeake, of old famous. A British frigate, the Shannon, was soon off the harbor ; its commander, Captain Broke, was most desirous of wiping off some of the recent stains on the navy of his country ; and, with a view to effect this, he paid that severe attention to discipline and exercise which long superiority had taught the English to neglect. The Shannon stood in to Boston light-house, to challenge the Chesapeake. Captain Lawrence, with a crew chiefly en listed for the occasion, accepted the defiance, and sailed out to meet the foe. The Chesapeake and Shannon joined ; when, after fifteen minutes firing, the British boarded, and carried the American ship. The gallant Lawrence, mortally wounded, refused to allow the colors to be struck, and died, while issuing the heroic order, " Don t give up the ship !" There needs no stronger proof of the equal valor of two brave nations, sprung from a common stock, than these alternate triumphs of that side which happened to be superior in discipline. A less noble species of warfare was carried on along the coasts of the sea and the great gulphs, by frequent landings from British vessels, to molest and plunder the inhabitants and ravage the country. Sometimes an un- MADISON. 155 offending village was cannonaded. These exploits, intended to make the war unpopular in America, had the contrary effect. The British, in judg ing what their own feelings would be if similarly injured, might have adopted other measures of hostility towards an enemy of which so large a minority was averse to the war. Congress still supported the policy of Mr. Madison, however onerous and unusual the expense. The summer session was almost exclusively consumed in voting additional taxes; which, now that commerce was paralyzed, were necessarily, some of them, internal. Duties were levied upon wine, spirits, sugar, salt ; and a loan of upwards of seven millions of dollars was authorized. A still further demand of supply was made in January, 1814 ; a loan, treble the former amount, was raised, besides other modes having been devised of procuring funds. During the course of the year, the Emperor of Russia had offered his mediation between England and America. This latter country, always anxious to preserve amity with Russia, sent commissioners immediately to St. Petersburgh. Great Britain declined the mediation ; but professed herself willing to appoint on her side negotiators to treat, either in London, or in some neu tral port. Gottenberg was selected for this purpose. At both extremities of the Lake Ontario, the war was continued, by desultory expeditions of either army, during the commencement of 1814. The British stormed and took Fort Niagara, and afterwards that of Os- vvego. In July, an encounter took place at Chippewa, between an American invading force under General Brown, and the British and Canadians under General Riall. The latter attacked, but were repulsed, and, after a severe loss, were obliged to retreat. This gave confidence to the Americans. General Drummond soon after joined the Canadian army with reinforcements, and took the command. This rendering the contending forces more nearly equal, both parties marched to renew the contest The battle took place near the celebrated falls of Niagara ; the Americans commencing the attack about the hour of sunset. It lasted till late in the night ; the work of slaughter being carried on by the light of the moon. Though bravely charging, the Americans could make no im pression on the British ; while they themselves suffered dreadfully from the English guns, which played from an eminence in the centre of the field. Their efforts were accordingly directed against this battery ; and Colonel Miller led the American troops several times to its assault, gain ing and losing possession alternately of the disputed point : he even brought up American cannon to support the attack, which presented the novel appearance of gun charging gun. On one occasion, cannons were actually exchanged in the confusion. As the night advanced, the conflict ceased, both parties claiming the victory. The Americans retained pos session of the field. General Riall, severely wounded, was made priso ner. The American Generals, Brown and Scott, were also, from their wounds, obliged to quit the field. The siege of Fort Erie was carried on for more than a month, marked by a daring attempt at taking it by storm, on the part of the British, and an equally gallant sortie made by the Americans. Both attempts were repulsed. But, in the end, a large American force marching to the 156 MADISON. relief of the fort, the besiegers drew off, whilst the besieged evacuated it ; and the Americans finally retreated to their own side of the Niagara ; the war in this quarter having given birth to many gallant achievements, but no conquest. Eastward of the great lakes, the Governor General of Canada resolved on an .expedition, which, if it succeeded, would counterbalance the equal issue of operations on the Niagara. With a flotilla on Lake Champlain, and an army along its brink, he advanced to the attack of Plattsburgh. The fortune of the enterprise was decided in a naval engagement on the lake, between Commodore M Donough and Captain Downie. The latter was slain early in the fight, and his vessel disabled, so that the British flotilla was completely defeated and taken by the enemy. Sir George Prevost was obliged, accordingly, to retreat ; having proved himself here, as in most instances where he personally commanded, to have been sin gularly unfortunate, As the war in Europe was now over, the British ministry seemed determined to make the Americans, especially the more inveterate ene mies of the southern provinces, feel more fully, than they had yet done, the inconvenience of having provoked the hostility of England. A squadron, under Sir Alexander Cochrane, having on board an army under General Ross, sailed up the Chesapeake in the month of August. From the open gulph it turned its course up the Patuxent, apparently in search of the American flotilla, which, under Commodore Barney, had taken shelter there. As the ships of war could not follow the flotilla up the river, the army was disembarked at St. Benedict s to pursue it by land. Its force was estimated at four thousand five hundred. At first no resistance was offered ; for it appears that the American secretary of war could not bring himself to c"edit any serious intention of the English to land.* General Ross, therefore, reached Marlborough, where the flotilla was destroyed, to prevent its falling into his power. But here the ultimate object of the disembarkation became evident, when the British columns, instead of returning, continued their march in the direction of Washington. The American commander, Winder, resolved, in consequence, to make a stand against the invaders ; and, for this purpose, he chose a strong position at Bladensburg, covered by a branch of the Potomac. His force was much greater than that of the British, with whom, however, being the veterans of the peninsula, the raw militia of Virginia and Maryland could scarcely be expected to cope. The chief approach to Bladens burg lay over a bridge, which was, of course, commanded by the Ameri can artillery, and served by the seamen of the flotilla. These did their duty skilfully and bravely. The first company of the British that advanced upon the bridge (for General Ross did not tarry for a ford) was * " The force designated by the President was the double of what was necessary ; but failed, as is the general opinion, through the insubordination of Armstrong (who could never believe the attack intended until it was actually made) and the sluggish ness of Winder before the occasion, and his indecision during it." Jefferson s Cor respondence, vol. iv. p, 256. MADISON. 157 swept away ; and it was not until the attacking army had crossed in force that the artillery could be mastered. The first regiments that crossed were rash in pushing the Americans, who retired ; they were accordingly severely handled, and repulsed at first. But after three hours fighting, Bladensburg was abandoned by its defenders, who dispersed among the woods. The British soon after entered Washington. Their general wished to lay the city under contribution ; but his proposal not being hearkened to, orders were given to destroy all the public buildings. This barbarous order, which no plea can excuse, and which certainly was as impolitic for the future as unprofitable for the present, was executed with rigor. The docks, the shipping, the magazines, were, of course, fired : these were lawful objects of devastation. But the dooming of the senate- house, the President s palace, the library, to the same fate, was a piece of vandalism that covered the expedition with disgrace.* On the invasion of the capital, the President retired into Virginia, and on the first of September issued the following proclamation : " Whereas the enemy, by a sudden incursion, have succeeded in invad ing the capital of the nation, defended at the moment by troops less numerous than their own, and almost entirely of the militia; during their possession of which, though for a single day only, they wantonly destroy ed the public edifices having no relation in their structure to operations of war, nor used at the time for military annoyance ; some of these edi fices being also costly monuments of taste and of the arts ; and others, depositories of the public archives, not only precious to the nation as the memorials of its origin and its early transactions, but interesting to all nations, as contributions to the general stock of historical instruction and political science : " And whereas advantage has been taken of the loss of a fort, more * After the retreat of the troops called to the defence of the capital, the enemy took possession of the battle ground, and many of them actually sunk to the ground with fatigue. They rested on their knapsacks, and were so exhausted by their rapid march, that they were unable to follow up their advantages by the pursuit of our army. The force that marched to the city two hours after the skirmish at Bladens burg, consisted of about fifteen hundred men, who were not engaged in the action. They proceeded slowly and with great caution, as they apprehended an ambuscade, and believed that the battle was yet to be fought to decide the fate of the city. Ar rived at the entrance of the town, opposite the residence of Mr. Gallatin, General Ross halted with his troops, expecting that the city would propose terms of capitu lation. "While in this situation, a shot from Mr. Gallatin s house killed the horse on which General Ross rode. The house was instantly set on fire, and orders were at once given to burn the capitol. Admiral Cockburn was with the army, and, after the capitol was destroyed, he rode through the city on horseback. He met a gentleman in the street, and inquired for the printing office of the National Intelligencer, observing " that he must visit that office, as his friend Gales had honored him with many hard rubs." When he reached the office, two ladies from the adjoining houses came out, and begged him not to burn the buildings, as their houses would inevitably share the same fate. The admiral very complacently replied, that for their sakes the office should not be burnt ; and added with great politeness, " Be tranquil, ladies, you shall be as safely pro tected under my administration as under that of Mr. Madison." He then sent a file of soldiers, to convey the types and other printing utensils from the office. 158 MADISON. immediately guarding the neighboring town of Alexandria, to place that town within the range of a naval force, too long and too much in the habit of abusing its superiority wherever it can be applied, to require, as the al ternative of a general conflagration, an undisturbed plunder of private property, which has been executed in a manner peculiarly distressing to the inhabitants, who had, inconsiderately, cast themselves on the gene rosity of the victor : " And whereas it now appears, by a direct communication from the British naval commander on the American station, to be his avowed pur pose to employ the force under his direction in destroying and laying waste such towns and districts upon the coast as may be found assaila ble ; adding to this declaration the insulting pretext, that it is in retali ation for the wanton destruction committed by the army of the United States in Upper Canada, when it is notorious that no destruction has been committed, which, notwithstanding the multiplied outrages previously committed by the enemy, was not unauthorized, and promptly shewn to be so ; and that the United States have been as constant in their endea vors to reclaim the enemy from such outrages, by the contrast of their own example, as they have been ready to terminate, on reasonable con ditions, the war itself: " And whereas these proceedings and declared purposes, which exhibit a disregard of the principles of humanity and the rules of civilized war fare, and which must give to the existing war a character of extended devastation and barbarism, at the very moment of negotiations for peace invited by the enemy himself, leave no prospect of safety to any thing within the reach of his predatory and incendiary operations, but in a manly and universal determination to chastise and expel the invader : " Now, therefore, I, James Madison, President of the United States, do issue this my proclamation, exhorting all the good people thereof to unite their hearts and hands in giving effect to the ample means possess ed for that purpose. I enjoin it on all officers, civil and military, to exert themselves in executing the duties with which they are respectively charged. And more especially, I require the officers, commanding the respective military districts, to be vigilant and alert in providing for the defence thereof; for the more effectual accomplishment of which, they are authorized to call to the defence of exposed and threatened places, portions of the militia most convenient thereto, whether they be or be not parts of the quotas detached for the service of the United States under requisitions of the General Government. " On an occasion which appeals so forcibly to the proud feeling and pa triotic devotion of the American people, none will forget what they owe to themselves ; what they owe to their country and the high destinies which await it ; what to the glory acquired by their fathers, in establish ing the independence which is now to be maintained by their sons, with the augmented strength and resources with which time and Heaven have blessed them." As the operations of the enemy, at this period of the war, created a general excitement throughout the country, their progress is amply illus trated by contemporary descriptions. However willing we might be to MADISON. 159 drop a veil over this scene in our history, the concealment of truth, and the tender treatment of misconduct, though the not inappropriate re sources of eulogy, are unbecoming the just chronicler of the actions of the great. If no discrimination be made between their good deeds and their errors, and the whole be enveloped in the language of general applause, posterity are deceived and the purposes of history are violated. It need not be concealed, that while the most bitter indignation existed towards the enemy, for their contempt of all the rules of honorable war fare, in the destruction of the public buildings at Washington, equal indignation was excited in respect to those whose duty it was to have provided in the most sufficient manner for the defence of the capital, and to have perished beneath its ruins rather than have surrendered it ignominiously to a bloodless conquest. We present below the account of the capture, which is least discreditable to the parties interested. It is taken from a letter addressed to the editors of the Baltimore Patriot, and bearing date August 26th, 1814. " I arrived at Washington on Sunday, 21st instant. At that time the officers of government and the citizens were very apprehensive of an attack from the British, who had landed a force on the Patuxent. Their numbers had not been ascertained, but reports were various, stating them from one thousand to sixteen thousand. General Winder was stationed near the Wood Yard, with about two thousand men, hourly expecting large reinforcements from every quarter, particularly from Baltimore, three thousand men having been ordered to march immediately from that place. On Sunday, the public officers were all engaged in packing off their books, and citizens their furniture. On Monday, this business was continued with great industry, and many families left the city. The specie was removed from all the banks in the District. Reports were very current, that Winder had received large reinforcements ; so that it was believed by many well informed persons, that he would have ten thousand men embodied in the course of the week. In the expectation that there was a very considerable force collected, the President, accom panied by the Secretary of War, and of the Navy, left the city for the camp. They arrived there late that night ; and the next morning, find ing but three thousand men, and learning that the Baltimore troops were encamped at Bladensburg, they returned to the city on Tuesday to make further arrangements. All the books and papers were sent off, and the citizens generally left the place. " In the course of that day, a scouting party from General Winder s army had a skirmish with the British advanced guard, and returned to camp with such tidings as induced General Winder to retire to the city, with his army, which he accomplished by nine o clock in the evening, burnt the old bridge which crossed the Potomac, and encamped on the hill, directly above the other bridge, about one mile and a half from the navy yard, and prepared to defend that passage. In the event of the British being too strong, the bridge was to be blown up, for which he had every thing prepared. At this post he remained the whole night, expect ing the enemy s forces. On Wednesday morning, I walked through the army, and remained at the bridge until ten o clock, when advice was 160 MADISON. received, that the enemy had taken the Bladensburg road. The troops were immediately put into motion, and by twelve o clock the whole were on their march, in the hope of forming a junction with the Baltimore troops, before the enemy reached Bladensburg. This was only partially accomplished, when the battle commenced, and was contested by the Baltimore troops and the men from the flotilla, with great spirit arid gal lantry, until it appeared useless for so small a force, very badly supported, to stand against six thousand regulars, all picked men and well supplied. A retreat was ordered, when the President, who had been on horseback with the army the whole day, retired from the mortifying scene, and left the city on horseback, accompanied by General Mason and Mr. Carroll. At Georgetown, the President met his lady, she having left the city only a half hour before him, having remained with great firmness and compo sure at the President s house, until a messenger brought her the tidings, that the British were within a few miles of the city, and that our army were retreating, without any chance of being rallied so as to check their march. " The President and Secretary of State went to Virginia with their families the other officers of government went to Fredericktown, where the government is to be formed, and where the President intends to meet his secretaries next week. I remained at the President s house, until all our army had passed, and ninety-nine hundredths of the citizens gone, leaving nothing but empty walls. I fell into the trail of the army, and marched about four miles on the Frederick road. Being much fatigued, 1 turned off into a wood, and found good quarters in a farmhouse, on the hill back of Pearce s. Soon after reaching there, at nine o clock on Wednesday evening, a signal gun was discharged, and the President s house, the capitol, and many other public buildings, were at the same mo ment in a blaze, which continued nearly all night. " On Thursday morning I proceeded on with the army to Montgomery court-house, where General Winder s head-quarters were established. I had some conversation with him. He appeared to regret very much that he had not been enabled to have made a greater resistance, although he was perfectly satisfied that a successful resistance could not have been made, with the force in the neighborhood of Washington, since, if it had all been brought together before the action, it would not have been so large as that opposed to him, and our force was principally militia, and that of the enemy, all regulars and picked men. " The uncertainty on which road the enemy intended to attack the city, compelled him to keep his forces divided, and their being divided occa sioned frequent marches and counter-marches, which at this hot season was quite too much for our militia." The work of destruction achieved, the British retreated without loss of time to their ships, and, re-embarking, sailed to menace and to ravage other points. Alexandria was captured, but ransomed all, save its stores and shipping. Baltimore was the next town devoted by the British to their vengeance. It was the most obnoxious and anti-federal, as well as important ; and was, consequently, considered a proper object of attack. General Ross landed about fifteen miles from the city, at the head of MADISON. 161 about five thousand men, on the 12th of September. The disaster of Washington, however, had inspired more strenuous measures of defence ; and the Americans on this point were far better prepared. They occu pied a strong position in advance of Baltimore. In the first skirmish that occurred, the British commander was shot by a rifleman ; which damped the hopes, as well as deranged the projects, of the expedition. The English, however, marched to the attack, and routed the Americans. However, there was still a stronger position behind, capable of a better defence. The co-operation of the fleet had been reckoned on to facilitate the carrying of this, which was, in fact, the heights above Baltimore. Admiral Cochrane, however, had found this impracticable from the shal- lowriess of the harbor, as well as from the vessels sunk at its mouth Those in command of the expedition accordingly abandoned its further prosecution ; the army retreated and again embarked. After some farther cruises and menaces in the Chesapeake, the English fleet aban doned it for a more remote enterprise. The following account of the attack on Baltimore is from the letter of an eye-witness, bearing date September 17, 1814: " I will give you an account of the approach of the enemy before this place, so far as it came under my own observation. On Saturday last, and the day previous, we had correct intelligence that the enemy had collected all his force, to the amount of forty-seven sail, and were pro ceeding down the bay, consequently we were led to hope we should have a little rest from our incessant labors, in preparing to resist them. On Satur day noon, Major Armistead, the commander of Fort M Henry, permitted Chief Justice Nicholson, who commands our volunteer corps of eighty men, to march to town, holding ourselves in readiness to return the mo ment he thought prudent to call. As it turned out, while we were marching to town, the enemy tacked about, and just at dusk were seen under a press of sail, with a fair wind, approaching the town. Their movements were closely watched at the fort, and at half past nine o clock, Judge Nicholson received orders to repair to the fort with his men. We were all immediately rallied, and arrived at the fort before twelve, although the rain poured down in torrents. On our arrival, we found the matches burning, the furnaces heated and vomiting red-hot shot, and every thing ready for a gallant defence. At this time the enemy had arrived as far up as North Point, twelve miles below the fort. We remained at our posts till daylight, at which time the enemy remained at the same place, some at anchor and others under easy sail, lying off and on. " They continued this kind of movement all day on Sunday. During the succeeding night and the forepart of Monday, they were busily employ ed in landing their troops, but all was quiet on the part of the naval ope ration against the fort, till Tuesday morning, at which time they had advanced to within two and a half miles of the fort, arranged in most elegant order, all at anchor, forming a half circle, with four bomb-vesseis and a rocket ship, stretched from right to left, in the advance. The action commenced on their part by the discharge of a few rockets, which were harmless indeed. These, I am sure, were not intended as an 21 162 MADISON. attack upon us, but fired as a signal to inform their land troops of their readiness for co-operation. " Immediately after these discharges, two of the headmost frigates opened upon us, but finding their shot not reaching us, they ceased and ad vanced up a little nearer. The moment they had taken their position, Major Armistead mounted the parapet, and ordered a battery of twenty-four pounders to be opened upon them ; immediately after a battery of forty- twos followed, and then the whole fort let drive at them. We could see the shot strike the frigates in several instances, when every heart was gladdened, and we gave three cheers, the music playing Yankee Doodle. Upon this the frigates stood off, and, in five minutes, all lay just out of reach of our shot. The bomb-vessels advanced a little, and commenced a tremendous bombardment, which lasted all day and all night, with hardly a moment s intermission. " Finding our shot would not reach them, the cannonading, which was sublime and enlivening, was ordered to be closed. We then resorted to our mortars, and fired six or eight, but, sorrowful to relate, they, like our shot, fell short, owing to their chambers not being so deep as those of the enemy. Here then we were again foiled, and were reduced to the dread ful alternative of facing by far the most tremendous bombardment ever known in this country, without any means of resisting it upwards of one thousand five hundred bombs having fallen in and about the fort. Fortunately but little damage was done. In our company we had six severely wounded, and two killed. Sergeant Clemm, a young man of most amiable character, gentlemanly manners, and real courage, was killed by my side ; a bomb bursting overhead, a piece of the size of a dollar, two inches thick, passed through his body in a diagonal direction from his navel, and went into the ground upwards of two feet. It was dug up immediately after, and is preserved by his friends. Instantly before this, a bomb struck the bastion, then in charge of Lieutenant Claggett, our third, which killed him upon the spot, wounded four men, dis mounted a twenty- four pounder, broke the carriage wheel, and did con siderable other damage. This happened on my right, about twenty-five paces distant. In the whole we had seven killed in the fort, and fifteen wounded. " From twelve to one o clock in the night, the enemy slackened a little ; during which time, a picked party of mariners towed up in a silent manner, a bomb-vessel, which got almost in rear of our fort, unobserved by the look-outs, on account of the extreme darkness of the night. After choosing her position, she began on our right, in high style. Cap tains Evans and Nicholson were instantly ordered to open their batteries of twenty-fours with grape and canister, which was immediately followed by Fort Covingtori, a tight little place one and a half miles above us. The enemy likewise poured in their canister and grape, but in less than five minutes was silenced, and we heard no more of them from that quarter, but the bombardment was kept up from their old position, with increased fury, till dawn of day, when they appeared to be disposed to decline the unprofitable contest. At this time our morning gun was fired, the flag hoisted, Yankee Doodle played, and we all appeared in full view MADISON. 163 of a formidable and mortified enemy, who calculated upon our surren der in twenty minutes after the commencement of the action." On the nineteenth of September, the day assigned for the meeting of Congress, the members assembled at Washington in rooms hastily fitted up for their reception. The roll of the Senate was called, and it appear ed that nineteen members only were present. The Vice-President not having arrived, the Hon. John Gaillard, of South Carolina, took the chair as President pro tcmporc of the Senate. In the House, the Speaker, Hon. Langdon Cheeves, took the chair, at twelve o clock, and ninety-four mem bers appeared in their seats. As there was not a quorum present, the House separated by special consent till five o clock in the evening. A sufficient number having then been formed, a committee was appointed to join the committee of the Senate, to wait on the President, and inform him they were ready to receive any communication he might intend to offer. On the following day, the President transmitted the usual Mes sage to Congress by Mr. Edward Cole, his secretary. This document we copy almost entire. The view which it takes of our military affairs, and of our existing relation towards the enemy, renders it valuable and interesting. " In the events of the present campaign, the enemy, with all his aug mented means and wanton use of them, has little ground for exultation, unless he can feel it in the success of his recent enterprises against this metropolis and the neighboring town of Alexandria ; from both of which his retreats were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortu nate. In his other incursions on our Atlantic frontiers, his progress, often checked and chastised by the martial spirit of the neighboring citizens, has had more effect in distressing individuals, and in dishonor ing his arms, than in promoting any object of legitimate warfare. And in the two instances mentioned, however deeply to be regretted on our part, he will find in his transient success, which interrupted for a mo ment only the ordinary public business at the seat of government, no compensation for the loss of character with the world by this violation of private property, and by his destruction of public edifices, protected as monuments of the arts by the laws of civilized warfare. " On our side, we can appeal to a series of achievements, which have given new lustre to the American arms. Besides the brilliant incidents in the minor operations of the campaign, the splendid victories gained on the Canadian side of the Niagara, by the American forces under Major General Brown, and Brigadiers Scott and Gaines, have gained for these heroes and their emulating companions, the most unfading laurels ; and having triumphantly tested the progressive discipline of the American soldiery, have taught the enemy that the longer he protracts his hostile efforts, the more certain and decisive will be his fin^l discomfiture. " On the southern border, victory has continued also to follow the American standard. The bold and skilful operations of Major-General Jackson, conducting troops drawn from the militia of the states least dis tant, particularly of Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile savages, and by establishing a peace with them preceded by recent and exemplary chastisement, has best guarded against the mischief of their co-operation with the British enterprises which may be planned against 164 MADISON. that quarter of our country. Important tribes of Indians on our north western frontier have also acceded to stipulations, which bind them to the interests of the United States, and to consiser our enemy as theirs also. " In the recent attempt of the enemy on the city of Baltimore, defend ed by militia and volunteers, aided by a small body of regulars and sea men, he was received with a spirit which produced a rapid retreat to the ships, whilst a concurrent attack by a large fleet was successfully re sisted by the steady and well directed fire of the fort and batteries oppos ed to it. " In another recent attack by a powerful force on our troops at Platts- burg, of which regulars made a part only, the enemy, after a perseve rance for many hours, was finally compelled to seek safety in a hasty retreat, with our gallant bands pressing upon him. " On the lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the great exertions for the command made on our part have been well repaid. On Lake Ontario, our squadron is now, and has been for some time, in a con dition to confine that of the enemy to his own port : and to favor the operations of our land forces on that frontier. il A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended to Lake Huron, and has produced the advantage of displaying our command of that lake also. One object of the expedition was the reduction of Macki naw, which failed, with the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer justly distinguished for his gallant exploits. The expedition, ably conducted by both the land and naval commanders, was otherwise valuable in its effects. " On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some time been undisputed, the British squadron lately came into action with the Ame rican, commanded by Captain M Donough. It issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy s ships. The best praise of this officer and his intre pid comrades is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory, which immortalized another officer, and established, at a critical moment, our command of another lake. " On the ocean, the pride of our naval arms has been amply support ed. A second frigate has indeed fallen into the hands of the enemy, but the loss is hidden in the blaze of heroism with which she was defend ed. Captain Porter, who commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius, maintained a sanguinary contest against two ships, one of them superior to his own, and other severe disadvantages, till humanity tore down the colors which valor had nailed to the mast. This officer and his brave comrades have added much to the rising glory of the American flag, and have merited all the, effusions of gratitude which their country is ever ready to bestow on the champions of its rights and of its safety. " Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to the enemy, but by a superiority of force which sufficiently vindicates the reputation of their commanders ; whilst two others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the other by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same class, with a gallantry and good conduct, which entitled them and their companions to a just share in the praise of their country. MADISON. 165 v tuESk " In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on our coasts, our private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy his commerce, and to bring their rich prizes into our ports ; contributing thus, with other proofs, to demonstrate the incompetency and the illegality of a blockade, the proclamation of which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging the commerce of neutral powers with the United States. " To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by the enemy, great bodies of militia have been taken into service for the public defence, and great expenses incurred. That the defence every where may be both more convenient and more economical, Congress will see the neces sity of immediate measures for filling the ranks of the regular army ; and of enlarging the provisions for special corps, mounted and unmounted, to be engaged for longer periods of service than are due from the militia. I earnestly renew, at the same time, a recommendation of such changes in the system of the militia, as, by classing and disciplining for the most prompt and active service the portions most capable of it, will give to that great resource for the public safety, all the requisite energy and effi ciency. " The monies received into the Treasury, during the nine months ending on the 13th day of June last, amounted to thirty-two millions of dollars, of which eleven millions were the proceeds of the public revenue, and the remainder derived from loans. The disbursements for public expendi tures, during the same period, exceeded thirty-four millions of dollars, and left in the Treasury on the 1st of July, near five millions of dollars. The demands during the remainder of the present y<^r, already autho rized by Congress, and the expenses incident to an extension of the opera tions of the war, will render it necessary that large sums should be pro vided to meet them. " From this view of the national affairs, Congress will be urged to take up without delay, as well the subject of pecuniary supplies as that of mili tary force, and on a scale commensurate with the extent and character which the war has assumed. " It is not to be disguised, that the situation of our country calls for its greatest efforts. Our enemy is powerful in men and money ; on the land and- on the water. Availing himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aim ing, with an undivided force, a deadly blow at our growing prosperity, perhaps at our national existence. He has avowed his purpose of tramp ling on the usages of civilized warfare, and given earnests of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private property. In his pride of maritime dominion, and in his thirst of commercial monopoly, he strikes with peculiar animosity at the progress of our navigation and of our ma nufactures. His barbarous policy, has not even spared those monuments of the arts, and models of taste, with which our country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis. From such an adversary, hostility in its greatest force and worst forms may be looked for. The American people will face it with the undaunted spirit which, in their revolutionary struggle, defeated his unrighteous projects. His threats and his barbari ties, instead of dismay, will kindle in every bosom an indignation not to be extinguished but in the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. 166 MADISON. In providing the means necessary, the National Legislature will not distrust the heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents. They will cheerfully and proudly bear every burden of every kind, which the safety and honor of the nation demand. We have seen them every where paying their taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest prompt ness and alacrity. We see them rushing with enthusiasm to scenes where danger and duty call. In offering their blood, they give the surest pledge that no other tribute will be withheld. " Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions had been added the capture of nearly a thousand American vessels, and the im pressment of thousands of American seafaring citizens, and until a final declaration had been made by the government of Great Britain, that her hostile orders against our commerce would not be revoked but on condi tions as impossible as unjust ; whilst it was known that these orders would not otherwise cease, but with a war which had lasted nearly twenty years, and which, according to appearances at that time, might last as many more ; having manifested, on every occasion and in every proper mode, a sincere desire to arrest the effusion of blood, and meet our enemy on the ground of justice and reconciliation, our beloved country, in still opposing to his persevering hostility all its energies, with an undi- minished disposition towards peace and friendship on honorable terms, must carry with it the good wishes of the impartial world, and the best hopes of support from an omnipotent and kind Providence." In the north-eastern parts of the Union, scenes were now enacting, similar to those which had disgraced the British on the southern coasts. At Hampden, in Maine, the destruction of private property by the British squadron was very great. It appears to have proceeded, however, from the lawless spirit of the soldiers, and not to have been directly authorized by the commanding officers, as the destruction of the shipping was stopped by order of Sir John Sherbrooke, and several sailors were arrested for pillaging dwelling-houses. Castine was taken, and the British soldiers were kept continually employed in erecting fortifications there. Most of the trees in the place were cut down, and a considerable distance in the vicinity was cleared to prevent the unexpected approach of an enemy. Between fifty and an hundred pieces of cannon were mounted, and a canal was commenced from Castine river to the Penobscot, to separate the town from the main. Four large, and several smaller forts were built, and the whole town was put in a posture of complete defence.* * Among the other exploits which did honor to the British arms, was one of Sir G. Collier, who commanded the ship Leander, and made his appearance off a small cove, below Sandy Bay, Cape Ann, and manned three barges which stood for the cove. About fifty men collected from the vicinity, and with a six pounder and musketry, exchanged several fires with the barges, when they returned to the ship. A flag was immediately despatched from the Leander, bearing the following note from the commander : " LEANDER, 1, P. M., TUESDAY. " Sir George Collier believes the boat, on shore, a fisherman. He desires to examine her without recourse to arms, andjf objected to, he will land and destroy every house within two miles of the cove. This the inhabitants may rely upon. G. COLLIER." MADISON. 167 The commissioners of both nations had, in the mean time, met, not, as had been first arranged, at Gottenberg, but at Ghent. The triumph of the British over Bonaparte had naturally increased the arrogance of their tone, whilst the ravaging expeditions on the American coast, con trasted with the state of the war in Canada, confirmed the Americans in their proud determination not to yield. The English demanded that no further acquisition of territory should be made at the expense of the In dians. To this and other demands the American commissioners objected ; and the first attempts at an accommodation altogether failed. In the mean time the exasperation of the federalists more properly of the party averse to war in the New-England states grew to a height that almost menaced a revolution. Mr. Strong, the Governor of Massa chusetts, was at the head of this party ; and his addresses to the legisla ture of his state vied with those of the President to Congress in strength and bitterness, but with sentiments directly opposite. " The lovers of peace," said he, " are accused of being under British influence. Those of war are as much instigated by French influence." Distress was at the bottom of this discontent ; for Massachusetts had not only traded in British manufactures, but, from the long credit given by the merchants of that country, literally traded upon the capital of the latter. Of these great advantages war deprived them. To alleviate this distress somewhat, the rigor of the laws prohibiting both imports and exports was relaxed ; and as the enemy s fleet had hitherto confined their blockade to the southern ports, it was hoped that Boston and New- York might enjoy a circuitous or indirect trade, which would reconcile them to the war. Great Britain, however, about this time, freed from the necessity of keep ing her cruisers around the shores of Europe, despatched them to Ameri ca, and enforced her blockade all along the coast, in order to protect her trade more effectually from the privateers of her foe. The New-Englanders not only felt this, but they saw Britain so victo rious in her European struggle, that it seemed madness to resist her. The destruction of Washington, the ravage of the banks of the Chesa peake, showed what was to be expected from a continuance of hostilities. Towards the close of the year they, consequently, attacked the govern ment more virulently than ever, accusing it of first exciting the war gra tuitously, persevering in it obstinately, yet taking none of the requisite measures for preserving the country from insult or conquest. To remedy this crying evil, by which one section of states were sacrificed to the interests of another, they proposed a convention of delegates from the different sections of the Union to be summoned to meet at Hartford, in order to take into consideration the changes to be made in the Constitu tion. This was the most serious schism that had as yet menaced the integrity of the Federal Union. The Hartford Convention met, though attended merely by the delegates of the anti-war, or north-eastern states. Their discussions were kept secret, and they separated for the time, after merely venting their grievances in a public address. This dangerous spirit, as well as the distresses of the government, be coming most formidable in a financial point of view, were arrested by the tidings, that peace at length had been signed at Ghent, in December. , 168 MADISON. These tidings, however, did not arrive until the army, victorious at Washington, had received a check, which terminated the war in a man ner glorious to the nation, and much to the support of the political party in power. We refer, of course, to the battle of New-Orleans, a detailed account of which has been given in another part of the volume. The capture of the President, an American frigate, by the Endymion, which took place about the same time, off New-York, after a sharp con test, was no counterpoise to this disaster ; nor yet the taking of Fort Mobile by the army that had retreated from New-Orleans. The news of peace came to America amidst the rejoicings for the vic tory of New-Orleans. It was doubly welcome, because so gloriously terminated. Great Britain made no demands ; and when the Americans desisted from theirs, which, indeed, the cessation of war left no room for, since impressment and the right of search were applicable merely to war, there seemed scarcely a stipulation necessary. All that England insisted on was the abolition of the slave trade. The settlement of the boundary line on the side of Canada was left to commissioners of both nations. On the 17th of February, 1815, the President and Senate rati fied the treaty of Ghent ; and North-America breathed, with Europe, free from the horrors of war. In the good humor of the moment, the ruling party seems to have lost much of its anti-British rancor. A commercial treaty was concluded upon fair terms between the countries. The Americans were permitted by England to trade with the East and the West-Indies ; on the condition, however, of transferring the produce directly to their own ports. For some time, the old illioej^l policy towards England was allowed to lie dormant. A state of hostility, however, gives to a numerous class of persons certain occupations and interests necessarily arising out of, and depending on war. Such persons, although they dared not abet such a proposal as eternal war, still wished for a state, as far as commerce and manufactures were concerned, tantamount to it. Whilst shut out from England, the Americans had begun to fabricate divers articles of neces sity for themselves ; of course, at a dearer rate, and with less skill, than those excluded. Peace brought back the cheap and the good commodity from England. The American could not stand the competition ; and exclaimed against the want of patriotism in sacrificing him to foreigners. The infant manufactures of the country, argued the manufacturers, ought to be supported. Petitions and addresses to this effect soon crowded the table of Congress ; and as the consumer was not so early alive to his interests as the manufacturer, the complaint of the former made impres sion and won favor by its plausibility. Mr. Madison, himself, jealous of the decline of manufactures, and still more of shipping, owing to the rivalry of the British, felt his old prejudices revive ; and his messages to Congress soon came to recommend prohibitory measures and conservative duties. The summer of 1816 passed away without being marked by any events of peculiar moment. The country appeared to be gradually recovering from the embarrassments induced by the war, and that asperity of feeling, which had agitated the different political parties in the United States, was MADISON. 169 visibly wearing away. Congress met in December. In the conclusion of his message at the opening of the session, Mr. Madison, anticipating the speedy arrival of the day, when he should retire from the presidency, took occasion to express his attachment for his country, and his wishes for her future peace and prosperity : " I can indulge the proud reflection," said he, " that the American people have reached in safety and success, their fortieth year, as an independent nation ; that for nearly an entire generation, they have had experience of their present Constitution, the offspring of their undisturbed deliberations and of their free choice ; that they have found it to bear the trials of adverse as well as prosperous circumstances, to contain in its combina tion of the federate and elective principles, a reconcilement of public strength with individual liberty, of national power for the defence of national rights, with a security against wars of injustice, of ambition, or of vain glory, in the fundamental provision which subjects all questions of war to the will of the nation itself, which is to pay its costs, and feel its calamities. Nor is it less a peculiar felicity of this Constitution, so dear to us all, that it is found to be capable, without losing its vital ener gies, of expanding itself over a spacious territory, with the increase and expansion of the community, for whose benefit it was established." Since leaving the Presidential Chair, Mr. Madison has been living in a dignified and honorable retirement. Without mingling in the petty and distracting discussions of the day, he has always been ready to express his decided opinions on the great constitutional questions, in reference to which he has been frequently consulted. No man understands the American Constitution so well, or speculates upon it with so much clear ness, brevity, and felicity, as Mr. Madison. The letter which he wrote as recently as August, 1830, on the subject of nullification and secession, we shall here insert entire, and with it close the present imperfect me moir. This letter was addressed to Mr. Edward Everett, of Massachu setts, and first appeared in the North American Review. With the fare well address of Washington, and the proclamation of President Jack son, it should be familiar to every citizen of the United States. To listen to such counsels from such a source is like listening to the voice of an oracle, and long may it be before this oracle is silenced. " MONTPELIER, AUGUST, 1830. "DEAR SIR: " I have duly received your letter, in which you refer to the l nulli- ifying doctrine, advocated as a constitutional right by some of our dis tinguished fellow citizens ; and to the proceedings of the Virginia Legis lature in 98 and 99, as appealed to in behalf of that doctrine ; and you express a wish for my ideas on those subjects. " I am aware of the delicacy of the task in some respects, and the difficulty, in every respect, of doing full justice to it. But having, in more than one instance, complied with a like request from other friendly quarters, I do not decline a sketch of the views which I have been led to take of the doctrine in question, as well as some others connected with them ; and of the grounds from which it appears that the proceedings of 22 170 MADISON. Virginia have been misconceived by those who have appealed to them. In order to understand the true character of the Constitution of the United States, the error, not uncommon, must be avoided, of viewing it through the medium, either of a Consolidated Government, or of a Fede rated Government, whilst it is neither the one nor the other : but a mix ture of both. And having, in no model, the similitudes and analogies applicable toother systems of government, it must, more than any other, be its own interpreter, according to its text and flip, facts of the case. " From these it will be seen that the characteristic peculiarities of the Constitution are, 1, the mode of its formation ; 2, the division of the su preme powers of government between the states in their united capacity, and the states in their individual capacities. "1. It was formed, not by the governments of the component states, as the Federal Government, for which it was substituted, was formed. Nor was it formed by a majority of the people of the United States, as a single community, in the manner of a Consolidated Government. " It was formed by the states, that is, by the people in each of the states, acting in their highest sovereign capacity ; and formed conse quently, by the same authority which formed the State Constitutions. " Being thus derived from the same source as the constitutions of the states, it has, within each state, the same authority as the constitution of the state : and is as much a constitution, in the strict sense of the term, within its prescribed sphere, as the constitutions of the states are, within their respective spheres ; but with this obvious and essential dif ference, that being a compact among the states in their highest sovereign capacity, and constituting the people thereof one people for certain pur poses, it cannot be altered or annulled at the will of the states individu ally, as the constitution of a state may be at its individual will. "2. And that it divides the supreme powers of government, between the government of the United States, and the governments of the indi vidual states, is stamped on the face of the instrument ; the powers of war and of taxation, of commerce and of treaties, and other enumerated powers vested in the Government of the United States, being of as high an3 sovereign a character as any of the powers reserved to the state governments. " Nor is the Government of the United States, created by the Consti tution, less a government in the strict sense of the term, within the sphere of its powers, than the governments created by the constitutions of the states are, within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly on persons and things. And, like them, it has at command a physical force for executing the powers committed to it. The concur rent operation in certain cases, is one of the features marking the pecu liarity of the system. "Between these different constitutional governments, the one operating in all the states, the Others operating separately in each, with the aggre gate powers of government divided between them, it could not escape attention, that controversies would arise concerning the boundaries of jurisdiction ; and that some provision ought to be made for such occur- MADISON. 171 rences. A political system that does not provide for a peaceable and au thoritative termination of occurring controversies, would not be more than the shadow of a government; the object and end of a real government being the substitution of law and order, for uncertainty, confusion, and violence. " That to have left a final decision, in such cases, to each of t K e state-, then thirteen, and already twenty-four, could riot fail to make the Consti tution and Laws of the United States different in different states, was obvious ; and not less obvious, that this diversity of independent decisions must altogether distract the Government of the Union, and speedily put an end to the Union itself. A uniform authority of the Laws is in itself a vital principle. Some of the most important laws could not be partially executed. They must be executed in all the states, or they could be duly executed in none. An impost, or an excise, for example, if not in force in some states, would be defeated in others. It is well known that this was among the lessons of experience which had a primary influence in bringing about the existing constitution. A loss of its general authori ty would moreover revive the exasperating questions between the states holding ports for foreign commerce, and the adjoining states without them ; to which are now added all the inland states, necessarily carrying on their foreign commerce through other states. " To have made the decisions under the authority of the individual states, co-ordinate, in all cases, with decisions under the authority of the United States, would unavoidably produce collisions incompatible with the peace of society, and with that regular and efficient administration, which is of the essence of free governments. Scenes could not be avoid ed, in which a ministerial officer of the United States, and the correspon dent officer of an individual state, would have rencounters in executing conflicting decrees ; the result of which would depend on the compara tive force of the local posses attending them ; and that, a casualty depend ing on the political opinions and party feelings in different states. " To have referred every clashing decision, under the two authorities for a final decision to the states as parties to the constitution, would be attended with delays, with inconveniences, and with expenses, amounting to a prohibition of the expedient ; not to mention its tendency to impair the salutary veneration for a system requiring such frequent interpositions, nor the delicate questions which might present themselves as to the form of stating the appeal, and as to the quorum for deciding it. " To have trusted to negotiation for adjusting disputes between the Government of the United States and the State Governments, as between independent and separate sovereignties, would have lost sight altogether of a Constitution and Government for the Union, and opened a direct road from a failure of that resort, to the ultima ratio between nations wholly independent of and alien to each other. If the idea had its origin in the process of adjustment, between separate branches of the same govern ment, the analogy entirely fails. In the case of disputes between inde pendent parts of the same government, neither part being able to consum mate its will, nor the government to proceed without a concurrence of the parts, necessity brings, about an accommodation. In disputes between a 172 MADISON. State Government, and the Government of the United States, the case is practically as well as theoretically different ; each party possessing all the departments of an organized government, Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary, and having each a physical force to support its pretensions. Although the issue of negotiation might sometimes avoid this extremity, how often would it happen, among so many states, that an unaccommo dating spirit in some, would render that resource unavailing ? A contrary supposition would not accord with a knowledge of human nature, or the evidence of our own political history. " The Constitution, not relying on any of the preceding modifications, for its safe and successful operation, has expressly declared, on the one hand, 1, that the Constitution, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; 2, that the Judges of every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution and laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding; 3, that the judicial power of the United States shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the con stitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made under their authority, &c. "On the other hand, as a security qjf^ the rights and powers of the states in their individual capacities, against an undue preponderance of the powers granted to the government over them in their united ca pacity, the Constitution has relied on, 1, the responsibility of the Sena tors and Representatives in the Legislature of the United States to the Legislatures and people of the states ; 2, the responsibility of the Presi dent to the people of the United States ; and, 3, the liability of the Executive and Judicial functionaries of the United States to impeach ment by the Representatives of the people of the states, in one branch of the Legislature of the United States, and trial by the Representatives of the states, in the other branch : the state functionaries, Legislative, Executive, and Judicial, being, at the same time, in their appointment and responsibility, altogether independent of the agency or authority of the United States. " How far this structure of the Government of the United States is adequate and safe for its objects, time alone can absolutely determine. Experience seems to have shown that whatever may grow out of future stages of our national career, there is, as yet, a sufficient control, in the popular will, over the Executive and Legislative Departments of the government. When the Alien and Sedition Laws were passed in contravention to the opinions and feelings of the community, the first elections that ensued put an end to them. And whatever may have been the character of other acts, in the judgment of many of us, it is but , true, that they have generally accorded with the views of a majority of the states and of the people. At the present day it seems well under stood that the laws which have created the most dissatisfaction, have had a like sanction without doors; and that whether continued, varied, or repealed, a like proof will be given of the sympathy and responsibility of the representative body to the constituent body. Indeed, the great MADISON. 173 complaint now is against the results of this sympathy and responsibility in the legislative policy of the nation. " With respect to the judicial power of the United States, and the authority of the Supreme Court in relation to the boundary of jurisdiction between the Federal and State Governments, I may be permitted to refer to the thirty-ninth number of the Federalist/* for the light in which the subject was regarded by its writer, at the period when the Constitution was depending ; and it is believed that the same was the prevailing view then taken of it, that the same view has continued to prevail, and that it does so at this time, notwithstanding the eminent exceptions to it. "But it is perfectly consistent with the concession of this power to the Supreme Court, in cases falling within the course of its functions, to maintain that the power has not always been rightly exercised. To say- nothing of the period, happily a short one, when judges in their seats did not abstain from intemperate and party harangues, equally at vari ance with their duty and their dignity ; there have been occasional decisions from the bench, which have incurred serious and extensive disapprobation. Still it would seem that, with but few exceptions, the course of the Judiciary has been hitherto sustained by the predominant sense of the nation. " Those who have denied or doubted the supremacy of the judicial power of the United States, and denounce at the same time a nullifying power in a state, seem not to have sufficiently adverted to the utter inefficiency of a supremacy in a law of the land, without a supremacy in the exposition and execution of the law ; nor to the destruction of all equipoise between the Federal Government and the State Govern ments, if, whilst the functionaries of the Federal Government are directly or indirectly elected by and responsible to the states, and the functiona ries of the states are in their appointment and responsibility wholly inde pendent of the United States, no constitutional control of any sort belong to the United States over the states. Under such an organiza tion it is evident that it would be in the power of the states, individually, to pass unauthorized laws, and to carry them into complete effect, any thing in the Constitution and Laws of the United States to the contrary notwithstanding. This would be a nullifying power in its plenary charac ter ; and whether it had its final effect, through the Legislative, Executive, or Judiciary organ of the state, would be equally fatal to the constituted relation between the two governments. " Should the provisions of the Constitution, as here reviewed, be found * No. 39. It is true, that in controversies relating to the boundary between the two jurisdictions, the tribunal which is ultimately to decide, is to be established under the General Government. But this does not change the principle of the case. The decision is to be impartially made, according to the rules of the Constitution ; and all the usual and most effectual precautions are taken to secure this impartiality. Some such tribunal is clearly essential to prevent an appeal to the sword, and a dissolution of the compact ; and that it ought to be established under the general, rather than under the local, governments ; or, to speak more properly, that it could be safely established under the first alone, is a position not likely to be combated. 174 MADISON. not to secure the government and rights of the states against usurpations and abuses on the part of the United States, the final resort within the purview of the Constitution, lies in an amendment of the Constitution, according to a process applicable by the states. " And in the event of a failure of every constitutional resort, and an accumulation of usurpations and abuses, rendering passive obedience and non-resistance a greater evil than resistance and revolution, there can remain but one resort, the last of all an appeal from the cancelled obligations of the constitutional compact, to original rights and the law of self-preservation. This is the ultima ratio under all governments, whether consolidated, confederated, or a compound of both ; and it can not be doubted, that a single member of the Union, in the extremity sup posed, but in that only, would have a right, as an extra and ultra-constitu tional right, to make the appeal. " This brings us to the expedient lately advanced, which claims for a single state a right to appeal against an exercise of power by the govern ment of the United States decided by the states to be unconstitutional, to the parties to the constitutional compact ; the decision of the state to have the effect of nullifying the act of the Government of the United States, unless the decision of the state be reversed by three fourths of the parties. " The distinguished names and high authorities which appear to have asserted and given a practical scope to this doctrine, entitle it to a respect which it might be difficult otherwise to feel for it. " If the doctrine were to be understood as requiring the three fourths of the states to sustain, instead of that proportion to reverse, the decision of the appealing state, the decision to be without effect during the appeal, it would be sufficient to remark, that this extra-constitutional course might well give way to that marked out by the Constitution, which authorizes two thirds of the states to institute, and three fourths to effec tuate, an amendment of the Constitution, establishing a permanent rule of the highest authority, in place of an irregular precedent of construc tion only. "But it is understood that the nullifying doctrine imports that the deci sion of the state is to be presumed valid, and that it overrules the law of the United States, unless overruled by three fourths of the states. " Can more be necessary to demonstrate the inadmissibility of such a doctrine, than that it puts it in the power of the smallest fraction over one fourth of the United States, that is, of seven states out of twenty-four, to give the law and even the Constitution to seventeen states, each of the seventeen having, as parties to the Constitution, an equal right with each of the seven, to expound it, and to insist on the exposition ? That the seven might, in particular instances, be right, and the seventeen wrong, is more than possible. But to establish a positive and permanent rule giving such a power, to such a minority, over such a majority, would overturn the first principle of free government, and in practice necessarily overturn the government itself. " It is to be recollected that the Constitution was proposed to the peo ple of the states as a whole, and unanimously adopted by the states as MADISON. 175 a ivliolc, it being a part of the Constitution that not less than three fourths of the states should be competent to make any alterations in what had been unanimously agreed to. So great is the caution on this point, that in two cases where peculiar interests were at stake, a proportion even of three fourths is distrusted, and unanimity required to make an alteration. " When the Constitution was adopted as a whole, it is certain that there were many parts, which, if separately proposed, would have been promptly rejected. It is far from impossible that every part of a Constitution might be rejected by a majority, and yet, taken together as a whole, be unanimously accepted. Free Constitutions will rarely, if ever, be formed, without reciprocal concessions; without articles con ditioned on and balancing each other. Is there a Constitution of a single state out of the twenty-four, that would bear the experiment of having its component parts submitted to the people and separately decided on 1 "What the fate of the Constitution of the United States would be, if a small proportion of the states could expunge parts of it particularly valued by a large majority, it can have but one answer. " The difficulty is not removed by limiting the doctrine to cases of construction. How many cases of that sort, involving cardinal provi sions of the Constitution have occurred ? How many now exist ? How many may hereafter spring up ? How many might be ingeniously created, if entitled to the privilege of a decision in the mode proposed ? "It is certain that the principle of that mode would not reach further than is contemplated. If a single state can of right require three fourths of its co-states to overrule its exposition of the Constitution, because that proportion is authorized to amend it, would the plea be less plausible that, as the Constitution was unanimously established, it ought to be unani mously expounded ? " The reply to all such suggestions seems to be unavoidable and irre sistible; that the Constitution is a compact, that its text is to be expound ed according to the provisions for expounding it making a part of the compact ; and that none of the parties can rightfully renounce the ex pounding provision more than any other part. When such a right ac crues, as may accrue, it must grow out of abuses of the compact releasing the sufferers from their fealty to it. " In favor of the nullifying claim for the states, individually, it ap pears, as you observe, that the proceedings of the Legislature of Vir ginia, in 98 and 99, against the Alien and Sedition Acts, are much dwelt upon. " It may often happen, as experience proves, that erroneous construc tions, not anticipated, may not be sufficiently guarded against, in the language used ; and it is due to the distinguished individuals, who have misconceived the intention of those proceedings, to suppose that the meaning of the Legislature, though well comprehended at the time, may not now be obvious to those unacquainted with the contemporary indica tions and impressions. " But it is believed that by keeping in view the distinction between 176 MADISON. the governments of the states, and the states in which they were parties to the Constitution ; between the rights of the parties, in their concurrent and in their individual capacities ; between the several modes and objects of interposition against the abuses of power, and especially between in terpositions within the purview of the Constitution, and interpositions appealing from the Constitution to the rights of nature paramount to all constitutions ; with an attention, always of explanatory use, to the views and arguments which were combated, the Resolutions of Virginia, as vindicated in the Report on them, will be found entitled to an exposition, showing a consistency in their parts, and an inconsistency of the whole, with the doctrine under consideration. " That the Legislature could not have intended to sanction such a doc trine, is to be inferred from the debates in the House of Delegates, and from the address of the two Houses to their constituents, on the subject of the Resolutions. The tenor of the debates, which were ably conduct ed, and are understood to have been revised for the press by most, if not all, of the speakers, discloses no reference whatever to a constitutional right in an individual state, to arrest by force the operation of a law of the United States. Concert among the states for redress against the Alien and Sedition Laws, as acts of usurped power, was a leading sentiment ; and the attainment of a concert, the immediate object of the course adopted by the legislature, which was that of inviting the other states to concur in declaring the acts to be unconstitutional, and to co-operate by the necessary and proper measures in maintaining unimpaired the authori ties, rights, and liberties reserved to the states respectively, and to the peo ple. That by the necessary and proper measures to be concurrently and co-operatively taken, were meant measures known to the Constitution, particularly the ordinary control of the people and legislatures of the states, over the Government of the United States, cannot be doubted ; and the interposition of this control, as the event showed, was equal to the occasion. " It is worthy of remark, and explanatory of the intentions of the Legislature, that the words not law, but utterly null, void, and of no force or effect, which had followed, in one of the resolutions, the word unconstitutional, were struck out by common consent. Though the words were in fact but synonymous with unconstitutional ; yet to guard against a misunderstanding of this phrase as more than declaratory of opinion, the word unconstitutional alone was retained, as not liable to that danger. " The published Address of the Legislature to the people, their consti tuents, affords another conclusive evidence of its views. The address warns them against the encroaching spirit of the General Government, argues the unconstitutionality of the Alien and Sedition Acts, points to other instances in which the constitutional limits had been overleaped ; dwells upon the dangerous mode of deriving power by implication ; and in general presses the necessity of watching over the consolidating ten dency of the Federal policy. But nothing is said that can be understood to look to means of maintaining the rights of the states, beyond the regu lar ones, within the forms of the Constitution. MADISON. 177 " If any further lights on the subject could be needed, a very strong one is reflected in the answers to the resolutions, by the states which protested against them. The main objection of these, beyond a few general com plaints of the inflammatory tendency of the resolutions, was directed against the assumed authority of a State Legislature to declare a law of the United States unconstitutional, which they pronounced an unwarranta ble interference with the exclusive jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of the United States. Had the resolutions been regarded as avowing and maintaining a right, in an individual state, to arrest, by force, the execu tion of a law of the United States, it must be presumed that it would have been a conspicuous object of their denunciation. " With cordial salutations, " JAMES MADISON." JAMES MONROE. THE early years of the life of JAMES MONROE, fifth President of the United States, were passed at the place of his nativity, on the banks of the Potomac, in the county of Westmoreland, in what was, at that period, called the colony of Virginia. It is somewhat remarkable that this state, where the traveller thinks that he beholds the feudal splendor of a former age, and is entertained with a magnificent hospitality, to be found in no other part of the union, and where, in the language of the British Spy, " here and there a stately aristocratic palace strikes the view, while all around, for many miles, no other buildings are to be seen but the little smoky huts and log cabins of poor, laborious, ignorant tenants," should have produced four of the chief magistrates of this republic. Old Vir ginia, besides the crown of her glory, Washington her Jefferson, her Madison, and her Monroe enrols upon her archives the name of another illustrious and venerable patriarch of freedom, which is a consecrated word upon the lips of every lover of his country. Who would not write with me, on the scroll which American liberty displays to the world, under the name of General Washington, that of his biographer I Vefie- rated by all men, of all parties, is the present Chief Justice, John Marshall. JAMES MONROE was born in September, 1759. His ancestors had for many years resided in the province in which he was born, and one of them was among the first patentees of that province. That this ancestor possessed some of those noble and generous qualities of the heart which distinguished his descendant, will be apparent from the following anecdote. At some warmly contested election, when Madison and Monroe were opposing candidates, the friends of both parties used the most strenuous exertions to bring every voter to the polls. When, by reasons of poverty, old age, or bodily infirmities, any voters were unable to be present, they were sent for and brought in carts and wagons, to the place of the elec tion. The friends of Mr. Madison had succeeded in transporting from a considerable distance a very aged man. He was set down at the building in which the votes were to be cast, and soon began to hear some conver sation about the candidates. The name of James Monroe at last struck his ear, and he inquired of the speaker if the man whom he had mentioned was the son of that Monroe who lived and died in the province many years before. Upon being informed that James was a grandson of that indi vidual, the old man instantly exclaimed, " Then I will vote for James Monroe. His grandfather befriended me when I first came into the country, fed me, arid clothed me, and I lived in his house. I do not know James Madison. I will vote for James Monroe !" So Mr. Monroe MONROE. 179 received the old man s suffrage, though Mr. Madison s supporters had borne the trouble and expense of a long journey. The same noble spirit of benevolence, which prompted the grandfather to receive within his door a helpless stranger, may be traced in the actions of his illustrious de scendant, who pledged the whole of his property for the credit of the nation, and was untiring in his efforts to reward revolutionary patriots. Mr. Monroe was, at seventeen years of age, in the process of complet ing his classical education at the College of William and Mary, when the colonial delegates assembled at Philadelphia, to deliberate upon the unjust and manifold oppressions of Great Britain, declared the separation of the colonies, and promulgated the declaration of Independence. Had he been born ten years before, it is highly probable, that, instead of reading about the rise and fall of the Grecian republics, he would have been one of the signers of that celebrated instrument. His youth precluded him from taking any part in the controversies, which had agitated the country from the first promulgation of the stamp act. Indeed, his birth may be said to have been simultaneous with the faint dawn of American freedom ; for he was only in his fifth year, when, upon the publication of that odious paper, the fires of resistance flashed, like beacons, from mountain to mountain. The British government continued to add new fuel to the flame, till on the fourth of July, 1776, the conflagration became universal. Upon the first formation of the American army, young Monroe at that period eighteen years of age left his college, and, repairing to General Washington s headquarters at New- York, enrolled himself in the army as a cadet in the regiment commanded by Colonel Mercer. He joined the army when every thing looked hopeless and gloomy. The number of deserters increased from day to day. The invading armies came pouring in ; and the tories, a numerous class, now entirely extinct among us, not only favored the cause of the mother country, but disheartened the new recruits, who were sufficiently terrified at the prospect of contending with an enemy whom they had been taught to deem invincible. The besiegers con tinued to receive new accessions, while the besieged were almost reduced to the necessity of a dissolution. To such brave spirits as James Monroe, who went right onward undismayed through difficulty and danger, the United States owe their political emancipation. The young cadet joined the ranks, and espoused the cause of his injured country, with a firm deter mination to live or die with her strife for liberty. The fortitude of such a determination will be appreciated by those who reflect that our country. like the infant Hercules, was to strangle the serpents, or perish in the attempt. Mr. Monroe shared all the defeats and privations which attended the footsteps of the army of Washington, through the disastrous battles of Flat Bush, Haerlern Heights, and White Plains. He was present at the suc ceeding evacuation of New- York and .Long Island, at the surrender of Fort Washington, and the retreat through the Jerseys ; " till," in the elo quent language of his great eulogist, " on the day devoted to celebrate the birth of the Savior of mankind, of the same year on which indepen dence was proclaimed, Washington, with the houseless heads and unshod feet of three thousand new and undisciplined levies, stood on the western 180 MONROE. bank of the Delaware, to contend in arms with the British lion, and to baffle the skill and energy of the chosen champions of Britain, with ten times the number of his shivering and emaciate host ; the stream of the Delaware forming the only barrier between the proud array of thirty thousand veteran Britons and the scanty remnant of his dissolving bands." Mr. Monroe, after having participated in the adversities of the gallant defenders of their country, now rejoiced with them in their great and unanticipated success. At the battle of Trenton he led the vanguard, and, in the act of charging upon the enemy, he received a wound in his left shoulder. This wound, the scar of which remained till his death, was inflicted in the same battle where the life-blood of many a noble soldier streamed. The commander of his regiment, Colonel Mercer, fell. Haselet, and Porter, and Neal, and Fleming, and Shippen, were also, upon that memorable day, martyrs to the holy cause of freedom. As a reward for his bravery, Mr. Monroe was promoted a captain of infantry ; and, having recovered from his wound, he rejoined the army. He, however, receded from the line of promotion, by becoming an officer in the staff of Lord Sterling. During the campaigns of 1777 and 1778, in the actions of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth, he continued aid-de-camp ; but, becoming desirous to regain his position in the army, he exerted himself to collect a regiment for the Virginia line. This scheme, which was recommended by General Washington to the legisla ture of Virginia, by whom Captain Monroe was commissioned to act, failed, owing to the exhausted condition of the state. Upon this failure, he entered the office of Mr. Jefferson, at that period Governor, and pur sued, with considerable ardor, the study of the common law. He did not, however, entirely lay aside the knapsack for the green bag ; but, in the invasions of the enemy, served as a volunteer, during the two years of his legal pursuits. After the fall of Charleston, in 1780, he was appointed by Governor Jefferson a military commissioner, to examine into the con dition of the southern army under De Kalb, as well as the situation of the states, and to determine, from the result of his observation, the probability of rescuing them from the enemy. Upon his return, the Governor and Executive Council were well pleased with his execution of such an important trust. The time at length arrived, when, having endured the burden and heat of the day as a soldier, he was to enter upon a different field of action, as the supporter of a system of laws, in a government which he had fought and bled to establish. In 1782, he was elected from King George county a member of the legislature of Virginia, and by that body he was elevated to a seat in the Executive Council. He was thus honored with the con fidence of his fellow-citizens at twenty-three years of age ; and, having at this early period, displayed some of that ability and aptitude for legfsla- tion, which were afterwards employed with unremitting energy for the public good, he was, in the succeeding year, chosen a member of the Congress of the United States, on the ninth of June, 1783. On the thirteenth of December, he took his seat in the continental Congress, assembled at Annapolis, and on that day saw the illustrious leader of the victorious revolutionary army resign his commission into the hands of MONROE. 181 those bold patriots by whom it had been conferred. From this year, 1783, to 1780, Mr. Monroe was a useful member of the confederate Congress. During this period, he had frequent opportunities of observing the utter inefficiency of the articles of confederation ; and introduced a series of resolutions, to give Congress the power of regulating trade, and of laying an impost duty of five per cent. He was chairman of the committee who reported on these resolutions ; and in this report, certain alterations in the existing form of government were so strongly urged, that it was soon de bated whether there should not be some formal revision. The result was the partial convention of delegates at Annapolis, and finally the celebrated Federal Convention, and the formation and adoption of that Constitution, under which the country has so long enjoyed prosperity and happiness. Mr. Monroe also proposed a plan for the just disposition of the public lands. In 1784, there arose a controversy between the states of Massachu setts arid New- York, upon some question of boundary and jurisdiction. It was one of the few powers of the confederated Congress, to constitute a Court of Commissioners to determine all such disputes, to be chosen, however, by the parties to the controversy. The agents of the two states, in December, agreed upon nine persons, among whom was James Monroe. This choice of so young a man indicates the high esteem in which he was generally held. In March, 1825, he signified to Congress his acceptance of the appointment. But in a year from that time, owing to the resigna tion of some of the members of the court, the necessity of appointing others, and the difficulties and delays in hearing from all the Judges, the controversy was not yet decided. On the fifteenth of May, Mr. Monroe declined his appointment, stating, in his letter to Congress, " some cir cumstances will put out of my power to act as a Judge for the decision of the controversy between Massachusetts and New- York, and therefore I present my resignation to Congress." What these circumstances were, may be easily conjectured from what had transpired since the election of the Judges. Spain had always pursued towards the United States a system of mean and narrow policy, in regard to the navigation of the waters of the Mississippi. She finally sent a sort of diplomatic agent to negotiate with our government, who had received instruction absolutely to resist our right to sail through the mouth of that important river. The Secretary for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Jay, was told by Congress, to confer with the Spanish Encargardo, but to enter into no negotiation until its terms should first be approved by Congress. The Secretary, not being able to effect any arrangement, recommended, in a personal address, some compromise with Spain, by proposing a treaty, in which, if she would give commercial advantages equivalent to our yielding the right to navigate the Mississippi, we should forbear to exercise that right for twenty or thirty years, to which the duration of the treaty should be limited. Many and angry were the debates upon this proposition. The seven northern states were warmly in favor of it, and the five southern states (Delaware not being represented) as warmly opposed. It is to be feared that, with this useless discussion, commenced those sectional prejudices and animosities, which have, from time to time, pro duced harsh discord in the national harmony, and may, by and by, shatter MONROE. the order and stability of the union. Could these good and great mei; who were heated beyond discretion, in that controversy, have but foreseen, for a moment, that they were casting on the winds the seeds of future contention, every tongue, in its tide of hasty utterance, would have been hushed, and every right arm, lifted in vehement gesticulation, would have fallen nerveless. Perhaps there never lived purer patriots than Rufus King and James Monroe ; yet they were both, as leaders of opposing parties, greatly distinguished in this debate. The latter, with much clearness and strength, at a subsequent period in the Virginia Convention, which met to deliberate on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, explained and defended the course he had taken ; stating, in conclusion, " I thought it my duty to use every effort in Congress for the interest of the southern states. But so far as depended on me, with my official character it ceased. With many of those gentlemen, to whom I always considered it as my particular misfortune to be opposed, I am now in habits of correspondence and friendship ; and I am concerned for the necessity which has given birth to this relation." After the quarrel about the treaty, which, not being sanctioned by nine states, was not arranged, he was conscious that, by his opposition to their measures, he had lost the confidence of the states by whom he had been chosen a Judge, and, influenced by the most honorable motives, he resigned his commission. As, by the articles of confederation, no delegate could serve more than three years in six, Mr. Monroe left Congress in the fall of 1786, on the expiration of his term. While Congress was in session at New- York, he had formed a matrimonial connexion with Miss Kortwright, of that city. This lady had, in London and Paris, been celebrated for her beauty and her powers of conversation. Her external accomplishments did- not sur pass those of her mind ; and to the elegance of her manners were added all those endearing qualities of the heart, which cheer the gloom of existence. In 1787, Mr. Monroe, with the intention of pursuing the practice of the law, established himself in Fredericksburg ; but he was soon elected to the legislature of the state. In the following year he was chosen a member of that Virginia Convention, which met to decide upon the Federal Constitution, and in which there was an array of such power and talent, as we may never see again in one body of men. Among other names which reflect honor on the land of their birth, are those of Grayson, Henry, Mason, Lee, Madison, Marshall, and Randolph. James Monroe was of that number who opposed the adoption of the Federal Constitution, in the form in which it had been submitted to the Conven tion. His opposition was not greater than that of a large majority of the whole people of the country, nor of many other illustrious statesmen who enjoyed the highest public confidence. He presented certain amend ments, and, in his first speech to the Convention, very clearly displayed the reasons of his opposition. To those who, at the present day, enjoy the blessings conferred by the constitution, it will appear strange that it was opposed by such men as James Monroe, George Mason, and Patrick Henry ; that it was finally adopted, with reluctanoe, by those who con- MONROE. 183 sidered it the only alternative to a dissolution of the union ; and that its most warm and determined supporters never, even in imagination, antici pated, or in hope conceived, the " extent of the contrast in the condition of the North American people, under that new social compact, with what it had been under the Confederation which it was to supersede." The same writer, from whom we have just quoted, happily calls the final adoption and establishment of the present constitution " the greatest triumph of pure and peaceful intellect recorded in the annals of the human race." The course pursued by Mr. Monroe, in the Convention, did not shake the high esteem in which he was held by the citizens of his native state ; for, upon the death of the Honorable William Grayson, in December, 1789, he was chosen to supply the vacancy thereby occasioned in the Senate of the United States. He continued in the Senate till May, J794, a period of nearly five years, during which the two great political parties became more distinctly marked. He belonged to that which favored the objects of the French revolution ; and when the President issued his proclama tion of neutrality, he was among its most violent opposers. This measure, which the event proved to have been dictated by the soundest policy, created a violent fermentation, and the government was accused of in gratitude to France. Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who had been Minister Plenipotentiary to the new republic, was in favor of observing the strictest neutrality. He was recalled, at the request of the French government, and in May, 1794, Mr. Monroe was appointed his successor. This judicious appointment of a strong anti- federalist was made to allay the jealousies which then existed. He went to France, instructed by the government to express, in the warmest terms, the friendship of the United States. He was received, as one fvho strongly favored the revolution, with splendid cere mony, by the National Convention ; and he there declared the strong attachment of his country to the cause of France. Differing, as he did, from the Executive, in his views concerning the policy of the American administration, and believing that the French government justly com plained of that policy, it must have been an arduous duty for him to have; obeyed, with strictness, the instructions from home on his ministerial conduct. At the close of Washington s administration he was recalled, and his place supplied by Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Esq. Mr. Monroe, upon his return to the United States, published a work in explanation of his own opinions and proceedings, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of the Executive in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to the French Republic, during the years 1794, 5, and 6." This book, which he " illustrated by his instructions and correspondence, and other authentic documents," is an octavo volume of four hundred and seven pages; but though it lies before us, it will be impossible, in our circumscribed limits, to notice, even cur sorily, the strength of its positions, or the power of its arguments. The circumstances, which elicited the work, are now regarded by all parties in the same light : and no one pretends to doubt the enlightened policy of Washington towards the French Republic. Many honest and horiora- 184 MONROE. ble men were, however, at that time, of a different opinion, and among them was the subject of this memoir. At a subsequent period, with the true nobility of a mind, which disdains to cherish preconceived opinions in opposition to the convictions of better judgment, and for the sake of a false consistency, he cast off all remembrance of past animosity and unkind feeling, and harmonized with his countrymen in their entire and perfect veneration for the character of Washington. The mission of Mr. Monroe in France was contemporaneous with that of Mr. Jay in Great Britain. The latter, in obedience to his instructions, concluded with Lord Grenville a treaty, by which, this government was firmly bound to observe towards Great Britain the strict neutrality which had already been proclaimed. Upon the publication of this treaty, it became the chief subject of contention, and created the most bitter ani mosity between the two parties, of each of which Mr. Monroe and Mr. Jay may be said to have maintained the different political opinions. There were no two individuals more resolutely and unremittingly op posed to each other ; and yet, in the same generous spirit which we have just commended, James Monroe, with the causes of their contention, forgot the angry feelings which they had occasioned, and left " recorded, with his own hand, a warm and unqualified testimonial to the pure pat riotism, the preeminent ability, and the spotless integrity of John Jay." The treaty, which had been concluded by Mr. Jay, proved afterwards extremely beneficial to this country ; though it excited much hostile feel ing towards us in France. That Mr. Monroe s opposition to this and other measures of the existing government did not impair the confidence of his fellow-citizens, is made manifest by his election, on his return, to the legislature of his native state, and, shortly afterwards, to the office of Governor of Virginia, in which he served for three years, the period limit ed by the constitution. While Mr. Monroe was thus employed in the honorable discharge of the executive duties in his native state, his attention, as well as that of every votary of freedom, was forcibly turned to the wonderful events which transpired in the countries of the old world. A soldier s sword had severed the knot of the old dynasties of the European states ; the hand that wielded it, had pointed to the cloud-capped summits of the Alps, and they had melted away and .parted, like the Red Sea, beneath the patriarch s wand, leaving a passage through their stupendous barriers for the armies of the republic ; the same hand had torn the imperial crown from the brows of the Roman Pontiff, and the same sword had been laid, after having again waved those armies homeward, over the same snow- crowned ramparts, at the feet of the French Directory. But it had been laid there in mockery, soon to be resumed, to flash in angry splendor before the gaze of the astonished world. Wherever that hand had waved that sword, the sceptres of kings had fallen from their iron grasp, and the plumes and the banners of unconquered legions had been trailed in the dust. The rulers, who had imparted such strength to that hand, and who had rejoiced to see the scathing and desolation which followed that sword, little dreamed that it would soon be seen in the very capitol of their republic ; and, in a short time, be cast aside to give place to the MONROE. 185 rod and to the sceptre. The world had beheld a soldier, distinguished for skill and prowess in arms; a successful general, crowned with the laurels of fifty battles ; a First Consul, a Dictator, and at last an Emperor and a King, in one man, whose name was Napoleon Buonaparte. And how had the nations of Europe borne the blaze of this splendid luminary ? In the glowing eloquence of Fisher Ames, " they seemed to have been destined like comets to a contact with the sun ; not to thrust him from his orb, but to supply his waste of elemental fire." Americans, till now, had witnessed the progress of this wonderful meteor from afar : but what must have been the terror and anxiety, in learning that, through the miserable imbecility of Spain, it was to be brought fearfully near to their own country. In the year 1800, Spain, in the treaty of St. Ildefonso, had secretly ceded Louisiana to France ; but, though in reality concluded in that year, it was not promulgated till 1802. The greatest consternation followed the bold disclosure of this treaty ; and nothing less than a war with France was anticipated. The plan to take possession of this ceded territory was as magnificent as the other projects of its devisor ; for, doubtless, with the intention of recovering all their old dominions, from New Orleans to Canada, twenty thousand veterans were banded and ready to set sail for Louisiana, when the current of events suddenly took a new direction, and caused Buonaparte to relinquish his premedi tated crusade against the United States. On the eleventh of January, 1803, Mr. Monroe was appointed Envoy Extraordinary, and joined with that eminent patriot, Robert R. Living ston, then Resident Minister Plenipotentiary, from the United States, in France, in the Commission Extraordinary, to negotiate a purchase of the island of New Orleans, and the Spanish territory east of the Missis sippi. He was also appointed, jointly, with Charles Pinckney, then Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid, to an Extraor dinary Mission, to negotiate, if necessary, the same purchase with Spain, who still held possession of Louisiana. Several months before Mr. Monroe s arrival in Paris, Mr. Livingston had presented to the French government, " a very able memorial, shew ing, by conclusive arguments, that the cession of the province to the United States would be a measure of wise and sound policy; conducive not less to the true interests of France, than to those of the Federal Union." It did not, however, suit the stupendous views of the Emperor, to listen at that time to any such proposition : but Mr. Monroe had hardly arrived, before his Imperial Majesty discovered that the large sum of money, which he might obtain for the province, would be extremely con venient in the war which he had just excited between France and Great Britain. The sum which he proposed was rather astounding, but the American Ministers, although it surpassed their powers, and their availa ble funds, hesitated not to promise to pay the French government fifteen millions of dollars, for the territory of Louisiana. The immense benefits resulting to the Union, from the annexation of this extensive and beau tiful territory, cannot be duly appreciated, unless we contrast the real with the probable condition of the Federal Union, had such an annexation 24 186 MONROE. never been made. If the French had been allowed to take peaceful possession of the banks of the Mississippi, and to become masters of the outlets of the Gulf of Mexico, we should soon have lost all the blessings of our neutrality. With the English, who are in possession of the northern lakes, and of the St. Lawrence, they would have waged harass ing and perpetual warfare. We should have been enclosed on all sides, except that of the Atlantic Ocean, (and perhaps even there by the oppos ing navies,) by two of the most powerful nations of Europe, deadly hostile to each other. With one or the other we must have been allied : our national existence would have been constantly endangered ; and, con fined within our original limits, we should have seen the rich valleys of the west desolated by that enmity, which had destroyed towns and villages in Europe ; instead of beholding, as we now behold, our empire extended over the Rocky Mountains, and stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, perpetuated and blest under the glorious advantages of peace and civilization. After this most important treaty had been ratified, and an adjustment of certain claims of American citizens upon France had been made, in a convention, which was held at Paris, in April, 1803, Mr. Monroe, in the same month, proceeded to England, where he was appointed Minister Plenipotentiary, to succeed Rufus King; who, after having faithfully discharged his mission for seven years, was, at his own request, returning to his own country. With the revival of the war with France, England began anew to exercise those odious impressments and unprovoked out rages upon the persons and vessels of neutral powers, which> prior to the treaty concluded by Mr. Jay, had brought us to the verge of war : but which had not been exercised since that time. It seems to us that the measures proposed by President Jefferson to obtain from the British government a convention for the protection of our seamen, and for the observance of neutral rights, were both feeble and impolitic. Our Minis ter should not have been instructed to solicit what he had the right most imperiously to demand, viz. a total cessation of the rapine and plunder, committed on our ships, and a full remuneration for the wrongs which had already been inflicted. If such a peaceful remedy had been extended to the British Minister in one hand, with a declaration of war in the other, it is highly probable that, harassed as he was with the new French war, the former would have been accepted. The convention having failed, in which the British government abandoned the right to impress seamen, by a captious exception for the narrow seas, made by the head of the admiralty, Mr. Monroe, in the same conciliatory spirit with Mr. King, was endeavoring to adjust these difficulties, when he was summoned to discharge his extraordinary mission to Spain. When Buonaparte ceded Louisiana to this country, he took care to use, in his grant to us, the very words in which it had been conveyed to him by Spain. He was not particular to have the exact boundaries spe cified by Spain ; but intended to set his own landmarks wherever he pleased. But, when Louisiana passed from his possession, he very con veniently forgot that he intended to comprehend all the country, from the Perdido east, to the Rio Bravo west, of the Mississippi ; but discovered MONROE. 187 that West Florida formed no part of the ceded territory ; that the district of Mobile was not to be included ; and agreed with Spain in reducing the province of Louisiana to little more than the island of New Orleans. For the purpose of settling this disputed question of boundary, and to purchase the remnant of Spain s title to the territory of Florida, Mr. Monroe was called upon to join Mr. Charles Pinckney at Madrid. On his way thither he remained at Paris a short time to remind the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Talleyrand, of a promise, which had been made at the time of the cession of Louisiana, that France would exert her influ ence with Spain in a negotiation for the acquisition of Florida by the United States. The answer from that ever-changing Minister was not satisfactory : and after having seen the self-anointed Emperor place with his own hands upon his own brows the imperial diadem of France, in the presence of the venerable Roman Pontiff, and surrounded by the congregated magnificence of the European courts, Mr. Monroe proceeded to Madrid. Here he remained, with his colleague, Mr. Pinckney, for the space of five months, and made constant and vigorous, but unavailing efforts, to establish the claims of his country. The state papers, which passed at this stage of our controversy with Spain, and which, after having for many years been buried in the archives of government, were at last published at Washington, are ranked by a writer, who is emi nently qualified to judge, in the highest order; and concerning them he remarks that " they deserve the close and scrutinizing attention of every American statesman, and will remain solid, however unornamented, monuments of intellectual power, applied to national claims of right, in the land of our fathers and the age which has now passed away." In the mean while, affairs in Great Britain hacF assumed such a menac ing aspect towards this country, that Mr. Monroe, on his return thither, in June, 1805, had to contend with great difficulties. Mr. Pitt was at the head of the British government ; and pursued the interested and base policy of destroying the commerce of neutrals with France and Spain, to compel its enemies to traffic with the subjects of Great Britain. To effect this, the British cruisers seized many of our vessels, and pro cured their condemnation in the courts of admiralty. There seems to be no excuse for this gross violation of the law of nations. During the space of two years, the commerce and navigation of this country had been unmolested, and, upon the rekindling of war in Europe, were still pursuing their course of success, never suspecting that their right to trade with neutral ports would be disputed, when suddenly our enterpris ing mariners were astonished at the seizure and confiscation of their ships and cargoes by the British. Mr. Monroe, upon being informed of these acts of injustice, remonstrated with the Earl of Mulgrave, then Minister for Foreign Affairs, but received only an equivocal answer. The death of Mr. Pitt, which happened at this time, brought in a new minis try, at the head of which was Charles James Fox. This liberal and high-minded, but prejudiced man, instantly countermanded the order for the capture of neutral vessels, and released those which had already been captured, but could not make any compensation to the owners of those vessels which had been detained and condemned by Sir William 188 MONROE. Scott.* When these facts became known in this country, the excite ment was almost terrific. War ! War ! War ! was the cry. Petition upon petition, complaint upon complaint, remonstrance after remon strance, were presented to Congress by plundered merchants and ruined ship-owners. To still the dark and angry waters of commotion, and to obtain some redress for such flagrant injuries, Mr. William Pinckney, the most eloquent orator in the United States, was sent as Minister Plenipo tentiary and Extraordinary to join Mr. Monroe in London. On Mr. Pinckney s arrival, negotiations were immediately commenced, and a treaty was made, by which, with proper modifications on our part, peace and harmony might have been restored ; but upon its transmission to President Jefferson, he reviewed and returned it with the design that some securer provisions might be added with regard to the impressment of seamen. But the British Ministry had undergone another change. George Canning had succeeded to Fox as Prime Minister, and, with his daring and unyielding temper, refused to negotiate further on the ratifi cation of the treaty ; the mission therefore of Monroe and Pickney was at an end. The former, had some time previous obtained permission to return home. After having suffered some short detention in consequence of the unparalleled outrage of Admiral Berkley on the Chesapeake, he returned at the close of the year 1807. From this period Mr. Monroe never went abroad ; but was employed till the expiration of his Presidential term, in offices of the highest im portance and trust in his own country. In the cursory view which we have taken of the incidents of his event ful life, we have thus far beheld him, first appear upon the stage of public action, as a private soldier, fighting the battles of freedom and wounded in her cause ; following the glorious leader of the revolutionary armies through disheartening misfortunes and elevating success, and, after con tinuing for a time to serve in the staff of a valiant general, still volun teering to repel the invaders of his native land. We have next beheld him, while resolutely pursuing the study of the laws, under the direction of the illustrious Jefferson, appointed a military commissioner to the south ern army ; then upon his return home elected to the legislature of Virginia, and to the Congress of the United States ; then a member of that celebrated convention of his native state, which met to deliberate upon the Federal Constitution ; and then chosen a Senator of the United States. We have next beheld the commencement of his diplomatic career as Minister Plenipotentiary to France under the administration of President Washington. By his conscientious and sincere, though impolitic and unadvised, conduct in the discharge of the duties of this mission, having given such displeasure to the general government as to produce his recall, we have seen him, once more in his native state, elected to the legislature, and then to the exalted office of Governor of * In what treatise of international law, Sir W. Scott found precedents for his equita ble adjudications, it remains for the curious to investigate ; but the British government has been wonderfully successful, with the stubborn exception of Lord Coke and some others, in pouring light into the minds of its learned and incorruptible judges. MONROE. 189 Virginia, in the full enjoyment of the unimpaired confidence and high respect of his fellow-citizens. After the expiration of his constitutional term as governor, we have witnessed, in 1803, his appointment by Mr. Jefferson, as Minister Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary, both to France and Spain, and shortly afterwards to Great Britain ; and, during his four years residence in these countries, his employment in the most interest ing and important diplomatic negotiations, in which the United States had been engaged since the revolution. We are now to regard him again receiving the highest honors of Vir ginia, and about to enter upon a loftier and broader field of action. We have mentioned his return home in 1807. For a few months, he was permitted to rest from his labor, and to enjoy that quiet happiness, which always blooms under the shade of private, domestic tranquillity. He was now forty-eight years of age, that period when the intellect has arrived at its noblest strength and perfect stature, and when, aided by wisdom and long experience, it becomes able to exert its powers, with the greatest effect, to enter upon magnificent enterprises, and to overthrow, as with the arm of a giant, the obstacles which may arise in its path. With a consciousness of having faithfully performed the tasks which had been allotted to him, and surrounded by all those home-blessings, which give a value to existence an affectionate wife and beloved children Mr. Monroe was enjoying that otium cum dignitate, which is so delight ful to a great mind after great exertions, when he was once more sum moned to appear in the legislative chambers of his own Virginia ; and was again re-elected to the executive chair. Mr. Monroe acted as go vernor one more term, and in the spring of 1811, he was appointed by President Madison, Secretary of State. But, before entering upon the consideration of his faithful performance of the duties of the high offices, to which he was successively elevated, let us pause to consider the condi tion of these United States at this eventful period. The war, which soon broke out between Great Britain and this coun try, was resting, like a dark cloud, over the brightest prospects of the land. British depredations upon American commerce had been continued to such an extent, and our demands for reparation and restitution had been so unheeded, that to have tamely submitted in silence would have been the height of pusillanimity. There were many different opinions, however, about the expediency of declaring war ; and many distracting dissensions took place, which have not been healed even at this distance of time. The voice of one part of the country was heard shouting, in angry accents, for war, instant and desolating war while the thoughts of another part were turned on the consideration of some method of proce dure, by which we could still enjoy the blessings of peace. It was indeed an awful and an important crisis. The Federal Constitution, though nearly established in the affections of the people, by its excellent adaptation to the state of their country, and to the perpetuity of the union, had never be fore been subjected to the ordeal of a formidable foreign war. It was now to undergo this test : and great indeed must have been the weight of the responsibility, which was thrown upon those, who were intrusted with the protection of this sacred charter of American rights, and who 190 MONROE. were to conduct the ^ essel of state, in safety, through the many rocks and quicksands by which she was surrounded. Yet, with the star banner of liberty nailed to her mast, and by the guidance of the sacred charter of the constitution, that noble ship was at last skilfully and manfully rescued from her threatening dangers, and even rode proudly on the top of the wave, with every rag of her canvas given to the gale. Mr. Monroe came on board just before the vessel plunged into the midst of her perils. As he had been among the first of those gallant men, who joined the army of the revolution, when disasters and difficulties frowned on every side ; so was he called to the councils of. government when they were harassed and distracted by the impending necessity of a second war, which it was in vain to attempt to avoid, and which, though not so hope less as that of the revolution, wanted the spirit and unanimity which inspired our first great contest, for its prosecution and support. Appointed Secretary of State by President Madison, in the spring of 1811, Mr. Monroe discharged the high duties of that important station in the cabinet with zeal and fidelity. In the ensuing year, on the nineteenth of June, war was publicly proclaimed against Great Britain. A few days previous, the President laid before Congress the correspondence which had been carried on between Mr. Monroe, as Secretary of State, and the Ministry of Great Britain. These letters plainly demonstrated the im possibility of effecting an adjustment concerning the two principal points of contention the orders in council, and the subject of impressment. We have already alluded to the differing opinions which prevailed in the country concerning the war. On the issuing of the proclamation of the nineteenth of June, it was received with any thing but demonstrations of joy in the New England States. Indeed, the opposition of this section of the union was strenuously persevered in, till the perpetration of shame ful outrages by the British troops, and more particularly the disgraceful capture of Washington, kindled the blaze of vindictive resentment in every bosom, and created a unanimity of sentiment in favor of active hostilities, which caused the war to be prosecuted w r ith vigor, and finally terminated with success. As this subject has been fully treated in our life of President Madison, and as the events of this war, previous to the sacking of Washington, were not directly connected with Mr. Monroe s part in the administration, we shall make no further mention of them. After this melancholy event, which at first exasperated the feelings of the people against the government, and afterwards so drew down the whole weight of popular indignation on the Secretary of War, as to cause his voluntary resignation, the history of Mr. Monroe, until the end of the war, becomes intimately involved with its important circumstances. At the request of Mr. Madison, without resigning his office as Secretary of State, he discharged all the duties of the War Department; and with such effectual vigilance and judicious foresight, as to give general satisfaction, and produce the most fortunate results. Indeed, a great politician has hazarded the conjecture, that had his appointment to the Department of War preceded, by six months, its actual date, the heaviest disaster of the war heaviest, because its remembrance must be coupled with a blush of shame would have been spared, as a blotted page, in the annals of our union. MONROE. 191 This disaster, to wit, the conflagration of Washington, was heralded by a letter from the British Admiral Cochrane to the Secretary of State, dated the day previous to debarkation, though not delivered until subse quent to the literal fulfilment of his barbarous commands ; stating, that, " having been called upon by the Governor-General of the Canadas, to aid him in carrying into effect measures of retaliation against the inhabitants of the United States, for the wanton destruction committed by the army in Upper Canada, it became imperiously his duty, conformably with the notice of the Governor-General s application, to issue to the naval force under his command, an order to destroy and lay waste such towns and districts upon the coast, as might be found assailable." To these accusations, so grossly false, the Secretary of State could only reply, in the simple language of truth, that " in no instance had the United States authorized a deviation from the known usages of war : that, in the few cases in which there had been even a charge against them, the government had formally disavowed the acts of its officers, at the same time subjecting the conduct of such officers to punishment or reproba tion : that amongst those few, the charge of burning the parliament-house in Upper Canada was now, for the first time, brought forward : until now, such an accusation had not been made against the Americans ; on the contrary, one of the most respectable civil functionaries, at that place, had addressed a letter of thanks to General Dearborn, for the good conduct of his troops; and, moreover, that when Sir George Prevost, six months afterwards, proceeded to measures of retaliation, the affair of the brick house was not mentioned. But though Admiral Cochrane succeeded in overcoming the feeble force with which the capital of the country was ineffectually guarded, and in spreading desolation among splendid mansions, both public and private, to revenge the enormous crime of which the American army had been guilty in burning a brick house, hired for the temporary occupation of the provincial legislature, the measures of retaliation adopted by the British were not so successful upon other places which they invaded. The plan of operations necessary for defence, pursued by the Department of War, was far more vigorous and effective; and the invading armies, both on the water and on the land, met with such a determined resist ance and total defeat at Baltimore, as to cool their retaliatory vengeance, and to spread a glow of joy over the whole country. The victory at Plattsburgh soon followed, to reanimate and excite to nobler exertion the spirit of every American citizen. The duties which Mr. Monroe had to perform, at this time, were extremely difficult and arduous. Being appointed Secretary of War, towards the close of the campaign of 1814, his first care was to mark out a general plan of military operations for the ensuing year. Louisiana was threatened with a formidable invasion. The war in which Great Britain had been engaged with the conqueror of Europe had been crowned with the most brilliant success. During the commencement of our war, the strength of her armies was concentrated against Napoleon ; but at this period " her numerous victorious veteran legions, flushed with the glory, and stung with the ambition, of long-contested, hard-earned success, were 192 MONROE. turned back upon her hands, without occupation for their enterprise, eager for new fields of battle, and new rewards of achievement." From these veterans ten thousand were selected, and having been placed under the command of an approved and brave officer, whose subsequent untimely fate all parties lamented, they were sent to attack New Orleans, and to acquire possession of the shores and waters of the Mississippi. To meet this emergency, and to raise the necessary funds for the defence of New Orleans, and for the repulsion of these dreaded invaders, became the task of James Monroe. From the peculiar circumstances of the times, this task was difficult in the extreme. The state of our financial concerns was deplorable. There had al ways been a deficiency of funds for the vigorous prosecution of the war, and the national credit had been progressively degraded. When the war began, the rivalry of opposing interests and political prejudice had pre vented the renewal of the charter of the first bank of the United States, and the most dismal consequences ensued. The public credit was almost ruined, and the currency of the country fallen into frightful disorder. " Banks with fictitious capital," says an able financier, " swarmed throughout the land, and spunged the purse of the people, often for the use of their own money, with more than usurious extortion. The solid banks were unable to maintain their integrity, only by contracting their operations to an extent ruinous to their debtors and to themselves. A balance of trade, operating like universal fraud, vitiated the channels of intercourse between north and south ; and the treasury of the union was replenished only with millions of silken tatters, and unavailable funds ; chartered corporations, bankrupt, under the gentle name of suspended specie payments, and without a dollar of capital to pay their debts, sold, at enormous discounts, the very evidence of those debts ; and passed off upon the government of the country, at par, their rags, purchasable, in open market, at depreciations of thirty and forty per cent." At this period when, from the low state of the national credit, and from the exhausted condition of the treasury, it was impossible to raise funds to meet the pressing necessity of the preparations for the defence of New Orleans, then it was that the subject of this memoir, with a noble gene rosity of soul and a patriotic devotedness to the cause of his country, which was worthy of the brightest epoch of Grecian renown, performed an act, which, if it stood solitary and alone, should embalm his name in the grateful remembrance of every votary of freedom. As subsidiary to the credit of the nation, he pledged his own individual credit. It is to be deeply regretted, as we shall soon have occasion to show, that the conduct of our Congress, after Mr. Monroe s retirement into private life, was such as to strengthen the impression, which has long and falsely prevailed, and which the friends of arbitrary power have endeavor ed to keep alive, concerning the ingratitude of republics. In making so great a personal sacrifice, the Secretary probably believed that there could arise, in future, no hesitation in recognising his claim of remuneration ; but we feel convinced, upon considering other noble and disinterested actions of his life, that he would have performed the same generous deed, even if he had anticipated the pecuniary difficulties which it was, conse- MONROE. 193 quently, his lot to encounter. Besides offering up his private interests on the shrine of his country s freedom, he did not hesitate to relinquish that which must have been far dearer to him, the prospects of a reasonable and praiseworthy ambition. The acts of Congress had already authorized an army which numbered sixty thousand men. The first proposition of Mr. Monroe was to raise forty thousand more, and his plan was to levy upon the whole mass of the people. If this had been carried into effect, there would, probably, have been no bounds to the resentment of the people against its projector. He would have lost, by one severe though necessary measure, all that de served popularity, which he had been so long acquiring ; for it was a resort, seemingly opposed to the genius of our institutions, and assimi lated, in the minds of the people, to the conscriptions of the French government. Our sturdy yeomanry would have deemed such a course an encroachment on their rights as freemen ; and, though many were willing to volunteer, few would have submitted tamely to be dragooned into service by the forcible arguments of a recruiting officer. Such an officer would, doubtless, have been authorized, as in foreign countries, to take the farmer from his plough, the weaver from his loom, the mechanic from his shop, and the clerk from his desk, as well as to intrude, unquestioned and unforbidden, upon the retirement of the scholar, and into the halls of the wealthy. Mr. Monroe was conscious of those consequences which would attend the prosecution of such a plan ; and he determined, in his own wind, to withdraw his name from the presidential canvass, as the friends of the opposing candidates would doubtless seize upon this event to make his name unpopular. To two or three individuals, in his confi dence, he disclosed his feelings upon the subject, and had authorized them to publish his intention of declining his nomination, as chief magistrate of the union, when the conclusion of peace rendered the increase of the army unnecessary, and therefore removed the objections which would have influenced such a resignation. On the return of peace, Mr. Monroe, having relinquished his office in the Department of War, reassumed those of the Department of State, which he continued to discharge till the close of Mr. Madison s adminis tration. Indeed, Mr. Monroe has been justly said to have performed the duties of these high stations with untiring assiduity, with universally acknowledged ability, and with a zeal of patriotism, which counted health, fortune, and life itself, nothing in the ardor of self-devotion to the cause of his country. Until the expiration of President Madison s term of office, Mr. Monroe warmly co-operated with him in those measures which were necessary to restore the harmony of the government and to extricate the affairs of the country from the confusion into which they had been thrown by the misfortunes of the war. On the 5th of March, 1817, Mr. Monroe was inaugurated as President of the United States. The President and Vice-President were escorted by a large cavalcade of citizens, to Congress Hall, where the Ex-Presi dent, the Judges of the Supreme Court, and the Senate were assembled ; by whom the incumbent was attended to the portico, where he delivered a speech from which we have selected the most prominent and striking 25 194 MONROE. passages. After expressing his high sense of the confidence which his fellow citizens had shown towards him, and of the feeling of deep respon sibility with which he entered upon the discharge of his arduous duties, he took a rapid arid general view of the prosperous condition of the Re public under the wise provisions of its venerated Constitution. " Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cher ish our Union, and to cling to the Government which supports it. For tunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no coun try was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agri cultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local inte rests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow citizens of the north, engag ed in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force, thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry ; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and profitable market by local wants, in less favored parts at home. " Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us ? If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against. " In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, what raised us to the present happy state ? How did we accomplish the revo lution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the national government sufficient power for national pur poses, without impairing the just rights of the States, or affecting those of individuals 1 How sustain, and pass with glory through the late war 1 The government has been in the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositories of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in diffe rent principles ; had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous ; can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with ^he same success? While then the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department. It is only when people become ignorant and corrupt ; when they degenerate into a populace, that they MONROE. 195 are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional measures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. " Dangers from abroad are no less deserving of attention. Experienc ing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may, in that event, be the object of the adverse party to overset our government, to break our union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, moderate and pacific policy of our government, may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the war between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experi ence, if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it perhaps our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought, therefore, to be cherished. " To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and navy regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure our cities and interior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work, when finished, will be permanent; and it is fair to presume, that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property arid distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. " Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former to garrison and preserve our fortifica tions, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe ; and, while consti tuting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science, as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The latter, retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers, and in saving the pro perty of their citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence, and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination. " But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of 196 MONROE. these states, and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend, in an eminent degree, on the militia. Invasions may be made, too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval force, which it would comport, either with the principles of our Government, or the circumstances of the United States, to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained, as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such, as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed too, in time of peace, to be better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach, an over whelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion. "Other interests, of high importance, will claim attention, among which the improvement .of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States, we shall add much to the Convenience and comfort of our fellow citizens ; much to the orna ment of the country; and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to, and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us, by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was, perhaps, never seen, than is exhibited within the limits of the United States ; a territory so vast, and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts. " Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, can not fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital, which nourishes our manufactures, should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture, anci every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets. " With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations, and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization. ; The great amount of our revenue, and the flourishing state of the MONROE. 197 treasury, are a full proof of the competency of the national resources, for any emergency, as they are of the willing-ness of our fellow citizens . to bear the burdens, which the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, be sides accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind ; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most ; that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive." He then remarked on the necessity of a faithful disbursement of the public money, and expressed his determination to do all in his power to secure the utmost economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration. The absence of all foreign hostilities, and the return of domestic harmony, formed other gratifying topics of reflection. The speech concludes with a few observations on the instructive and useful examples presented by the administrations of his ^illustrious predecessors, and with the fervent hope that the Almighty would graciously continue that protection to the Republic, which He had already displayed so con spicuously in its favor. On the conclusion of his address, the oath of office was administered to the President by the Chief Justice of the United States. A signal gun having been fired, salutes were given from the navy yard, the bat tery, Fort Warburton, and from a corps of artillery. The day was delightful, and the crowd of spectators, including numerous American and foreign functionaries, was estimated at from six to eight thousand. Among the early appointments of President Monroe, was that of Mr. John Quincy Adams as Secretary for the department of State; of Mr. William H. Crawford for the department of the Treasury ; and Mr. Isaac Shelby,^ of Kentucky, for the department of War. Mr. Calhoun was afterwards appointed to the War department, and Mr. B. W. Crowninshield to the Navy. About the first of June, the President left Washington to commence his tour through the States; which gave occasion to so many speculations among newspaper politicians, and which elicited a most general expression of kindness, respect, and courtesy. The President arrived at Baltimore on Sunday, the 1st of June, visited the field where the British general Ross received his fatal wound, reviewed a brigade of militia, visited various public works, received and answered a congratulatory address from the Mayor and City Council, and on Tuesday continued his journey as far as New-Castle. His reply to the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore was in the following words : "FELLOW CITIZENS, The sentiments which you have communicated, have afforded me very great satisfaction. They are just, as to the objects adverted to, and to me they are generous and kind. " It was impossible for me to approach Baltimore, without recollecting, *Mr. Shelby did not accept the apointment. 198 MONROE. with deep interest, the gallant conduct of her citizens, in the late war, and the happy results attending their exertions. The glorious victory which was achieved by her, and in which her citizens bore so distin guished a part, at a very important epoch, not only protected this patri otic city, but shed a great lustre on the American name. " Experience has shown our dangers, and admonished us as to the means of averting them. Congress has appropriated large sums of money, for the fortification of our coast, and inland frontier, and for the establishment of naval dock-yards, and building a navy. It is proper that those works should be executed with judgment, fidelity, and economy. Much depends, in the execution, on the Executive, to whom extensive power is given, as to the general arrangement ; and to whom the superintendence usually belongs. You do me justice in believing, that it is to enable me to discharge these duties, with the best advantage to my country, that I have undertaken this tour. " From the increased harmony of public opinion, founded on the successful career of a government, which has never been equalled, and which promises, by a further developement of its faculties, to augment, in an eminent degree, the blessings of this favored people, I unite with you in all the anticipations which you have so justly suggested. " In performing services, honestly and zealously intended for the benefit of my fellow citizens, I shall never entertain a doubt of their generous and firm support. Incapable of any feelings distinct from those of a citizen, I can assume no style, in regard to them, different from that character ; and it is a source of peculiar delight to me, to know that, while the Chief Magistrate of the United States acts fully up to this principle, he will require no other guard than what may be derived from their confidence and affection."^ On Wednesday the President proceeded up the Delaware, and arrived at the navy-yard in Philadelphia between three and four o clock on Thursday, in the barge of the Franklin seventy-four, in which Commo dore Murray and Captain Stuart had gone down to Wilmington to receive him. Every respectful attention was paid to him in this city. * In the previous address of the Mayor was a passage which afforded the editor of the New-York Post an opportunity for the following pleasant sally. " Among other topics," says the Post, " of which this famous speech was composed, the following pompous and important passage presents itself: " That a city which bore so conspicuous a part in the national defence should first be honored with the presence of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, is as nattering as it is natural. " We cannot but accede to the truth of the observation, that it was natural that the President in his journey to the eastward, should visit Baltimore before he did Philadelphia, situated a hundred miles further on his route, nor enough admire the ingenuity that could turn such a circumstance into a nattering compliment to the former city. We should not have been surprised if the President, when he heard this, had cut Mr. Stiles as short, by expressing his entire satisfaction, as Henry IV. cut the French mayor, who came out to meet him on a similar occasion, and began a speech which he had prepared, containing ten reasons why they had not saluted his Majesty s approach with the discharge of cannon, the first of which was, that they had no cannon, when the King interrupted him, and told him he might spare himself the trouble of giving the other nine." MONROE. 199 While here the members of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati paid their respects to him and presented the following address : " SIR Embracing the occasion which your attention, as Chief Magis trate, to the military defence of the United States has afforded, it is with peculiar pleasure that the members of the Pennsylvania Society of the Cincinnati, a portion of the surviving few who were your associates in arms during the war of the revolution, approach to renew their per sonal intercourse, and to assure you of their cordial support to the firm, and impartial administration of the government, which, by combining in its measures domestic tranquillity with the respect of foreign nations, they confidently anticipate, will promote the best interests of the United States, and insure to our citizens the advantages of social harmony and individual happiness. " That you may participate those blessings, and enjoy the grateful esteem of a happy people, is the sincere wish of " Your faithful friends, and respectful fellow citizens." To which the President made the following reply : " FELLOW CITIZENS In attending to the military and naval defence of the United States, nothing can be more gratifying to me than to meet the surviving members of my associates in arms, who distinguished themselves in our revolutionary contest. I can never forget the dangers of that great epoch, nor be indifferent to the merit of those who partook in them. " To promote tranquillity at home, and respect abroad, by a firm and impartial administration, are among the highest duties of the Chief Magistrate of the United States. To acquit myself in the discharge of these duties with advantage to my fellow citizens, will be the undeviat- ing object of my zealous exertions. Their approbation will be the highest recompense which I can receive." It is the province of biography and memoir writing to record matters too trifling for the dignity of history. With this impression we scatter through our pages descriptions of manners and ceremonies, too unim portant, apparently, to warrant any minute details, but yet interesting, as depicting those every-day fashions and changes, about which we are all naturally curious. With these observations we would preface the fol lowing account of the President s costume, and the extracts in the note^ * "Mrs. Monroe is an elegant, accomplished woman. She possesses a charming mind, and dignity of manners, which peculiarly fit her for her elevated station. Her retired domestic habits will be much annoyed by what is called here society, if she does not totally change the etiquette (if it may be called so) established by Mrs. Washington, Adams, and Madison a routine which her feeble constitution will not permit her to encounter; to go through it, she must become a perfect slave to the sacrifice of her health. The president, secretaries, senators, members, foreign ministers, consuls, comptrollers, auditors, accountants, officers of the navy and army of every grade, farmers, merchants, parsons, priests, lawyers, judges, notaries, auctioneers, office-hunters, brokers, clerks, stay-tape and buckram gentry, specula tors, and nothingarians all with their wives, and some with their gawking offspring crowd to the President s every Wednesday evening some in shoes, most in boots, and many in spurs some snuffing, others chewing, and many longing for their cigar and whiskey punch left at home some with powdered heads, others frizzled and 200 MONROE. from a letter from Washington, dated previously to the inauguration of Mr. Monroe in his new office. The barge fitted up for the reception of the President at Philadelphia, was lined and trimmed with crimson velvet, and rowed by sixteen oarsmen, dressed in scarlet vests, white sleeves and trowsers. The President was dressed in a dark blue coat, buff vest, doe-skin buff-colored breeches and top boots ; he wore a military cocked hat of the fashion of the revolution, and a black bowed ribbon of the same fashion as a cockade. On Thursday, the 12th of June, the President visited the fortifications and navy-yard at New-York, amidst salutes of cannon. On the follow ing day he was publicly initiated as a member of the Literary and Phi losophical Society of New-York, when the President of the Association, Mr. De Witt Clinton, delivered an address. The reply of President Monroe to the address of the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of the city of New-York, is one of the happiest specimens of the parade day oratory required for such an occasion. It is concise, vigorous, and eloquent : "FELLOW CITIZENS In performing a duty enjoined on me by the con stitution and laws of the United States, I cannot express the satisfaction which I derive from the intercourse to which it leads with so many of my fellow citizens ; and from the opportunity it affords, to behold in per son the blessings which an all gracious Providence has extended to them. In executing the laws which Congress have wisely adopted for the national defence, the Atlantic and inland frontiers of this State, by their exposed situation, are entitled to particular attention. I am aware, too, that this oiled, with some whose heads a comb has never touched, half hid by dirty collars, reaching above their ears, as stiff as pasteboard. Mrs. President, this is my wife Ma am, this is my daughter Mr. President, this is my Dick, a hopeful youth, just freed from college rules," and light as the vapor he puffs from Havana s best. "How distressing to every man who feels for the honor and dignity of his govern ment. Mrs. Madison feels all this, while she is harassed to death by these boobies. She must feel greatly relieved by her prospect of retirement. She is justly adored by all parties. This estimable woman, in < stooping to conquer, has carried her amiability and affability as far as to return the visits of all those who have called on her. It ought not to be expected that the wife of the President should return visits. Our nation is increasing so fast, and there is such an influx of foreigners here (particularly at this season of the year) that a stop ought to be put to it, and some rules adopted for the presentation of strangers to the Chief Magistrate and his family ; otherwise his valuable time will be absorbed in ridiculous visits from the idle and curious. In the drawing-room no one ought, in my opinion, to be admitted, without a previous introduction to the President by some respectable member of the government ; and if those members were not discreet in the characters and numbers of these introductions, they ought to be told of it. All judicious, sensible persons see now the necessity of such arrangements. " These foreign ministers and agents, too, are far too intimate at the President s, and with the different branches of the government. Towards them the same eti quette ought to be adopted, as is known to exist at their own courts. This they would not complain of. There is a respect due to our sachems, which this vulgar state of things diminishes. We allow our generals and commanders of ships to establish formalities at their posts, and on their quarter-decks ; and will you not allow the President to form certain rules for the government of his house and the distribution of his time ?" MONROE. 201 populous and flourishing city presents, in time of war, a strong temptation to the cupidity of an invading foe. It is in the spirit of the laws which I am called to execute, it is in the spirit of the people whom I represent, to provide amply for the security of every part, according to the danger to which it is exposed. In performing this duty, I shall endeavor to be their faithful organ. "The present prosperous condition of our country is, as you justly observe, the best proof of the excellence of our institutions, and of the wisdom with which they have been administered. " It affords, too, a solid ground on which to indulge the most favorable anticipations as to the future. An enlightened people, educated in the principles of liberty, and blessed with a free government bold, vigorous, and enterprising in the pursuit of every just and honorable attainment united by the strong ties of a common origin, of interest, and affection possessed of a vast and fertile territory improving in agriculture, in the arts and manufactures extending their commerce to every sea already powerful, and rapidly increasing in population have every inducement and every means whereby to perpetuate these blessings to the latest pos terity. " The honorable termination of the late war, whereby the rights of the nation were vindicated, should not lull us into repose the events attend ing it show our vulnerable points ; and it is in time of peace that we ought to provide by strong works for their defence. " The gallantry and good conduct of our army, navy, and militia, and the patriotism of our citizens, generally, so conspicuously displayed in that war, may always be relied on. Aided by such works, our frontiers will be impregnable. " Devoted to the principles of our government from my earliest youth, and satisfied that the great blessings which we enjoy are, under Divine Providence, imputable to that great cause, it will be the object of my con stant and zealous efforts to give to those principles their best effect. Should I, by these efforts, contribute in any degree to the happiness of my fellow citizens, I shall derive from it the highest gratification of which my mind is susceptible." While in New York the President was elected a member of the So ciety for the encouragement of American Manufactures ; he attended a meeting of that Society, and avowed his desire to promote the object of their institution. John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison were elected members at the same time. The President was received in a similar style of respectful hospitality, at New Haven, Hartford, Middletown, Springfield, and Boston. On reaching the southern entrance of Boston, he was met by the Committee of Arrangements, and received with a few words of welcome from the Honorable Mr. Otis : " Sir You are now arrived within the limits of Boston, and these gentlemen are a Committee appointed to welcome your approach, and escort you to your lodgings. Upon your arrival there, they will avail themselves of your permission, to express to you in a more formal and respectful manner than can be done here, the assurances of the unfeigned satisfaction which the citizens of Boston realize i the honor 26 202 MONROE. you have been pleased to confer upon them by this visit." A procession was then formed, and the President was escorted through the principal streets of the city to the rooms provided for his reception in the Exchange Coffee-House. During the march of the cavalcade, salutes were fired from Dorchester heights, from the common, Fort Independence, and the navy-yard. State-street, through which the procession passed, was fancifully decorated with the flags of the United States, and the numerous merchant ships in the harbor made a brilliant display of their stars and stripes. The crowd of spectators which surrounded the procession was immense, greater than any which had been witnessed since the visit of Washington. Shortly after the arrival of the President at his rooms, he accompanied the Committee to the second gallery of the old Exchange, where the Chairman of the Committee of Arrangements made an address in behalf of the inhabitants of Boston. He remained in Boston for seve ral days, and was received with the greatest kindness and respect by all its citizens without distinction of party.^ The President continued his journey, and was received with similar tokens of honor at the principal towns on his northern route. Much disappointment was expressed at the manner in which the President was * The minuteness with which the movements of the President are chronicled in the newspapers of the time, almost reminds us of the similar details of the British jour nals in respect to the various movements of their nobility. The following is the account of his visit to Charlestown : " On Saturday morning the President visited the navy-yard in Charlestown, con ducted by Commodore Hull, the Commissioner. He inspected, with much minuteness, but with rapidity, the numerous branches of this important and extensive establish ment ; and which the Commissioner has ornamented with numerous improvements. After inspecting the arsenal, warehouses, depots of ordnance and naval stores, and the various quarters and barracks, the President went on board the ships in ordinary the Constitution, Java, Macedonian, and Guerriere. He took particular interest in examining Old Iron-Sides, which vessel, we understood, he said, ought not to be again sent to sea, but be preserved as a monument of national glory. The marine garrison, under Captain Wainwright, did the guard of honor duties upon the occasion, and exhibited a state of exact discipline. On his entrance and departure from the navy-yard, the President was saluted with nineteen guns from the water battery of the yard. After the examination of the whole establishment, the President partook of a sumptuous and elegant dejeuns with Mrs. Hull, the lady of the Commissioner. Of the guests were nearly two hundred personages, embracing His Excellency the Governor, His Honor the Lieutenant-Governor, Counsellors, Senators and Represen tatives of the State, Members of Congress, Judges and Magistrates, Commodore Bainbridge, and numerous naval officers, General Miller, and numerous officers of the army, and many strangers of eminence. The breakfast table was ornamented with the superb vases and services of plate presented to the Commodore by the citi zens of Philadelphia and Charleston. The President was on the right, and Governor Brooks on the left of Mrs. Hull ; and the splendor of the martial insignia, united with the lustre of beauty and accomplishment, heightened the ensemble of a banquet which displayed the taste of the fair hostess, and the munificence of the gallant Com modore. " Among the persons introduced to the President, on Bunker Hill, were Mr. Thomas Miller, Timothy Thompson, and John Kettel, the only surviving inhabitants of Charles- town, who were in the memorable battle that commenced the war of Independence, on the very spot they then trod upon. The President received them with much affa bility, and was evidently affected with the scene." MONROE. 203 received in New Hampshire. During- the whole of his tour, he had re ceived the personal attention of all the executives of the States on enter ing their limits, until he reached New Hampshire. Being then left by the Massachusetts escort, he was obliged to trust himself to stagedrivers and guideposts, until he arrived at Greenland. Here he was received by a large number of the citizens of Portsmouth, and conducted to the metropolis. The neglect of the Governor in not waiting upon the Presi dent, nor providing him an escort, was the subject of much witticism at the time among the journals of both parties. " How Governor Plumer," observed one paper, " will excuse his conduct upon this occasion, we are unable to say. The eastern doctors disagree upon this subject. One editor says, he did not order out the militia because he had not the power. Another says, he possessed the power, but not the disposition. A third observes, that, being tenacious of the honor of the State, his Excellency wisely concluded that his non-appearance in public would be attended with the least disgrace to his constituents. A fourth says, it is owing to an act passed by the Legislature a few weeks since, offering a bounty for killing crows ; which makes it extremely hazardous for his Excellency to appear in public. But, after all, we suspect these gentlemen do not understand the business. The expenses of a parade must necessarily be considerable ; and the probability is, that the Governor, having gene rously relinquished a very considerable portion of his salary for the pur chase of popularity, could not well afford it. This we suspect is the true secret ; and if so, the censures passed upon the Governor are very unjust and wicked." His Excellency afterwards addressed an apologetical let ter to Mr. Monroe, explaining his personal non-attendance by his ill health, and stating that by the jealousy of the State Constitution on the subject of the militia, he was not authorized to call them out, except for cer tain known objects particularly designated. We hope that the conscien tious scruples of the worthy Governor will find numerous examples of imitation on more important subjects. It is not necessary to follow the President particularly in his northern and western progress. On leaving Portsmouth, he directed his course westward to Plattsburg, in the state of New York. In his route thither, he visited Dover, Concord, and Hanover, in New Hampshire, and Wind sor and Burlington, in Vermont. The important post at Plattsburg occupied his attention for several days. From this place he continued westward to. Ogdensburg, Sackett s Harbor, and Detroit. He reached Washington, on his return, on the 19th of September. Here he was re ceived with honors similar to those which had been paid to him else where, and returned the following answer to the address of the Mayor and Aldermen of Washington : " I cannot express in sufficiently strong terms the gratification which I feel in returning to the seat of government, after the long and very inte resting tour in which I have been engaged ; and I beg you to be assured that nothing can contribute more to dissipate the fatigue to which I have been exposed, than the very cordial reception which has been given me jy my fellow citizens and neighbors, of the city and district. " I shall always look back to the important incidents of my late tour, 204 MONROE. with peculiar satisfaction. I flatter myself that I have derived from it information, which will be very useful in the discharge of the duties of the high trust confided to me ; and, in other respects, it has afforded me the highest gratification. In all that portion of our country through which I have passed, I have seen, with delight, proofs the most conclu sive of the devotion of our fellow citizens to the principles of our free republican government, and to our happy union. The spontaneous and independent manner in which these sentiments were declared, by the great body of the people, with other marked circumstances attending them, satisfied me that they came from the heart. United firmly in the support of these great, these vital interests, we may fairly presume that all difficulty on minor questions will disappear. " In returning to the city of Washington, I rejoice to find the public building, intended for the accommodation of the Chief Magistrate, in a state to receive me, and to admit within it this friendly interview with you." Thus terminated the felicitous tour of President Monroe, which could not fail to prove of lasting benefit to the states, by bringing the Execu* tive in such close connexion with all over whom its power was exerted, by conciliating sectional prejudices, and giving birth to a generous mu tuality of confidence between the people and their Chief Magistrate. On the first of December, in pursuance of constitutional provisions, the members of the new Congress assembled at the Capitol, when each house organized itself, and adopted the usual preliminaries of business. Mr. Gaillard of South Carolina took the chair of the Senate ag President pro t3?n; twenty-three members were present. A committee was then appointed to join one from the House, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that they were ready to receive his com munications, The members of the House were called to order by their old clerk, Mr. Dougherty, and they proceeded immediately to the choice of a Speaker, when Mr. Henry Clay received one hundred and forty from oue hundred forty-seven votes, and was declared to be elected. Be ing conducted to the chair, and the oath having been administered, Mr. Clay delivered the following address : "If we consider, gentlemen, the free and illustrious origin of this as sembly ; the extent and magnitude of the interests committed to its charge ; and the brilliant prospects of the rising confederacy, whose destiny may be materially affected by the legislation of Congress ; the House of Repre sentatives justly ranks among the most eminent deliberative bodies that have existed. To be appointed to preside at its deliberations is an ex alted honor of which I entertain the highest sense. And I pray you to accept, for the flattering manner in which you have conferred it, my pro found acknowledgments. " If I bring into the chair, gentlemen, the advantage of some experi ence of its duties, far from inspiring me with undue confidence, that ex perience serves only to fill me with distrust of my own capacity. I have been taught by it how arduous those duties are, and how unavailing would be any efforts of mine to discharge them, without the liberal sup port and cheering countenance of the House, I shall anxiously seek, MONROE, 205 gentlemen, to merit that support and countenance by an undeviating aim at impartiality, and at the preservation of that decorum, without the ob servance of which the public business must be illy transacted, and the dignity and the character of the House seriously impaired." On the following day Mr. Monroe transmitted to both Houses of Con gress the customary message. He opened with a few remarks on the happy and prosperous condition of our country, the establishment of pub lic credit and the fortunate dissipation of local prejudices. Among the principal topics of the message were the arrangement between Great Britain and the United States for the reduction of the naval force upon the lakes ; the report of the commissioners on the island in Passarna- quoddy Bay; the negociation with Spain for spoliations on our com merce, and the settlement of boundaries ; and our relations with the various powers of Europe. The view of our internal affairs was repre sented as very gratifying ; and the revenue was described as in a very productive state. It promised ability to redeem the whole of the Loui siana debt, and to discharge the Mississippi stock by the year 1819. The militia force of the several States was estimated at eight hundred thousand men, and an improvement in their organization and discipline was recommended to the unremitted attention of Congress. Purchases from the Indian tribes on the borders of Lake Erie, and the other public lands of the Union, form other subjects of consideration. The most im portant part of the message is that which has reference to the subject of internal improvements, in which the President expresses his opinion of the constitutionality of the interference of Congress. This is embraced in the portion of the message extracted below. " When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the great amount and value of its productions ; the connexion of its parts, and other circumstances, on which their prosperity and happi ness depend, we cannot fail to eniertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them, by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at the present, I have brought it into view, for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it, with that freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest, and a proper respect for Congress, require. A difference of opinion has existed, from the first formation of our con stitution to the present time, among our most enlightened and virtuous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed, that the discussion should be revived, with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the deliberation which its great importance, and a just sense of my duty, required and the result is, a settled conviction in my mind, that Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified powers 206 MONROE. granted to Congress ; nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating this result, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel to suggest to Congress the pro priety of recommending to the States the adoption of an amendment to the Constitution, which shall give to Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our institutions, and will contribute much to preserve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit grant of the power. We may confidently rely, that if it appears to their satisfaction, that the power is necessary, it will always be granted. In this case I am happy to observe, that experience has afforded the most ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union, promises to such a recom mendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to sug gest, also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to the States to include, in the amendment, a right in Congress to institute, likewise, seminaries of learning, for the all-important purpose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow citizens throughout the United States. " Our manufactories will require the continued attention of Congress, The capital employed in them is considerable, and the knowledge acquired in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due encourage ment, is connected with the high interests of the nation. " Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted that the Capitol is not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that the two wings, the only part as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose at the next session. The time seems now to have arrived, when this subject may be deemed worthy the attention of Congress, on a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Congress, of the committees, and various offices belonging to it. It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the accommodation of the several executive departments, some of whom are much crowded, and even subjected to the necessity of obtaining it in private buildings, at some distance from the head of the department, and with inconve nience to the management of the public business. Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis, and ntme were more conspicuous in that respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the establishment of a permanent residence for the national government, and the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted, show that such improvements were thought worthy the attention of this nation. Its central position, between the northern and southern extremes of, our union, and its ap proach to the west, at the head of a great navigable river, which inter locks with the western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which established it. Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper, than that convenient accommodations should be provided, on a well digested MONROE. 207 plan, for the heads of the several departments, and for the Attorney General ; and it is believed that the public ground in the city, applied to those objects, will be found amply sufficient. I submit this subject to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made in it, as to them may seem proper. " In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our atten tion is drawn, with peculiar interest, to the surviving officers and soldiers of our revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed, by their services, to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citizens have paid the debt of nature, and gone to repose. It is believed that among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws, who are re duced to indigence, and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more, and the opportunity will be forever lost : indeed, so long already has been the interval, that the number to be benefited by any provision which may be made, will not be great. " It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts and tonnage, and from the sale of the public lands, will be fully adequate to the support of the civil government, of the present military and naval establishments, including the annual augmentation of the latter, to the extent provided for ; to the payment of the interest on the public debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times authorized, without the aid of the internal taxes ; I consider it my duty to recommend to Con gress their repeal. To impose taxes, when the public exigencies require them, is an obligation of the most sacred character, especially with a free people. The faithful fulfilment of it is among the highest proofs of their virtue and capacity for self-government. To dispense with taxes, when it may be done with perfect safety, is equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was imperious, and have been sus tained with exemplary fidelity. I have to add, that however gratifying it may be to me, regarding the prosperous and happy condition of our country, to recommend the repeal of these taxes at this time, I shall nevertheless be attentive to events, and, should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and burthens as may then be requisite and proper." On the eleventh of December, the State of Mississippi was acknow ledged by Congress as sovereign and independent, and \vas admitted to the Union. In the course of the same month, an expedition which had been set on foot by a number of adventurers from different countries, against East and West Florida, was terminated by the troops of the United States. They had formed an establishment at Amelia Island, at that time the subject of negociation between Spain and our government, and their direct objects being undoubtedly piratical, the law of nations and the stipulations of various treaties required of the United States to suppress it. A similar establishment had been previously formed at Gal- vezton, a small island on the coast of Texas, and it was subsequently in a like manner suppressed. 208 MONROE. Several important measures were adopted by Congress during the session 1817 18; among which were the bill fixing the compensation of members of Congress at eight dollars a day ; a second, in acquiescence with the suggestion of the President, to abolish internal duties ; and a third, providing, upon the same recommendation, for the indigent officers and soldiers of the revolutionary army. In April, 1818, Illinois adopted a State constitution, and in December following was admitted as a mem ber of the Union. Soon after the conclusion of this session of Congress, the President, in pursuance of his determination to visit those parts of the United States most exposed to the enemy, prepared to survey the Chesapeake bay, and the country lying on its extensive shores. In the month of May, he left Washington, accompanied by the Secretary of War, the Secretary of the Navy, and other gentlemen of distinction. On his arrival at Annapolis, the President and his suite made a minute examination of the contiguous waters, in reference to their fitness for a naval depot. After making a farther examination of the coast, he proceeded to Norfolk. Having at length accomplished the principal object of his tour, he returned to Washington on the seventeenth of June, through the interior of Virginia. The same demonstrations of respect and affection that were extended to him during his northern tour, followed him in this. On the twenty-seventh of May, 1818, a treaty concluded at Stock holm with the government of Sweden, by Mr. Russell, Minister Plenipo tentiary to that court, was ratified by the President and Senate on the part of the United States. During the same year a war was carried on between the United States and the Seminole Indians, which terminat ed in the complete discomfiture of the latter party. A particular account of this war is given in the life of President Jackson, who bore a con spicuous part in it. On the twenty-eighth of January, 1819, a convention between Great Britain and the United States, concluded at London, October 20th, 1818, and ratified by the Prince Regent on the second of November following, was ratified by the President of the United States. By the first article of this convention, the citizens of the United States have liberty, in common with the subjects of Great Britain, to take fish on the southern, western, and northern coast of Newfoundland. The second article estab lishes the northern boundaries of the United States from the Lake of the Woods, to the Stony Mountains. By the fourth article, the commercial convention between the two countries, concluded at London, in 1815, is extended for the term of ten years longer. On the twenty-second of February following, a treaty was concluded at Washington, by John Quincy Adams, and Luis de Onis, by which East and West Florida, with all the islands adjacent, were ceded by Spain to the United States. By this treaty the western boundary between the United States and Spain was settled. A sum not exceeding five millions of dollars was to be paid by the United States out of the proceeds of sales of lands in Florida, or in stock, or money, to citizens of the United States, on account of Spanish spoliations and injuries. To liqui date the claims, a board was to be constituted by the government of the MONROE. 209 United States, of American citizens, to consist of three commissioners, who should report within three ye&rs. On the second of March, 1819, the government of the Arkansas Ter ritory was organized by act of Congress. During the following summer, the President visited the southern section of the country, having in view the same great national interests which had prompted him in his previous tour to the north. In this tour the President visited Charleston, Savan nah, and Augusta; thence he proceeded to Nashville, through the Cherokee nation, and thence to Louisville and Lexington, Kentucky, and returned to the seat of government early in August. The most important topic of consideration, during the ensuing session, was connected with the admission of the territory of Missouri into the Union. It was on the expediency of imposing it as a condition of this admission, that the future removal or transportation of slaves into that territory should be prohibited. This question divided itself into three branches : 1. The constitutionality of the measure. 2. Its conformity to the stipulations of the treaty of 1803, by which France ceded the territory in question to the United States. 3. The expediency of the measure, as it might affect the relative condition of slaves in the United States, and as it might affect the relations between different parts of the Union. The affirmative and negative of these propositions were sup ported with equal zeal and eloquence by nearly equal numbers. Mr. Rufus King, and Mr. John Sergeant, took the lead in this debate in favor of restriction ; Mr. Clay and Mr. Pinckney were the champions of the opposite party. This question gave rise to great warmth of feeling, and seemed at one time to threaten the dissolution of the Union. ^ In the * In the debate in the Senate on this subject, Mr. Lowrie, of Maryland, observed " Before I sit down, permit me to advert to some expressions which have fallen from gentlemen in this debate. The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Barbour) the other day told us, that this subject will be an ignited spark, which, communicated to an immense mass of combustion, will produce an explosion that will shake this Union to its centre. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Walker) tells us, that he thinks he hears the thunders roll, he sees the father arrayed against the son, and the brother drawing the bloody sword from the bosom of the brother ! Mr. President, I will not now detain the Senate, by inquiring in which of the States these combustible mate rials are, or by pointing out the field on which the battle will be fought. Before that bill leaves your table, if no other gentleman takes up this part of the subject, I may perhaps take the liberty of looking at it a little more in detail ; not, sir. as a member from a single state, but as one of the representatives of the whole United States. At present, however, I will only observe, that I also believe, with those gentlemen, that we are drawing to a very serious crisis ; to save us from which, all the wisdom of the present Congress, as well as the blessings of the Almighty, will be necessary. But, sir, if the alternative be, as gentlemen thus broadly intimate, a dissolution of the Union, or the extension of slavery over this whole western country, I. for one, will choose the former. I do not say this lightly; I am aware that the idea is a dreadful one. The choice is a dreadful one. Either side of the alternative fills my mind with horror. I have not however yet despaired of the republic. And, unless the melancholy result convinces me to the contrary, I must still believe, that we are able to dispose of this distracting question so as to satisfy the reasonable expec tations of the people cf the United States." A New York paper remarks, " We have no fear as to the result of this war of words. Mr. King, were he left to struggle single-handed, would, on this subject, 27 210 MONROE. view of the subject taken by Mr. King, he confined himself chiefly to the power of Congress to lay this restriction, implied in the general authority to admit new States, and to the nature of state sovereignty. The concluding portion of his speech was devoted to a very high and momentous consideration: that by the law of nature, and the eternal rule of justice, there can be no such thing as a right in a fellow creature to hold him and his posterity in bondage ; that treaties and constitutions ought to be construed in the sense of this great paramount law ; and that the toleration of slavery in the original States and those formed from the original States, a toleration acknowledged to have grown out of necessity, could furnish no ground for originating this unjust institution, where such necessity does not exist. In a subsequent speech he alluded to the injustice of placing freemen on the footing of slaves ; and to the sense of injury which the inhabitants of the free States must and ought to feel at finding themselves outvoted by an union of freemen and slaves, in any ratio whatever. He stated and repeated that the slave ratio in the representation of the old States, and those formed out of the old States, was a matter of deliberate and sacred compact. But he main tained that to force upon the non-slave-holding States new parties to this compact, and to continue to extend the slave ratio over the vast tract of country growing up into new States, was an injustice most flagrant in its nature, and ruinous in its necessary consequences. In the progress of this discussion an attempt was made to annex the Missouri bill to the Maine bill; tt was proposed in the Senate, and rejected by the House. The course taken in the final decision of the question of restriction was not a little remarkable. On the last day of February, 1820, after one of the longest and ablest debates ever held in Congress, the House of Representatives voted, by a majority of eight, to adopt an amendment to the Missouri bill restricting slavery ; and on the first day of March, they voted, by a majority of four, to reject the amend ment, to which they had so deliberately agreed.^ On the third of March, an act was passed, admitting Maine into the Union on an equal footing with the original States. One of the most unfortunate incidents of a public nature that mark this period of our history, is the death of Commodore Decatur. He fell in a duel fought on the twenty-first of March with Commodore Barron. The course pursued by the House of Representatives on this occasion triumph over the combined battery of senatorial combatants for the extension of slavery. He will, however, be powerfully supported by Otis, Mellen, Roberts, and others ; who, in point of talents, rank high in our national senate," * The Missouri question is at length decided. The fatal die is cast, by which a new wound is inflicted on the honor of our country, and the curse of slavery is extended over a tract of country nearly equal to the five original slave-holding States of the Union. This has been done by means of the votes of men in both houses of Congress, whose constituents have unequivocally expressed their disappro bation of the measure. The vote was decided in both houses by men who acted in opposition to the expressed instructions of their State Legislatures ; the decision in the House of Representatives by the votes of two men from our own State ; one of them even from our own town, and almost the only man belonging to the town who did not anxiously wish for a contrary decision. Boston Repertory. MONROE. 211 was highly dignified and honorable. Eminent as had been the public services of the deceased, they refused to take the usual notice of such an event by adjournment, because he had fallen in violation of the laws of God and of his country. His funeral took place at Washington on the twenty-fifth of the month. An immense assemblage of citizens was collected on the melancholy occasion. His remains were attended to the vault at Kalorama, in which they were deposited, by a great part of the male population of the city and adjacent country, by the President of the United States, and nearly all the officers of government, members of Congress, and representatives of foreign governments at that time resi dent in Washington. Due military honors were rendered on the occasion by the marine corps under the command of Major Miller, and minute guns were fired from the navy-yard during the procession and funeral service. On the twenty-seventh of March, the President transmitted to Congress an extract of a letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at St. Petersburgh, bearing date the preceding first of November, on the subject of our relations with Spain ; indicating the sentiments of the Emperor of Russia, respecting the non-ratification, by his Catholic Majesty, of the treaty recently concluded between the United States and Spain, and the strong interest taken by his majesty in promoting the ratifi cation of that treaty. He also transmitted an extract of a letter from our Minister at Madrid, of a later date than those previously communicated, by which it appears, that at the instance of the Charge des Affaires of the Russian Emperor, a new pledge had been given by the Spanish government that the Minister who had been lately appointed to the United States, should set out on his mission without delay, with full power to settle all differences in a manner satisfactory to the parties. The President further communi cated that the governments of France and Russia had expressed an earnest desire that the United States would take no immediate step on the principle of reprisal, which might tend to disturb the peace between the States and Spain. Under these circumstances, he submitted to Congress the pro priety of postponing a decision on the questions then depending with Spain, until the next session. On the tenth of May, the President communicated to Congress another message on the same subject. The minister sent from Spain had received no authority to surrender the territory in dispute, and the treaty with Spain still remained unratified by his Catholic Majesty. The object of his mission was merely to make complaints, and demand explanations respecting an imputed system of hostility on the part of citizens of the United States, against the subjects and dominions of Sprin, and an unfriendly policy in their government, and to obtain new stipulations against these alleged injuries, as the condition on which the treaty should be ratified. One proposition of the minister was, that the United States should abandon the right to recognise the revolutionary colonies in South America, or to form new relations with them. In short, the treaty was declared to be of no obligation whatever ; and its ratification was made to depend, not on the considerations which led to its adoption, and the con ditions which it contained, but on a new article unconnected with it, 212 MONROE. respecting which a new negociation was to be opened, of indefinite dura tion, and doubtful issue. The concluding passage of this message is highly honorable to the feelings which prompted it. " Under this view of the subject, the course to be pursued would appear to be direct and obvious, if the affairs of Spain had remained in the state in which they were when this minister sailed. But it is known that an important change has since taken place in the government of that country, which cannot fail to be sensibly felt, in its intercourse with other nations. The Minister of Spain has essentially declared his inability to act, in consequence of that change. With him, however, under his present powers, nothing could be done. The attitude of the United States must now be assumed, on full consideration of what is due to their rights, their interest, and honor, without regard to the powers or incidents of the late mission. We may, at pleasure, occupy the territory, which was intended and provided by the late treaty as an indemnity for losses so long since sustained by our citizens, but still nothing could be settled definitely, without a treaty between the two nations. Is this the time to make the pressure ? tf the United States were governed by views of ambition and aggrandizement, many strong reasons might be given in its favor. But they have no objects of that kind to accomplish ; none which are not founded in justice, and which can be injured by forbearance. Great hope is entertained that this change will promote the happiness of the Spanish nation. The good order, moderation, and humanity, which have characterized the movement, are the best guarantees of its success. The United States would not be justified in their own estimation, should they take any step to disturb its harmony. When the Spanish govern ment is completely organized on the principles of this change, as it is expected it soon will be, there is just ground to presume that our diffe rences with Spain will be speedily and satisfactorily settled. With these remarks, I submit it to the wisdom of Congress, whether it will not still be advisable to postpone any decision on this subject until the next session." On the thirteenth of November, 1820, Congress reassembled at Wash ington. Mr. Gaillard took the chair of the Senate as President pro tern- pore ; and a committee was appointed to wait on the President of the United States, to inform him of the organization of the Senate, and of its readiness to receive and act upon such communication as he might think proper to make. In the House of Representatives, on calling over the roll, it appeared that there were present a sufficient number of members to constitute a quorum. This being ascertained, the clerk informed the House that he had received a letter from the Honorable Henry Clay, late Speaker of the House, in which Mr. Clay begged leave to resign the office of Speaker, as imperious circumstances would prevent him from attending to its duties till after the Christmas holidays. This was ordered to lie on the table, and to be inserted in the journals of the House. The House then proceeded to ballot for a new Speaker, and no choice having been made after seven successive trials, an adjournment took place without election. It was evident, from an inspection of the ballotings, that the old distinctions of party had been broken down on the occasion, and that the MONROE. 213 votes did not indicate the strength of any party before known in the country. The whole of the following day was spent by the House in an ineffec tual attempt to choose a Speaker. Nineteen ballots took place, without the intervention of any circumstances, either from the accession of mem bers, or a disposition to effect an union, to show whether or not a Speaker was to be chosen. The favorite candidates were Mr. Lowndes, of South Carolina, Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New York, and Mr. Smith, of Maryland. On this day s balloting the former had a plurality of votes four times, Mr. Taylor five times, and Mr. Smith three times. On the second day of the session, a communication was made to the Senate by the President, accompanied with a copy of the Constitution as adopted for the government of the State of Missouri. This communica tion having been read, it was resolved that a committee should be appointed to inquire whether any, and if any, what legislative measures may be necessary for admitting the State of Missouri into the Union. On the following day, the choice of Speaker of the House was effected, and Mr. John W. Taylor, of New York, took the chair. The President s message was this day received and read. It commenced with an expression of much satisfaction at the state of public affairs, and of the general felicity of our situation. Nothing explicit was communicated in respect to our relations with Spain ; and no change had occurred in our relations with Great Britain. An attempt had been made to regulate our commerce with France, on the principle of reciprocity and equality, and the French minister was soon expected at Washington to attempt an arrangement of these important interests. The contest between Spain and her colonies was declared to be main tained by the latter with most success. " In looking to the internal concerns of the country," continued the message, " you will, I am persuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects to which, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will be drawn. Among these, none holds a more impor tant place than the public revenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised, on the people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power of the government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country, and the facility by which the amount required is raised, is a strong proof of the extent of the resources, and of the efficiency of the government. A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before you. On the thirtieth of September, 1815, the funded and floating debt of the United States was one hundred and nineteen millions six hundred and thirty-five thousand five hundred and fifty-eight dollars. If to this sum be added the amount of five per cent, stock, subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of Mississippi stock, and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that date, the balances ascertained to be due to certain States, for military services, and to individuals, for supplies furnished, and services rendered, during the late war, the public debt may be estimated as amounting at that date, and as afterwards liquidated, to one hundred and fifty-eight millions seven hundred and thirteen thousand forty-nine dollars. On 214 MONROE. the thirtieth of September, 1820, it amounted to ninety-one millions nine hundred and ninety-three thousand eight hundred and eighty-three dol lars, having been reduced in that interval, by payments, sixty-six millions eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand one hundred and sixty-five dollars. During this term, the expenses of the government of the United States were likewise defrayed, in every branch of the civil, military, and naval establishments ; the public edifices in this city have been rebuilt, with considerable additions ; extensive fortifications have been commenced, and are in a train of execution ; permanent arsenals and magazines have been erected in various parts of the Union ; our navy has been conside rably augmented, and the ordnance, munitions of war, and stores, of the army and navy, which were much exhausted during the war, have been replenished. " By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt, and the execution of such extensive and important operations, in so short a time, a just estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national resour ces. The demonstration is the more complete and gratifying, when it is recollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after the termination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these purposes has been derived almost wholly from other sources. u The receipts into the Treasury from every source, to the thirtieth of September last, have amounted to sixteen millions seven hundred and ninety-four thousand one hundred and seven dollars and sixty-six cents ; whilst the public expenditures, to the same period, amounted to sixteen millions eight hundred and seventy-one thousand five hundred and thirty- four dollars and seventy-two cents: leaving in the Treasury, on that day, a sum estimated at one million nine hundred and fifty thousand dollars. " With the Indians peace has been preserved, and a progress made in carrying into effect the act of Congress, making an appropriation for their civilization, with the prospect of favorable results. As connected equally with both these objects, our trade with those tribes is thought to merit the attention of Congress. In their original state, game is their sustenance, and war their occupation ; and, if they find no employment from civilized powers, they destroy each other. Left to themselves, their extirpation is inevitable. By a judicious regulation of our trade with them, we supply their wants, administer to their comforts, and gradually, as the game retires, draw them to us. By maintaining posts far in the interior, we acquire a more thorough and direct control over them ; without which it is confidently believed that a complete change in their manners can never be accomplished. By such posts, aided by a proper regulation of our trade with them, and a judicious civil administration over them, to be provided for by law, we shall, it is presumed, be enabled not only to pro tect our own settlements from their savage incursions, and preserve peace among the several tribes, but accomplish also the great purpose of their civilization. " Considerable progress has also been made in the construction of ships of war, some of which have been launched in the course of the present year- " Our peace with the powers on the coast of Barbary has been preserved, MONROE but we owe it altogether to the presence of our squadron in the Medi terranean. It has been found equally necessary to employ some of our vessels for the protection of our commerce in the Indian sea, the Pacific, and along the Atlantic coast. The interests which we have depending in those quarters, which have been much improved of late, are of great extent, and of high importance to the nation, as well as to the parties concerned, and would undoubtedly suffer, if such protection was not extended to them. In the execution of the law of the last session, for the suppression of the slave trade, some of our public ships have also been employed on the coast of Africa, where several captures have already been made of vessels engaged in that disgraceful traffic." On the twenty-fifth, Mr. Lowndes, from the committee on the Consti tution of Missouri, made an able report on the subject, declaring said constitution to be republican, and concluding with a Resolve, That the State of Missouri shall be, and is hereby, declared to be one of the United States of America, and is admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever. Mr. Lowndes moved to refer the resolution to a committee of the whole, on the state of the union, which put it into the power of the House to act upon it at any time. Whilst on the floor, he took occasion to say that this report must be considered, as indeed must all reports of committees, as the act of a majority of the committee, and not as expressing the sentiment of every individual of the committee. The debate on this subject continued one weeK, and it was decided by a majority of fourteen in the House, that Missouri could not be admitted into the Union with the present Constitu tion. This discussion was managed with great ability and good temper. The members from Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi, voted unani mously in support of the Missouri Constitution. The northern and middle States, with a few exceptions, cast all their votes against its admission. The Missouri question again presented itself in rather a different shape, on the fourteenth of February, 1821, the day appointed by law (or opening and counting the votes for President and Vice-President for the ensuing term. It was foreseen that a difficulty might arise in regard to the votes for Missouri, and, to guard against it, a resolution had been passed in the Senate the day before, directing, among other things, that in case any objection should be made to counting the votes returned from Missouri, and provided these votes would not make any difference in the result, the President should declare that if the votes of Missouri were counted, the number of votes for A. B. for President would be so many, and if the votes of Missouri were not counted, the number would be so many, and that in either case A. B. is elected. The same course in relation to Vice-President. This resolution was taken up in the House this morning. It was generally supported by the restrictionists, and was also warmly supported by Mr. Clay as the only mode of avoid ing the difficulty. It was, however, opposed by most of the Missouri party. It was finally agreed to on the part of the House, sometime after the hour appointed for the meeting of the two Houses to count the votes. 216 MONROE. The Constitution is not very explicit in prescribing the mode of proce dure, or who shall be judge of the returns. The Senate had passed a resolution, directing that the President of the Senate should preside while the two Houses were assembled. The House of Representatives, not to yield the point of dignity, passed a resolution directing that the Speaker of the House should retain his seat, and that a chair should be provided at his right for the President of the Senate. A message was sent to the Senate to inform them that the House were ready to receive them in the Representatives Chamber, and to proceed to count the votes. Mr. Clay moved that a committee should be appointed to receive the President and Senate at the door, and conduct them to their seats. This motion was opposed, as without precedent, but it prevailed. A part of the seats of the members, on the right of the chair, were vacated to accommodate the members of the Senate. The President of the Senate having taken his seat, the returns were laid before him by the clerk of the Senate, remaining sealed. Mr. Barbour, teller on the part of the Senate, and Messrs. Smith and Sergeant, tellers on the part of the House, sat at the clerk s table, and the clerks of the Senate and House occupied separate tables in front. The President of the Senate first took up the return from the State of New Hampshire, cut the seal and handed it to the teller on the part of the Senate. He first read the superscrip tion, then the certificate of the Governor of the due appointment of the electors, the record of proceedings of the electors, the number of votes given for each candidate, duly certified by all the electors, The papers were then handed to one of the tellers on the part of the House, who repeated the reading of all the documents in the same order. The Clerk of the Senate, who in the meantime had made an entry of the votes given by the State for each candidate, read it aloud. The clerk of the House then read the entry which he had made, precisely of the same import. The entries made by the clerks were then handed to the tellers and examined by them, and handed back to the clerks. The President of the Senate then took up the return of the State of Massa chusetts, cut the seal, and handed it to the teller, and the same order of proceedings was had upon it as before. The same order was observed in relation to the returns of all the States. Some of the returns were much more full and formal than others, and occupied much time in reading. The reading of the whole occupied several hours. When the President of the Senate came to the return of the votes of Missouri, Mr. Livermore of New Hampshire objected to their being received and counted, Missouri not being a State. As soon as this objection was made, a member of the Senate proposed that the Senators should with draw. The Senate immediately withdrew, and Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, proposed a resolution, importing that Missouri is a State of the Union, and the votes returned from that State ought to be received and counted. A debate ensued on this resolution. A motion was made to postpone the consideration, and afterwards a motion to lay it on the table, which last prevailed. The Senate were then informed by message, that the House were ready to proceed in counting the votes. The Senate again came in. The return of Missouri was opened and MONROE. 217 re^id and recorded by the clerks. The statement of the votes as return ed was then read over by the President of the Senate, and he declared the result in the form prescribed by the joint resolution of the two Houses, viz. " If the votes of Missouri were counted, the number of votes for James Monroe would be two hundred and thirty-one ; if they are not counted, the number of votes for James Monroe is two hundred and twenty- eight, and for John Q. Adams one. For Vice-President, if the votes of Missouri were counted, the number of votes for D. D. Tompkins would be two hundred and eighteen, if not, two hundred and fifteen, &c." This is not the precise form, but the words were to this effect. He was going on to declare Monroe and Tompkins duly elected, when Mr. Floyd rose, and addressing the President of the Senate, demanded to be informed whether the votes of Missouri were counted or not. The President of the Senate replied, that it was an occasion on which there could be no debate. Mr. Floyd repeated his question, and demanded an answer. The Speaker of the House rose and said that the gentle man from Virginia must take his seat. Mr. Randolph rose and addressed the President of the Senate nearly to the same effect as he had been addressed by Mr. Floyd. The Speaker told him he was out of order, and must take his seat. Mr. Randolph remained upon the floor, and there were cries of order, order, from all parts of the House. The Speaker again told Mr. Randolph he must take his seat. Mr. R. sat down, and instantly Mr. Brush of Ohio, who sat near him, rose and said, " I rise to support the right of the gentleman from Virginh." The Speaker told Mr. Brush that he also was out of order, and must take his seat. He sat down, and order being restored, the President of the Senate proceeded to declare James Monroe and D. D. Tompkins duly elected President and Vice-President. Mr. Randolph then rose and addressed the chair. Mr. Randolph said, it was not without reluctance that he offered himself to the attention of the House at this time ; but he submitted to the very worthy gentleman from Maryland who had just taken his seat, whether the object which he had in view could, according to his own views of propriety, be effectuated by the course which he had recommend ed to this House. It was no part of his nature, Mr. R. said, nor of his purpose to inflate, to a greater magnitude this exaggerated question of the admission of Missouri into the Union. But the question had now assumed that aspect which, had it depended on him, it should have taken at an earlier period of the session. It was, he said, not only congenial with the principles and practices of our free government, but, unless he was deceived, with the practice of that country from which we have adopted, and wisely adopted, our manly institutions, that on any occasion \vhen any person presents himself to a representative body with creden tials, of title, to a seat, he shall take his seat, and perform the functions of a member, until a prior and a better claim shall not only be preferred, but established. It was seen, that, but the day before yesterday, the committee of elections of this House came forward with a report, stating that the qualifications and returns of certain members were perfect who have been acting and legislating, and on whose votes the laws of the 28 218 MONROE. land have depended, for the last three or four months. Just so it ought to have been with regard to the Representative from the State of Missouri. She has now, said Mr. R., presented herself, for the first time, in a visible and tangible shape. She comes into this House, not in forma pauperis, but claiming to be one of the co-sovereignties of this confede rated government, and presents to you her vote, by receiving or reject ing which, the election of your Chief Magistrate will be lawful or unlawful ; he did not mean by the vote of Missouri, but by the votes of all the States. Now comes the question, whether we will not merely repel her, but repel her with scorn and contumely. Cui bono ? And he might add, quo warranto ? He should like to hear, he said, from the gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr Livermore) where this House gets its authori ty he should like to hear some of the learned (or unlearned) sages of trie law, with which this House, as well as all our legislative bodies, abounds, shew their authority for refusing to receive the votes from Missouri. Mr. R. said he went back to first principles. The Electoral Colleges, he said, are as independent of this House, as this House is of them. They had as good a right to pronounce on their qualifications, as this House has on those of its members. Your office, said he, in regard to the electoral votes, is merely ministerial. It is to count the votes, and you undertake to reject the votes. To what will this lead ? Do you ever expect to see the time when there shall be in the Presidential chair a creature so poor, so imbecile, not only not worthy of being at the head of the nation, but not worthy of being at the head of a petty corporation do you ever expect to see in that office an animal so poor, as not to have in this House retainers enough to enable him to reject the vote of any State, which, being counted, might prevent his continuance, and their continuance, and that of their friends, in office ? He spoke not of the present incumbent he was not so wanting in common decency and decorum as to do so he spoke in reference not only to what is past, hut to that which is prospective, and which every man who looks the least into futurity, must know will happen, and, in all probability, will shortly happen. He undertook to say, that if this House should, by a vote of indefinite postponement for the form was immaterial or in any other way and it would be observed, for the first instance in the person of Missouri, of this much injured, long insulted, trampled upon member of this confederacy, was this example to be set if, said he, you do, for the first time, now refuse to receive the votes of a State, it will be created into a precedent, and that in the lifetime of some of those who now hear me, for the manufacture of Presidents by this House. The wisest men may make constitutions on paper, as they please. What, Mr. R. asked, was the theory of this Constitution ? It is, that this House, except upon a certain contingency, has nothing at all to do with the appointment of President arid Vice-President of the United States, and when it does act, must act by States, and by States only can it act on this subject, unless it transcend the limits of the Constitution. What, he asked, was to be the practice of the Constitution, as now proposed? That an informal meeting of this and the other House is to usurp the initiative, the nominative power, with regard to the two first officers of the MONROE. 219 government; that they are to wrest from the people of the United States their indubitable right of telling us whom they wish to exercise the functions of the government, in despite and contempt of their decision. Is there to be no limit to the power of Congress ? No mound or barrier to stay their usurpation ? Why were the electoral bodies established? The Constitution has wisely provided that they shall assemble, each by itself, and not in one great assembly. By this means, assuredly, that system of intrigue which was matured into a science, or rather into an art here, was guarded against. But Mr. R. ventured to say, that the electoral college of this much despised Missouri, acting con formably to law, and to the genius and nature of our institutions, if it were composed of but one man, was as independent of this House as this House was of it. If, however, said he, per fas aut nefas, the point is to be carried ; if the tocsin is to be sounded ; if the troops are to be rallied, and Missouri is to be expelled with scorn from our august presence how august, Mr. Speaker, I leave it for you to decide there are those who will be willing to take her to their arms. And in point of mere expediency, he would ask of gentlemen he put the suggestion in. that shape, because he believed they were now doing nothing but riveting those ties by which Missouri would, he trusted, forever be bound to that section of the country by which, with whatever reason, her rights have been supported on this floor ? I do look with a sentiment I cannot express, said Mr. R. I look with a sentiment of pity and that has been said to be nearly allied to love, as I know it to be allied to a very different emotion I look with pity on those who believe that, by their feeble efforts in this House, governed by forms and technicalities, your sergeant at arms and committees of attendance, and mummeries such as belong to other countries where I have never travelled, and trust in God I never shall, they can stop the growth of the rising Empire in the West. Let gentlemen lay a resolution on the table, let it be engrossed in a fair hand, and do you, Mr. Speaker, sign it, that the waves of the Mississippi shall not seek the ocean, and then send your sergeant at arms to carry it into execution ; and see whether you can enforce it with all the force, physical or moral, under your control. Mr. R. concluded by expressing his hope that the gentleman from Maryland would withdraw his motion for indefinite postponement. Mr. Archer replied to Mr. Randolph, who rose again in his turn to explain. Mr. Randolph said, it was highly probable that the few remarks which he had made might give rise to misapprehensions, in the minds of other gentlemen, as they had done in the mind of his colleague. He therefore wished to explain. His position, he said, was misunderstood. It had been said, and pertinently said, that Missouri might be admitted into the Union in more ways than one. His position, then, was, that this is the first instance in which Missouri has knocked at the door and demanded her rights. It i? now for us, said Mr. R., by permitting her to come in, or rather by refraining from extruding her from this hall, to de termine whether she shall now be one of our commonwealth, or, as the fashion is to call it, of our empire. Mr. R. said, he had no 220 MONROE. doubt that Congress might drive Missouri into the wilderness, like another son of Hagar. If we do, said he, we drive her at our own peril. If either of the worthy Senators and Representatives from Missouri, whose long forbearance had excited surprise in no man s breast more than in that of Mr. R. he did not mean to blarne them for pursuing the counsel of cooler heads than his^-had presented themselves here, would you (addressing the speaker) have felt yourself bound to exclude them from the communion with more than papal power not only from the cup of wine, but from the bread of life itself? Let me tell my friend before me, (Mr. Archer,) we have not the power which he seems to think we pos sess ; and, if this be a cassus omissus in the Constitution, I want to know where we acquire the power to supply the defect. You may keep Missouri out of the Union by violence, but here the issue is joined. She comes forward in the person of Presidential and Vice-Presidential Electors, instead of that of her Representative ; and she was thus pre sented in a shape as unquestionable as that of New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, or the proudest and oldest State in the Union. She comes forward by her attorneys, her electors. Will you deny them admittance ? Will you thrust her electors, and hers only from this hall ? Mr. R. said, his friend had not given to this subject the sort of considera tion which he knew him to be capable of giving it. I made no objection, said Mr. R., to the votes of New Hampshire, Maine, or Vermont : I have as good a right to object to the votes of New Hampshire, as the gentleman from New Hampshire has to object to the votes of Missouri. Who made thou, Cain, thy brother s keeper ? Who put Missouri into custody of the honorable gentleman of New Hampshire ? The electors of Missouri are as much homines probi et legates as the electors of New Hampshire. This, Mr. R. said, was no skirmish, as it had been called. This was the battle, when Greek meets Greek ; it was a conflict not to be decided between the phalanx and the legion, whether the impenetrability of the one or the activity of the other shall prevail. Let us buckle on our armor, said Mr. R., letus put aside all this flummery, these metaphysical distinctions, these legal technicalities, these special pleadings, this dry minuteness, this unprofitable drawing of distinctions without difference : let us say now, as we have said on another occasion, we will assert, maintain, and vindicate our rights, or put to every hazard what you pretend to hold in such high estimation. Mr. R. said, he recollected perfectly well, in the celebrated election of Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr they live, said* he, illustrious examples of the merits of their respective partisans what were we then told ? Why, that we must withdraw our opposition, or there would be no election; that a dissolu tion of the Union impended ; that volcanoes began to play ; that earth quakes yawned beneath us and, recollect, Sir, we had a President in the chair who had a majority in this House, small as it was. He treated the idea of giving way with derision and scorn : we said, we will not give way, and you must take the consequences : we appealed, said Mr. R., to the good sense of the nation and I do now appeal to this nation, said he, whether this pretended sympathy for the rights of free negroes and mulattoes is to supersede the rights of the free MONROE. 221 white citizens, of ten times their whole number. They gave way, Sir, said Mr. R. The sheep is the most timid and helpless of all animals : it retreats before any attack is offered to it. The President of the United States, Mr. R. said, possesses great powers and highly responsible functions, and should be looked up to with veneration and deference, because he is a chief magistrate of a people, legally appointed by their suffrages. But a President of the United States, appointed by the exclusion of the votes of those who are the same flesh and blood as ourselves for the people of Missouri are not natives of Missouri, with the exception of a few French and still fewer Spaniards is no more the chief magistrate of this country, than that thing that pageant, which the majorities of the two Houses proposed to set up just twenty years ago a President made by law no, by the form and color of law, against the principles of the Constitution, and in violation of the rights of the freemen of this country. Sir, said Mr. R., I would not give a button for him. On his personal account, and for his personal qualities, I might treat him with respect as an individual, but as Chief Magistrate of this country, he would be more odious to my judgment than one of the house of Stuart attempting to seat himself on the throne of England, in defiance of the laws of succession and of the opinion of the people. The President of the Senate then proposed that the Senate should retire, and to this proposition the members of the Senate acceded. Mr. Randolph in the meanwhile speaking. The Senate then withdrew, and Mr. Randolph submitted the following resolutions : 1. Resolved, That the electoral votes of the State of Missouri have this day been counted, and do constitute part of the majority of two hundred and thirty-one votes given for President, and of two hundred and eighteen votes given for Vice-President. 2. Resolved, That the whole number of electors appointed, and of votes given for President and Vice-President, have not been announced by the presiding officers of the Senate and House of Representatives, agreeable to the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and that therefore the proceeding has been irregular and illegal. A motion was then made to adjourn, which was carried by yeas and nays. On the twenty-sixth of February, Mr. Clay, from the joint committee appointed on the Missouri subject, reported the following resolution. Resolved, That Missouri shall be admitted into this Union on an equal footing with the original States, in all respects whatever, upon the fundamental condition, that the fourth clause of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the Constitution submitted on the part of said State to Congress, shall never be construed to authorize the passage of any law, and that no law shall be passed in conformity thereto, by which any citizen of either of the States in this Union shall be excluded from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities to which such citizen is entitled under the Constitution of the United States : Provided, that the Legislature of the said State, by a solemn public act, shall declare the assent of the said State, to the said fundamental condition, and shall transmit to the President of the United States, on or before the 222 MONROE. fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act ; upon the receipt whereof the President, by proclamation, shall announce the fact : whereupon, and without any further proceeding on the part of Congress, the admission of the said State into this Union shall be considered as complete. Mr. Clay briefly explained the views of the committee, and the con siderations which induced them to report the resolution. He considered this resolution as being the same in effect as that which had been previously reported by the former committee of thirteen members ; and stated that the committee on the part of the Senate was unanimous, and that on the part of the House nearly so, in favor of this resolution. Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, delivered his objections to the resolution, on the ground of the defect of power in the Congress of the United States, to authorize or require the Legislature of a State once admitted into the Union, to do the act proposed by this resolution to be demanded of the Legislature of Missouri. Mr. Allen, of Massachusetts, delivered his sentiments, with much ear nestness, and pretty much at large, in opposition to the resolution, on the ground as well of its terms, as of hostility to the toleration of slavery in any shape, or under any pretence, by the legislation of Congress ; and concluded by moving to amend the resolution by striking out the word citizen, wherever it occurs in the resolution, as above printed, and to insert in lieu thereof " free negro or mulatto." At length the final question was taken, and decided in the affirmative, by a vote of eighty-seven to eighty-one. So the resolution was passed, and ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence ; here it received its last reading and was pased on the twenty-eighth. On the twenty-second of February, a proclamation was issued by the President, promulgating the treaty which had been made with Spain, and its final ratifications by the United States and his Catholic Majesty. Two measures of great public interest and importance were thus at about the same period brought to a felicitous termination. The session of Congress, though it had been stormy in its progress, terminated in good order and perfect harmony. On the fifth of March, Mr. Monroe took the oath to support the Con stitution of the United States, and was again inaugurated as President. On this occasion he made an address to his fellow citizens at large, and laid before them a general view of the policy which the government intended to pursue. He very properly availed himself of his re-election, to consider it as the public approbation of his conduct in the preceding term. After a brief notice of measures for fortification and defence, which had been rendered necessary by the events of the last war, the President took a cursory review of our foreign relations, and the state of the national revenue. The address concludes with the following para graphs : " The care of the Indian tribes within our limits has long been an essential part of our system, but, unfortunately, it has not been executed in a manner to accomplish all the objects intended by it. We have treated them as independent nations, without their having any substan- MONROE. 223 tial pretension to that rank. The distinction has flattered their pride, retarded their improvement, and, in many instances, paved the way to their destruction. The progress of our settlements westward, sup ported as they are by a dense population, has constantly driven them back with almost the total sacrifice of the lands which they have been compelled to abandon. They have claims on the magnanimity, and, I may add, on the justice of this nation, which we must all feel. We should become their real benefactors, we should perform the office of their Great Father, the endearing title which they emphatically give to the Chief Magistrate of our Union. Their sovereignty over vast territo ries should cease, in lieu of which the right of soil should be secured to each individual, and his posterity in competent portions ; and, for the territory thus ceded by each tribe, some reasonable equivalent should be granted, to be vested in permanent funds for the support of civil go vernment over them, and for the education of their children, for their instruction in the arts of husbandry, and to provide sustenance for them until they could provide it for themselves. My earnest hope is, that Congress will digest some plan, founded on these principles, with such improvements as their wisdom may suggest, and carry it into effect as soon as it may be practicable. " Europe is again unsettled, and the, prospect of war increasing. Should the flame light up, in any quarter, how far it may extend, it is impossible to foresee. It is our peculiar felicity to be altogether uncon nected with the causes which produce this menacing aspect elsewhere. With every power we are in perfect amity, and it is our interest to remain so, if it be practicable on just conditions. I see no reasonable cause to apprehend variance with any power, unless it proceed from a violation of our maritime rights. In these contests, should they occur, and to what ever extent they may be carried, we shall be neutral ; but, as a neutral power, we have rights which it is our duty to maintain. For light injuries it will be incumbent on us to seek redress in a spirit of amity, in full confidence that, injuring none, none would knowingly injure us. For more imminent dangers we should be prepared, and it should always be recollected that such preparation, adapted to the circumstances, and sanc tioned by the judgment and wishes of our constituents, cannot fail to have a good effect of averting dangers of every kind. We should recollect, also, that the season of peace is best adapted to these preparations. " If we turn our attention, fellow citizens, more immediately to the internal concerns of our country, and more especially to those on which its future welfare depends, we have every reason to anticipate the hap piest results. It is now rather more than forty-four years since we declared our independence, and thirty-seven since it was acknowledged. The talents and virtues which were displayed in that great struggle were a sure presage of all that has since followed. A people who were able to surmount, in their infant state, such great perils, would be more com petent, as they rose into manhood, to repel any which they might meet in their progress. Their physical strength would be more adequate to foreign danger, and the practice of self-government, aided by the light of experience, could not fail to produce an effect, equally salutary, on all 224 MONROE. those questions connected with the internal organization. These favora ble anticipations have been realized. In our whole system, national and state, we have shunned all the defects which unceasingly preyed on the vitals and destroyed the ancient republics. In them there were distinct orders, a nobility and a people, or the people governed in one assembly. Thus, in the one instance, there was a perpetual conflict between the orders in society for the ascendancy, in which the victory of either terminated in the overthrow of the government, and the ruin of the state. In the other, in which the people governed in a body, and whose dominions sel dom exceeded the dimensions of a county in one of our States, a tumul tuous and disorderly movement permitted only a transitory existence. In this great nation there is but one order, that of the people, whose power, by a peculiarly happy improvement of the representative principle, is transferred from them without impairing, in the slightest degree, their sovereignty, to bodies of their own creation, and to persons elected by themselves, in the full extent necessary for all the purposes of free, enlightened, and efficient government. The whole system is elective, the complete sovereignty being in the people, and every officer, in every department, deriving his authority from, and being responsible to them, for his conduct." On the 3d of December, Congress again assembled, and the Honorable Philip P. Barbour was elected Speaker of the House. On the 5th, the President transmitted to both Houses of Congress the annual message. It was quite long and interesting, presenting a favorable view of the affairs of the nation, as respected its commerce, manufactures, and revenue. It stated that, in pursuance of the treaty with Spain, possession of East and West Florida had been given to the United States, but that the officers charged with that service had omitted, in contravention of the orders of their sovereigns, the delivery of the archives and documents relative to the sovereignty of those provinces. This omission had given rise to several disagreeable and painful incidents. The success of the South American colonies, during the previous year, was another topic of the message. The new government of Colombia had extended its terri tories, and considerably augmented its strength ; and at Buenos Ayres, where civil dissension had sometime before prevailed, greater harmony and better order had been restored. Equal success had attended their efforts in the provinces on the Pacific. It was advised, as the true policy of the United States, to promote a settlement of this question with Spain based on the independence of the colonies. Manufactures receive particular attention in this message. " It cannot be doubted, that the more complete our internal resources, and the less dependent we are on foreign powers, for every national, as well as domestic purpose, the greater and more stable will be the public felicity. By the increase of domestic manufactures, will the demand for the rude materials at home be increased, and thus will the dependence of the several parts of our Union on each other, and the strength of the Union itself, be proportionably augmented. In this process, which is very desirable, and inevitable under the existing duties, the resources which obviously present themselves to supply a deficiency in the revenue, should MONROE. 225 it occur, are the interests which may derive the principal benefit from the change. If domestic manufactures are raised by duties on foreign, the deficiency in the fund necessary for public purposes should be supplied by duties on the former. At the last session, it seemed doubtful, whether the revenue derived from the present sources would be adequate to all the great purposes of our Union, including the construction of our forti fications, the augmentation of our navy, and the protection of our commerce against the dangers to which it is exposed. Had the deficiency been such as to subject us to the necessity, either to abandon those measures of defence, or to resort to other means for adequate funds, the course presented to the adoption of a virtuous and enlightened people appeared to be a plain one. It must be gratifying to all to know, that this necessity does not exist. Nothing, however, in contemplation of such important objects, which can be easily provided for, should be left to hazard. It is thought that the revenue may receive an augmentation from the existing sources, and in a manner to aid our manufactures, without hastening prematurely the result which has been suggested. It is believed that a moderate additional duty on certain articles would have that effect, without being liable to any serious objection." On the twenty-first of January, on motion of Mr. Sergeant, chairman of the committee on the judiciary, the House went into a committee of the whole, Mr. Taylor in the chair, on the bill for establishing an uniform system of bankruptcy. The first section of the bill being under conside ration, Mr. Sergeant rose and occupied the floor in favor of the bill, till the hour of adjournment, when the committee rose and the House ad journed. On the following day, Mr. Sergeant resumed and closed his speech on this important subject. Mr. Randolph utterly denied the power of Congress, to pass a law impairing the obligation of contracts, whenever made. Mr. Smyth, of Virginia, took a prominent stand in opposition to the bill ; and Mr. Sergeant continued to the close the chief speaker in its defence. The bill was finally rejected in the House by a vote of ninety-nine to seventy-two. On the twenty-sixth of February, Mr. Lloyd, of Maryland, rose in the Senate, and addressed the chair as follows : " MR. PRESIDENT : It has become my painful duty to announce to the Senate the melancholy fact, that my much esteemed and distinguished colleague is no more. An attempt to excite the sympathies of the Senate for a loss so great and so afflicting a loss we must all sincerely deplore would betray a suspicion of their sensibility. This chamber, Sir, has been one of the fields of his fame. You have seen him in his strength. You have seen him the admiration of the Senate ; the pride of his native State ; the ornament of his country. He is now no more, But, for his friends and relatives, there is consolation beyond the grave. I humbly and firmly trust, that he now reposes on the bosom of his God." Sundry resolves were then entered into, for appointing a committee for superintending the funeral, and for the Senate s attending the same, and wearing a mourning badge. Similar proceedings also took place in the House ; in which body, tne preceding day, Mr. Randolph had moved 29 226 MONROE. and carried an adjournment, on the premature report of Mr. Pinckney s death ; on which occasion he made the following observations : Mr. Randolph rose, he said, to announce to the House a fact, which, he hoped, would put an end, at least for this day, to all further jar or collision, here or elsewhere, among the members of this body. Yes, for this one day, at least, said he, let us say, as our first mother said to our first father, " While yet we live, scarce one short hour, perhaps, Between us two let there be peace." " I rise to announce to the House, the not unlooked for death of a man who held the first place in the public estimation, in the first profession in ;hat estimation, in this or in any other country. We have been talking of General Jackson, and a greater than him is not here, but gone forever ! I allude, Sir, to the boast of Maryland, and the pride of the United States the pride of all of us but particularly the pride and ornament of the profession of which you, Mr. Speaker, are a member, and an eminent one. He was a man with whom I lived, when a member of this House, and a new one too ; and ever since he left it for the other I speak it with pride in habits, not merely negatively friendly, but of kindness and cordiality. The last time that I saw him was on Saturday the last Saturday but one in the pride of life, and full possession and vigor of all his faculties, in that lobby. He is now gone to his account, (for as the tree falls, so it must lie,) where we must all go, where I must very soon go, and by the same road too, the course of nature and where all of us, put ofF tne evil day as long as we may, must also soon go. For what is the past but as a span, and which of us can look forward to as many years as we have lived ? The last act of intercourse between us was an act, the recollection of which I would not be without, for all the offices that all the men of the United States have filled, or ever shall fill. He had, indeed, his faults foibles, I should rather say ; and, Sir, who is without them ? Let such, and such only, cast the first stone. And these foibles, faults if you will, which every body could see, because every body is clear sighted in regard to the faults and foibles of others he, I have no doubt, would have been the first to acknowledge, on a proper representation of them. " Every thing now is hidden to us not, God forbid ! that utter dark ness rests upon the grave, which, hideous as it is, is lighted, cheered, and warmed by fire from heaven not the impious fire fabled to be stolen from heaven by the heathen, but by the spirit of the living God, whom we all profess to worship, and whom I hope we shall spend the remainder of this day in worshiping, not with mouth honor, but in our hearts ; in spirit and in truth, that it may not be said of us, also, * This people draweth nigh unto me with their mouth and honoreth me with their lips, but their heart is far from me. Yes, it is just so. He is gone. I will not say that our loss is irreparable ; because such a man as has existed may exist again. There has been a Homer ; there has been a Shakspeare ; there has been a Milton ; there has been a Newton. There may then be another Pinckney ; but there is now none. And it was to announce this event MONROE. 227 I have risen. I am, said Mr. Randolph, almost inclined to believe in presentiments. I have been all along as well assured of the fatal termi nation of that disease with which he was affected, as I am now. And I have dragged my weary limbs before sunrise to the door of his sick chamber, (for I would not intrude upon the sacred sorrows of his family,) almost every morning since his illness. From the first I had almost no- hope. I move you, Sir, that this House do now adjourn." On the 8th of March, the President communicated to Congress a mes~ sage, in which he recommended the recognition of South American independence. This message was referred to a committee, who reported unanimously in favor of the proposed measure, and introduced a resolve to appropriate a sum to enable the President to give due effect to such recognition. The Spanish Minister, on the publication of the message, immediately addressed a letter to Mr. Adams, the Secretary of State, in which he entered a solemn protest against this recognition of the govern ments mentioned of the insurgent provinces of South America ; and declar ed that it could in no way invalidate in the least the rights of Spain to said provinces, or to employ every means in her power to reunite them to the rest of her dominions. To this letter the Secretary made a reply, in which he stated that the recognition by the President was not intended to invalidate any right of Spain, or to affect the employment of any means which she might be disposed to use for the purpose of reuniting those provinces to the rest of her dominioiiS. It was merely the acknowledg ment of existing facts, with the view to the regular establishment, with these newly formed nations, of those political and commercial relations which it is the moral obligation of civilized and Christian nations to entertain reciprocally with one another. On the 2d of December, Congress again assembled, Mr. Gaillard taking the chair of the Senate, and Mr. Barbour that of the House. The message of the President contained a satisfactory exposition of the affairs of the confederacy, both at home and abroad. The view of our national finances was very favorable. On the subjects of internal im provement, and manufactures, the President observed : " Believing that a competent power to adopt and execute a system of internal improvement has not been granted to Congress, but that such a power, confined to great national purposes and with proper limitations, would be productive of eminent advantage to our Union, I have thought it advisable that an amendment of the Constitution, to that effect, should be recommended to the several States. A bill which assumed the right to adopt and execute such a system having been presented for my signa ture, at the last session, I was compelled, from the view which I had taken of the powers of the General Government, to negative it, on which occasion I thought it proper to communicate the sentiments which I had formed, on mature consideration, on the whole subject. To that commu nication, in all the views in which the great interest to which it rebates, may be supposed to merit your attention, I have now to refer. Should Congress, however, deem it improper to recommend such an amendment, they have, according to my judgment, the right to keep the road in repair, by providing for the superintendence of it, and appropriating the 228 MONROE. money necessary for repairs. Surely, if they had the right to appropriate money to make the road, they have a right to appropriate it to preserve the road from ruin. From the exercise of this power no danger is to be apprehended. Under our happy system, the people are the sole and exclusive fountain of power. Each government originates from them, and to them alone, each to its proper constituents, are they respectively and solely responsible, for the faithful discharge of their duties, within their constitutional limits. And that the people will confine their public agents, of every station, to the strict line of their constitutional duties, there is no cause to doubt. Having, however, communicated my senti ments to Congress, at the last session, fully, in the document to which I have referred, respecting the right of appropriation, as distinct from the right of jurisdiction and sovereignty over the territory in question, I deem it improper to enlarge on the subject here. " From the best information that I have been able to obtain, it appears that our manufactures, though depressed immediately after the peace, have considerably increased, and are still increasing, under the encour agement given them by the tariff of 1816, and by subsequent laws. Satisfied, I am, \vhatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor of unre stricted commerce, provided all nations would concur in it, and it -was not liable to be interrupted by war, which has never occurred, and cannot be expected, that there are other strong reasons applicable to our situation, and relations with other countries, wliich impose on us the obligation to cherish and sustain our manufactures. Satisfied, however, I likewise am, that the interest of every part of our Union, even of those most benefited by manufactures, requires that this subject should be touched with the greatest caution, and a critical knowledge of the effect to be produced by the slightest change. On full consideration of the subject, in all its relations, I am persuaded, that a further augmentation may now be made of the duties on certain foreign articles, in favor of our own, and without affecting injuriously any other interest. For more precise details, I refer you to the communications which were made to Congress during the last session." On the recognition of South American independence, the message continued : " A strong hope was entertained that peace would, ere this, have been concluded between Spain and the Independent Governments south of the United States in this hemisphere. Long experience having evinced the competency of those governments to maintain the independence which they had declared, it was presumed that the considerations which induced their recognition by the United States, would have had equal weight with other powers, and that Spain herself, yielding to those magnanimous feelings of which her history furnishes so many examples, would have terminated, on that basis, a controversy so unavailing, and at the same time, so destructive. We still cherish the hope, that this result will not long be postponed. " Sustaining our neutral position, and allowing to each party, while the war continues, equal rights, it is incumbent on the United States to claim of each, with equal rigor, the faithful observance of our rights, MONROE. 229 according to the well known law of nations. From each, therefore, a like co-operation is expected in the suppression of the piratical practice which has grown out of this war, and of blockades of extensive coasts on both seas, which, considering the small force employed to sustain them, have not the slightest foundation to rest on." The first Comptroller of the Treasury transmitted to the House a list of balances due more than three years. The House in committee took up the bill reported last session on the disbursement of public moneys. Mr. Bassett said in remarking on this subject, that it was a fact stated in a message from the President, that at one time accounts for one hundred millions of dollars, advanced for different objects, remained unsettled ; and mentioned large losses to the public by defalcations of individuals. The bill was ordered to be printed, and the committee rose. Mr. Cannon introduced some resolutions respecting improving the militia for the national defence. Mr. Condict, of New Jersey, made a motion for instructing the naval committee to inquire, and report immediately, what measures are necessary effectually to extirpate the West India pirates, and to punish those who aid and abet them. He took notice of the very slight reference which the President had made to this subject in his message, " being all comprised in a short paragraph," which he read. He hoped to see a competent force immediately provided to ferret out these freebooters, and drag them to a condign and speedy punishment not to have them brought here, and tried by a jury, under all the delays incident to our courts; but, as they had placed themselves beyond the laws of civil society, had set at defiance the laws of God and man, the most effectual restraint upon their barbarities would be to exhibit to them the spectacle of a few dozen of their leaders suspended by halters from the yard-arms of our public ships. About this time the Speaker presented a message from the President upon the subject of piracies, recommending the providing a competent force to repress their enormities. The proceedings of this session of Congress excited but little interest and attention in the nation at large. There were no topics of engrossing importance. The case of the mutilated documents, as it was called, occupied the time of the House for some days. This was a case in which certain documents which had been given to Messrs. Gales & Sea- ton to be printed, were printed with the omission of certain sentences. Public attention was first called to this omission by an article in the Washington Republican, and the charge there made was in substance as follows : That in printing the documents accompanying the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, of the 14th February, 1822, in answer to a resolution of the House of Representatives, calling upon him to exhibit a statement of his transactions with all those banks which had been made by him the depositories of public moneys received from the sales of public lands, that they had suppressed and totally omitted, in the printed document which they furnished the House, parts of those documents implicating Mr. Crawford the most strongly. From the investigations pursued on this subject, it appeared that neither Mr. Gales nor Mr. Seaton had any knowledge of, or partioipation in, the suppressions in question ; and that there was no evidence tending in the slightest degree to show 230 MONROE. that the suppressions were caused by the influence of the Secretary of the Treasury, or with his knowledge. They were marked by one of the chief clerks of the Department of the Treasury, for the purpose of calling the attention of the Secretary to them, and omitted by the direction of the same clerk. On the 1st of December, being the day established by the Constitution, the eighteenth Congress commenced its first session. In his message, at the opening of the session, the President spoke in animated terms of the prosperous condition of the country, and of the amicable state of our relations with foreign countries. The message represented the public finances to be even more prospe rous than had been anticipated ; that the state of the army, in its organi zation and discipline, had been gradually improving for several years, and had attained a high degree of perfection ; that the proposed fortifi cations of the country were rapidly progressing to a state of completion, and that the military academy at West Point had already attained a high degree of perfection, both in its discipline and instruction. In relation to the efforts of the executive to stop the depredations of pirates on the national commerce, the President stated, that, in the West Indies, and the Gulf of Mexico, the naval force had been augmented, according to the provisions of Congress. " This armament," said he, " has been eminently successful in the accomplishment of its object. The piracies, by which our commerce in the neighborhood of the island of Cuba had been afflicted, have been repressed, and the confidence of the merchants in a great measure restored." In allusion to the straggle of the Greeks for liberty, the message contained the following language language to which every American would cordially subscribe : " A strong hope has been long entertained, founded on the heroic struggle of the Greeks, that they would succeed in their contest, and resume their equal station among the nations of the earth. It is believed that the whole civilized world takes a deep interest in their welfare. Although no power has declared in their favor, yet none, according to our information, has taken part against them. Their cause and their name have protected them from dangers, which might, ere this, have overwhelmed any other people. The ordinary calcula tions of interest, and of acquisition, with a view to aggrandizement, which mingle so much in the transactions of nations, seem to have had no effect in regard to them. From the facts which have come to our knowledge, there is good cause to believe that their enemy has lost, forever,, all dominion over them that Greece will again become an independent nation. That she may obtain that rank, is the object of our most ardent wishes." On the existing state of the country, the President held the following strong and eloquent language : " If we compare the present condition of our Union with its actual state at the close of our revolution, the history of the world furnishes no example of a progress in improvement, in all the important circumstances which constitute the happiness of a nation, which bears any resemblance to it. At the first epoch, our population did not exceed three millions. By the last census it amounted to about MONROE. 231 ten millions, and, what is more extraordinary, it is almost altogether native; for the emigration from other countries has been inconsiderable. At the first epoch, half the territory within our acknowledged limits was uninhabited and a wilderness. Since then new territory has been acquired, of vast extent, comprising within it many rivers, particularly the Mississippi, the navigation of which to the ocean was of the highest importance to the original States. Over this territory our population has expanded in every direction, and new States have been established, almost equal in number to those which formed the first bond of our Union. This expansion of our population and accession of new States to our Union, have had the happiest effect on all its higher interests. That it has eminently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability, as a power, is admitted by all. But it is not in these important circumstances only, that this happy effect is felt. It is manifest, that, by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing the number of States, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and disunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other ; and, in consequence, each enjoy ing a greater freedom of action, is rendered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted." In his message to Congress, at the opening of the session, the Presi dent, having alluded to the struggle of the Greeks for liberty, and having expressed, as the organ of public sentiment, the sympathy of the nation in their behalf, a resolution was presented to the House of Representa tives, by a member, providing for the expenses incident to the appoint ment of an agent, or commissioner to Greece, whenever the President should deem such appointment expedient. Although Congress did not deem it expedient to adopt the resolution, it being indefinitely postponed, it served to call forth the warmest expressions of regard, on the floor of Congress, for that oppressed people, and to elicit the attachment of the country to the principles of rational liberty. On the 27th of May, 1824, the eighteenth Congress closed its first session. Among the most important bills which were passed was one for abolishing imprisonment for debt ; and a second establishing a tariff of duties on imports into the country. Each of these bills caused much debate in the national legislature, and excited no small solicitude among those classes of citizens, whose interests were likely to be most affected by them. The bill for abolish ing imprisonment for debt was necessarily qualified and guarded, giving no immunity to fraud, and containing the requisite checks to shield its benefits from abuse. The bill for a revision of the tariff occupied the House of Representatives for ten weeks, and was at length passed only by a majority of five. On the occasion of its final decision, only two members, out of two hundred and thirteen, were absent. In the course of the summer an event occurred, which caused the highest sensations of joy throughout the Union ; this was the arrival of the Marquis de La Fayette, the friend and ally of the Americans during the former war with Great Britain, and who eminently contributed, by 332 MONROE. his fortune, influence, skill, and bravery, to achieve the glorious objects of their revolutionary struggle. The second session of the eighteenth Congress began on the 6th of December, 1824; on which occasion, the President represented the country to be highly prosperous and happy, both in respect to its internal condition and foreign relations. " Our relations," said he, " with foreign powers are of a friendly character, although certain interesting differences remain unsettled Our revenue, under the mild system of impost and tonnage, continues to be adequate to all the purposes of government. Our agriculture, commerce, manufactures, and navigation flourish. Our fortifications are advancing, in a degree authorized by existing appropriations, to maturity, and due progress is made in the augmentation of the navy to the limit prescribed by law." This session of Congress closed on the 3d of March, 1825, being limited by the Constitution to that period. Among the most interesting subjects which occupied its attention during the session, were the occupation of the Oregon on the north-west coast, and the suppression of piracy. The bill respecting the former, however, was lost in the Senate, being indefinitely laid on the table ; while that respecting piracy passed ; which, however, does little more than to authorize the building of ten additional ships of war. The bill authorizing the occupation of the Oregon was passed by the House of Representatives, but had previously been so amended as to provide only for a military occupation of the mouth of the river. This amendment was adopted, for the purpose of avoiding a violation of the treaty with Great Britain, which provides that the boundary line on that frontier shall remain unsettled ten years. On the subject of piracy, the President, in a message to the Senate, suggested three expedients ; one, by the pursuit of the offenders to the settled as well as unsettled parts of the island from whence they issue ; another, by reprisal on the inhabitants ; and a third, by a blockade of the ports of those islands. These suggestions gave rise to a bill in the Senate, which embraced the several expedients proposed in the message, and which, for some weeks, was a prominent topic of debate. The opposers of the bill contended that it introduces a new- principle into the rights of nations, and that a resort to the measure pro posed by it would be in effect a declaration of war with Spain. This objection was anticipated by the President, and obviated by him, on the ground that the Spanish authorities are utterly incapable of suppressing the practice in question. The discussion of the subject led to a dis closure of facts, which, in respect to its atrocities and the numbers con cerned in it, exceeded even conjecture, and which forced conviction upon all, that something, and something efficient, must speedily be done. The administration of Mr. Monroe closed on the 3d of March. During his presidency the country enjoyed a uniform state of peace and prosperity. By his prudent management of the national affairs, both foreign and domestic, he eminently contributed to the honor and hap- MONROE. 233 piness of millions, and retired from office, enjoying 1 the respect, and affection, and gratitude of all. On the 3d of March, 1825, Mr. Monroe retired to his residence in London county, Virginia. Subsequent to that period, he discharged the ordinary judicial functions of a magistrate of the county, and of curator of the University of Virginia, In the winter of 1829 and 30, he served as a member of the Convention called to revise the Constitution of that Commonwealth ; and took an active part in their deliberations, over which he was unanimously chosen to preside. From this station he was, however, compelled, before the close of the labors of the Convention, by severe illness, to retire. The succeeding summer, he was, in the. short compass of a week, visited by the bereavement of the beloved partner of his life, and of another near, affectionate, and respected relative. Soon after these deep and trying afflictions, he removed his residence to the city of New York ; where, surrounded by filial solicitude and tenderness, the flickering lamp of life held its lingering flame, as if to await the day of the nation s birth and glory; when the soldier of the revolution, the statesman of the confederacy, the chosen chieftain of the constituted nation, sunk into the arms of slumber, to awake no more upon earth, and yielded his pure and gallant spirit to receive the sentence of his Maker. " In the multitude of a great nation s public affairs," says Mr. J. Q. Adams, in his eulogy on the subject of this memoir, " there is no official act of their Chief Magistrate, however momentous, or however minute, but should be traceable to a dictate of duty, pointing to the wel fare of the people. Such was the cardinal principle of Mr. Monroe. In his first address, upon his election to the Presidency, he had exposed the general principles by which his conduct, in the discharge of his great trust, would be regulated. In his second Inaugural Address, he suc cinctly reviewed that portion of the career through which he had passed, fortunately sanctioned by public approbation ; and promised perseverance in it, to the close of his public service. And, in his last annual message to Congress, on the 7th of December, 1824, announcing his retirement from public life, after the close of that session of the Legislature, he reviewed the whole course of his administration, comparing it with the pledges which he had given at its commencement, end at its middle term, appealing to the judgment and consciousness of those whom he addressed, for its unity of principle as one consistent whole ; not exempt indeed, from the errors and infirmities incident to all human action, but characteristic of purposes always honest and sincere, of intentions always pure, of labors outlasting the daily circuit of the sun, and outwatching the vigils of the night and what he said not, but a faithful witness is bound to record ; of a mind anxious and unwearied in the pursuit of truth and right ; patient of inquiry ; patient of contradiction ; courteous, even in the collision of sentiment ; sound in its ultimate judgments ; and firm in its final conclusions. " Such, my fellow citizens, was James Monroe. Such was the man, who presents the only example of one whose public life commenced with the War of Independence, and is identified with all the important events of your history from that day forth for a full half century. And now, 234 MONROE. what is the purpose for which we have here assembled to do honor to, his memory? Is it to scatter perishable flowers upon the yet unsodded grave of a public benefactor ? Is it to mingle tears of sympathy and of consolation, with those of mourning and bereaved children ? Is it to do honor to ourselves, by manifesting a becoming sensibility, at the departure of one, who, by a long career of honor and of usefulness, has been to us all as a friend and brother ? Or is it not rather to mark the memorable inci dents of a life signalized by all the properties which embody the precepts of virtue and the principles of wisdom ? Is it not to pause for a moment from the passions of our own bosoms, and the agitations of our own interests, to survey in its whole extent the long and little beaten path of the great and the good : to fix with intense inspection our own vision, and to point the ardent but unsettled gaze of our children upon that resplen dent row of cresset lamps, fed with the purest vital air, which illuminate the path of the hero, the statesman and the sage. Have you a son of ardent feelings and ingenuous mind, docile to instruction, and panting for honorable distinction ? point him to the pallid cheek and agonizing form of James Monroe, at the opening blossom of life, weltering in his blood on the field of Trenton, for the cause of his country. Then turn his eye to the same form, seven years later, in health and vigor, still in the bloom of youth, but seated among the Conscript Fathers of the land, to receive entwined with all its laurels the sheathed and triumphant sword of Washington. Guide his eye along to the same object, investigating, by the midnight lamp, the laws of nature and nations, and unfolding them at once, with all the convictions of reason and all the persuasions of eloquence, to demonstrate the rights of his countrymen to the contested navigation of the Mississippi, in the hall of Congress. Follow him with this trace in his hand, through a long series of years, by laborious travels and intricate aegociatiors, at imperial courts, and in the palaces of kings, winding his way amidst the ferocious and party-colored revolutions of France, and the lifeguard favorites and Camarillas of Spain. Then look at the map of United North America, as it was at the definitive peace of 1783. Compare i\ with the map of that same empire as it is now ; limit ed by the Sabine and the Pacific Ocean, and say, the change, more than of any other man, living or dead, was the work of James Monroe. See him pass successively from the hall of the Confederation Congress to the Legislative Assembly of his native commonwealth ; to their Convention which ratified the Constitution of the North American people ; to the Senate of the Union ; to the chair of diplomatic intercourse with ultra revolutionary France ; back to the executive honors of his native State ; again to embassies of transcendent magnitude, to France, to Spain, to Britain ; restored once more to retirement and his country ; elevated again to the highest trust of his State ; transferred successively to the two pre-eminent Departments of Peace and War, in the National Gov ernment ; and at the most momentous crisis burthened with the duties of both and finally raised, first by the suffrages of a majority, and at last by the unanimous call of his countrymen to the Chief Magistracy of the Union. There behold him, for a term of eight years, strengthening his country for defence by a system of combined fortifications, military and MONROE. 235 naval, sustaining her rights, her dignity and honor abroad ; soothing her dissensions, and conciliating her acerbities at home ; controlling, by a firm though peaceful policy, the hostile spirit of the European Alliance against Republican Southern America ; extorting, by the mild compulsion of reason, the shores of the Pacific from the stipulated acknowledgment of Spain ; and leading back the Imperial Autocrat of the North, to his law ful boundaries, from his hastily asserted dominion over the Southern Ocean. Thus strengthening and consolidating the federative edifice of his country s union, till he was entitled to say, like Augustus Caesar, of his imperial city, that he had found her built of brick and left her con structed of marble." JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. QUINCY ADAMS is descended from a race of farmers, tradesmen, and mechanics. In 1630, his remote ancestor, Henry Adams, came to America, with seven sons, and established himself in this country. Thus early rooted in the soil, a warm attachment to the cause and the rights of America has been, from generation to generation, the birth right of this family. The first of this name, who emerged from private life, and rose to conspicuous public stations, were Samuel Adams, the proscribed patriot of the Revolution, and John Adams, who was pronounced by his vene rable copatriot, Thomas Jefferson, " The Colossus of Independence." These two distinguished benefactors of their country, were descen dants of the same remote ancestor. Samuel Adams deceased without male issue ; John Quincy Adams is the son of his illustrious fellow laborer and relative. He was born in the year 1767, and was named for John Quincy, his great-grandfather, who bore a distinguished part in the councils of the province, at the commencement of the last century. The principles of American Independence and freedom were instilled into the mind of Mr. John Q. Adams, in the very dawn of his existence. Both of his revered parents had entered, with every power and faculty, into the cause of the country. When the father of Mr. Adams repaired to France as joint commissioner with Franklin and Lee, he was accompanied by his son John Quincy, then in his eleventh year. In this country he passed a year and a half with his father, and enjoyed the enviable privilege of the daily intercourse and parental attentions of Benjamin Franklin ; whose kind notice of the young was a peculiar trait in his character, and whose primitive simplicity of manners and methodical habits left a lasting impression on the mind of his youthful countryman. After a residence of about eighteen months in France, John Quincy Adams returned to America with his father, who came home to take part in the formation of the Constitution of his native State. After a sojourn of a few months at home, the voice of the country called on Mr. Adams father again to repair to Europe as a commissioner for negociat- ing a treaty of peace and commerce with Great Britain, whenever she might be disposed to put an end to the war. He took his son with him. They sailed in a French frigate bound to Brest ; but the vessel having sprung a dangerous leak, was obliged to put in the nearest port, which proved to be Ferrol, in Spain. From that * For the early part of this memoir we have been indebted to a biographical sketch, published at the time of the presidential canvass, which terminated in the election of General Jackson. 238 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. place Mr. Adams travelled by land to Paris, where he arrived in January, 1780, and when his son, J. Q. Adams, was put to school. In the month of July, of the same year, Mr. Adams repaired to Holland to negociate a loan in that country. His son accompanied him, and was placed first in the public school of the city of Amsterdam, and afterwards in the University of Leyden. In July, 1781, Mr. Francis Dana, (afterwards Chief Justice of the State of Massachusetts,) who had gone out with Mr. Adams, as Secretary of Legation, received, from the continental Congress, the commission of Minister to the Empress of Russia, and John Q. Adams was selected by Mr. Dana, as a private secretary of this mission. After spending fourteen months with Mr. Dana, he left him to return through Sweden, Denmark, Hamburgh, and Bremen, to Holland, where his father had been publicly received as Minister from the United States, and had concluded a commercial treaty with the republic of the Netherlands. He performed this journey during the winter of 1782 3, being sixteen years of age, without a companion. He reached the Hague in April, 1783, his father being at that time engaged at Paris in the nego- ciation of peace. From April to July his son remained at the Hague under the care of Mr. Dumas, a native of Switzerland, a zealous friend of America, who then filled the office of an agent of the United States. The negociations for peace being suspended in July, Mr. Adams father repaired on business to Amsterdam, and on his return to Paris he took his son with him. The definitive treaty of peace was signed in September, 1783, from which time till May, 1785, he was chiefly with his father in England, Holland, and France. It was at that period, that he formed an acquaintance with Mr. Jeffer son, then residing in France as American Minister. The intercourse of Mr. Jefferson with his former colleague, the father of Mr. Adams, was of an intimate and confidential kind, and led to a friendship for his son, which, formed in early life, scarcely suffered an interruption from subse quent political dissensions, and revived with original strength during the last years of the life of this venerable statesman. Mr. Adams was, at the period last mentioned, about eighteen years of age. Born in the crisis of his country s fortunes, he had led a life of wandering and vicissitude, unusual at any age. His education, in every thing but the school of liberty, had been interrupted and irregular. He had seen much of the world much of men and had enjoyed but little leisure for books. Anxious to complete his education, and still more anxious to return to his native America, when his father was, in 1785, appointed Minister to the Court of St. James, his son, at that period of life when the pleasures and splendor of a city like London are most calcu lated to fascinate and mislead, asked permission of his father to go back to his native shores. This he accordingly did. On his return to Ame rica, he became a member of the ancient seat of learning at Cambridge, where, as early as 1743, Samuel Adams, in taking his degrees, had the proposition, " that the people have a just right of resistance, when oppressed by their rulers." In July, 1787, Mr. Adams left college and entered the office of The- ophilus Parsons, afterward Chief Justice of the State, as a student of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 239 law at Newburyport. On a visit of General Washington to that town, in 1789, Mr. Parsons, being chosen by his fellow citizens to be the medium of expressing their sentiments to the General, called upon his pupils each to prepare an address. This call was obeyed by Mr. Adams, and his address was delivered by Mr. Parsons. After completing his law studies at Newburyport, Mr. Adams removed to the capital of Massachusetts, with a view of employing himself in the practice of the profession. The business of a young lawyer is generally of inconsiderable amount ; and Mr. Adams employed the leisure afforded him by this circumstance, and by his industrious habits, in speculations upon the great political questions of the day. In April, 1793, on the first information that war between Great Britain and France had been declared, Mr. Adams published a short series of papers, the object of which was, to prove that the duty and interest of the United States required them to remain neutral in the contest. These papers were published before General Washington s proclamation of neutrality, and without any knowledge that such a proclamation would issue. The opinions they expressed were in opposition to the ideas gene rally prevailing, that the treaty of alliance of 1778 obliged us to take part in the wars of France. But the proclamation of neutrality by General Washington, sanctioned by all his cabinet, with Mr. Jefferson at its head, was shortly made public, and confirmed the justice of the views which Mr. Adams had been, (it is believed,) the first to express before the public, on this new and difficult topic of national law. In the winter of 1793 and 1794, the public mind of America was extensively agitated by the inflammatory appeals of the French Minister, Genet. It is known to all with what power and skill this foreign emis sary was resisted in the official correspondence of the then Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson. Among those who co-operated in the public prints, in the same patriotic cause, none was more conspicuous than Mr. Adams, whose essays, in support of the administration, were read and admired throughout the country. His reputation was now established as an American statesman, patriot, and political writer, of the first order. Before his retirement from the Department of State, Mr. Jefferson recommended him to General Wash ington as a proper person to be introduced into the public service of the country. The acquaintance between Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, which had been formed in France, had lately been renewed, on occasion of a visit of Mr. Adams to Philadelphia in 1792 ; and the promptitude and ability with which he had just seconded the efforts of the Secretary of State, in enforcing the principles of public law on the turbulent French Envoy, no doubt led Mr. Jefferson thus to recommend him to General Washington. General Washington s own notice had been drawn to the publications of Mr. Adams above alluded to. He had in private expressed the highest opinion of them, and had made particular inquiries with respect to theii author. Thus honorably identified, at the early age of twenty-seven, with the first great and decisive step of the foreign policy of the United States, and thus early attracting the notice, and enjoying the confidence of Wash- 240 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. ington and Jefferson, Mr. Adams was, in 1794, appointed Minister Resident to the Netherlands, an office corresponding in rank and salary with that of a Charge d Affaires at the present day. The father of Mr. Adams was, at this time, Vice-President of the United States ; but it is unneces sary to say, to those acquainted with the character of these great men, that the appointment of his son was made by General Washington unex pectedly to the Vice-President, and without any previous intimation that it would take place. Mr. Adams remained at his post in Holland till near the close of General Washington s administration. He was an attentive observer of the great events then occurring in Europe, and his official correspondence with the Government was regarded by General Washington as of the highest importance. One of the last acts of General Washington s administration was the appointment of Mr. Adams as Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal. On his way from the Hague to Lisbon, he received a new commission, changing his destination to Berlin. This latter appointment was made by Mr. Adams father, then President of the United States, and in a manner highly honorable to the restraint of his parental feelings, in the discharge of an act of public duty. Although Mr. Adams appointment to Portugal was made by General Washington, and Mr. Adams father did no more than propose his transfer to Berlin, yet feelings of delicacy led him to hesitate, before he took even this step. He consulted the beloved father of his country, then retired from office, and placed in a situation beyond the reach of any of the motives which can possibly prejudice the minds of men in power. The following letter from Gene ral Washington is the reply to President Adams inquiry, and will ever remain an honorable testimony to the character of Mr. Adams. " MONDAY, FEBRUARY 20, 1797. " DEAR SIR, " I thank you for giving me a perusal of the inclosed. The sentiments do honor to the head and heart of the writer ; and if my wishes would be of any avail, they should go to you in a strong hope, that you will not withhold merited promotion from John Q. Adams, because he is your son. For without^ intending to compliment the father or the mother, or to censure any others, I give it as my decided opinion, that Mr. Adams is the most valuable public character we have abroad ; and that there remains no doubt in my mind, that he will prove himself to be the ablest of all our diplomatic corps. If he was now to be brought into that line, or into any other public walk, I could not, upon the principle which has regulated my own conduct, disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the letter. But he is already entered ; the public, more and more, as he is known, are appreciating his talents and worth ; and his country would sustain a loss, if these were to be checked by over delicacy on your part. " With sincere esteem, and affectionate regard, " I am ever yours, " GEO. WASHINGTON." JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 241 The principal object of Mr. Adams mission to Berlin, was effected by the conclusion of a treaty of commerce with Prussia. He remained in that country till trie spring of 1801, when he was recalled by his father and returned to America. During the last year of his residence in Ger many, Mr. Adams made an excursion into the province of Silesia, which he has described in a series of letters that have been collected and pub lished in a volume, and have been translated into French arid German, and extensively circulated in Europe. Mr. Adams s residence on the continent of Europe, from 1794 to 1801, was of great importance in its influence upon his political character and feelings. He contemplated, with every advantage for understanding their secret springs, the great movements in the political world, which were then taking place. His early education in France, and his connexion with the continental courts, prevented his forming those attachments for the English policy, which almost universally prevailed among such of the citizens of America as opposed the principles of the French revolu tion. The union of these circumstances enabled him to hold an im partial and. truly American course between the the violent extremes to which public opinion in America ran, on the great question of our foreign relations. It ,was also fortunate that he was absent from the country, during the period when domestic parties were organized and arrayed against each other. We have already seen that his manly and patriotic course had gained him the approbation of Mr. Jefferson before he retired from office. The great schism in the American family had not yet taken place. General Washington labored to prevent its occurrence, and dis tributed his appointments among all the able and patriotic, without regard to the party distinctions which were forming. Mr. Adams came into the Presidency in 1797, with the intention, had the strong current of events permitted him, to pursue the same course. The first step taken by him after his inauguration, was a friendly and confidential interview with Mr. Jefferson, in which he proposed to him, if it should be thought proper, on consideration, for the Vice-president to leave the country, to go to France as the American Minister, in the hope that he, if any one, would be able to adjust our difficulties with that country. That Mr. Jefferson, on his side, had not suffered the political contests, into which they had been drawn, to alienate his feelings from his old revolutionary copatriot, is apparent from the following letter of Mr. Jefferson to Governor Langdon, which was written after the election of Mr. Adams as President, and Mr. Jefferson as Vice-President, was ascertained. " MONTICELLO, JANUARY 22, 1797. " DEAR SIR, " Your friendly letter of the 2d instant never came to hand till yesterday, and I feel indebted for the solicitude you therein express for my under-; taking the office, to which you inform me I am now called. I know not from what source an idea has spread itself, which I have found to be generally spread, that I would accept the office of President of the United States, but not that of Vice-President. When I retired from the office I 31 242 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. last held, no man in the Union less expected than I did, ever to have come forward again ; and whatever has been insinuated to the contrary, to no man in the Union was the share which my name bore in the late contest, more unexpected than it was to me. If I had contemplated the thing beforehand, and suffered my will to enter into action at all upon it, would have been in a direction exactly the reverse of what has been imputed to me. But I had no right to a will on the subject, much less to control that of the people of the United States in arranging us accord ing to our capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings, which would revolt at taking a station secondary to Mr. Adams. I have been secondary to him, in every situation in which we ever acted together in public life, for twenty years past. A contrary position would have been novelty, and his the right of revolting at it. Be assured, then, my dear Sir, that if I had had a fibre in my composition still looking after public office, it would have been gratified precisely by the very call you are pleased to give me, and no other. But in truth, I wish for neither honors nor offices. I am happier at home than T can be elsewhere. Since, however, I am called out, an object of great anxiety to me is, that those with whom I am to act, shutting their minds to the unfounded abuse of which I have been the subject, will view me with the same candor with which I shall certainly act. An acquaintance of many long years, insures to me your just support, as it does to you the sentiments of sin cere respect and attachment, with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant, THOMAS JEFFERSON. "HONORABLE JOHN LANGDON." The same sentiments of respect towards Mr. Adams, were more publicly expressed by Mr. Jefferson on taking the chair of the Senate, as Vice- President of the United States, in the following terms : " I might here proceed, and with the greatest truth, to declare my zealous attachment to the Constitution of the United States ; that I consider the union of these States as the first of blessings ; and as the first of duties, the preservation of that Constitution, which secures it ; but I suppose these declarations not pertinent to the occasion of entering into an office, whose primary business is merely to preside over the forms of this House ; and no one more sincerely prays that no accident may call me to the higher and more important functions which the Constitution eventually devolves on this office. These have been justly confided to the eminent character which has preceded me here, whose talents and integrity have been known and revered by me, through a long course of years ; have been the foun dation of a cordial and uninterrupted friendship between us ; and I devoutly pray he may be long preserved for the government, the happi ness, and the prosperity of our common country." Such were the feelings entertained towards each other by these vene rable fellow laborers in the cause of American Independence, who have happily closed, in a singular coincidence of death, the lives which they had passed in an unison scarcely interrupted, in the service of their country, But the extraordinary nature of our foreign relations, in their influence on domestic politics, proved too strong for the control of the wise, the JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 343 candid, and the patriotic. The country was rent into contending parties. The President of the United States regarded as the head of the federal party, was compelled, besides the natural resistance of the party opposed to his administration, to encounter the odium of the strong and violent measures, brought forward by the friends of General Hamilton, among them the Alien and Sedition Laws, neither of which was recommended nor desired by Mr. Adams, nor proposed by his advice. In consequence of his refusal to plunge the country into a war with France, Mr. Adams lost the support of General Hamilton and his friends, whose opposition defeated his re-election ; and thus prostrated the devout prayer of Mr. Jefferson, that he might be long preserved " for the Government of the country." During this critical period of our foreign and domestic politics, Mr. John Q. Adams was abroad. He was aloof from the scene of warfare. His situa tion secured him from the necessity of taking part in those political conten tions in which he must either have been placed in the painful position of acting with the party opposed to his father, or he would have been obliged to encounter the natural imputation of being biassed in support of him by filial attachment. From this painful alternative Mr. Adams was spared, by his residence abroad, during the whole period in which our domestic parties were acquiring their organization ; and he returned to his native land, as every American of ingenuous mind unfailingly returns after a long absence, a stranger to local parties, and a friend to his country. There was not an individual in the country, to whom, with greater justice than Mr. Adams, might have been applied the magnani mous remark of Mr. Jefferson, in his inaugural address, " We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists." In 1802, Mr. Adams was elected to the Senate of Massachusetts, from the district of Boston ; and signalized that fearless independence, which has ever characterized his political course, by his strong, though ineffec tual opposition to a powerful combination of banking interests, of which the centre was placed among his immediate constituents. In 1803, he was elected a Senator of the United States for six years, from the 4th of March, 1803. No person could come into that body, in a situation better to enable him to act the honorable part of an indepen dent, upright, and patriotic Senator. He had successively received testi monials of the respect and confidence of those, who had administered the government, including Mr. Jefferson, then President. In the political controversies of the day he had not shared. He was pledged neither in opposition nor support to any men or measures, other than those which his sense of duty should dictate to him to be supported or opposed. His conduct in the Senate was such as to have been justly expected from his position. He had neither principles to permit, nor passions to drive him into indiscriminate opposition or blind support. He supported the administration in every measure which his judgment approved. Especially in the new aspect which the political world was assuming in consequence of the infraction of our neutral rights and violation of the sovereignty of our flag by Great Britain, Mr. Adams was the prompt and undeviating supporter of the honor of his country, and of the 244 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. measures adopted by the administration for its defence. In pursuing this independent course, Mr. Adams incurred the disapprobation of the legis lature of Massachusetts, which, in May, 1808, by a small majority of federal votes, elected another person, as Senator, from the period of the expiration of Mr. Adams s term, and passed resolutions of the nature of instruction to their Senators, containing principles which Mr. Adams disapproved. Choosing neither to act in conformity with these resolu tions, nor to represent constituents who had lost their confidence in him, Mr. Adams resigned his place in the Senate of the United States. It needs not be said that the decided support of a man like Mr. Adams was peculiarly acceptable to the administration at this moment. It was a support given in the dark days of Mr. Jefferson s administration, when England was now acting against the country the part which France had acted ten years before, and when the operation of the restricting system (the only measure of resistance, which, in the opinion of the adminis tration, the country could then in prudence adopt ;) had paralyzed the energies of the country, and excited wide spread discontent. It was a support given by an independent statesman, who had borne the name of the opposite party, at a moment when, in addition to all the strength of the federalists, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison were called to encounter, within the bosom of their own party and their own State, the unexpect ed and perilous defection of men, who had once led the ranks of the republican party, in the House of Representatives ; but who now quar relled with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, and threw themselves into a course of unsparing and unrelaxing opposition. At this moment of trial, when, besides the honest conflict of opposite parties, Mr. Jeffer son was thus pressed by the whole incumbent Aveight of the British empire, and by a tremendous assault from the ranks of his friends, aiming to embarrass him and supplant Mr. Madison, Mr. Adams came out boldly and manfully in his support. The retirement of Mr. Adams from the Senate of the United States, although varying the direction, did not abate the activity of his uncom mon powers for serving his fellow men. A life of unremitted public occupation had, by virtue of strict method, untiring diligence, and temperate habits, left him leisure to acquire, as a relaxation, a mass of useful learning, which would, in most cases, have been deemed the fruit of a life of literary seclusion. Distinguished as a writer among the best which the country has produced, and as a public speaker, for force, and impressiveness, and senatorial eloquence, not less rare, Mr. Adams was, in 1806, called to the chair of rhetoric and oratory, in the semi nary where he received his education, and delivered a course of lectures on the Art of Speaking Well ; the most important art to the youth of a free country. But his country had higher claims upon his services. In June, 1809, he was appointed by Mr. Madison as Minister to Russia. He had the good fortune, here, to acquire the confidence of the Emperor Alexander, who was delighted with the contrast of the republican simplicity of the American Minister with the splendor of the foreign Envoys. He admit ted Mr. Adams to a degree of intimacy rarely enjoyed with despotic JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 243 monarchs even by their own ministers. This circumstance laid the foundation of that good-will toward America, on the part of the Empe ror Alexander, of which the country has enjoyed, on many occasions, the important fruits. But its first fruit was the most important of all ; for it was unquestionably owing to the confidential relation between Mr. Adams and the Emperor, that the mediation of Russia was tendered between England and the United States ; a mediation which, though it was declined by England, produced an offer from that country to treat directly, and thus led to peace. It was for this reason that he was placed by Mr. Madison at the head of the commission of five, by which the treaty of peace was negociated, and which consisted of some of the ablest men in the country. It is unnecessary to speak of the skill, with which that negcciation w r as conducted. Mr. Adams bore a full part in its counsels arid labors ; and a proportionate share of the credit is due to him, for that cogency and skill which drew from the Marquis of Wellesley, in the British House of Lords, the declaration that, u in his opinion, the American Commissioners had shown the most astonishing superiority over the British, during the whole of the correspondence." This tribute is the more honorable to Mr. Adams and his colleagues, Mr. Gallatin, Mr. Clay, and their departed associate Mr. Bayard, from the circumstance, that, on every important point, the British Commission ers received special instructions from the Ministry at London, directing the terms in which the American Envoys were to be answered. Having borne this important part, in bringing the war to a close by an honorable peace, Mr. Adams was employed, in conjunction with Messrs. Clay and Gallatin, in negociating a convention of commerce with Great Britain, on the basis of which our commercial intercourse with that country has been since advantageously conducted. Having been appointed our Minister at London by Mr. Madison, Mr. Adams remain ed in that place, till the accession of Mr. Monroe to the chair of State. On this occasion, Mr. Monroe, in the formation of his Cabinet, took deliberate counsel with the most prudent and patriotic citizens of the country. Among others the opinion of General Jackson was freely imparted to him. The counsel of this distinguished citizen was express ed, in the following terms : " Every thing depends on the selection of your ministry. In every selection, party and party feelings should be avoided. No\v is the time to exterminate that monster, called party spirit. By selecting characters most conspicuous for their probity, virtue, capacity, and firmness, without any regard to party, you will go far, if not entirely, to eradicate those feelings, which on former occasions threw so many obstacles in the way of government, and perhaps have the pleasure and honor of uniting a people heretofore politically divided. The Chief Magistrate of a creat and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings." To this counsel Mr. Monroe felt himself unable to accede. He thought that " the association of any of the federal party in the adminis tration would wound the feelings of its friends to the injury of the republican cause." He made known, however, to General Jackson his 246 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 4 design of distributing , as far as possible, the places in the cabinet, throughout the country. " I shall," said he in his letter to General Jackson, of March 1st, 1817, " take a person for the Department of State from the eastward ; and Mr. Adams, by long service in our diplo matic concerns appearing to entitle him to the preference, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the Senate." In reply to this intimation, General Jackson, in his letter of March 18th, observes: "I have no hesitation in saying, you have made the best selection to fill the Department of State, that could be made. Mr. Adams in the hour of difficulty will be an able helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will afford general satisfaction." It was with something of prophetic feeling that General Jackson declared in 1817, " that Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, would be an able helpmate." It was not a long time before the conduct of General Jackson himself was the subject of solemn investigation before the grand inquest of the nation. The letters of Mr. Adams to the Spanish Minis ter, justifying the conduct of General Jackson, against the complaints of Spain, came seasonably to the support of this distinguished citizen, and effected the vindication of him against every charge of a violation of the rights of Spain. In the pursuance of the intimation of Mr. Monroe, as above described, Mr. Adams was called home from England and became Secretary of State. On this arduous office he entered, as General Jackson had foretold that he would, "to the general approbation of the country." He retained the confidence of Mr. Monroe and acquired that of his new colleagues. In reference to all questions of the foreign relations of the country, Mr. Adams was the influential member of the cabinet ; and is, consequently, more than any other individual composing it, entitled to the credit of the measures which, during Mr. Monroe s administration, were adopted in reference to the foreign policy of the government. It is not necessary that these should here be specified. One only is too important to be forgotten the recognition of the independence of the New Republics of the South. The credit of first effectually proposing that measure, in the House of Representatives, is due to Mr. Clay ; that of choosing the propitious moment when it could be proposed with the unanimous consent of Congress, and the nation, belongs, in the first degree, to Mr. Adams. Nor is he entitled to less credit, for the successful termination of our differences with Spain. A controversy, of thirty years standing, which had resisted the skill of every preceding administration of the government, was thus brought to an honorable close. Indemnity was procured for our merchants, and East and West Florida added to our republic. Next to the purchase of Louisiana, the history of our country presents no measure of equal brilliancy with that of the acquisition of this territory. On every important occasion and question that arose during Mr. Mon roe s administration, the voice of Mr. Adams was for his country, for mild councils, and for union. In the agitations of the Missouri question, his influence was exerted for conciliation. He believed that by the Con stitution and the treaty of cession of 1803, Congress was barred from JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 247 adopting the proposed restrictions on the admission of Missouri. Of internal improvement by roads and canals, he was ever the friend, and moved in the Senate of the United States the first project of their systematic construction. To the protection of American manufactures, by a judicious revision of the tariff, he was, in like manner, friendly. To the cause of religion and learning he afforded all the aid in the power of an individual, not merely by the uniform countenance of every effort for their advancement, but by the most liberal pecuniary assistance to the college, founded by the communion of Baptists, in the Dictrict of Co lumbia. Such were his claims to the last and highest gift which the people can bestow on a long tried, faithful servant. Various circumstances con spired to strengthen them, in the Presidential canvass for the term beginning in 1825. Of nine Presidential elections, one only had given a President to a non-slave holding State. Of the several candidates presented to the people at this election, Mr. Adams was the only one who represented the non-slave holding interest. The people of our slave holding States are sacredly entitled to protection, in their rights and feelings on this subject ; but they ought, neither in prudence nor justice, to demand a monopoly in the government of the country. Of nine elections, one only had resulted in the choice of a representative of the commercial, navigating, and manufacturing interests. Had the choice been presented to the people between Mr. Adams and any other candidate singly, Mr. Adams would perhaps have been chosen ; he having been, it is believed, in almost every State, either the first or second choice of the people. In consequence of the number of candidates, no choice by the people was effected, and no candidate approached to nearer than within thirty votes of a majority. The three persons who received the highest number of votes for the Presidency, were Andrew Jackson, John Quincy Adams, and William H. Crawford. For the Vice-Presidency, John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, received one hundred and eighty-two votes, and was consequently elected. The choice of the President, according to consti tutional provisions, fell upon the House of Representatives, and, contrary to all previous expectations, an election was effected at the first balloting ; Mr. Adams having received the votes of thirteen States, General Jack son the votes of seven States, and Mr. Crawford the votes of four States. The result of the election created great surprise, and in many quarters great indignation. The cry of corruption and intrigue was raised on all sides, and it was among the assertions of the time that Mr. Clay had sold the vote of Kentucky for the promise of place. A committee of the House was appointed to wait on Mr. Adams, and notify him of his election to the Presidency ; to this notification Mr. Adams returned the following reply : " GENTLEMEN In receiving this testimonial from the Representatives of the people, and States of this Union, I am deeply sensible to the cir cumstances under which it has been given. All my predecessors in the high station to which the favor of the House now calls me, have been honored with majorities of the electoral voices in their primary colleges. It has 248 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. been my fortune to be placed, by the divisions of sentiment prevailing among our countrymen on this occasion, in competition, friendly and honorable, with three of my fellow citizens, all justly enjoying, in eminent degrees, the public favor ; and of whose worth, talents, and services, no one entertains a higher and more respectful sense than myself. The names of two of them were, in the fulfillment of the provisions of the Constitution, presented to the selection of the House, in concurrence with my own : names, closely associated with the glory of the nation, and one of them further recommended by a larger majority of the primary elec toral suffrages than mine. " In this state of things, could my refusal to accept the trust thus dele gated to me, give an immediate opportunity to the people to form and to express with a nearer approach to unanimity, the object of their preference, I should not hesitate to decline the acceptance of this eminent charge, and to submit the decision of this momentous question again to their determination. But the Constitution itself has not so disposed of the contingency which would arise in the event of my refusal; I shall, therefore, repair to the post assigned me by the call of my country signi fied through her constitutional organs ; oppressed with the magnitude of the task before me, but cheered with the hope of that generous support from rny fellow citizens, which, in the vicissitudes of a life devoted to their service, has never failed to sustain me confident in the trust, that the wisdom of the legislative councils will guide and direct me in the path of my official duty, and relying, above all, upon the superintending providence of that Being in whose hand our breath is, and whose are all our ways. " Gentlemen, I pray you to make acceptable to the House the assurance of my profound gratitude for their confidence, and to accept yourselves my thanks for the friendly terms in which you have communicated to me their decision." On the 4th of March, 1825, Mr. Adams was inaugurated as President of the United States. At about half past twelve on that day he was intro duced into thecapitol, followed by the venerable Ex-President and his fa mily, by the Judges of the Supreme Court in their robes of office, and the members of the Senate, preceded by the Vice-President, with a number of members of the House of Representatives. Mr. Adams, in a plain suit of black, ascended the steps to the Speaker s chair, and took his seat. Silence having been proclaimed and the doors of the hall closed, Mr. Adams rose and read an address, which occupied about forty minutes in the delivery. Great interest was felt on this subject, as those productions had usually contained the general principles upon which the Executive intended to administer the government. The discourse, from its impor tance, is worthy of a place in this volume, and is as follows : " In compliance with an usage, coeval with the existence of our Federal Constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow citizens, in your presence, and in that of heaven, to bind myself by the solemnities of a religious obligation, to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me, in the station to which I have been called. " In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 249 governed, in the fulfilment of those duties, my first resort will be to that Constitution, which I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers, and prescribes the duties of the executive magistrate ; and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the whole action of the government, instituted by it, should be invariably and sacredly devoted to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union, in their successive generations. Since the adoption of this social compact, one of these generations has passed away. It is the work of our forefathers. Ad ministered by some of the most eminent men, who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associated man, it has not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting welfare of that country, so dear to us all ; it has, to an extent, far beyond the ordinary lot of humanity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the examples which they have left to us, and by the blessings which we have enjoyed, as the fruits of their labors, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to the succeeding generation. " In the compass of thirty-six years, since this great national covenant was instituted, a body of laws enacted under its authority, and in confor mity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carried into practical operation its effective energies. Subordinate departments have distri buted the executive functions in their various relations to foreign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military force of the Union by land and sea. A co-ordinate department of the judiciary has expound ed the Constitution and the laws ; settling, in harmonious coincidence with the legislative will, numerous weighty questions of construction which the imperfection of human language had rendered unavoidable. The year of jubilee, since the first formation of our Union, has just elapsed ; that of the declaration of our independence is at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this Constitution. Since that period, a population of four millions has multiplied to twelve. A territory bounded by the Mississippi, has been extended from sea to sea. New States have been admitted to the Union, in numbers nearly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people of other nations, inhabitants of regions acquired, not by conquests, but by compact, have been united with us in the participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings. The forest has fallen by the axe of our woodsmen the soil has been made to teem by the tillage of our farmers ; our commerce has whitened every ocean. The dominion of man over physical nature, has been extended by the invention of our artists. Liberty and law have marched hand in hand. All the purposes of human association have been accomplished as effectually as under any 32 250 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. other government on the globe ; and at a cost, little exceeding, in a whole generation, the expenditures of other nations in a single year. " Such is the unexaggerated picture of our condition, under a Consti tution founded upon the republican principle of equal rights. To admit that this picture has its shades, is but to say, that it is still the condition of men upon earth. From evil, physical, moral, and political, it is not our claim to be exempt. We have suffered, sometimes by the visitation of Heaven, through disease ; often by the wrongs and injustice of other nations, even to the extremities of war ; and, lastly, by dissensions among ourselves dissensions, perhaps, inseparable from the enjoyment of free dom, but which have more than once appeared to threaten the dissolution of the Union, and, with it, the overthrow of all the enjoyments of our present lot, and all our earthly hopes of the future. The causes of these dissensions have been various, founded upon differences of speculation in the theory of republican government ; upon conflicting views of policy, in our relations with foreign nations ; upon jealousies of partial and sec tional interests, aggravated by prejudices and prepossessions, which strangers to each other are ever apt to entertain. " It is a sou >ce of gratification and of encouragement to me, to observe that the great, result of this experiment upon the theory of human rights, has, at the d r se of that generation by which it was formed, been crown ed with succ ,ss equal to the most sanguine expectations of its founders. Union, justice, tranquillity, the common defence, the general welfare, and the blessings of liberty all have been promoted by the government under which we have lived. Standing at this point of time, looking back to that generation which has gone by, and forward to that which is advanc ing, v>e may, at once, indulge in grateful exultation, and in cheering hope. From the experience of the past, we derive instructive lessons for the future. Of the two great political parties which have divided the opinions and feelings of our country, the candid and the just will now admit, that both have contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent patriotism, and disinterested sacrifices, to the formation and administration of this government ; and that both have required a liberal indulgence for a portion of human infirmity and error. The revolution ary wars of Europe, commencing precisely at the moment when the government of the United States first went into operation under this Constitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of sympathies, which kindled all the passions, and embittered the conflict of parties, till the nation was involved in war, and the Union was shaken to its centre. This time of trial embraced a period of five and twenty years, during which, the policy of the Union, in its relations with Eu rope, constituted the principal basis of our political divisions, and the most arduous part of the action of our federal government. With the catastrophe in which the wars of the French revolution terminated, and our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife was uprooted. From that time, no difference of principle connected either with the theory of government, or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existed, or been called forth, in force sufficient to sustain a continued combination of parties, or give more than wholesome anima- JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 251 tion to public sentiment, or legislative debate. Our political creed is, without a dissenting voice that can be heard, that the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of the people the end, of all legitimate government upon earth That the best security for the beneficence, and the best guaranty against the abuse of power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections That the general govern ment of the Union, and the separate governments of the States, are all sovereignties of limited powers ; fellow servants of the same masters, uncontrolled within their respective spheres, uncontrollable by encroach ments upon each other That the firmest security of peace is the prepa ration, during peace, of the defences of war That a rigorous economy, and accountability of public expenditures, should guard against the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible, the burden of taxation That the military should be kept in strict subordination to the civil power That the freedom of the press, and of religious opinion, should be invio late That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark of our salvation union, are articles of faith upon which we are all agreed. If there have been those who doubted whether a confederated representative democracy were a government competent to the wise and orderly management of the common concerns of a mighty nation, those doubts have been dispelled. If there have been projects of partial confederacies, to be erected upon the ruins of the Union, they have been scattered to the winds. If there have been dangerous attachments to one foreign nation, and antipathies against another, they have been extinguished. Ten years of peace, at home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities of political contention, and blended into harmony the most discordant elements of public opinion. There still remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals throughout the nation, who have heretofore followed the standards of political party. It is that of discard ing every remnant of rancor against each other ; of embracing, as coun trymen and friends ; and of yielding to talents and virtue alone, that confidence which, in times of contention for principle, was bestowed only upon those who bore the badge of party communion. "The collisions of party spirit, which originate in speculative opinions, or in different views of administrative policy, are, in their nature, transi tory. Those which are founded on geographical divisions, adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life, are more permanent, and, therefore, perhaps, more dangerous. It is this which gives inestima ble value to the character of our government, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the rights of each individual State in its own government, and the rights of the whole nation, in that of the Union. Whatever is of domestic concernment, unconnected with the other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the State Governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternity, or of foreign powers, is of the resort of this general government. The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights of the State Governments is the inviolable 252 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. duty of that of the Union : the government of every State will feel its own obligation to respect and preserve the rights of the whole. The prejudices every where too commonly entertained against distant strangers, are worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests are allayed by the composition and functions of the great national councils, annually assem bled from all quarters of the Union, at this place. Here the distinguished men from every section of our country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests of those by whom they are deputed, learn to estimate the talents, arid do justice to the virtues of each other. The harmony of the nation is promoted, and the whole Union is knit together by the sentiments of mutual respect, the habits of social intercourse, and the ties of personal friendship, formed between the representatives of its several parts, in the performance of their service at this metropolis. " Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of the Federal Constitution, and their results, as indicating the first traces of the path of duty, in the discharge of my public trust, I turn to the admi nistration of rny immediate predecessor, as the second. It has passed away in a period of profound peace ; how much to the satisfaction of our country, and to the honor of our country s name, is known to you all. The great features of its policy, in general concurrence with the will of the Legislature, have been To cherish peace while preparing for defensive war To yield exact justice to other nations, and maintain the rights of our own To cherish the principles of freedom and of equal rights, wherever they were proclaimed To discharge, with all possible promptitude, the national debt To reduce, within the narrowest limits of efficiency, the military force To improve the organization and disci pline of the army To provide and sustain a school of military science To extend equal protection to all the great interests of the nation To promote the civilization of the Indian tribes ; and To proceed in the great system of internal improvements, within the limits of the constitutional power of the Union. Under the pledge of these promises, made by that eminent citizen, at the time of his first induction to this office, m his career of eight years, the internal taxes have been repealed ; sixty mil lions of the public debt have been discharged ; provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the revolution ; the regular armed force has been reduced, and its constitution revised and perfected ; the accountability for the expenditures of public moneys has been made more effective ; the Flori- das have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific ocean ; the independence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognised, and recommended, by example and by council, to the potentates of Europe ; progress has been made in the defence of the country, by fortifications and the increase of the navy towards the effectual suppression of the African traffic in slaves in allur ing the aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind in exploring the interior regions of the Union, and in preparing, by scientific researches and surveys, for the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country. " In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 253 predecessor, the line of duty, for his successor, is clearly delineated. To pursue to their consummation those purposes of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations. To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages to people this continent, will derive their most fervent gratitude to the founders of the Union ; that in which the beneficent action of its government will be most deeply felt and acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admiration of all after ages, and have survived, thousands of years, after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The most respectful deference is due to doubts, originating in pure patriotism, and sustained by vene rated authority. But nearly twenty years have passed since the construc tion of the first national road was commenced. The authority for its construction was then unquestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it proved a benefit? To what single individual has it ever proved an injury ? Repeated liberal and candid discussions in the Legislature have conciliated the sentiments, and approximated the opinions of enlightened minds, upon the question of constitutional power. I can not but hope, that, by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deliberation, all constitutional objections will ultimately be removed. The extent and limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to this transcendantly important interest, will be settled and acknowledged, to the common satisfaction of all ; and every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing. " Fellow citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent election, which have resulted in affording me the opportu nity of addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of tht! principles which will direct me in the fulfilment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence, in advance, than any of my predecessors, I am deeply con scious of the prospect that I shall stand more and oftener in need of your indulgence. Intentions upright and pure, a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of the faculties allotted to me, to her service, are all the pledges that I can give for the faithful performance of the arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative counciLs ; to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments ; to the friendly co-operation of the respective State Govern ments ; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal ; I shall look for whatever success may attend my public service : and knowing that, except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain, with fervent supplications for His favor, to His overruling providence, I commit, with humble but fear less confidence, my own fate, and the future destinies of my country." 254 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. After delivering this address, the President elect descended from the chair, and placing himself on the right hand of the Judges table, received from the Chief Justice a volume of the laws of the United States, from which he read the oath of office : at the close of which, the House rang with the cheers and plaudits of the assembled multitude.^ The vacancies which were made in the cabinet by the election of the Secretary of State and War to the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, and by the retirement of the Secretary of the Treasury, rendered it expedient to convene the Senate, immediately after the dissolution of the eighteenth Congress. On the 4th of March, the same day when the President was inaugurated, the members assembled, and after the necessary formalities were gone through, the Vice-President took the chair, and addressed the Senate upon the importance of its duties, and the immediate dependence of all the other departments of the government upon that body. After glancing at the construction of the Senate, and commending the character it had sustained, he proceeded to say, that while presiding, " he should only regard the Senate and its duties, and should strive with a feeling of pride to preserve the high character already attained by the Senate for dignity and wisdom, and to elevate it, if possible, still higher in public esteem." The new members then appeared and took their seats. Upon the presentation of the credentials of Mr. Lanman, of Connecticut, a question was raised as to his right to a seat r under the following circum stances. Previous to the expiration of his term of service, the Legislature of Connecticut had endeavored without success to choose a person to fill the vacancy whenever it should occur, and finally adjourned without making a choice. After the adjournment of the Legislature, the Go vernor transmitted to Mr. Lanman a temporary appointment as Senator, in contemplation of the vacancy, under that part of the Constitution authorizing appointments by the State Executives, " when vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise, daring the recess of the Legislature." A committee was appointed to search for precedents, and reported the following cases bearing on the question before the Senate. On the 27th of April, 1797, William Cocke was appointed a Senator by the Governor of Tennessee, to fill the vacancy caused by the expiration of his term of service on the 3d of March preceding, and took his seat on the 15th of May, and was qualified. This case differed from Mr. Lanrnan s only in the fact that Mr. Cocke was appointed after the vacancy had occurred, and. Mr. Lanman was appointed in anticipation of a vacancy. The case of Uriah Tracy, from Connecticut, in 1801, resembled the one before the Senate in every par ticular, and the question was there raised as to his right to take his seat. * The congratulations which poured in from every side occupied the hands, and could not but reach the heart of the President. The meeting between him and his venerated predecessor, had in it something peculiarly affecting. General Jackson, we were pleased to observe, was among the earliest of those who took the hand of the President ; and their looks and deportment towards each other were a rebuke to that littleness of party spirit, which can see no merit in a rival, and feel no joy in the honor of a competitor. National Intelligencer. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 255 The Senate then determined in favor of Mr. Tracy by a vote of thirteen to tea. Two cases subsequently occurred similar to this precedent, viz. Joseph Anderson, a Senator from Tennessee, in 1809, and John Williams, from Tennessee, in 1817. To the admission and qualification of these Sena tors no objection was made. The question was considered as settled by the decision in 1801, and they took their seats. The Senate now, how ever, came to an opposite conclusion, and by a vote of twenty-three to eighteen, decided that Mr. Lanman was not entitled to his seat. The Senate then went into the consideration of executive business, and confirmed the nominations made by the President for the several depart ments. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, was appointed Secretary of State ; Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury; James Bar- bour, of Virginia, Secretary of War. To the appointment of Mr. Clay, a warm opposition was made on the part of a few Senators, and the injunction of secrecy being removed, the vote appeared to have been twenty-seven in favor, and fourteen against it. After disposing of the nominations made by the executive, the Senate took into consideration the treaty made with Colombia for the suppres sion of the slave trade. This treaty was made in conformity with a resolution of the House of Representatives, recommending to the execu tive to make treaties, giving the mutual right of search of vessels in suspected parts of the world, in order more effectually to prevent the traffic in human flesh. The amendments proposed by the Senate, at the last session, to the treaty with Great Britain, for the same purpose, were introduced into this treaty ; but the fate of the treaty with England had probably -caused a change in the minds of some of the Senators, and other views had been taken of the subject by others, and the treaty was rejected by a vote of twenty-eight to twelve. The divisions which had been taken on the foregoing questions, left little doubt that the new administration was destined to meet with a sys tematic and organized opposition ; and, previous to the next meeting of Congress, the ostensible grounds of opposition were set forth at public dinners and meetings, so as to prepare the community for a warm politi cal contest, until the next election. Those who placed themselves in opposition to the administration, without reference to its measures, urged as reasons for their hostility, that Mr. Adams election was the result of a bargain between Mr. Clay and himself ; and his election of Mr. Clay, as Secretary of State, was relied upon as a conclusive proof of the bar gain ; that he was elected against the expressed will of the people ; and that Congress, by not taking General Jackson, the candidate having the highest number of votes, had violated the Constitution, and disobeyed their constituents. Personal objections were also urged ; but as these formed no part of the justification of the opposition which was to be arrayed in anticipation of measures, it is unnecessary to give them a place. Those who were friendly to the new administration, or disposed to judge of it by its acts, replied to these objections, that Mr. Clay, as a representative, was obliged to decide between three candidates for the Presidency, and that his vote was in accordance with all his previous 256 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. declarations : that his own situation as a candidate who might possibl ? succeed, rendered it unsuitable for him to express any preference for eithu of the other candidates, until the decision of the Legislature of Louisiana (first heard at Washington 27th December) had left him free to decide between his former competitors : that Mr. Crawford, though constitution ally a candidate, was virtually withdrawn by the situation of his health, and that as between Mr. Adams and General Jackson, the previous deliberate expression of his sentiments as to the latter s character and qualifications for a civil office, rendered it impossible for him to vote for him without the most gross inconsistency: that Mr. Adams experience, learning, and talents were guarantees for his proper performance of the duties of the chief magistracy, which were not in the power of his competitor to offer, and that having been compelled to discharge this duty as a representative of the people, it would have argued an improper dk* trust of his own character and of public opinion, to have refused to take the appointment of Secretary of State from Mr. Adams, because he had contributed by his vote to elect him to the Presidency. As to the fact of his selection as Secretary of State, they vindicated it on the ground, that his situation as Speaker of the House, and his long and intimate acquaint ance with our national affairs, made him the most prominent candidate for that station, and the strong support he received in the west for the Presi dency, showed that his appointment would gratify a part of the Union, which, until then, had never been complimented with a representative in the cabinet.^ One of the most prominent topics of public interest during this year, was the controversy between the national government and the executive of Georgia. This controversy grew out of a compact made between these parties in 1802, by which the United States agreed to extinguish the Indian title to the lands occupied by them in Georgia, " whenever it could be peaceably done, upon reasonable terms." The consideration of this compact was the relinquishment, by Georgia, of her claim to the Mississippi Territory. The Indian claim to fifteen million acres had already been extinguished, and the land conveyed to Georgia. There still remained in that State five millions two hundred and ninety-two thousand acres in the possession of the Cherokees, and four millions two hundred and forty-five thousand in the hands of the Creek nation. Just before the close of Mr. Monroe s administration, great efforts were made by Georgia to complete the entire removal of the Indians from her borders, and the President had been induced to appoint two commissioners to treat with the Creeks for the purchase of their claim. But the Creek nation had been enjoying the comforts and security of civilization, and were unwilling to leave them for the toilsome life of the hunter. A law was passed by them, forbidding the sale of land, on the pain of death. No persuasion of the commissioners could induce them to waver in their purpose; but the treachery of a small part of the nation had nearly led to the most unfortunate consequences. A few of the chiefs were induced to remain, after the breaking up of the general council of the nation ; * Annual Register. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 257 and by this small fraction of the Indian power, all the lands of the Creek tribes in Georgia and Alabama were ceded to the United States. The treaty thus dishonorably formed was transmitted to the Senate, and ratified by them on the 3d of March, 1825, the last day of the session. Intelligence of this national sanction of injustice produced among the Creeks a general excitement, and M Intosh, the leader of the small party which assented to the treaty, was put to death. A council of the Creek nation determined that the illegal compact should not be executed. A special agent was appointed by the President to ascertain the circumstan ces under which the treaty was made, and his report fully justified the charges of corruption and ill faith. On this representation, the President very properly resolved that no interference should be made with their possession till the meeting of Congress. At this decision the Governor of Georgia was much offended, and threatened to take the execution of the treaty into his own hands, but the firm measures of the national executive induced him to leave the affair to the constitutional authorities. A negociation was now opened between the Indian tribes and the na tional government, which resulted in annulling the old treaty, and the formation of a new one, by which the Creeks were allowed to retain all their land in Alabama, and ceded all their lands in Georgia for a more liberal compensation than had been before stipulated. The chief diffe rence between this and the previous treaty \vas in the amount ceded, and the consideration paid ; but the Georgia delegation and the enemies of the administration, made a fruitless opposition to its ratification. The condition of the Indians in the north-western States and Territo ries, was another important subject of executive consideration. Wars had for many years existed among these unfortunate tribes, on account of their unsettled boundaries and hunting grounds. A deputation, consisting of Governors Cass and Clarke, was appointed to treat with these nations, and to attempt the settlement of their differences. Representatives from the most powerful of these tribes, to the number of two thousand and upwards, met the commissioners of the United States at Prairie des Chiens, and entered upon a peaceful examination of their respective rights. In about a fortnight their claims were satisfactorily adjusted, and hostilities, that had raged for nearly a century almost without cessation, were thus happily terminated. The singular success of the commissioners of the United States, in producing this felicitous result, reflects on these distinguished individuals the highest honor. Seldom has so desirable and important an issue been effected with so much dispatch, judiciousness, and economy. It was another branch of the national policy, to concentrate the tribes scattered through the several States into a nation, and remove them to the west of the Mississippi. This plan was first fully developed in a message of President Monroe, bearing date January 27th, 1825. The Indians, however, refused to co-operate with our government in the measures necessary to effect this object, and the intentions of the President were consequently frustrated. A modification of this system was after wards proposed to Congress by Mr. Barbour, Secretary of War, and a bill was introduced to carry his plan into effect. It was the object of this proposal, to set apart the territory west cf the Mississippi, beyond the 33 258 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. States and Territories, and that east of the Mississippi and west of the lakes Huron and Michigan, for the exclusive abode of the Indians, under a territorial government to be maintained by the United States ; to induce them to remove as individuals, not as tribes ; and in the course of time to amalgamate them into a common nation, and distribute their property among the individual Indians. The establishment of common schools was also contemplated, and assistance in learning and pursuing the arts of agriculture. This subject was taken up with great zeal and energy, and large appropriations were made for effecting the benevolent and wise purposes of improvement in the condition of the tribes. A large grant was also made for the relief of the Florida Indians, who were in a state of great distress. A subject which greatly excited public interest during the recess of Con gress, was the inquiry instituted into the conduct of Captains Porter and Stewart. Captain Porter had been recalled from his command in the West Indies, shortly before the close of Mr. Monroe s administration, in consequence of his landing at Foxardo to compel an apology from the authorities of the place, for their misconduct toward one of the officers of his squadron. A court of inquiry was appointed to examine into this affair, which seemed an unauthorized infringement on the laws of nations, and it assembled at Washington in the month of May, 1825. A diffe rence occurred between the accused and his tribunal, which resulted in the withdrawal of Captain Porter from the court, and a publication of his reasons, with an account of the proceedings of the court. This step was made the foundation of a substantial charge, when the final opinion of the court of inquiry was reported to the President, and a court martial was ordered to consider his conduct. This court found Captain Porter guilty of violating his instructions by a hostile landing at Foxardo, and of insubordination and unbecoming conduct, growing out of his contro versy with the court of inquiry. He was accordingly sentenced to a suspension of six months. The lightness of the punishment was owin,^ to a full conviction on the part of the court, that Captain Porter s conduc was merely an error of judgment, and that he was only actuated by the desire of promoting the honor of his country, while on the West India station. The charges against Captain Stewart were of a different nature, calculated to affect his character as an officer and man of honor, but he was fully acquitted, after a patient and minute investigation, of every charge. In the September of 1825, the Marquis de la Fayette took leave of the people, who had received him as an adopted son whom they delighted to visit with honors. His course through the United States had been a continued series of festivals and celebrations, and for several months his life had been a perpetual pageant. It was thought proper that hio final departure from the country should take place from the capitol ; and a frigate was accordingly provided, and named in his honor the Brandy- wine, to transport him to his native country. On the invitation of the President, he passed a few weeks at the national palace, receiving all appropriate honors from the people, and taking leave of the distinguished men who had been associated with him in the struggles of the revolution. " He had previously visited the venerable Adams, who, from his earliest JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 259 youth, aimed at independence, as the right of the colonies, and whsse resolute and single-hearted devotion to that cause, made him emphatically the master-spirit of the revolution. He now, in succession, took leave of the other Ex-Presidents the illustrious author of the declaration of independence the ahle supporter and advocate of the Federal Constitution and the soldier of the revolution, who had shed his blood in the same cause with La Fayette." These preliminary visits having been paid, the guest of the nation prepared for his departure. The day appointed for the purpose was the 7th of September. On this occasion, the civil authorities of the District of Columbia assembled at the President s house, to join in the affecting ceremonies of taking leave of one so honored and loved. About noon, La Fayette entered the great hall, accompanied by the marshal of the Dis trict and one of the President s sons. The scene was in the highest degree sublime. In his age and glories, the former chivalrous soldier of the revolution, now the acknowledged and consistent champion of free principles in two hemispheres, was bidding farewell to a grateful nation, from whom he had received the most cordial and touching hospitalities. The parting address of Mr. Adams was worthy of the occasion, and was worthy of his station; itivas delivered with great dignity, though evident emotion, and produced a very deep impression. We insert it as one of the most favorable specimens of Mr. Adams s eloquence : " GENERAL LA FAYETTE : It has been the good fortune of many of my fellow citizens, during the course of the year now elapsed, upon your arrival at their respective places of abode, to greet you with the welcome of the nation. The less pleasing task now devolves upon me, of bidding you, in the name of the nation, adieu. " It were no longer seasonable, and would be superfluous to recapitulate the remarkable incidents of your early life incidents which associated your name, fortunes, and reputation, in imperishable connexion with the independence and history of the North American Union. " The part which you performed at that important juncture, was marked with characters so peculiar, that, realizing the fairest fable of antiquity, its parallel could scarcely be found in the authentic records of human history. " You deliberately and perseveringly preferred toil, danger, the endu rance of every hardship, and privation of every comfort, in defence of a holy cause, to inglorious ease, and the allurements of rank, affluence, and unrestrained youth, at the most splendid and fascinating court of Europe. " That this choice was not less wise than magnanimous, the sanction of half a century, and the gratulations of unnumbered voices, all unable to express the gratitude of die heart with which your visit to this hemis phere has been welcomed, afford ample demonstration. " When the contest of freedom, to which yon had repaired as a volun tary champion, had closed, by the complete triumph of her cause in this country of your adoption, you returned to fulfil the duties of the philan thropist and patriot in the land of your nativity. There, in a consistent and undeviating career of forty years, you have maintained through every 260 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. vicissitude of alternate success and disappointment, the same glorious cause to which the first years of your active life had been devoted, the improvement of the moral and political condition of man. " Throughout that long succession of time, the people of the United States, for whom and with whom you have fought the battles of liberty, have been living in the full possession of its fruits ; one of the happiest .among the family of nations. Spreading in population ; enlarging in territory ; acting and suffering according to the condition of their nature ; and laying the foundations of the greatest, and, we humbly hope, the most beneficent power that ever regulated the concerns of man upon earth. " In that lapse of forty years, the generation of men with whom you co-operated in the conflict of arms, has nearly passed away. Of the general officers of the American army in that war, you alone survive. Of the sages who guided our councils ; of the warriors who met the foe in the field or upon the wave, with the exception of a few, to whom unu sual length of days has been allotted by Heaven, all now sleep with their fathers. A succeeding, and even a third generation, have arisen to take their places ; and their children s children, while rising up to call them blessed, have been taught by them, as well as admonished by their own constant enjoyment of freedom, to include in every benison upon their fathers, the name of him, who came from afar, with them and in their cause, to conquer or to fall. " The universal prevalence of these sentiments was signally manifested by a resolution of Congress, representing the whole people, and all the States of this Union, requesting the President of the United States to communicate to you the assurances of grateful and affectionate attach ment of this government and people, and desiring that a national ship might be employed, at your convenience, for your passage to the borders of our country. " The invitation was transmitted to you by my venerable predecessor : himself bound to you by the strongest ties of personal friendship, himself one of those whom the highest honors of his country had rewarded for blood early shed in her cause, and for a long life of devotion to her wel fare. By him the services of a national ship were placed at your disposal. Your delicacy preferred a more private conveyance, and a full year has elapsed since you landed upon our shores. It .were scarcely an exaggera tion to say, that it has been, to the people of the Union, a year of unin terrupted festivity and enjoyment, inspired by your presence. You have traversed the twenty-four States of this great confederacy you have been received with rapture by the survivors of your earliest companion in arms you have been hailed as a long absent parent by their children, the men and women of the present age : and a rising generation, the hope of future time, in numbers surpassing the whole population of that day when you fought at the head and by the side of their forefathers, have vied with the scanty remnants of that hour of trial, in acclamations of joy, at beholding the face of him whom they feel to be the common benefactor of all. You have heard the mingled voices of the past, the present, and the future age, joining in one universal chorus of delight at JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 261 your approach ; and the shouts of unbidden thousands, which greeted your landing- on the soil of freedom, have followed every step of your way, and still resound, like the rushing of many waters, from every corner of our land. " You are now about to return to the country of your birth of your ancestors of your posterity. The executive government of the Union, stimulated by the same feeling which had prompted the Congress to the designation of a national ship for your accommodation in coming hither, has destined the first service of a frigate, recently launched at this me tropolis, to the less welcome, but equally distinguished trust, of conveying you home. The name of the ship has added one more memorial to distant regions and to future ages, of a stream already memorable, at once in the story of your sufferings and of our independence. " The ship is now prepared for your reception, and equipped for sea. From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions will ascend to Heaven that her passage may be prosperous, and your return to the bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, as your visit to this scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American people. " Go, then, our beloved friend return to the land of brilliant genius, of generous sentiment, of heroic valor; to that beautiful France, the nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry ; to the native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and Catinat, of Fenelon and D Aguesseau. In that illustrious catalogue of names which she claims as of her children, and with honest pride holds up to the admiration of other nations, the name of La Fayette has already for centuries been enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into brighter fame : for if, in after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate the character of his nation by that of one individual, during the age in which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle in his cheek, the fire of conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he shall pronounce the name of La Fayette. Yet we, too, and our children, in life and after death, shall claim you for our own. You are ours, by that more than patriotic self- devotion with which you flew to the aid of our fathers at the crisis of their fate. Ours, by that long series of years in which you have cherished us in your regard. Ours by that unshaken sentiment of gratitude for your services, which is a precious portion of our inheritance. Ours, by that tie of love, stronger than death, which has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, with the name of Washington. " At the painful moment of parting from you, we take comfort in the thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation of your heart, our country will be ever present to your affections ; and a cheering con solation assures us, that we are not called to sorrow most of all, that we shall see your face no more. We shall indulge the pleasing anticipation of beholding our friend again. In the meantime, speaking in the name of the whole people of the United States, and at a loss only for language to give utterance to that feeling of attachment with which the heart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man I bid you a reluctant and affectionate farewell." 262 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. The first session of the nineteeth Congress opened on the 5th of De cember, 1825, and John W. Taylor was chosen Speaker of the House. On the next day the President transmitted his message to Congress by his private secretary. This document presented a brief and simple examination of our domestic and foreign affairs. It stated that our foreign relations had undergone no material change, since the adjourn ment of the preceding Congress ; but alluded to the recent alteration in the British commercial system, and to its partially developed results. It called the attention of Congress to the claims of our merchants upon various European powers ; and still more earnestly to the claims of the few survivors of our revolutionary army, upon their country for relief and support. A short review was given of the progress of the United States since the adoption of the Constitution, and a new organization of some of the departments was suggested, to make them better adapted to the advancing wants of the country. The judiciary was particularly mentioned as inadequate to the discharge of its multiplied duties. The President then proceeded to urge upon Congress the employment of the resources of the country, in improving the means of internal com munication. A national university and observatory were recommended, and the exploration of the north-west coast, by one of the public ships, for the purpose of advancing astronomical and geographical science. The efforts of our navy, in repressing the West India piracies, were mentioned with approbation, and an increase of our naval establishment was recommended, corresponding with the augmented power and com merce of the country. The executive acceptance of the invitation extended by the South American republics to the United States, to send ministers to the Panama Congress, was communicated to Congress, with the alleged understanding between the several governments that it was neither expected nor desired that any part should be taken by this country which should compromise her neutrality. The state of the finances was repre sented as favorable, the receipts having exceeded the expectations of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the reduction of the public debt having amounted to nearly eight millions of dollars. Though one thousand and one hundred new postoffices had been established during the two pre ceding years, the receipts of the postoffice department had exceeded. its expenditures by the sum of forty-five thousand dollars. Of the topics suggested by the message, many were not acted upon by Congress, other topics having been agitated to divert their attention. One of the most important of these subjects was a proposed amendment of the Constitution, in that part of it which provides for the election of the executive. This was introduced in the House during the first week of the session, by Mr. M Duffie, of South Carolina, in the shape of a resolution to amend the Constitution by establishing an uniform mode of electing the President and Vice-President by districts, and declaring the sense of the House in favor of preventing the election from devolving upon Congress. A resolution, providing for the same object, by a direct vote of the people in districts, was brought forward at about the same time in the Senate by Mr. Benton, of Missouri. This amendment was not afterwards called up for discussion, and, according to the rule of the JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 263 Senate, expired with the other unfinished business at the close of the session. The resolution of Mr. M Duffie met with a different fate, and gave rise to long, animated, and sometimes angry discussions. It was debated with much spirit and eloquence, and considerably in detail, by Mr. M Duffie in favor of the amendment, and by Mr. Storrs, of New York f in opposition. Many other distinguished members took part in the dis cussion, which finally assumed the character of a debate in answer to an executive message, or a resolution to consider the state of the nation. Most of the advocates of the amendments declared themselves opposed to the administration, and made many pointed allusions to the supposed circumstances of the recent election, and to an alleged coalition between the friends of the President and the friends of the Secretary of State. The fate of the proposed amendments, considering the protracted discus sion to which they had given rise, was a little singular. On the first, which took the election from Congress, one hundred and twenty-three voted in the affirmative, and sixty-four in the the negative ; the second, in favor of the district system, was rejected by a vote of one hundred and one to ninety-one. The subject was then referred to a select com mittee of twenty-four, one from each State, who were unable to agree upon any plan to prevent the election from devolving upon Congress, and at the end of the session \vere discharged from any farther consideration of the matter. Thus abortively ended the attempt at amending the Consti tution, producing no other effect than that of highly exciting the feelings of Congress, and of marshalling parties against and in favor of the administration in the most marked and decided manner. At the close of the session, a resolution was introduced in the Senate, to inquire into the expediency of reducing the executive patronage. This resolution was referred to a committee, and six bills were reported by the chairman, Mr. Benton, with a view of carrying into detail the principles professed in the resolution. The effect of these bills would have been to vest in Congress a great portion of executive power, and thus divert the attention of the Legislature from its peculiar duties. Of the report and bills six thousand were ordered to be printed, but the whole matter remained subsequently undisturbed, and was buried with the unfinished business at the close of the session. Another subject, which occupied much of the attention of Congress, was the acceptance by the President of the invitation to send commissioners to the Congress of Panama, and the nomination of Richard C. Anderson and John Sargeant as Ministers on the part of the United States, and William B. Rochester, of New York, as Secretary. These nominations were at length confirmed by the Senate, and the necessary appropriations made by the House ; not, however, without a long and angry debate, in which many reflections were cast upon the executive on account, as it was deemed, of its hasty acceptance of the above invitation, The Congress at Panama had for its object the cementing of the friendly relations of all the Independent States of America, and was designed, also, to serve as a common council in the conflicting state of things in South America, and as an umpire in their differences. The 264 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. plan of such a Congress was first introduced into a treaty between Peru and Colombia in 1822. In the three succeeding years the same subject was had in view in treaties concluded between Colombia, Chili, Guati- mala, and Mexico ; and the Isthmus of Panama was designated as the place of meeting of this great American Congress. To this Congress an invitation was given, by several of the above States, to the United States to send commissioners. Before the meeting of the Federal Con gress, the invitation had been accepted by the President, and, on the meeting of that body, the above nomination of ministers was made. The message of the President to the Senate, with the documents touching this subject, was referred to the committee on foreign relations ; where it remained till January 16th, when a report was made condemning the mission, and ending with a resolution declaring it to be inexpedient to send ministers to Panama. This resolution was negatived after several attempts to amend it, and the nominations made by the President of the above ministers confirmed. Here it was expected the subject, at least so far as the Senate was concerned, would end. A few days after, however, a resolution was offered, the import of which was, that the President was not constitutionally competent to accept the invitation from the govern ments of the new republics to send ministers to the Panama Congress. The resolution, however, was laid upon the table by a vote of twenty- three to twenty-one. In this debate, Mr. Randolph took occasion to stigmatize the Secretary of State, for his vote in the Presidential election, in such terms as induced that gentleman to demand an explanation of the offensive epithets. Any explanation Mr. Randolph pertinaciously refused when called upon by Mr. Clay ; and, on the 8th of April, a meeting took place between them, which, after two ineffectual fires, resulted in the reconciliation of the parties. Much regret prevailed throughout the country that Mr. Clay, occupying so high and responsible a station, should have felt himself compelled to resort to a mode of settling a controversy so revolting to reason, and so unjustifiable in the view of sound morality. In the House of Representatives, the committee on foreign relations reported in favor of the expediency of sending ministers, and offered a resolution to make the necessary appropriations. On the 3d of April this resolution was taken into consideration, but it was not until the 21st, and after encountering great opposition, that it passed by a vote of one hundred and thirty-three to sixty-one. The House having thus assented to the policy of the mission by making the appropriation, measures were taken to carry it into effect ; and orders were transmitted to Mr. Anderson, who was then in Colombia, to attend the Congress which was to hold its first meeting in the month of June. In his way to Panama, however, a malignant fever, by which he was attacked, proved fatal to- him. After the decision of Congress, it was found too late for Mr. Sargeant to reach Panama in season to attend the first meeting of the members of the mission, and accordingly the United States were not represented. On the 22d of June, the representatives of Peru, Mexico, Central America, and Colombia, met, and commenced their deliberations, Upper Peru and Chili were not represented. Diplo- JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 265 matic agents from England and the Netherlands, though these govern ments had not been invited, were present, but were not permitted to attend upon the deliberations of the Congress. The body continued in session until the 15th of July, having concluded between themselves as belligerents, a treaty of friendship and perpetual confederation, offensive and defensive, to which all other American powers might accede within the year. The next meeting was ordered to be held at Tacubaya, a village near Mexico, in the month of February, 1827. During this session of Congress, a bill was introduced making provision for the surviving officers of the revolution. After an animated discussion of the subject, the bill was virtually lost by being recommitted, by a vote of ninety to eighty-five, for the purpose of ascertaining the number of revolutionary officers who ought to be provided for by law, and the amount necessary to make such provision. On the 22d of May, 1826, Congress closed its session. It was a long one, but, excepting the sanction given to the Panama mission, nothing of great public interest was accomplished. On the 4th of July occurred the fiftieth anniversary of American independence, which was celebrated throughout the Union with many demonstrations of joy. This day, ren dered memorable by the event which it celebrated, was made still more memorable, in the annals of American history, by the death of the two venerable Ex-Presidents, Adams and Jefferson. The opposition to the administration of Mr. Adams gained strength and development by daily increase, and numerous parties combined for its support or overthrow in various parts of the country. These parties were generally of a geographical character, and in the nineteenth Congress it was usually found that the representatives from the southern, took sides directly opposed to those from the northern and western States. A reso lution was expressed in some quarters to put down the administration at every hazard, no matter what might be its policy, its integrity, or its success. The cry of corruption was re-echoed by office seekers, and the more desperate portion of the oppositionists, till it began to gain currency with the public, and proved sufficient to secure the downfall of the administration against which it was raised. The Panama mission was a fruitful subject of clamor and opposition. It was stigmatized as imprudent, unnecessary, at variance with our true and prevailing policy, and pregnant with peril. Charges of extravagance in expenditures were next brought against the heads of the government, and resolutions were introduced in Congress, intimating that the executive patronage was too large, and ought to be diminished. The assertion of the President of his constitutional authority to appoint, during the vaca tion of Congress, diplomatic agents to transact the foreign business of the country, was represented as the assumption of an undelegated power. Every opportunity was seized to represent the policy of the federal authorities as tending towards consolidation, and as indicating a disposition for an expensive and magnificent scheme of government. In conformity with the views of the opposition, a nomination for the next Presidency was immediately made, and in October, 1825, the Legis lature of Tennessee recommended General Jackson to the suffrages of 34 266 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. the people of the United States for the highest office in their gift. This nomination he formally accepted, in an address delivered before both Houses of the Legislature of that State, in which he resigned his seat in the Senate. In this address he plainly intimated his dissatisfaction at the result of the late Presidential election, and a willingness to sanction an opposition to the administration on the ground of its corrupt origin. This same ground had been taken by the adherents of the Vice-President, in the discussion of Mr. M Duffie s proposed amendment of the Consti tution in the first session of the nineteenth Congress. The public mind was irritated and exasperated by these charges, which were diffused with an industry and zeal to be paralleled only by their baseness. Accusation and recrimination became frequent and passionate, and the most bitter and indignant feelings took place of the tranquillity that had so long reigned in the political world. At length the charge of corruption was brought from a responsible quarter, and an investigation ensued, which resulted in the complete ac quittal of the parties accused. Directly after the adjournment of the eighteenth Congress, a letter appeared, bearing date the Sth of March, 1825, purporting to relate a conversation with General Jackson, in which he said that a proposition had been made to him by Mr. Clay s friends to secure his election to the Presidency, on condition that Mr. Adams should not continue as Secretary of State. This proposition was said to have been indignantly repelled. A correspondence immediately ensued on this subject between Mr. Beverly, the author of the letter in question, and General Jackson, in which an account of the negociation alluded to was given at length, and the General disclaimed making any charge against Mr. Clay, and denied having accused him of being privy to the communication. Testimony was now produced by Mr. Clay and his friends, which completely refuted the charge of bargain, and hurled it with scorn in the teeth of his enemies. It was proved beyond a question that in voting for Mr. Adams in the House of Representatives, Mr. Clay and his friends had acted with entire consistency, and that any other course would have indeed laid them open to the charge of gross and pal pable violation of the principles they had always professed in relation to the election. But the accusation had been made to answer the purpose for which it was framed, and the opposition to the administration had found a permanent basis to build upon. Mr. Adams continued to act on the principles which he had professed in his inaugural speech, of administering the government without regard to the distinctions of party. In the distribution of offices he asked merely as to the qualifications of the candidates, not of their political opinions. No one suffered by that ruthless policy, which bears so close a resem blance to the proscription of the Roman emperors ; the one striking at life itself, the other at the means of life. It is difficult to say which of the two is the more cruel, but they are surely equally unjust and vindic tive. The system which makes the presidential chair a mere scramble for office, and the chief executive of the nation a dispenser of loaves and fishes to political adherents, is too mean, narrow, and contemptible, not to be subversive of all the best purposes of government, and must end in JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 267 the subversion of government itself. The political forum is converted into an arena of battle, and the first moments of victory are sacred to spoil, devastation, and rapine. The lust of gold stifles the cry of mercy, and all the rules of honorable warfare are violated in the fierceness and vindictiveness of triumph. Office holders should be content with fulfill ing the duties of their respective stations, and not consider themselves in the light of mere partisans, rewarded for upholding a particular man or set of men. The people pay them for a different service. Mr. Adams regarded this subject in its true bearings, and he acted in it with the stern and fearless integrity which has marked the whole course of his political life. Regardless of consequences, he was perhaps often injudi cious in the diffusion of executive patronage, and sometimes furnished the enemy with artillery to be employed in the destruction of his own citadel. But however the efforts of the opposition might embarrass the move ments of the administration, they could not retard the rapid progress of the country in wealth and prosperity. The great works of internal improve ment, contemplated by the act of April, 1824, were prosecuted with great spirit and vigor. Many routes for roads and canals were surveyed, and a great mass of topographical knowledge was thus collected at Washington. The attention of the general government was also directed to many other subjects of internal improvement, such as the navigation of several important rivers, building lighthouses, piers, and removing obstructions from bays and harbors. The navigation of the Mississippi and Ohio was much improved during this year, by the removal of snags and other im pediments from their channels. An impulse was thus given to the efforts of the State Governments, and canals and roads were laid out in various directions. Manufacturing establishments flourished with great vigor, and gave proofs of becoming lasting sources of wealth and employment to the national industry. In the year ending September 30, 1826, the value of domestic manufactures exported amounted to five millions eight hundred and fifty-two thousand seven hundred and thirty-three dollars, of which one million one hundred and thirty-eight thousand one hundred and twenty-five dollars consisted of cotton piece goods. The increase of tonnage in the United States during 1826, was one hundred eleven thousand and seventy-nine tons, being double the increase of any one of the prece ding twelve years. In conformity with the plan proposed for the settlement of the remaining tribes of the aborigines on the west of the Mississippi, pro vision was made for the removal thither of such Indians as were disposed to emigrate. Fourteen hundred Shawnees, and about seven hundred Creeks removed in this manner to spots selected by themselves. The Cherokees refused to cede another foot of land, notwithstanding the efforts made by the general government to procure such a cession of ter ritory as would satisfy the claims of Georgia. The north-western Indians now gave hostile indications, and attacked and murdered some American citizens ; but by the prompt measures adopted by Governor Cass, the murderers were given up and tranquillity again restored. Congress having adjourned without passing any law for the purpose of meeting the restrictive measures of the British government in respect 268 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. to the colonial trade, the President issued a proclamation, dated March 17th, closing the ports of the United States against vessels from the British colonies, which had been opened by the act of 1822. By this measure the British restrictions were completely reciprocated, and the President was sustained in it by public opinion. The second session of the nineteenth Congress commenced on the 4th of December, 1826, when the two Houses were organized in the usual manner. The message of the President on this occasion gave a clear account of our foreign relations, and made particular reference to the controversy with Great Britain on the colonial trade. The death of the Emperor Alexander of Russia, was mentioned in terms which the friendly feelings displayed by that monarch towards this country seemed to re quire. Our commercial connexions with France and the Netherlands were represented to be placed on a more favorable basis than at the com mencement of the preceding Congress. In the postoffice there had been Deceived during the year a surplus of eighty thousand dollars above the expenditures. The revenue was sufficiently large to authorize the appli cation of seven millions sixty-seven thousand and thirty-nine dollars to the reduction of the public debt, and three millions nine hundred and forty-four thousand three hundred and fifty-nine dollars to the payment .f interest. A system was recommended for the permanent increase of .he navy ; the unsettled land claims in Florida and Louisiana ; the works of internal improvement, reported by the board of engineers ; and the attention of Congress was particularly called to the irregularities of the Brazilian and Buenos-Ayrean squadrons towards neutral flags. The estimates of appropriations for the different departments of the <vernment were submitted with the message ; and a system of cavalry tactics prepared during the summer under the direction of the War Derjartment. These were the most important topics suggested by the message. In this session an ineffectual effort was again made to introduce an v^murm system of bankrupt laws ; the bill reported for this purpose having been rejected. Shortly after the commencement of the session, an article appeared in a newspaper published at Alexandria, intimating that one Mix, w r ho had been engaged in a certain contract with the War Department, while the Vice-President was Secretary of War, had accused him of participating in its profits. This contract had been the subject of much animadversion during the administration of Mr. Monroe, and the Vice- President immediately addressed a letter to the Secretary of the Senate, vacating his seat until the subject might be investigated. " Charges have been made against me," said Mr. Calhoun, " of the most serious nature, and which, if true, ought to degrade me from the high station in which I have been placed by the choice of my fellow citizens, and to consign my name to perpetual infamy. In claiming investigation of the House, I am sensible that, under our free and happy institutions, the conduct of public servants is a fair subject of the closest scrutiny arid the freest remark, and that a firm and faitbful discharge of duty affords, ordinarily, ample protection against political attacks ; but when such attacks assume the character of impeachable offences, and become in some degree official. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 269 by being placed among 1 the public records, an officer thus assailed, how ever base the instruments used, if conscious of innocence, can look for refuge only to the hall of the immediate representatives of the people. It is thus I find myself unexpectedly placed." This communication was referred to a select committee, which reported, after a laborious examination, that no charge against the Vice-President had been placed among the records of the War Department, and perfectly exculpated him from having any participation in the profits of that or any other government contract. The Creek controversy, which might have been considered as happily settled by the treaty of 22d of April, was still to continue a subject of excitement. Instead of waiting till the tribes had removed from their ceded lands, Governor Troup ordered the surveyors employed by him to enter the Indian territories and commence the surveys, previous to the time prescribed by the treaty for the removal. The Indians resisted these encroachments, and the Governor ordered out a force of militia. In this posture of affairs, the President determined to support the laws of the Union by the authority which the Constitution had placed in his hands, previously submitting the affair to Congress, to have it determined whether it were necessary to resort to any new measures. On the 5th of February he transmitted to both Houses of Congress a message, in which he gave a plain statement of the facts, and declared his determina tion to enforce the laws, and fulfil the duties of the nation by all the force committed for that purpose to his charge. " That the arm of military force will be resorted to only in the event of the failure of all other expe dients provided by the laws, a pledge has been given by the forbearance to employ it at this time. It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine, whether any further acts of legislation may be necessary or expedient to meet the emergency which these transactions may produce." Great excitement was displayed in both Houses on the receipt of this message. The committee of the Representatives, to which it was refer red, reported that it " is expedient to procure a cession of the Indian lands in the State of Georgia, and that until such a cession is procured, the law of the land, as set forth in the treaty at Washington, ought to be maintained by all necessary, constitutional, and legal means." The firmness of the President brought the Governor of Georgia to reason, and he addressed a letter to the delegation of that State at Washington, submitting to the decision of Congress, and denying any intention of a resort to force, except the sovereignty of the State came into collision with the United States. A cession of the Creek land in Georgia was finally procured, and the dispute in respect to this portion of the Indian territory was put at rest. A bill for an additional protection on woolens was agitated during this session, and finally laid on the table by the casting vote of the Vice- President. The defeat of this measure occasioned much discussion in all parts of the Union, and stimulated the friends of this branch of industry to renewed exertions. In Pennsylvania a State Convention was proposed, to choose delegates to attend a general Convention at Harris- burg on the 30th of July, 1S27. Other States answered with alacrity 270 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. to this invitation, and a meeting was held at the appointed time, of dele gates in the highest degree respectable in point of talent, weight of character, and dignity of standing. The reports of their committees, on various subjects connected with domestic industry, exhibited the impor tance and the necessity of increased protection, and a memorial to Con gress, drawn up in conformity with these views, was unanimously adopted. These proceedings were received in the southern States with much dis satisfaction. They were represented as at war with their best interests, and with the spirit of the Constitution. No means were omitted to raise a strong excitement in the community, in opposition to all increase of the woolen duty ; but at the time of the twentieth Congress, the public mind was more and more impressed with the opinion that effectual measures would be resorted to for the relief of this branch of national industry. We have not room for a detailed account of the various measures of Mr. Adams s administration. During the whole of it the United States enjoyed uninterrupted peace ; for the foreign policy of the government had nothing in view but the maintenance of our national dignity, the extension of our commercial relations, and the successful prosecution of the claims of American citizens upon foreign governments. A portion of these claims upon Sweden and Denmark, was obtained, and the claims which arose against the Brazilian government, during the war between that power and Buenos Ayres, were speedily adjusted by the liquidation of the claims. The exorbitant pretensions of Great Britain, respecting the West India trade, were resisted, although at the expense of the direct trade between the United States and the British islands. The difficulties which occurred in carrying into effect the treaty of Ghent, relative to deported slaves, and other property taken away, having been found insurmountable, the sum of one million two hundred and four thousand nine hundred and sixty dollars, which was amply sufficient, was obtained from the British government in satisfaction of these claims. A convention was also concluded with that government, and a mode pro vided for the peaceable settlement of the long pending, and finally threatening dispute concerning the north-east boundary of the United States. The treaty of commerce between the United States and Great Britain, and the convention effecting a temporary compromise of their conflicting claims to the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, both of which expired by their own limitation, October 20th, 1828, were renewed for an indefinite period, with liberty to either party to terminate them, on giving one year s notice. Some commercial difficulties, which grew out of an adherence of the government of the Netherlands, to the principles of discriminating duties, were adjusted to mutual satisfaction. New treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce, in which the liberal princi ples maintained by the United States, in her commercial and foreign policy, were generally recognized, were concluded with Colombia, Austria, Sweden, Denmark, Guatemala, and the Hanseatic league. It was, however, in the domestic policy of the government, that the character of the administration was most strongly displayed. During its continuance in office, new and increased activity was imparted to those powers vested in the Federal Government, for the developement of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 27*. the resources of the country ; and the public revenue liberally expended in prosecuting 1 those national measures, to which the sanction of Congress had been deliberately given, as the settled policy of the government. More than one million of dollars had been expended in enlarging and maintaining the lighthouse establishment ; half a million in completing the public buildings ; two millions in erecting arsenals, barracks, and furnishing the national armories ; nearly the same amount had been expended in permanent additions to the naval establishment ; upwards of three millions had been devoted to fortifying the seacoast ; and more than four millions expended in improving the internal communications between different parts of the country, and in procuring information, by scientific surveys, concerning its capacity for further improvement. In deed, more had been directly effected by the aid of government, in this respect, during Mr. Adams s administration, than during the administra tions of all his predecessors. Other sums, exceeding a million, had been appropriated for objects of a lasting character, and not belonging to the annual expense of the government ; making, in the whole, nearly fourteen million dollars, expended for the permanent benefit of the country, during this administration. At the same time, the interest on the public debt was punctually paid, and the debt itself was in a constant course of reduction, having been dimi nished thirty millions three hundred and seventy-three thousand one hundred and eighty-eight dollars during this administration, and leaving due, on the 1st of January, 1829, fifty-eight millions three hundred and sixty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-six dollars. Whilst these sums were devoted to increasing the resources, and improving the condi tion of the country, and in discharging its pecuniary obligations ; those claims which were derived from what are termed the imperfect obligations of gratitude and humanity, were not forgotten. More than five millions of dollars were appropriated to solace the declining years of the surviving officers of the revolution ; and a million and a half expended in extinguishing the Indian title, and defraying the expense of the removal, beyond the Mississippi, of such tribes as were unqualified for a residence near civilized communities ; and in promoting the civilization of those who, relying on the faith of the United States, preferred to remain on the lands which were the abodes of their fathers, Ir the condition which we have described, in peace with all the world, with an increasing revenue, and with a surplus of five millions one hundred and twenty-five thousand six hundred and thirty-eight dollars in the public treasury, the administration of the government of the United States was surrendered by Mr. Adams, who became a private citizen, to General Jackson, his successor. Thus ended the administration of Mr. Adams, an administration marked by definite and consistent policy, and energetic councils, governed by upright motives, but from the beginning devoted to the most violen* opposition, and a signal overthrow. The election which terminated ir the defeat c" Mr. Adams was marked with extreme bitterness, asnertv 272 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. and profligacy. On both sides the press was virulent, libellous, and mean. No privacy was safe, no confidence was sacred; even the tombs of the illustrious dead were violated, and their ashes defiled. The arts of party warfare were more insidious than the arts of savage treachery, and its arms more ruthless than the tomahwk or the scalping knife. Calumny and falsehood w r ere the usual resources of the most violent partisans, and the only weapons that they never for a moment laid aside. The brave soldier was described as -a malignant savage, and the experienced statesman as a man who had purchased by intrigue a position that he was determined to maintain by corruption. It must be most sincerely hoped that an era may never again arrive in our history to be stamped so indelibly with the brand of shame ; that public opinion will ever require of the public press a more decent regard to the charities of life, and the duties of truth. Since he was succeeded in the Presidency by General Jackson, Mr. Adams has still taken an active part in public afTairs, and represented his native district in Congress. In this body he has taken the stand to which his eminent talents and distinguished services fully entitle him. His reports on the Bank of the United States and on Manufactures are among the ablest papers to be found among the records of our political bodies. His speeches are marked with the stern and singular indepen dence which has characterized his whole life, and command the respect and attention which must always be awarded to a man of fearless and uncompromising integrity. Long may he be spared to the councils of the nation long enough to witness the passing away of party preju dices, and to enjoy the fruition of that fame which has been purchased by the devotion of a life to his country. ANDREW JACKSON. ANDREW JACKSON was born on the 15th day of March, 1767. His father was an Irishman, who landed at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1765, and settled at Waxaw, about forty-five miles above Camden, where the subject of our narrative was born. Soon after his birth his father died, leaving three sons to be provided for by their mother. She appears to have discharged the duties devolved upon her, in an exemplary man ner. She had not the means to give all her children a liberal education ; but Andrew, whom she intended for the ministry, was sent to school, where he continued until the war of the revolution interrupted his studies. At the age of fourteen, Andrew Jackson, in company with his brother Robert, entered the American camp, and commenced his career in the service of his country. He was prompted to this course partly by the recommendations of his mother, and partly by the example of his elder brother, who had previously joined the army, and fallen a victim to the fatigues of his first campaign. Jackson met with no opportunity for the display of his military talent during this period. A circumstance, how ever, which strongly illustrates the unyielding and independent obstinacy of his character, may be related. In an attack of the British on Waxaw, eleven Americans had been taken prisoners, and among them were the two Jacksons. The evening after their capture, Andrew was accosted by a British officer, who ordered him, in an imperious tone, to clean his boots. This order he scornfully refused to obey, alleging that he expected such treatment only as was due to a prisoner of war. Incensed ai nis reply, the otticer aimed a blow at his head with a drawn sword, which the boy parried by throwing up his left hand, not, however, with out receiving a wound, of which the scar yet remains. His brother, for a similar offence, received a deep and dangerous cut on his head. The brothers were conveyed to jail, where their wounds were wholly neglected. That of Andrew was slight, but his brother s brought on an inflammation of the brain, which, a few days after his liberation, ended in death. They were soon exchanged, and returned to their mother, who died shortly after her son. Andrew Jackson was thus left alone in the world, afflicted with disease brought on by the hardships he had undergone, and with the small-pox, which broke out on him at the same time. His life was for a while in great danger. On his recovery, he somewhat injudiciously began to squander his estate, but at length, foreseeing the consequences of his extravagance, he betook himself to a regular course of study. He acquired some know ledge of the learned languages, and continued his literary pursuits until he reached the age of eighteen. The pulpit, for which he had been designed by his mother, was now abandoned for the bar. He 35 274 JACKSON. commenced the study of law in 1784, at Salisbury, in North Carolina, under the direction of Spruce M Cay, Esq., and subsequently continued it under Colonel John Stokes. At the end of two years, he obtained a license from the Judges to practise law, and continued in the State until the spring of 1788. He had come to the conclusion that this State presented few induce ments to a young attorney. There was no chance of his rising by the aid of influential relations. The world was all before him where to choose. The ties which bind man to his birthplace, Avere with him obliterated by the death of his kindred. The western parts of Tennessee, about this time, offered alluring prospects to young adventurers ; and there we find Jackson soon after his departure from North Carolina. The state of society in the west, at this period, was not of the most refined or settled descrip tion. Tennessee was then a new, wild country, principally occupied by hardy borderers, among whom knowledge was scarce, and law a mystery. Jackson took up his residence at Nashville.. There was but one lawyer in the country, and the knavish part of the community had so contrived as to retain him in their interest. Many merchants were entirely deprived of the means of enforcing the payment of their honest dues. In this state of things, Jackson made his appearance at Nashville. Applications were immediately made to him for his professional services, and the morning after his arrival he issued seventy writs. His presence soon became a terror to the debtors in the place, and he was consequently involved in a great many broils, which, however, did not prevent his enjoying a profitable practice. Shortly afterwards, he was appointed Attorney General for the district, in which office he remained for several years. Indian depredations being then frequent on the Cumberland. Jackson was accustomed to aid actively in garrisoning the forts, and in pur suing and chastising the enemy. In 1796, he was chosen a member of the Convention for framing a Constitution for the State. He was the same year elected a member of the House of Kepresentatives in Congress, for tne State of Tennessee. While in this capacity, it is on record that he gave his support to a measure, which offered an unhandsome slight to Wash ington. When that great man was about to retire from his high station. a committee, of which James Madison was a member, drew up an address to him, in which his wisdom, firmness, and other eminent qualities, were eulogized in the warmest terms. Mr. Giles, of Virginia, moved to ex punge all expressions of respect, as he wished him to retire, and thought that the time for him to do so had arrived. This motion had the support of Mr. Jackson. In Tennessee his popularity continued to increase, and in 1797 he was elected a Senator of Congress. His vote for a repeal of the alien law, was his only official act of note while he filled this station. About the middle of April, he asked leave to return home on private business. Permission was granted, and before the next session he resigned his seat. He was but a little more than thirty years of age, and hence, scarcely eligible by the Constitution at the time he was elected. On his return to Tennessee, he was appointed Major General of the militia of that State. He held this commission till the year 1814. Soon JACKSON. 275 after his resignation of his seat in Congress, he was appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State. He subsequently resigned this office through a distrust of his legal acquirements. He retired to a plantation ten miles from Nashville, and for several years nothing occurred to inter rupt his repose. The acts of Congress of the 6th of February and July, 1812, autho rized the President to accept the services of fifty thousand volunteers. General Jackson addressed the militia subject to his orders, and the appeal to their patriotism was promptly answered. " Twenty-five hundred brave men placed themselves under his command, armed and equipped for war y and being duly authorized, he assembled them at Nashville in December. The weather, for that latitude, was very severe, and the earth was clad in white ; but the hardy backwoodsmen bore their hardships as patiently as the trees of .their native forests. They descended the Mississippi in January, in spite of cold and ice, to Natchez. Much honor is due to their chief for his exertions to preserve their ardor unabated, and his endeavors to establish discipline among them. But as there was no appearance of war in the south-west, their services were not needed, and General Jackson received an order from the Secretary of War to disband his troops, and deliver the public property in his possession to General Wilkinson. This order General Jackson thought fit to disobey. In spite of all opposition, he broke up his camp, and marched his troops homeward through the forests, sharing their hardships, and setting them an example of untiring patience and perseverance. At the close of the march, he disbanded his men, who returned to their respective homes. In a letter to the Secre tary of War, he stated, that had he dismissed his forces on receiving the order, the sick would have suffered, and many would have been compelled by want to enlist in the regular service. In fine, his conduct was ap proved, and the expenses incurred were paid by government." The volunteers, who had descended the river, having been discharged early in May, there was little expectation that they would again be called for. Tennessee was too remotely situated in the interior of the country to expect their services would be required for her defence, and hitherto the British had discovered no serious intention of waging operations against any part of Louisiana. Their repose, however, was not of long duration. The Creek Indians, inhabiting the country lying between the Chatahochee and Tombigbee, and extending from the Tennessee river to the Florida line, had lately manifested strong symptoms of hostility towards the United States. This disposition was greatly strengthened through means used by the northern Indians, who were then making preparations for a war against the United States, and who wished to engage the southern tribes in the same enterprise. An artful impostor had, about this time, sprung up amongst the Shaw- nees, who, by passing for a prophet, acquired astonishing influence among his people. He succeeded in exciting a hatred against the inhabitants of the United States, which soon after broke forth in acts of violence. His brother Tecumseh was dispatched to the southern tribes, to kindle in them the same temper. Hostilities began to spread along the whole line of our sou them and south-western frontier. A regular communication was kept up between 276 JACKSON. the Creeks or Muscogees and the northern tribes ; whilst frequent depre dations were committed on the border settlers. By one of the incursions, in the summer of 1812, several families had been murdered in a shock ing manner, near the mouth of the Ohio ; and, shortly afterwards, another party, entering the limits of Tennessee, had butchered two families of women and children. These acts were not sanctioned by the Creek government, for on application to the chiefs, the offenders were punished with death. No sooner was this done, however, than the spirit of the greater part of the nation suddenly kindled into civil war. War clubs, painted red, were seen every where among them, and it was evident that .some deep and settled purpose of revenge was working in their minds. The first ebullition of their rage fell upon those of their countrymen who were known to be peaceably disposed towards the United States. Incited by \Vetherford, one of the principal chiefs, they then proceeded to the attack of Fort Mimms in the territory of Mississippi. This fort contained at that time about one hundred and fifty men, besides a con siderable number of women and children, who had fled there for protection. The Indians carried it by assault. The slaughter was indiscriminate. Nearly three hundred persons, including women and children, were put to death with the most savage barbarity. But seventeen of the whole number in the fort escaped to tell of the dreadful catastrophe. The news of this outrage produced a great excitement in Tennessee. A number of respectable citizens convened at Nashville, and after con ferring with the Governor and General Jackson, urged the propriety of immediately marching an army into the heart of the Creek nation. This measure was recommended to the Legislature, and that body passed a law authorizing the executive to call into the field three thousand five hundred of the militia. Three hundred thousand dollars were voted for the support of these men. By order of the Governor, General Jackson, though yet suffering from a fractured arm, (the consequence of an affray, which has been variously represented,) called out two thousand of the volunteers and militia of his division. To this force were joined five hundred horsemen, under Colonel Coffee, who was authorized to add to his corps as many mounted riflemen as he could gather. He was ordered forthwith to proceed to the frontier, and take measures for its defence, while General Jackson should collect and organize as many as possible of his former army. Every exertion was now made to hasten the preparations for a vigorous campaign. The day of rendezvous being arrived, and the General not being sufficiently recovered to attend in person, he forwarded by his aid- de-camp, Major Reid, an address to be read to the troops, accompanied by an order for the establishment of the police of the camp. His orders may produce a smile on the countenance of the disciplined soldier, but to the rude and independent settlers under his command they seemed intolerably rigorous and severe. For the police of the camp, he announced the following order : " The chain of sentinels will be marked, and the sentries posted, pre cisely at ten o clock to day. " No sutler will be suffered to sell spirituous liquors to any soldier, JACKSON. 277 without permission, in writing, from a commissioned officer, under the penalties prescribed by the rules and articles of war. " No citizen will be permitted to pass the chain of sentinels, after re treat beat in the evening, until reveille in the morning. Drunkenness, the bane of all orderly encampments, is positively forbidden, both in officers and privates : officers under the penalty of immediate arrest ; and privates, of being placed under guard, there to remain until liberated by a court martial. " At reveille beat, all officers and soldiers are to appear on parade, with their arms and accoutrements in proper order. " On parade, silence, the duty of a soldier, is positively commanded. " No officer or soldier is to sleep out of camp, but by permission ob tained." On the 7th of October, General Jackson joined his division, and learned that the Creeks had detached upwards of eight hundred of their warriors to fall upon the frontier of Georgia, while the remainder of their forces were marching upon Huntsville. On the 9th, therefore, he set his army in motion. They reached Huntsville that day, by a forced march, and on the morrow formed a junction with Colonel Coffee s regiment, on the Tennessee river. Here they rested several days, during which General Jackson sent scouts to reconnoitre the Black Warrior river, a tributary of the Tombigbee, on which were several Creek villages. This delay was occasioned by the failure of an expected supply of provisions. While the army was thus inactive, a messenger arrived from Chinnaby, a chief of the friendly Creeks. He brought intelligence that Chinnaby s encampment, near Ten Islands, on the Coosa, was threatened by the enemy, and solicited relief. This information induced the General to inarch to Thompson s creek, a small branch of the Tennessee, where he had reason to believe he might be met by the expected supply. He was the more inclined to action, that the scarcity of provisions depressed the spirits of his half disciplined troops. But he was again disappointed, and his letters to different quarters, soliciting the desired aid, failed of their effect. Even the planters of the frontier, who had a vital interest in the success of his operations, neglected to assist the army contractors. In this embarrassing situation, another messenger from Chinnaby arrived, to urge the necessity of an immediate movement, as the enemy was ad vancing upon him in great force. This information caused the army to move again. Near Ten Islands General Jackson was met by Chinnaby, who informed him that he was within sixteen miles of the hostile Creeks, who were assembled to the number of a thousand, to oppose his march. Hence Colonel Dyer was sent with a competent force to attack the village of Littafutchee, on a branch of the Coosa. This done, the army set forward once more, and reached the islands of the Coosa without opposition, thus proving the report of Chinnaby to have been unfounded. Here Colonel Dyer rejoined, havingaccomplished his object. He had burned Littafutchee, with little or no loss on his own side, and brought back with him twenty- nine prisoners, men, women, and children. The scouting parties now began to bring in prisoners, and cattle and corn taken from the enemy. 278 JACKSON. The first week in November, information was received that a conside rable body of the Muscogee warriors had taken a position at the village of Tallushatches, on the opposite side of the Coosa. Colonel Coffee was sent to attack them at the head of nine hundred mounted men. He forded the Coosa under the direction of an Indian guide, and advanced on Tallushatches. The Muscogees were aware of his approach, and prepared to meet it as became men. They struck the war drum, sung the war song, and by their savage war whoop gave notice that they were prepared for battle. Within a mile and a half of the village Colonel Coffee halted, divided his force into two bodies, and then advanced in such a way as to surround the enemy, who remained quiet in the buildings. Seeing this, the commander had recourse to a feint. He sent forward two companies to decoy the Indians from their cover. No sooner had these deployed into line in front of the .village, and fired a few shots, than the savages boldly charged and drove them back on the main body, which opened a general fire and charged in turn. The Muscogees retir ed, resisting obstinately all the way, till they reached their village, where they stood fast, and a desperate conflict ensued. The Indians did not ask quarter, and when shot down continued to fight on the ground as long as their breath lasted. Many of their wives assisted in the defence, and emulated the bravery of their partners. The Tennesseans revenged the slaughter of Fort Mimms, by slaying all the men, and some women and children. Not one of the savages escaped : their total loss in killed was upwards of a hundred and eighty, and eighty-four women and chil dren were taken alive. On the other side, five of the whites were killed outright, and forty-one were wounded. When Colonel Coffee had rejoined the main body, General Jackson resolved to build a fort and establish a depot at Ten Islands. The forti fication was named Fort Strother. On the evening of the 7th, a runner arrived from Talladega, a fort of the friendly Indians, thirty miles below, with information that the enemy had encamped before it in great numbers, and would certainly destroy it unless immediate assistance should be rendered. Jackson did not hesi tate to march to their assistance, with all his disposable force, amounting to twelve hundred infantry and eight hundred mounted men. The troops crossed the river that very night, each horseman carrying a foot soldier bf3hind him, though the Coosa is here six hundred yards wide. The whole night was consumed in this operation, yet the army continued its march with unabated ardor, and by the next evening arrived within six miles of the enemy. At night an express arrived from General White, with the news that that officer had not been able to move to the protection of Fort Strother, according to Jackson s desire, having received a counter order from General Cocke, to march to the mouth of Chatouga Creek. This intelligence, that his rear was left unprotected, caused General Jackson to decide on attacking the enemy without delay, lest by a change of their policy, his depot should be carried in his absence. Orders were given accordingly. At four in the morning, the army moved, in order of battle. The infantry advanced in three columns, and the cavalry followed, while the JACKSON. 279 wings were protected by flankers. The advance, consisting- of four com panies, marched four hundred yards in front, under Colonel Carroll. By seven, the army was within a mile of the enemy, and the columns de ployed into line, while the cavalry made a circuit round the enemy s flank, so as to leave them small chance of escape. About eight, the advanced guard, having approached a small thicket of underbrush, received a sharp volley. They returned it, and retreated upon the centre, according to their orders, it being the policy of the General to draw the Indians from their cover. The Indians, elated by this apparent success, raised the war whoop, and fell furiously on the left wing, tomahawk in hand. This movement had nearly decided the battle, for several companies gave way before their onset, and the officer ordered by General Jackson to throw his troops into the gap, did not execute the command. The General promptly supplied their place with the reserve, which, with the assistance of the broken troops, who began to rally, checked the advance of the savages. The line now delivered an unbroken fire, and in fifteen minutes the Creeks gave way at all points and fled. The cavalry of the left wing made great slaughter of them, and numbers fell in the pursuit, which continued three miles. The troops behaved as might have been expected from the volunteers of Tennessee, and that is a sufficient encomium. In this battle a thousand and eighty of the Creeks were engaged ; of whom three hundred were left dead on the field, and about as many more were slain in their flight. The loss of the Americans was fifteen killed, and nearly a hundred wounded, many mortally. The results of the .action were, the relief of the friendly Indians at Talladega, an increase of confidence in themselves and their General on the part of the Tennes- seans, and the discomfiture of the hostile Creeks. The condition of his posts in the rear, and a want of provisions, com pelled General Jackson and his men to return. Accordingly, having buried his dead, and provided litters for the wounded, he reluctantly commenced his return march on the morning succeeding the battle. He confidently hoped, from the previous assurances of the contractors, that, by the time of his return to Fort Strother, sufficient supplies would have arrived there : but to his surprise, he found that not a particle had been forwarded since his departure, and that what had been left \vas already consumed. Even his private stores, brought on at his own expense, and upon which he and his staff had hitherto wholly subsisted, had been, in his absence, distributed amongst the sick by the hospital surgeon, who had been previously instructed to do so, in the event their wants should require it. A few dozen biscuit, which remained, on his return, were given to the hungry applicants, without being tasted by himself or family, who were probably not less hungry than those who were thus relieved. A scanty supply of indifferent beef, taken from the enemy, or purchased of the Cherokees, was now the only support afforded. Thus left destitute, Jackson, (says his biographer, Eaton,) with the utmost cheerfulness of temper, repaired to the bullock pen, and, of the offal there thrown away, provided for himself and staff, what he was pleased to call, a very com fortable repast. Tripes, however, hastily provided in a camp, without 280 JACKSON. bread or seasoning, can only be palatable to an appetite very highly whetted ; yet this constituted, for several days, the only diet at head quarters ; during which time, the General seemed entirely satisfied with his fare. In this campaign, a soldier one morning, with a wobegone counte nance, approached the General, stating that he was nearly starved, that he had nothing to eat, and could not imagine what he should do. He was the more encouraged to complain, from perceiving that the General, who had seated himself at the root of a tree, waiting the coming up of the rear of the army, was busily engaged in eating something. The poor fellow was impressed with the belief, from what he saw, that want only prevailed among the soldiers, and that the officers, particularly the Ge neral , were liberally supplied. He accordingly approached him with great confidence of being relieved. Jackson told him, that it had always been a rule with him never to turn away a hungry man when it was in his power to relieve him. I will most cheerfully, said he, divide with you what I have ; and, putting his hand to his pocket, he drew forth a few acorns, from which he had been feasting, adding, it was the best and only fare he had. The soldier seemed much surprised, and forthwith circulated amongst his comrades, that their General was actually subsisting upon acorns, and that they ought no more to complain. Discontent now began to spread through the camp of General Jack son, and at length burst into open revolt. The officers and soldiers <of the militia determined to abandon theit posts, and return to their homes. Jackson, apprised of their resolution, determined to oppose it at all hazard. In the morning, when they were about to carry their design into execution, he drew up the volunteers in front of them, with orders to oppose their departure. The militia, fearing to persist in their purpose, quietly aban doned it and returned to their quarters. The next day presented a singular scene. The volunteers, who, the day before, had been the means of detaining the militia, now began likewise to mutiny. Their opposition to the departure of the militia was merely a pretence to escape suspicion, for they silently wished them success. They now determined to move away in a body, believing that no one would oppose them. As they were about to quit the camp, the militia turned the tables on them, expressing a fixed determination to obey the General s orders by enforcing their stay at the point of the bayonet. So well had Jackson contrived to make their mutual jealousies subserve his own ends. Thus situated, the volunteers had an option to remain, or to turn their weapons against their brethren in arms. They chose the former alternative. However, the complaints of the cavalry were not to be silenced ; their forage was entirely exhausted, and they had no prospect of obtaining more. General Jackson listened to their petition to be permitted to return home, and granted it, on condition that they would rejoin him when required. The most urgent solicitations of General Jackson could not suppress the discontent which still prevailed among his troops. Even his promise that if the supplies should not arrive within two days, the forces should all march homeward together, had no effect. The officers of the volunteer JACKSON. 281 brigade declared that nothing short of marching the army immediately back to the settlements, could prevent a forcible desertion of the camp, by the soldiers. The officers of the militia expressed their willingness to remain a few days longer ; but the General was compelled to suffer a regiment of volunteers to leave the camp, under the condition, however, that, after satisfying their wants, they should return and act as an escort to the provisions. Two days had elapsed since the departure of the volunteers, and no supplies had arrived. The militia earnestly demanded the fulfilment of the promise which had been made, that they should be marched back to the settlements. This was to Jackson a moment of deep dejection. "If only two men will remain with me," he exclaimed, " I will never abandon this post." Captain Gordon, of the spies, replied, " You have one, Gene ral ; let us look if we can t find another," and he soon succeeded in procuring one hundred and nine volunteers. Leaving this garrison behind, Jackson, with the rest of his army, set out towards Deposit. They had not proceeded more than ten or twelve miles, when they met a convoy of the long expected commissary s stores. This sight was as unwelcome to the soldiers as it was grateful to their chief. So great was their aversion to returning, that mutiny again displayed itself in their ranks. One company had revolted, and was already moving off in the direction of home. They had proceeded some distance before infor mation of their departure was conveyed to Jackson. Irritated at their conduct, the General pursued them until he came near a part of his staff and a few soldiers, who, with General Coffee, had halted about a quarter of a mile ahead. He ordered them to form immediately across the road, and to fire on the mutineers if they attempted to proceed. The execution of this order caused the deserters to retreat precipitately to the main body. Here it was supposed that the affair would end, and that further opposition would cease. But a mutinous disposition began pre sently to show itself throughout the whole brigade. Jackson, having advanced towards them, while his guard were at some distance, found on his arrival a much more extensive mutiny than that which had been just quelled. Almost the whole brigade had put itself in an attitude for moving forcibly off. Jackson now made a signal display of energy and decision. He was still without the use of his left arm ; but, seizing a musket, and resting it on the neck of his horse, he threw himself in front of the column, and threatened to shoot the first man who should attempt to advance. In this situation, he was soon after joined by Major Reid and General Coffee, who placed themselves by his side, and abided by the result. For many minutes the column preserved a sullen and hesitating attitude. At length, they turned quietly round, and agreed to return to their posts. About the 22d of November, a deputation arrived from the Creek tribes called Hillabees, to sue for peace. They had suffered severely at Talla- dega, and were now ready to submit to whatever terms the General might impose. He replied that they must restore the prisoners and property they had taken, whether from the whites or the friendly Creeks, and surrender the persons concerned in the massacre at Fort Minims. 36 > 282 JACKSON. With this answer, the Hillabee ambassadors returned to their villages on the 24th of the month. That very night the Hillabees were attacked in their huts by the Ten nessee militia, under General White. Sixty of them were killed, upwards of two hundred and fifty were made prisoners, and their villages were utterly destroyed. The officers of the eastern division, jealous of General Jackson s reputation, and unwilling to lend their aid to raise it, had refused or neglected to co-operate with him throughout the campaign. Such is often the harmony of militia operations. In this instance, the result is to be deplored. The Hillabees believed themselves assailed by Jackson, to whom they had offered his choice of terms, and from whom they had received a promise of amnesty. Under these circumstances, they concluded that peaceful conduct could not defend them from open force or treachery, and till the final cessation of hostilities they waged a war of extermination. In no instance did they ask or accept quarter. The clamors of the troops were by no means abated during their resi dence at Fort Strother. The want of food was indeed obviated by the arrival of sufficient stores, but they resolved, if possible, to obtain a discharge. They insisted that the period for which they had undertaken to serve would terminate on the 10th of December, that making a year since the commencement of their engagement. Although they had been unemployed during the greater part of this time, they very reasonably contended that this circumstance did not authorize any deductions from the regular period of their engagement. General Jackson thought other wise : he replied, that " the law of Congress, under which they had been accepted, requiring one year s service out of two, could contemplate nothing less than an actual service of three hundred and sixty-five days ; and, until that had been performed, he could not, unless specially autho rized, undertake to discharge them." On the evening of the 9th, Jackson was informed that a whole brigade of volunteers was again preparing forcibly to move off. He immediately issued the following general order : "The commanding General being informed that an actual mutiny exists in his camp, all officers and soldiers are commanded to put it down. "The officers and soldiers of the first brigade will, without delay, parade on the west side of the fort, and await further orders." The artillery company, with two small fieldpieces, being posted in the front and rear, and the militia, under the command of Colonel Wynne, on the eminences in advance, were ordered to prevent the departure of the volunteers. This formidable opposition compelled the deserters to return once more to their posts. But although baffled in this manner, their dissatisfaction at remaining could not be quelled, and Jackson was finally induced to issue an order to General Hall, to march his brigade to Nash ville. Meanwhile the cavalry and mounted riflemen, who, under an express stipulation to return and complete the campaign, had been permitted to retire into the settlements, had, at the time appointed, reassembled in the neighborhood of Huntsville. But, catching the infection of discontent from the infantry, they began now to clamor with equal zeal for a dis- . JACKSON, 283 charge. No representations could induce them to remain ; and they finally abandoned their posts tumultuously, and returned to their respective homes. Thus Jackson was deserted by almost his whole original army, and remained with only about thirteen hundred men of the eastern division. The term of service of most of these had nearly expired, and they claimed their discharge as due on the 14th of December. " The Governor of Tennessee had ordered a levy of twenty-five hundred men from the second division, to assemble at Fayetteville on the 28th of January, to serve for a period of three months. General Cocke was also required to furnish his quota. General Roberts brought two hundred men to Fort Strother, but these stipulated that they should be discharged at the end of three months. Nevertheless, fearing the resolute disposi tion of General Jackson, they immediately broke up and deserted to a man. Orders were immediately issued to pursue and apprehend them, and finding themselves likely to be compelled, they returned without further ado. " The time had now come, when those of the militia who had remained in the service, claimed to be discharged, and they declared their deter mination to return home, whether their claim should be allowed or not. General Jackson, therefore, contrary to the advice of Governor Blount, issued an order forbidding all persons under his command to leave the camp without his written permission, on pain of death. The order was disregarded. The officer of the guard, Lieutenant Kearly, and all his sentinels, left their posts, and the officer refused to surrender his sword or submit to arrest. He formed his company, and was about to march them homeward, when a company arrived to stay his proceedings. Kearly prepared to fight his way through all opposition, and his com pany would have seconded him, had not General Jackson instantly repaired to the spot. He presented a pistol to the subaltern s breast, compelled him to give up his weapon, and placed him under guard. But on his submission and repentance, Kearly was released from arrest and again received into favor. While this was going on, the rest of the brigade left the camp and proceeded toward home, leaving behind them but a single regiment of militia, whose time had nearly expired. The General sent a written address after them, but it did not bring back one individual. " In the meanwhile, the Muscogees were sustaining reverses calculated to depress their spirits and facilitate future operations against them. On the 4th of December they were defeated by the Georgia militia, under General Floyd, at Autossee, a town on the Talapoosa river. The strength of eight several towns had been gathered for the defence of this spot. Upwards of two hundred of the savage warriors were slain, and two villages were destroyed. General Clairborne also destroyed the town of Sccancacha, and routed its defenders with loss, on the 1st of January, 1314. " On the 13th of January, eight hundred and fifty of the newly raised Tennessee volunteers arrived at Fort Strother. They had agreed to serve for sixty days only, and no persuasion could induce them to extend the term. They were organized in two mounted regiments. Two days 284 JACKSON. after, these troops took up the line of march for Talladega, followed by General Jackson with his staff, an artillery company, three companies of foot, and a company of volunteer officers, nine hundred and thirty in all. At Talladega they were joined by two or three hundred friendly Creeks and Cherokees. With this force, the chief directed his march to Emuck- faw river, where he was advised that a large body of the enemy had collected. On the night of the 21st he encamped within three miles of them. "At daybreak the next morning, the Creek warriors drove in the sentinels, and vigorously charged the left flank. The assault was bravely- given, bravely received, and the battle was maintained with great spirit on both sides for half an hour. When light broke, a general charge forced the Muscogees at every point, and as the Indian allies joined in the pursuit, the slaughter was considerable. General Coffee was then dispatched with four hundred men to destroy the Creek encampment, but found it too strong and too well garrisoned to render the attempt prudent. He therefore returned to the camp. " Half an hour after his return, a party of the enemy attacked the picket guard on the right flank, as a feint to draw the attention of the whites thither, and thus make them expose the left wing. The savages were disappointed. General Jackson ordered General Coffee to defend the right with the assistance of two hundred of the Indian allies, and repaired himself to the left wing. The shock of the enemy here was sudden and violent, but it was sustained with a gallantry not to have been expected in raw recruits. The Creeks maintained the battle after the fashion of their ancestors, availing themselves of every cover afforded by the broken ground, lying down to load and rising to fire. After a few vollies, the left wing again charged, the Muscogees again fled, and were again pursued; but in the mean time General Coffee was hard pressed, the Indians directed to aid him, having mistaken their orders. By some misapprehension not explained, only fifty men followed him to repel the first attack, and he found the enemy posted to great advantage. They occupied a grove of pines intermingled with brushwood, forming as good a cover as an Indian warrior could desire. He ordered his men to dis mount and charge them, and they were driven to the bank of a stream, where they concealed themselves among the reeds, whence he could not dislodge them. He then retired, and the Indians again emerged from their cover, and engaged him on more equal terms. Happily for him, their number was not great, and he was able to stand his ground till General Jackson ordered Jem Fife, the chief of the friendly Creeks, to go to his assistance with a hundred and fifty warriors. It was promptly done. General Coffee and the Creek chief charged in concert, and the enemy broke, losing forty-five men in the charge and pursuit. " Having buried the dead and attended to the wounded, the camp was fortified ; for the Muscogee operations had been so well planned, and they had fought with so much determination, that there was reason to believe they would not let the matter rest thus. No attack occurred during the night, and in the morning the army commenced its retreat to Fort Strother. Through the day they were not molested, but the spies J, JACKSON. 285 reported that the enemy hovered on the flanks and rear. This induced the chief to believe he should be attacked in the night, or that an ambush would be prepared for him. Nevertheless, this night also passed without alarm. " There was a defile in front between two hills, where a small stream was to be crossed, a place every way fit for an ambuscade, and admirably adapted to the peculiar warfare of the Indians. To avoid being taken here at a disadvantage, the General resolved to pass the stream at another ford, where there was nothing to obstruct the evolutions or fire of his troops. Before the enemy was aware of this change of route, the advanced guard, the wounded, and a part of the centre division had crossed the stream. The single piece of artillery had just entered the ford when the battle cry of the Muscogees was heard behind, and the rear guard was charged. The General had taken his measures to repel such an assault wisely. The rear column had received orders to stand fast, while the right and left column should wheel on their pivot, recross the stream above and below, and fall upon the flanks and rear of the enemy. For once, he had overrated the firmness of his men, and this had like to have been the last of his battles. The rear guard gave way, on receiving the attack, and retired upon the rear division, the right and left columns of which broke in confusion, drawing with them a part of the centre column. Twenty-five men only maintained their ground, while an appalling con fusion and consternation pervaded the rest of the army. In such circum stances, it is indeed wonderful that the whole army was not utterly destroyed. " The enemy s balls fell thick and fast on the American ranks. Cap tain Hamilton had fallen, Captains Bradford and McGavock were down, Lieutenant Armstrong of the artillery had but life left to beg his men to save his cannon, and many more of inferior degree gave up their lives here. The Muscogees were swarming like bees to the attack, and there were none to withstand them but the left wing, the artillery men, a com pany of spies, and a few that remained of the rear guard. The artille rists ascended the bank with the most determined obstinacy, loaded their gun under a shower of lead, and sent repeated charges of grape among the savages. The company of spies turned the left flank of the enemy, and frustrated a charge they were about to make on the cannon. Many instances of individual bravery occurred in this close and desperate conflict, in which the spies and artillerists earned all praise. They kept the enemy at bay, while the General, by dint of strenuous exertion, restored order in his broken ranks. The Muscogees at last fled, throwing off all incumbrances that could retard their flight. " In these three several battles, the Muscogees fought with a courage worthy of a better fate, and their loss was accordingly severe. One hundred and ninety dead were found on the fields they abandoned ; and if we consider that no thorough search was made, and that it is the practice of Indians* to carry off and conceal their slain, we must believe the number of their killed was double what it appeared. Their spirits were depressed by the success of this sanguinary onslaught, and they did not further harass the army on its return to Fort Strother. Shortly 286 JACKSON. after, they attacked General Floyd, but were repulsed with considerable loss."* The army encamped, on the night of the 26th, within three miles of Fort Strother. General Jackson having now terminated this triumphant campaign, and hearing that fresh troops might be expected from Tennes see, where the news of his success had much effect, determined to discharge his troops. After detaining his late volunteers, therefore, a short time, to complete boats for the transportation of his camp equipage and provisions down the Coosa, he directed them to be marched home, and there to be honorably dismissed. The thirty-ninth regiment of Tennessee militia, about six hundred strong, arrived on the 6th of February. The troops from the second division, under Brigadier General Johnson, arrived on the 14th ; which, added to the other forces, constituted about five thousand efficient men. The execution of a private, named John Woods, who had been sentenced by a court martial, on the charge of mutiny, took place about this time. The guilt of the man has since been disputed, and the necessity of the punishment is very questionable. Insubordination and discontent were again prevailing among the troops in consequence of a deficiency of provisions. Every thing seemed to move in opposition to the wishes of Jackson. The East Tennessee brigade had already manifested symptoms of revolt, and it was ascer tained that this mutinous spirit had been inflamed by General Cocke, who, it appears, was jealous of the increasing fame of Jackson, and wished nothing so much as to arrest the intended campaign. General Jackson, at length, by constant and unremitted exertions, obtained such supplies as he believed would be necessary to enable him to proceed. At the mouth of Cedar Creek he established Fort Williams. On the 24th of March, 1814, leaving a sufficient force for the protection of the fort, under Brigadier General Johnson, he set out for the Tallapoosa, by the way of Emuckfaw. His whole effective force was something less than three thousand men. At ten in the morning of the 27th, after a march of fifty-two miles, he reached the village of Tohopeka. The enemy had collected here, in considerable numbers, to give him battle, The warriors from Oakfusky, Hillabee, Eufalee, and New Youcka, amounting to nearly one thousand two hundred, were at this place await ing his approach. They had chosen an admirable spot for defence. Situated in a bend of the river, which almost surrounded it, it was accessible, only by a narrow neck of land. This they had strove to ren der impregnable, by placing large timbers and trunks of trees horizontally on each other, leaving but a single place for entrance. From a double row of port-holes, they Avere enabled to fire in perfect security behind it. General Coffee, with mounted infantry and friendly Indians, had been dispatched, early in the morning, to encircle the bend, and manoeuvre in such a way, as to divert the savages from the real point of attack. He was particularly directed to prevent their escape to the opposite shore in their canoes, with which, it was represented, the whole shore was lined. * Memoir of Jackson, by a Freeman. JACKSON. 287 The General posted the rest of his army in front of the breastwork. He began to batter their breastworks with his cannon. Muskets and rifles were used, as the Indians occasionally showed themselves. The signals, which were to announce that General Coffee had gained his destination, were given. The soldiers hailed it with acclamations, and advanced with the intrepidity of veterans. The thirty-ninth regiment, led on by their skilful commander, Colonel Williams, and the brave, but ill-fated, Major Montgomery, and the militia, amidst a sheet of fire that poured upon them, rushed forward to the rampart. Here an obstinate and destructive conflict ensued. In firing through the port-holes on either side, many of the enemy s balls were welded between the muskets and bayonets of our soldiers. At this moment, Major Montgomery leaping on the rampart, called to his men to follow him. Scarcely had he spoken, when he was shot through the head, and fell. Our troops had now scaled the ramparts, and the savages fled before them, concealing themselves under the brush and timber, which abounded in the peninsula, whence they still continued a galling fire. Here they were charged and dislodged. Their next alternative was their canoes ; but they perceived that a part of the army lined the opposite shore, and precluded escape in that quarter. They, that still survived the conflict, leaped down the banks, and took shelter behind the trees, which had been felled from their margin. An interpreter with a flag here approached them, to propose a surrender ; but he was fired upon and severely wounded in the breast. Orders were now given to dislodge them. The brush and trees about them were set on fire by lighted torches, thrown down among them, and the blaze drove them from their hiding places, and exposed them to view. The slaughter continued until night concealed the combatants from one another. A few of the savages, who had avoided the havoc of the day, escaped under the shelter of night. The friendly Indians contributed much to the completeness of the victory. Several of the Cherokees and Russell s spies swam across the river in the heat of the action, and fired the Indian town in the rear of the foe. This battle gave a death-blow to the hopes of the hostile Indians, and they did not afterwards venture to make any decided stand. Their best and their bravest fell. Few escaped the carnage. Many were thrown into the river while the battle raged. Many were destroyed by Coffee s brigade in endeavoring to cross it ; and five hundred and fifty-seven were found dead on the field. Among the slain w r ere three of the prophets. These impostors inflamed the delusive confidence of the savages to the last. Monohoe, one of the chief of them, fell with a cannon shot in his mouth, at the very moment when uttering his incantations, and urging them to stand to the fight. Four men only, and three hundred women and children, were taken prisoners. The small number of men who .surrendered proves, in an impressive manner, the desperation with which they fought. The assault by the troops from East Tennessee upon the Hillabee clans, after they had sued for peace on our own terms, had caused them to relinquish all dependence upon our humanity, and to rely soleiy upon their own bravery and despair. Our loss, including the friendly Indians, was fifty-five killed, and one hundred and forty-six wounded. 288 JACKSON. The General sunk his dead in the river ; for he had found by experi ence, that when they were buried, the savages exhumed the bodies, strip ped and scalped them, and exhibited the scalps to their own people, as trophies of victory, thus encouraging them to prolong the war. Having made the necessary arrangements for the transportation of the wounded, he returned safely to Fort Williams. Learning that the enemy were collected in considerable numbers at Hoithlewalee, a town not far from the Hickory ground, Jackson was desirous to recommence operations as soon as possible. On the 7th, with all his disposable force, he commenced his march, with the double view of effecting an union with some troops from North Carolina and Georgia, who were south of Tallapoosa, and not far distant, and of attacking the enemy at Hoithlewalee, on his route. It was some time before he could procure confidential messengers, to convey to the expected troops infor mation of his proposed movements. He wrote by expresses, sent on two different routes, that on the 7th, he should march with eight days pro visions for Hoithlewalee, which he intended to attack on the llth ; and he urged the necessity of proper concert on their part, to meet this movement. High \vaters prevented his reaching his destination until the 13th, before which the enemy had fled. The rear, however, of the retreating savages were overtaken, and twenty-five of them made prisoners. The next day. the long desired junction with the southern army was effected. The Tennessee troops were sorely pressed for food. Colonel Milton, who commanded the southern army, proposed to lend General Jackson a temporary supply, but felt himself under no obligation to furnish any. To this the General replied, by ordering him to send immediately five thousand rations, and to join him by ten the next day at Hoithlewalee. The junction was accordingly made. The necessary steps were taken to bring down provisions from Fort Decatur, and no further inconvenience was experienced from want of supplies. The principal chiefs of the Hickory ground tribes, and the Creek chiefs generally, came in with protestations of friendship, and sued for peace. The answer was, that those of the war party, who wished to put an end to the contest, and become friendly, must manifest it by retiring in the rear of the army, and settling themselves to the north of Fort Williams. Fourteen chiefs were willing to furnish still further evidence of their desire for peace. They assured the General, that their aged king, Tous- hatchee, would have come with them in person, but was on his way with his followers, to settle north of Fort Williams, according to the informa tion which he had received from the General by a flag. It was expected that the Indians would make a desperate stand at the Hickory grounds, in the forks near where the Coosa and Tallapoosa unite. The army were about to proceed on its march to this place, when it was announced to the General, that Colonel Milton s brigade, which had lately united with him, was not in a situation to move. During the previous night some of his wagon horses having strayed off, persons had been sent in pursuit, and were expected shortly to return with them ; when, it was reported, he would be ready to take up the line of march. To Jackson, this was a reason for delaying the operations of an army, y ; JACKSON. 289 which as yet he had never learned, and by which he had never been influenced. He had, indeed, been frequently made to halt, though from very different causes ; from murmurs, discontents, and starvation in his camp. He replied to the Colonel s want of preparation, by telling him, that, in the progress of his own difficulties, he had discovered a very excellent mode of expediting wagons, even without horses ; and that, if he would detail him twenty men from his brigade, for every wagon deficient in horses, he would guaranty their safe arrival at their place of destination. Rather than subject his men to such drudgery, the Colonel preferred tc dismount some of his dragoons, and thus avoided the necessity of halting the army until his lost teams should arrive. The army continued its march without meeting any thing to impede it. At the old Toulosse fort on the Coosa, a fort was directed to be raised, to be named after the commanding General. Here the hostile chiefs arrived daily, with proffers of submission. They concurred in their statements, that those of the hostile chiefs, \vho were still opposed to peace, had fled to the gulf coast and Pensacola. To these applications, an answer was returned similar to the former. To put their friendly professions, which he distrusted, at once to the test, Jackson directed them to bring Weatherford to his camp, confined, that he might be dealt with as he deserved. This man was one of the first chiefs of the nation, and had been a principal actor in the butchery at Fort Mimms. Learning from the chiefs what had been required of tliem by Jackson, he determined to proceed to his camp, and make a voluntary surrender of him self. Having reached it, without being known, and obtained admission to the General s quarters, he fearlessly stood in his presence, and told him he was Weatherford, the chief who had commanded at Fort Mimms, and that, desiring peace for himself and for his people, he had come to ask it. Somewhat surprised that one who so richly merited punishment should so sternly demand the protection which had been extended to others, Jackson replied to him, that he was astonished he should venture to appear in his presence ; that he was not ignorant of his having been at Fort Mimms, nor of his inhuman conduct there, for which he well de served to die. " I had directed," continued he, " that you should be brought to me confined ; and had you appeared in that way, I should have known how to have treated you." Weatherford replied, " I am in your power do with me as you please. I am a soldier ; I have done the white people all the harm I could; I have fought them, and fought them bravely ; if I had an army, I would yet fight, and contend to the last : but I have none ; my people are all gone. I can now do no more than weep over the misfortunes of my nation." Moved at the firm and high toned manner of this child of the forest, Jackson informed him, that he did not solicit him to lay down his arms, or to become peaceable : " The terms on which your nation can be saved, and peace restored, have already been disclosed : in this way, and none other, can you obtain safety." If, however, he desired still to con tinue the war, and felt himself prepared to meet the consequences, although he was then completely in his power, no advantage should be taken of that circumstance ; he was at perfect liberty to retire, and unite himself 37 290 JACKSON with the war party, if he pleased ; but, when taken, his life should pay the forfeit of his deeds ; if this were not desired, he might remain where he was, and should be protected. Nothing dismayed, Weatherford answered, that he desired peace, that his nation might, in some measure, be relieved from their sufferings ; that, independent of other misfortunes, growing out of a state of war, their cattle and grain were all wasted and destroyed, and their women and children left destitute of provisions. " But," continued he, " I may be well addressed in such language now. There was a time when I had a choice, and could have answered you : I have none now even hope has ended. Once I could animate my warriors to battle ; but I cannot, animate the dead. My warriors can no longer hear my voice : their bones are at Talladega, Tallushatchee, Emuckfaw, and Tohopeka. I have not sur rendered myself thoughtlessly. Whilst there were chances of success, I never left my post, nor supplicated peace. But my people are gone, and I now ask it for my nation, and for myself. On the miseries and misfortunes brought upon my country, I look back with deepest sorrow, and wish to avert still greater calamities. If I had been left to contend with the Georgia army, I would have raised my corn on one bank of the river, and fought them on the other ; but your people have destroyed my nation. You are a brave man : I rely upon your generosity. You will exact no terms of a conquered peop)e but such as they should accede to : whatever they may be, it would now be madness and folly to oppose. If they are opposed, you shall find me amongst the sternest enforcers of obedience. Those who would still hold out can be influenced only by a mean spirit of revenge ; and to this they must not, and shall not, sacrifice the last remnant of their country. You have told our nation where we might go, and be safe. This is a good talk, and my nation ought to listen to it. They shall listen to it." Such were the words of Weatherford. The independent and lofty course which he afterwards pursued, left no doubt of the sincerity of his intentions. Parties were now sent out to enforce submission, but they were useless. The few Creeks who still remained hostile, had indeed retired into Florida. Such of the Muscogees as had joined the Americans against their brethren were now disposed to wreak their fury on the van quished party, especially those who had been present at the massacre of Fort Mimms. On one occasion they destroyed a small party who were on their way to the camp, with the intention of submitting. General Jackson took measures to remedy these disorders, and having established a line of posts from Tennessee to the Alabama river, he marched his troops home and discharged them. In reviewing the Creek war, humanity must often recoil from the con templation of the misery and ruin inflicted upon the deluded savages. That long forbearance, however, had been extended towards them on our side, cannot be disputed. For more than twenty years, the Creeks had been perpetrating cruelties and murders along our frontiers. In the war between the United States and Great Britain, they believed themselves to be allied with an invincible power. Successive defeats at last dispelled this illusion. Their courage was broken down, along with their power, JACKSON. 291 and it may confidently be hoped, that they will never again, as a nation, raise the tomahawk against us, within the limits of our country. On the 22d of May, 1814, General Jackson received the appointment of U. S. Major General. He was also associated with the commissioners, for forming a treaty of peace and of limits with the Creek Indians. In defining the extent of territory to be conceded to the Creeks, there was no inconsiderable difficulty. It was increased by the intrigues of the Cherokee nation, who seemed to expect, as the price of their friendship during the war, a considerable portion of country, never before attached to their claim. The demands of our government w r ere stated by General Jackson. They were canvassed by the Creeks in council, and the nation decided against them. The Big Warrior, one of their leading orators during the war, had been friendly to the United States. He replied to General Jackson in the following manner : " The President, our father, advises us to honesty and fairness, and promises that justice shall be done : I hope and trust it will be! I made this war, which has proved so fatal to my country, that the treaty entered into a long time ago, w r ith father Washington, might not be broken. To his friendly arm I hold fast. I will never break that bright chain of friendship we made together, and which bound us to stand to the United States. He was a father to .the Muscoga people ; and not only to them, but to all the people beneath the sun. His talk I now hold in my hand. There sits the agent he sent among us. Never has he broken the treaty. He has lived with us a long time. He has seen our children born, who now have children. By his direction cloth was wove, and clothes were made, and spread through our country ; but the Red Sticks came, and destroyed all, we have none now. Hard is our situation, and you ought to consider it. I state what all the nation knows : nothing will I keep secret. " There stands the Little Warrior. While we were seeking to give satisfaction for the murders that had been committed, he proved a mischief- maker ; he went to the British on the Lakes ; he came back, and brought a package to the frontiers, which increased the murders here. This conduct has already made the war party to suffer greatly : but, although almost destroyed, they will not yet open their eyes, but are still led away by the British at Pensacola. Not so with us : we were rational, and had our senses we yet are so. In the war of the revolution, our father be yond the waters encouraged us to join him, and we did so. We had no sense then. The promises he made were never kept. We were young and foolish, and fought with him. The British can no more persuade us to do wrong : they have deceived us once, and can deceive us no more. You are two great people. If you go to war, we will have no concern in it ; for we are not able to fight. We wish to be at peace with every nation. If they offer me arms, I will say to them, You put me in danger, to war against a people born in our o\vn land. They shall never force us into danger. You shall never see that our chiefs are boys in council, Avho will be forced to do any thing. I talk thus, knowing that father Washington advised us never to interfere in wars. He told us that those in peace were the happiest people. He told us that, if an enemy attacked 292 JACKSON. him, lie had warriors enough, and did not wish his red children to help him. If the British advise us to any thing, I will tell you not hide it from you. If they say we must fight, I will tell them, No !" You know," said Jackson in reply, " that the portion of country, which you desire to retain, is that through which the intruders and mischief-ma kers from the lakes reached you, and urged your nation to those acts of vio lence, that have involved your people in wretchedness, and your country in ruin. Through it leads the path Tecumseh trod, when he came to visit you : that path must be stopped. Until this be done, your nation cannot expect happiness, nor mine security. I have already told you the reasons for demanding it : they are such as ought not cannot be departed from. This evening must determine whether or not you are disposed to become friendly. By rejecting the treaty, you will show that you are the enemies of the United States enemies even to yourselves." He admitted it to be true, that the war was not ended, yet that this was an additional reason why the cession should be made ; that then a line would be drawn, by which his soldiers would be enabled to know their friends. " When our armies," continued he, " came here, the hostile party had even stripped you of your country : we retook it, and now offer to restore it theirs we propose to retain. Those who are disposed to give effect to the treaty will sign it. They will be within our territory ; will be protected and fed ; and no enemy of theirs, or ours, shall molest them. Those who are opposed to it shall have permission to retire to Pensacola. Here is the paper : take it, and show the President who are his friends. Consult, and this evening let me know who w r ill assent to it, and who will not. I do not wish, nor will I attempt, to force any of you act as you think proper." The Indians deliberated, and at last signed the treaty. The line of cession began, where the Cherokee boundary crossed the Coosa, to run down that river to the Big Falls, and thence eastwardly to Georgia. The country remaining to the Indians, was east and north of this line, and contained one hundred and fifty thousand square miles. The country ceded to the United States was west and north of these limits. A large and valuable body of lands was included, known in the west by the name of " Jackson s Purchase." It immediately began to be settled with great rapidity. But as soon as the treaty was signed, the Chickasaws, Choc- taws, and Cherokees set up claims, each to their particular share of the ceded lands. The government at length purchased the title of these people, at the expense of about three hundred and fifty thousand dollars. General Jackson had now leisure to extend his thoughts to Florida. It had always been his aim, at the termination of the Creek war, to push through their country, to the last den of retreat, and destroy every source of contention. It was clearly understood, that the Spanish Governor of the Floridas had forfeited all claim to his professed neutral character, by the supplies of munitions and aid, so liberally furnished to the hostile Indians. During his journey to Alabama, General Jackson received information that about three hundred British troops had landed, and were fortifying themselves at the mouth of the Apalachicola. and were endeavoring to JACKSON. 293 excite the Indians to war. He immediately acquainted the government of the fact, and requested permission to make a descent upon Pensacola, and reduce it. He received an answer, but not until long after he had acted, on his own responsibility, in the case. Jackson next wrote to the Spanish Governor. His letter was stern and decided : it demanded the giving up the hostile Indians in his coun try. The reply to this letter was received after much delay. The Governor denied some of the charges, and endeavored to palliate others, by accusing our government of having harbored traitors from the Mexican provinces, and of countenancing pirates who plundered Spanish com merce. The General answered this letter by another, from which we select the following passages : "Your excellency has been candid enough to admit your having sup plied the Indians with arms. In addition to this, I have learned that a British flag has been seen flying on one of your forts. All this is done whilst you are pretending to be neutral. You cannot be surprised, then, but on the contrary will provide a fort in your town for my soldiers and Indians, should I take it in my head to pay you a visit. " In future I beg you to withhold your insulting charges against my government for one more inclined to listen to slander than I am ; nor consider me any more as a diplomatic character, unless so proclaimed to you from the mouths of my cannon." Captain Gordon, who had been sent to Pensacola, reported on his return, that he had seen from one hundred and fifty to two hundred officers and soldiers, a park of artillery, and about five hundred Indians, under the drill of British officers, armed with new muskets, r.nd dressed in the English uniform. Jackson directly laid before government the inforrr ation he had receiv ed, and again urged his favorite scheme, the reduction of Pensacola. Many difficulties were presented ; but in order to have every thing in readiness, when the time for action should arrive, he addressed the Gover nors of Tennessee, Louisiana, and the Mississippi Territory, and urged them to lend all the aid in their power. He ordered the warriors of the different tribes of Indians to be marshalled, and taken into the pay of the government. The day after completing his business at Fort Jackson, he departed for Mobile, to place the country in a state of defence. He dispatched Colonel Butler to Tennessee to raise volunteers, and ordered General Coffee to advance, with such mounted troops as he could collect. Every preparation was soon completed, and the troops set out for their place of destination. General Jackson had not yet received permission from government to march against Pensacola; and his design was a secret, which was locked up in his own bosom. Events soon transpired which confirmed him in his determination. Colonel Nicholls, with a small squadron of British ships, arrived at Pensacola, and took up his quarters with Governor Manrequez. He issued a proclamation for the purpose of drawing deserters from the American side to his standard; but we are not aware that he succeeded in his attempt. He facetiously stated, that the people had been deprived 294 JACKSON. of their rights and liberties " by a contemptible foe," and that he was at the head of a force, sufficient to reinstate them in their ancient posses-* sions. He denounced us as in alliance with Napoleon, of whom he drew a very melancholy picture. He waited two weeks to give time for this proclamation to ferment in the minds of his readers, but, to his mortification, it finally went off like a cork from a bottle of very flat beer. His first visit was to Fort Bowyer, commanding the entrance of Mobile Bay. In an attack on this fort the Colonel lost one of his ships, and was deprived of an eye. He found that he had been addressing a stubborn and stiff-necked people, and re pented, too late, of his mistake. Fort Bowyer had been put into a state of defence by General Jackson, who early saw its importance. Major Lawrence commanded this spot. His whole force was but one hundred and thirty men. The fort was attacked from the sea by six hundred men, and ninety heavy guns. The attack from the rear was with a force of four hundred Indians and other troops. The enemy retired with the loss of their best ship, and two hundred and thirty men killed and wounded. The loss of the Americans did not exceed ten men. The British retired to Pensacola, to refit, and prepare for a descent on some less guarded point. Jackson now determined to undertake, on his own responsibility, the capture of this town ; and waited only for the arrival of General Coffee with volunteers, to carry his determination into effect. It was at this time very generally understood that a considerable force was shortly to sail from England, destined to act against some part of the United States, most probably New Orleans. It was the key to all the western country, and a place of immense importance, in every point of view. It was presumptuously supposed by the English, that the French inhabitants of Louisiana would hail them as restorers of the legitimate French monarchy. General Coffee arrived with the expected reinforcements, and on the 2d day of November, the line of march was taken up for Pensacola. On the 6th, the American army, consisting in all of about three thousand men, ar rived there. The British and Spaniards had been apprised of their ap proach, and had made preparations for resistance. The forts were garrison ed ; batteries formed in the principal streets ; and the British vessels, moored within the bay, were so disposed as to command the main entrances which led into Pensacola. Previous to commencing the attack, Jackson made a further attempt at negociation. Major Piere was dispatched with a flag, to make known the required conditions, but he was fired on, and compelled to return. This outrage was committed under the Spanish flag, although the British flag had been associated with it until the day before. Jackson did not give up his hopes of a reconciliation. A Spanish officer had been taken the day before, and by him he dispatched another letter to the Governor. An answer was received, stating that the above outrage was properly chargeable on the English, and that the Governor was ready to listen to whptever overtures the American General might make. On the recep tion of this answer, Major Piere was dispatched, at a late hour of the JACKSON. 295 night, to the Governor, with another letter, containing the overtures of peace. In this communication, Jackson remarks : " I come not as the ene my of Spain : not to make war, but to ask for peace ; to demand security for my country, and that respect to which she is entitled, and must receive. My force is sufficient, and my determination taken, to prevent a future repetition of the injuries she has received. I demand, therefore, the possession of the Barrancas, and other fortifications, with all your muni tions of war. If delivered peaceably, the whole will be receipted for, and become the subject of future arrangement by our respective govern ments ; while the property, laws, and religion of your citizens shall be respected. But if taken by an appeal to arms, let the blood of your subjects be upon your own head. I will not hold myself responsible for the conduct of my enraged soldiers. One hour is given you for delibe ration, when your determination must be had." The propositions contained in this letter were rejected. Jackson immediately resolved to urge his army forward. Early on the morning of the 7th, the troops were in motion. To favor the idea, that he would reach the town by the road along which he had been encamped, the General sent a detachment of five hundred men, with orders to show themselves in this direction, that, they might deceive the enemy ; while With the strength of his army, he rapidly approached Pensacola on a different quarter. The stratagem succeeded. The British looked for his appearance from the point where the detachment was seen. They had formed their vessels across the bay, and were waiting his approach with the most praiseworthy patience. Suddenly our troops were descried upon the beach, on the east side, where it was impossible for the flotilla to annoy them. They pushed for\vard, and were soon in the streets, and sheltered by the houses. One company formed the advance, led by Captain Laval, who fell, severely wounded, while charging a Spanish battery, formed in the street. The other divisions advanced rapidly upon the town. Cap tain Laval s party, although deprived of their leader, forced the battery at the point of the bayonet. The Spaniards had been able to make but three fires, before they were compelled to abandon their position. They still discharged, however, volleys of musketry from behind the houses and fences, until they were dispersed by the arrival of the regulars. The Governor, bearing a flag, now hastened panic-struck in search of the commander. He was met by Colonels Williamson and Smith, at the head of dismounted troops, and entreated that mercy might be ex tended to the city. General Jackson hastened to the intendant house, and obtained a promise of an immediate surrender of the town, the arsenals, and the muni tions of war. No time was lost in procuring a surrender of the forts. Barrancas, the most important, was fourteen miles west of Pensacola. Notwithstanding the assurances which had been given, Fort St. Michael was still withheld ; nor was it until a battery was raised against it, that the commandant ordered his flag to be taken down. Previously to striking his colors, the commandant had asked leave to discharge his guns. This request was complied with ; but the treacherous Spaniard coolly 296 JACKSON. fired his pieces, charged with grape, at a party of dragoons and Choctaw Indians, who were at a shgrt distance. By this act of perfidy, three horses were killed, and two men wounded. It was a commendable piece of forbearance on the part of General Jackson, and somewhat at variance with his usual excitability, that he did not punish the commandant with a halter. Every thing was in readiness, the next day, to take possession of Bar rancas. Our troops were approaching the place, when a tremendous explosion gave notice that all was destroyed. It was found that the fort had been blown up, and that the British shipping had retired from the bay. On their retreat from Pensacola, the British carried off with them three or four hundred slaves, in spite of the remonstrances of the owners. Our loss in the expedition was trifling. None were killed. About twenty were wounded, among whom were Captain Laval, and Lieutenant Flournoy. The General was now anxious to depart for New T Orleans. His health was much impaired, but his fear that a large fleet would soon appear on the coast, impelled him to action. Colonel Hayne was sent to the mouth of the Mississippi on a tour of examination. General Coffee and Colonel Hinds were ordered to occupy a position in the vicinity of New Orleans. Every thing being finally arranged, Jackson left Mobile on the 22d of November, and on the 1st of December established his head-quarters at New Orleans. A correspondence had for some time been carried on between General Jackson and the Governor of Louisiana, in relation to the existing cir cumstances of the State. It was believed that little reliance could be placed on the great body of the citizens. Many of the inhabitants felt not the attachment of birth to the country ; while others were indifferent as to what power they surrendered. The requisition for troops had been poorly answered, and many refused, after being drafted, to enter the ranks. In one of his letters to Governor Claiborne, the General remarked : " I regret to hear of the discontents of your people : they must not exist. Whoever is not for us, is against us. Those who are drafted must be compelled to the ranks, or punished : it is no time to balance : the country must |3e defended; and he who refuses to aid, when called on, must be treated with severity. To repel the danger with which we are assailed, requires all our energies, and all our exertions. With union on our side, we shall be able to drive our invaders back to the ocean. Summon all your energy, and guard every avenue with confidential patroles, for spies and traitors are swarming around. Numbers will be flocking to your city, to gain information, and corrupt your citizens. Every aid in your power must be given to prevent vessels sailing with provisions. By us the enemy must not be fed. Let none pass; for on this will depend our safety, until we can get a competent force in the field, to oppose attack, or become the assailants. We have more to dread from intestine, than open and avowed enemies : but vigilance on our side, and all will be safe. Remember our watchword is victory or death. Our country must and shall be defended. We will enjoy our liberty, or perish in the last ditch." JACKSON. 297 He forwarded an address to the people of Louisiana, in which he pointed out the course which the present crisis required them to adopt, and entreated them not to be lured from their fidelity. " Your government, Louisianians, is engaged in a just and honorable contest, for the security of your individual, and her national rights. The only country on earth, where man enjoys freedom, where its blessings are alike extended to the poor and rich, calls on you to protect her from the grasping usurpation of Britain : she will not call in vain. I know that every man whose bosom beats high at the proud title of freeman, will promptly obey her voice, and rally round the eagles of his country, resolved to rescue her from impending danger, or nobly to die in her defence. He who refuses to defend his rights, when called on by his government, deserves to be a slave deserves to be punished as an enemy to his country a friend to her foes." In the mean time, orders were issued by the Secretary of War to the Governors of the adjoining States to hasten forward their quotas of men and supplies. Governor Shelby of Kentucky displayed his zeal by the most efficient exertions. The troops from his State were immediately organized, placed under the command of Major-General Thomas, and dispatched down the Ohio. Major-General William Carroll commanded the detachment from Tennessee. On the 19th of November, the day ap pointed for their rendezvous, twenty-five hundred of the yeomanry of the State appeared at Nashville, and, in eight days, embarked on board their boats for New Orleans. Although General Jackson had heretofore been mainly dependent on the militia for his successes, yet he had but little faith in their ability to contend in an open field, against troops experienced in all the mancEUvres and stratagems of war. In a letter to the Secretary of War, of the 20th of November, 1814, he observes, " Permit me to suggest a plan, which, on a fair experiment, will do away or lessen the expenses, under the existing mode of calling militia forces into the field. Whenever there happens to be a deficiency in the regular force, in any particular quarter, let the government determine on the necessary number : this should be apportioned among the different States, agreeably to their respective re presentations, and called into service for, and during the war. The quota wanted will, in my opinion, be soon raised from premiums offered by those who are subject to militia duty, rather than be harassed by re peated drafts. In the mean time, let the present bounty, given by the government, be also continued. If this be done, I will insure that an effective force shall soon appear in every quarter, amply sufficient for the reduction of Canada, and to drive all our enemies from our shores." The Legislature of Louisiana had been for some weeks in session, but had not yet arrived at any definite decision. The arrival of Jackson infused new vigor into the public measures. He reviewed the volunteer corps of the city, visited the different forts, and inspected the avenues to the city. The old fort at the Balize was abandoned, and Fort St. Philip was put in the best possible state of defence. Various alterations and improvements were ordered to be made in the other forts along the 38 298 JACKSON. river. Negroes were the only laborers, that in this swampy and insalu brious clime, could be expected to perform these labors. The planters were appealed to, to furnish their slaves. The measures of defence on Lakes Borgne and Ponchartrain were promptly carried into effect by Commodore Patterson. Lieutenant Jones with his gun-boats was sent to defend the passes, and the communica tion between the two lakes was protected by a fort, under Captain Nor man. Guards and videttes were also posted in different directions to convey early intelligence of every thing that passed. Notwithstanding /these precautions, treachery at last pointed out to the enemy a narrow pass, through which they effected a landing, and reached undiscovered the banks of the Mississippi. As soon as information was received, that the English fleet were ap proaching, Lieutenant Jones, with his gun-boats, was ordered to recon noitre, and ascertain their disposition and force. On the 13th of De cember, he discovered the enemy moving off in barges towards Pass Christian. He had explicit orders to fight the enemy only at the Rigo- lets, which a violent wind prevented him from reaching. His situation became dangerous ; but, at a r.irment of extreme peril, the tide, which is there very irregular, came suciuenly in, and lifting the boats off the shoal, bore them away from the attack. At the bay of St. Louis was a small depot of public stores, which Lieutenant Jones had been ordered to bring away. Mr. Johnson, on board the Seahorse, proceeded to execute this order. The enemy, on the retreat of Lieutenant Jones, dispatched three barges to capture him. They were driven back. An additional force was sent against him, when a smart action commenced, and the assail ants were again compelled to retire with loss. But, aware that it was out of his power to defend himself against so large a force as the British could bring against him, he blew up his vessel, burned the stores, and effected a retreat by land. Early on the morning of the 14th, the enemy s barges, lying nine miles to the east, suddenly weighed their anchors, and proceeded west- wardly to the pass, where our gun-boats still lay. The same difficulty experienced before was encountered. A perfect calm prevailed, while a strong current rendered every effort to retire unavailing. No alternative remained but to meet and fight the enemy ; whose force consisted of forty-three boats, mounting as many cannon, and 1200 chosen men. The action soon commenced. A strong current unfortunately drifted two of our boats a hundred yards in advance of the line. The enemy bore down on the gun-boats in advance, and attempted to board them. They were repulsed with great slaughter, and two of their boats were sunk. One of them with one hundred and eighty men, went down immedi ately under the stern of one of the two gun-boats. A second attempt to board them proved unsuccessful. Lieutenant Jones received a severe wound, and was obliged to yield the command to George Parker, who soon after was also compelled to retire on the same account. After a conflict of nearly an hour s duration, the Americans yielded to superiority of force. Mid shipmen Cauly and Reynolds, young men of promise, fell victims to the wounds received in this contest. The American loss was ten killed, and .JACKSON. 299 thirty-five wounded. That of the assailants could not have been less ihan three hundred. The British returned, with their shipping, to Cat Island. General Jackson received the news of this disaster with concern. Ac tive and energetic measures were requisite to meet the exigencies of the occasion. Major Lacoste, commanding a battalion of colored troops, with two pieces of cannon, and a sufficient force, was ordered to defend the Chef Menteur road, that leads from the head of lake Borgne to New Orleans. The Rigolots presented the most probable route for the ad vance of the enemy. This important point was reinforced, and confided to Captain Newman, of the artillery. On the 16th, the militia were re viewed by Jackson, who addressed them in a tone suited to the occa sion. The day after the contest on the lakes, Mr. Shields, purser in the navy, was dispatched with a flag to Cat Island, accompanied by Dr. Murrell. The object of the mission was to alleviate the situation of our wounded, and to effect their liberation on parole. The British command er tried various methods of obtaining from these gentlemen, information of the strength and disposition of our army ; but nothing could be elicit ed from them. They were placed at night in a room, where their con versation might be overheard. Suspecting something of the kind, they resolved to turn the circumstance to their advantage. They talked of the circumstance of their detention, and of the prudent caution with which they had withheld all information from the British commander. " But," continued Shields, " how greatly these gentlemen will be disappointed in their expectations ! For Jackson, with the twenty thousand troops he now has, and the reinforcements from Kentucky, which must speedily reach him, will be able to destroy any force that can be landed from these ships." These words were eagerly listened to and treasured, and the belief was adopted that our force was as large as the wily prisoner represented. Early on the 15th, expresses were sent in quest of General Coffee, who, it was hoped, was not far distant with the troops from Tennessee and Kentucky. The express met Coffee a little above Baton Rouge, where he had halted, with three hundred men on his sick list. He imme diately hastened forward with his force reduced to eight hundred men, and early on the morning of the 20th arrived within four miles of New Orleans. The advance of Colonel Hinds, with the Mississippi dragoons, was no less expeditious. Having received his orders, he effected, in four days, a inarch of two hundred and thirty miles. On the 2 1st, General Carroll appeared with the rest of the Tennesseans. When it was announced in New Orleans, that the British had dis embarked, all was panic among the citizens, notwithstanding the prepa rations of the General. On the night of the 22d, the enemy effected a landing at Bayou Bienvenue, a lagune of considerable extent, stretching from lake Borgne, to within fifteen miles of New Orleans. Jackson re solved to advance and give them battle that night. He arrived in sight of the enemy a little before dark. The schooner Caroline was ordered to drop down opposite the enemy s position, where she was to anchor 300 JACKSON. and deliver her fire. This was to be the signal for a general attack. General Coffee had cautiously advanced beyond the enemy s pickets, and nearly reached an advantageous position, when a broadside from the Caroline announced the battle begun. The British were so much an noyed by her guns, that they were compelled to retire three hundred yards in rear of their first position. Their compelled change of place brought their right in contact with General Coffee, sooner than that officer had expected. His men opened a fire so destructive, that the enemy gave way, but soon rallied again. Thus the battle raged on the left wing, until the British reached the bank of the river. The conflict here was severe on both sides, for half an hour. Neither force could be made to yield their ground. But at length the British, having suffered greatly, took refuge behind the levee, which afforded them a breastwork adequate to shield them from the fatal fire of our riflemen. General Coffee, unacquainted from the darkness of the night with the strength of their position, proposed to charge them again ; but he was finally induced to retire, and await the orders of his General. While the left wing was thus engaged, General Jackson attacked the enemy s left flank. The British troops had gained a favorable position between two levees, or embankments, which had been raised to resist the encroachments of the Mississippi. Here they were partly sheltered from the fire of the American riflemen and the guns of the Caroline. They resisted bravely for half an hour, giving ground, however ; when a dense fog arising, and his troops getting into disorder, Jackson judged it prudent to discontinue the contest. From prisoners and deserters it was ascertained, that the enemy was now not much short of six thousand strong. This number greatly ex ceeded any force which the American General could bring against them ; and Jackson resolved to forbear all farther efforts, until he should dis cover the ultimate views of the enemy, and be reinforced by the Ken tucky troops that were expected. He fell back, and formed his line behind a deep ditch, that run at right angles from the river, and was de fended on the left by an almost impervious swamp. He exerted himself strenuously to put this position in a proper state of defence. Bales of cotton in vast numbers were drawn from the city, and placed so as to form an almost impenetrable bulwark. The British in the mean time were not idle. Early on the morning of the 27th, a battery, which had been thrown up the preceding night, was discovered on the bank of the river. Ineffectual efforts had been made to float the schooner up the stream. Bombs and red-hot shot were thrown on her from the battery, and she was finally in flames. There being no chance of saving her, and one of the crew being killed, and six wounded, she was abandoned, and shortly after blew up. On the 28th, the British columns advanced on our works, apparently with the object of storming them. Sir Edward Packenham commanded in person. At the distance of half a mile, they opened their heavy ar tillery upon us. Showers of bombs, balls, and congreve rockets were discharged, but excited no sensation in the minds of the Americans, save JACKSON. 301 that of curiosity. After persevering in their attack for seven hours, the British abandoned the unavailing contest. The armed sloop Louisiana had also opened a fire upon them, and withstood all their efforts to si lence her. While these proceedings were going on, Jackson received an intimation, that it was the design of the Legislature, in case he should be defeated, to offer the enemy terms of capitulation. He was greatly incensed at this intelligence, and sent orders to Governor Claiborne to watch narrow ly the conduct of the Legislature, and the moment the project of offering a capitulation to the enemy should be fully disclosed, to place a guard at the door, and confine the representatives to their chamber. On receiv ing this order, the Governor coolly marched an armed force into the hall of the Legislature, and unceremoniously expelled the members at the point of the bayonet. Before this, Jackson had been called on by a special committee of the Legislature to know what his course would be, should necessity drive him from his position. "If," replied the General, " I thought the hair of my head could divine what I should do, I would cut it off: go back with this answer ; say to your honorable body, that, if disaster does over take me, and the fate of war drives me from my line to the city, they may expect to have a very warm session." " And what did you -design to do," one inquired, " provided you had been forced to retreat ?" " I should," he replied, " have retreated to the city, fired it, and fought the enemy amidst the surrounding flames. There were with me men of wealth, owners of considerable property, who, in such an event, would have been amongst the foremost to have applied the torch to their own buildings ; and what they had left undone, I should have completed. Nothing for the comfortable maintenance of the enemy would have been left in the rear. I would have destroyed New Orleans, occupied a posi tion above on the river, cut off all supplies, and in this way compelled them to depart from the country." From this time to the 8th of January, no important military operations took place. There were some trifling skirmishes, and an occasional cannonade, but nothing to change the relative position of the two armies. To repair the damage caused by the enemy s cannon, General Jackson seized a considerable quantity of cotton, and filled up the breaches xvith it. The man to whom the bales belonged complained to him, and demanded their restoration. Finding that he was not enrolled in any corps, the General put a musket into his hand and ordered him into the ranks ; remarking, that as he was a man of property, none could be more proper to defend it. The 8th of January dawned, and with the dawn the enemy s signals for movement were descried. These were two skyrockets, the one thrown up on the left, the other on the right of the enemy s camp. The charge that followed was so rapid, that the troops at the outposts fled in with difficulty. Showers of bombs and balls were poured upon our line, while the air blazed with congreve rockets. The two divisions, com manded by Sir Edward Packenham in person, and supported by Gene rals Keane and Gibbs, pressed forward, the right against the centre of 302 JACKSON. General Carroll s division, the left against our redoubt on the levee. A thick fog enabled them to approach near our entrenchment, before they were discovered. Our troops, on descrying them, gave three cheers, and poured upon them from the whole line a sheet of fire. It was accompanied by a burst of artillery, which swept down their front. From the musketry there was a continued volley. Some of the enemy moved through this murderous fire, and gained the ditch in front of our works, where they remained during the action, and were afterwards made prisoners. Nothing could surpass the horror of the scene before them. These trained veterans were seen first to waver, and then retire. Sir Edward Packenham hastened to their front, and endeavored to rally them. He fell mortally wounded, in the arms of his aid-de-camp, not far from our line. It is said that Packenham had appealed to the worst passions of his troops to stimulate them to the assault. " Beauty and Booty" were the words given by him as the order of the day. Scarcely had Packenham received his death-wound, when the next officer in command was borne from the field dangerously wounded. The British then retreated, in less confusion than might have been expected, till they gained the shelter of a ditch, where they halted and dressed their ranks. Their officers, having restored order T led them steadily on once more over the thick strewn bodies of their comrades, and met the same reception as before. So dreadful was the destruction, that they could hardly close the gaps in their ranks as fast as they were made. They were endeavoring to deploy into the line, when they at once lost heart, broke, and fled, in spite of their leaders, the points of whose swords had now less terror for them than the American rifles. General Lambert, who had succeeded to the command, led them back to their for mer position. Meanwhile, a simultaneous attack by Colonel Thornton, with three hundred chosen men, had been made upon General Morgan s position on the left bank of the river. Some troops, that were stationed in advance to act as spies, retreated on the landing of the enemy, and were met on their return by the Kentucky force, who joined them. The two detach ments, now acting together, formed behind a saw-mill race, the plank and scantling of which made a tolerable breastwork. A spirited resist ance was maintained towards the advancing foe for some time, and for a moment the enemy were checked. They rallied, advanced, and again re ceived a heavy fire. The General s aid, perceiving the steady advance of the British, and fearing for the safety of his troops, ordered a retreat. The consequence was, that the whole force fled in haste, creating confu sion in General Morgan s line. Here they were halted, and formed in a line that reached quite to the swamp. Colonel Thornton, having ar rived in an orange grove, seven hundred yards distant from our line, halted and surveyed it. He immediately advanced to attack it in two divisions. It was defended by about fifteen hundred men. A severe discharge from the ordnance along our works caused their right division to oblique, and to unite with their left. They pressed upon the point occupied by the Kentucky troops. From some inexplicable cause, the whole force became panic struck, and fled. Through the exertions of the JACKSON. 303 officers, a momentary halt was effected ; but a burst of congreve rockets falling thickly around them, and setting fire to the sugar-cane and other combustibles, renewed their flight. Commodore Patterson had been firing on the enemy from the opposite shore. But seeing the confusion of this retreat, and aware that he could not maintain his ground, he spiked his guns, and retired from his post. General Jackson hastened to throw detachments across the river, with orders to regain the position at all hazards. Fortunately his object was obtained without the effusion of blood. The British commander sent a flag of truce with a proposal that hos tilities should cease for twenty-four hours, that the dead might be buried. General Jackson assented, but stipulated that the truce should not extend to the troops on the right bank, and that no reinforcement should be sent across by either party. Whether General Lambert had already deter mined to abandon the post gained and retreat, or whether he inferred from this answer, that a large American force had already been sent over, cannot now be known. At any rate, Colonel Thornton did not wait to be attacked, but recrossed the river and joined the main body in the night. The Americans joyfully took possession of the post he had abandoned, and thus both armies were again in the same relative posi tions as before the battle. The loss of the British in the main attack on the left has been various ly stated. The killed, wounded and prisoners, as ascertained by Colo nel Hayne, our inspector general, the day after the battle, amounted to two thousand six hundred. The American loss, in killed and wounded, was but thirteen. Our effective force on the line was short of four thousand. That of the enemy engaged was at least nine thousand. The conflict ended, and each army occupied its former position. A powerful effort was made by the enemy to bring their fleet up the river, and change the character of the campaign. A long and violent attack was made on Fort St. Philip, by two bomb vessels, a brig, sloop, and schooner. The assault was continued, until the night of the 17th, du ring which time an immense quantity of bombs and balls were thrown upon the fort by the enemy. It was commanded by Major Overton, who managed the defence with much skill and bravery. The efforts of the British were in vain, and the British finally forsook their camp, and took refuge on board their shipping. Our loss in the defence was nine killed or wounded. On the 10th of February, news of peace was re ceived at New Orleans. Thus ended the much talked of battle of New Orleans. At the close of the contest, General Jackson delivered an address in the following strain : " Citizens, and fellow-soldiers ! The enemy has retreated, and your General has now leisure to proclaim to the world what he has noticed with admiration and pride your undaunted courage, your patriotism, and patience under hardships and fatigues. Natives of different States, acting together for the first time in this camp ; differing in habits and in language, instead of viewing in these circumstances the germ of distrust and division, you have made them the source of honorable emulation, and 304 JACKSON, from the seeds of discord itself have reaped the fruits of an honorable union. This day completes the fourth week, since fifteen hundred of you attacked treble your number of men, who had boasted of their disci pline and their services under a celebrated leader, in a long and eventful war attacked them in their camp, the moment they had profaned the soil of freedom with their hostile tread, and inflicted a blow which was a prelude to the final result of their attempt to conquer, or their poor con- .trhiances to divide us. A few hours was sufficient to unite the gallant band, though, at the moment they received the welcome order to inarch, they were separated many leagues, in different directions from the city. The gay rapidity of the march, and the cheerful countenances of the of ficers and men, would have induced a belief that some festive entertain ment, not the strife of battle, was the scene to which they hastened with so much eagerness and hilarity. In the conflict that ensued, the same spirit was supported, and my communications to the executive of the United States, have testified the sense I entertained of the merits of the corps and officers that were engaged. Resting on the field of battle, they retired in perfect order on the next morning to these lines, destined to become the scene of future victories, which they were to share with the rest of you, my brave companions in arms. Scarcely were your lines a protection against musket shot, when, on the 28th, a disposition was made to attack them with all the pomp and parade of military tac tics, as improved by those veterans of the Spanish war. " Their batteries of heavy cannon kept up an incessant fire ; their rockets illuminated the air; and, under their cover, two strong columns threatened our flanks. The foe insolently thought that this spectacle was too imposing to be resisted, and in the intoxication of this pride, he already saw our lines abandoned without a contest. How were these menacing appearances met ? By shouts of defiance, by a manly coun tenance, not to be shaken by the roar of his cannon, or by the glare of his firework rockets ; by an artillery served with superior skill, and with deadly effect. Never, my brave friends, can your General forget the testimonials of attachment to our glorious cause, of indignant hatred to our foe, of affectionate confidence in your chief, that resounded from every rank, as he passed along your line. This animating scene damp ed the courage of the <enemy ; he dropped his scaling ladders and fas cines, and the threatened attack dwindled into a demonstration, which served only to show the emptiness of his parade, and to inspire you with a just confidence in yourselves. " The new year was ushered in with the most tremendous fire his whole artillery could produce : a few hours only, however, were necessa ry for the brave and skilful men, who directed our own, to dismount his cannon, destroy his batteries, and effectually silence his fire. Hith erto, my brave friends, in the contest on our lines, your courage had been passive only ; you stood with calmness a fire that would hare tried the firmness of a veteran, and you anticipated a nearer contest with an eagerness which was soon to be gratified. " On the 8th of January, the final effort was made. At the dawn of day the batteries opened, and the columns advanced. Knowing that the JACKSON. 305 volunteers from Tennessee and the militia from Kentucky were stationed on your left, it was there they directed their chief attack. " Reasoning always from false principles, they expected little opposi tion from men whose officers even were not in uniform, who were ig norant of the rules of dress, and who had never been caned into discipline. Fatal mistake ! a fire incessantly kept up, directed with a calmness and unerring aim, strewed the field with the bravest officers and men of the column, which slowly advanced, according to the most approved rules of European tactics, and was cut down by the untutored courage of Ameri can militia. Unable to sustain this galling and unceasing fire, some hundreds nearest the intrenchment called for quarter, which was grant ed : the rest retreating, were rallied at some distance, but only to make them a surer mark for the grape and canister shot of our artillery, which, without exaggeration, mowed down whole ranks at every discharge ; and at length they precipitately retired from the field. " Our right had only a short contest to sustain with a few rash men, who, fatally for themselves, forced their entrance into the unfinished re doubt on the river. They were quickly dispossessed, and this glorious day terminated with the loss to the enemy, of their Commander-in-chief and one Major-General killed, another Major-General wounded, the most experienced and bravest of their officers, and more than three thousand men killed, wounded and missing, while our ranks, my friends, were thinned only by the loss of seven of our brave companions killed, and six disabled by wounds. Wonderful interposition of Heaven ! unexampled event in the history of war ! " Let us be grateful to the God of battles, who has directed the arrows of indignation against our invaders, while he covered with his protecting shield the brave defenders of their country. " After this unsuccessful and disastrous attempt, their spirits were bro ken, their force was destroyed, and their whole attention was employed in providing the means of escape. This they have effected ; leaving their heavy artillery in our power, and many of their wounded to our clemency. The consequences of this short but decisive campaign are incalculably important. The pride of our arrogant enemy humbled, his forces broken, his leaders killed, his insolent hopes of our disunion frus trated his expectation of rioting in our spoils and wasting our country, changed into ignominious defeat, shameful flight, and a reluctant ac knowledgment of the humanity and kindness of those, whom he had doomed to all the horrors and humiliation of a conquered state. " On the other side, unanimity established, disaffection crushed, con fidence restored, your country saved from conquest, your property from pillage, your wives and daughters from insult and violation the union preserved from dismemberment, and perhaps a period put, by this de cisive stroke, to a bloody and savage war. These, my brave friends, are the consequences of the efforts you have made, and the success with which they have been crowned by Heaven. " These important results have been effected by the united courage and perseverance of the army ; but which the different corps, as well as the individuals that compose it, have vied with each other in their exertions 39 306 JACKSON. to produce. The gratitude, the admiration of their country, offers a fairer reward than that which any praises of the General can bestow ; and the best is that of which they can never be deprived, the conscious ness of having done their duty, and of meriting the applause they will receive." On the 22d of the month, Jackson signed a warrant which condemned six militia men to death, and nearly two hundred more to a disgraceful punishment. During the party excitement of 1828, various statements of this affair appeared in the newspapers. An investigation of the Gene ral s conduct was instituted by Congress, and to the proceedings on the occasion, we refer our readers. General Jackson was enthusiastically received at New Orleans, on his return. The 23d of January was appointed a day of Thanksgiving. Jackson repaired to the cathedral, which was crowded to excess. Chil dren robed in white, and representing the different States, strewed his way with flowers, and an ode was recited as he passed. A Te Deum was sung, and bishop Dubourg delivered an address, which he concluded by presenting the General with a wreath of laurel. During the prevalence of martial law in New Orleans, Jackson had arrested a member of the Legislature named Louallier, on a charge of exciting mutiny among his troops, by a publication in a newspaper. Louallier applied to Judge Hall for a writ of habeas corpus, which was immediately issued. Instead, however, of acting in obedience to the writ, and surrendering M. Louallier, Jackson arrested the Judge and turned him out of the city. On being restored to the exercise of his functions, Judge Hall granted a rule of court for General Jackson to appear, and show cause why an attachment for contempt should not be awarded, on the ground that he had refused to obey a writ issued to him, detained an original paper belonging to the court, and imprisoned the Judge. Jack son endeavored to justify his conduct in a long defence, but by the deci sion of the court he was fined a thousand dollars. The popular feeling seems to have run strongly in his favor. No sooner was the judgment pronounced, than the crowds who filled the court-house, hurried forth with loud cries of "Huzza for Jackson." - They presently met a carriage in which a lady was riding, and taking her from it with more enthusiasm than civility, they compelled the ob ject of their acclamations to occupy her place. The horses being re moved, the carriage was drawn on, and stopped at the coffee-house, into which he was carried, and thither the crowd followed, huzzaing for Jackson, and uttering menaces against the Judge. A sum was soon raised sufficient to relieve Jackson of the payment of the fine ; but he is said to have preferred the satisfaction of refusing the proffered indemni fication. General Jackson arrived- in Nashville on the 18th of May, 1815, and was received in a flattering manner by the citizens of that place. He was soon after appointed Commander-in-chief of the southern division. The Legislature of Tennessee passed a vote of thanks, and presented him with a gold medal. Towards the close of the autumn of 1815, he repaired to the seat of government, On his way, he met with continued JACKSON. 307 demonstrations of respect from the people. A public dinner was given him at Lynchburg, in Virginia, at which Thomas Jefferson gave the following toast : Honor and gratitude to the man who has filled the measure of his country s glory. In the spring of 1816, Jackson again visited New Orleans. After stationing the army in the southern section of his division, he concluded a treaty with the Indians, the object of which was to obtain from them the absolute relinquishment of all the claim they pretended to have to lands within the limits of the United States, and which had been previously ceded by them. Shortly after wards he entered into a correspondence with President Monroe, on the subject of the War Department. It was his wish that the officers of his division should obey no order from the War Department, which did not pass through the office of his Adjutant General ; and he had issued a notice to this effect. The affair ended in the Secretary of War issuing a declaration, that, for the future, orders of the War Department should be first communicated to the commanding Generals of divisions, except ing on extraordinary occasions. The Seminole Indians had committed many troublesome depredations on our southern frontiers. General Gaines had been ordered by the President on the 30th of October, 1817, to take measures for the defence of the frontier. In obedience to his orders, he built three forts, and pro ceeded to expel the Indians. He met with considerable opposition. At the mouth of Flint river, a party of forty men, under Lieutenant Scott, fell into an ambuscade of the savages, and were all slain but six, who escaped by swimming. On hearing the news of this massacre, General Jackson raised an army of two thousand five hundred volunteers, mus tered them as in the service of the United States, and appointed two hundred and thirty officers. On the first of April, he arrived with his army at the Mickasucky villages, which were deserted on his approach. He burned the villages, and marched to St. Marks, a Spanish post on Apalachy bay. Alexander Arbuthnot, a Scot, and an Indian trader, was taken near St. Marks and confined. Shortly afterwards, a British Lieutenant of marines, named Ambrister, was also seized. These men were accused of exciting the Indians to hostility against the United States, and sup plying them with the means of war. They were tried by a court mar tial, consisting of officers of militia, by whom the case seems to have been fully investigated. The unhappy prisoners were found guilty, and sentenced to be hung. General Jackson arrived about the middle of May at the Escambia, near Pensacola. Here, he received a remonstrance from the Governor of West Florida, who complained of the violation of a Spanish territory. But Jackson having heard that a party of fugitive Indians had passed through the town, resolved to follow them. He took possession of the place on the 24th; and the Governor fled to Fort Barrancas for pro tection. The next day, Jackson commenced offensive operations against the fort, which was finally surrendered. In a letter to the Secretary of War, dated June 2d, 1818, Jackson closes as follows. As usual, he does not omit to mention, in terms of praise, his officers and men. 308 JACKSON. " The Seminole war may now be considered as at a close, tranquillity again restored to the southern frontier of the United States, arid as long as a cordon of military posts is maintained along the Gulf of Mexico, America has nothing to apprehend from either foreign or Indian hostili ties. Indeed Sir, to attempt to fortify, or protect an imaginary line, or to suppose that a frontier on the 31st degree of latitude, in a wilderness, can be secured by a cordon of military posts, while the Floridas lie open to an enemy, is visionary in the extreme. " Under this firm belief, I have bottomed all my operations. Spain had disregarded the treaties existing with the American Government, or had not power to enforce them. The Indian tribes within her territory, and which she was bound to keep at peace, had visited our citizens with all the horrors of savage war ; negro brigands were establishing them selves, when and where they pleased ; and foreign agents were openly and knowingly practising their intrigues in this neutral territory. " The immutable principles, therefore, of self defence, justified the occu pancy of the Floridas, and the same principles will warrant the American government in holding it, until such time as Spain can guaranty, by an adequate military force, the maintaining her authority within the colony. " At the close of a campaign which has terminated so honorably and happily, it gives me pleasure to express my approbation, generally, of the officers and soldiers of every species of corps, which I have had the honor to command. The patience with which they endured fatigue, and sub mitted to privations, and the determination with which they encountered. and vanquished every difficulty, is the strongest indication of the exist ence of that patriotic feeling, which no circumstances can change, and of that irresistible ardor in the defence of his country, which will prove her strength and bulwark under any experience. I should do violence to my feelings, if I did not particularly notice the exertions of my quarter master general, Colonel George Gibson, who, under the most embarrass ing circumstances, relieved the necessities of my army, and to whose exertions was I indebted for the supplies received. His zeal and integrity, in this campaign, as well as in the uniform discharge of his duties since his connexion with my staff, merits the approbation and gratitude of his country." At the close of the Seminole campaign, General Jackson returned to Nashville. From this period till the summer of 1821, nothing particular ly worthy of remark occurred to him. Florida was, by the treaty, to be ceded in August, and in June he was appointed Governor of the whole Territory, with powers equal to those which had been previously ex ercised by the Spanish Governors. The Spanish officers yielded their several commands on the day appointed by the treaty. The new Go vernor, however, did not assume his command in perfect harmony and serenity. There were certain documents of importance, which the Spa nish Governor, Callava, retained in his possession. These, Jackson ordered him to surrender. Callava refused, and was taken into custody by an armed guard. He was carried before Governor Jackson, and was, by his order, committed to prison, until the papers should be delivered to the alcaide. On the next day, a search-warrant for the papers was issued JACKSON. 309 by the Governor, upon which they were obtained, and directed to be de livered to the alcaide ; whereupon, Callava was immediately released. In assuming the command in Florida, General Jackson had said : " I am clothed with powers, that no one, under a republic, ought to possess, and which I trust will never again be given to any man." Becoming weary of his situation as Governor, he resigned his office, and returned to Nashville. In May, 1822, he was nominated, by the Legislature of Tennessee, a candidate for the Presidency of the United States. He was elected in the autumn of the same year to the United States Senate. The new tariff bill, which was enacted the next session, received his support. Mr. Monroe s second term of office as President of the United States vv as near expiring, and the question, who should be his successor, was an exciting one throughout the Union. The candidates were John Quincy Adams of the north, Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay of the west, and Messrs. Crawford and Calhoim of the south. Mr. Calhoun withdrew from the canvass of 1824, and the contest was maintained be tween the other candidates. General Jackson received ninety-nine elec toral votes; J. Q. Adams, eighty-four; W. H. Crawford, forty-one; and Henry Clay, thirty-seven. By a constitutional provision, the election consequently devolved upon the House of Representatives. It was evi dent, that Mr. Clay s chance of election was small, but having received the entire votes of three States, he was able to exercise a powerful in fluence on the election. He avowed himself in favor of Mr. Adams ; his friends followed his example, and Mr. Adams was consequently elected. During the political excitement in relation to the Presidency, General La Fayette, who had been making his memorable tour through the United States, arrived at Nashville. His visit to General Jackson is thus de scribed by Levasseur, the secretary of our country s guest : ; At one o clock, we embarked with a numerous company, to proceed to dine with General Jackson, whose residence is a few miles up the river. We there found numbers of ladies and farmers from the neigh borhood, whom Mrs. Jackson had invited to partake of the entertainment she had prepared for General La Fayette. The first thing that struck me on arriving at the General s, was the simplicity of his house. Still some what influenced by my European habits, I asked myself if this could really be the dwelling of the most popular man in the United States, of him whom the country proclaimed one of her most illustrious defenders; of him, finally, who by the will of the people was on the point of becom ing her chief magistrate. One of our fellow-passengers, a citizen of Nashville, witnessing my astonishment, asked me, whether in France, our public men, that is to say, the servants of the public, lived very dif ferently from other citizens ? Certainly, said I ; thus, for example, the majority of our generals, all our ministers, and even the greater part of our subaltern administrators, would think themselves dishonored, and would not dare to receive any one at their houses, if they only possessed such a residence as this of Jackson s ; and the modest dwellings of your illustrious chiefs of the revolution, Washington, John Adams, Jefierson, 310 JACKSON. &c., would only inspire them with contempt and disgust. They must first have in the city an immense and vast edifice, called a hotel, in which two large families could live with ease, but which they fill with a crowd of servants strangely and ridiculously dressed, and whose only employ ment, for the most part, is to insult those honest citizens who come on foot to visit their master. They must also have another large establish ment in the country, which they call a chateau, and in which they ac cumulate all the luxuries of furniture, decorations, entertainments, and dress in fact, every thing that can make them forget the country. Then they must have, to enable them to go from one to the other of these habitations, a great number of carriages, horses, and servants. Very well, interrupted the Tennessean, shaking his head as if in doubt, but who provides these public officers with all the money thus swallowed up in luxury, and how do the affairs of the people go on ? If you ask them, they will tell you that it is the king who pays them, although I can assure you that it is the nation, which is borne down by taxes for the purpose ; as to business, it is both well and badly attended to, but gene rally the latter. And why do you submit to such a state of things ? * Because we cannot remedy it. * What ! you cannot remedy it? A nation so great, so enlightened as the French, cannot prevent its officers, magistrates, and servants, from enjoying, at their expense, a scandalous and immoral luxuriousness, and at the same time not attending to their duties ! whilst we, who have just assumed our name among nations, are enjoying the immense advantage of only having for magistrates, men who are plain, honest, laborious, and more jealous of our esteem than solicitous for wealth. Permit me to believe that what you have told is only pleasantry, and that you wished to amuse yourself for a moment with a poor Tennessean who has never visited Europe. But rest assured, that, however ignorant we may be of what passes on the other side of the water, it is not easy to make us credit things which militate so strongly against good sense and the dignity of man. Do what I could, I could never make this good citizen of Nashville believe that I was not jesting, and was obliged to leave him in the belief that we were not worse go verned in France than in the United States. "General Jackson successively showed us his garden and farm, which appeared to be well cultivated. We every where remarked the greatest order, and most perfect neatness ; and we might have believed ourselves on the property of one of the richest and most skilful of the German far mers, if, at every step, our eyes had not been afflicted by the sad specta cle of slavery. Every body told us that General Jackson s slaves were treated with the greatest humanity, and several persons assured us, that it would not surprise them, if, in a short time, their master, who already had so many claims on the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, should at tempt to augment it still more, by giving an example of gradual emanci pation to Tennessee, which would be the more easily accomplished, as there are in this State but seventy-nine thousand slaves in a population of four hundred and twenty-three thousand, and from the public mind be coming more inclined than formerly to the abolition of slavery. " On returning to the house, some friends of General Jackson, who JACKSON, 311 probably had not seen him for some time, begged him to show them the arms presented to him in honor of his achievements during the last war ; he acceded to their request with great politeness, and placed on a table, a sword, a sabre, and a pair of pistols. The sword was presented to him by Congress ; the sabre, I believe, by the army which fought under his command at New Orleans. These two weapons, of American manufac ture, were remarkable for their finish, and still more so for the honorable inscriptions with which they were covered. But it was to the pistols, that General Jackson wished more particularly to draw our attention ; he handed them to General La Fayette, and asked him if he recognized them. The latter, after examining them attentively for a few minutes, replied, that he fully recollected them, to be a pair he had presented in 1778 to his paternal friend Washington, and that he experienced a real satisfaction in finding them in the hands of one so worthy of possessing them. At these words the face of old Hickory was covered with a mod est blush, and his eye sparkled as in a day of victory. Yes 1 I believe myself worthy of them, exclaimed he, in pressing the pistols and La- Fayette s hands to his breast ; if not from what I have done, at least for what I wished to do for my country. All the bystanders applauded this noble confidence of the patriot hero, and were convinced that the weapons of Washington could not be in better hands than those of Jackson." In October, 1825, General Jackson was nominated by the Legislature of Tennessee, a candidate for the Presidency. He soon after resigned his seat in the United States Senate, and retired to private life. In May, 1826, he was nominated for the Presidency, by a meeting of citizens in Philadelphia. Active measures were taken by his friends to insure his success, and it was not forgotten to place his military talents in a daz zling light before the people. At an anniversary of our independence, which was celebrated at Fayetteville in Tennessee, he addressed an as sembly, as follows : " Your cordial welcome is grateful to my feelings. It recalls to my recollection the urbanity and hospitality which were extended to me and my troops by the citizens of this town and country, in 1813, while encamp ed in its vicinity, on their march to protect, our southern frontier from the ruthless savage. Sir, the orderly conduct of the brave men I had the happiness then to command, was honorable to them, to me, and to their country. Those high-minded men, whom patriotism alone had led to the tented field, to defend their country and their country s rights, could not trespass on, or infringe the rights and privileges of their fellow citizens of Fayetteville and of Lincoln county. These were the wealth and sinew of your country they were the citizen soldiers, who appre ciated, above all earthly blessings, their liberties achieved bv their fore fathers, and had sworn to hand them down, unimpaired, to their children, or die in the attempt. With such an army your rights could not be infringed, nor your property molested. In the ranks of such men, order, discipline, and strict subordination, were easily introduced and main tained. It was the prowess of those citizen soldiers that enabled me so promptly and effectually to terminate a savage war to meet and van- 312 JACKSON. quish their more savage allies, the British, at New Orleans, which gave security to your borders, and peace to the nation. I, Sir, was only a humble instrument in the hands of a wise and superintending Provi dence, for the accomplishment of those important and beneficial ob jects. " My humble efforts in the service of my country, whether in the field or cabinet, I am fearful, are too highly appreciated by you. I can with candor, however, declare, that in every situation, to which I have been called by my fellow citizens, my best judgment has been exercised, and unceasing exertions been employed, to promote the best interests of my country. How far I have succeeded, is evidenced by your approba tion. " You, Sir, have been pleased to pass in review my conduct in the late presidential contest. I trust you will believe me candid, when I assure you, that I have too long practised the pure principles of republicanism to abandon them at this late period of my life. I have always been taught to believe that ours is a government based upon the will of the people, and established for their prosperity and happiness exclusively. In the adoption of our Constitution, the people secured to themselves the right of choosing their own agents to administer the government agreea bly to their own will, as expressed by the voice of a majority. Surely, then, in the exercise of these important rights, they ought to be left to the dictates of their own unbiassed judgments. Acting, Sir, in accor dance to these fundamental principles of our government, and having laid it down as a rule from which I have never departed, neither to seek, nor decline office, when freely offered by the people, I could not inter fere, in any manner whatever, in that contest, while either before the people, or the people s representatives. Your approbation of my course is, therefore, truly gratifying, and particularly so, as my conduct on that occasion was dictated by my best judgment. " For the kind solicitude you have expressed for my promotion in the estimation of my fellow-citizens, I tender you my sincere thanks." In 1828, General Jackson was present at New Orleans, at the celebra tion of the eighth of January ; the anniversary of the victory, to which his energy and decision had contributed so much. He was hos pitably welcomed by the city authorities, and the enthusiasm of the day was greatly augmented by his presence. As the period, which was to decide the new Presidential election ap proached, the excitement of the contending parties increased. In the au tumn of 1828, the election took place, and the result was the choice of Gene ral Jackson as President of the United States. Before departing for the seat of government, he met with a severe affliction in the death of Mrs. Jackson. The loss bore heavily upon him for some time. Towards the close of January, 1829, General Jackson and suite left the Hermitage for the seat of Government. He reached Washington early in February, in a plain carriage, and escorted by ten or twelve horsemen. On the 4th of March, the ceremony of his inauguration took place in the Senate chamber. His address upon the occasion was short, but appro priate and sufficient. JACKSON. 313 President Jackson organized his Cabinet by appointing Martin Van Buren, of New York, Secretary of State ; Samuel D. Ingham, of Penn sylvania, Secretary of the Treasury ; John H. Eaton, of Tennessee, Sec retary of War ; John Branch, of North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy ; and John M. Berrien, of Georgia, Attorney General. One of the first acts of the new administration was a sweeping remo val from office of all those who had been actively opposed to his election. For this he was much censured by many, and there is no doubt but that a good deal of private calamity was occasioned by the act. His friends, however, have asserted, though without the shadow of truth, that such persons only were removed, as the public good required. On the opening of Congress in December, 1829, the first message of the President was delivered. In this document, he recommended the amendment of that part of our Constitution, which relates to the elecnon of President and Vice President, so that all intermediate agency in the election might be removed. He believed, that the purity of our government would be promoted by the exclusion of members of Congress, from all appointments in the gift of the President. He advised, that the attention of Congress should be directed to the modification of the Tariff. He recommended that no more first-rate ships should be built, but that the materials of marine architecture should rather be collected and placed in situations where they might readily be put to use. On the 27th of May, the President rejected the bill, which originated in the House of Representatives, and passed that House, and also the Senate, authorizing a subscription of stock in the Maysville and Wash ington Turnpike Road Company, in Kentucky. This bill was returned to the House of Representatives, with the President s objections thereto. In December, 1830, Congress again assembled, and President Jackson presented his second message to the Representatives of the nation. Previous to the close of this Congressional session, a rupture took place between the President and Mr. Calhoun, Vice-President of the United States, which gave rise to a voluminous correspondence between the parties concerned. The correspondence was published at the adjournment of Congress. This decisive step plainly indicated a division among the friends of the administration ; and as the influence of the Vice President predominated in the Southern, and he was not without friends in the Middle States, his appeal began to affect injuriously the administration itself, from a conviction that its head was operated upon by improper feelings and pre judices. * "In this posture of affairs, the country was astonished by the infor mation promulgated through the official journal at the seat of Govern ment, April 20th, 1831, that the Cabinet Ministers of the President had resigned, and the most lively curiosity was manifested to learn the causes of this unexpected and unprecedented movement. This curiosity 1 ^American Annual Register. 40 314 JACKSON. was not speedily gratified. The letters of the several members of the Cabinet were published, but they served to inflame rather than to gratify the public feeling. " The mystery was finally developed by a communication of the At torney General to the public, in which the cause of the want of harmony in the adminstration was attributed to a determination to compel the fami lies of the dismissed members to associate with the wife of the Secretary of War. " By this statement it appeared that these ladies had, in accordance with the general understanding of the female part of society at Washing ton, declined to visit the family of the Secretary of War, and that this neglect, being resented by that gentleman, had produced a coolness be tween him and the heads of those families. As the President warmly espoused the feelings of the Secretary of War, as of an old and confiden tial friend, it was rumored, early in the year, that their removal would be a consequence of this resentment ; and the Attorney General stated, that about that time a confidential friend of the President (Richard M. Johnson) called upon him and the other refractory members, as from the President, and intimated to them, that unless they would consent to at least a formal intercourse between their families and that of the Secreta ry of War, he had determined to remove them from office. They re plied, that while they felt bound to maintain a frank and harmonious in tercourse with their colleagues, they would not permit any interference with the social relations of their families, and wholly refused to comply with the request. Other friends, however, interfered, and the President was induced to waive any further prosecution of the subject at that time. " To that refusal, however, he attributed the want of harmony of the Cabinet, and its consequent dissolution. " This charge, from a high and unquestioned source, imputing so discre ditable and undignified an interference with the private and domestic rela tions of the members of his Cabinet, produced a strong impression upon the public mind ; and, with the view of obviating that unfavorable im pression, a different version was soon furnished of these transactions, by the friends of the administration. According to this version, it seemed that the President, believing that a combination had been entered into by the Vice-President and a portion of his Cabinet, to drive the Secreta ry of War from the administration, by excluding his family from society, had determined on re-organizing his Cabinet, unless its members would consent to meet upon terms of harmonious intercourse. With the view of averting that result, Mr. Johnson called upon the members of the Cabinet, and suggested to them the propriety of associating with the family of the Secretary of War, or at least of assenting to a formal inter course, which would be all that the President could desire. In making this proposition, Colonel Johnson asserted, that he was actuated solely by a desire to prevent a dissolution of the Cabinet ; that it was upon his own authority; and that he was in no shape authorized by the President to make any such requisition. " This version was sustained by an authorized publication on the part JACKSON. 315 of the President, while that of the Attorney General was supported by the testimony of the Secretaries of the Navy and of the Treasury. It was, however, impossible to avoid the conclusion, that, to the influence of these domestic dissensions, the dissolution of the Cabinet was to be solely attributed, and that the cause assigned in the letter of the Secreta ry of State, was merely ostensible, and with the design of diverting the public attention from these discreditable occurrences. The satisfaction that was felt by the community at large at the breaking up of the most incompetent Cabinet, that was ever called to the administration of the Government of the United States, in some measure compensated for the manner in which it was dissolved. This satisfaction was increased by the character of the gentlemen invited to act as their successors." The new Cabinet, which was not completely organized until late in the summer of 1831, was constituted as follows : EDWARD LIVINGSTON, of Louisiana, Secretary of State. Louis McLANE, of Delaware, Secretary of the Treasury. LEWIS CASS, of Ohio, Secretary of War. LEVI WOODBURY, of New-Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy. ROGER B. TANEY, of Maryland, Attorney General. This Cabinet was not only, in every particular, superior to that which preceded it, but might fairly compare, in point of talent and ability, with that of any previous administration, and its character furnished strong testimony of the tribute paid to public opinion in the selection of his pub lic advisers by a Chief Magistrate of great personal popularity. The determination adopted by General Jackson, upon his accession to the Presidency, not to enforce the Indian intercourse act, whenever its provisions should bring the Government of a State into collision with that of the United States, now began to produce the most unhappy con sequences. Encouraged by the conviction, that they could proceed without molestation, the Government of Georgia commenced the execu tion of what it had only threatened, under the preceding administration. Shortly after the period designated for the extension of the jurisdiction of the State, over the Cherokee territory, the writs of the State Courts were issued against residents in the Indian territory, and the Cherokees were tried before the State tribunals, without any regard being paid to their pleas to the jurisdiction of the Court before which they were sum moned. " In the case of George Tassel, a Cherokee, charged with the murder of another Cherokee upon the Indian Territory, an effort was made to procure the decision of the Supreme Court, upon the constitutionality of the State laws. After his trial and condemnation, by the Superior Qourt for Hall County, a writ of error was issued from the Supreme Court of the United States, and a citation was served upon Governor Gilmer, on the 22d of December, 1830, requiring the State of Georgia, to appear before the Supreme Court, at Washington, on the second Monday of January, to shew cause why the judgment in that case should not be reversed. As the question in this cause was simply concerning the validity of the treaties between the United States and the Cherokee tribe, it was obviously within the jurisdiction of the Federal Judiciary, 316 JACKSON. which, by the second section of the third article of the Constitution, is declared to extend to all cases in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States and treaties made or which shall be made, under their authority. " " Governor Gilmer, however, regarding it as an usurpation of authori ty, immediately transmitted the citation to the Legislature, with a mes sage exhorting that body to take measures to resist any interference on the part of the Federal Judiciary, with the jurisdiction of the criminal Courts of the State. Upon the reception of this message, the following resolutions were proposed by the committee to which the subject was referred, and were passed by the Legislature. " Resolved, That the State of Georgia will never so far compromit her sovereignty as an independent State, as to become a party to the case sought to be made before the Supreme Court of the United States, by the writ in question. " Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor, be, and he is hereby authorized, to communicate to the Sheriff of Hall County, by express, so much of the foregoing resolutions, and such orders as are necessary to insure the full execution of the laws, in the case of George Tassel, convicted of murder in Hall County. " " Orders were accordingly given to the Court and the Sheriff, to disre gard any process from the "United States Courts, and the execution of the unfortunate Indian took place on the 28th of December, pursuant to his sentence. The subsequent arrest and treatment of the missionaries are well re membered. These acts apparently received the countenance and sup port of the General Government. The twenty-second Congress of the United States convened in Decem ber, 1831. The customary message of the President at this time was received with considerable favor by the people. One of the most prominent acts of this session of Congress, was the rejection by the Senate, of the nomination of Martin Van Buren, by the President, as Minister to England. This rejection is said to have been a subject of much irritation to General Jackson. Another and more important question which agitated Congress, was that of renewing the charter of the present Bank of the United States. After much discussion, this bill passed the House and Senate, and was submitted to the President, by whom it was rejected, and returned with his objections. These objections have been too recently before the read er to be acceptable in this place. A great sensation was produced throughout the Union by the promulgation of the veto message ; and the result of the excitement was perhaps favorable to the man, who had pos sessed the independence to pursue such a course. On the 13th of July, the Senate resumed the bank subject, and, after some debate, the question was put, " whether the bill should become a law, the President s objections to the contrary notwithstanding," and was decided in the negative. The next public paper of moment, which proceeded from the Presi dent, was the proclamation issued against the ordinance of the South JACKSON. 317 Carolina Convention, assembled at Columbia. The proceedings of this Convention had been watched with intense interest by the people of the United States, and when the deliberations resulted in the plainly avowed threat of Nullification, conjecture was busy in imagining the course which would be pursued by the President, at so alarming a crisis. No sooner was his proclamation issued, denouncing the measures of the Convention, than it was met by the most cheering responses from all parts of the Union. This document may be ranked among the ablest and most popular state papers ever promulgated. Few, perhaps, have been more read and applauded. A counter proclamation from Governor Hayne soon followed, warning the good people of South Carolina against " the insidious attempts of the President of the United States to seduce them from their allegiance." Fortunately the excitement has been allayed without bloodshed, by the removal of the most prominent causes for complaint. On the 13th of February, 1833, the two Houses of Congress met in the Representatives chamber, to count the votes for a President and Vice-President of the United States for four years from the 4th of March ensuing. The ballots were opened by the President of the Senate, when they were examined, and the certificate of the vote read by the tellers. The official result was as follows : For President, JACKSON, - 219 CLAY, - - 49 For Vice-President, VAN BUREN, - 189 SERGEANT, - - 49 The majority for General Jackson was declared to be 145. His inau guration took place with the usual ceremonies on the 4th of March. On the 6th of May, General Jackson, with the members of his Cabinet, and his private secretary, left Washington in compliance with the invi tation of the " Monumental Committee" at Fredericksburg, to lay the corner-stone of the pillar, to be erected in honor of the mother of Wash ington. The President and his party embarked in the large and com modious steamer Cygnet. " The day," says a correspondent of the N. Y. Mirror, " was mild, and the air soft and refreshing. After the com pany had assembled on board, they paid their respects to the Executive, which that venerable patriot received with the ease and grace of the most finished gentleman of the old school. They then separated ; some of the party went upon the upper deck, to admire the picturesque and beautiful scenery of the surrounding country, whence, from the north round to the south, lay a line of high grounds, forming within their in terior an extensive amphitheatre. On the south, the broad and peaceful Potomac, stretching as far as the eye could reach. 0n the eastern branch of the river was to be seen the navy yard, and several of the public armed vessels lying in the stream, with our nag floating on the breeze ; and, on the western branch, wo had a distant but beautiful view of Georgetown, as it slopes from the high grounds to the river; and be tween that and the navy yard, was to be seen the city of Washington, whence we had just taken our departure ; and from our situation we had, at one glance, a view of the bridge crossing the river, which ex ceeds a mile in extent, the Chief Magistrate s house, and the capitol, with its splendid dome, rearing its head over every other object. Among 318 JACKSON. those who went upon the upper deck were the heads of department. A group of ladies, with their attendants, w r ere seated in the after part of the boat ; and an excellent band of music was playing several national airs, as the steamer glided on her way, and shortly arrived at the city of Alexandria. General Jackson had, just previous to the boat s reaching the wharf, retired to the cabin, and had taken his seat at a long table, which had been set preparatory for dinner ; he was seated on the west side, and next to the berths, there being barely room enough left be tween the berths and table for a person to pass, by moving sideways. Upon his left sat Mrs. Thruston, the wife of Judge Thruston, of Wash ington ; and on the opposite side of the table sat Major Donaldson, the General s private secretary ; Mr. Potter, a clerk in one of the depart ments at Washington ; and Captain Broome, of the marine corps. The President was reading a newspaper. While in this situation, (there being no other person in the cabin or near him,) a large number of citizens came on board, as it was supposed, to pay their respects to him. Among the number was Randolph, late a lieutenant in the navy. He made his way into the cabin, and after speaking to Captain Broome, who had long been acquainted with him, he immediately advanced between the table and the berths toward the President, as if to address him. The President did not know him, and it seems that Captain Broome did not mention his name, because, he said, he believed that the object of his visit was to present a petition, praying to be restored to the navy again : still, as the captain did not know that that was the object of his visit, and fearing, as he said, that he might intend to commit some act of violence, he stepped quickly to the same side of the table, and advanced up to and near Randolph, who had by this time come so near General Jackson as to be observed by him, who, supposing it was some person about to salute him, said that he was afflicted with a severe pain in his side, and begged to be excused for not rising ; and, seeing that Randolph had some difficulty in pulling off his glove, he stretched out his hand toward him, saying, at the same time, " Never mind your glove, sir." Upon this, Randolph thrust one hand violently into the President s face ; but, before he could make use of the other, or repeat his blow, Captain Broome seized and drew him off toward the door. A part of the table was broken down in the scuffle. Mr. Potter thrust his umbrella at Ran dolph across the table, at the moment Captain Broome seized him ; whereupon Randolph s friends clenched him, hurried him out of the cabin, and off from the boat, leaving his hat behind. This was done so quickly, that the few persons who were near the President were not aware of it, as they had all turned around after pushing Randolph away, to in quire whether or not the Chief Magistrate was much hurt. He was so confined behind the table, that he could not rise with ease, nor could he seize his cane in time to defend himself. The news of this outrage was soon circulated around the boat, and at first it seemed so incredible that no one could be found to believe it ; all, however, immediately repaired to the cabin, and heard the President relate the story himself. " Had I been apprised," said he, " that Randolph stood before me, I should have been prepared for him, and I could have defended myself. JACKSON, 319 No villain," said he, " has ever escaped me before ; and he would not, had it not heen for my confined situation." Some blood was seen on his face, and he was asked whether he had been much injured ? " No," said he, "I am not much hurt-; but, in endeavoring to rise, I have wounded my side, which now pains me more than it did," About this time, one of the citizens of Alexandria, who had heard of the outrage, addressed the General, and said : " Sir, if you. will pardon me, in case I am tried and convicted, I will kill Randolph, for this insult to you, in fifteen minutes ?"* " No, Sir," said the President, " I cannot do that, I want no man to stand between me and my -assailants, and none to take revenge on my account. Had I been prepared for this cowardly villain s approach, I can assure you all, that he would never have the temerity to undertake such a thing again." " The spirits of the whole party had been much affected by this out rage ; no one could think >or talk of any thing else ; and it seemed that the sacred errand which the President was proceeding upon would be defeated. But, after the steamer had got under way from the fort, and after the report of the last cannon, fired as a salute in honor of the Chief Magistrate, had died away-, some one exclaimed, ** We are approaching, and shall soon be at Mount Vernon." Upon this the pulse of every heart on board was quickened, and every eye was turned toward the beautiful promontory, which projects into the river ; and upon the sacred mansion (which is situated upon the highest part of it) where once dwelt the father of his country. The band played a funeral dirge as we pass ed his tomb, and then the steamer lay to for some time, and a small boat was seen gliding to the shore, bearing two gentlemen of the party, who landed on the plantation, and ascended the hill to the mansion. But few on board knew the object of the delay. In a few moments, however, they returned to the boat with three ladies, the descendants of Washington, and the residents of Mount Vernon, who had agreed to honor the occasion with their company. Upon reaching the deck of the steamer, they were introduced to General Jackson, when each presented him with a bunch of flowers culled from the garden which had been cul tivated by the hands of the immortal Washington. This incident dis pelled the gloom occasioned by the outrage already related, and the re mainder of the passage was pleasant and agreeable. " The President was met at Potomac creek, nine miles from Fredericks- burgh, by the Monument committee, and a long concourse of gentlemen on horseback, who escorted him to the heights north of Fredericksburgh, from whence was an extensive view of the beautiful and fertile valley of the Rappahannock, of the city itself, which is delightfully situated upon the south bank of the river, and likewise of the numerous and splendid country seats in the vicinity of the city. The view from this spot was grand and imposing beyond description. Here the President was met by several companies in uniform, under the command of Major Patten, * It has beea well remarked, that this proposal was more insulting than the assault. 320 JACKSON. and conducted in an elegant open carriage, through the principal streets in the city, to Doctor Wallace s, whose hospitable mansion was thrown open to him, as were the dwellings of all the members of the committee, and of the citizens, to the invited guests and numerous strangers then assembled. The kind, hospitable manner in which the citizens received and entertained their guests and friends, made an indelible impression upon all, and will long be remembered with gratitude." On Tuesday the seventh, the day fixed npon for the ceremony, the city, at an early hour, was crowded to overflowing. At 10 o clock, a procession was formed by the marshals of the day, and moved to the site of the monument. On the arrival of the column on the ground where repose the remains of the mother of Washington, a detachment of caval ry wheeled to the left and formed outside of the green. The infantry were formed in line on the left, and the strangers arid citizens formed a square, within which the President and heads of department, the Ma sonic societies, and the ladies and relatives of the Washington family, the architect, the committee, marshals, mayor and common council, occupied the space about the monument. The spectacle was grand and imposing ; all seemed desirous of approaching as near as possible, in order to witness the ceremony. After an appropriate prayer from the Rev. E. C. M Guire, an eloquent address was delivered by Mr. Bassett, one of the members of the monumental committee. To this address, the President made a reply, distinguished for its chaste and appropriate character ; a specimen of finished and touching eloquence that would have done honor to any statesman or orator that our country has produced. It was delivered with deep feeling, and lis tened to by all with proud attention. Upon concluding it, the President deposited a plate, with a suitable inscription, in the place intended for it, and then the stone was laid, and the procession returned in the same order to the town-hall. " The day was concluded with a ball in the evening. The attention shown the venerable guest of Virginia by the citizens of the old domi nion, furnished a striking illustration of the proverbial hospitality and generosity of that people. The deepest abhorrence was manifested and expressed by all at the attempt made at Alexandria to deprive them of the President s promised visit, to perform the patriotic and sacred rite which he had been invited to pay to the mother of Washington. " On the day following, at noon, the procession was again formed, and the President was escorted to the high grounds north of the city, where he was first met by the procession. A line was formed by the military, and he reviewed the troops. From thence he was attended by the com mittee and marshals to the Potomac creek, where he embarked for Washington. On his return, and before the boat arrived at Mount Ver- non, the ladies from that place gave a pressing and earnest invitation to him, and the heads of department, and the others in his company, to land and pay a visit to the tornb of Washington, which he reluctantly declined for want of time, it being then near sundown. After landing the ladies, the boat soon reached Alexandria, where a national salute JACKSON. 321 was fired, and the citizens having assembled on the piers, welcomed the President s return by loud and repeated cheering. " On reaching the city of Washington, a large concourse of citizens had assembled on the wharf. The mayor and common council waited upon the President in the cabin ; and the mayor, General Van Ness, de livered a spirited and feeling address to the President, expressing his regret, as also that of the citizens of Washington generally, at the wan ton and dastardly attack made on the person of the Chief Magistrate ; to which, and to the resolutions of the citizens of Washington on the same subject, which had been read by Colonel Gardner, the President made a reply in his peculiarly happy style, and then left the boat with the mayor and common council ; and on landing he was cheered by the citizens until he reached his house." The war, which had long been waged along our western frontiers, having ended in the capture of many of the hostile Indians, it was thought advisable to retain the Chief Black Hawk and his son, to gether with the Prophet and his son, as hostages. On their arrival at Washington, they waited on the President to receive his orders. The interview was friendly and satisfactory. The judicious plan, which has been recently carried into execution, of conveying to these sons of the forest an idea of the resources and popula tion of our country, by means of showing to them some of the principal cities of the Union, has been justly commended. On Thursday, the 6th day of June, 1833, President Jackson set out on his journey to New England, accompanied by the Hon. Martin Van Buren, the Vice-President ; Mr. McLane, Secretary of State ; Governor Cass, Sec retary of War ; and Major Donaldson, Private Secretary. The Presi dent was welcomed at Baltimore with every demonstration of respect, by a large concourse of citizens. He left Baltimore on Saturday in the steam-boat Kentucky. On his passage, he stopped about twenty minutes at Chesapeake city, while the barges were preparing to proceed through the canal. At Delaware city, the President and suite were received into the Ohio, and at New-Castle they disembarked with military sa lutes, where the President was received by Governor Bennett of the State, and committees and delegates from Wilmington and all the towns in the vicinity. Again they embarked amid the salutes of the guns, " the streamers waving in the wind," and the shouts of the applauding multitudes. Long before his arrival, every convenient spot in and around the navy yard was densely thronged with anxious spectators. About five o clock the President landed under a national salute, and was cheered with the oft repeated plaudits of the people. His onward progress was marked by the repeated congratulations of the citizens. When he had reached the hotel, he showed himself from one of the windows, and was again received with enthusiasm. The public reception of the President at Philadelphia, took place on Monday. At an early hour the city was alive with the bustle of exten sive preparation, and the streets through which the procession was to pass grew populous as he approached. From nine until twelve o clock, the President remained at the State House to receive the compliments of 41 322 JACKSON. his fellow-citizens. At the latter hour he proceeded on horseback to Arch-street, where he reviewed the military. The President was dress ed in a suit of deep black, and passed along a great portion of the route with his hat off. The appearance of the military who assembled to an immense number, was imposing and effective. Towards five o clock the procession reached the City Hotel, and the President alighted, evidently gratified with a reception at once so respectful and so general. The next day, the President embarked on board the People s Line steam-boat Philadelphia ; she moved off from the wharf, and a salute of twenty-one guns announced the departure of the President on his nor thern tour. He stopped for about twenty minutes at Burlington, and thence crossed over to Bristol, whence he proceeded to Bordentown. After a short delay in this place, he next proceeded to Lamberton, where he took carriage for Trenton. Here he dined, and soon after passed on to Princeton, where he spent the night. The next morning he proceed ed in a carriage to New Brunswick, and thence to Perth Amboy. Having spent half an hour at Amboy, he went on board the North America, and was received with proper honors by the company, with whom he dined. On passing the Narrows, salutes were fired from forts Hamilton and La Fayette. The General took his station on the upper quarter deck, where he appeared to be highly delighted with the beautiful appearance of the bay, harbor, and fortifications. Salutes were fired by vessels of various nations ; three steamers, elegantly decorated, and crowded with passengers, attended the North America all the way, and, on approaching the city, numerous steam and sail boats were plying about the river, which, with the crowds of men and women in the Castle and Battery, and on the housetops in the neighborhood, gave to the whole scene a singular brilliancy of effect. On Saturday, the President and his suite embarked from New York, and arrived at New Haven, at about three in the afternoon. Having pass ed through Newport, Providence and Dedham, the President arrived on the 21st of June, at Roxbury, where he was very handsomely received. He arrived in Boston the same afternoon, and was greeted by an immense concourse of citizens. On Wednesday, he visited Cambridge, where the degree of LL. D. was conferred on him by the President of Harvard University. From Cambridge he passed with his suite to Charlestown, accompanied by the Governor and other officers of State. On Thursday, June 27, the President passed through Lynn, Salem, Marblehead, and Andover, to Lowell. He had intended to proceed as far north as Portland, but on reaching Concord, N. H., he found that his strength would not enable him to undergo a repetition of the labors which the various engagements he had made, would require of him. He was therefore under the necessity of giving up his journey, and returning to Washington. He would have found it impossible to have borne up so long under the fatigue of exchanging salutations and greetings with so many thousands of his fellow citizens, but for the animation inspired by their enthusiastic kindness. 323 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS.* THE rapid growth of this people has been the wonder of the world ; but the causes of this growth have been overlooked or misunderstood. It has vaguely been attributed to their freedom ; yet the aborigines were freer than they have been ; and what did they do for the advancement of national prosperity ? The secret of their growth has been the deve lopment of their civil institutions ; the seeds of which they brought from their native land. They have grown up without fetters. The very independence of this people was a living principle in them, when they first reached these inhospitable shores ; and in the fulness of time it burst into a flame. In all their reasonings they united the government of man with the government of God, and insisted that the ruler over men should be just, ruling in the fear of God. The history of the colo nies is full of their wise sayings and doings, but I have not time to draw your attention to any portion of it ; at this moment my remarks will be principally confined to the current events, and to living men ; but occa sionally shall take a limited retrospection. It has often been remarked that elected rulers have not been as good as hereditary ones ; and the history of Great Britain is quoted as proving it. That the House of Lords have been, and still are, a highly honorable body, no one will deny : and that it contains many true patriots is very certain ; but I should doubt very much whether, at any time, it contained so much practical talent, and mental activity, as the House of Commons. The whole of the rulers in the United States are virtually elected directly by the people, or selected by those they have elected for that purpose. The seven Presidents that have ruled over the United States since 1789, is a proof that a man must have some rare qualifications to induce the great mass of the people to give their votes for him. He must have some strong hold of their affec tions for services rendered, or have given proofs of powers from which great services may hereafter be expected, who ventures to think of being President of the United States. Those who have held this office have been men of distinction. The first can never be equalled, because he lived in an age that can never return ; and circumstances gave him opportunities for exertions that no man ever had before him, or can have after him. He was raised up for the times. He was a warrior of that peculiar cast that such a struggle demanded: He inspired his followers with confidence in his capacity * The connected view of the several Presidents of the United States, given in this paper, seems an appropriate sequel to the detailed account of their lives and services. It exhibits all the likenesses on the same canvass, so that we can compare and contrast them. For this article we have been indebted to Robertson s Sketches of Public Cha racters, a very interesting volume, from the pen of a popular writer. 324 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. and courage, and the nation with the belief that he was born for their deliverer. His wisdom as a chief magistrate of the United States was as conspicuous as his military talents. He was advised by the speech of the trusty, but influenced by no man s opinions without sufficient reasons were adduced to support them. The shocks of party never moved him ; he was as quiet in the midst of the denunciations of demagogues and the startling prophecies of the wily, as if all had been peace and sunshine. He contemplated with great care, and acted with unequalled decision. He read men with great sagacity, and selected his officers for their talents and probity. He was seldom wrong in his judgment. He may have committed errors, but never did any foolish acts. He was truly the father of his country. The second President, Mr. ADAMS, was a true patriot and a high spirited man. He entered on his duties with more of the experience of a statesman than his predecessor had done, but was wanting in the prudence of that great man. He was cast, indeed, on evil times, and was easily chafed by untoward circumstances. There had begun to be less patriotism and more management among politicians than when the government was first organized. Party spirit had increas ed, and entered more into the proceedings of Congress than in the administration of Washington ; party spirit raged with violence every where ; the hydra heads of the French revolution were reared in every quarter of the country : and the fiendish spirit of anarchy was in them. The political atmosphere was poisoned, and, like the mother of mankind, many of the honest were seduced and overcome by that subtlety which the serpent once possessed, and which has since been so hateful to man kind. Mr. Adams breasted the storm with great energy ; and if not always with judgment, yet always with sincerity and capacity. He never cowered at opposition, nor shrunk from responsibility. One of the evils of his nature was, that he had not enough of plausibility to qualify and soften his rigid determinations. He persisted in forming a navy against all opposition, and the result has proved his foresight. In most instances he put good men into high places, and never tolerated a feeble or bad man because he was with him in politics. Times have changed ; and those who were once his enemies, have become his friends. He returned to private life after administering the government one term, and lived many years as a sage of whom all men, of all parties, sought to learn the history of past events, and to hear him discourse on matters of government. His space in history will be an enviable one. The successor of Mr. Adams was quite different from him in his men tal organization and political views. He had drank deeply of the new school of philosophy, made conspicuous by Mandeville, Bolingbroke, and their successors on both sides the Alps. It was studied in Italy and trance, had reached Germany, and swept over the Netherlands. It had in it many good points; it inculcated the broad doctrines of equality in civil rights, and warred with the hierarchies everywhere. The theories formed in this school were beautiful and splendid, and have in part been realized by the present age. The predecessors of Mr. JEFFERSON had acted upon the maxim, adhere to that which has been found to be good SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDNTS. 325 and practical, and be cautious of the untried and theoretical ; his, to venture on the untried, if it promised more happiness to mankind, fear less of the consequences. They distrusted human nature ; he reposed implicit confidence in it. Perhaps the change at this time in the parties was fortunate for the nation ; it checked the vaulting ambition of many, and prostrated the pride of some who were beginning to think that they were made to rule. Some began to talk of family connexions and distinctions, who have now passed away and are forgotten ; and who, from a momen tary political or pecuniary elevation, began to think that some way might be devised to give permanency to their importance by securities to suc cession. The policy of Jefferson and his party sunk all these visions in night, and broke down all the hopes of the aristocracy of the nation. The change that followed was not without its evils. New men arose, and many of them, the creatures of circumstances, were destitute of political wisdom or true patriotism ; and riot a few who assisted in building up the republic, were not allowed to assist in administering the govern ment. The navy was reduced, the vessels of war sold off, the army not thought much of, and the dreams of perpetual peace indulged. This did not last long, and Mr. Jefferson found that it would not answer, in the present state of mankind, to beat swords into ploughshares, and spears into priming-hooks too soon. He revived some of the doctrines he intended to explode, and consented to think it was better to whip insolent foes, than to buy their good-will at too dear a rate. Public opinion is always fluctuating, but never so far out of the way as closet reasoners believe, particularly when the public are as enlightened as this. Mr. Jefferson was communicative, free, and generous in his disposition, and fascinating in his manners. He practised the republican simplicity he taught, and in a most extraordinary degree took the people along with him, and retained his office, and the place he held in their affection, during he eight years of his services. Though historians will differ greatly upon the effect his course and character had on the national growth and pros perity, yet all will agree that the man was learned and philosophical, and that while he pursued a course of his own, he had the power of stamping his own impressions upon minds beyond any statesman of the age in which he lived ; that he was not avaricious may be known by the poverty in which he died. It is curious to observe how the fate of an age is in some measure decided by a trivial matter. By a provision in the Constitution of the United Stales, which has since been altered, the President and Vice- President were voted for, without discriminating between them, or directing who should hold the first or second office. This was left to depend upon the votes. The highest number from the electoral colle ges was considered as having been given for the President. Mr. Jeffer son and Mr. Burr had an equal number of votes, and therefore there was no choice by the people. In the House of Representatives the States were for a long time equally divided. For a while it was thought Mr. Burr would have been elected to fill the office of President. The difference between the men was great. Aaron Burr had in him the elements of a great soldier and a profound statesman. He was sixteen years the junior 326 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. of his opponent, full of activity and ambition ; and that ambition that looks beyond the hour. He had been a soldier of the revolution, was with Arnold in his expedition to Canada by way of the Kennebeck. He had left the halls of learning at the age of nineteen to join this hazardous enterprise ; had been selected by Arnold to traverse the wilderness alone to communicate with Montgomery who had pushed his way by the lakes. For this adventure he was made the aid of Montgomery, and was at his side when the lamented warrior fell. He rose still higher in the army during the course of the war, and had left his name high on the list of those brave and gallant youths who had given a spirit of chivalry to the American army. When the revolutionary conflict was over, he entered professional life, and at once took a decided part ; was soon known as a most promising man. His legal attainments were great ; and as an advocate he had no superior. Bland, smooth, and eloquent, he guided the populace ; saga cious, penetrating, insinuating, and learned, he influenced those in high places in the courts, or deliberate assemblies. He was equal to any task, for he had a constitution that knew no fatigue, and a spirit of perseverance that nothing could break down. His tongue was never silent from any dread of dignity or power, and his heart never palpitated at the presence of man. Open, bold, and daring, he sought political distinction, and was determined to have it. If such a man, in the prime of manhood, for he had only reached his forty-fifth year, could have come to the Presidency when the world was in such confusion, he would have appealed to their pride, and millions would have responded to his voice ; he would have pointed out a new path to glory, and myriads would have rushed to take it. The timid and philosophical, even now, shudder to think what he might have done, and the adventurous and ambitious on the wane of life rave at what was lost in so great a man. The judicious, however, feel assured that the destinies of nations are in the hands of God, and without deciding any thing upon this subject, persuade themselves that all has been for the best. Mr. MADISON followed Mr. Jefferson. The country was then so ex hausted and worn out by embargoes and non-intercourses, that Mr. Madison found the people in a very restless state. To pursue the system that had been tried and found totally inefficacious, would have been idle, and worse than idle ; it would have proved mischievous. Mr. Madison delayed, and reasoned, and forbore, until he found the west would not forbear any longer, when in 1812 he recommended a declaration of war, which was instantly declared by an act of Congress, and which, on the same day, received his signature. The President was placed in a perilous situation ; for the country was unprepared for war. The supply of the munitions of war was scanty, the treasury nearly empty, but few soldiers in the army, and no experienced commander at call. Those brave men of the revolution had not kept up with the rapid advancement of military tactics, and there were few young men who had made military science a study. The navy was small and not fully manned, and the enemy were on our coast. This was a trying situation for the President. The war went on, Mr. Madison did every thing he could, but the war machinery was in bad order. Sometimes the nation was grieved by the loss of an SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 327 army, and now cheered by a splendid victory. No small portion of the wealth and talent of the country were opposed to the war, and were reluc tant to support it. To brace up under all the evils Mr. Madison had to contend with, required the philosophy of a great mind. He struggled through all ; met all the dishonor with composure ; received all the news of success without any of the unnerving effects of joy ; in fact, he made the best of his situation ; and found himself, at the close of the conflict, as popular as he was at the commencement of it. Mr. Madison was one of the framers of the Constitution of the United States, and had more to do in its formation in Convention, and the support of it in his native State, than any other man. His views of this great instrument have been profound and consistent in every stage of the attack arid defence upon it, in and out of Congress. He has never flinched from defending his first views of its powers, and of the intentions which were incorpo rated with it, at its birth. He is now old, and on the confines of eternity ; but his last effort, in the Virginia Convention, for constitutional liberty, proved that the faculties of a well regulated mind will last long. Honesty of intention preserves an accuracy of memory and a consistency of con d act. Mr. MONROE succeeded Mr. Madison. He came into power in quiet times ; the first term with little opposition ; the second term with none. The country recovered rapidly from the exhaustion of war; party spirit had, in a good degree, lost its rancor ; the whole community were busy in retrieving lost time ; and the President had no great difficulties to contend with. To appease those hungry for office was the most trying evil he had to encounter. To his honor be it said, that in his administration, and by his recommendation, the pension law was passed, giving a crust of bread and a pitcher of water to the war-worn soldier, who should have been stayed with flaggons and comforted with apples, from the hands of a grateful people, but Avho had been left to hunger and thirst by the way side. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS was successor to Mr. Monroe ; he had been Sec retary of State during Mr. Monroe s administration. There was no choice by the Electoral Colleges, and the States in the House of Repre sentatives decided the question between him and General Jackson, who were the two highest candidates. Jackson had the highest number of electoral votes, and his disappointed supporters were determined to run him for the next term, and instantly took measures for this purpose. The electioneering campaign began earlier than it was ever known to have commenced before, and was conducted with great bitterness. Mr. Adams administered the government with the most scrupulous integrity. His policy was to keep things as they were. He made no changes by removing one and bringing in another; and when vacancies occurred, he was quite as likely to fill them up with opponents as friends. Every one granted to Mr. Adams first-rate talents ; and all, who were capable of judging, acknowledged him to be the most thorough-bred scholar and diplomatist of the country. He was patient of labor, indefatigable in his researches, apt in acquiring and ready in using all useful knowledge. He had the experience of a lawyer, a legislator, and of a minister at different courts ; 328 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. and, last of all, a secretary and cabinet counsellor of the President of the United States. Ancient and modern languages were familiar to him, and he required no interpreter in his intercourse with foreign ambassa dors. No man, however great his patriotism or his talents, had ever filled the presidential chair with such rich and varied acquirements as Mr. Adams ; and one at a distance would have supposed that he would have been the most popular President this country ever had. It was not so. He had broken friendship with his old federal friends by voting for the embargo, and by taking a course for himself; and had been, in o. manner, estranged from them for the space of eighteen years. The} came to his support because they knew his ability to serve the nation. and they saw his scrupulous honesty in office. They had, however, deep and terrible ranklings in their bosoms at the same instant they dropt their votes into the ballot-box for his election ; for he had openly, as they said, made the insanity of a few pass for a disease among the many. He received his information of what they were saying and doing from preju diced source s ; and he was not sufficiently acquainted with his own people and kindred to judge of them correctly ; for he had not lived with them much. He forgot that, if, in the plenitude of freedom, now and then, one talked daggers, there was a redeeming spirit in the great mass of the people that would not suffer them to be used. This was not all ; the party he had served so heartily were not satisfied with one who would administer the government without being influenced by party ; avowing openly that a party administration was the true genius of a republican government ; and whether the axiom be right or wrong, it is one that will be acted upon hereafter ; and all politicians will agree that it is a better course than to purchase enemies to make them friends. Mr. Adams was surrounded by men who had no sympathy for one another ; they were paired, not matched: fortuitous circumstances brought them together, but there was no real congeniality among them. Although a republican of primitive simplicity, Mr. Adams had no qualification for meeting e very-day men with those little courtesies which secure their affections. Jerusalem might have been burnt a thousand times before he would have sat at the gate to steal away the hearts of the people. But when he was met directly, and inquired of directly, no man ever spoke more freely, or more honestly. He had no disguise about him ; he dis covered more singleness of heart, and disinterestedness of purpose, than any man I ever knew in a political station. He has retired from office in the fulness of intellectual vigor, with sufficient means for an elegant independence for life. He will bring forward no claims for unrequited services, nor proffer any appeal to his country s generosity for assistance and support. For the city of Washington he has done more than any of his predecessors ever did ; for general liberality he is behind no one. The true otium cum dignitate is his, and the belief is, that his country s history is to be the object of his future labors. His descendants will have a rich inheritance in his fame ; for his little errors will be buried with him, and his great merits perpetuated. The present incumbent of the presidential chair, General JACKSON, is indeed a remarkable man. He began life in the humblest walks, and SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 329 had no advantages of early education; but such was his energy of character, that he soon attracted notice. The west was new, and he grew up with the society around him, and early took a leading part. He had been engaged in political life, acted for a while in a judicial character, and afterward become a politician again. He was a soldier from a child, and attracted attention from his high and heroic qualities in the discharge of his duties. The fighting on the frontiers has been more calculated to make daring, prompt, and chivalrous men, than regular fighting in large armies; for in these Indian hunts every individual has an opportunity of displaying his prowess, while in a large and regular army, individuals must be restrained by the great mass, and each has, in a good measure, to share with them in good or evil report. Men grow hardy and adven turous who have to keep arms in their hands for defence. General Jackson was a terror to the Indians from the Ohio to New Orleans, and westward to the Rocky Mountains. He annihilated the Seminoles, and terrified all those friendly to them. When the war broke out in 1812, General Jackson was a Major-General in the militia of Tennessee ; and as soon as it was found that Great Britain would probably attack New Orleans, he was sent to the relief of that place. He had many difficulties to encounter in organizing his forces. They came, many of them, from more than a thousand miles up the river, without arms, and depended on finding them at New Orleans ; but government had been remiss in sending them. When General Jackson heard that the British forces had made good their landing, he marched out and met them, that same night, as they were at supper. The conflict was a very sharp one, and succeeded in putting the British Gene ral on his guard ; and, in fact, checked the march of his army from the 23d of December to the 8th of January. By this time the American army was prepared for them. On that day General Jackson fought them, and obtained a signal victory. Call it what you please, chance or a miracle, it was a wondrous fight, and the gratitude of the American nation was unbounded. It was of incalculable service to his country in general, and to that part of it more especially. It will not be denied that he is a lover. of military discipline, and probably has sometimes carried his love of martial law too far. it was too critical a moment to carry a statute book in one s pocket, or to square every march by the doctrines of trespass quare clausum f re git. He had a people to save, and it was not in his nature to do it gently. There was something in the boldness of the veteran soldier that was attractive to most men, and particularly to the young. The suggestions of those who preferred a civilian to a soldier were lost in the huzzas of those who panted for military distinc tion ; and at every pause and return of the shout he gained popularity. In mo.st States the change was rapid, and lie came into office by a large majority. If he was not as perfect and capable a man as his friends represented him to be, he was a much better man than his enemies described him to be. The fire of his temper had become a flame less wild than when he was earning his military laurels. The hatchet had been buried and the wampum exchanged, and most of his enmities were gone. He has now administered the government for nearly three years, 42 330 SKETCHES OF THE PRESIDENTS. and has shown nothing of a disposition to act the military chieftain. No 2, ens d arms guard his door, no halberdiers his person. He has never as yet amused the good citizens of Washington with a military execution, himself preceded by laureled lictors with their fasces and axes, and with the Master of the Horse at his heels. If the apprehensions of those who foretold such things Were honest, they are happily disappointed. If they mistook not the man, as I believe they did, they certainly misunder stood the genius of the people. They forgot the omnipotence of public opinion in a great and a free country. Every thing political must be shaped by it, every thing exist by it. Public opinion may be as volatile as the air around us, but nevertheless as vital to republican insti tutions as that is to animal life. Mind in this country is operating upon mind, and opinion struggling with opinion for light and knowledge. Every faculty of man is in a state of improvement. Intelligence meets with and combats ignorance, and ignorance becomes illumined by the onflict, infidelity is overcome by faith, and truth elicited by error. In such a state, while every man is testing his ow r n powers, and examining the rights and capacities of others, and attempting to place all things on the basis of philanthropy and justice, although there may be a good share of evil abroad, yet the dread of the talents, fame, or influence of any one man, is not one of these evils. If military ambition once burned in the breast of General Jackson, it should be recollected that he has reached that period of life, when the flame would begin to diminish. He is more than double the age of Alexander w T hen he died, and much older than Csesar when he fell. Age always holds on what it has gained, but seldom desires to make exertions for new honors, particularly military ones. I have entered into this subject more particularly, not that I ever thought he would give the nation a military cast of character, any more than a civilian, but because the politicians in England, and in fact in all Europe, affected to believe that this nation was rapidly passing to a military despotism, because they selected General Jackson for their President, and argued from it the downfall of the liberties of the country, citing ancient instances of the insatiable appetite of military chieftains. There is no parallel between the cases there is no force in the argument. 331 LIVES OF THE SIGNERS SAMUEL ADAMS. THE memories of few men will perhaps be cherished, by their posterity, with a more jealous and grateful admiration than those of the patriotic individuals, who first signed the political independence of our country. They hazarded by the deed not only their lands and possessions, but their personal freedom and their lives ; and when it is considered that most of them were in the vigor of existence, gifted with considerable fortunes, and with all the offices and emoluments at the disposal of royalty within their reach, the sacrifice which they risked appears magnified, and their disinterested patriotism more worthy of remembrance. Although many of them can rest their sole claim to lasting distinction upon the one great act with which they were adventitiously connected, still their lives present a valuable transcript of the times in which they lived, and afford exam ples of inflexible honesty, heroic decision, and noble energy of mind, quite as interesting as any records of the eccentricities of genius, or the grasping efforts of ambition. Not one of the least ardent and uncompromising asserters of the rights and liberties of his country, was the subject of our present sketch SAMUEL ADAMS. This gentleman, descended from a respectable family, which emigrated to America with the first settlers of the land, was born at Quincy, in Massachusetts, September 22d, 1722. In 1736 he became a member of Harvard College, and took his degree of Master in 1743. On this latter occasion, he proposed the following question, in which he maintained the affirmative : " Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot be otherwise preserved ?" On quitting the university, he commenced the study of the law ; but soon afterwards, at the request of his mother, became a clerk in the counting- house of Thomas Gushing, at that time an eminent merchant. The genius of Adams was not suited to commercial pursuits. His devotion to politics, and his interest in the welfare of his country, diverted his attention from his own business concerns ; and he retired from his mer cantile connexions poorer by far than when he entered into them. In 1763, when a committee was appointed by the people of Boston to remonstrate against the taxation of the colonies by the British ministry, the instructions of that committee were drawn by Mr. Adams, and gave a powerful proof of his ability and zeal. He soon became an influential leader in the popular assemblies, and was bold in denouncing the oppres sive acts of the mother country. In 1765, he was chosen a representative to the General Court of the State, from the town of Boston. Here he soon made himself conspicuous, and became clerk of the legislative body. About this time he was the author of several spirited essays, and plans of resistance to the exactions 332 SAMUEL ADAMS. of the British ministry. He suggested the first Congress at New York, which was a step to the establishment of a Continental Congress, ten years after. In 1770, two regiments of troops were quartered in the town of Bos ton, apparently to superintend the conduct of the inhabitants. This measure roused the public indignation to the utmost, and soon gave occasion to a quarrel between a party of soldiers and citizens, in which eleven of the latter were killed or wounded, by a guard, under the com mand of Captain Preston. This rencontre, which is well known under the name of the " Boston Massacre," and will long remain memorable as the first instance of bloodshed between the British and Americans, did not tend to allay the excitement caused by the presence of the troops. On the following morning a meeting of the citizens was called, and Samuel Adams first rose to address the assembly. His style of eloquence was bold and impressive, and few could exercise a more absolute control over the passions of a multitude. A committee, of which he was one, was chosen to wait upon Governor Hutchinson, with a request that the troops might be instantly removed. The Governor replied that the troops were not under his command : but Adams, with his usual intrepidity, would brook no prevarication or excuse, and declared that if he permitted them to remain, it would be at his peril. The Governor, alarmed at the personal danger which threatened him, finally consented to the demand, and further hostilities were, for a time, suspended. The injudicious management of his private affairs rendered Mr. Adams poor. When this was known in England it was proposed to bribe him, by the gift of some lucrative office. A suggestion of the kind being made to Governor Hutchinson, he replied, that " such was the ob stinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he could never be conciliated by any office or gift whatever." A higher compliment could not havo been paid him. The offer however was made, it is said, and rejected. About the year 1773, Governor Gage renewed the experiment. Colonel Fenton waited upon Mr. Adams, with the assurance of Governor Gage, that any benefit he might ask would be conferred on him, on con dition that he would forsake the popular faction ; while, at the same time, significant threats were thrown out of the consequences which might ensue, if he persisted in his opposition to the measures of the ministry. The reply of the undaunted patriot was characteristic : " Go tell Governor Gage," said he, " that my peace has long since been made with the King of kings; and that it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him. no longer to insult the feelings of an already exasperated people." Under the irritation produced by this answer, Governor Gage issued a proclamation, which comprehended the following language : " I do hereby, in his majesty s name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to all persons, who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects : excepting only from the benefits of such pardon, SAMUEL ADAMS, and JOHN HANCOCK, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration but that of condign punish ment." Mr. Adams was a member of the first Continental Congress, which JOSIAH BARTLETT. 333 assembled in Philadelphia, in 1774 ; and he remained an active member of that body until the year 1781. During this period, he was one of the warmest advocates for the declaration of American independence. After that declaration had been irrevocably adopted, and when the subsequent gloom which overspread the land had depressed the spirits of the most ar dent advocates of liberty, the firmness and enthusiasm of Mr. Adams were unchanged. His example contributed in a high degree to inspire his coun trymen with a confidence of their final success. The following encomium upon him is from a work upon the American rebellion, by Mr. Galloway, published in England, in 1780 : " He eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, ihinks much, and is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. It was this man, who, by his superior application, managed at once the factions in Congress at Philadelphia, arid the factions of New England." In 1781, Mr. Adams retired from Congress: but having already been a member of the Convention which formed the Constitution of his native State, he was placed in the Senate, and for several years presided over that body. In 1789, he was elected Lieutenant-Governor, in which office he continued till 1794; when, upon the death of Hancock, he was chosen Governor, and was annually re-elected till 1797, when he retired from public life. He died October 2d, 1803, at the advanced age of eighty- two. In his person, Mr. Adams was only of the middle size, but his counte nance indicated great decision of purpose and an energetic mind. He was a sincere and practical Christian ; and the last production of his pen was in favor of Christian truth. His writings were voluminous, but as they chiefly related to the temporary politics of the day, few of them remain. He always manifested a singular indifference to pecuniary considerations. He was poor while he lived ; and, it has been said, that had not the death of an only son relieved the poverty of his latter days, Samuel Adams would have had to claim a burial from private charity, or at the public expense. JOSIAH BARTLETT. JOSIAH BARTLETT, Governor of New Hampshire, and the first from ihat State who signed the Declaration of Independence, was born in Ames- bury, Massachusetts, in 1729. Without the advantages of a collegiate education, but possessing a competent knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, he commenced the study of medicine at the age of sixteen. After devoting himself for five years to the acquisition of the necessary knowledge and experience, he commenced the practice of his profession at Kingston, in the year 1750. Here he soon obtained very considerable reputation, and introduced many efficacious changes in the treatment of several diseases. In the year 1765, Doctor Bartlett was elected to the Legislature of the province of New Hampshire, from the town of Kingston. In his legis- 334 JOSIAH BARTLETT. lative capacity, he was a determined opposer of the mercenary views of the royal Governor, John Wentworth, who, desiring to conciliate him to his interest, appointed him justice of the peace. This, though a trivial distinction, was a token of the Governor s respect for his talents and influence. Doctor Bartlett accepted the appointment, but continued firm in his opposition. His attachment to the patriotic side, and the spirit with which he resisted the royal exactions, soon afterwards produced his dismissal from the commission of justice of the peace, as also from a command which he held in the militia. In 1774, a Convention was convoked at Exeter, for the purpose of choosing deputies to the Continental Congress, which was to meet at Philadelphia. In this Convention, Doctor Bartlett, and John Pickering, a lawyer of Portsmouth, were appointed delegates to Congress ; but the former, having a little previously lost his house by fire, was obliged to decline the honor. The latter gentleman wishing likewise to be excused, others were chosen in their stead. From this time the political difficul ties in New Hampshire increased. At length Governor Wentworth found it expedient to retire on board a man of war then lying in the harbor of Portsmouth ; and soon after issued his proclamation, adjourning the State Assembly till the following April. This act, however, was disregarded, and soon terminated the royal government in New Hampshire, after it had existed there for a period of ninety years. In September, 1775, Doctor Bartlett, who had been elected to the Con tinental Congress, took his seat in that body. Here having largely participated in an unwearied devotion to business, his health was conside rably impaired: but in a second election, the ensuing year, he was again chosen a delegate to the same body. He was present on the memorable occasion of taking the vote on the question of a declaration of indepen dence. On putting the question, it was agreed to begin with the northernmost colony. Doctor Bartlett, therefore, had the honor of being the first to vote for, and the first after the President, to sign the Declaration of Independence. In August, 1778, a new election taking place, Doctor Bartlett was again chosen a delegate to Congress. He continued at Philadelphia, however, bat a small part of the session ; and his domestic concerns requiring his attention, he resided the remaining part of his life in New Hampshire. In 1779, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. In 1782, he became an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, and in 1788, was advanced to the head of the bench. Doctor Bart lett was a member of the Convention which adopted the present Consti tution of the State ; and by his zeal greatly aided its ratification. In 1789, he was elected a Senator to Congress ; but his age and infirmities induced him to decline the honor. In 1793 he was elected first Governor of the State, which office he filled with his usual fidelity and good sense, until the infirm state of his health obliged him to resign, and retire wholly from public life. He did not remain long, however, to enjoy the repose which he coveted ; but died on the 19th of May, 1795, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. The patriotism of this eminent man was of a pure and highly disinte- CARTER BRAXTON. 335 rested nature. He rose to distinction unaided by family influence or party connexions ; and maintained through life a reputation for strict integrity, great penetration of mind, and considerable abilities. CARTER BRAXTON. CARTER BRAXTON was born in Newington, Virginia, on the 10th of September, 1736. His father was a wealthy planter, a.nd his mother the daughter of Robert Carter, who was for some time a member, and the President of the King s council. Carter Braxton was liberally educated at the college of William and Mary ; and on his father s death, he became possessed of a considerable fortune, consisting principally of land and slaves. At the early age of nineteen, he received a large accession to his estate by marriage. But having the misfortune to lose his wife, he soon after embarked for Eng land, with the view of improving himself by travel. He returned to America in 1760; and the following year was married to a daughter of Richard Corbin, of Lannerville, by whom he had sixteen children. Mr. Braxton did not study any profession, but became a gentleman planter, and lived in a style of hospitality and splendor, which was not incom mensurate with his means. Upon his return from Europe, he was called to a seat in the House of Burgesses, where he was characterized for his patriotic zeal and firmness, in all the duties which he was called upon to discharge. In 1775, Mr. Braxton was elected a delegate to Congress. In that body he soon after took his seat, and was present on the occasion of signing the Declaration of Independence. In June, 1776, the Conven tion of Virginia reduced the number of their delegates in Congress, and, in consequence, he was omitted. Mr. Braxton was a member of the first General Assembly, under the republican Constitution, which met at Williamsburg. Here he had the honor of receiving, in connexion with Thomas Jefferson, an expression of the public thanks for the " diligence, ability, and integrity, with which they executed the important trust reposed in them, as delegates in the general Congress." In 1786, he became a member of the Council of State, which office he held until the 30th of March, 1791. After an interval of a few years, during which he occupied a seat in the House of Delegates, he was re-elected into the Executive Council. He died on the 10th of October, 1797, by means of an attack of paralysis. Mr. Braxton was a gentleman of a polished mind, of considerable conversational powers, and respectable talents. His latter days were unfortunately clouded by pecuniary embarrassments, caused by the miscarriage of his commercial speculations, and by several vexatious lawsuits. Of his numerous family, but one daughter, it is believed, survives. 336 CHARLES CARROLL. CHARLES CARROLL was a descendant of Daniel Carroll, an Irish gen tleman, who emigrated frorn England to America about the year 1689. He settled in the province of Maryland, where, a few years after, he received the appointment of Judge, and Register of the land office, and became agent for Lord Baltimore. Charles Carroll, the father of the subject of the present sketch, was born in 1702. His son, Charles Carroll, surnamed of Carrollton, was born September 8, 1737, 0. S. at Annapolis, in the province of Mary land. At the age of eight years, he was sent to France for the purpose of obtaining an education. He was placed at a college of English Jesuits, at St. Omer s, where he remained for six years. Afterwards he staid some time at Rheims, whence he was removed to the college of Louis le Grand. On leaving college, he entered upon the study of the civil law, at Bourges ; from which place he returned to Paris, where he re mained till 1757, in which year he removed to London, and commenced the study of law. He returned to America in 1764, an accomplished scholar, and an accomplished man. Although he had lived abroad, and might naturally be supposed to have imbibed a predilection for the mo narchical institutions of Europe, he entered with great spirit into the controversy between the colonies and Great Britain, which, about the time of his arrival, was beginning to assume a most serious aspect. A few years following the repeal of the Stamp Act, the violent ex citement occasioned by that measure, in a degree subsided throughout all the colonies. In this calmer state of things the people of Maryland participated. But about the year 1771, great commotion was excited in that province, in consequence of the arbitrary conduct of Governor Eden and his council, touching the fees of the civil officers of the Colonial Government. The controversy which grew out of this, became exceedingly spirited. It involved the great principles of the revolution. Several writers of distinguished character enlisted themselves on different sides of the question. Among these writers, no one was more conspicuous than Mr. Carroll. The natural consequence of his firmness in defence of the rights of the people was, that great confidence was reposed in him on their part, and he was looked up to as one who was eminently qualified to lead in the great struggle which was approaching between the colo nies and the parent country. An anecdote is related of Mr. Carroll, which will illustrate his influ ence with the people of Maryland. By a resolution of the delegates of Maryland, on the 22d day of June, 1774, the importation of tea was prohibited. Sometime after, however, a vessel arrived at Annapolis, having a quantity of this article on board. This becoming known, the people assembled in great multitudes, to take effectual measures to pre- .vent its being landed. At length the excitement became so high, that the personal safety of the captain of the vessel became endangered. In CHARLES CARROLL, 337 this state of things, the friends of the captain made application to Mr. Carroll, to interpose his influence with the people in his behalf. The public indignation was too great to be easily allayed. This Mr. Carroll perceived, and advised the captain and his friends, as the only probable means of safety to himself,, to set fire to the vessel, and burn it to the water s edge. This alternative was indeed severe ; but, as it was ob viously a measure of necessity, the vessel was drawn out, her sails were set, her colors unfurled, in which attitude the fire was applied to her, and, in the presence of an immense concourse of people, she was con sumed. This atonement was deemed satisfactory, and the captain was no farther molested. In the early part of 1776, Mr. Carroll, whose distinguished exertions in Maryland had become extensively known, was appointed by Congress, in connexion with Dr. Franklin and Samuel Chase, on a commission to proceed to Canada, to persuade the people of that province to relinquish their allegiance to the crown of England, and unite with the Americans in their struggle for independence. In the discharge of their duties, the commissioners met with unexpect ed difficulties. The defeat and death of Montgomery, together with the compulsion which the American troops found it necessary to exercise, in obtaining the means of support in that province, conspired to diminish the ardor of the Canadians in favor of a union with the colonies, and even, at length, to render them hostile to the measure. To conciliate their affections, and to bring to a favorable result the object of their mis sion, the commissioners employed their utmost ingenuity and influence. They issued their proclamations, in which they assured the people of the disposition of Congress to remedy the temporary evils, which the inhabi tants suffered in consequence of the presence of the American troops, so soon as it should be in their power to provide specie, and clothing, and provisions. A strong tide, however, was now setting against the Ameri can colonies, the strength of which was much increased by the Roman Catholic priests, who, as a body, had always been opposed to any con nexion with the United Colonies. Despairing of accomplishing the wishes of Congress, the commissioners at length abandoned the object, and returned to Philadelphia. The great subject of independence was, at this time, undergoing a dis cussion in the hall of Congress. The Maryland delegation, in that body, had been instructed by their Convention to refuse their assent to a declara tion of independence. On returning to Maryland, Mr. Carroll resumed his seat in the Convention, and, with the advocates of a declaration of independence, urged the withdrawal of the above instructions, and the granting of power to their delegates to unite in such a declaration. The friends of the measure had at length the happiness, on the 28th of June, of procuring a new set of instructions, which secured the vote of the important province of Maryland in favor of the independence of America. On the same day on which the great question was decided in Congress, in favor of a declaration of independence, Mr. Carroll was elected a dele- 43 338 CHARLES CARROLL. gate to that body from Maryland, and accordingly took his seat on the eighteenth of the same month. Although not a member of Congress at the time the question of a de claration of independence was settled, Mr. Carroll had the honor of greatly contributing to a measure so auspicious to the interests of his country, by assisting in procuring the withdrawal of the prohibiting in structions, and the adoption of a new set, by which the Maryland dele gates found themselves authorized to vote for independence. He had the honor, also, of affixing his signature to the declaration on the second of August, at which time the members generally signed an engrossed copy, which had been prepared for that purpose. A signature to the declaration, was an important step for every in dividual member of Congress. It exposed the signers of it to the con fiscation of their estates, and the loss of life, should the British arms prove victorious. Few men had more at stake in respect to property than Mr. Carroll, he being considered the richest individual in the colo nies. But wealth was of secondary value in his estimation, in com parison with the rights and liberties of his country. When asked whether he would annex his name, he replied, "most willingly," and seizing a pen, instantly subscribed " to this record of glory." " There go a few millions," said some one who watched the pen as it traced the name of " Charles Carroll, of Carrollton," on the parchment. Millions would indeed have gone, for his fortune was princely, had not success crowned the American arms, in the long fought contest. Mr. Carroll was continued a member of Congress until 1778, at which time he resigned his seat in that body, and devoted himself more par ticularly to the interests of his native State. He had served in her Con vention in 1776, in the latter part of which year he had assisted in draft ing her Constitution. Soon after, the new Constitution went into opera tion, and Mr. Carroll was chosen a member of the Senate of Maryland. In 1781 he was re-elected to the same station, and in 1788, on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, was chosen to the Senate of the United States. In 1791, Mr. Carroll relinquished his seat in the National Senate, and was again called to the Senate of his native State. This office he con tinued to hold until 1804, at which time the democratic party was suc cessful in electing their candidate, to the exclusion of this long tried and faithful patriot. At this time, Mr. Carroll took leave of public life, and sought in retirement the quiet enjoyment of his family circle. Since the date of his retirement from public office, few incidents have occurred in the life of this worthy man, which demand particular notice. Like a peaceful stream, his days glided along, and continued to be lengthened out, till the generation of illustrious men, with whom he acted on the memorable fourth of July, 1776, had all descended to the tomb. He died in 1832. " These last thirty years of his life," says a recent writer, " have passed away in serenity and happiness, almost unparalleled in the history of man. He has enjoyed, as it were, an Indian summer of existence, a tranquil and lovely period, when the leaves of the forest are richly va- CHARLES CARROLL. 339 negated, but not yet seared ; when the parent bird and the spring nest ling are of the same flock, and move on equal wing ; when the day of increase and the day of the necessity of provisions are gone ; when the fruits of the earth are abundant, and the lakes of the woods are smooth and joyous as if reflecting the bowers of Eden, Such an Indian summer has this patriot enjoyed : his life has been thrice, yea, four times blessed ; blessed in his birth and education, in his health, in his basket, and in his store ; blessed in his numerous and honorable progeny, which extend to several generations ; blessed in the protracted measure of his days, in which have been crowded the events of many centuries ; and blessed in the wonderful prosperity of his country, whose population has since his birth increased from nine hundred thousand souls to more than twelve millions, enjoying the blessings of freemen. It is, perhaps, from the fact, that the world think it quite enough for one mortal that he should be virtuous, prosperous, and enjoy a green old age, that an analysis of his intellectual powers, or a description of his rare attainments, has sel dom been attempted : but talents and attainments he had, that made him one of the most successful of the business men of the momentous period in which he lived a period when that which the head conceived the hands were ready to execute. There were too few at that time, and those too zealous, to make the proper division of labor. The senator armed for the field, and the soldier met with the Conscript Fathers." " Mr. Carroll was an orator. His eloquence was of the smooth, gentle, satisfactory kind, delighting all, and convincing many. It is not pre tended that, like John Adams, he came down upon his hearers as with the thunder-blast from Sinai, raising the tables of independence on high, and threatening in his wrath to break them if they were not received by the people ; nor that, like Dickinson, he exhausted rhetoric and metaphy sics to gain his end, and was forever striving to be heard ; but Carroll came to his subject well informed, thoroughly imbued \vith its spirit, and with happy conceptions and graceful delivery, and with chaste and deli cate language, he, without violence, conquered the understandings, and led captive the senses of his hearers. All was natural, yet sweet and polished as education could make it. He never seemed fatigued with his labors, nor faint with his exertions. His blood and judgment were so well commingled, that his highest efforts were as easy and natural as if he had been engaged in the course of ordinary duties. This happy faculty still continues with the patriarch, for his conversation has now that elegant vivacity and delicacy that characterized the sage Nestor of elder times, whose words fell like vernal snows, as he spake to the people. " His serenity, and in no small degree, perhaps, his longevity, may be o\ving to the permanency of his principles. In early life he founded his political creed on the rights of man, and reposing his faith in the religion of his fathers, he has felt none of those vacillations and changes so com mon in times of political or religious agitations. It were good for the nation that he should long continue among us, for in his presence all party feuds are hushed ; and the demagogue, accustomed to vociferate elsewhere, in his vanity to be heard, talks not above his breath when the 340 CHARLES CARROLL. aged patriot is near. In a republic where titles are not known, we ought to make a peerage of talents, virtues, patriotism, and age, that every youth may learn" to admire, respect, and imitate the wise and good. With all our wishes for his stay here on earth, the patriarch must soon be gathered to his fathers, and his name given to the historian and the poet The bard shall then strike his harp and sing, in strains not light nor melancholy, but with admiration, touched with religious hope. Full of years and honors, through the gate Of painless slumber he retired. And as a river pure Meets in its course a subterraneous void. Then dips his silver head, again to rise, And rising glides through fields and meadows new, So hath Oileus in those happy climes, Where joys ne er fade, nor the soul s powers decay, But youth and spring eternal bloom." The name of Carroll is the only one on the Declaration to which the residence of the signer is appended. The reason why it was done in this case, is understood to be as follows : The patriots who signed that document, did it, almost literally, with ropes about thoir necks, it being generally supposed that they would, if unsuccessful, be hung as rebels. When Carroll had signed his name, some one at his elbow remarked, " You ll get clear there are several of that name they will not know which to take." " Not so," replied he, and immediately added, " of Car- rollton." In 1827, the Editor of the Philadelphia National Gazette published a biography of Mr. Carroll, which appeared in the American Quarterly Review. He records the following fact : In 1825, one of Mr. Carroll s grand-daughters was married to the Mar quis of Wellesley, then Viceroy of Ireland ; and it is a singular circum stance that one hundred and forty years after the first emigration of her ancestors to America, this lady should become vice-queen of the country from which they fled, at the summit of a system which a more immedi ate ancestor had risked every thing to destroy ; or, in the energetic and poetical language of Bishop England, " that in the land from which his father s father fled in fear, his daughter s daughter now reigns as queen." From the same publication, it appears that Mr. Carroll, some years before our revolutionary war, wrote to a member of the British Parlia ment as follows : " Your thousands of soldiers may come, but they will be masters of the spot only on which they encamp. They will find nought but ene mies before and around them. If we are beaten on the plains, we will retreat to the mountains and defy them. Our resources will increase with our difficulties. Necessity will force us to exertion : until tired of combating in vain, against a spirit which victory cannot subdue, your armies will evacuate our soil, and your country retire, an immense loser, from the contest. No, sir we have made up our minds to abide the issue of the approaching struggle ; and though much blood may be spil led, we have no doubt of our ultimate success." CHARLES CARROLL. 341 His whole career, says Mr. Walsh, public and private, suited the dig nity of his distinctive appellation the Surviving Signer. He was always a model of regularity in conduct and sedateness in judgment. In natural sagacity, in refinement of tastes and pleasures, in unaffected habitual courtesy, in vigilant observation, vivacity of spirit and tone, susceptibility of domestic and social happiness in the best forms, he had but few equals during the greater part of his bright and long existence. The mind of Mr. Carroll was highly cultivated; he fully improved the advantages of an excellent classical education and extensive foreign travel ; he read much of ancient and modern literature, and gave the keenest attention to contemporary events and characters. His patriotism never lost its earnestness and elevation. It was our good fortune, in our youth, to pass months at a time under his roof, and we never left his mansion without additional impressions of peculiar respect for the singu lar felicity of temperament and perfection of self-discipline, from which it resulted that no one, neither kindred, domestic nor guest, could feel his presence and society as in the least oppressive or irksome exact and systematic, opulent and honored, enlightened and heedful though he was. The announcement of the death of Charles Carroll, was made as fol lows in one of the Baltimore papers of the date : " It becomes our painful duty to announce to our readers the demise of the last surviving signer of the Declaration of Independence. Charles Carroll of Carrollton is no more ! He expired at 4 o clock yesterday morning. Thus, one after another, the luminaries of the Revolution are leaving this stage of action, and soon the whole of the bright galaxy, which in those dark days adorned the land, must be numbered with the silent dead, and live only in the grateful recollection of those for whom they have purchased liberty, independence, prosperity and happiness. Here and there a solitary star remains, to attract the eye and warm the hearts of those who love and admire them for their virtues and their ser vices. Mr. Carroll had reached a good old age ; and had the happiness to see this young republic, which he had performed so prominent a part in aiding to establish, emerge from obscurity, and take a station among the most powerful of the nations of the earth. He had lived to see her pass triumphantly through a second war with the mistress- of the seas, as England has been long denominated, in which the proud lion was a second time compelled to cower beneath the power of the Ea?Ie : to see her banner waving over every sea, and her prowess acknowledged and feared in every land. He has lived to witness the anomaly in the re cords of the world, of a powerful people almost entirely clear of debt, arid without any dangerous or distracting controversy subsisting with any ioreign power, which can be thought likely to require the expenditure of money for the maintenance of her rights. He saw the people for whom he had toiled, and pledged his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor, united, prosperous and happy, and lived to see a worthy fellow citizen elected a second time to the Chief Magistracy of the nation by an al most unanimous voice, embracing a large portion of every section of the Union ; thus evincing that there is no reason to apprehend any danger 342 SAMUEL CHASE. of a severance of this happy Union. In casting a retrospective glance over the path he had trodden in the course of his eventful life, how it warmed and animated his heart ! It was a subject upon which he always delighted to dwell ; and whenever it was touched upon, it caused him almost to forget his age and to put on the vigor and fire of youth. " In his own immediate neighborhood, in the place of a small and ob scure village, he lived to see a large and populous city spring up, and assume a station the third only in the Union in point of extent, wealth, and commercial enterprise, and inhabited by a virtuous and gallant peo ple, partaking of his feelings, and following his bright and glorious ex ample. What more could a mortal desire to witness ? The cup of hap piness with him was full to overflowing. He has fought a good fight, and his triumph has been complete. He has now run his race, and his remains repose in silence, and his grateful countrymen are showering their benedictions upon him. Peace to his ashes ! May his brilliant example long serve to animate the hearts and nerve the arms of his countrymen." SAMUEL CHASE. SAMUEL CHASE was born in Somerset county, Maryland, in 1771. He was educated by his father, a distinguished clergyman, who had emigrated to America, and whose attainments in classical literature were of a very superior order. Under such instruction, the son soon outstripped most of his compeers, and at the age of eighteen was sent to Annapolis to commence the study of the law. He was admitted to the bar in that town at the age of twenty, and soon after connected himself in marriage with a lady, by whom he had two sons and two daughters. The political career of Mr. Chase may be dated from the year 1744, when he was sent to the Congress of Philadelphia, as a delegate from his native State. This station he continued to occupy for several years. In 1776, he was appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and Charles Carroll, to proceed to Canada, for the purpose of inducing the inhabitants to cancel their allegiance to Great Britain, and join the American Confederacy. Although the expedition proved unsuccessful, the zeal and ability of the commissioners were never, for a moment, brought into question. On his -return to Philadelphia, Mr. Chase found the question of in dependence in agitation, in Congress. The situation of the Maryland delegation, at this juncture, was embarrassing. They had been express ly prohibited, by their constituents, from voting in favor of a Declaration of Independence ; and as they had accepted their appointments under this restriction, they did not feel at liberty to give their active support to such a measure. It was not compatible with the spirit of Mr. Chase, quietly to endure such a situation. He left Congress, and proceeded to Maryland. He traversed the province, and, assisted by his colleagues, S MVIUEL CHASE, 343 awakened the people to a sense of patriotism and liberty, and persuaded them to send addresses to the Convention, then sitting at Annapolis, in favor of Independence. Such an expression of popular feeling the Con vention could not resist, and at length- gave an unanimous vote for the measure of Independence. With this vote, Mr. Chase hastened to Phila delphia, where he arrived in time to take his seat on Monday morning, having rode, on the two previous days, one hundred and fifty miles. On the day of his arrival, the resolution to issue a Declaration of Indepen dence, came before the house, and he had the privilege of uniting with a majority in favor of it. Mr. Chase continued a bold, eloquent and efficient member of Congress throughout the war, when he returned to the practice of his profession. In 1783, Mr. Chase visited England, on behalf of the State of Mary land, for the purpose of reclaiming a large amount of property, which, while a Colony, she had entrusted to the Bank of England. He con tinued in England about a year, during which time he became acquainted with many of the most distinguished men of that country, among whom were Burke, Pitt, and Fox. While in England, he was married to his second wife, the daughter of Dr. Samuel Giles, of Kentbury, with whom, in 1784, he returned to America. In the year 1786, at the invitation of his friend, Colonel Howard, who had generously presented him with a portion of land in Baltimore, he removed to that city. On this occasion, the corporation of Annapolis tendered to Mr. Chase the expressions of their respect in a flattering address, to which he made a suitable reply. In 1791, he accepted the appointment of Chief Justice of the General Court of Maryland. In the year 1794, a circumstance took place in Baltimore, in which Judge Chase evinced considerable firmness and energy of character. Two men had been tarred and feathered in the public streets, on an occa sion of some popular excitement. The investigation of the case was undertaken by him, in the issue of which he caused two respectable and influential individuals to be arrested as ringleaders. .On being arraigned before the court, they refused to give bail. Upon this the Judge inform ed them that they must go to jail. Accordingly, he directed the sheriff to take one of the prisoners to jail. This the sheriff declared he could not do, as he apprehended resistance. " Summon the posse comitatus then," exclaimed the judge. "Sir," said the sheriff, "no one will serve." " Summon me then," said Judge Chase, in a tone of lofty indignation, " I will be the posse comitatus, and I will take him to jail." In 1796, Judge Chase was appointed by Washington an associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, a station which he occupied for fifteen years, and which he supported with great dignity and ability. It was his ill fortune, however, to have his latter days embitter ed by an impeachment by the House of Representatives, at Washington. This impeachment originated in political animosities, from the offence which his conduct in the Circuit Court had given to the democratic par ty. The articles of impeachment originally reported were six in num ber, to which two others were afterwards added. On five of the charges 344 ABRAHAM CLARK. a majority of the Senate acquitted him. On the others a majority was against him ; but as a vote of two thirds is necessary to conviction, he was acquitted of the whole. This celebrated trial commenced on the second of January, and ended on the fifth of March, 1805. Judge Chase continued to exercise his judicial functions till 1811, when his health failed him, and he expired on the nineteenth of June in that year. In his dying hour he appeared calm and resigned. He was a firm believer in Christianity, and partook of the sacrament but a short time before his death, declaring himself to be in peace with all mankind. In his will, he directed that no mourning should be worn for him, and requested that only his name, with the dates of his birth and death, should be inscribed upon his tomb. He was a sincere patriot, and, though of an irascible temperament, was a man of high intellect and undaunted courage. ABRAHAM CLARK. THE quiet and unobtrusive course of life, which Mr. CLARK pursued, furnishes few materials for biography. He was born in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, on the 15th of February, 1726. He was an only child, and his early education, although confined to English branches of study, was respectable. For the mathematics and the civil law, he discovered an early predilection. He was bred a farmer, but not being of a robust constitution, he turned his attention to surveying, conveyancing, and imparting legal advice. As he performed the latter service gratuitously, he was called " the poor man s counsellor." Mr. Clark s habits of life and generosity of character soon rendered him popular, and on the commencement of the troubles with the mother country, he was chosen one of the New Jersey delegation to the Conti nental Congress. Of this body he was a member for a considerable period, and was conspicuous for his sound patriotism and his unwavering decision. A few days after he took his seat for the first time, as a mem ber of Congress, he was called upon to vote for, or against, the proclama tion of independence. But he was at no loss on which side to throw his influence, and readily signed the Declaration, which placed in peril his fortune and individual safety. Mr. Clark frequently after this time represented New Jersey in the national councils; and was also often a member of the State Legislature. He was elected a representative in the second Congress, under the Federal Constitution ; an appointment which he held until a short time previous to his death. Two or three of the sons of Mr. Clark were officers in the army, during the revolutionary struggle. Unfortunately they were captured by the enemy.- During a part of their captivity, their sufferings were extreme, being confined in the notorious prison-ship, Jersey. Pain ful as was the condition of his sons, Mr. Clark scrupulously avoided calling the attention of Congress to the subject, excepting in a single GEORGE CLYMER. 345 instance. One of his sons, a captain of artillery, had been cast into a dungeon, where he received no other food than that which was conveyed lo him by his fellow prisoners through a key-hole. On a representation of these facts to Congress, that body immediately directed a course of retaliation on a British officer. This had the desired effect, and Captain Clark s condition was improved. On the adjournment of Congress in June, 1794, Mr. Clark retired from public life. He did not live long, however, to enjoy the limited comforts he possessed. In the autumn of the same year, a stroke of the sun put an end to his existence, after it had been lengthened out to sixty- nine years. The church at Rahway contains his mortal remains, and a marble slab marks the spot where they are deposited. It bears the fol lowing inscription : Firm and decided as a patriot, Zealous and faithful as a friend to the public, he loved his country and adhered to her cause in the darkest hour of her struggles against oppression. GEORGE CLYMER.. GEORGE CLYMER was born in the city of Philadelphia, in 1739. His father emigrated from Bristol, in England, and became connected by marriage with a lady of Philadelphia. Young Clymer was left an orphan at the age of seven years, and after the completion of his studies he entered the counting-house of his maternal uncle. At a sub sequent period, he established himself in business, in connexion with Mr. Robert Ritchie, and afterwards with a father and son of the name of Meredith, a daughter of the former of \vhom he married. Although engaged in mercantile pursuits for many years, Mr. Clymer was never warmly attached to them, but devoted a great part of his time to literature and the study of the fine arts. He became also well versed in the principles of law, history, and politics, and imbibed an early detes tation of arbitrary rule and oppression. When all hopes of conciliation with the parent country had failed, he was one of the foremost to adopt measures necessary for a successful opposition. He accepted a captain s commission in a company of volunteers, raised for the defence of the province, and vigorously opposed, in 1773, the sale of the tea, which tended indirectly to levy a tax upon the Americans, without their consent. He was appointed chairman of a committee to wait upon the consignees of "the offensive article, and request them not to sell it. The consequence was, that not a single pound of tea was offered for sale in Philadelphia. In 1775, Mr. Clymer was chosen a member of the council of safety, and one of the first continental treasurers. On the 20th of July, of the following year, he was elected a member of the Continental Congress. Though not present when the vote was taken in relation to a declaration 44 346 GEORGE CLYMER. of independence, he had the honor of affixing his signature to that instru ment in the following month. In December, Congress, rinding it neces sary to adjourn to Baltimore, in consequence of the advance of the British army towards Philadelphia, left Mr. Clymer, Robert Morris, and George Walton, a committee to transact such business as remained unfinished, in that city. In 1777, Mr. Clymer was again a member of Congress ; and his labors during that session being extremely arduous, he was obliged to retire for a season, to repair his health. In the autumn of the same year, his family, which then resided in the county of Chester, suffered severely from an attack of the British ; escaping only, with the sacrifice of considerable property. Mr. Clymer was then in Philadelphia. On the arrival of the enemy in that place, they sought out his place of resi dence, and were only diverted from razing it to the ground, by learning that it did not belong to him. During the same year, he was sent, in conjunction with others, to Pittsburg, to enlist warriors from the Shawnese and Delaware tribes of Indians, on the side of the United States. While residing at Pittsburg, he narrowly escaped death from the tomahawk, by accidentally turning from a road, where he afterwards learned a party of hostile savages lay encamped. On the occasion of the establishment of a bank by Robert Morris and other patriotic citizens of Philadelphia, for the purpose of relieving the army, Mr. Clymer, who gave his active support to the measure, was chosen director of the institution. He was again elected to Congress in 1780, and for two years was a laborious member of that body. In 1782, he removed with his family to Princeton, (N. J.,) but in 1784, he was summoned by the citizens of his native State, to take a part in their General Assembly. He afterwards represented Pennsylvania in Con gress for two years ; when, declining a re-election, he closed his long and able legislative career. In 1791, Congress passed a bill imposing a duty on spirits distilled in the United States. To the southern and western part of the country, this measure proved very offensive. Mr. Clymer was placed at the head of the excise department in the State of Philadelphia ; but he was soon induced to resign the disagreeable office. In 1796, he was appointed, with Colonel Hawkins and Colonel Pickins, to negociate a treaty with the Cherokee and Creek Indians, in Georgia. He sailed for Savannah, accompanied by his wife. The voyage proved extremely unpleasant and perilous ; but having completed the business of the mission, they returned to Philadelphia. Mr. Clymer was afterwards called to preside over the Philadelphia bank, and the Academy of Fine Arts. He held these offices till the period of his death, which took place on the 23d of January, 1813, in the seventy-fourth year of his age. He was of a studious and contemplative cast of mind, and eager to promote every scheme for the improvement of his country. His intellect was strong and cultivated, his character amiable and pure, and his integrity inviolable. He was singularly punctual in the discharge of his duties, and was a man of extensive information and the smallest pretensions. 347 WILLIAM ELLERY. WILLIAM ELLERY was born in Newport, Rhode Island, December 22d, 1727. He was graduated at Harvard College, in his twentieth year, and entered upon the practice of the law at Newport, after the usual prepara tory course. He acquired a competent fortune from his profession, and received the esteem and confidence of his fellow citizens. Mr. Ellery was elected a delegate to the Congress of 1776, and took bis seat in that body, on the 17th of May. Here he soon became an efficient and influential member, and during the session signed the De claration of Independence. Of this transaction he frequently spoke. He relates his having placed himself beside secretary Thompson, that he might observe how the members looked, as they put their names to their death warrant. He tasked his powers of penetration, but could discover no symptom of fear among them, though all seemed impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. In 1777, Mr. Ellery was appointed one of the marine committee of Congress, and is supposed to have first recom mended the plan of preparing fireships, and sending them out from the State of Rhode Island. He shared considerably in the common loss of property, which was sustained by the inhabitants of Newport, on the occasion of the British taking possession of that town. Mr. Ellery continued a member of Congress until the year 1785, when he retired to his native State. He was successively a commissioner of the continental loan office, a Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Rhode Island, and collector of the customs for the town of Newport. He retained the latter office till the day of his death, which occurred on the 15th of February, 1820, at the advanced age of ninety years. The springs of existence seemed to have worn out by gradual and impercep tible degrees. On the day of his death, he had risen, as usual, and rested in his chair, employed in reading " Cicero de Officiis." While thus engaged, his family physician called to see him. On feeling his pulse, he found that it had ceased to beat. A draught of wine and water quickened it into motion, however, once more, and being placed and supported on the bed, he continued reading, until his bodily functions no longer afforded a tenement to the immortal spirit, and discontinued their operations. Mr. Ellery was a man of much humility of spirit, and manifested an uncommon disregard of the applause of men. He looked upon the world and its convulsions with religious serenity, and in times of trouble and alarm, consoled himself and others, with the pious reflection of the Psalmist, " The Lord reigneth." 348 WILLIAM FLOYD. WILLIAM FLOYD was born on Long Island, December 17th, 1734. His father died while lie was yet young, and left him heir to a large estate. His education was somewhat limited, but his native powers being respec table, he improved himself by his intercourse with the opulent and intel ligent families of his neighborhood. At an early period of the controversy between the colonies and mother country, Mr. Floyd warmly interested himself in the cause of the latter. His devotion to the popular side led to his appointment as a delegate from New York to the first Continental Congress. In the measures adopted by that body he most heartily concurred. He was re-elected a delegate the following year, and continued a member of Congress until after the declara tion of Independence. On that occasion, he affixed his signature to the instrument, which gave such a momentous direction to the fate of a growing nation. He likewise served on numerous important committees, and rendered essential service to the patriotic cause. Mr. Floyd suffered severely from the destructive effects of the war upon his property, and for nearly seven years, his family were refugees from their habitation, nor did he derive any benefit from his landed estate. In 1777, General Floyd (he received this appellation from his having commanded the militia on Long Island) was appointed a Senator of the State of New York. In 1778, he was again chosen to represent his native State in the Continental Congress. From this time, until tne expiration of the first Congress, under the Federal Constitution, General Floyd was either a member of the National Assembly, or of the Senate of New York. In 1784, he purchased an uninhabited tract of land on the Mohawk river. To the improvement of this tract, he devoted the leisure of several successive summers ; and hither he removed his resi dence, in 1803. He continued to enjoy unusal health, until a few days previous to his decease, when a general debility fell upon him, and he died August 4th, 1821, at the age of eighty-seven years. General Floyd was uniform and independent in his conduct ; and if public estimation be a just criterion of his merit, he was excelled by few, since, for more than fifty years, he was honored with offices of trust and responsibility, by his fellow citizens. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, the statesman and philosopher, was born in Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706. His father emigrated from Eng land, and had recourse for a livelihood to the business of a chandler and soap boiler. His mother was a native of Boston, and belonged to a respectable family of the name of Folger. Young Franklin was placed at a grammar school at an early age, but BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 349 at the expiration of a year, was taken home to assist his father in his business. In this occupation, he continued two years, when he be* came heartily tired of cutting wicks for candles, filling moulds, and running errands. He resolved to embark on a seafaring life ; but his parents objected, having already lost a son at sea. Having a passionate fondness for books, he was finally apprenticed as a printer to his brother, who at that time published a newspaper in Boston. It was while he was in this situation, that he began to try his powers of literary composition. Street ballads and articles in a newspaper were his first efforts. Many of his essays, which were inserted anonymously, were highly commended by people of taste. Dissatisfied with the manner in which he was treated by his relative, he, at the age of seventeen, privately quitted him, and went to Philadelphia. The day following his arrival, he wandered through the streets of that city with an appearance little short of a beggar. His pockets were distended by his clothes, which were crowded into them ; and, provided with a roll of bread under each arm, he proceeded through the principal streets of the city. His ludicrous appearance attracted the notice of several of the citizens, and among others of Miss Reed, the lady whom he afterwards married. He soon obtained employment as a printer, and was exemplary in the discharge of his duties. Deluded by a promise of patronage from the Governor, Sir William Keith, Franklin visited England to procure the necessary materials for establishing a printing-office in Philadelphia. He was accompanied by his friend Ralph, one of his literary associates. On their arrival in London, Frank lin found that he had been deceived ; and he was obliged to work as a journeyman for eighteen months. In the British metropolis, the morals of neither of our adventurers were improved. Ralph conducted as if he had forgotten that he had a wife and child across the Atlantic ; and Franklin was equally unmindful of his pledges to Miss Reed. About this period he published " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." In 1726, Franklin returned to Philadelphia ; not long after which he entered into business as a printer and stationer, and, in 1728, established a newspaper. In 1730, he married the lady to whom he was engaged previous to his leaving America. In 1732, he began to publish " Poor Richard s Almanac," a work which was continued for twenty-five years, and which, besides answering the purposes of a calendar, contained many excellent prudential maxims, which rendered it very useful and popular. Ten thousand copies of this almanac were published every year in Ame rica, and the maxims contained in it were often translated into the languages of Europe. The political career of Franklin commenced in 1736, when he was appointed clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania. His next office was the valuable one of postmaster ; and he was subsequently chosen as a representative. He assisted in the establishment of the American Philosophical Society, and of a college, which now exists under the title of the University of Pennsylvania. Chiefly by his exer tions, a public library, a fire-preventing company, an insurance company, and a voluntary association for defence, were established at Philadelphia 350 BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. He was chosen a member of the Provincial Assembly, to which body he was annually re-elected for ten years. Philosophy now began to attract his attention, and, in 1749, he made those inquiries into the nature of electri city, the results of which placed him high among the men of science of the age. The experiment of the kite is well known. He had conceived the idea of explaining the phenomena of lightning upon electrical principles. While waiting for the erection of a spire for the trial of his theory, it occur red to him that he might have more ready access to the region of clouds by means of a common kite. He accordingly prepared one for the purpose, affixing to the upright stick an iron point. The string was, as usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was silk, and where the hempen part terminated, a key was fastened. With this simple apparatus, on the ap pearance of a thunder cloud, he went into the fields, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicated his intentions, dreading probably the ridicule which frequently attends unsuccessful attempts in experimental philosophy. For some time no sign of electricity presented itself; he was beginning to despair of success, when he suddenly observed the loose fibres of the string to start forward in an erect position. He now pre sented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. On this depended the fate of his theory : repeated sparks \vere drawn from the key, a phial was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made, which are usually performed with electricity. This great discovery he applied to the securing of buildings from the effects of lightning. In 1753, Dr. Franklin was appointed deputy postmaster general of British America. In this station, he rendered important services to General Braddock, in his expedition against Fort Du Quesne, and march ed at the head of a company of volunteers to the protection of the frontier. He visited England in 1757 as agent for the State of Philadelphia ; and was also intrusted by the other colonies with important business. While in London, he wrote a pamphlet, pointing out the advantages of a con quest of Canada by the English ; and his arguments are believed to have conduced considerably to that event. About this period, his talents as a philosopher were duly appreciated in various parts of Europe. He was admitted a fellow of the Royal Society of London, and the degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon him at St. Andrews, Edinburgh, and at Oxford. In 1762 he returned to America, and in 1764 was again appointed the agent of Philadelphia, to manage her concerns in England, in which country he arrived in the month of December. About this period the stamp act was exciting violent, commotions in America. To this measure Doc tor Franklin was strongly opposed, and he presented a petition against it, which, at his suggestion, had been drawn up by the Pennsylvania Assembly. Among others, he was summoned before the House of Com mons, where he underwent a long examination. His answers were fearless and decisive, and to his representations the repeal of the act was, no doubt, in a great measure, attributable. In the year 1766 67, he made an excursion to Holland, Germany, and France, where he met with a most flattering reception. He was chosen a member of the French BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. 351 Academy of Sciences, and received diplomas from many other learned societies. Certain letters had been written by Governor Hutchinson, addressed to his friends in England, which reflected in the severest manner upon the people of America. These letters had fallen into the hands of Doctor Franklin, and by him had been transmitted to America, where they were at length inserted in the public journals. For a time, no one in England knew through what channel the letters had been conveyed to America. In 1773, Franklin publicly avowed himself to be the person who obtained the letters and transmitted them to America. This produced a violent clamor against him, and upon his attending before the privy council, in the following January, to present a petition from the colony of Massachu setts, for the dismissal of Governor Hutchinson, a most abusive invective was pronounced against him, by Mr. Weddeburne, afterwards Lord Loughborough. Among other epithets, the honorable member called Franklin a coward, a murderer, and a thief. During the whole of this insulting harangue, Franklin sat with a composed and unaverted aspect, " as if his countenance had been made of wood." Throughout this personal and public outrage, the whole assembly seemed greatly amused at Doctor Franklin s expense. The President even laughed aloud. Theife was a single person present, however, Lord North, who, to his honor be it recorded, expressed great disapprobation of the indecent conduct of the assembly. The intended insult, however, was entirely lost. The coolness and dignity of Franklin soon discomposed his enemies, who were compelled to feel the superiority of his character. Their animosity caused him to be removed from the office of postmaster general, inter rupted the payment of his salary as agent for the colonies, and finally instituted against him a suit in chancery concerning the letters of Hutchinson. Despairing of restoring harmony between the colonies and mother country, Doctor Franklin embarked for America, where he arrived in 1775. He was received with every mark of esteem and admiration. He was immediately elected a delegate to the general Congress, and signed the Declaration of Independence. In 1776, he was deputed with others to proceed to Canada, to persuade the people of that province to throw off the British yoke ; but the inhabitants of Canada had been so much disgusted with the zeal of the people of New England, who had burnt some of their chapels, that they refused to listen to the proposals made to them by Franklin and his associates. In 1778, he was dispatched by Congress, as ambassador to France. The treaty of alliance with the French government, and the treaties of peace, in 1782 and 1783, as well as treaties with Sweden and Prussia, were signed by him. On his reaching Philadelphia, in September, 1785, his arrival was hailed by applauding thousands of his countrymen, who conducted him in triumph to his residence. This was a period of which he always spoke with peculiar pleasure. In 1788, he withdrew from public life, and on the 17th of April, 1790, he expired in the city of Philadelphia, in the eighty- fourth year of his age. Congress directed a general mourning for him, throughout the United States; and the National Assembly of France 332 ELBRIDGE GERRY. decreed that each member should wear mourning for three days. Doctor Franklin lies buried in the north-west corner of Christ Church-yard, in Philadelphia. In his will he directed that no monumental ornaments should mark his grave. A small marble slab points out the spot where he lies. Doctor Franklin had two children, a son and a daughter. The son, under the British government, was appointed Governor of New Jersey. On the breaking out of the revolution, he took up his residence in Eng land, where he spent the remainder of his days. The daughter was respectably married in Philadelphia, to Mr. William Bache, whose descendants still reside in that city. In stature, Dr. Franklin was above the middle size. He possessed a sound constitution, and his countenance indicated a placid state of mind, great depth of thought, and an inflexible resolution. In youth he took a sceptical turn with regard to religion, but his strength of mind led him to fortify himself against vice by such moral principles as directed him to the most valuable ends, by honorable means. According to the testi mony of his most intimate friend, Doctor William Smith, he became in maturer years a believer in divine revelation. The following epitaph on himself was written by Doctor Franklin, many years previously to his death : The body of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, PRINTER, like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stript of its lettering and gilding lies here food for worms. Yet the work itself shall not be lost ; for it will (as he believed) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition, corrected and amended by the Author. ELBRIDGE GERRY. ELBRIDGE GERRY was born at Marblehead, in the State of Massachu setts, July 17th, 1744. He became a member of Harvard college before his fourteenth year, and on leaving the university, engaged in commer cial pursuits at Marblehead, under the direction of his father. His inclination would have led him to the study of medicine ; but great success attended his mercantile enterprise, and", in a few years, he found himself in the enjoyment of a competent fortune. In May, 1772, Mr. Gerry was chosen a representative to the General Court of Massachusetts, to which office he was re-elected the following year. During this year he was appointed one of the committee of cor respondence and inquiry. In June, the celebrated letters of Governor Hutchinson to persons in England were laid before the House by Mr. ELBRIDGE GERRY. 353 Adams. In the debates on this disclosure, Mr. Gerry highly distinguished himself. He was also particularly active in the scenes of 1774. He was a member of the Provincial Congress which met at Concord, and powerfully contributed to the measures of opposition, which led to the Revolution. In 1775, the new Provincial Congress, of which he was one, assembled at Cambridge. In this body, he evinced a degree of patriotic intrepidity, which was surpassed by none. A committee of Congress, among whom were Mr. Gerry, Colonel Orne, and Colonel Hancock, had been in session in the village of Meno- tomy, then part of the township of Cambridge. The latter gentleman, after the close of the session, had gone to Lexington. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Orne remained at the village ; the other members of the committee had dispersed. Some officers of the royal army had passed through the villages just before dusk, and the circumstance so far attracted the atten tion of Mr. Gerry, that he dispatched an express to Colonel Hancock, who, with Samuel Adams, was at Lexington. Mr. Gerry and Colonel Orne retired to rest, without taking the least precaution against personal exposure, and they remained quietly in their beds, until the British advance were within view of the dwelling-house. It Avas a beautiful night, and the polished arms of the soldiers glittered in the moon-beams, as they moved on in silence. The front passed on. When the centre were opposite the house, occupied by the committee, an officer and file of men were detached by signal, and marched towards it. The inmates, for whom they were in search, found means to escape, half dressed, into an adjoining cornfield, where they remained concealed until the troops were withdrawn. Every part of the house was searched " for the mem bers of the rebel Congress ;" even the beds in which they had lain were examined. But their property, and, among other things, a valuable watch of Mr. Gerry s, which was under his pillow, were undisturbed. On the 17th day of June, the memorable battle of Bunker Hill was fought. The Provincial Congress was at that time in session at Water- town. Before the battle, Doctor Joseph Warren, President of the Congress, who was the companion and room-mate of Mr. Gerry, commu nicated to him his intention of mingling in the approaching contest. The night preceding the Doctor s departure to the scene of battle, he is said to have lodged in the same bed with Mr Gerry. In the morning, in reply to the admonitions of his friend, he uttered the well known words, " Dulce et decorum est, pro patria mori."^ The sweetness and the glory, he but too truly experienced, and died one of the earliest victims to the cause of his country s freedom. In 1775, Mr. Gerry proposed a law in the Provincial Congress of Mas sachusetts, to encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to provide for the adjudication of prizes. This important measure was passed, and under its sanction, several of the enemy s vessels, with valuable cargoes, were captured. In 1776, Mr. Gerry was chosen a delegate to the Conti nental Congress, in which body he shortly after took his seat. His services in this capacity were numerous and important. Having married * It is sweet and glorious to die for one s country. 45 354 ELBRIDGE GERRY. in New York, he returned to his native State, and fixed his residence at Cambridge, a few miles from Boston. In 1787, Mr. Gerry was chosen a delegate to the Convention which assembled at Philadelphia, to revise the articles of confederation. To him there appeared strong objections to the Federal Constitution, and he declined affixing his signature to the instrument. But when that Constitution had gone into effect, and he was chosen a representative to Congress, he cheerfully united in its sup port, since it had received the sanction of the country. In 1797, Mr. Gerry was appointed to accompany General Pinckney and Mr. Marshall on a special mission to France. On their arrival in Paris, the tools of the government made the extraordinary demand of a large sum of money, as the condition of any negociation. This being refused, the ridiculous attempt was made by the Directory, to excite their fears for themselves and their country. In the spring of 1798, two of the envoys, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall, were ordered to quit the territories of France, while Mr. Gerry was invited to remain, and resume the negociation which had been suspended. He accepted the invitation to remain, but resolutely refused to resume the negociation. His object in remaining was to prevent an immediate rupture with France, which, it was feared, would result from his departure. His continuance seems to have eventuated in the good of his country. " He finally saved the peace of the nation," said the late President Adams, " for he alone dis covered and furnished the evidence that X. Y. and Z. were employed by Talleyrand; and he alone brought home the direct, formal, and official assurances upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." Mr. Gerry returned to America in 1798, and in 1805 was elected by the republican party, Governor of Massachusetts. In the following year he retired, but in 1810 was again chosen Chief Magistrate of that com monwealth, which office he held for the two succeeding years. In 1812, he was elected Vice-President of the United States, into which office he was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1813. While attending to his duties at Washington, he was suddenly summoned from the scene of his earthly labors. A beautiful monument, erected at the national expense, bears the following inscription : THE TOMB OF ELBRIDGE GERRY, Vice-President of the United States, who died suddenly, in this city, on his way to the Capitol, as President of the Senate, November 23d, 1814. Aged 70. 355 BUTTON GWINNETT. BUTTON GWINNETT was born in England, about the year 1732, and on coming of age became a merchant in the city of Bristol. Some time af ter his marriage in his native country, he removed to Charleston, South Carolina, and having continued there two years, he purchased a large tract of land in Georgia, where he became extensively engaged in agri cultural pursuits. Mr. Gwinnett had long taken a deep interest in the welfare of the colonies ; but he despaired of a successful resistance to Great Britain. His sentiments on this point, however, underwent a great change, and he became a warm advocate for opposing the unjust exactions of the mother country. In 1776, he was elected a representative of the pro vince of Georgia, in Congress. He accordingly repaired to Philadelphia, and took his seat in the National Council, to which he was re-elected the ensuing year. He was afterwards a member of the Convention held at Savannah, to frame a Constitution for the State, and is said to have fur nished the outlines of the Constitution, which was finally adopted. On the death of the President of the Provincial Council, Mr. Gwinnett was elected to the vacant station. In this situation he seems to have in dulged in an unbecoming hostility towards an old political rival, Colonel M Intosh ; adopting several expedients to mortify his adversary, and never divesting himself of his embittered hatred towards him. In an expedition which he had projected against East Florida, Mr. Gwinnett designed to command the continental troops and militia of Georgia him self, thereby excluding Colonel M Intosh from the command even of his own brigade. Just at this period, it became necessary to convene the Legislature. In consequence of his official duties, Mr. Gwinnett was prevented from proceeding on the expedition. He therefore appointed to the command a subordinate officer of M Intosh s brigade. The expedition failed en tirely, and contributed to defeat the election of Mr. Gwinnett as Governor of the State. This failure blasted his hopes, and brought his political career to a close. M Intosh was foolish enough to exult in the mortifi cation of his adversary. The consequence was, that Mr. Gwinnett pre sented him a challenge. They fought at the distance of only twelve feet. Both were severely wounded. The wound of Mr. Gwinnett proved fatal. He expired on the 27th of May, 1777, in the forty-fifth year of his age, a melancholy instance of the misery produced by har boring in the heart the absorbing passion of rancorous envy. In person Mr. Gwinnett was tall, and of a noble appearance. In his temper he was irritable; but in his manners, courteous, graceful, and polite. 350 LYMAN HALL. LYMAN HALL was born in Connecticut, about the year 1731. After receiving a collegiate education, and acquiring a competent knowledge of medicine, he removed to Georgia, where he established himself in his profession, in Sunbury, in the district of Medway. On the commence ment of the struggle with Great Britain, he accepted of a situation in the parish of St. John, which was a frontier settlement, and exposed to incursions of the Creek Indians, and of the royalists of Florida. The parish of St. John, at an early period, entered with spirit into the oppo sition to the mother country, while the rest of Georgia, generally, main tained different sentiments. So widely opposite were the feelings of this patriotic parish to those of the other inhabitants of the province, that an almost total alienation took place between them. In 1774, the liberal party held a general meeting, at Savannah, where Dr. Hall appeared as a representative of the parish of St. John. The measures adopted, however, fell far short of his wishes, and those of his constituents. At a subsequent meeting, it was agreed to petition the King for a redress of grievances. The parish of St. John, dissatisfied with the half-way measures of the Savannah Convention, endeavored to negociate an alliance with the com mittee of correspondence in Charleston, South Carolina. But this being impracticable, the inhabitants of St. John resolved to cut off all com mercial intercourse with Savannah and the surrounding parishes. Hav ing taken this independent stand, they next made an unanimous choice of Dr. Hall as their representative to Congress. In the following May, Dr. Hall appeared in the Hall of Congress, and by that body was unani mously admitted to a seat : but as he did not represent the whole of Geor gia, it was resolved to reserve the question, as to his right to vote, for further deliberation. Fortunately, however, on the 15th of July, Georgia acceded to the general confederacy, and proceeded to the appointment of five delegates to Congress, three of whom attended at the adjourned meeting of ihat body in 1775. Among these delegates, Dr. Hall was one. He was annually re- elected until 1780, when he retired from the National Legislature. On the possession of Georgia by the British, his property was confiscated, and he obliged to leave the State. He returned in 1782, and the follow ing year was elected to the Chief Magistracy of Georgia. After holding this office for some time, he retired from public life, and died at his resi dence, in Burke county, about the sixtieth year of his age. 357 JOHN HANCOCK. JOHN HANCOCK was born in Quincy, Massachusetts, in the year 1737. Both his father and grandfather were clergymen. Having lost the for mer relative while yet a child, he was adopted by a paternal uncle, Thomas Hancock, " the most opulent merchant in Boston, and the most enterprising man in New England. A professorship had been founded in Harvard College by his liberality, and to the library of that institu tion he was a principal benefactor. Under the patronage of his uncle, the nephew received a liberal edu cation in the above university, where he was graduated iri 1754. On leaving college, he w r as employed as a clerk in the counting-house of his uncle, where he continued till 1760, when he visited England for the purpose of extending his information and correspondence. He returned to America in 1764; shortly after which, his uncle died, leaving him the direction of h is enormous business, and a fortune the largest in the pro vince. Hancock became neither haughty nor profligate by this sudden accession of wealth. He was kind and liberal to the numerous persons dependent upon him for employment ; and maintained a character for integrity and ability in the management of his vast and complicated con cerns. His princely estate, added to his honorable and generous charac ter, soon gave him influence, and ever rendered him popular. In 1760, he was chosen a member of the Legislature of Massachu setts, and thus became intimately associated with James Otis, Samuel Adams, and other distinguished patriots. In this assembly, his genius rapidly developed itself, and he became conspicuous for the purity of his principles, and the excellence of his abilities. The arrival of a vessel belonging to Mr. Hancock, in 1768, which was said to be loaded contrary to the revenue laws, produced a violent ebullition of popular feeling. This vessel was seized by the custom house officers, and placed under the guns of the Romney, at that time in the harbor, for security. This seizure greatly exasperated the people, and, in their excitement, they assaulted the revenue officers, and com pelled them to seek safety on board the armed vessel, or in the neigh boring Castle. The boat of the collector was destroyed, and several of the houses of his partisans were razed to the ground. Mr. Hancock, although in no wise concerned in this transaction, received from it a con siderable accession of popularity. A few days after the affray, which is usually termed " the Boston Massacre," and to which we have briefly adverted in the sketch of Sa muel Adams, Mr. Hancock was appointed to deliver an address in com memoration of the event. After speaking of his attachment to a just government, and his detestation of tyranny, he proceeded to describe the profligacy and abandoned life of the troops quartered amongst them. Not satisfied with their own shameful debauchery, they strove to vitiate the morals of the citizens, and " thereby render them worthy of destruc tion." He spoke in terms of unmeasured indignation of the massacre of the inhabitants; and in appalling language forewarned the perpetrators of 358 JOHN HANCOCK. the deed, of the vengeance which would overtake them hereafter, " if the laboring earth did not expand her jaws ; if the air they breathed were not commissioned to be the immediate minister of death." He pro ceeded in the following spirited strain : " But I gladly quit this theme of death. I would not dwell too long upon the horrid effects, which have already followed from quartering regular troops in this town ; let our misfortunes instruct posterity to guard against these evils. Standing armies are sometimes, (I would by no means say generally, much less universally,) composed of persons who have rendered themselves unfit to live in civil society ; who are equally indifferent to the glory of a George, or a Louis ; who, for the addition of one penny a day to their wages, would desert from the Chris tian cross, and fight under the crescent of the Turkish Sultan ; from such men as these what has not a State to fear ? With such as these, usurping Caesar passed the Rubicon ; with such as these he humbled mighty Rome, and forced the mistress of the world to own a master in a traitor. These are the men whom sceptred robbers now employ to frus trate the designs of God, and render vain the bounties which his gra cious hand pours indiscriminately upon his creatures." The intrepid style of this address removed all doubts as to the devot ed patriotism of Mr. Hancock. His manners and habits had spread an opinion unfavorable to his republican principles. His mansion rival ed the magnificence of an European palace. Gold and silver embroi dery adorned his garments; and his carriage, horses, and servants in livery, emulated the splendor of the English nobility. But the senti ments expressed by him in the above address were so public, and explicit, as to cause a complete renovation of his popularity. From this time, he became odious to the Governor and his adherents. Efforts were made to get possession of his person, and he, with Samuel Adams, was excluded from the general pardon offered by Governor Gage, to all who would manifest a proper penitence for their opposition to the royal authority. In 1774, Hancock was unanimously elected to the presidential chair of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts. The following year, the honor of the presidency of the Continental Congress was conferred upon him. His recent proscription by Governor Gage, no doubt, contributed to his popularity in that body. In this station Hancock continued till October, 1777 ; when his infirm health induced him to resign his office. He was afterwards a member of the Convention appointed to frame a Constitution for Massachusetts, and in 1780 was chosen first Governor of the Commonwealth, to which station he was annually elected, until the year 1785, when he resigned. After an interval of two years, he was re-elected to the same office. He continued in it till the time of his death, which took place on the 8th of October, 1793, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. Mr. Hancock was a firm and energetic patriot, and though possessed of immense wealth, devoted himself to the laborious service of his country. It has been remarked, that by the force with which he inscribed his name on the parchment, which bears the declaration of independence, he seems to have determined that his name should never be erased. BENJAMIN HARRISON. 359 His liberality was great, and hundreds of families, in times of distress, were daily fed from his munificence. He has been accused by his enemies of a passion for popularity, but whatever may have been the truth of the charge, a fondness for being beloved can be hardly reckoned among the bad traits of a man s character. A noble instance of his contempt of wealth, in comparison with public expediency, is recorded. At the time the American army was besieging Boston to expel the British, who held possession of the town, the entire destruction of the city was proposed by the American officers. By the execution of such a plan, the whole fortune of Mr. Hancock would have been sacrificed. Yet he readily acceded to the measure, declaring his willingness to sur render his all, whenever the liberties of his country should require it. BENJAMIN HARRISON. BENJAMIN HARRISON was born in Berkley, Virginia. He was the descendant of a family distinguished in the history of the State, and was a student in the College of William and Mary, at the time of his father s death. In consequence of a misunderstanding with an officer of that institution, he left it before the regular period of graduation, and returned home. The management of his father s estate now devolved upon him, and he displayed an unusual degree of prudence and ability in the discharge of his trust. He was summoned at an early date, even before he had attained the age required by law, to sustain the reputation acquired by his ancestors, in state affairs. He was chosen a member of the Legisla ture about the year 1764, a station which he may be said to have held through life, since he was always elected to a seat, whenever his other political avocations admitted of his occupying it. His fortune being ample, and his influence as a political leader very considerable, the royal government proposed to create him a member of the executive council of Virginia. Mr. Harrison was not to be seduced, however, by the attrac tions of rank and power. Though young, he was ardently devoted to the cause of the people, and remained steadfast in his opposition to royal oppression. Mr. Harrison was a member of the Congress of 1774, and from that period, during nearly every session, represented his native State in that assembly. In this situation he was characterized for great firmness, good sense, and a peculiar sagacity in difficult and critical junctures. He was likewise extremely popular as chairman of the committee of the whole House. An anecdote is related of him on the occasion of the Declaration of Independence. While signing the instrument, he noticed Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, standing beside him. Mr. Harrison him self was quite corpulent ; Mr. Gerry was slender and spare. As the former raised his hand, having inscribed his name on the roll, he turned to Mr. Gerry, and facetiously observed, that when the time of hanging 360 JOHN HART. should come, he should have the advantage over him. " It will he over with me," said he, " in a minute ; but you will he kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." Towards the close of 1777, Mr. Harrison resigned his seat in Congress, and returned to Virginia. In 1782, he was chosen Governor of the State, to which office he was twice re-elected ; when he become ineligi ble by the provisions of the Constitution. In 1788, when the new Con stitution of the United States was submitted to Virginia, he was returned a member of her Convention. In 1790, he was again proposed as a candidate for the executive chair ; but declined in favor of his friend, Beverly Randolph. In the spring of 1791, Mr. Harrison was attacked by a severe fit of the gout, a recurrence of which malady shortly after put a period to his life. Mr. Harrison became connected by marriage with Miss Bassett, a niece to the sister of Mrs. Washington. He had many children ; and several of his sons became men of distinction. His third son, William Henry Harrison, has honorably served his country, in various official capacities. JOHN HART. JOHN HART was the son of Edward Hart, of Hopewell, in the county of Hunterdon, in New Jersey. He inherited from his father a conside rable estate, and having married, devoted himself to agricultural pursuits, and became a worthy and respectable farmer. The reputation which he acquired for integrity, discrimination, and enlightened prudence, soon brought him into notice, and he was often chosen a member of the Colonial Assembly. Although one of the most gentle and unobtrusive of men, he could not suppress his abhorrence of the aggressions of the British ministry. He maintained a fearless and uniform opinion with regard to the rights of the colonies, and did not hesitate to express it when occasion invited him. On the meeting of the Congress of 1774, Mr. Hart appeared and took his seat ; having been elected by a conference of committees from several parts of the colony. During several succeeding sessions, he continued to represent the people of New Jersey, in the same assembly. When the question of a Decla ration of Independence was brought forward, he was at his post, and voted for the measure with unusual zeal. In 1776, New Jersey became the theatre of war, and Mr. Hart sus tained severe losses, by the destruction of his property. His children were compelled to flee, his farm was pillaged, and great exertions were made to secure him as a prisoner. For some time he was hunted with untiring perseverance. He was reduced to the most distressing shifts to elude his enemies ; being often severely pressed by hunger, and destitute of a place of repose for the night. In one instance, he was obliged to conceal himself in the usual resting-place of a large dog, who was his companion for the time. JOSEPH HEWES. 361 The battles of Trenton and Princeton led to the evacuation of New Jersey by the British. On this event, Mr. Hart again collected his family around him, and began to repair the desolation of his farm. His constitu tion, however, had sustained a shock, which was irreparable. His health gradually failed him ; and though he lived to se e the prospects of his country brighten, he died before the conflict was so gloriously terminated. He expired in the year 1780. The best praise that can be awarded to Mr. Hart, is, that he was beloved by all who knew him. He was very liberal to the Baptist church of Hopewell, to which community he belonged ; and his memory was hallowed by the esteem and regret of a large circle of friends. JOSEPH HEWES. JOSEPH HEWES was born near Kingston, in New Jersey, in the year 1730. His parents were Quakers, who removed from Connecticut, on account of the existing prejudices against them among the Puritans, and of the hostilities of the Indians. At a suitable age, Joseph Hewes became a member of Princeton College ; and after having graduated in due course, he was placed in the counting-house of a gentleman at Philadelphia, to be educated as a merchant. On leaving this situation, he entered into business for him self, and was highly successful in his commercial transactions. At the age of thirty he removed to North Carolina, and settled in the village of Edenton. Prosperity continued to attend him here, and he soon acquired a handsome fortune. By his probity and liberal dealings, he also gained the esteem of the people among whom he lived, and was called to repre sent them in the Colonial Legislature of the province. This distinction was conferred upon him for several successive years, during which he increased in popularity with his constituents. In 1774, Mr. Hewes was chosen one of the three delegates from North Carolina to the Continental Congress. No members of that body brought with them credentials of a bolder stamp than the delegates from North Carolina. They were invested with such powers as might " make any acts done by them, or consent given in behalf of this province, obligatory in honor upon any inhabitant thereof, who is not an alien to his country s good, and an apostate to the liberties of America." On the meeting of this Congress, Mr. Hewes was nominated one of the committee appointed to " state the rights of the colonies in general, the several instances in which those rights had been violated or infringed, and the means most proper to be pursued for obtaining a restoration of them." He also assisted in preparing their celebrated report, which was drawn up as follows : " 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property ; and they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever a right to dispose of either, without their consent. 46 362 JOSEPH HE WES. " 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects, within the realm of England. " 3. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights ; but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy. " 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council ; and as the English colonists are not represented, and, from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented in the British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several Provincial Legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be pursued in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed ; but if, from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interests of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are lona fide restrain ed to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefit of its respective members ; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent. " 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and, more especially, to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. " 6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their colonization, and which they have, by experience, respectively found applicable to their several local and other circumstances. " 7. That these his Majesty s colonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal char ters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. " 8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the King ; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal. " 9. That the keeping a standing army in these colonies in times of peace, without consent of the Legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against the law. " 10. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English Constitution, that the constituent branches of the Legislature be independent of each other ; and therefore the exercise of legislative power in several colonies by a council appointed during plea sure by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation. " All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indispu- THOMAS HEY WARD. 363 table rights and liberties, which cannot be legally taken from them, alter ed, or abridged, by any power whatever, without their consent, by their representatives in their several Provincial Legislatures." To the above declaration of rights was added an enumeration of the wrongs already sustained by the colonies; after stating which, the report concluded as follows : " To these grievous acts and measures, Americans cannot submit ; but in hopes their fellow subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures : 1. To enter into a non-importation, non-consump tion, and non-exportation agreement, or association. 2. To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America. And, 3, to prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreeably to resolutions already entered into." Although engaged in extensive commercial transactions, Mr. Hewes, about this time, assisted in forming the plan of the non-importation association, and readily became a member of it. He was again elect ed to Congress by the people of North Carolina in 1775, and remained in Philadelphia until the adjournment of that assembly in July. He continued to represent the same State, almost without intermission, for four succeeding years, and gave very general satisfaction. The last time that he appeared in Congress was on the 29th of October, 1799. After this date, an indisposition, under which he had labored for some time, confined him to his chamber, and at length, on the 10th of November, terminated his life, in the fiftieth year of his age. His funeral was numerously attended, and in testimony of their respect to his memory. Congress resolved to wear crape round the left arm for the space of one month. Mr. Hewes left a large fortune, but no children to inherit it. THOMAS HEY WARD. THOMAS HEYWARD AVMS born in St. Luke s parish, in South Carolina, in the year 174.G. His father was a planter of fortune, and young Hey- ward received the best education that the province could afford. Having finished his scholastic studies, he entered upon those of the law, and after the usual term of application, was sent to England to complete himself in his profession. He was enrolled as a student in one of the Inns of Court, and devoted himself with great ardor to the acquirement of legal knowledge. On completing his studies in England, he commenced the tour of Eu rope, which occupied him several years. After enjoying the advantages of foreign travel, he returned to his native country, and devoted himself, with great zeal for a man of fortune, to the labors of the law. In 1775, Mr. Hey ward was elected to supply a vacancy in Congress ; and arrived at Philadelphia in season to join in the discussion of the great question 364 WILLIAM HOOPER. of Independence. In 1778, he was prompted by a sense of duty to accept of an appointment as Judge of the Criminal Court of the new Govern ment. Soon after his elevation to the bench, he was called upon to pre side at the trial and condemnation of several persons charged with a treasonable correspondence with the enemy. The conviction of these individuals was followed by their execution, which took place within view of the British army, to whom it rendered the Judge particularly obnoxious. In the spring of 1780, the city of Charleston was taken possession of by General Clinton. Judge Heyward, at that time, had command of a battalion. On the reduction of the place, he became a prisoner of war, and was transported, with some others, to St. Augustine. During his absence, he suffered greatly in respect to his property. His plantation was much injured, and his slaves were seized and carried away. He at length had leave to return to Philadelphia. On his passage thither, he narrowly escaped a watery grave. By some accident he fell overboard ; but, fortunately, he kept himself from sinking, by holding to the rudder of the ship, until assistance could be rendered him. On his return to Carolina, he resumed his judicial duties ; in the exercise of which, he continued till 1798. He was a member of the Convention for forming the State Constitution, in 1790 ; and was conspicuous for his sound judgment and unchanging patriotism. Having retired from the most arduous of his public labors and cares, he died in March, 1809, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. Mr. Heyward was twice married, and was the father of several children. He was estimable for his amiable dispo sition, his virtuous principles, and his extensive acquaintance with men and things. WILLIAM HOOPER. WILLIAM HOOPER was born in Boston, on the 17th of June, 1742. He entered Harvard University at the age of fifteen, and was graduated in 1760. His father, who was pastor of Trinity Church, in Boston, had destined his son for the ministerial profession ; but the latter having an inclination for the law, he was placed in the office of the celebrated James Otis, to pursue the study of his choice. On being qualified for the bar, young Hooper removed to North Carolina, and having married, finally established himself in the practice of his profession at Wil mington. He was soon placed, by his talents, among the foremost advocates of the province, and was chosen to represent the town of Wilmington, in the General Assembly. He was elected to a seat in the same body the following year, and was always one of the boldest opposers of the tyran nical encroachments of the British Government. In 1774, Mr. Hooper was chosen a delegate to the memorable Congress, which met at Phila delphia. He took an important share in the discussions of this Assem- STEPHEN HOPKINS. 365 bly, and was remarkable for his fluent and animated elocution. He was a member of the same body the following year, and during" the session, drew up, as chairman of different committees, several able addresses and reports. In 1776, the private affairs of Mr. Hooper requiring his atten tion in North Carolina, he did not, for some time, attend upon the sitting of Congress. He returned, however, in season to share in the honor and danger of signing the imperishable instrument which declared the Colonies of North America free and independent. Having been elected to Congress a third time, Mr. Hooper was obliged to resign his seat in February, 1777, and return to the adjustment of his own embarrassed affairs. In 1786 he was appointed, by Congress, one of the Judges of a Fede ral Court, formed for the purpose of settling a controversy which existed between the States of New York and Massachusetts, in regard to cer tain lands. In the following year, his health being considerably im paired, he sought to restore it by private retirement. This, however, he did not live long to enjoy. He died in October, 1790, at the age of forty- eight years, leaving a wife and three children. Mr. Hooper was dis tinguished for his conversational powers, his good taste, and his devotion to his profession. As a politician, he was constant, judicious, and en thusiastic. He never gave way to despondency ; possessing an unshak en confidence that Heaven would defend the right. STEPHEN HOPKINS. STEPHEN HOPKINS was born near Providence, (R. I.) in a place now called Scituate, on the 7th of March, 1707. He was of respectable pa rentage, being a descendant of Benedict Arnold, the first Governor of Rhode Island. His early education was limited, but he is said to have excelled in penmanship, and in the practical branches of mathematics. For several years he followed the profession of a farmer. He was afterwards chosen Town Clerk of Scituate, and a Representative to the General Assembly. He was subsequently appointed a Justice of the Peace, and a Justice of one of the Courts of Common Pleas. In 1733, he became Chief Justice of that court. In 1742, he removed to Provi dence, where he entered into commerce, and was extensively engaged in building and fitting out vessels. He was chosen a Representative from that town to the General Assembly, and became Speaker of the House of Representatives. In 1751, he was made Chief Justice of the Superior Court, and held that office till the year 1754, when he w r as appointed a Commissioner to the celebrated Albany Convention. The object of this Convention was the securing of the friendship of the five great Indian nations, in the approaching French war, and an union between the several colonies of America. In 1756, Mr. Hopkins was elected Chief Magistrate of the colony of Rhode Island. This office he continued to hold, almost without inter- 366 FRANCIS HOPKINSON. mission, until 1767 ; discharging its duties in an efficient and highly satisfactory manner. He resolutely espoused the cause of the colonies, and in a pamphlet entitled, " The rights of colonies examined," proved the injustice of the Stamp Act, and other measures of the British minis try. In 1774, Mr. Hopkins received the appointment of Delegate from Rhode Island to the Continental Congress. In this assembly he took his seat on the first day of the session, and became one of the most zealous advocates of the measures adopted by that illustrious body of men. In the year 1775 and 1776, he again represented Rhode Island in Congress. In this latter year, he affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. His signature was the only one upon the roll, which gave indications of a trembling hand ; but it was not the tremulousness of fear. Mr. Hopkins had for some time been afflicted with a paralytic affection, which compelled him, when he wrote, to guide his right hand with his left. In 1778, Mr. Hopkins was a Delegate to Congress for the last time : but for several years afterwards, he was a member of the General As sembly of Rhode Island. He closed his useful and honorable life on the 13th of July, 1785, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. Mr. Hopkins was enabled by the vigor of his understanding to surmount his early deficiencies, and rise to the most distinguished offices in the gift of his fellow citizens. He possessed considerable fondness for literature, and greatly excelled as a mathematician. He was an unshaken friend of his country, and an enemy to civil and religious intolerance, distinguish ed for his liberality, and for the correct and honorable discharge of his various duties. FRANCIS HOPKINSON. FRANCIS HOPKINSON was born in Philadelphia, in the year 1737. His father was an Englishman, who, a short time previous to his emigration to America, married a niece of the Bishop of Worcester. He was a man of a cultivated mind and considerable literary accomplishments ; and became intimate with Benjamin Franklin, by whom he was held in high estimation. Upon the death of Mr. Hopkinson, which occurred while he was in the prime of life, the care of his family devolved upon his widow, who was eminently qualified for the task. She was a woman of a superior mind ; and discovering early indications of talent in her son, she resolved to make every sacrifice, to furnish him with a good education. She placed him at -the college of Philadelphia, and lived to see him graduate with reputation, and attain a high eminence at the bar. In 1766, Francis Hopkinson embarked for England, and received, upon the occasion, a public expression of respect and affection from the Board of Trustees of the College of Philadelphia. After a residence of more than two years in the land of his forefathers, he returned to Ameri- SAMUEL HUNTTNGTON. 367 ca. He soon after married Miss Borden, of Bordentown, in New Jer sey, where he took up his residence, and was appointed collector of the customs and executive counsellor. These offices he did not long enjoy, having- sacrificed them to his attachment to the liberties of his country. He enlisted himself warmly in the cause of the people, and in 1776 was appointed a delegate from New Jersey to the Continental Congress. He voted for the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his signature to the engrossed copy of that instrument. In 1779, he was appointed Judge of the Admiralty Court of Pennsylvania, and for ten years con tinued to discharge with fidelity the duties of that office. Soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution, Mr. Hopkinson received from Washington the appointment of Judge of the United States for the district of Pennsylvania. In this station, he conscientiously avoided mingling in party politics. His life was suddenly terminated, while in the midst of his usefulness, on the 8th of May, 1791. He died of an apoplectic fit, which, in two hours after the attack, put a period to his existence. Mr. Hopkinson was endued with considerable powers of humor and satire, which he employed effectually in rousing the feelings of the peo ple, during the war of the Revolution. He was the author of several fugitive pieces, which were very popular in their day. His well known ballad, called " The Battle of the Kegs," gives evidence of a rich and exhaustless fund of humor, and will probably last the wear of centuries. He excelled in music, and had some knowledge of painting. His library was extensive, and his stock of knowledge constantly accumulating. In stature, Mr. Hopkinson was below the common size. His countenance was animated, his speech fluent ; and his motions were unusually rapid. Few men were kinder in their dispositions, or more benevolent in their lives. He left, at his decease, a widow and five children. The eldest of these, Joseph Hopkinson, occupies an eminent rank among the advo cates of the American bar. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON was born in Windham, Connecticut, on the 2d of July, 1732. Being the eldest son, his father required his assistance on the farm, and his opportunities for study were accordingly brief and extremely rare. He possessed, however, a vigorous understanding, and supplied his deficiencies of instruction by an assiduous and a persevering devotion to the acquisition of knowledge. At the age of twenty-one years, he was probably equal, in point of literary attainments, to most of those who had received a collegiate education. Conceiving a fondness for legal pursuits, he abandoned his occupation of husbandry, and resolved to enter alone and unaided upon the study of the law. He soon obtained a competent knowledge of the principles of the profession, to commence the practice of an attorney in his native town* 368 FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. but in 1760, he removed to Norwich, where a wider field presented itself for the exercise of his talents. Here he soon became distinguished for his ability, his integrity, and his strict attention to business. In 1764, Mr. Huntington represented the town of Norwich in the General Assem bly ; and the following year was appointed to the office of King s Attor ney. In 1774, he became an Associate Judge in the Superior Court, and soon after an assistant in the Council of Connecticut. His talents and patriotism recommending him to public confidence, he Avas elected in 1775 a Delegate to the Continental Congress. In the subsequent July, he voted in favor of the Declaration of Independence. Mr. Huntington continued a member of Congress until the year 1781, when ill health induced him to resign. On the departure of Mr. Jay as Minister to Spain, he had been appointed to the presidency of the Congress, and had served in that honorable station with distinguished ability- and dignity. In testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public business, Congress, soon after his retire ment, accorded to Mr. Huntington the expression of their public thanks. On his return to his native State, he resumed his judicial functions, and in 1782 was re-elected to Congress. He did not attend, however, until the following year, when he resumed his seat. He continued a con spicuous member, until November, at which time he finally retired from the National Assembly. Soon after his return to Connecticut, he was placed at the head of the Superior Court, and the following year was chosen Lieutenant-Governor of the State. In 1786, he succeeded Governor Griswold in the office of Chief Magistrate, and was annually re-elected to that station during the remainder of his life. His death took place on the 5th of January, 1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. Mr. Huntington was a sincere Christian, and few men possessed a greater share of mildness and equa nimity of temper. He rose from the humble situation of a plough boy by his own industry and perseverance, and without the advantage of family patronage or influence. He married in the thirtieth year of his age ; but having no children, he adopted a son and daughter of his brother, the Reverend Joseph Huntington. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE was born in Virginia in 1734. He was the fourth son of Thomas Lee, who for several year s held the office of Presi dent of the King s Council. Francis Lightfoot did not receive the advantage enjoyed by his elder brothers, of an education at the English Universities. He was placed, however, under the care of an accomplished domestic tutor of the name of Craig, and acquired an early fondness for literature. He became well versed in the most important branches of science, and probably obtained as good an education as the country could then afford. The fortune FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE. 369 bequeathed him by his father rendered the study of a profession unne cessary, and he accordingly surrendered himself, for several years, to the enjoyment of literary ease and social intercourse. He possessed, however, an active mind, and warmly interested himself in the advancement of his country. In 1765, he was returned a member of the House of Bur gesses from the county of London, where his estate was situated. He was annually re-elected to this office until 1772, when, having married a lady of Richmond county, he removed thither, and was soon after chosen by the citizens of that place to the same station. In 1775, Mr. Lee was appointed by the Virginia Convention a delegate to the Continental Congress. He took his seat in this assembly ; and, though he seldom engaged in the public discussions, was surpassed by none in his zeal to forward the interests of the colonies. His brother, Richard Henry Lee, had the high honor of bringing forward the momen tous question of independence, but no one was perhaps a warmer friend of the measure than Francis Lightfoot. Mr. Lee retired from Congress in 1779. He was fondly attached to the pleasures of home, and eagerly sought an opportunity when his services were not essentially needed by his country, to resume the undis turbed quiet of his former life. He was not long permitted to enjoy his seclusion. He reluctantly obeyed the summons of his fellow citizens to represent them once more in the Legislature of Virginia. His duties were most faithfully discharged while a member of this body ; but he soon became weary of the bustle and vexations of public life, and relin quished them for the pleasures of retirement. In the latter period of his Hfe, he found an unfailing source of happiness to himself, in contributing largely to the enjoyment of others. His benevolence and the urbanity of his manners rendered him beloved by all. He was a practical friend to the poor, and a companion to the young or the aged, the lighthearted or the broken in spirit. Having no children, he devoted his time chiefly to reading, farming, and company. His death was occasioned by a pleu risy, which disease also terminated the life of his wife a few days after his own departure. He died in the consoling belief of the Gospel, and in peace with all mankind and his own conscience. The brothers of Mr. Lee were all eminently distinguished for their talents and for their services to their country. Philip Ludwell, a member of the King s Council ; Thomas Ludwell, a member of the Virginia Assembly ; Richard Henry, as the champion of American freedom ; William, as a sheriff and alderman of London, and afterwards a Com missioner of the Continental Congress at the courts of Berlin and Vienna ; and Arthur as a scholar, a politician, and diplomatist. 47 370 RICHARD HENRY LEE. RICHARD HENRY LEE,, a brother of the foregoing, was born at Stratford, in Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 20th of January, 1732. He received his education in England, where his acquisitions were conside rable in scientific and classical knowledge. He returned to his native country when in his nineteenth year, and devoted himself to the general study of history, politics, law, and polite literature, without engaging in any particular profession. About the year 1757, he was chosen a Delegate to the House of Bur gesses, where a natural diffidence for some time prevented him from displaying the full extent of his powers and resources. This impediment, however, was gradually removed, and he rapidly rose into notice as a persuasive and eloquent speaker. In 1764, he was appointed to draught an address to the King, and a memorial to the House of Lords, which are among the best state papers of the period. Some years afterwards, he brought forward his celebrated plan for the formation of a committee of correspondence, whose object was " to watch the conduct of the British Parliament ; to spread more widely correct information on topics con nected with the interests of the colonies, and to form a chosen union of the men of influence in each." This plan was originated about the same time in Massachusetts, by Samuel Adams. The efforts of Mr. Lee in resisting the various encroachments of the British government were indefatigable, and in 1774 he attended the first General Congress at Philadelphia, as a delegate from Virginia. He was a member of most of the important committees of this body, and labored with unceasing vigilance and energy. The memorial of Congress to the people of British America, and the second address of Congress to the people of Great Britain, were both from his pen. The following year, he was again deputed to represent Virginia in the same assembly, and his exertions were equally zealous and successful. Among other respon sible duties, he was appointed, as chairman of a committee, to furnish General Washington, who had been summoned to the command of the American armies, with his commission and instructions. On the 7th of June, 1776, Mr. Lee introduced the measure, which declared, " That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This im portant motion he supported by a speech of the most brilliant eloquence. " Why then, Sir," said he, in conclusion, " why do we longer delay ? Why still deliberate ? Let this happy day give birth to an American republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and to conquer, but to re-estab lish the reign of peace and of law. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may exhibit a contrast in the felicity of the citizen to the ever increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum, where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She RICHARD HENRY LEE. 371 invites us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade, all the unfortunate of the human race. If we are not this day wanting in our duty, the names of the American legislators of 1776 will be placed by posterity at the side of Theseus, Lycurgus, and Romulus, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and ever will be, dear to virtuous men and good citizens." The debate on the above motion of Mr. Lee, was protracted until the tenth of June, when Congress resolved : " that the consideration of the resolution respecting Independence, be postponed till the first Mon day in July next ; and in the meanwhile, that no time may be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, that a committee be appointed to pre pare a declaration to the effect of the said resolution." As the mover of the original resolution for Independence, it would, ac cording to parliamentary usage, have devolved upon Mr. Lee to have been appointed chairman of the Committee selected to prepare a declaration, and, as chairman, to have furnished that important document. But on the day on which the resolution was taken, Mr. Lee was unexpectedly summoned to attend upon his family in Virginia, some of the members of which were dangerously ill ; and Mr. Jefferson was appointed chair man in his place. Mr. Lee continued to hold a seat in Congress till June, 1777, when he solicited leave of absence, on account of the delicate state of his health. In August, of the next year, he was again elected to Congress, and conti nued in that body till 1780, when he declined a re-election, believing that he would be more useful to his native State by holding a seat in her Assem bly. In 1784, however, he again accepted an appointment as represen tative to Congress, of w r hich body he was unanimously elected President. In this exalted station, he presided with great ability ; and on his retire ment, received the acknowledgments of Congress. Mr. Lee was opposed to the adoption of the Federal Constitution, without amendment. Its tendency, he believed, \vas to consolidation. To guard against this, it was his wish that the respective States should impart to the Federal Head only so much power as was neces sary for mutual safety and happiness. He was appointed a Senator from Virginia, under the new Constitution. About the year 1792, Mr. Lee was compelled, by his bodily debility nnd infirmities, to retire wholly from public business. Not long after, he had the pleasure of receiving from the Legislature of his native State, an unanimous vote of thanks for his public services, and of sympathy for the impaired condition of his health. He died on the 19th of June, 1794, at the age of sixty-three years. In private life, Mr. Lee was the delight of all who knew him. He had a numerous family of children, the offspring of two marriages, who were tenderly devoted to their father. As an orator, he exercised an un common sway over the minds of men. His gesture was graceful and highly finished, and his language perfectly chaste. He reasoned well, 372 FRANCIS LEWIS. and declaimed freely and splendidly ; and such was his promptitude, that he required no preparation for debate, He was well acquainted with classical literature, and possessed a rich store of political knowledge. Few men have passed through life in a more honorable and brilliant manner, or left behind them a more desirable reputation, than Richard Hfenry Lee. FRANCIS LEWIS. FRANCIS LEWIS was a native of LandafT, in South Wales, where he was born in the year 1713. Being left an orphan at the age of four or five years, the care of him devolved upon a maiden aunt, who took singular pains to instruct him in the native language of his country. He was after- w r ards sent to Scotland, where, in the family of a relation, he acquired a knowledge of the Gaelic. From this he was transferred to the school of Westminster, where he completed his education ; and enjoyed the reputation of being a good classical scholar. Having determined on the pursuit of commerce, he entered the counting-room of a London merchant, and in few years acquired a com petent knowledge of his profession. On attaining the age of twenty- one years, he converted the whole of his property into merchandise, and sailed for New York, where he arrived in the spring of 1735. Leaving a part of his goods to be disposed of by Mr. Edward Annesly, with whom he had formed a commercial connexion, he transported the remain der to Philadelphia. After a residence of two years in the latter city, he returned to New York, and there became extensively engaged in na vigation and foreign trade. He married the sister of his partner, by whom he had several children. Mr. Lewis acquired the character of an active and enterprising mer chant. In the course of his commercial transactions, he visited several of the sea-ports of Russia, the Orkney and Shetland islands, and was twice shipwrecked on the Irish coast. During the French or Canadian war, he was agent for supplying the British troops, and was present, in 1756, at the surrender of Fort Oswe- go to the French general, de Montcalm. He exhibited great firmness and ability on the occasion ; and his services were held in such conside ration by the British Government, that at the close of the war he received a grant of five thousand acres of land. The conditions upon which the garrison at Fort Oswego surrendered, were shamefully violated by de Montcalm. He allowed the chief war rior of the Indians, who assisted in taking the fort, to select about thirty of the prisoners, and do with them as he pleased. Of this number Mr. Lewis was one. Thus placed at the disposal of savage power, a speedy death was one of the least evils to be expected. It" has been asserted, however, that Mr. Lewis discovered that he was able to converse with the Indians, by reason of the similarity of the ancient language of PHILIP LIVINGSTON. 373 Wales, which he understood, to their dialect.^ His ability to communi cate by words with the Chief, so pleased the latter, that he treated him kindly, and on arriving at Montreal, requested the French Governor to allow him to return to his family without ransom. The request, how ever, was not granted, and Mr. Lewis was sent as a prisoner to France, from which country, being some time after exchanged, he returned to America. Although Mr. Lewis was not a native of America, yet his attachment to the country was early and devoted. He vigorously opposed the op pressive measures of Great Britain, and esteemed liberty the choicest blessing that a nation can enjoy. His intellectual powers, and uniform nobility of sentiment, commanded the respect of the people ; and in 1775, he was unanimously elected a delegate to Congress. He re mained a member of that body through the following year, 1776, and was among the number who signed the Declaration of Independence. For several subsequent years, he was appointed to represent New York in the National Assembly ; and performed various secret and important services, with great fidelity and prudence. In 1775, Mr. Lewis removed his family, and effects, to a country-seat which he owned on Long Island. This proved an unfortunate step. In the autumn of the following year, his house was plundered by a party of British light-horse. His extensive library and valuable papers were wantonly destroyed. His wife fell into the power of the enemy, and was retained a prisoner for several months. During her captivity, she experienced the most atrocious treatment, being closely confined, and de prived of a bed and sufficient clothing. By the influence of Washing ton, she was at length released; but her constitution had been so im paired by her sufferings, that in a year or two, she sank into the grave. The latter days of Mr. Lewis were spent in comparative poverty. He died on the 30th day of December, 1803, in the ninetieth year of his age. PHILIP LIVINGSTON. PHILIP LIVINGSTON, was born at Albany, on the 15th of January, 1716. He was the fourth son of Gilbert Livingston, and his ancestors were highly respectable, holding a distinguished rank in New York, and pos sessing a beautiful tract of land on the banks of the Hudson. This tract, since known as the Manor of Livingston, has belonged to the fami ly from that time to the present. Philip Livingston received his education at Yale College, where he was graduated in 1737. He soon after engaged extensively in commerce in * It is almost needless to remark, that such an occurrence is, to say the best of it, extremely improbable. There exists no affinity between the ancient language of Wales and that of any of the Indian tribes known in North America. 374 PHILIP LIVINGSTON. the city of New York, and was very successful in his transactions. In 1754, he was elected an Alderman, and continued in the office for nine successive years. In 1759, he was returned a member to the General Assembly of the colony, where his talents and influence were most use fully employed. His views were liberal and enlightened, and he did much to improve the commercial and agricultural facilities of the country. Previous to the revolution, it was usual for the respective colonies to have an agent in England, to manage their individual concerns with the British Government. This agent was appointed by the popular branch of the Assembly. In 1770, the agent of the colony of New York dying, the celebrated Edmund Burke was chosen in his stead, and received for the office a salary of five hundred pounds. Between this gentleman and a committee of the Colonial Assembly, a correspondence was maintained : and upon their representations, the agent depended for a knowledge of the state of the colony. Of this committee, Mr. Livingston was a mem ber. From his communications and those of his colleagues, Mr. Burke doubtless obtained that information of the state of the colonies, which he sometimes brought forward to the perfect surprise of the House of Com mons, and upon which he often founded arguments, and proposed measures, which were not to be resisted. Mr. Livingston regarded with patriotic indignation, the measures by which the British ministry thought to humble the spirit of the colonies. His avowed sentiments, and the prominent part he had always taken in favor of the rights of the colonies, caused him to be elected, in 1774, n. Delegate to the Continental Congress. He was also a member of the distinguished Congress of 1776, and was among those whose names are enduringly recorded on the great charter of their country s freedom and national existence. He was re-elected to the same Assembly the follow ing year, and was also chosen a Senator to the State Legislature, after the adoption of a new Constitution. He again took his seat in Congress, in May, 1778 ; but his health was shockingly impaired, and such was the nature of his disease, which was a dropsy in the chest, that no ra tional prospect existed of his recovery. Before his departure from Albany, he took a final farewell of his family and friends, and expressed his conviction that he should not live to see them again. His anticipa tions proved true. From the period of his return to Congress, his de cline was rapid ; and he closed his valuable life on the 12th of June. 1778. Suitable demonstrations of respect to his memory were paid by Congress ; and his funeral was publicly attended. Mr. Livingston married the daughter of Colonel Dirck Ten Broeck, by whom he had several children. His family has furnished many dis tinguished characters. Mr. Livingston was amiable in his disposition, and a firm believer in the great truths of Christianity. He died respect ed and esteemed by all who knew him. 375 THOMAS LYNCH. THOMAS LYNCH was born on the 5th of August, 1749, at Prince George s Parish, in South Carolina. Before he had reached the age of thirteen years, young Lynch was sent to England for his education. Having passed some time at the institution of Eaton, he was entered a member of the University of Cam bridge, the degrees of which college he received in due course. He left Cambridge with a high reputation for classical attainments, and virtues of character ; and entered his name at the Temple, with a view to the profession of law. After applying himself assiduously to the study of jurisprudence, and enriching himself both in mind and manners, with the numberless accomplishments of a gentleman, he returned to South Caro lina, after an absence of eight or nine years. In 1775, on the raising of the first South Carolina regiment of provin cial regulars, Mr. Lynch was appointed to the command of a company. Unfortunately, on his march to Charleston, at the head of his men, he was attacked by a violent fever, which greatly injured his constitution, and from the effects of which, he never afterwards wholly recovered. He joined his regiment, but the enfeebled state of his health prevented him from performing the exertions, which he considered incumbent upon him. Added to this, he received afflicting intelligence of the illness of his father, at Philadelphia, and resolved to make arrangements to depart for that city. Upon applying for a furlough, however, he was denied by the commanding officer, Colonel Gadsden. But being opportunely elected to Congress, as the successor of his father, he was repaid for his disappointment, and lost no time in hastening to Philadelphia. The health of the younger Mr. Lynch, soon after joining Congress, began to decline with the most alarming rapidity. He continued, how ever, his attendance upon that body, until the Declaration of Indepen dence had been voted, and his signature affixed to it. He then set out for Carolina in company with his father ; but the life of the latter was terminated at Annapolis, by a second paralytic attack. Soon after this afflicting event, a change of climate was recommended to Mr. Lynch, as presenting the only chance of his recovery. He em barked with his wife, on board a vessel proceeding to St. Eustatia, de signing to proceed by a circuitous route to the south of France. From the time of their sailing, nothing more has been known of their fate ! Various rumors for a time were in circulation, which served to keep their friends in painful suspense; but the -conclusion finally adopt ed was, that the vessel must have foundered at sea, and the faithful pair been consigned to a watery grave. 376 THOMAS M KEAN. THOMAS M KEAN was of Irish descent, and born in New-London, Chester county, Pennsylvania, on the 19th of March, 1734. After com pleting the regular course of school instruction, he was entered as a student at law, in the office of David Finney, who resided in New Cas tle, in Delaware. Before he had attained the age of twenty-one years, he commenced the practice of the law, in the Courts of Common Pleas, for the counties of New-Castle, Kent, and Sussex, and also in the Supreme Court. In 1757, he was admitted to the bar of the Supreme Court in Pennsylvania, and was elected Clerk of the House of Assembly. The political career of Mr. M Kean commenced in 1762, at which time he was returned a member of the Assembly from the county of New-Castle. This county he continued to represent in the same body for several successive years, although the last six years of that period, he spent in Philadelphia. A Congress, usually called the Stamp Act Congress, assembled in New York in 1765. for the purpose of obtaining a redress of the grievanc es under which the colonies then labored. Of this memorable body, Mr. M Kean was a member, along with James Otis, and other celebrated men. A short time previous to the meeting of the Congress of 1774, Mr. M Kean took up his permanent residence in the city of Philadelphia. The people of the lower counties on the Delaware, were desirous that he should represent them in that body, and he was accordingly elected as their Delegate. On the 3d of September, he took his seat in Congress. From this time until the 1st of February, 1783, a period of eight years and a half, he was annually chosen a member of the great National Council. At the same time, Mr. M Kean represented Delaware in Con gress ; he was President of it in 1781, and from July, 1777, was the Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. Mr. M Kean was, from the first, decidedly in favor of a Declaration of Independence. He subscribed his name to the original instrument, but, by some mistake, it was omitted in the copy published in the journals of Congress. At the time Congress passed the Declaration of Independence, the situation of Washington and his army in New Jersey, was extremely precarious. On the 5th of July, it was agreed by several public com mittees in Philadelphia, to dispatch all the associated militia of the State to the assistance of Washington. Mr. M Kean was at this time Colonel of a regiment of associated militia. A few days subsequent to the De claration of Independence, he was on his way to Perth Amboy, in New Jersey, at the head of his battalion. The associate militia being at length discharged, Mr. M Kean returned to Philadelphia, and was present in Congress on the 2d of August, when the engrossed copy of the Declaration of Independence was signed by the members. A few days after this, receiving intelligence of his being- elected a member of the Convention in Delaware, assembled for the pur- ARTHUR MIDDLETON. 377 pose of forming a Constitution for that State, he departed for Dover. Although excessively fatigued, on his arrival, at the request of a committee of gentlemen of the Convention, he retired to his room in the public inn, where he was employed the whole night in preparing a Constitution for the future government of the State. This he did without the least assistance, and even without the aid of a book. At ten o clock the next morning it was presented to the Convention, by whom it was unanimous ly adopted. In 1777, Mr. M Kean was chosen President of the State of Delaware, and during the same year was appointed Chief Justice of Pennsylvania. The duties of the latter station he discharged with great dignity and impartiality for twenty-two years. At the time of his accepting these offices, he was Speaker of the House of Assembly, and member of Con gress. He was chosen President of Congress in 1781 ; and his conduct in the chair was highly honorable and satisfactory. Mr. M Kean was a delegate from Philadelphia, in 1787, to the Con vention assembled to ratify the Constitution of the United States. He was a principal leader in this assembly, and was an able and eloquent advocate for the adoption of the Constitution ; declaring it to be, in his consideration, " the best the world had yet seen." In 1799 he was elected a Governor of the State of Pennsylvania, and his administration continued for nine years. His course was ultimately beneficial to the State ; but the numerous removals from office of his political opponents produced considerable excitement, and perhaps placed his character in an unamiable light. During the years 1807 and 1808, an attempt was made to impeach him of certain crimes and misdemeanors ; and an inquiry was instituted by the Legislature into his official conduct. The result was an honorable acquittal from the charges alleged, and a total vindication of his character. In 1808, Mr. M Kean retired from public life, having discharged the duties of a great variety of offices with much ability and reputation. He died on the 24th of June, 1817, in the eighty-third year of his age. ARTHUk MIDDLETON. ARTHUR MIDDLETON was born in the year 1743, in South Carolina, near the banks of the Ashley. At the age of twelve years, he was sent to the school of Hackney, near London ; and two years afterwards was sent to the school of Westminster. Here he soon became a proficient in classical literature, and gained the reputation of being an excellent Greek scholar. After several years spent in obtaining his education, and in foreign travel, Mr. Middleton returned to South Carolina. Soon after his return he married, and again embarked for Europe, accompanied by his wife. He possessed a great fondness for travelling, and during this tour visited many places in England, and the principal 48 378 LEWIS MORRIS. places of France and Spain. In 1773, Mr. Middleton again returned to America, and settled on the delightful banks of the Ashley. In the spring of 1775, Mr. Arthur Middleton was chosen one of a secret committee, who were authorized to place the colony in a state of defence ; and in June, the Provincial Assembly of South Carolina ap pointed him a member of the Council of Safety. In the following year he was chosen on a committee to prepare a Constitution for the colony. Shortly afterwards he was elected a delegate from South Carolina to the Congress assembled at Philadelphia. Here he had an opportunity of inscribing his name on the great charter of American liberty. At the close of the year 1777, he resigned his seat, leaving behind a character for the purest patriotism and the most fearless decision. In 1778, Mr. Middleton was elected to the chair of Governor of South Carolina, which office had been left vacant in consequence of the resignation of John Kutledge, who had refused his assent to the new Constitution formed by the Legislature. But candidly avowing the same sentiments with the late Governor, Mr. Middleton conscientiously refused to accept the appointment, under the Constitution which had been adopted. The Assembly proceeded to another choice, and elected Mr. Lowndes to fill the vacancy, who gave his sanction to the new Constitu tion. In the year 1779, many of the southern plantations were ravaged by the enemy, and that of Mr. Middleton did not escape. His valuable collection of paintings was much injured, but his family were fortunately absent from the place. On the surrender of Charleston, Mr. Middleton was taken prisoner, and, with several others, was sent by sea to St. Au gustine, in East Florida, where he was kept in confinement for nearly a year. At length, in July, 1781, he was exchanged, and proceeded in a cartel to Philadelphia. On his arrival there, he was appointed a repre sentative in Congress, to which office he was also elected the following year. In 1783, Mr. Middleton declined accepting a seat in Congress, but was afterwards occasionally a member of the State Legislature. He died on the 1st of January, 1787. LEWIS MORRIS. LEWIS MORRIS was born at the manor of Morrisania, in the State of New York, in the year 1726. He was educated at Yale College, of which institution he received the honors. On his return home, lie devoted himself to agriculture. When the dissensions with the mother country began, he was in a most fortunate condition ; with an ample estate, a fine family, an excellent constitution, literary taste, and general occupa tions, of which he was fond. He renounced at once all these comforts and attractions, in order to assert the rights of his country. He was elected a delegate from New York to the Congress of 1775, wherein he ROBERT MORRIS-. 379 served on the most important committees. He was placed on a commit tee of which Washington was chairman, to devise means to supply the colonies with ammunition ; and was appointed to the arduous task of detaching the western Indians from a coalition with Great Britain. On this errand, he repaired to Piitsburg, and acted with great zeal and address. In the beginning of 1776, he resumed his seat in Congress, where he continued a laborious and very useful member. When the subject of independence began to be openly talked of among the people of America, in none of the colonies was a greater unwilling ness to the measure betrayed than among the inhabitants of New York. There were many, however, who were the determined opposers of all farther attempts at compromise ; and among the latter was Mr. Morris. When he signed the Declaration of Independence, it was at the most obvious risk of his rich and beautiful estate, the dispersion of his family, and the ruin of his domestic enjoyments and hopes. He manifested on the occasion a degree of patriotism and disinterestedness, which few had it in their power to display. It happened as was anticipated. The beautiful manor of Morrisania was laid waste by the hostile army ; and a tract of woodland of more than a thousand acres in extent was destroyed. Few men during the Revolution \vere called to make greater sacrifices than Mr. Morris ; and cone could make them more cheerfully. He quitted Congress in 1777, and was afterwards a member of the State Legislature, and a Major General of militia. His latter years were devoted to the pursuit of agriculture ; his fondness for which was an amia ble trait in his character. He died, very generally esteemed, on his paternal estate, in January, 1798, at the age of seventy-one years. ROBERT MORRIS. ROBERT MORRIS, the great financier of the American Revolution, was born in Lancashire, England, January, 17334, 0. S., of respecta ble parentage. His father embarked for America, and caused him to follow at the age of thirteen. He received a respectable education, and before he reached his fifteenth year, was placed in the counting-house of Mr. Charles Willing, at that time one of the first merchants at Philadel phia. His diligence and capacity gained him the full confidence of Mr. Willing, after whose death, he entered into partnership with his son, Thomas Willing, subsequently President of the bank of the United States. This connexion lasted from the year 1754 until 1793, a period of thirty-nine years. At the commencement of the American Revolution, Mr. Morris was more extensively engaged in commerce than any other merchant of Phi ladelphia. He zealous! v opposed the encroachments of the British Go vernment on the liberties of the colonists, and embraced the popular cause, at the imminent sacrifice of his private interest and wealth. He 380 ROBERT MORRIS. declared himself immediately against the stamp act, signed, without hesi tation, the non-importation agreement of 176f5, and, in so doing, made a direct sacrifice of trade. In 1775, Mr. Morris was elected, by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, a delegate to the second General Congress. He was placed upon every committee of ways and means, and connected with all the deliberations and arrangements relative to the navy, maritime affairs, and financial in terests. Besides aiding his country by his talents for business, his judg ment, and his knowledge, he employed his extensive credit in obtaining loans, to a large amount, for the use of the Government. In May, 1777, he was elected a third time to Congress, and continued to be the chief director of the financial operations of the Government. In 1780, he proposed the establishment of a bank, the chief object of which was, to supply the army with provisions. He headed the list with a subscription of ten thousand pounds; and others followed to the? amount of three hundred thousand pounds. The institution was esta blished, and continued until the bank of North America went into opera tion in le following year. In 1 -81, Mr. Morris was appointed, by Congress, Superintendent of FinarK o. The state of the treasury, when he was appointed to its su- perin.endence, was as bad as possible. Abroad, the public credit was every moment in danger of annihilation. At home, the greatest public, as well as private distress, prevailed. The treasury was so much in arrears to the servants of the public offices, that many of them could not without payment perform their duties, but must have gone to jail for debts they had contracted to enable them to live. It was even asserted, by some of the members of the board of war, that they had not the means of sending an express to the army. But the wasted and prostrate skeleton of public credit sprung to life and action at the reviving touch of Robert Morris. The face of things was suddenly changed. Public and private credit was restored ; and it has been said, that " the Ameri cans owe as much acknowledgment to the financial operations of Robert Morris, as to the negociations of Benjamin Franklin, or even the arms of George Washington." The establishment of the bank of North America was one of his first and most beneficial measures ; an institution which he himself planned, and to forward which, he pledged his personal credit to an immense amount. In 17S6, Mr. Morris was chosen to the Assembly of Pennsylvania; and the same year was elected a member of the Convention which framed the Federal Constitution. For the adoption of the present sys tem, he was one of the most strenuous advocates. In 1783, the Gene ral Assembly of Pennsylvania appointed him to represent the State in the first Senate of the United States, which assembled in New York. He was a fluent and impressive speaker ; and wrote with great ease arid power. His conversation was replete with interest and instruction. When the Federal Government was organized, Washington offered him the post of Secretary of the Treasury, which he declined ; and, being requested to designate a person for it, he named General Hamilton. At JOHN MORTON. 381 the conclusion of the war, he was among the first who engaged in the East India and China trade. He was. also, the first who made an at tempt to effect what is termed an out of season passage to China. In his latter days, Mr. Morris embarked in vast land speculations, which proved fatal to his fortune. The man who had so immensely con tributed to our national existence and independence, passed the closing years of his life in a prison ; a beautiful commentary upon those laws which make no distinction between guilt and misfortune, and condemn the honest debtor to the punishment of the convicted felon ! He died on the 8th of May, 1806, in the seventy-third year of his age. Until the period of his impoverishment, the house of Mr. Morris was a scene of the most lavish hospitality. It was open, for nearly half a century, to all the respectable strangers who visited Philadelphia. He was active in the acquisition of money, but no one more freely parted with his gains. No one pursued a more enlightened policy, or mani fested through life a greater degree of humanity, virtue, energy, and gentlemanly spirit, than Robert Morris. JOHN MORTON. JOHN MORTON was born in the county of Chester, (now De^vare,) in Pennsylvania. His ancestors were of Swedish exaction ; and nis father died a few months previous to his birth. About the year 1764, Mr. Morton was sent as a delegate to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania, of which he continued for several years an active and distinguished member. He was also appointed to attend the General Congress at New York. In 1766, he was made sheriff of the county in which he resided, and, shortly after, was elevated to a seat on the bench, in the Superior Court of Pennsylvania. He was deputed to the Congress of 1774 ; and continued to represent Pennsylvania in that assembly through the memorable session of 1776. On the question of declaring independence, in the latter year, the delegation from Pennsyl vania being divided, Mr. Morton gave his casting vote in the affirmative. This was an act of great intrepidity, under all the circumstances of the case ; and placed upon him a fearful load of responsibility. But he did not hesitate to assume it. The enemies of the measure were exasperated at his conduct ; but on his death-bed, he desired his attendants to tell his revilers, that the hour would come, when it would be acknowledged, that his vote in favor of American Independence was the most illustrious act 4>f his life. It is needless to observe how fully and comprehensively his prophetic annunciation has been fulfilled. In 1777, Mr. Morton assisted in organizing a system of confederation for the colonies, and was chairman of the committee of the whole, at the time when it was agreed to. During the same year, he was seized with an inflammatory fever,, and died on the 15th of November, in the fifty-fourth year of his age. He left behind a character for piety, liberality, and ^patriotism, which his actions are sufficient to substantiate. 382 THOMAS NELSON JUN. THOMAS NELSON was born at York, in Virginia, on the 28th of Decem ber, 1738. At the age of fourteen, he was sent to England, and placed at a private school in the neighborhood of London. He was afterwards removed to the University of Cambridge, where he enjoyed the instruc tion of the eminent Doctor Porteus, subsequently Bishop of London. About the close of 1761, he returned to his native country, and, in the following year, married the daughter of Philip Grymes, Esq., of Bran don. His ample fortune enabled him to indulge his spirit of hospitality to its fullest extent, and to live in a style of unusual elegance. It is not determined with certainty at what period the political career of Mr. Nelson commenced. He was a member of the House of Burgesses in 1774, and during the same year was deputed to the first general Con vention of the province which met at Williamsburg on the 1st of Au gust. The next year he was again returned a member to the General Convention, and introduced a resolution for organizing a military force in the province. In July, 1775, Mr. Nelson was appointed a delegate from Virginia to the General Congress about to assemble at Philadelphia. He retained his seat in this body until 1777. In May of that year, he was obliged to resign all serious occupation, in consequence of a disease in the head. When relieved from this malady, his energies were again called into action, and he was appointed Brigadier General and Commander in chief of the forces of the commonwealth. In this office, he rendered the most important service to his country, and in times of emergency often advan ced money, to carry forward the military operations. In 1779, he was again chosen to Congress ; but a close application to business produced a recurrence of his former complaint, and he was again compelled to return home. Soon after his recovery, General Nelson entered with animation into several military expeditions against the British, who, at that time, were making the southern States the chief theatre of war. It was owing to his measures that the army was kept together, until the capture of York- town terminated the war. For this service, Governor Nelson had the pleasure of receiving the acknowledgments of Washington, who, in his general orders of the 20th of October, 1781, thus spoke of him: "The General would be guilty of the highest ingratitude, a crime of which he hopes he shall never be accused, if he forgot to return his sincere acknowledgments to his Excellency Governor Nelson, for the succors which he received from him, and the militia under his command, to whose activity, emulation, and bravery, the highest praises are due." A month subsequent to the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, Governor Nelson resigned his station in consequence of ill health, and immediately afterwards was accused, by his enemies, of having transcended his powers in acting without the consent of his council ; but he was horiorably acquitted by the Legislature, before whom the charge was preferred. He died on the 4th of January, 1789, just after he had completed his fiftieth year. 383 WILLIAM PACA. WILLIAM PACA was born on the 31st of October, 1740. He was the second son of John Paca, a gentleman of large estate, who resided in Hartford county, Maryland. After receiving his degree of bachelor of arts at the College of Philadelphia, in 1759, he studied law, and, when admitted to the bar, established himself at Annapolis. In 1771, Mr. Paca was chosen a representative of the county in the Legislature. At this time much contention existed between the proprie tary government of Maryland, and the people. Mr. Paca, who repre sented the people in this body, proved himself a staunch and determined assertor of their rights, which no one more clearly understood. He zealously opposed the avaricious proceedings of the Proprietor and his partizans ; and manifested on all occasions a settled hostility to tyranny and oppression. Mr. Paca was a delegate from Maryland to the Continental Congress of 1774 ; and was re-appointed to the same station until the year 1778. at the close of which he retired. He was an open advocate for a Decla ration of Independence, as were several of his colleagues. A majority of the people of Maryland, however, were not prepared for such a measure. A change was afterwards effected among the people in relation to this subject. The Convention of Maryland recalled their prohibitory instructions to their delegates ; and Mr. Paca gladly received permission to vote according to the dictates of his own fearless and unshackled judg ment. In 1778, Mr. Paca was appointed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Maryland, an office which he continued to exercise with great ability until 1780, when he was made by Congress Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals in prize and admiralty cases. In 1782, he was elected Governor of his native State. He was distinguished for great correctness and integrity in the discharge of the duties of this station, and manifested a peculiar regard for the interests of religion and literature. At the close of the year he retired to private life. In 1786, he again accepted the executive chair, and continued in it for a year. On the organization of the Federal Government, in 1789, he received from Washington the appointment of Judge of the District Court of the United States for Ma ryland. This office he held until the year 1799, when he died in the sixtieth year of his age. ROBERT TREAT PAINE. ROBERT TREAT PAINE was born in Boston, in 1731. At the age of fourteen years, he became a member of Harvard college, and after leaving it, kept, for a period, a public school, the fortune of his father having been considerably reduced. With the view of obtaining 384 ROBERT TREAT PAINE. more ample means for the maintenance of his parents, he also made a voyage to Europe. Before entering on the study of the law, he devoted some time to the subject of theology. In 1775, he acted as chaplain to the troops of the provinces at the northward, and afterwards preached oc casionally in other places. At length he applied himself earnestly to the study of "the law. On being admitted to the bar, he established himself at Taunton, in the county of Bristol, where he resided for many years. In 1768, he was chosen a Delegate from that town to the Convention called by the leading men of Boston, in consequence of the abrupt dis solution of the General Court, by Governor Bernard. In 1770, Mr. Paine was engaged in the celebrated trial of Captain Preston, and his men, for the part which they acted in the well known Boston massacre. On this occasion, in the absence of the Attorney General, he conducted the prosecution on the part of the crown. He managed the case with great credit and ability, and received from it a considerable degree of distinction. In 1773, he was elected a Represen tative to the General Assembly from Taunton ; and was afterwards chosen a member of the Continental Congress, which met at Philadel phia. The following year he was re-elected. Of the Congress of 1776, Mr. Paine was also a member ; and to the Declaration of Independence, gave his vote and signed his name. In 1780, Mr. Paine was sent to the Convention which met to delibe rate respecting a Constitution for the State of Massachusetts ; and of the committee which framed the instrument he was a conspicuous member. Under the government organized, he was appointed Attorney General, an office which he held until 1790, when he was transferred to a seat on the bench of the Supreme Judicial Court, In this station, he continued till his seventy-third year. His legal attainments were extensive ; and he dis charged his judicial functions with the most rigid impartiality. Indeed, his strict fidelity sometimes gave him the reputation of unnecessary se verity ; but the charge could only have proceeded from the lawless and licentious. His memory was uncommonly retentive ; and his conversa tion was marked by great brilliancy of wit, and quickness of apprehen sion. If he sometimes indulged in raillery, he evinced no ill humor at being the subject of it in his turn. He was an excellent scholar ; and to literary and religious institutions rendered important services. The death of Judge Paine occurred on the llth of May, 1814 ; he having at tained the age of eighty-four years. He was a founder of the American Academy, established in Massachu setts in 1780, and continued his services to it until his death. The degree of Doctor of Laws was conferred on him by Harvard College. 385 JOHN PENN. JOHN PEXN was born in Caroline county, Virginia, on the 17th of May, 1741. His early education was greatly neglected; and at his fa ther s death, in 1759, he became the sole manager of the fortune left him, which, though not large, was competent. At the age of twenty-one, he was licensed as a practitioner of law. He rose rapidly into notice ; and was soon eminently distinguished as an advocate. In 1744, Mr. Penn moved to the province of North Carolina, where he attained as high a rank in his profession, as he had done in Virginia. The following year he -was chosen a Delegate from North Carolina to the General Congress, in which body he took his seat on the 12th of Octo ber. He was successively re-elected to Congress, in the years 1777, 1778, and 1779, and was respected for his promptitude and fidelity in the discharge of the duties assigned him. He was seldom absent from his seat, and was a watchful guardian of the rights and liberties of his constituents. He was urgent in forwarding the measures which led to the total emancipation of the colonies. After the return of peace, Mr. Penn betook- himself to private retire ment. The even tenor of his way was marked by few prominent inci dents after this period. He departed from this world, September, 1788, at the age of forty-six years. He had three children, two of whom died unmarried. GEORGE READ. GEORGE READ was born in Maryland, in the year 1734. Being de signed by his parents for one of the learned professions, he was placed at a seminary at Chester, in Pennsylvania. Having there acquired the rudiments of the languages, he was transferred to the care of the accom plished Dr. Allison, with whom he remained until his seventeenth year. He was then placed in the office of John Morland, Esq., a lawyer in the city of Philadelphia, for the purpose of fitting himself for the legal pro fession. In 1753, at the age of nineteen years, Mr. Read was admitted to the bar. In the year following, he commenced the practice of the law, in the town of New-Castle. In 1763, he was appointed Attorney General of the three lower counties on the Delaware. In the year 1765, Mr. Read was elected a Representative from New-Castle county, to the General Assembly of Delaware, a post which he occupied for twelve years. On the first of August, 1774, Mr. Read was chosen a Delegate from Delaware to the Continental Congress. To this station he was annually re-elected, during the whole revolutionary war. Mr. Read did not vote for the Declaration of Independence. But when, at length, the measure 49 386 C JESAR RODNEY. had received the sanction of the great National Council, and the time arrived for signing the instrument, Mr. Read affixed his signature to it, with all the cordiality of those who had voted in its favor. Mr. Read was President of the Convention which formed the first Con stitution of the State of Delaware. In 1782, he accepted the appoint ment of Judge of the Court of Appeals, in admiralty cases, an office which he held until the abolition of the court. In 1787, he represented the State of Delaware, in the Convention which framed the Constitution of the United States, under which he was immediately chosen a member of the Senate. The duties of this exalted station, he discharged till 1793, when he accepted of a seat on the bench of the Supreme Court of Delaware, as Chief Justice. He died in this office, in the autumn of 1798. The legal attainments of Mr. Read were extensive ; and his decisions are still respected as precedents of no slight authority. In private life he was esteemed for an expanded benevolence to all around him. RODNEY. RODNEY was a native of Dover, in Delaware, where he was born about the year 1730. He inherited from his father a large landed estate. At the age of twenty-eight, he was appointed High Sheriff in the county where he resided, and on the expiration of his term of service, was created a Justice of the Peace and a Judge of the lower Courts. In 1762, and perhaps at an earlier date, he represent ed the county of Kent, in the Provincial Legislature. In the year 1765, he was sent to the first General Congress, which assembled at New York, to adopt the necessary measures for obtaining a repeal of the stamp act, and other odious measures of the British ministry. In 1769, Mr. Rodney was elected Speaker of the House of Repre sentatives, an office which he continued to fill for several years. About the same time, he was appointed Chairman of the Committee of Cor respondence with the other colonies. He was a member of the well- known Congress of 1774; when he had for his colleagues, Thomas M Kean, and George Read. At the time that the question of independence came before Congress, Mr. Rodney was absent on a tour of duty, in the southern part of Dela ware. Mr. M Kean, and Mr. Read, his colleagues, were divided upon the subject. Aware of the importance of an unanimous vote, Mr. M Kean dispatched, at his private expense, an express into Delaware, to acquaint Mr. Rodney of the delicate posture of affairs, and to hasten his return to Philadelphia. With great exertion, he arrived on the spot, just as the members were entering the door of the State-House, at the final discussion of the subject. In the autumn of 1776, a Convention was called in Delaware, for the purpose of framing a new Constitution, and of appointing delegates to GEORGE ROSS. 387 the succeeding Congress. In this Convention, the influence of the roy alists proved sufficiently strong to deprive Mr. Rodney of his seat in Con gress. He remained, however, a member of the Council of Safety, and of the Committee of Inspection, in both of which offices he exerted him self with great diligence. In 1777, he repaired in person to the camp near Princeton, where he remained for nearly two months, in the most active and laborious employment. During the same year, he was re- appointed a delegate to Congress, but, before taking his seat, was elected President of the State. In the latter office he continued for about four years, at the close of which period he retired from public life. He was again elected to Congress, but it does not appear that he ever after took his seat in that body. A cancer, which had afflicted him for some time, and which had greatly disfigured his face, now increased its ravages, and, in the early part of the year 1783, brought him to the grave. Mr. Rodney was distinguished for a remarkable degree of gx>od humor and vivacity ; and in generosity of character, was an ornament to human nature. GEORGE ROSS. GEORGE Ross was born at New-Castle, Delaware, in the year 1730. At the age of eighteen, he entered upon the study of the law, and when admitted to the bar established himself at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. Here he married, and devoted himself, with great zeal to the duties of his profession. Mr. Ross commenced his political career in 1768, when he was sent a representative to the Assembly of his adopted State. Of this body he continued a member until the year 1774, when he was elected a Dele gate to the Continental Congress. To this office he was annually re- elected till January, 1777, when he retired. The high sense entertained by his constituents, of his public services and patriotism, was expressed, not merely by thanks, but by a present of one hundred and fifty pounds. This offer was respectfully but firmly declined. Mr. Ross was an active and influential member of the Provincial Le gislature. He was also a member of the Convention which assembled to prepare a declaration of rights on behalf of the State, and to define what should be considered high treason against it. In 1779, he was ap pointed a Judge of the Court of Admiralty, for the State of Pennsylva nia. In July of the same year, he died of a sudden attack of the gout, in the fiftieth year of his age. He left behind him the reputation of a thorough and skilful lawyer, a consistent politician, and an estimable man. 388 BENJAMIN RUSH. BENJAMIN RUSH was bom in Byberry, Pennsylvania, on the 24th of December, 1745. His father died when he was only six years of age, and the care of his education devolved upon his mother, whose prudent management of her son may be learned from the result. After completing his preparatory studies, he was entered, in 1759, a student in the college of Princeton. On leaving college, he commenced the study of medicine, under the superintendence of Dr. Redman, of Phi ladelphia. In 1766, he went to Edinburgh, where he spent two years at the university in that city, and from which he received the degree of M. D., in 1768. The next winter after his graduation he passed in London, and having visited France, he returned, in the autumn of the same year, to Philadelphia, and commenced the practice of medicine. In 1769, he was elected professor of chemistry in the college of Philadelphia ; and was afterwards appointed professor of the institutes, and practice of medi cine, and of clinical practice, in the same university. In the year 1793, Philadelphia was visited by that horrible scourge, the yellow fever. For some time after its commencement, no successful system of management was resorted to. Dr. Rush afterwards met with a manuscript, which contained an account of the yellow fever, as it pre vailed in Virginia, in 1741, and which was given to him by Dr. Frank lin, and had been written by Dr. Mitchell, of Virginia. In this manu script, the efficacy of powerful evacuants was urged, even in cases of extreme debility. This plan Dr. Rush adopted, and imparted the pre scription to the college of physicians. An immense accession of busi ness was the consequence, and his mode of treatment was wonderfully successful. The following entry, dated September 10th, is found in his notebook : " Thank God, out of one hundred patients, whom I visited or prescribed for this day, I have lost none." Between the 8th and loth of September, Dr. Rush visited and pre scribed for a hundred and a hundred and twenty patients a day. In the short intervals of business, which he spent at his meals, his house was filled with patients, chiefly the poor, waiting for his gratuitous advice. For many weeks he seldom ate without prescribing for many as he sat at table. While thus endangering his health and his life by excess of practice, Dr. Rush received repeated letters from his friends in the coun try, entreating him to leave the city. To one of these letters he replied, * that he had resolved to stick to his principles, his practice, and his pa tients, to the last extremity." The incessant labors of Dr. Rush, during this awful visitation, nearly prostrated his constitution ; but he was finally so far restored as to re sume the duties of his profession. His mode of treatment was also called into question by many of his contemporaries, notwithstanding the success which had attended it. At length the prejudices against him infect ed not only physicians, but a considerable part of the community. The public journals were enlisted against him, and in numerous pamphlets his system was attacked with great severity. He was even called a BENJAMIN RUSH. 389 murderer, and was at length threatened to be prosecuted and expelled the city. Notwithstanding the great labors of Dr. Rush as a lecturer and prac titioner, he was a voluminous writer. His printed works consist of seven volumes, six of which treat of medical subjects, and the other is a collec tion of essays, literary, moral, and philosophical. He was a constant and indefatigable scholar. He extracted so largely from the magazine of information accumulated in the mind of Benjamin Franklin, that he once mentioned to a friend, his intention of writing a book with the title of Frankliniana, in which he proposed to collect the fragments of wis dom, which he had treasured in his memory, as they fell in conversation from the lips of that great man. Doctor Rush was a member of the celebrated Congress of 1776, which declared these States free and independent. The impulse given to learning and science by this event he used to estimate of incalculable value. In 1777, he was appointed Physician General of the military hospital in the middle department. In 1787, he became a member of the Convention of Pennsylvania, for the adoption of the Federal Consti tution. This instrument received his warmest approbation. For the last fourteen years of his life, he was Treasurer for the United States Mint, by appointment of President Adams. Doctor Rush took a deep interest in the many private associations, for the advancement of human happiness, with which Pennsylvania abounds. He led the way in the establishment of the Philadelphia Dispensary, and was the principal agent in founding Dickinson College, in Carlisle. For some years he was President of the Society for the Abolition of Slavery, and also of the Philadelphia Medical Society. He was a founder of the Philadelphia Bible Society, and a Vice-President of the American Philo sophical Society. He was an honorary member of many of the literary institutions, both of this country and of Europe. In 1805, he was honored by the King of Prussia, with a medal, for his replies to certain questions on the yellow fever. On a similar account, he was presented with a gold medal in 1807, from the Queen of Etruria; and in 1811, the Emperor of Russia sent him a diamond ring, as a testimony of his respect for his medical character. The pen of Doctor Rush was powerfully employed against some of the vices and habits of mankind. His " Inquiry into the effects of ar dent spirits upon the human body and mind," has been more read than any of his works. He was a brilliant and eloquent lecturer ; and he possessed in a high degree those talents which engage the heart. The life of Doctor Rush was terminated on the 19th of April, 1813, in the sixty-eighth year of his age. During his illness, which was but of few days continuance, his house was beset by crowds of citizens, such Avas the general anxiety in respect to this excellent man. When at length he died, the news of his decease spread a deep gloom over the city, and expressions of profound sympathy were received from all parts of the country. 390 EDWARD RUTLEDGE. EDWARD RUTLEDGE was born in Charleston, South Carolina, November, 1749. After receiving a respectable education in the learned languages, he commenced the study of the law with his elder brother, who, at that time, was becoming the most eminent advocate at the Charleston bar. When arrived at the age of twenty-one years, Edward Rutledge sailed for England, to complete his legal* education. In 1773, he returned to his native country, and began the practice of his profession. He soon became distinguished for his quickness of apprehension, fluency of speech, and graceful delivery. The general estimation in which his talents were held, was evinced in 1774, by his appointment to the General Congress as delegate from South Carolina. He was at this time but twenty-five years of age. In the Congress of 1776, Mr. Rutledge took a conspicuous part in the discussions, which preceded the Declaration of Independence. At a sub sequent date, he was appointed, with Doctor Franklin and John Adams, a commissioner to wait upon Lord Howe, who had requested Congress to appoint such a committee to enter with him into negociations for peace. Mr. Rutledge was again elected to Congress in 1779 ; but in consequence of ill health, he was unable to reach the seat of government, and returned home. In 1780, during the investment of Charleston by the British, he was taken prisoner by the enemy, and sent to St. Augustine, where he was detained nearly a year before he was exchanged. On the evacuation of Charleston by the British, he returned to the place of his nativity, and, for the space of seventeen years, was success fully engaged in the practice of his profession ; rendering from time to time important services to the State, as a member of her Legislature. In 1798, he relinquished his station at the bar, and was elected Chief Magistrate of South Carolina. He continued to perform the duties of this office until within a short time before his death, which took place on the 23d day of January, 1800. Military and other honors were paid to his memory ; and universal regret was expressed at his departure. ROGER SHERMAN. ROGER SHERMAN was born in Newton, Massachusetts, on the 19th of April, 1721. He was early apprenticed to a shoemaker, and followed the business of one for some time after he was twenty-two years of age. The father of Roger Sherman died in 1741, leaving his family, which was quite numerous, dependent upon his son for support. He entered upon the task with great cheerfulness. Towards his mother, whose life was protracted to a great age, he always manifested the tenderest affec tion, and assisted two of his younger brothers to qualify themselves for clergymen. ROGER SHERMAN. 391 An elder brother had established himself in New Milford, Connecticut. In 1743, the family of Mr. Sherman removed to that place, and he again commenced business as a shoemaker ; but not long after, he entered into partnership with his brother, whose occupation was that of a country merchant. The mind of Roger Sherman was invincibly bent upon the acquisition of knowledge. The variety and extent of his attainments, even at this time, were almost incredible. He soon became known in the county of Litchfield, where he resided, as a man of superior talents, and of unusual skill in the science of mathematics. At the early age of twenty-four, he was appointed to the office of county surveyor. At this time, he had also made no trifling advances in the science of astronomy. As early as 1748, he supplied the astronomical calculations for an alma nac, published in New York, and continued to furnish them for several succeeding years. In 1749, he was married to Miss Elizabeth Hartwell, of Stoughton, in Massachusetts. After her decease, in 1760, he married Miss Rebecca Prescot, of Danvers, in the same State. By these wives he had fifteen children. In 1754, Mr. Sherman was admitted as an attorney to the bar. The circumstance which led to his study of the profession was merely acci dental, and an accident which, in a mind less decided and persevering than that of Sherman, would have passed away without improvement. He became rapidly distinguished as a counsellor, and the year following his admission to the bar, was appointed a Justice of the Peace for New Milford, which town he also represented in the Colonial Assembly. In 1759, he was appointed Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for the county of Litchfield, which office he held for two years. At the expira tion of that time, he became a resident of New Haven, of which town he was soon after appointed a Justice of the Peace, and often represented it in the Colonial Assembly. In 1765, he was made a Judge of the Court of Common Pleas, and about the same time was appointed Trea surer of Yale College, which institution bestowed upon him the honorary degree of Master of Arts. In 1766, Mr. Sherman was elected a member of the Upper House, in the General Assembly of Connecticut ; and during the same year he was appointed a Judge of the Superior Court. He continued a member of the Upper House for nineteen years, until 1785, when the two offices which he held being considered incompatible, he relinquished his seat at the council board, preferring his station as a Judge. The latter office he continued to exercise until 1789, when he resigned it on being chosen to Congress, under the Federal Constitution. Mr. Sherman was a delegate to the celebrated Congress of 1774, and continued uninterruptedly a member of that body, until his death in 1793. His services during his congressional career were many and important. He was employed on numerous committees, and was indefatigable in the investigation of complicated and difficult subjects. In 1776, he received the most flattering testimony of the high respect in which he was held, in being associated with Adams, Jefferson, Franklin, and Livings ton, in the responsible duty of preparing the Declaration of Independence. 392 JAMES SMITH. In the State where he resided, Mr. Sherman continued to receive repeated demonstrations of the esteem with which his fellow citizens regarded him. Under the new Constitution, Mr. Sherman was elected a Representa- tive to Congress from the State of Connecticut. At the expiration of two years, a vacancy occurring in the Senate, he was elevated to a seat in that body. In this office he died on the 23d of July, 1793, in the seventy-third year of his age. A predominant trait in the character of Roger Sherman was his prac tical wisdom. Although inferior to many in rapidity of genius, he was surpassed by none in clearness of apprehension, energy of mind, or honesty of action. A remark of Jefferson bears testimony to the strength and soundness of his intellect. " That is Sherman," said he to a friend, to whom he was pointing out the most remarkable men of Con gress, " a man who never said a foolish thing in his life." Not less honorable to the integrity of his character, is the remark of Fisher Ames, who was wont to say : " If I am absent during the discussion of a sub ject, and consequently know not on which side to vote, I always look at Roger Sherman, for I am sure if I vote with him I shall vote right." JAMES SMITH. JAMES SMITH was born in Ireland, but at what period has not been ascertained. His father was a respectable farmer, who removed to America with a numerous family, and settled on the west side of the Susquehanna river. After being qualified for the profession of the law, Mr. Smith took up his residence as a lawyer and surveyor, near the present town of Ship- pensburg; but he subsequently removed to the flourishing village of York, where he continued the practice of his profession during the re mainder of his life. On the commencement of the difficulties with the mother country, he resolutely enlisted himself on the patriotic side, and became an uncompromising opposer of the insulting aggressions of the British Government. He was chosen a delegate to all the patriotic meetings of the Province, and was always in favor of the most vigorous and decided measures. He was the first one who raised a volunteer corps in Pennsylvania, in opposition to the armies of Great Britain ; and was elected captain, and afterwards colonel of a regiment. In January, 1775, he was a delegate to the Convention for the Province of Pennsyl vania, and concurred in the spirited declarations of that Assembly. In the month of July, a Convention was held in Philadelphia, for the purpose of forming a new Constitution for Pennsylvania. Of this body, Mr. Smith was a member, and by it he was chosen a Delegate to Con gress. He continued to represent his constituents for several years in the great National Assembly, and was always active and efficient in the discharge of his duties. On withdrawing from Congress, in November, RICHARD STOCKTON. 393 1788, he resumed his professional pursuits, which he continued to ex ercise until the year 1800, when he withdrew from the bar, having prac tised the law for about sixty years. He died in the year 1806. RICHARD STOCKTON. RICHARD STOCKTON was born near Princeton, New Jersey, on the first day of October, 1730, and received his education at the college in his native State, where he graduated at the age of eighteen. On leaving college, Mr. Stockton commenced the study of the law, and on his admission to the bar, rose quickly to an enviable distinc tion. About the year 1767, he relinquished his professional business for the purpose of visiting Great Britain. During his tour through the united countries, he was received with great attention. On visiting Ed inburgh, he was complimented with a public dinner, by the authorities of that city, the freedom of which was unanimously conferred upon him. During his stay in Scotland, he was so fortunate as to induce the Reve rend Dr. Witherspoon, of Paisley, to remove to America, and accept the presidency of New Jersey College. On his return to this country, Mr. Stockton stood high in the royal fa vor, and was appointed one of the Royal Judges of the Province, and a member of the Executive Council. But on the commencement of the ag gravating system of oppression by which the mother country hoped to humiliate the colonists, he separated himself from the Royal Council, and joyfully concurred in all the liberal measures of the day. On the 21st of June, 1776, he was elected a Delegate to the General Congress, then sitting in Philadelphia. Here he discharged, with fidelity and energy, all the duties assigned him ; and on the agitation of the great question of independence, he addressed the House in its behalf. On the 30th of November, Mr. Stockton was unfortunately taken pri soner by a party of refugee royalists. He was dragged from his bed at night, and carried to New York. Here he was treated with the utmost rigor and indignity. Congress remonstrated with General Howe in his behalf, and he was finally released from his captivity; but the iron had entered his soul. His constitution had experienced an irreparable shock, and his ample fortune was completely reduced. He continued to languish for several years, and at length died, at his residence in Prince ton, on the 28th of February, 1781, in the fifty-third year of his age. His character was in every respect estimable. He possessed a cultivated taste for literature, and was a polished and eloquent speaker. 50 394 THOMAS STONE. THOMAS STONE was born in Charles county, Maryland, in 1743. He was a descendant of William Stone, who was Governor of Maryland during the protectorate of Oliver Cromwell. After acquiring a tolerable acquaintance with the learned languages, he entered upon the study of the law. Having obtained a competent knowledge of the profession, he commenced practice in Fredericktown, Maryland. After residing at this place two years, he removed to Charles county, in the same State. At the age of twenty-eight, he re ceived by marriage, the sum of one thousand pounds sterling ; and with it purchased a farm near the village of Port Tobacco, upon which he continued to reside during the revolutionary straggle. Although his busi ness was by no means lucrative, nor his fortune considerable, his well known honesty and ability caused him to be sent a Delegate to the Con gress of 1776, to which body he was elected for several subsequent years. After the Maryland Legislature had relieved him and his col leagues of the restrictions which bound them, he joyfully affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. Mr. Stone was a member of the committee appointed by Congress to prepare Articles of Confederation; and the manner in which he dis charged the duties devolving upon him in that station, was highly satis factory. After seeing the Confederation finally agreed upon in Congress, he declined a re-appointment to that body, but became a member of the Legislature of his native State. In 1783, he was again chosen to Con gress ; and in the session of 1784, acted for some time as President pro tempore. On the adjournment of Congress this year, he retired from that body, and engaged actively in the duties of his profession. His practice now became lucrative in Annapolis, whither he had removed ; and he soon rose to distinction at the bar. As an advocate, he excelled in strength of argument ; and was often employed in cases of great dif ficulty. Mr. Stone died on the 5th of October, 1787, in the forty-fifth year of his age, and while on the point of embarking for Europe, for the benefit of his health. GEORGE TAYLOR. GILORGE TAYLOR was born in Ireland, in the year 1716. At a suitable age he commenced the study of medicine ; but his genius not being adapted to his profession, he relinquished his medical studies, and soon after set sail for America. On his arrival he was entirely destitute of money, and was obliged to resort to manual labor to pay the expenses of his voyage. He was first engaged in the iron works of Mr. Savage, at Durham, on the Delaware, and was afterwards taken into his count- MATTHEW THORNTON. 395 ing-room as a clerk. In this situation, he rendered himself very useful, and, at length, upon the death of Mr. Savage, he became connected in marriage with his widow, and consequently the proprietor of the whole establishment. In a few years, the fortune of Mr. Taylor was considerably augmented. He now purchased a handsome estate, near the river Le- high, in the county of Northampton, where he erected a spacious man sion, and took up his permanent abode. In 1764, he was chosen a member of the Provincial Assembly, where he soon became conspicuous. In this body he continued to represent the county of Northampton until 1770; but he afterwards returned to Durham, to repair the losses of for tune, to which the change of his place of business had led. In October, 1775, he was again chosen to the Provincial Assembly ; and the following month, was appointed, in connexion with others, to re port a set of instructions to the Delegates which the Assembly had just appointed to the Continental Congress. Pennsylvania was for some time opposed to an immediate rupture with the mother country ; and it was only by the casting vote of Mr. Morton, that her consent to the measure of Independence was secured. On the 20th of July, 1776, the Pennsylvania Convention proceeded to a new choice of representatives. Mr. Morton, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Morris, and Mr. Wilson, who had voted in favor of the Declaration of Independence, were re-elected. Those who had opposed it were at this time dropped, and the following gentle men were appointed in their place, viz. Mr. Taylor, Mr. Ross, Mr. Clymer, Dr. Rush, and Mr. Smith. Mr. Taylor retired from Congress in 1777 ; and died on the 23d of February, 1781, in the sixty-sixth year of his age. MATTHEW THORNTON. MATTHEW THORNTON was born in Ireland, about the year 1714. When he was two or three years old, his father emigrated to America, and after a residence of a few years at Wiscasset, in Maine, he removed to Worcester, in Massachusetts. Here young Thornton received a re spectable education, and subsequently commenced the study of medicine. Soon after completing his preparatory course, he removed to Londonder ry, in New-Hampshire, where he entered upon the practice of his pro fession, and soon became distinguished, both as a physician and a surgeon. In 1745, Dr. Thornton was appointed to accompany the New-Hamp shire troops, as a surgeon, in the well known expedition, planned by Governor Shirley, against Cape Breton. His professional abilities were here creditably tested ; for of the corps of five hundred men, of whom he had charge as a physician, only six died of sickness, previous to the surrender of Louisburg, notwithstanding the hardships to which they were exposed. Under the Royal Government, Dr. Thornton was invested with the 396 GEORGE WALTON. office of Justice of the Peace, and commissioned as Colonel of the militia. But when that Government was dissolved, Colonel Thornton abjured the British interest, and adhered to the patriotic cause. He was President of a Provincial Convention, assembled at Exeter, in 1775. The next year he was chosen a Delegate to the Continental Congress, and signed his name to the engrossed copy of the Declaration of Inde pendence. Daring the same year, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas ; and shortly after was raised to the office of Judge of the Superior Court of New-Hampshire, in which office he continued until 1782. Two years previous to this latter date, he had purchased a farm, pleasantly situated on the banks of the Merrimack, near Exeter, where he principally devoted himself to agriculture. He was a member of the General Court for one or two years, and a Senator in the State Legislature, as also a member of the Council in 1785, under President Langdon. Dr. Thornton died while on a visit at Newburyport, on the 24th of June, 1803, in the eighty-ninth year of his age. He was a man of strong powers of mind, and was remarkably enter taining and instructive in conversation. GEORGE WALTON. GEORGE WALTCN was born in the county of Frederick, Virginia, about the year 1740. He was early apprenticed to a carpenter, who, being a man of contracted views, not only kept him hard at work during the day, but refused him the privilege of a candle, by which to read at night. Young Walton, however, was resolutely bent on the acquisition of knowledge, and contrived to collect, at his leisure moments, pieces of lightwood, which served at night, in place of a candle. His application was intense ; and his attainments were rapid and valuable. At the expiration of his apprenticeship, he removed to the province of Georgia, and entering upon the study of the law, commenced, in 1774, the practice of that profession. At this time the British Government was in the exercise of full power in Georgia. Mr. Walton was one of the most zealous of the few advocates of the patriotic cause. He was a member of the committee which prepared a petition to the King ; and in 1776, he was elected a Delegate to the Continental Congress. In this station he continued to represent the State of Georgia, until October, 1781. He was extremely useful on many important committees, and always evinced much zeal ahd intelligence in the discharge of his duties. In December, 1778, Mr. Walton received a Colonel s commission in the militia, and was present at the surrender of Savannah to the British arms. During the obstinate defence of that place, he was wounded in the thigh, in consequence of which, he fell from his horse, and was made a prisoner by the British troops. A Brigadier General was de manded in exchange for him, but in September, 1779, he was exchanged WILLIAM WHIPPLE. 397 for a Captain of the navy. In the following month, he was chosen Governor of the State ; and in the succeeding January, was elected a member of Congress for two years. The remainder of Mr. Walton s life, was filled up in the discharge of the most respectable offices within the gift of the State. He was at six different times chosen a Representative to Congress ; twice appointed Governor of the State ; once a Senator of the United States ; and at four different periods, a Judge of the Superior Courts. He was a man of no ordinary talents ; and w r as conspicious for his uniform devotion to liberty. He died on the 2d of February, 1804. WILLIAM WHIPPLE. WILLIAM WHIPPLE was born at Kittery, Maine, in the year 1730. His education was limited, and on leaving school, he entered on board a merchant vessel, and devoted himself for several years to commercial pursuits. His voyages were chiefly to the West Indies,, and proving successful, he acquired a considerable fortune. In 1759, he relinquished his seafaring occupation, and commenced business at Portsmouth. He entered with spirit into the controversy between Great Britain and the Colonies ; and in 1775, represented the town of Portsmouth in the Provincial Congress, which met at Exeter. In 1776, he was appointed a Delegate to the General Congress, of which body he continued a member, until September, 1799. In the year 1777, while Mr. Whipple was a member of Congress, the appointment of Brigadier General was bestowed upon him, and the cele- ebrated John Stark, by the Assembly of New-Hampshire. He was present at the desperate battle of Saratoga ; and his meritorious conduct on the occasion was rewarded, by his being jointly appointed with Colonel Wilkinson, as the representative of General Gates, to meet two officers from General Burgoyne, and settle the articles of capitulation. He was also selected as one of the officers, who were appointed to conduct the surrendered army to their destined encampment, on Winter Hill, in the vicinity of Boston. In 1778, General Whipple, with a detachment of New-Hampshire militia, was engaged, under General Sullivan, in exe cuting a plan for the re-taking of Rhode Island from the British. During the remaining years of his life, Mr. Whipple filled many im portant offices. As a representative to the State Legislature, he was highly popular ; and in 1782, he received the appointment of Receiver of Public Moneys for New-Hampshire, from Mr. Morris, the superinten dent of finance. He relinquished the office in 1784, and continued in the station of Judge of the Superior Court of Judicature. The duties of the latter office he discharged until the 28th of November, 1785, when he expired, in the 55th year of his age. 398 WILLIAM WILLIAMS. WILLIAM WILLIAMS was born in Lebanon, Connecticut, on the 8th of April, 1731. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard College, and after the usual period was honorably graduated. For some time after his return home, he devoted himself to theological studies, under the direc tion of his father. In 1755, he belonged to the staff of Colonel Ephraim Williams, the founder of Williams College in Massachusetts, and was present at the celebrated battle fought at the head of Lake George, be tween the provincial troops, and the French Canadians. During the contest, Colonel Williams was shot through the head by an Indian, and killed. Soon after this occurrence, William Williams returned to Lebanon ; and in 1756 was chosen Clerk of the town, an office which he continued to hold for the space of forty-five years. About the same time, he was appointed a Representative to the General Assembly of Connecticut. In this latter capacity he served for many years, during which he was often appointed Clerk of the House, and not unfrequently filled the Speaker s chair. In 1780, he was transferred to the Upper House, being elected an Assistant ; an office which he held for twenty-four years. Mr. Williams w r as a member of the Continental Congress, during the years 1776 and 1777 ; and took an honorable part in the deliberations of that body. During his campaign at the north, he had been disgusted with the British commanders, on account of the haughtiness of their conduct, and the little attachment which they manifested for his native country. The impression was powerful and enduring ; and led him to form a sincere and devoted wish for the independence of America. The following anecdote has been related as a proof of the patriotic spirit of Mr. Williams. Towards the close of the year 1776, the military affairs of the colonies wore a gloomy aspect. In this doubtful state of things, the council of safety for Connecticut was called to sit at Lebanon. Two of the members of this council, William Hillhouse and Benjamin Hunting-ton, quartered with Mr. Williams. One evening, the conversa tion turned upon the gloomy state of the country, and the probability that, after all, success would crown the British arms. " Well," said Mr. Williams, with great calmness, " if they succeed, it is pretty evident what will be my fate. I have done much to prosecute the contest, and one thing I have done \vhich the British will never pardon I have signed the Declaration of Independence. I shall be hung." Mr. Hill- house expressed a confident hope, that America w r ould yet be successful. Mr. Huntington observed, that, in case of ill success, he, should be ex empt from the gallows, as his signature was not attached to the Declara tion, nor had he written any thing against the British government. To this Mr. Williams replied, his eye kindling as he spoke, " Then. Sir, you deserve to be hanged, for not having done your duty." Mr. Williams died on the 2d day of August, 18] 1, in the eighty-first year of his age. 399 JAMES WILSON. JAMES WILSON was born in Scotland, about the year 1742. He re ceived an excellent education ; studying successively at Glasgow, St. Andrews, and Edinburgh, and enjoying the instruction of the distin guished Dr. Blair, and the not less celebrated Dr. Watts. After completing his studies, he embarked for America, and arrived at Philadelphia, early in the year 1766. Here he served some time in the capacity of tutor in the College of the city, and acquired the reputation of being a fine classical scholar. He shortly after entered the law of fice of Mr. John Dickinson, and, at the expiration of two years, commenc ed practice, first at Reading and Carlisle, then at Annapolis, and finally at Philadelphia, where he continued to reside during the remainder of his life. At an early period, Mr. Wilson espoused the cause of the colonies. He was an American in principle from the time that he land ed on the American shore. He became a member of the Provincial Convention of Pennsylvania, and in 1775, was unanimously elected a Delegate to Congress. His standing during the whole course of his at tendance on this body, was deservedly high. He evinced great ability and fidelity in the discharge of his numerous duties, and voted in favor of Independence in opposition to a majority of his colleagues. The high estimation in which Mr. Wilson was held, may be learned from his receiving the appointment of Advocate General for the French Government, in the United States. He continued to hold this office, which was both arduous and delicate, for several years, at the close of which, the King of France handsomely rewarded him by a gift of ten thousand livres. About the year 1782, Mr. Wilson was appointed a Counsellor and Agent for Pennsylvania, in the great controversy between that State and the State of Connecticut, relating to certain lands within the charter boundary of Pennsylvania. He discovered much legal knowledge and tact in the management of this business ; and the ques tion was finally settled in favor of Pennsylvania. He was a member of the celebrated Convention of 1787, which assem bled in Philadelphia, for the purpose of forming the Constitution of the United States. During the long deliberations on this instrument, he rendered the most important services. He was on the committee which reported the draught of the Constitution, and did much to settle, upon just principles, the great and important points which naturally arose in the formation of a new Government. When the State Convention of Pennsylvania assembled to ratify the Federal Constitution, Mr. Wilson was returned a member of that body ; and as he was the only one who had assisted in forming that instrument, it devolved upon him to explain to the Convention the principles upon which it was founded, and the great objects which it had in view. In 1789, Mr. Wilson Avas appointed by Washington, a Judge of the Supreme Court, under the Federal Constitution. In this office, he con tinued until his death, which occurred on the 28th of August, 1798, at 400 JOHN WITHERSPOON. Edenton, in North Carolina, while on a circuit attending to his judicial duties. Mr. Wilson was twice married ; the first time to a daughter of William Bird, of Berks county, and the second time to a daughter of Mr. Ellis Gray, of Boston. JOHN WITHERSPOON. JOHN WITHERSPOON, alike distinguished as a minister of the Gospel and a patriot of the Revolution, was born in the parish of Yester, a few miles from Edinburgh, on the 5th of February, 1722. He was lineally descended from John Knox, the celebrated Scottish reformer ; and was sent at an early age to the public school at Haddington, where he applied himself closely to the study of classical literature. At the age of fourteen, he was removed to the University of Edin burgh ; and on completing his theological studies, he was ordained and settled in the parish of Beith, in the west of Scotland. Doctor Witherspoon left behind him a sphere of great usefulness and respectability, in retiring from his native land. He arrived in America in August, 1768, and in the same month was inaugurated President of the College of New Jersey. His exertions in raising the character and increasing the funds of this institution, were successful and indefatigable. On the occurrence of the American war, the college was broken up, and the officers and students were dispersed. Doctor Witherspoon now assumed a new attitude before the American public. On becoming a citizen of the country, he warmly espoused her cause against the British ministry. He was a Delegate to the Convention which formed the republican Constitution of New Jersey ; and proved himself as able a politician as he was known to be philosopher and divine. Early in the year 1776, he was chosen a Representative to the General Congress, by the people of New Jersey. He took a part in the deliberations on the question of Independence, for which he was a warm advocate. To a gentleman, who declared that the country was not yet ripe for a Decla ration of Independence, he replied : " Sir, in my judgment, the country is not only ripe, but rotting." For the space of seven years, Doctor Witherspoon continued a Delegate from New Jersey to the Continental Congress. Few men acted with more energy or promptitude, or attended more closely and faithfully than he to the duties of his station. At the close of the year 1779, Doctor Witherspoon voluntarily retired from Congress, and resigned the care and instruction of the students to another. His name, however, continued to add celebrity to the institu tion, over which he had so creditably presided. But he did not remain long in repose. In 1781, he was again chosen to Congress, and in 1783, he embarked for England, with the view of promoting the interests of the College, for which he had already done so much. He returned to Ame rica in 1784, and again withdrew from active life. Doctor Witherspoon was an admirable model for a young preacher OLIVER WOLCOTT. 401 "A profound theologian, perspicuous and simple in his manner; an universal scholar, acquainted with human nature ; a grave, dignified, solemn speaker ; he brought all the advantages derived from these sources, to the illustration and enforcement of divine truth. His social qualities rendered him one of the most companionable of men." Doctor Witherspoon was twice married; the first time in Scotland, at an early age, to a lady of the name of Montgomery ; and the second time, at the age of seventy years, to a lady who was only twenty-three. He had several children, who all passed, or are passing, honorably through life. He died on the 15th day of November, 1794, in the seventy-third year of his age. His works have been collected in four volumes, octavo. OLIVER WOLCOTT. OLIVER WOLCOTT was born in Connecticut in the year 1726. His family was ancient and distinguished ; and his ancestors successively held a long list of honorable offices in the State. He was graduated at Yale College in 1747 ; and the same year received a commission as Captain in the army, in the French war. At the head of a company, which was raised by his own exertions, he proceeded to the defence of the northern frontiers, where he continued until the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. At this time he returned to his native State, and entered upon the study of medicine. He never engaged in the practice of the profession, how ever, in consequence of receiving the appointment of Sheriff of the county of Litchfield. In 1774, he was elected an Assistant in the Council of the State, and continued in the office till 1786. He was also for some time Chief Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for the county, and Judge of the Court of Probate for the district of Litchfield. In 1776, he was chosen a Delegate from Connecticut to the National Congress, which assembled at Philadelphia. He participated in the deliberations of that body, and had the honor of recording his name in favor of the Declaration of Independence. From the time of the adoption of that measure until 1786, he was either in attendance upon Congress, in the field in defence of his country, or, as a Commissioner of Indian affairs for the northern department, assisting in settling the terms of peace with the Six Nations. In 1786, he was chosen Lieutenant-Governor of Connecticut, an office which he continued to hold for ten years, at the expiration of which he was raised to the Chief Magistracy of the State. He died on the 1st of December, 1797, in the seventy-second year of his age. Mr. Wolcott was possessed of great resolution of character ; and his attainments in literature were of a superior order. He was also distin guished for his love of order and religion. In 1755, he was married to a Miss Collins, of Guilford, an estimable woman, with whom he enjoyed much domestic felicity, for the space of forty years. 51 402 GEORGE WYTHE. GEORGE WYTHE was born in the county of Elizabeth city, Virginia, in the year 1726. His mother, who was a woman of superior acquirements, instructed him in the learned languages, and he made considerable pro gress in several of the solid sciences, and in polite literature. Before he became of age, he was deprived of both his parents ; and inheriting considerable property, he became addicted, for several years, to dissipated courses and habits of profligacy. But at the age of thirty, he abandoned entirely his youthful follies, and applied himself with indefatigable indus try to study ; never relapsing into any indulgence inconsistent with a manly and virtuous character. Having studied the profession of law, he soon attained a high reputa tion at the bar, and was appointed from his native county to a seat in the House of Burgesses. He took a conspicuous part in the proceedings of this assembly, and some of the most eloquent state papers of the time were drawn up by him. The remonstrance to the House of Commons, which was of a remarkably fearless and independent tone, was the pro duction of his pen. By his patriotic firmness and zeal, he powerfully contributed to the ultimate success of his country. In 1775, Mr. Wythe was elected a Delegate from Virginia to the Conti nental Congress in Philadelphia. He assisted in bringing forward and urging the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his name to that death less instrument. During this latter year, he was appointed, in connexion with Thomas Jefferson, Edward Pendleton, and others, to revise the laws of the State of Virginia. In the year 1777, Mr. Wythe was chosen Speaker of the" House of Delegates, and during the same year was mado Judge of the High Court of Chancery. On the new organization of the Court of Equity, in a subsequent year, he was appointed sole Chancellor, a station which he filled with great ability, for more than twenty years. In the course of the Revolution, Mr. Wythe suffered much in respect to his property. By judicious management, however, he contrived to retrieve his fortune, and preserve his credit unimpaired. Of the Con vention of 1787, appointed to revise the Federal Constitution, he was an efficient - member. During the debates, he acted for the most part a? chairman. He was a warm advocate for the Constitution, and esteemed it the surest guarantee of the peace and prosperity of the country. He died on the 8th of June, 1806, in the eighty-first year of his age, after a short but very excruciating sickness. By his last will and testament, Mr. Wythe bequeathed his valuable library and philosophical apparatus to his friend, Mr. Jefferson, and distributed the remainder of his little property among the grand-children of his sister, and the slaves whom he had set free. 403 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. IT is a singular fact, that the principal European nations owe their possessions in America to the enterprise and skill of Italian navigators, though not a single colony was planted by the Italians themselves. . Co lumbus opened to Europe a new world, and acquired for Spain a dominion wide and rich enough to satisfy even Castilian ambition, and his recom pense was ingratitude, imprisonment, and an old age dishonored by chains. Cabot, a Venetian in the English service, acquired claims upon the lasting remembrance of Great Britain, whose extent he never lived to realize. Verazzani, of Florence, explored America for the benefit of France, but when sailing in a second expedition to this country, perished at sea. Amerigo Vespucci, who was also a Florentine, though he associated his name in imperishable union with the new world, bought but an empty fame for himself and his country. Columbus sailed on his first voyage of discovery, from the bar of Saltes, a small island in front of the town of Huelva, early on the morning of the 3d of August, 1492. He directed his course in a south-westerly direction, for the Canary Islands, and immediately commenced a minute journal of the voyage, in the preface to which he recounted the motives which led him to the expedition. In the conclusion of this preface, he says, " I intend to write, during this voyage, very punctually, from day to day, all that I may do, and see, and experience, as will hereafter be seen. Also, my sovereign princes, beside describing each night all that has occurred in the day, and in the day the navigation of the night, I propose to make a chart, in which I will set down the waters and lands of the Ocean sea, in their proper situations under their bearings ; and, further, to compose a book, and illustrate the whole in picture by latitude from the equinoctial, and longitude from the west : and upon the whole, it will be essential that I should forget sleep, and attend closely to the navigation, to accomplish these things, which will be a great labor." The first land that Columbus expected to meet was Cipango, which had been placed by geographers at the eastern extremity of India. This was the name given to the island now called Japan, by Marco Polo, the celebrated Venetian traveller. The most extravagant accounts of the riches of this country were given by the writers of that age, and the Admiral was anxious to proceed directly there. At sunrise, on Sunday, the 7th of October, the Nina, which had outsailed the other vessels, on account of her swiftness, hoisted a flag at her mast-head, and fired a gun, as a signal of having discovered land. There had been a reward pro mised by the King and Queen to the man who should first make this discovery ; and each of the vessels was striving very eagerly to get ahead, and obtain the promised recompense. As they found nothing of 404 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. the land the Nina made signals for, the Admiral shifted his course, about evening, towards the west-south-west, with a determination to sail two days in that direction. The reason for making this change was from watching the flight of the birds. The Portuguese had discovered most of their islands in this manner, and Columbus noticed that the flocks which passed them all flew from the north to the south-west. He inferred from this that land was situated in that quarter. After sailing a day or two, they found the air as soft as that of Seville in April, and wonderfully fragrant; the weeds appeared very fresh, and many land birds were taken. The men, however, had lost faith in all signs of land, and did not cease to murmur and complain. The Admiral encouraged them in the best manner he could, representing the riches they were about to acquire, and adding that it was to no purpose to complain ; for, having come so far, they had nothing to do but to continue, till, by the assistance of Heaven, they should arrive at the Indies. On the llth of October, they met with signs of land that could not be mistaken ; and all began to regain spirits and confidence. The crew of the Pinta saw a cane and a log, and picked up a stick, which appeared to have been carved with an iron instrument, a small board, and abun dance of weeds that had been newly washed from the banks. The crew of the Nina saw other similar signs, and found, beside, a branch of a thorn full of red berries. Convinced, by these tokens, of the neighborhood of land, Columbus, after evening prayers, made an address to his crew, reminding them of the mercy of God in bringing them so long a voyage with such fair weather, and encouraging them by signs that were every day plainer and plainer. He repeated the instructions that he had previously given, that when they had sailed seven hundred leagues to the westward without discovering land, they should lie by from midnight till daybreak. He told them that, as they had strong hopes of finding land that night, evejy one should watch in his place ; and, besides the thirty crowns a year, which the Spanish sovereigns had promised to the first discoverer, he would give him a velvet doublet. About ten o clock that evening, while Columbus was keeping an anxious look-out from the top of the cabin, he thought he beheld a light glimmering at a great distance. Fearing that his hopes might deceive him, he called two of his companions to confirm him. One of them came in season to observe it, but the other was too late. It had disap peared. From this they supposed it might be the torch of some fisher man, raised up and then suddenly dropped again. They were all confident of being near land. About two o clock in the morning, the Pinta gave the signal of land. It was first perceived by a sailor named Rodrigo de Triana ; the thirty pounds a year were not granted to him, but to the Admiral, who had first seen the light in the midst of darkness. His son says, " that this signified the spiritual light he was spreading in those dark regions." When the day appeared, they perceived before them a large island, quite level, full of green trees and delicious waters, and, to all appearance, thickly inhabited. Numbers of the people imme diately collected together, and ran down to the shore. They were very much astonished at the sight of the ships, which they believed to be EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 405 living creatures. The ships immediately came to anchor. The Ad miral went ashore in his boat, well armed, and bearing the royal standard. The other captains each took a banner of the green cross ; containing the initials of the names of the King and Queen on each side, and a crown over each letter. The Admiral called upon the two captains, and the rest of the crew who landed, to bear witness that he took possession of that island for his sovereigns. They all gave thanks to God, kneeling upon the shore, shedding tears of joy for the great mercy received. The Admiral rose, and called the island San Salvador. The Indians called it Guanahani, and it is now called Cat Island, and belongs to the group of the Bahamas. Many of the natives came down to witness this cere mony. They were very peaceable and quiet people, and the Admiral gave them some red caps, glass beads, and a few other trifles of small value, with which they were much delighted. They imagined that the strangers had descended from heaven, and valued the slightest token they could receive from them, as of immense worth. When the Admiral and his companions returned to their vessels, the natives followed them in large numbers. Some swam ; others went in their canoes, carrying parrots, spun cotton, javelins, and other articles, to exchange for hawks bells, and strings of beads. They went entirely naked, seeming to be very poor and simple. They were generally young, of good stature, with thick and short black hair. Their features were good, and their countenances pleasant, though an extreme highness of the forehead gave them rather a wild appearance. Some \vere painted black, others with white and red ; some on the face only, others over the whole body. They had no knowledge of weapons, and grasped the swords which were shown to them by the blades. Their javelins were made of sticks, with points hardened at the fire, and armed with fish bones instead of iron. They easily learned the words that were spoken to them. No beasts were seen upon the island, and no birds but parrots, in which the sailors and the Indians continued trafficing till night. Columbus pursued his voyage among the many green, fertile, and 406 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. populous islands which cluster in the seas he had reached. He had hoped to find great wealth of gold, and the information he received by signs from the Indians seemed always to confirm this opinion, and to send him on some expedition where he was confident of finding" rocks sparkling with riches, and rivers flowing over golden sands. But he was continually deceived, or continually deceived himself. At an island they called Isabella, he remained several days in the vain expectation of pro curing some gold. The Indians had told his people stories of a rich king dressed in splendid garments, and covered with golden ornaments, and they were in hopes that he would be civil enough to visit them, and bring a great many valuable things with him. But no person of that description appeared, and they began to grow tired of waiting ; and taking in a fresh supply of \vater, they set sail for some other island, in search of the rich king and the gold mines. They directed their course towards Cuba, where they felt sure of find ing the land of spices, silks, and precious metals, of which they were in quest. With this island they were exceedingly delighted, though they still found it by no means the promised land. On the northern coast they sailed into a beautiful river, twelve fathoms deep at its mouth. The banks of this river, upon both sides, were covered with trees of a most rich and luxuriant foliage, and with beautiful shrubs and flowers of every description. They ascended the river some distance, and the Admiral says it was exceedingly pleasant to behold the delightful verdure which presented itself, and to listen to the songs, and admire the variegated plumage, of the birds. The island was full of pleasant mountains, and the grass gre\v, long and green, down to the very edge of the water. On the 24th of December, the weather being very calm, and the vessel lying about a league off the Holy Cape, Columbus, at about eleven o clock at night, retired to rest. It was so very calm, that the man whom the Admiral had left in charge of the helm, contrary to express orders, com mitted it to a boy, and went to sleep. Columbus says that the sea was as still as water in a dish, so that there was not a seaman awake on board of the ship, when the current carried them directly upon breakers that were roaring with a noise that might have been heard a league off. As the rudder struck, the fellow at the helm cried out, and Columbus imme diately awoke and ran upon deck. The master, whose watch it was, then came out, and the Admiral ordered him and the other sailors to take the boat, and carry out an anchor astern. Instead of obeying his com mand, they immediately rowed off to the other caravel, at that time half a league distant. On perceiving this desertion, Columbus ordered the masts to be cut away, and the vessel lightened as much as possible. But all was in vain ; she continued fast a-ground, and was rapidly filling with water. The men on board the other caravel would not receive the deserters in the boat, but obliged them to put back to their own ship. As it was impossible, by this time, to preserve the vessel, Columbus was only anxious to save the men. They went to the other caravel, and on the succeeding day, with the assistance of the natives, and their canoes, they preserved every thing of value. The Indians were very honest and kind, every thing being guarded by them with extreme care, at the EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 407 express order of the King ; they lamented as much as if the loss had been their own. The chief King of the place gave the adventurers three houses, in which to store the articles they had saved from the wreck. Perceiving the desire of the Admiral to procure gold, he informed him there was a place in the neighborhood, where it might be found in large quantities. Columbus entertained the King on board of the caravel, and received an invitation to a feast upon shore. The Indian monarch treated the Admi ral with every honor, feasting him with several sorts of shrimps, game, and other viands, and with the bread which they called cassavi. He afterwards conducted him into an arbor near his house, where they were attended by more than a thousand persons. The King wore a shirt and a pair of gloves, which Columbus had presented to him, and with which he was very much pleased. He was very neat in his manner of taking food, rubbing his hands with herbs, and washing them after the repast. They then went down to the shore, whan Columbus sent for a Turkish bow and some arrows. These were given to one of his crew, who happened to be very expert in their use. The people were astonished with this exhibition, as they knew nothing of these weapons ; but they spoke of some people called Caribs, who were accustomed to come and attack them with bows and arrows. Upon which Columbus told the King, that the sovereigns of Castile would send people to fight against the Caribs, and take them prisoners. By order of Columbus, several guns were then fired. The King was astonished, and his followers were very much frightened, falling upon the ground in terror and wonder. Afterwards, a mask was brought, with pieces of gold at the eyes and ears, and in other places. This was given to the Admiral, together with other jewels of gold, which were placed upon his head and neck. Many other presents were also made to the Spaniards. All these things contributed to lessen the grief of the Admiral at having lost his vessel ; and he began to be convinced that the accident had providentially happened, in order tnat this place might be selected for a settlement. 408 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. Many of his crew were very desirous to remain, and the Admiral accordingly chose a situation for a fort. He thought this necessary, because the territory was at such a distance from Spain, that the natives ought to be held "in obedience, by fear as well as by love." The Spaniards were so active in building the fort, and the Indians so diligent in assisting them, that it was erected in ten days. A large vault was dug, over which a strong wooden tower was built, and the whole sur rounded by a wide ditch. In the account of the voyage, drawn up for his sovereigns, Columbus says that he hopes, on his return from Castile, to find a ton of gold collected by the men left here, by trading with the natives ; and that he believes they will have discovered mines and spices in such abundance, that before three years, the King and Queen may undertake the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre. "For I have before protested to your majesties," says he, " that the profits of this enterprise shall be employed in the conquest of Jerusalem, at which your majesties smiled, and said you were pleased, and had the same inclinations." Columbus left thirty-nine men in the island, with seed for sowing, and provision to last a twelvemonth ; he left there also the long boat of the ship, and goods to traffic with. To the fortress, the adjacent village, and the harbor, he gave the name of La Navidad, or the Nativity, in memory of their having escaped the perils of shipwreck on Christmas day. After cruising about among the islands till the 16th of January, they set sail directly for Spain. After one or two violent storms, a visit to St. Mary, one of the Azores, a penitential pilgrimage to a hermitage on that island, and an interview with the King of Portugal at Valparaiso, Columbus / entered and anchored in the harbor of Palos, on the 15th of March. After receiving the congratulations of his friends at Palos, Columbus immediately set out to meet his sovereigns, whom he found at Barcelona. To this place, he made a sort of triumphal entry, surrounded by the haughty nobility of Spain, vying with each other in the honors they could pay to the Discoverer. He was received publicly by the sove reigns, in a splendid saloon, seated on the throne, and encircled by a magnificent court. On his entrance they rose to greet him., and would hardly allow him to kiss their hands, considering it too unworthy a mark of vassalage. Columbus then gave an account of his discoveries, and exhibited the different articles which he had brought home with him. He described the quantity of spices, the promise of gold, the fertility of the soil, the delicious climate, the never-fading verdure of the trees, the brilliant plumage of the birds, in the new regions which his own enter prise had acquired for his sovereigns. He then drew their attention to the six natives of the New World, whom he had brought with him, and described their manners and dispositions. He exhibited their dresses and ornaments, their rude utensils, their feeble arms, which corresponded with his description of them, as naked and ignorant barbarians. To this he added, that he had observed no traces of idolatry or superstition among them, and that they all seemed to be convinced of the existence of a Supreme Being, and concluded with saying, " that God had reserved for the Spanish monarchs, not only all the treasures of the New World, but a still greater treasure, of inestimable value, in the infinite number of EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 409 souls destined to be brought over into the bosom of the Christian church/ After certain preliminary negociations with his Holiness the Pope, and with the monarch of Portugal, both of whom felt much inclined to pos sess a portion of the new territories, but did not know exactly how to obtain it, Columbus sailed on his second expedition to the New World, on the 25th of September, 1493. On the 3d of November he made an island, which he called Dominica, as it was first discovered on a Sunday. Other islands were soon seen, and boats were sent ashore at some of them. They were of different shapes and aspects, some green and woody, some covered with rock s of a bright azure and glittering white. To one of these groups he gave the name of the Eleven Thousand Vir- qins. On reaching La Navidad, at midnight, Columbus gave orders that guns should be fired to apprise the colonists of their arrival, but no answering signal was given. A canoe soon afterwards came off to the fleet, and inquired for the Admiral. The Indians refused to come on board till they had seen and recognized him. When questioned about the Spaniards who had remained there, they said that some of them had been taken sick and died, and that some had quarrelled, and gone away to a distant part of the island. The Admiral concealed his surmises in respect to their fate, and dismissed the natives with some trifling presents to their king, Guacanagari. On the next day he found but little reason to doubt as to the fate of the colonists. When the Admiral landed, he found all the houses in the neighborhood burnt, and the fort entirely de stroyed. The only remaining tokens of the history of the colonists were eleven dead bodies, with some torn garments, and broken articles of furniture. They discharged all the cannon and musketry of the fleet at once, in hopes that the sound might reach the ear of some concealed wanderer, who still survived to tell the fate of his companions. But it was in vain. Columbus was soon visited by Guacanagari, the King, who pretended to have been wounded in a descent of the Caribs, but who was suspected by the Spaniards of having been concerned in the slaughter of their countrymen. He was, however, dismissed in safety, and it was not till subsequent circumstances in some measure confirmed their suspicions, that the Admiral sent out a party to reconnoitre the island and take him prisoner. They scoured the shores, and the lighter caravels entered far into the windings of the rivers. Maldanado was at the head of this expedition, and, with his party, was going towards a high house they saw at a distance, where they supposed the cacique might have taken refuge. " And as he was going," says Peter Martyr, " there met him a man with a frowning countenance and a grim look, with a hundred men following him, armed with bows and arrows, and long and sharp stakes like javelins, made hard at the ends with fire ; who, approaching towards our men, spake out aloud with a terrible voice, saying that they were Taini, that is, noble men, and not cannibals ; but when our men had given them signs of peace, they left both their weapons and fierceness. Thus, giving each of them certain hawks bells, they took it for so great a reward, that they desired to enter bonds of near friendship with us, and feared not immediately to 52 410 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA submit themselves under our power, and resorted to our ships with their presents." It was learned that Guacanagari had retired to the mountains ; and on this intelligence, the fleet sailed from Navidad to Monte Christi. The Admiral intended to steer towards the east, and establish a colony at the harbor of La Plata. But being detained by contrary winds, the fleet finally came to anchor in a haven about ten leagues west of Monte Christi, where there seemed to be a very fine situation for a colony. The soil was fertile, and the surrounding sea abounded in fish. Behind it were impenetrable woods, and the rocks below it might be easily crowned with a strong fortress. This was the place, therefore, chosen for the new settlement. A chapel was immediately erected, in which a Catholic festival was, for the first time, celebrated, on the 6th of January. 1494. The public buildings of the new town were erected of stone ; the private houses were built of wood, and covered with grass and leaves. Seeds were sown, which sprung up with great rapidity. The neighboring Indians assisted them in building their houses, and provided them food, with the greatest diligence and zeal. Columbus called the new settlement Isabella, in honor of the distinguished patron of his expe dition. On the second of February, a fleet was dispatched to Spain, to com municate the progress of discovery, and the existing condition of affairs. The Admiral was now doomed to be the victim of new troubles. He was sick, and during his illness, a mutiny broke out among the discon tented, who laid a plan to return to Spain, and prefer formal charges against Columbus. On recovering from his illness, and learning about the plot, he confined the ringleader, and inflicted some light punishment on the accomplices. Having thus arranged matters at the new settlement, he set out for the gold mines in the interior. After establishing a fortress, and leaving fifty-six men at St. Thomas, and sailing along the northern coast of Hispaniola, in the hope of obtaining an interview with Guacan agari, Columbus continued his course to Cuba, where he entered a spa cious harbor, to which he gave the name of Puerto Grande. Still sail ing along the coast, the Indian men, women and children, continually crowded to the shore, bringing whatever they could find to barter for beads and bells. All inquiries after gold they answered by pointing to wards the south. While sailing in this direction, they reached a beauti ful island, which still retains the Indian name of Jamaica. It was found to be very populous and pleasant. On attempting to land, they were met by a large number of canoes, filled with armed Indians, who re sisted their approach, darting arrows and javelins, and setting up menacing shouts. Columbus ordered a few shot to be fired among them ; and a large dog was let loose, which occasioned great terror and confusion. On the following day, however, they again resorted to the shore, and engaged in trafficing with the Spaniards. Most of them were painted with various colors, wearing feathers upon their heads, and palm leaves upon their breasts. Some of their canoes were ornamented with carved EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 411 work and paintings. These boats were each made out of a single trunk, and many of them were of great size. One was found to be ninety-six feet long and eight broad. Columbus now bore off for Cuba, resolving to sail several hundred leagues along the coast, and discover whether it were really the continent. A large group of islands, through which his ships now passed, he called the Queen s Garden. When coasting along Cuba, he frequently sent the boats ashore, with several men, who might inform themselves of the character and products of the country, and in quire of the natives as to its extent. While thus engaged, they saw a singular manner of taking fish among the natives of one of the islands of Queen s Garden. " Like as we with greyhounds do hunt hares in the plain fields," says Peter Martyr, " so do they as it were with a hunt ing fish take other fishes." This fish was of a form before unknown to the Spaniards, having on the back part of the head a very rough skin. The creature is tied by a cord to the side of the boat, and let down into the water. When the Indians see any great fish or tortoise, the cord is loosened, and the hunting fish fastens upon it, retaining its hold with so much force that the prey is drawn with it to the surface of the water, and there secured. Columbus pursued his voyage till he had sailed along the coast of Cuba three hundred and thirty-five leagues. The natives could not tell him the extent of the country, though they knew that it exceeded twenty day s travelling. Comparing these circumstances with his previous no tions, he arrived at the conclusion that " this country was the beginning of India, which he had intended to come to from Spain." He caused this decision to be published on board the three ships, and all the seamen and most skilful pilots fully concurred with him in the opinion. They all declared under oath that they had no doubt upon the subject. The Admiral also swore to his belief, and the clerk formally attested it, on board of the Nina, on the twelfth of June. At this very time, a ship- boy from the mast-top could have seen the open sea beyond the islands to the south; and if Columbus had continued his course in that direction but a single day more, he would have arrived at the end of his imagined continent. But in this error he lived and died : supposing Cuba the ex tremity of the Asiatic continent. The Admiral relinquished all further examination of the coast, and stood south-east to an island which he named Evangelista. He here became inclosed in a large bay, which he had supposed a channel open ing to the south-east. The water in some places in this sea was as white as milk ; and according to one writer, there were sometimes such a multitude of tortoises that they arrested the progress of the ships. At length they were once more coasting along the beautiful and luxuriant shores of Cuba. Here Columbus sought for a pleasant and convenient harbor, where his weary crew might find refreshment and repose. An incident occurred here, while the Admiral was hearing mass upon shore, that is of considerable interest. An old man, of great dignity and gravi ty, came towards them, and behaved very reverently all the time that the ceremony was going on. When the mass was over, he presented 412 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. with his own hands to Columbus a basket of fruit ; and when he had been some time entertained there, he requested permission to speak a few words through the interpreter. The amount of this speech is thus given by Peter Martyr : " I have been advertised, most mighty prince, that you have of late with great power subdued many lands and regions hitherto unknown to you, and have brought no little fear upon all the people and inhabitants of the same ; the which your good fortune you shall bear with less in solence if you remember that the souls of men have two journeys, after they are departed from this body ; the one, foul and dark, prepared for such as are injurious and cruel to mankind ; the other, pleasant and de lectable, ordained for them which in their time loved peace and quiet ness. If, therefore, you acknowledge yourself to be mortal, and consider that every man shall receive condign reward or punishment for such things as he hath done in this life, you will wrongfully hurt no man/ Columbus was much pleased and affected by the eloquent wisdom of the old man, as it was conveyed to him by the interpreter. He answer ed that the chief cause of his coming was to instruct the islanders in the true religion ; and that he had special commands from his sovereigns o: Spain to subdue and punish the mischievous, and defend the innocent against violence from evil doers. The old man was delighted with the Admiral, and was desirous to accompany him upon the voyage, notwith standing his extreme age. The entreaties of his wife and children alone prevented him. Columbus remained several days in the river, and on taking leave of his old adviser, he steered south for the open sea. Storms and adverse winds, however, detained him a few days about the island of Queen s Garden, and again visiting Jamaica, he was received w r ith great kindness and confidence. On the 24th of September, they had reached the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, and pursued their voyage towards the south-east. It was the design of Columbus, at the present time, to complete the discovery of the Caribbee Islands. But the fatigues which he had suffered during EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 413 the voyage had completely exhausted him. Besides his great mental exertions, he had shared in the bodily labors of the expedition, with more unwearied activity than the best of his seamen. He had shared all their privations and toils with them. His body and mind at length sunk un der these continued and unintermitted labors. A deep lethargy fell upon him, and his crew were fearful that he would die. He could neither re member, nor see. rior hear ; and was carried back in a state of insensi bility to the harbor of Isabella. What was his surprise and joy, on re covering his faculties, to find here by his bedside, his brother Bartholo mew, whom he had not before met with for thirteen years, and whom he had supposed to be dead. He had been appointed by the Spanish Go vernment to the command of three ships, and had received orders to assist his brother in all his enterprises. He reached Isabella just after the Admiral had departed for the coast of Cuba, with supplies of provi sion that arrived at a fortunate moment, to allay the discontents of the Spaniards, and to alleviate the maladies under which they had been suf fering. Meantime the Indians had become much incensed by the out rages of the soldiers, and several Caciques united for their destruction. This was the state of things when the Admiral reached Isabella, and it was not till the island was restored to obedience, that Columbus deter mined to return to Spain. His enemies at court were many, active and influential, envious and malignant ; and by their influence such accusa tions against the Admiral were laid before his sovereigns, that they determined to send a person of trust and confidence to Hispaniola, to inquire into the alleged abuses. Columbus received this emissary with dignity, and acknowledged complete submission to the will of his mo narch. On the 10th of March, 1496, he set sail from Isabella on his return to Spain, leaving his two brothers to administer the government during his absence. When Columbus arrived at Cadiz, he found three caravels in the harbor ready to set sail for Hispaniola. By these vessels the Admiral dispatched letters to his brother, to inform him of his safe return, and to give him further instructions in respect to the government of the colony. He then immediately repaired to Burgos, at that time the ordinary resi dence of the court. The sovereigns were absent ; but they both soon returned, not only to give him a favorable reception, but to load him with thanks and kindness. The accusations of his enemies were passed by in silence, either as entirely unfounded, or as of no weight, when compared with the great services and unquestionable fidelity of Colum bus. The Admiral was encouraged by this unexpected reception. He requested the immediate equipment of six ships, three of which were to be freighted with provisions and necessary utensils and implements for the colony at Isabella, and the rest to remain under his own direction. This demand appeared very reasonable, but the sovereigns suggested that it was immediately important to found a solid establishment, on which succeeding colonies might be modelled. The propriety of this was obvious. It was. arranged that the sovereigns, at their own charge, should transport a large number of sailors, soldiers, laborers, mechanics and artists to Hispaniola. To these, surgeons, physicians, and priests were added. The Admiral also obtained permission to carry a number 414 EARLY H. STORY OF A.MERICA. of musicians, to solace their labors, and amuse their leisure hours ; law yers and advocates were expressly excluded by edict, in order to prevent quarrelling in the new dominions. Nothing could have been more pru dently devised than the greater part of these regulations. There was one proposal of Columbus, however, extremely pernicious to the interests of the rising colony. He suggested the transportation of convicted cri minals, and of those confined in prison for debts which they could never hope to pay, as a commutation for the punishment to which they would otherwise be subject. This advice was given in consequence of the present difficulty of procuring men willing to embark in the expedition. The evils which had befallen their countrymen deterred those who could live in peace and prosperity in Spain from going to the Indies ; but the proposition of Columbus was most unwise and unjust. Much delay occurred in the preparation for the voyage, owing to the obstacles thrown in the way by the cold-blooded enemies of Columbus ; but the expedition was enabled to set sail on the 30th of May, 1498. The Admiral pursued a more southerly course than he had before taken, and on the 31st of July, made an island which he called La Trinidad. He continued coasting to the south-west point of Trinidad, to which he gave the name of Point Arenal. Near this place the ships cast anchor. A large canoe here put off from the shore, in which there were about live-and-twenty Indians, who cried out to them in a language which no one in the ships could understand. Columbus endeavored to prevail upon them to come on board, but to no purpose. They remained gazing at the ships, with the paddles in their hand, ready for instant escape. Their complexion was fairer than that of any Indians they had before seen. They were almost naked, and, besides the usual bows and arrows, they carried bucklers a piece of armor which they had never before seen among the natives of the New World. Columbus, having tried every other means to attract them, and in vain, determined to try the power of music. He ordered a sort of Indian dance to be executed on the deck of his ship, while the musicians on EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 415 board sung and played upon their different instruments. The natives mistook this for a signal of battle, and immediately discharged their ar rows, and on a return from a couple of cross-bows, commenced a rapid retreat. Without knowing it, Columbus was now really in the neighborhood of the continent. While anchored at Point Arenal, the extremity of the island of Trinidad, he saw high land towards the north-west, about fifteen leagues distant, which he called Isla de Gracia. This was the province to which he afterwards gave the name of Paria, and which form ed a part of the continent. They found in Trinidad the same kind of fruits that abounded in Hispaniola. There were also large quantities of oysters there, and a great number of parrots, with every variety of beau tiful and brilliant plumage. In the strait formed between Trinidad and the main land, they were nearly swallowed up by the violence of the waters. Two very rapid currents, setting in from opposite quarters, lift ed the ships violently to a great height, on a mountain of surges, but the waves gradualhr subsided, and they escaped without injury. To this pass Columbus gave the name of Boca de la Sierpe, or the Mouth of the Serpent. They soon found themselves, by the assistance of favorable breezes, in a tranquil gulf, sailing quietly beyond the reach of danger. Columbus was astonished to find the water of this gulf fresh, and to observe its great smoothness and stillness. It was at a period of the year when the rain fell in large quantities, and the swollen rivers empti ed themselves so copiously, as to overcome the natural saltness of the sea. He found many good harbors, as he proceeded towards the north, much cultivated land, and many rivers. Going ashore at different times, the seamen found grapes, apples, a kind of orange, and a great many monkeys. On Monday, the 6th of August, a canoe, with five men in it, came off to the nearest caravel, and one of the Spaniards requested them to carry him ashore. Leaping into the boat, he overset it, and the Indians were taken and carried to the Admiral. Their complexion was like that of the natives they had seen in the neighborhood. The Admiral treated them kindly, and gave them hawks bells, glass beads, and sugar. They were then sent on shore, and gave so favorable an account of their visit, that great numbers collected about the ships. These were received in a similar manner, and brought bread, and water, and a sort of green wine, to exchange for the trifles that the crews were willing to give them. They all carried bucklers, bows, and poisoned arrows. On the next day, a number of friendly Indians came on board, bringing bread, corn, and other provisions, together with pitchers of a white beverage, like wine, and a green liquor made from maize arid various fruits. They set no value upon the beads, but were much pleased with the hawks bells, and held brass in very high estimation. Columbus, on the following morn ing, took six Indians, to serve as guides, and continued his voyage. He next touched at a point which he called Aguja, or the Needle. The country about was very populous and highly cultivated, and so beautiful that Columbus gave it the name of the Gardens. Many of the inhabit ants visited the ships, with wrought cotton cloths about their heads and 416 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. loins, and little plates of gold about their necks. These they would have been very glad to exchange for hawks bells ; but the stock of these articles was exhausted. The Spaniards procured some of them, how ever, and were told that there were islands in the neighborhood which abounded in gold, though they were inhabited by cannibals. Some of the females who came on board wore strings of beads about their arms, among which were a number of pearls. These excited the curiosity and avarice of the Spaniards at once. The boat -was sent on shore to ascertain the direction of the countries where they might be found. The sailors who went in the boat were received in a very hos pitable manner, and conducted to a large house, where they were feasted by the natives. Various kinds of bread and fruit were set before them, and white and red liquors, resembling wine. These Indians had fairer skins, and were more kind and intelligent than any they had before met with. On the 14th of August, the ships approached the formidable pass to which they had given the name of the Boca del Dragon, or the Dragon s Mouth. This was a strait between the extremity of Trinidad and Cape Roto, at the end of Paria, and was about five leagues in width. In the mean distance there were two islands. The sea at this pass is very tur bulent, foaming as if it were breaking over rocks and shoals. The ships passed it, however, in safety, and stood for the westward, where they had been told the pearl regions were to be found. Columbus was charmed with the beauty of the coast along which their course now lay. He touched at various islands during the voyage, two of which were af terwards famous for their pearl fishery. These were called Margarita, and Cubagua. As the Admiral was approaching this latter island, he saw a number of Indians in their canoes, fishing for pearls. They im- mediately fled towards the land. A boat was sent in pursuit, and a sailor, who saw a woman with a large number of pearls about her neck, broke up a piece of painted Valencian ware, and gave the fragments to her in exchange for them. EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 417 These were carried to the Admiral, who immediately sent the boat back with a quantity of Valencian ware and little bells. In a short time, the sailors returned with about three pounds of pearls ; some were small, but others were of considerable size. It has been said that if Columbus had seen fit to remain here, he could have collected a sufficient quantity of pearls to pay all the expenses that had hitherto accrued in the dis covery and settlement of the New World. But he was in haste to return to Hispaniola. His crew had become impatient, and he was him self sick, and suffering- under a violent disorder in his eyes. The region which he had called Paria, Columbus supposed to have been the situa tion of the terrestrial paradise. He believed it to be elevated above the rest of the world, and to enjoy an equality of day and night. The fresh water which sweetened the gulf of Paria, he supposed to flow from the stream spoken of in Scripture, which had its fountain in the garden of Eden ! The Admiral, however, did not long indulge this imagination, "which," says Charle voix, "we may consider as one of those fantasies to which great men are more subject than any other." Columbus immediately set sail for St. Domingo, where he found af fairs in a state of the utmost confusion. Many of the Spaniards whom he had left at Isabella, had been slain by the natives, and disease had thinned the ranks of those whom the knife had spared. Famine threat ened, distress was busy and deadly, and peril stared on them from every side-; Rebellion was not idle, and numbers had taken up arms against the regular authorities. Under these circumstances, Columbus issued a proclamation denouncing the rebels, with Roldan their ringleader, and approving the government, and all the measures of Don Bartholomew, during his absence. For a considerable period, the history of the island is a repetition of successive revolts, followed by accommodations that were incessantly interrupted and broken. It possesses but little interest, as it is a mere tissue of insubordination and ingratitude. The next grand change in the drama, represents Columbus in chains, transported as a prisoner across that ocean whose blue waters had been first disturbed by his own adventurous bark, and from whose shadows he had revealed a New World for the fading dominions of the Old. The rurnor was no sooner circulated at Cadiz and Seville, that Columbus and his brothers had arrived, loaded with chains, and condemned to death, than it gave rise to an immediate expression of public indignation. The excitement was strong and universal ; and messengers were immediately dispatched to convey the intelligence to Ferdinand and Isabella, who were much moved by this exhibition of popular feeling, and offended that their name and authority should have been used to sanction such dishonorable violence. They gave orders for the immediate liberation of the prisoners, and for their being escorted to Granada with the respect and honor they deserved. They annulled all the processes against them, without examination, and promised an ample punishment for all their wrongs. Columbus was not, however, restored to his command at Hispaniola, nor was it till many months afterwards that he was placed at the head of an expedition to open a new passage to the East Indies. On the 9th 53 413 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. of May, 1502, Columbus again set sail from Cadiz on a voyage of dis covery. He first directed his course to Arzilla, upon the coast of Africa, a Portuguese fortress at that time besieged by the Moors. He arrived too late to be of any assistance, for the siege had been raised. He sent his son and brother upon shore, to pay his respects to the Governor, and continued on his voyage. He now touched, as usual, at the Canary Islands, from whence he proposed to sail directly for the continent. His largest vessel, however, proved so clumsy as to be unfit for service, and he determined on this account to steer for Hispaniola, where he found a fleet of eighteen ships ready to depart for Spain. Arrived at St. Domingo, Columbus wrote to the new Governor, Ovando, requesting permission to enter the harbor, as well to exchange one of his vessels, as to procure shelter from a violent tempest that was expected, recommending in the same letter, that the departure of the fleet should be delayed a few days on the same account. His request was refused, and his advice neglected. The fleet set sail, and on the next night were swallowed up by the waves. Of eighteen ships, only two or three escaped. Columbus had taken precaution? against the storm, which his superior skill and experience had enabled him to foresee, and his little squadron was saved. On board of the ves sels which were wrecked were Bovadilla, Roldan, and most of the vi cious and discontented who had been so busy in injuring the Admiral. All their ill-gotten wealth perished with them. Columbus soon left Hispaniola, and sailed towards the continent. Be ing becalmed on his voyage, the currents carried him to some small and sandy islands, near Jamaica, to which he gave the name of Los Poros, or the Wells. Sailing southward, he discovered the island of Guanaia, where he had an interview with some natives that he found in a canoe. This canoe was eight feet wide, made of one tree, with an awning of palm leaves in the middle, for the women and children. It was laden with cotton cloths, of several colors, and curiously wrought ; wooden swords, edged with sharp flints ; small copper hatchets ; bells and plates ; and the berries which they called cacao. Continuing his voyage, on the 25th of September, Columbus came to anchor near a little island called Quiriviri, and a town on the continent, the name of which was Cariari. The country here was very beautiful, full of forests of palm trees, and fine rivers. A large number of the na tives crowded from the adjacent country, some with bows and arrows, some with hard and black clubs pointed with fish bones, as if intending to defend themselves from the Spaniards. But perceiving they had nothing to fear, the Indians were very desirous to barter the articles they had with them. Columbus proceeded upon his eastward course, stopping at a number of islands, and having various communications with the natives. Being detained by contrary winds, on the 5th of December, he determined to stand about, and go in search of some rich gold mines of which he had been told, in the province of Veragua. For a number of days, the ships were driven about by violent tempests. The rain poured down in tor rents, the thunder rolled and the lightning flashed incessantly. Besides EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA 419 these dangers, they escaped from a tremendous water-spout, which passed very near them, but luckily without injury. On reaching Veragua, the Admiral s brother went up the river Belem, in the boats, to find the King. Discovering a great many signs of gold, Columbus determined to leave a colony here. Eighty men were chosen to remain, and houses were built for them covered with palm leaves. One of the ships was to be left behind, with a quantity of wine and biscuit, with nets and fishing tackle. When every thing was ready for his departure, the Admiral found that the river had dried so much that there was not water enough to float the ships into the sea, and while detained here on this account, it was discovered that Quibio, the Cacique of Veragua, had laid a plan to destroy the Spaniards, and burn their settlement. They determined, therefore, to take him and his chief men prisoners. A party of seventy- six men, under the command of the Admiral s brother, were dispatched on this expedition. Arriving in the neighborhood of the house where Quibio resided, they advanced, two by two, as silently as possible, and obtained possession of the Cacique s person, together with a good deal of his wealth, and a number of his wives and children. The prisoners were committed to Juan Sanchez, the chief pilot of the squadron, a strong and trustworthy man, who undertook to carry them safely to the ships. He was told to take special care that the Cacique did not escape ; and answered, that he would give them leave to pluck out his beard, if he did not keep him from getting away. They had. come within half a league of the mouth of the river, when Quibio com plained that his hands suffered from the cords with which they were bound. Juan Sanchez then loosed him from the seat of the boat, to which he was tied, and held the rope in his own hand, and a little while after, Quibio threw himself into the water, and sunk to the bottom. Night was coming on, and the Spaniards could neither hear nor see what afterwards became of him. The lieutenant, on the next day, returned to the ships with his prisoners and plunder. The river having now been swollen by the rains, Columbus was able to set sail with three of his ships for Spain. When Quibio saw that the vessels had left the coast, he immediately surrounded, with his warriors, the little colony that had remained behind. The lieutenant was a man not to be easily discouraged ; he went out against the Indians with a very small number of followers, and with the assistance of a dog, put them all to flight. It so happened that, at the very time of this attack, a boat had been sent from the ships to procure water. For this purpose the captain of it was going some distance up the river, and, though warned of the danger, would not desist from his undertaking. The river was very deep, and sheltered on both sides by overhanging trees and thick bushes, which grew down to the very edge of the water. When the boat had gone about a league from the colony, the Indians rushed out from the- thickets on each side, in their canoes, blowing horns, and making the most hideous noises. The canoes could be easily managed by one man, and all the rest of the crews were busy in sending their arrows and javelins. In such a shower of darts the Spaniards were obliged to drop the oars, and protect 420 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. themselves with their targets. But there were such a multitude of In dians surrounding them from every quarter, that the seven or eight men in the boat were soon pierced with a thousand wounds. Only one of them escaped, who threw himself, unobserved, into the water, and swam to shore. Pursuing his way through the thickest of the wood, he reached the colony in safety. The Spaniards were much terrified at the intelligence, and still more affected, when the bodies of their companions came floating down the river, covered with wounds, and followed by the birds of prey. They determined not to remain in the country, and immediately removed from the thickets, where their houses were built, to the open plain. Here they constructed a kind of bulwark with casks and chests, and planted cannon about them at convenient distances. The sea beat so heavily, that it was impossible to have any communication with the ships. Co lumbus was alarmed at the long absence of the boat, but was unable to send another in search of it. He remained ten days in this condition, during which time the captive Indians escaped, by bursting the hatches at night, and leaping into the water. At length one of the sailors propos ed to the Admiral that he should be carried in the boat to a certain dis tance from shore, and that he would swim the rest of the way, and discover what had become of their companions. This man was Pedro Ledesma, a native of Seville. Being borne to within about a musket shot of land, he plunged into the swelling and foaming waves, and succeeded in reaching the shore. He here learned what had happened the loss of his comrades, and the determination of the colonists not to remain. With this information, Ledesma swam back to the boat that was waiting for him. As soon as the waters be came more quiet, those who had been left on shore lashed a couple of Indian canoes together, loaded them with their effects, and, leaving be hind them only the worm-eaten hulk of the ship, made for the little fleet of the Admiral. The three ships then set sail, and held on their course to Porto Bello, where they were obliged to leave one of the vessels, because it was so worm-eaten and leaky. Continuing their voyage, they passed the Tor- tugas, and reached the cluster of islands which had been called the Queen s Garden. While at anchor in this place, about ten leagues from Cuba, with very little to eat, and their vessels exceedingly leaky, a great storm arose, and the two remaining ships were driven with such violence against each other, that it was with difficulty they escaped, even with great injury. Sailing hence, with much toil and danger, they reached an Indian village on the coast of Cuba, where they procured some water and provisions, and departed for Jamaica. They were obliged to keep continually working at three pumps in each of the vessels. With all this, however, they could not prevent the water from gaining upon them with great rapidity ; and when they put into the harbor of Puerto Bue- no, it almost came up to the decks. Leaving this port, they run their vessels ashore as far as possible, in the harbor of Santa Gloria, and built sheds upon the decks for the men to lie in. They were thus situated about a bow-shot from the land. It happened EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 421 that the Indians of the island were peaceable and well disposed, and came off from all quarters, in their canoes, to traffic. They brought to the ships some little creatures like rabbits, and cakes of bread, which they called zabi, which they were glad to exchange for hawks bells and glass beads. Sometimes the Spaniards gave a cacique a looking-glass, or a red cap, and perhaps a pair of scissors. It was now necessary to devise means to leave the island. They had no tools to build a new ship with, and it was in vain to stay in hopes that some vessel from Spain would fall in with them. The Admiral thought the best course would be to send word to Hispaniola, and request that a ship might be sent to them with ammunition and provisions. Two canoes were, according ly, selected for this purpose, and committed to Diego Mendez and Bar tholomew Fiesco, with six Spaniards and ten Indians to manage them. They went along the coast of Jamaica, to the eastern extremity, where it was thirty leagues distant from Hispaniola, and put out to sea. Shortly after the canoes had departed, the men on shore began to grow discontented, and a violent sickness broke out among them. They became turbulent and seditious. The leaders of the sedition were two natives of Seville, brothers, by the name of Porras. One of them open ly insulted the Admiral on the deck of his ship, and, turning his back on him, exclaimed, " I am for Spain, with all that will follow me." About forty of the most mutinous joined with him, and, seizing some canoes which the Admiral had purchased, departed for the eastern extremity of the island. These conspirators treated the natives very cruelly upon the way, committing various outrages, and compelling them to row their ca noes for Hispaniola. The sea soon grew rough, and they threw every thing they could spare overboard, in order to lighten their slender barks. At last they threw over even the helpless natives who had been forced into their service, and left them to perish in the waves. With much dif ficulty the canoes reached the shore. They again ventured out once or twice, after an interval of several weeks, and were again driven back by the winds. From the many excesses committed by these men, and the increasing scarcity of provisions, the Indians at length began to neglect even those who had remained with the Admiral, and whom they had hitherto supplied with sufficient quantities of food. Columbus was de sirous to awe the natives into a compliance with his requests. He knew that on a certain night there was to be an eclipse of the moon. On the day before this event, he invited all the caciques and chief men of the place to an assembly. He here told them through an interpreter, that the Spaniards believed in a God, who dwelt in Heaven, rewarding the good and punishing the evil ; that this deity had been offended with the wicked who rebelled, and had raised up the winds and tempests against them ; that he was angry with the Indians for their negligence in not furnishing food for the white men, and that he would that night give them a sign of his indignation in the skies. The Indians listened, and departed, some in terror, some in scorn. But when the eclipse began, as the moon was rising, they were all struck with fear and confusion. They came running with cries and lamentations from every quarter, bringing 422 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. provisions, and praying the Admiral to intercede for them. Columbus shut himself up while the eclipse lasted, and when he saw it begin to go off, he came out of his cabin, and warned them to use the Christians well in future, and bring them all they should require of them. From that time supplies of provisions were always abundant. Eight months passed after the departure of Mendez and Fiesco, before any notice was received of their arrival. Other desertions were on the point of taking place, when, towards dusk, one evening, a caravel was espied in the distance. It proved to have been sent from Hispaniola, under the command of Diego de Escobar. He had orders not to go on shore, nor to permit his crew to have any communication with the fol lowers of the Admiral. Escobar went in his boat to deliver to Columbus a letter from the Governor, and a present of a cask of wine, and a couple of hams ; then, returning to his caravel, he sailed away that very even ing. The Admiral was very much surprised at this singular conduct, and the people thought the Governor intended to leave them there with out assistance. But Columbus soothed them with such explanations as he could invent; told them that Mendez had arrived safely at Hispa niola, and gave promises of speedy relief. He now turned his attention toward? arranging affairs with the rebels. Messengers were sent to them, whom they insulted and dismissed ; and it was at last necessary to come jj) open battle with them. For this purpose fifty men, well armed, were selected from those who continued faithful to Columbus, and put under the command of the Adelantado. Having arrived at a small hill, about a bow-shot from the carnp of the rebels, two messengers were sent before, to request a peaceable conference with their leaders. They re fused to listen to them, but fell, with swords and spears, upon the party of the Adelantado, thinking to rout them immediately. The rebels, however, were finally dispersed with some slaughter. On the next day, all who had escaped joined in an humble petition to the Admiral, repent ing of their past conduct, and declaring themselves ready to return to EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 423 their duty. Columbus granted their request, upon condition that their captain should remain a prisoner, as a hostage for their good behavior. They were accordingly quartered about the island, in such places as were most convenient, till the arrival of a ship from Hispaniola. Some days now passed, when Diego Mendez arrived with a vessel which he had purchased and fitted out at St. Domingo, on the Admiral s credit. They immediately embarked on board of it, and, sailing with contrary winds, reached St. Domingo on the 13th of August, 1504. The Governor received the Admiral with the greatest respect and cere mony, but his kindness was only forced and treacherous. He set Porras free from his chains, and attempted to punish those who were concerned in his arrest. Columbus remained here till his ship was refitted and another hired, and in these vessels they pursued their voyage to Spain. . Setting sail on the 12th of September, the mast of one of the ships was carried by the board, when they were about two leagues from shore. This ship returned to the harbor, and the Admiral pursued his voyage in the other. The weather proved very stormy, and the remaining ship was much shattered before she arrived at St. Lucar. At this port Co lumbus received the sad intelligence of the death of his noble patron, Isabella. He then repaired to Seville. But he was doomed to submit to the evils of that ingratitude, which is not the growth of republics only, but often finds a genial soil under the shadow of a throne. The discoverer of a world, and the natural master of the empire he had found, Columbus was obliged, in his old age, to submit to the caprices and insults of a narrow-minded monarch, to whose insignificance his own magnanimity was a continual reproach. Deluded with promises, foiled with disappointments, exhausted with the toil and hardship of momentous and ill requited enterprise, mortified by unde served neglect, disgusted by the baseness and meanness of a servile court, and an ungrateful King, oppressed \vith infirmity, and cares, and wretchedness, Columbus died at Valladolid, on the 20th of May, 1506. His death was worthy of his character and his fame ; marked by no violent emotion, calm, composed, and happy; blessed by the memory of what he had done for mankind, and cheered by the hopes of a holy faith. A fit end to the great drama of his life !* * "Columbus could never forget the ignominy of his chains. He preserved the fetters, hung them up in his apartment, and ordered them to be buried in his grave. In compliance with his request, his body was removed from Seville to the island of St. Domingo, and deposited, with his chains, in a brass coffin, on the right of the high altar of the Cathedral of St. Domingo. There his bones remained, until the Spanish part of the island was ceded to France, in 1795. In consequence of this ces sion, the descendants of Columbus requested that his remains might be removed to Cuba. On the 19th of January, 1796, the brass coffin which contained the ashes of this great man, together with a chain which served as a memorial of his sovereign s weakness, was carried down to the harbor in procession, under fire of the forts, and put on board a brig of war, to be removed to Havana. The brig arrived safely in the harbor of Havana, and the remains of the discoverer of America were buried with all the pomp and ceremony that could be bestowed upon them." 425 EARLY ADVENTURES IN NORTH AMERICA. THE exploits of Columbus having excited a great sensation among the English merchants, and at the Court of Henry VII., the adventurous spirit of John Cabot, heightened by the ardor of his son Sebastian, led him to propose to the King to undertake a voyage of discovery, with the twofold object of becoming acquainted with new territories, and of real izing the long-desired object of a western passage to China and the In dies. A commission was accordingly granted, on the 5th of March, 1497, to him and his three sons, giving them liberty to sail to all parts of the east, west, and north, under the royal banners and ensigns, to dis cover countries of the heathen, unknown to Christians ; to set up the King s banners there ; to occupy and possess, as his subjects, such places as they could subdue ; giving them the rule and jurisdiction of the same, to be holden on condition of paying to the King one fifth part of all their gains. By virtue of this commission, a small fleet was equipped, partly at the Kind s expense, and partly at that of private individuals, in which the Cabots embarked, with a company of three hundred mariners. Our knowledge of this voyage is collected from many detached and im perfect notices of it in different authors, who, while they establish the general facts in the most unquestionable manner, differ in many parti cular circumstances. The most probable account is, that Cabot sailed north-west a few weeks, until his progress was arrested by floating ice bergs, when he shaped his course to the south-west, and soon came in sight of a shore named by him Prirna Vista, and generally believed to be some part of Labrador, or Newfoundland. Thence he steered northward again to the sixty-seventh degree of latitude, where he was obliged to turn back by the discontent of his crew. He sailed along the coast in search of an outlet as far as the neighborhood of the Gulf of Mexico, when a mutiny broke out in the ship s company, in consequence of which the farther prosecution of the voyage was abandoned. Cabot reached England with several savages and a valuable cargo, although some writers deny that he ever landed in America, and it is certain that he did not attempt any conquest or settlement there. This voyage was not immediately followed by any important conse quences ; but it is memorable as being the first that is certainly ascer tained to have been effected to this continent, and as constituting the title by which the English claimed the territories that they subsequently ac quired here. Through a singular succession of causes, during more than sixty years from the time of this discovery of the northern division of the continent by the English, their monarchs gave but little attention to this country, which was destined to be annexed to their crown, and to be 54 426 EAKLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. one principal source of British opulence and power, till, in the march of events, it should rise into an independent empire. This remarkable neglect is in some measure accounted for by the frugal maxims of Henry VII., and the unpropitious circumstances of the reign of Henry VIII., of Edward VI., and of the bigoted Mary; reigns peculiarly adverse to the extension of industry, trade, and navigation. While English enterprise slumbered, both France and Spain were ac tive and successful. Francis I. sent a vessel called the Dauphin, to the American coast, commanded by Juan Verazzano, a Florentine, who had distinguished himself by his successful cruises against the Spaniards. In this voyage he discovered Florida, and sailed seven hundred leagues on the North American coast, which he named New France. He made another voyage in the following year, when he landed with some of his crew, was seized by the savages, and killed and devoured in the pre sence of his companions on board, who sought in vain to give him any assistance. The gloomy impression produced by the tragic fate of Ve razzano seems to have deterred others, for some time, from such enter prises, and for several succeeding years neither the King nor the nation seems to have thought any more of America. After a lapse of ten years, these enterprises were renewed, and Jacques Carder, a bold seaman of Malo, who proposed another voyage, was rea dily supplied with two ships under the direction of the Vice- Admiral of France. His first voyage resulted in the discovery of the Baye des Chaleurs, and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In the following spring, a large expedition was equipped, and proceeded direct to Newfoundland. Discovering the river afterwards called the St. Lawrence, he sailed up this stream three hundred leagues, to a great and swift fall, made friends of the natives on its banks, took possession of the territory, built a fort, and wintered in the country, which he called New France. The next spring Cartier returned with the remains of his crew, which had been much diminished by the scurvy. He carried with him Donnacona, the Indian King of the country, whom he had made captive partly by force, and partly by stratagem. On his return, he represented to the King the immense advantages which might result from a settlement in that coun try, for the purpose of carrying on the fur trade ; but his advice was slighted, and the proposed establishment delayed. Francis I. afterwards became aware of the importance of the enterprise, and dispatched Car- tier with the appointment of Captain-General, and with five ships. Af ter a long and boisterous passage, Cartier arrived at Newfoundland, thence proceeded to Canada, and on the 23d of August, 1535, arrived at the harbor of St. Croix. But this enterprise was also infelicitous in its issue, and for half a century the French made no further attempt to esta blish themselves in Canada. To give a brief narrative of the Spanish attempts at colonization in North America, it was in the year 1528 that Pamphilo de Narvaez, hav ing obtained from Charles V. the grant of all the land lying from the JRiver of Palms to the Cape of Florida, sailed from Cuba, in March, with five ships, on board of which were four hundred foot, and twenty horse, for the conquest of the country. Landing at Forida, he marched to Apa- EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 427 lache, a village consisting of forty cottages, where he arrived on the 5th of June. Having lost many of his men by the natives, who harassed the troops on their march, and with whom they had a sharp engagement, he was obliged to direct his course towards the sea. Sailing to the westward, he was lost, with many others, in a violent storm, about the middle of November, and the enterprise was frustrated. Calamitous as was the issue of this expedition, it did not extinguish the Spanish pas sion for adventure, and Fernando de Soto, a distinguished companion of Pizarro, was created Adelantado of Florida, combining the offices of Go vernor-General, and Commander in chief. On the 18th of May, 1539, Soto set sail from Havana on this expedition, with nine vessels, nine hundred soldiers, two hundred and thirteen horse, and a herd of swine. This army met with various disasters, and suffered much from disease and the attacks of the savages. Soto died, and to conceal his loss from the Indians, his body was put into a hollowed oak, and sunk in a river. The small remains of his army, consisting of three hundred and eleven men, arrived at Panaco on the 10th of September, 1543, and all con cerned in this great expedition were reduced to poverty and distress. About the year 1562, the Huguenots made an effort to colonize Flori da, but after suffering deeply from shipwreck, sickness, and Spanish cru elty, they were completely destroyed. The expeditions of Laudonniere and Ribault entirely failed. Ribault was massacred with his troops, by the Spaniards, after a pledge of safety, and their bodies were not only covered with repeated wounds, but were cut in pieces and treated with the most shocking indignities. A number of the mangled limbs of the victims were then suspended to a tree, to which was attached the follow ing inscription : " Not because they are Frenchmen, but because they are heretics, and enemies of God." To revenge this barbarous massa cre, Dominique de Gourgues determined to devote himself and his for tune. He found means to equip three small vessels, and to put on board of them eighty sailors, and one hundred and fifty troops. Having crossed the Atlantic, he sailed along the coast of Florida, and landed at a river about fifteen leagues distance from the May. The Spaniards, to the number of four hundred, were well fortified, principally at the great fort, begun by the French, and afterwards repaired by themselves. Two leagues lower towards the river s mouth, they had made two smaller forts, which were defended by a hundred and twenty soldiers, well supplied with artillery and ammunition. Gourgues, though informed of their strength, proceeded resolutely forward, and, with the assistance of the natives, made a vigorous and desperate assault. Of sixty Spaniards in the first fort, there escaped but fifteen ; and all in the second fort were slain. After a company of Spaniards, sallying out from the third fort, had been intercepted, and killed on the spot, this last fortress was easily taken. All the surviving Spaniards were led away prisoners, with the fifteen who escaped the massacre at the first fort ; and, after having been shown the injury that they had done to the French nation, were hung on the boughs of the same trees on which the Frenchmen had been previ ously suspended. Gourgues, in retaliation for the label Menendez had 428 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. attached to the bodies of the French, placed over the corpses of the Spaniards the following declaration : " I do not this as to Spaniards, nor as to mariners, but as to traitors, robbers, and murderers." Having razed the three forts, he hastened his preparation to return ; and on the 3d of May, embarked all that was valuable in the forts, and set sail for La Rochelle. In that Protestant capital he was received with the loud est acclamations. At Bordeaux these were reiterated, and he was ad vised to proceed to Paris, where, however, he met with a very different reception. Philip had already an embassy demanding his head, which Charles and Catharine were not disinclined to give, and had taken steps for bringing him to trial, but they found the measure so excessively un popular, that they were obliged to allow him to retire into Normandy. Subsequently he regained royal favor, and found ample employment in the service of his country. Thus terminated the attempts of the French Protestants to colonize Florida. Had the efforts of Ribault or Laudonniere been supported by the Government, France might have had vast colonial dependencies be fore Britain had established a single settlement in the New World, in stead of inscribing on the pages of history a striking instance of the ruinous and enduring effects of religious hatred, alike on individual and national fortune. One of the most important objects of maritime enterprise in the reign of Elizabeth, was the discovery of a passage to India by the north of America ; but notwithstanding the utmost exertions of the most eminent naval characters, Frobisher, Davis, and Hudson, the attempt proved ut terly abortive. In the same year, however, in which Frobisher s third voyage terminated so unsuccessfully, Sir Walter Raleigh, with his half brother and kindred spirit, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, projected the establish ment of a colony in that quarter of America which the Cabots had visited in the reign of Henry VII., and a patent for this purpose was procured without difficulty, from Elizabeth. One enterprise under Gilbert failed, from tempestuous weather, but by the aid of Sir George Peckham, Sir Walter Raleigh, and other persons of distinction, he was enabled to equip another expedition, with which, in 1583, he again put to sea. On the 30th of July, Gilbert discovered land in about fifty-one degrees north latitude ; but, finding nothing but bare rocks, he shaped his course to the southward, and on the 3d of August arrived at St. John s harbor, at Newfoundland. There were at that time in the harbor, thirty-six ves sels, belonging to various nations, and they refused him entrance ; but, on sending his boat with the assurance that he had no ill design, and that he had a commission from Queen Elizabeth, they submitted, and he sailed into the port. Having pitched his tent on shore, in sight of all the shipping, and being attended by his own people, he summoned the merchants and masters of vessels to be present at the ceremony of his taking possession of the island. When assembled, his commission was read and interpreted to the foreigners. A turf and twig were then delivered to him ; and proclamation was immediately made, that, by virtue of his commission from the Queen, he took possession of the harbor of St. John, and two hundred leagues every way around it, for the crown of England. EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 429 He then, as the authorized Governor, proposed and delivered three laws, to be in force immediately ; by the first, public worship was established according to the church of England ; by the second, the attempting of any thing prejudicial to her Majesty s title was declared treason; by the third, if any person should utter words to the dishonor of her Majesty, he should lose his ears, and have his ship and goods confiscated. When the proclamation was finished, obedience was promised by the general voice, both of Englishmen and strangers. Not far from the place of meeting, a pillar was afterwards erected, upon which were engraved the arms of England. For the better establishment of this possession, seve ral parcels of land were granted by Sir Humphrey, by which the occu pants were guaranteed grounds convenient to dress and dry their fish, of which privilege they had often been debarred, by those who had pre viously entered the harbor. For these grounds they covenanted to pay a certain rent and service to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his heirs or assigns, for ever, and to maintain possession of them, by themselves or assignees. This formal possession, in consequence of the discovery by the Cabots, is considered the foundation of the right and title of the crown of Eng land to the territory of Newfoundland, and to the fishery on its banks. Gilbert, intending to bring the southern parts of the country within his patent, the term of which had now nearly expired, hastened to make farther discoveries before his return to England. He therefore embarked from St. John s harbor with his little fleet, and sailed for the Isle of Sa ble, by the way of Cape Breton. After spending eight days in the navi gation from Cape Race towards Cape Breton, the ship Admiral was cast away on some shoals, before any discovery of land, and nearly one hun dred persons perished ; among those was Stephen Parmenius Budeius, a learned Hungarian, who had accompanied the adventurers, to record their discoveries and exploits. Two days after this disaster, no land yet appearing, the waters being shallow, the coast unknown, the navigation dangerous, and the provisions scanty, it was resolved to return to Eng land. Changing their course accordingly, they passed in sight of Cape Race on the 2d of September, but when they had sailed more than three hundred leagues on their way home, the frigate commanded by Sir Humphrey Gilbert himself, foundered in a violent storm, at midnight, and every soul on board perished. 431 SETTLEMENT OF THE SOUTHERN STATES. VIRGINIA. TERRIBLE as was the fate of Gilbert and his associates, the ardor of Raleigh was not daunted, nor his energies depressed. High in favor with Elizabeth, he found no difficulty in procuring a patent similar to that which had been granted to his unfortunate brother. Prompt in the exe cution, as intrepid in the projection of his plans, he speedily equipped two small vessels, under Amadas and Barlow, to obtain further information of the coasts, the soil, and the inhabitants of the regions he designed to colonize. Approaching America by the Gulf of Florida, they touched first at the island of Ocakoke, which runs parallel to the greater part of North Carolina, and then at Roanoke, near the mouth of Albemarle sound. In both they had some intercourse with the natives, whom they found to be savages, with all the characteristic qualities of uncivilized life bra very, aversion to labor, hospitality, a propensity to admire, and a willing ness to exchange their rude productions for English commodities, espe cially for iron, or any of the useful metals of which they were destitute. After spending a few weeks in this traffic, and in visiting some parts of the adjacent continent, Amadas and Barlow returned to England, and gave a most fervid description of the country they had been sent to explore. Their own words, as contained in their report to Sir Walter Raleigh, will convey a better idea of the mode of narrative adopted, and the effect produced, than any language of ours. " The soile," say they, " is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull and wholesome of all the worlde ; there are above fourteene severall sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their underwoods are bayes and such like ; they have those okes that we have, but farre greater and better. After they had bene di vers times aboord our shippes, myselfe, with seven more, went twentie mile into the river that runneth towarde the citie of Skicoak, which river they call Occam ; and the evening following, we came to an island, which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbor by which we entered seven leagues ; and at the north end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees to keep out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turnpike, very artificially ; when we came towardes it, standing neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo, the king s brother, came running out to meete us very cheerfully and friendly ; her husband was not then in the village ; some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the beat ing of the billoje, others she appointed to cary us on their backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into the house for feare of steal- 432 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. ing. When we were come into the utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us to sit downe by a greate fire, and after tooke off our clothes and washed them, and dried them againe ; some of the women plucked off our stockings, and washed them, some washed our feete in warm water, and she herself tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best manner she could, making great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. After we had thus dryed ourselves, she brought us into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheate like furmentie ; sodden venison and roasted ; fish, sodden, boyled and roasted ; melons, rawe and sodden ; rootes of divers kindes ; and divers fruites. Their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with ginger in it, and black sinamon, and sometimes sassaphras, and divers other wholesome and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were entertained with all love and kindnesse, and with as much bountie, after their maner, as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, and faithfull, voide of all guile and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden age. The people onley care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such meat as the soile affordeth ; their meat is very well sodden, and they make broth very sweete and savorie ; their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white, and sweete ; their dishes are wooden platters of sweete timber. Within the place where they feede was their lodging, and within that their idoti, which they worship, of whom they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, w r hom, when we espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and offered to reach our weapons ; but as soone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and breake them, and withall, beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening, and would not tarry all night, she was very sory, and gave us into our boate our supper half dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our boate side, in which we lay all night, removing the same a prettie distance from the shoare ; shee perceiving our jealousie, was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women to sit all night on the banke-side by us, and sent us into our boates five mattes, to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to rest in their hous es ; but because we were fewe men, and if we had miscarried the voy age had bene in very great danger, we durst not adventure any thing, al though there was no cause of doubt, for a more kinde and loving peo ple there cannot be found in the worlde, as far as we have hitherto had triall." Delighted with the prospect of possessing a territory so far superior to any hitherto visited by her subjects, Elizabeth was pleased to honor both the newly discovered country and herself, by bestowing upon it the title of Virginia. Soon after the return of the two ships, Sir Walter Raleigh was elected a member of Parliament from Devonshire. He was also knighted by EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 433 the Queen ; and his patent was confirmed by an act of Parliament. Seven ships were immediately prepared for a second expedition, and placed under the command of Ralph Lane and Sir Richard Granville. This little squadron reached the American coast on the 26th of July, 1585, and dropped their anchors outside of the bar, at Wococon. Lane and Granville, with fifty or sixty officers and men, immediately crossed the sound in boats, to explore the country. Under the guidance of Mantee, an Indian who had sailed for England with the first expedition, and now returned, they made several excursions upon the coast, and discovered some Indian villages. They next ventur ed about eighty leagues, as they supposed, to the southward. In this di rection, the utmost limits of meir discoveries was an Indian place called Socotan, near the present site of Beaufort, where they were civilly enter tained by Wingina, an Indian chieftain. Here the water became so full of flats and shoals, that the English pinnaces could go no further. As they had but one small boat, and this could carry but four oars and fifteen men, with provisions for a few days, they concluded to turn back. Some of the party proceeded to Wococon by the shortest course ; but Granville, with the rest, returned to Aquascosack, a town on the waters of the Neuse. His object there was to.demand a silver cup, which was stolen from him when he had first visited that town on his late circuit. He obtained the promise of its return, but the promise was not kept ; and the Indians, ap prehending danger, in consequence of his expected anger, fled to the woods. This drew upon them the indiscriminate vengeance of the Eng lish commander. The town of Aquascosack was burnt, and the standing corn and other crops utterly destroyed. This was a rash proceeding, to speak of it in the mildest terms ; and it afterwards cost the English set tlers very dear, by enraging the natives. After this outrage, Granville sailed to the island of Roanoke, where he left behind him one hundred and eight persons, as the foundation of a colony. Mr. Lane was appointed Governor ; and Armidas, one of the captains in the former voyage, was appointed Admiral. Thomas Heriot, a famous mathematician, and particular friend of Sir Walter Raleigh, also remained with the colony. On the 18th of September, Granville arrived at Plymouth, bringing in with him a rich Spanish prize, which he had the good fortune to take on his passage. The chief employment of the colony at Roanoke, mean while, was to explore the country for the purpose of acquiring a know ledge of its geography and its productions. Governor Lane made various excursions along the coast during the fall and winter. He was accom panied by Mr. Wythe, a skilful English painter, sent out by Raleigh, to take sketches of the situation of the country, and the figures and fashions of the natives. To the north, Lane advanced as far as the territories of the Chesapeakes, an Indian nation seated on a small river, now called Elizabeth, which falls into the great bay of Chesapeake, below Norfojk. To the north-west, he went up Albemarle sound and the river Chowan, more than one hundred miles v to the settlements of a nation of Indians called the Chowanokes. These lived a little beyond the fork of the river, where one branch now takes the name of Nottoway, and the other of Meherrin. 55 434 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. But as Governor Lane undertook to effect his purposes among the na tives by force always, instead of persuasion, he met with indifferent suc cess. The Indians had by this time become a little jealous of the colo nists ; and the best friend of the latter, Granganimo, died in the spring of this year, 1586. Gold was the idol of the adventurers, and to the neg lect of every thing else they pursued this continually elusive phantom. Their provisions were exhausted, and they had taken no measures to re new them by agriculture. Reduced to the utmost distress, they were on the point of dispersing to various quarters in search of food, when Sir Francis Drake, who had been engaged in a successful expedition against the Spaniards in the West Indies, appeared unexpectedly to their relief, and carried the fatigued and famishing colonists to England. One consequence of this abortive attempt to found a colony, is of suf ficient importance to make it celebrated in history. Lane and his compan ions had acquired from the Indians the habit of smoking tobacco, and car rying a specimen of this new luxury to England, the use of it was soon adopted by Raleigh and other young men of fashion. Fashion, and a capricious notion of its salutary influence, soon diffused a general fond ness for this disagreeable weed, till the demand for it has become uni versal. Raleigh still remained attached to his scheme of colonizing, and in 1587 dispatched another body of adventurers, incorporated under the ti tle of the Borough of Raleigh in Virginia. The bay of Chesapeake was designated as the spot for the erection of a fort, and the settlement of the company. On the 16th of July, after a passage of about se venty days, the expedition made the coast of Virginia, and arriving at Hatteras, the Governor with a select party visited the island of Roanoke, to ascertain what vestiges might be found of the party left there the pre ceding year. The bones of a man were the sole relics of the colony. Dwelling-houses and a fort had been erected by Lane in the northern quarter of the island ; but the fort was razed, and deer were feeding qui etly in the houses which had been overgrown with creepers and weeds. This sight filled the adventurers with the saddest apprehensions, and they could only speculate on the probable means by which their companions had come to their death. Orders were immediately given for the erection of new, and the repair of the old cottages, and a second plantation was immediately commenced by a colony of one hun dred and seventeen persons. Before the close of the month of August, the Governor, Mr. John White, m whom, with a council of twelve, the legislative power of the colony was vested, sailed for England to procure supplies. At this time the na tion was engrossed by the expected invasion of the Spanish armada, but Raleigh still contrived to send out White with two more vessels, which were unfortunately attacked by the enemy, and so shattered as to be com pelled to return. It was not till 1590, that another expedition succeeded in reaching Virginia, when they found a scene of similar tragic character with that which had been before displayed. No living trace of the colo ny was to be found. The palisades were still standing about their houses, and their unconsumed stores were found hidden in the earth ; but no EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 435 voice told their story, and no certain though silent testimony was found of their fate. If they had been slain by savage incursion, every trace of blood and fire was carefully removed, and not a bleached bone was left to bear witness of the tragedy. They had perished beyond a doubt, but whether by the sea or land, by the war of the elements, or the still more cruel w r ar of the human passions, was and remains a mystery. Thus terminated the noble efforts of the generous and accomplished Raleigh, to plant a colony in the western hemisphere. In four several expeditions he had expended forty thousand pounds, without any return ; and he was without much difficulty induced to surrender the privileges of his patent to other hands. The mercantile company into whose possession this pa tent fell, carried on a slight traffic in a few small barks, but made no effort to make a settlement in the country. Thus, after more than a century after the discovery of North America by Cabot, not an individual English resi dent remained in the new world. Shipwreck and famine, savage warfare and domestic dissensions, had frustrated every effort to establish an Eng lish colony beyond the ocean, as if it were indeed the "dissocial" waste imagined by the ancients, whose waters it were impious to violate and impossible to pass. The colonization of America awaited the energy of a new impulse, and the first permanent settlement in Virginia was made in 1606, by an expedi tion under the command of Christopher Newport. He entered the magnifi cent bay of Chesapeake, the spacious reservoir of innumerable waters, and gave the names of Henry and Charles to its southern and northern pro montories. Every object which met the eyes of the adventurers as they sailed up the broad and shining bosom of the great Chesapeake, excited their imaginations and their hopes. The banks of the bay, upon all sides, as far as sight could reach, were covered with the fresh green beauty of spring. There were large and majestic navigable rivers, and between them a variety of mountains, plains and valleys stretching far away in the distance. Bright rivulets came dashing down the hills, and fell into the bay. Innumerable birds sported and sang in the green woods upon 436 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. the shore and the islands ; the fish leaped from the sunny waters around them ; and all nature seemed to welcome the coming of the new colony with smiles. The adventurers were employed in seeking a place for settlement until the 13th of May, when they took possession of a peninsula, on the north side of the river Powhatan, called by the emigrants James river, about forty miles from its mouth. To make room for their projected town, they commenced clearing away the forest, which had for centuries afforded shelter and food to the natives. The members of the Council, while they adhered to their orders in the choice of their President, on the most fri volous pretences excluded from a seat among them the individual, who was probably of all others the best fitted for the office, Captain Smith, though nominated by the same instrument from which they derived their authority. His superior talents, and the fame he had previously acquir ed in war, excited their envy, while possibly they induced him to assume, that a greater deference was due to his opinion than his coadjutors were willing to admit. At length, however, by the j>rudent exhortations of Mr. Hunt, their chaplain, the animosities which had arisen were composed, Smith was admitted into the Council, and they all turned their undivided attention to the government of the colony. In honor of their monarch, they called the town, the erection of which they now commenced, James town. Thus was formed the first permanent colony of the English in America. The vicinity of the settlement was a vast wilderness, though a luxuriant one, inhabited by a race of Indian savages, possessing both the virtues and the vices peculiar to their state. At first they treated the colonists with kindness ; but misunderstandings, from various causes, ere long interrupted the peace, and annoyed the proceedings of the English. Nor was the hos tility of the natives the only occasion of discomfort ; the extreme heat of summer, and the intense cold of the succeeding winter, were alike fatal to the colonists. From May to September, fifty persons died, among whom was Bartholomew Gosnold, a member of the Council. The store house at Jamestown accidentally taking fire, the town, thatched with reeds, burned with such violence, that the fortifications, arms, apparel, bedding, and a great quantity of private goods and provision, were con sumed. These distresses naturally led them to reflect upon their situation; and having become sensible of their injustice to Smith, his personal talents and activity were, in their adversity, appealed to with that regard and de ference which, in prosperous times, are yielded only to vested authority and official station. From some unaccountable jealousy on the part of the Governor, the fort had been left in an unprotected state, but, by the advice of Smith, it was now put into a state to defend them against the attacks of the Indians. To procure provisions and explore the country, he made frequent and distant excursions into the wilderness. In one of these, he seized an Indian idol, made with skins stuffed with moss, for the redemption of which as much corn was brought him as he required. Some tribes he gained by caresses and presents, and procured from them a supply of provisions ; others he attacked with open force, and defeat EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 437 ing them on every occasion, whatever their superiority in numbers might be, compelled them to impart to him some portion of their winter stores. As the recompense of all his toils and dangers, he saw abundance and contentment re-established in the colony, and hoped that he should be able to maintain them in that happy state, until the arrival of ships from England in the spring. But in the midst of his energetic measures, while exploring the source of the river Chickahominy, he was surprised and at tacked by a party of Indians. He defended himself bravely until his companions were killed, when he took to flight ; but running incautiously, he sunk up to his shoulders in a swamp and was taken prisoner. The exulting savages conducted him in triumph through several towns to Werowocomoco, where Powhatan, their King, resided in state, with a strong guard of Indians around him. When the prisoner entered the apartment of the sovereign, all the people gave a shout. The queen of Appamatuck was appointed to bring him water to wash his hands ; and another person brought a bunch of feathers, instead of a towel, to dry them. Having feasted him in their best manner, and exhibited some of their Indian dances before him, they held a long consultation, at the con clusion of which, two great stones were brought before Powhatan. Smith had now reason to consider his career as drawing to a close ; by the unit ed efforts of the attendants, he was forcibly dragged, his head laid upon one of the stones, and the mighty club upraised, a few blows from which were to terminate his existence. But a very unexpected interposition now took place. Pocahontas, the favorite daughter of Powhatan, was seized with emotions of tender pity, and ran up to her father, pathetically pleading for the life of the stranger. When all entreaties were lost on that stern and savage potentate, she hastened to Smith, snatched his head in her arms, and laid her own on his, declaring that the first blow must fall upon her. The heart even of a savage father was at last melted, and Powhatan granted to his favorite daughter the life of Smith. During his captivity among the Indians, Smith found many opportuni ties of witnessing their peculiar manners and ceremonies, and has described 438 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. them, in some respects, with much minuteness. Among other things, he describes the magical performances to which they had recourse, in order to ascertain whether Smith intended them good or evil ; for they were still greatly in awe of him. Early one morning, therefore, a great fire was made in a log-house, and a large mat spread on two opposite sides. They made Smith sit down upon one ; and his guard, still consisting of some twenty or thirty stout Indians, then left the house. Presently a large grim looking savage came skipping and flourishing in, like a wire-dancer. He was all painted over with coal, mingled with oil. On this creature s head, to complete his attractions, was a large orna mental bunch of snake and weasel skins, stuffed with moss, and their tails so tied together, as to meet on the crown of his head, like a tassel. The skins hung down about his face and shoulders, and a coronet of long feathers streamed round about from his tassel. This character now be gan his invocation. He shouted like a fiend, with all possible gestures, postures, and grimaces. He carried a tremendous rattle in his hand, moreover, to complete the concert. This being over, three more people of the same description, painted half red and half black, came rushing in like the first, and performed nearly the same kind of dance ; but the eyes of the last three were painted white ; and some rough strokes of paint were daubed along their jaws, as an imitation of English mustachios and whiskers. These men having skipped and howled round about Smith till he was neaily stunned with their noise, retired into the ante-chamber, probably to refresh themselves. But the ceremony was not yet over. Three more now leaped into the room, not a whit less ugly than the oth ers, with red eyes and white mustachios, painted upon faces as black as a kettle. At last, all the dancers seated themselves on the mat opposite to Smith three on one side of the chief performer, and three on the oth er. He soon commenced a song, accompanied with the noise of rattles. The chief man then laid down five grains of wheat, and commenced an oration, straining his arms and hands with such violence, that his veins swelled. At the conclusion of this performance, they all gave a short EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 439 groan, by way of assent to what was said, and laid down three grains more. Smith was then entertained with another song and oration, the grain being laid down as before. All this continued till night, neither he nor they having a morsel of food. The Indians then feasted merrily upon all the provisions they could muster, giving Smith a good share of them. The ceremonies just described were repeated the two following days. Some maize meal which they strewed around him in circles, rep resented their country, they said ; the wheat, the bounds of the sea ; and something else was used to signify the country of the whites. They gave Smith to understand, that the earth was flat and round, like a trencher, themselves being situated, they said, precisely in the middle. After this they showed him a bag of English gunpowder, which they had taken from some of his men. They said they were going to preserve it care fully till the next spring, supposing it to be some new kind of grain which would yield them a harvest. After an absence of seven weeks, Smith arrived at the colony just in season to prevent its abandonment ; and it was with much difficulty that he could dissuade his companions from their determination to return to England. Pocahontas continued to display her partiality towards the whites, by furnishing the colony with supplies of provisions, till the arri val of a vessel from the other side of the water. In the course of the year 1608, Smith made an exploring voyage up the Potomac. Here three or four thousand Indians, having a hint of his coming, lay in wait to kill him. They were frightened into peace, however, by a discharge of Smith s musketry, and even confessed that Powhatan had persuaded them to take up arms. At the mouth of the Rappahannock river, Smith saw a fish, called the stingray, lying among the reeds near the bank. He struck at the fish with his sword, and received a severe wound in the wrist from the thorn in the tail of the stingray. The pain produced by the wound was so violent, that Smith s life was for a time despaired of. But he recovered, returned to Jamestown, and was chosen President of the colony the same season. Smith made another voyage, of more than three thousand miles, along the coast and up the rivers, in August and September of this same year. He spent some time with the Susquehannock Indians, a tribe which knew nothing of Powhatan but his name. They had iron hatchets and other tools, which they had obtained from the French in Canada. These Indians are represented as giants in stature, the leg of one of them being three quarters of a yard round ; but there was probably some mis take about this. In 1609, Smith went to see the Indians again, and Powhatan endea vored to get possession of his person ; but his life was saved by Pocahon tas, who came through the woods in the night, to his camp, and warned him of his danger. After this, Smith visited Opechancanough, the Indian King, at Pamunkey. They had agreed upon a place where they might meet to trade ; but when Smith came there, he was beset by seven hundred savages. He boldly seized Opechancanough by the hair, and led him, trembling, into the midst of his people. The latter laid down their arms, and ransomed their prisoner by a large present of com to 440 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. Smith. He left them the next day. At another time, as Smith was straying alone in the woods, he was attacked by the King Paspahey, a giant savage. After a violent struggle, Smith succeeded in getting him to the ground, bound him, and carried him on his shoulders to Jamestown. Soon after this occurrence, Smith received a dangerous wound from an accidental explosion of some gunpowder, and was compelled to return to England for the purpose of obtaining medical assistance. " It was natu ral," observes the historian, Grahame, " that he should abandon with regret the society he had so often preserved, the settlement he had conducted through difficulties as formidable as the infancy of Carthage or Rome had to encounter, and the scenes he had dignified by so much wisdom and virtue. But our sympathy with his regret is abated by the reflection, that a longer residence in the colony would speedily have consigned him to a very subor dinate office, and might have deprived the world of that stock of valuable knowledge, and his own character of that accession of fame, which the publication of his travels has been the means of perpetuating." Unfor tunately, Smith never returned to Virginia, and his loss, as might have been anticipated, was a most lamentable circumstance for the colony. At the end of six months from the time of his departure, sixty only of five hundred colonists remained alive. They were soon after so disheartened, that they embarked on board their vessels, with all their stores, and actually dropped down the James river as far as Mulberry island, with the intention of leaving the country forever. But, as they lay anchored at the island, a boat suddenly came in sight, which brought the news that Lord de la War was close at hand with an English fleet, and a supply of stores. With this fleet the colonists returned to Jamestown. Pocahontas afterwards married an Englishman, and went with her husband to his native country, where she was for several years an object of great curiosity and attention. She died at Gravesend, in 1616. The old King, Powhatan, died at a later period, at the age of nearly one hun dred years. In the year 1622, about sixteen months after the landing of the pil- EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 441 grims at Plymouth, Jamestown, and the smaller English settlements in Vir ginia, were simultaneously threatened with a general massacre. This was on the 22d of March, the tribes round about having all been drawn together by Opechancanough, the brother of Powhatan. They had assembled from various parts of the country, marching secretly through the woods by night. The English were in perfect security, meanwhile, supposing the Indians to be friendly as ever. Opechancanough was so artful as to send presents of venison and wild fowl to the English on the morning of the fatal day. " Sooner shall the sky fall," said this deceitful old sachem, "than the peace shall be violated on my part." But the terrible hour soon came. At mid-day the savages rushed out in immense numbers from the woods, all around the villages and houses of the whites, falling upon man, woman, and child, without mercy, mang ling even the dead bodies of the murdered English, with the most fero cious cruelty. In one hour, three hundred and forty-seven of the English were killed. So sudden was the attack, that the people hardly knew who were their enemies, or where they had come from. It was mere chance that saved the colony from entire ruin. A Christian Indian, named Chanco, lived with one Richard Pace, and was kindly treated by him and his family. The night before the massacre, a brother of Chanco came and slept with him, told him the whole Indian plot, and directed him to undertake the murder of his master the next day. Poor Chanco was shocked, and the moment his brother had gone, disclosed the scheme to his master. Notice was immediately given in all directions among the English ; and thus Jamestown and some other places were saved. The Indians were severely punished for this massacre within a few years, and never after gave the colony much trouble. After the massacre just related, nothing of great interest occurred in Virginia till the period of the revolutionary struggle. The settlements increased, village after village sprung up in the wilderness, and the colony became rich and powerful ; the Indians gradually retired to the interior, as the white people encroached upon their hunting grounds, and, after many years, there were only a few scattered remnants of the mighty tribes who once threatened to drive the English emigrants away from the country. NORTH AND SOUTH CAROLINA. THE final and effectual settlement of Carolina originated with the Earl of Clarendon, and other courtiers of Charles II. On their application for a charter, he granted them all the lands lying between the thirty -first and thirty-sixth degrees of north latitude, to hold in absolute proprietor ship, only reserving the sovereign dominion to the crown. The first grant was made in 1663. A second and more definite charter was given to them in 1665, at which date there were two settlements within what is now North Carolina. The principal one was located a little north of Albe- 56 442 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. marie sound. The other was a small colony, which had removed from Mas sachusetts in 1660, and settled on what is now called Oldtown creek, near the south side of Clarendon river. They deserted their habitations in less thari two years, and returned home, leaving many hogs and neat cattle in the hands of the Indians. The latter had quarrelled with them, and killed and stolen their cattle, for having sent off a few of their Indian children, to be educated in Massachusetts, as the colonists said, but as the Indians sus pected, for the purpose of making them slaves. The loss of this colony was soon supplied by another of English planters from the island of Barbadoes. These planters, wishing to settle on the American continent, employed one Captain Hitten to explore the coast, in a small vessel, with a crew of fifteen or twenty men. He was ordered to be particular in examining the lands which the Massachusetts people had just left. In September, 1663, he landed within Cape Fear, and proceeded up Clarendon river with his boat, till his progress was stopped by floating- logs. Soon after this, he purchased from the Indians a large tract of land, for which he paid them in kettles and beads. Proprietary governments have seldom been known to flourish. Seve- ril colonies were established in different parts of the country, and various regulations were made for their management ; and it is worthy of remark, that a Constitution of an aristocratic character, framed by the celebrated John Locke, was found to be entirely impracticable. In 1680, Charleston was founded, and emigration to Carolina from different parts of Europe became frequent ; but by the neglect and incapacity of the Governors, the affairs of the colony were often involved in confusion. The colonists of Carolina suffered but little from the Indians, till about the year 1703. At that time Governor Daniel stipulated by the treaty with the Indian chiefs, that no rum should be sold to an Indian by any trader. The young Indians, however, complained of this, as a restraint upon their natural liberty. Some time afterwards, they demanded and obtained the usual supply of rum, unawed by the great havoc which strong drink had occasioned among the tribes. The Chowanoke Indians, who could bring three thousand bowmen into the field in Smith s time, were now reduced to fifteen men, and lived in a single miserable village on Bennett s creek. The Mangoacks had equally diminished in strength, and the powerful Muatocks had wholly disappeared. Fifteen hundred volunteers, living on the north side of Albemarle sound, had assembled at Dasamonquipo, in 1585, for the mas sacre of the English colony on Roanoke island ; but all the tribes to which these Indians belonged, were now reduced to forty-six fighting- men. In fact, the Tuscaroras, who lived on the Neuse river, were now the only powerful tribe in North Carolina ; they could muster one thousand two hundred fighting men ; the Waccon Indians one hundred and twenty ; and about a dozen other tribes together might muster half as many more. These Indians had observed, with natural indignation, the encroach ments of the whites upon the reserved squares of the various tribes. Their temper was soured, too, by the frequent impositions of fraudulent traders. EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 443 The first white man who fell a sacrifice to their jealousy, was one John Lawson, well known among them as Surveyor-General of the province of North Carolina. He had marked off some of their lands, and among the rest, a tract of five thousand acres, and another of ten thousand, had been lately surveyed for Graffenried. Soon after this, Lawson and Graf- fenried, together, undertook to explore the waters of the Neuse. They took a small boat at Newbern, and ascended the river. In the evening of the first day, they stopped at Coram, an Indian village, where they in tended to lodge. Here they met two Tuskaroras, though Lawson had assured Graffenried, that the banks were uninhabited. These two were soon after joined by a great number more, well armed. The Baron now o;rew uneasy. He whispered to Lawson, that they had better proceed up the river. Lawson assented, not liking the looks of the Indians himself; and they began to move off from the fire they had made, towards the river. They had no sooner reached their boats, however, than such a press of the savages followed close after them, that it became impossible to keep them off. They took the arms and provisions of the two travel lers, and then stripped them of every thing else. The Indians afterwards compelled them to accompany them to an Indian village, at a considerable distance from the river. There the two captives were delivered to the sachem of the village, who immediately called a council, at which one of the Indians delivered a long and violent speech. The question was then put, whether the whites should be bound : this was decided in the nega tive. The reason given was, that the guilty should always have an opportunity to defend and explain their conduct. The next morning, the captives, anxious as to their fate, desired to know what the Indians intended to do with them. They were told, that-f ine sachem would that evening invite a number of neighboring sachems^ to an entertainment, who would also assist in the trial, and the decision of the prisoners fate. In the evening, accordingly, upwards of two hun dred Indians collected, forty of whom were chiefs or leading men. By these forty, the prisoners were interrogated very closely, as to their 444 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. intention in ascending the river. The latter replied, that they were endeavoring to find and lay out some shorter and better road to Virginia than the present one travelled by the Carolina settlers. Such a road, they said, would accommodate the Indians as much as the English. The sachems were still dissatisfied. They complained much of the conduct of the Carolina colonies towards them, and charged Lawson, in particular, with having stolen their land. The result of this unfortunate affair was the execution of Lawson, and the detention of Graffenried. Fears of punishment for this outrage led to still further cruelties on the part of the Indians. A plan of general massacre was laid, and car ried into too successful execution. About Roanoke, one hundred and thirty-seven of the whites were slain in a single evening. The Indian force amounted to twelve hundred bowmen, dispersed in small bands through the settlements. North Carolina did not contain two thousand fighting men in all, at this time. An express, therefore, had been imme diately dispatched to the southern province for assistance. Governor Craven lost no time in sending a force, as requested. The Charleston Assembly voted four thousand pounds for the service of the war ; and a body of militia, under Colonel Barn well, marched against the savages. Directly after, were sent two hundred and eighteen friendly Cherokee Indians, seventy-nine Creeks, forty-one Catabaws, and twenty- eight Yamassees, well furnished with arms, and commanded by five Carolinian captains. In this expedition, nearly one thousand of the enemy were slain. But the savages still continued to cause great alarm, and the settlers on the Neuse and Pamlico rivers were almost ruined by their incursions. In 1719, South Carolina ceased to be governed by the Proprietors, and became a royal province, subject, like Massachusetts and most of the other colonies, only to the King, through the Governor by him appointed. Carolina was divided into Northern and Southern about the same time. This revolution was effected by the people, taking their own cause into their own hands. They were dissatisfied with the Proprietors, and abjur ed their authority. The King afterwards sanctioned their doings, and declared the rights of the Proprietors forfeited. In 1715, South Carolina was devastated by an Indian war. Even in the large and fortified town of Charleston, they excited great apprehensions. Martial law was proclaimed there by the Governor, and all vessels were forbidden to leave the harbor. Agents were dispatched to Virginia and to England for assistance, and bills stamped for tlie payment of the troops, within a few days. Governor Craven marched out into the back country, at the head of the militia, against the largest body of savages. Meanwhile, the more northern Indians had advanced to within fifty miles from Charleston. Thomas Barker, a militia captain, collected ninety horsemen, and advanced against the enemy. But he was led, unfortu nately, by the treachery of an Indian guide, into an ambuscade, where a large party of savages lay concealed on the ground. He advanced into the midst of them without suspecting his danger. They then suddenly sprang up from the bushes all around him, raised the war whoop, and EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 445 fired upon his men. The captain and several more of the whites fell at the first onset, and the remainder retreated in disorder. In this war four hundred Carolinians were massacred, and the loss of the Indians was very considerable. GEORGIA as well as what are now MISSISSIPPI and ALABAMA, both which have been cut off from it into separate States was included in the patent granted to the Proprietors of Carolina. It was not till June 9, 1732, indeed, that a separate charter was granted by King George II. to a company of twenty-one English gentleman, entitled " Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America." James Edward Oglethorpe, one of the trustees, was among the emi grants. So also was Mr. Herbert, an Episcopal English clergyman, and an Italian, engaged by the trustees to instruct the colonists in the art of winding silk. They left England, November 16, 1732, in the ship Anne, Captain Thomas, and arrived at Charleston, January 13th of the next 446 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. year. There Oglethorpe and his colony were very kindly treated, and furnished with all possible aid. Many of the Carolinians sent them provisions, and hogs, and cattle, to begin their stock. The Assembly voted to furnish them one hundred and four head of breeding- cattle, twenty-five hogs, and twenty barrels of rice. Some scout boats were also ordered, with a body of rangers, to protect the new adventurers from the savages in Georgia, while they should be preparing houses, or explor ing the Georgian coast. Oglethorpe now set sail again from Charleston, and landed, in a few days, near Yamacraw bluff. Here he tarried to examine the country ; and, being pleased with the high spot of ground just named, situated on a large navigable river, he fixed on it for his new settlement. He marked out a town on the hill, and, from the Indian name of the river which ran past it, called it Savannah. The company for the settlement of Georgia was incorporated by George II. for exporting to this part of America, free of expense, families laboring under the hardships of poverty. The design was laudable, but the exe cution of the project was not well managed. Impolitic restrictions laid upon the colonists, produced a languor from which their affairs never recovered while they continued to be proprietary. In 1752, the charter was surrendered to the King, and the government modelled according to that of the other colonies. 1 * * Virginia, and North and South Carolina, engaged at an early period in the war of the Revolution ; Georgia did not join the confederation till the year 1775. Virginia was originally much more extensive than it is at present. It included what now constitutes the State of Kentucky ; this became a separate district in 1786, and in 1792 was admitted as one of the United States. Tennessee was a part of the two Carolinas until 1729 ; these colonies then being divided into North and South Carolina, Tennessee was attached to the former ; in 1789, it was ceded to the United States, and in 1796 became an independent State. 447 SETTLEMENT OF THE NORTHERN STATES. QUEEN MARY the Catholic ascended the throne of England in 1553, and in less than six years, two hundred and seventy persons were burned, and more than twelve thousand Protestant or Puritan clergy men were driven from their pulpits. The persecuted religion, however, still found thousands to profess it ; for there never was a creed or faith which has not flourished from heing trampled on. A congregation of two hundred persons were in the habit of holding their meetings in the very heart of London. These assemblies were held in secret, and under the cover of night. No secresy, however, could elude the vigi lance of the Catholics, and the meeting was discovered. The house in which it was held, overhung the Thames, and it was watched only on the land side. This circumstance saved the congregation. A seaman belonging to it discovered the danger, leaped into the river, and procured a boat, in which the Puritans were in a few hours conveyed to a place of safety. When the spirited and absolute Elizabeth succeeded to the crown, she persecuted vast numbers for refusing to conform to the ceremonies of the English church. In 1602, a large company of those who refused to obey these rites, determined to leave England, for the Netherlands. They assembled, for this purpose, at a place near Boston, the capital of Lincolnshire, and a seaport. Their intended enterprize was discovered, and prevented by the interposition of public authority. In the following 448 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA- year, a number of them resolved upon a second trial, and agreed with a Dutch captain to carry them to Holland. After various accidents, they reached the place of their destination, and after remaining a year at Am sterdam, they removed to Leyden. Here they remained twelve years, when they procured a patent for land of the Virginia company in England, and on the 5th of August, 1620, set saXl for the New World. They intended to settle at the mouth of the river Hudson, but as was supposed, through the connivance of the captain, they were carried much further north, and on the llth of November, anchored in the harbor of Cape Cod. The very day they landed, an armed party was sent to make discoveries. They returned at night, having found nothing but water, woods, and sand hills. The next day was the Sabbath, and they all rested. On Monday, the men went on shore to refresh themselves ; the women to wash, attended by a guard; and the carpenter began to repair the shallop for the purpose of coasting. On Wednesday, Captain Miles Standish took a party of sixteen men, well armed, and went to make further discoveries. About a mile from the sea, they saw five In dians who fled. They pursued them ten miles ; but, night coming on, they stationed sentinels, kindled a fire, and rested quietly around it. On Wednesday, the 6th of December, the pilgrims sent out a fourth expedition. The ground was now covered with snow ; and the cold wind froze the salt water on the clothes of the men, like coats of mail. Having landed, they made a fire, and slept in the woods the first night. The next day, they discovered an Indian burying-yard, surrounded by palisadoes. Many of the graves were staked around with a circle of wood. At five in the morning of the next day, there was a cry of " In dians ! Indians !" by the guard they had set, and a shower of arrows fell m among them, followed by horrible yells. But the noise of the Eng lish guns was still more terrible to the savages. They thought the re port a sort of thunder and lightning, and fled in great fear. Their ar- EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 449 rows were kept, by the white men, as curiosities. They were pointed with deers horn and eagles claws. On the 22d of December, the whole party of the pilgrims landed at tke place afterwards called Plymouth, and having determined to plant a settlement there, began to cut timber for building. The rock on which they first stepped in landing, still exists, and strangers from all quarters visit it, as they pass through the town. When they left England, the whole number of the emigrants was one hundred and one. When the spring came, forty-six were dead. All these had died from the various hardships to \vhich they had been exposed. But by the 3d of March, those who remained rejoiced to find that the winter was past. There were now warm showers, the spring having set in earlier than usual. The settlers had laid out the town into streets and lots, and erected buildings of considerable size. They deposited their provisions and ammunition in a storehouse, with a thatched roof. Though this was constantly guarded, the roof took fire during the winter ; but the lower part of the building, with its contents, was saved. They could scarcely have pre served life, had their stores been consumed. The English soon formed an acquaintance with Massassoit, a power ful Indian chieftain, and entered into a treaty of peace, w r hich was pre served bv him and his successors for fifty years. Through his influence, nine of the petty sachems, or Indian chiefs, in his neighborhood, who had been jealous of the English, came to Plymouth, and subscribed a treaty of submission to the King of England. Others, from the islantt Capawoc, since called Martha s Vineyard, sent messengers ".for the same purpose. In September, 1621, a shallop, with ten men, was sent to explore ..* Massachusetts Bay, in which they found numerous fertile and beautiful;*/ | .. i 1 islands, mostly cleared of wood. The Indians seemed to lead a very happy life here, and it was a subject of regret to the settlers, at Plymouth, 57 450 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. that this vicinity, had not been selected for the site of the new col ony. In November, 1621, a ship, with thirty-five passengers, arrived from England. Unfortunately she was out of provisions, and the colonists were obliged to victual her home. They were without bread in conse quence, for two months of the winter. The summer of 1622 being dry, the harvest was scanty, and the colo nists were compelled to procure a supply from the Indians. Governor Bradford travelled among the tribes for this purpose, and obtained twen ty-eight hogsheads of corn, which he paid for in knives, blankets, beads, and other things of that kind. Squanto, a friendly Indian, who guided him upon this route, fell sick and died. He asked the Governor, on his death-bed, to pray for him, " that he might go to the Englishman s hea ven." This Indian was of great service to the colony, but was a fellow of great cunning and deceit. He sometimes sent word to a tribe, secret ly, that the English Avere coming to kill them, assuring them, at the same time, that he could obtain peace for them, and he only. The tribe would send him presents, accordingly, to procure peace, when, in fact, no war had been thought of. They considered him a very great man, supposing that he prevented the war. He now and then frightened them by telling rather large stories about the English gunpowder. He told them, alsoi that the colonists kept the plague barrelled up in a cellar under the Plymouth meeting-house, ready to send among the Indian tribes, when ever they wished to destroy them. It is probable that these dishonest accounts had some effect in keeping the Indians peaceable. The aborigines of this part of the continent lived together in tribes of a few hundreds, and sometimes a few thousands, procuring their subsist ence chiefly by hunting and fishing. Flesh and fish they roasted on a stick, or broiled on the fire. Sometimes they boiled their meat and corn by put ting hot stones into water ; but the latter was usually parched. They EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 451 also raised peas, beans, and pumpkins. There was generally a sort of rude garden near each wigwam, with a small cornfield. The women cultivated the land ; they used large oyster and other shells for hoes, till the whites supplied them with iron ones. They performed all the drudgery about the house. The men were usually abroad, engaged in hunting, fishing, or fighting ; when at home, they lounged lazily about the wigwams. In fishing, they used crooked bones for hooks, and made nets of the bark of the Indian hemp, or of the sinews of the moose and deer. Those who lived along the coast were skilful fishermen, and caught great numbers of seal. It does not come within our plan to give any detailed narrative of the events of the Indian wars. The most formidable of these was that known as King Philip s War. The capture of Fort Mystic from the Pequ ots at the mouth of Mystic river, near the present site of Stonington, was an achievement of some note on the part of the settlers. Ninety men were mustered for this purpose in Connecticut, and placed under the command of Captain Mason of Massachusetts; these were joined by a large party of friendly Indians, and the whole body entered the Pequot territory, and commenced their march towards the fort. The number of the Indian allies was near five hundred. They march ed in one body before the English force, and were constantly boasting how gallantly they should fight. But when Captain Mason informed them he was resolved to attack the Pequots in their fort, they were hor ror-struck, and quite a number of the Narragansetts took the liberty to return home. Mason, however, marched on through the wilderness, till he came to a small swamp between two hills, just at dusk. The camp was pitched, that night, near two large rocks in Groton, since called Por ter s rocks. The soldiers were tired, and slept soundly on the ground, with stones for their pillows. Guards were kept watching in advance, who could hear the Pequots at the fort, yelling and singing, and making 452 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. merry, till midnight. They were rejoicing because the English vessels had passed down the river some days before, and they supposed they had gone away. About two hours before day, the Captain roused his Indians, and the eighty brave white men, who were with him, and marched on a mile or two, to the foot of a large hill. The moon shone brightly, and he per ceived, as he halted here, that his Indians, who had been in the habit of marching a long way in front, were now lingering far in the rear. He sent a messenger back to Uncas, to ask where the fort was. He answered, on the top of the hill. He was asked what was the matter with the Indians ? and he replied, that they were horribly frightened. " Sassacus," they said, " was in the fort ; and he was all one devil ; nobody could kill him." Mason now told the Indians to surround the fort as far off as they pleased, and look at the English, during the battle. They agreed to this arrangement, and posted themselves in a circle around the fort, at about twenty rods distance. The day was now dawning, and the fort was still perfectly silent. The English had come within a rod or two of it, when an Indian dog barked, and a Pequot roared out, ; Owannux ! Owannux !" " The En glish." The English pressed on, fired upon the Indians through the palisadoes, as they sprang up from sleep, and then entered the principal door of the fort, sword in hand. The flashing and roar of arms, the shrieks and yells of the men, women, and children within, and the shouting of the circle of Narragansetts without, were tremendous. The Pequots fought well ; but they were driven, at last, to shelter themselves in their wigwams, inclosed within the walls of the fort, where, from every window and door, they made a most obstinate defence. Captain Mason now cried out, " We must burn them !" He entered a wigwam, and fired the mats of the roof with a brand. The flames ran from roof to roof, till every wigwam was blazing. The English now left the fort, and compassed it about on all sides ; their Indian allies plucking EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 453 up courage, and forming a line behind them. These did little execu tion, to be sure, except to frighten the Pequots with their horrible war- whoop. The enemy were panic-struck. The flames forced them from their hiding-places into the open light ; and the English, from without, shot them down like a herd of deer. Some climbed the palisadoes, but there they were pierced by the English bullets. Some sallied out in despera tion, and were cut down ; others waited for the English in their burning wigwams. When they found that the women were spared, many of them cried out, "I squaw, I squaw;" .but it could not save them. Six or seven hundred of them were slaughtered. Several adventurers from England settled in the countries of MAINE rind NEW-HAMPSHIRE ; these remained, for some time, separate govern ments, but were afterwards united to that of Massachusetts. By Wil liam III. Plymouth and Maine were annexed to Massachusetts ; but New-Hampshire was made a distinct government dependent on the crown. The dangers to which the Colonio? of New-England were subjected by attacks from the Indians, and the difficulties attending an effectual co operation while in a separate state, became early visible ; and a confe deration had been projected prior to 1638. This important confederation, however, was not completely arranged and digested till 1643. It was then agreed, that a Congress should be formed, of two Commissioners from each colony, chosen annually, to be called " the Representatives of the United Colonies of New-England." Rhode Island was desirous of being admitted to the Union ; but was not then received. From this period, the New-England States may be considered as forming one po litical body. Hudson s river was first discovered by Henry Hudson, an Englishman, from whom the Dutch purchased the right of establishing a colony on its i?anks. Attempts were soon made to settle upon it ; and in 1615, a fort was built, and a small number of inhabitants fixed on the south-west point of Manhattan s Island, now the site of New-York. In 1664, it was seized by the English ; and, at the peace of Breda, in 1667, they were confirmed in the possession of it in return for Surinam, which they ceded to the Dutch. This fort, and consequently the whole colony, fell again into the hands of the Dutch in 1678, through the treachery of its Governor ; but, in the year following, it was restored to the English, who retained it till the revolution. NEW JERSEY, like NEW-YORK, was first settled by the Dutch, who plant ed a colony in the county of Bergen, between the years 1614 and 1620. A few Swedes and Finns joined them in 1627 ; and, though the Dutch and Swedes were often at variance, they kept joint possession of the country for a considerable time. Charles II. in 1634, granted the whole territory called by the Dutch, New Netherlands, and of which New Jer sey formed a part, to the Duke of York his brother, who, in 1664, grant ed New Jersey to Lord Berkley, and Sir George Carteret. The colony 454 EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. was in 1672 reduced by the Dutch ; but, in 1674, it was restored to the English. In the same year, the Duke of York received a new patent for the same country, and again divided it between the assigns of Lord Berkley, and Sir George Carteret. The government of New Jersey continued to be proprietary, till it was divided into portions so small, and the number of proprietors had become so great, that the functions of go vernment were continually impeded. The Proprietors, influenced by this and other inconveniences, at last, in 1702, surrendered their au thority to the British Government, in consequence of which New Jersey continued till the revolution to be a Royal Government. The history of the colony of PENNSYLVANIA consists not, like that of many others, of a detail of religious dissensions ; for such dissensions were prevented by a universal toleration in religion, from the first com mencement of the settlement. Pennsylvania continued a proprietary government till the revolution. William Penn, a celebrated Quaker, in return for his father s services to the crown, and a large sum due from the crown to himself, obtained, in 1681, a grant of the country which, from his own name, was called Pennsylvania. In 1682, a settlement was made, and a form of government established. In the year following, Penn prevailed on the colonists to accept a form of government different from that which had been first adopted. Penn s presence in England be coming necessary, on account of a dispute with Lord Baltimore, concern ing the bounds of their respective American possessions, he delegated the powers of government, in his absence, to five Commissioners. In a short time, the Proprietary superseded his five Commissioners, and sent deputies to govern in his name. While Markham was Governor, in 1696, another change in the administration was effected. Penn, once more, visited the colony in 1699, and during his stay the political in stitutions were for the last time revised, and that frame of government established which remained unaltered till the revolution. The Pennsyl- vanians, at an early period began to show that they both understood and valued freedom ; and in spite of the efforts of deputies, instigated by the arbitrary disposition of Proprietaries, they maintained that freedom, and preserved the charter of privileges which they had originally maintained. It deserves to be specially recorded, that the Pennsylvanians always treated the Indians in a kind and just manner. They purchased from them the lands which they occupied, with what the Indians accounted equivalent, and observed with punctuality the articles of every truce ; and thus won from the natives that esteem and good-will which proved the best preservative of the peace and safety of the settlement. The Dutch, in consequence of the purchase of the banks of Hudson s River, imagined that they had acquired some right to all the unsettled countries in their neighborhood, They accordingly, in 1623, planted a colony on the river Delaware. This colony was, in a short time, sup planted by one from Sweden ; and the country was alternately possessed by the Swedes and Dutch, till, at length, both parties were subjected to the English. In 1674, Charles II. granted this district, as forming a part of the Dutch New Netherlands, to his brother the Duke of York, who, in 1683, sold it to Penn ; from that time till the revolution it made EARLY HISTORY OF AMERICA. 455 part of Pennsylvania. The Assemblies were different, but the same Governor presided in both. Many of the States of North America owe their first settlement to re ligious disputes. We have seen how the persecution of the Puritans peopled the States of New-England ; and MARYLAND, we are informed, owed its first settlement to a persecution little less severe, which, in Britain, was carried on against the Roman Catholics. About two hun dred gentlemen of fortune and considerable respectability, with their fol lowers, embarked for Maryland, hoping to enjoy that peace and that liberty of conscience, which their native country did not afford them. This colony arrived in Maryland in 1633, and Leonard Calvert, brother to Lord Baltimore, was appointed the first Governor. Lands were pur chased of the Indians ; and, in a short time, the colony had increased in numbers and in importance. In 1638, the first Assembly was appointed. The grand Convention of England, in 1689, took the government from Lord Baltimore, and made it a Royal Government ; and the dread of Popery, which had so much influence in producing the revolution in Britain, procured, in 1692, the establishment of the Protestant religion in Maryland. Lord Baltimore, however, recovered the property of this government in 1716; and retained it till the American revolution, during which his property in lands was confiscated. The petition of his heir, at the close of the war, for the recovery of his right, was rejected by the Legislature of this State. 457 THE FRENCH WARS- BEING in possession of the inland seas of Canada, as they are justly termed, and of the mouths of the grand receiver of most of the principal rivers of North America, the French conceived the bold idea of uniting their northern and southern possessions by a chain of forts along the banks of the Ohio and Mississippi ; and by that means -also to confine the English colonists to the eastern side of the Alleghanies. In their northern colo nies their military strength was considerable ; Quebec and Montreal were strongly fortified; and at other points, Louisburg, Cape Breton, and the forts of Lake Champlain, Niagara, Crown Point, Frontignac, Ticon- deroga, and several others, defended the frontiers. They had also erected a considerable fort at the junction of the Alleghany with the Mononga- hela, then called Du Quesne, but now forming the site of Pittsburg, the Birmingham of America. Early in the spring of 1755, the British government dispatched Gen eral Braddock to America, with a respectable force to expel the French, and keep possession of the territory; and preparations having been made by France to dispatch a reinforcement to her armies in Canada, Ad miral Boscawen was ordered to endeavor to intercept the French fleet be fore it should enter the Gulf of St. Lawrence. In April, General Braddock met the Governors of the several provinces to confer upon the plan of the ensuing campaign. Three expeditions were resolved upon ; one against Du Quesne, to be commanded by General Braddock ; one against forts Niagara and Frontignac, to be commanded by Governor Shir ley ; and one against Crown Point, to be commanded by General Johnson. This last originated with Massachusetts, and was to be executed by colo nial troops raised in New England and New York. While preparations were making for these expeditions, another, which had been previously concerted, was carried on against the French forts in Nova Scotia. This province was settled by the French, but was ceded to the English by the treaty of Utrecht. Its boundaries not having been defined, the French continued to occupy a portion of the territory claimed by the English, and had built forts for their defence. To gain possession of these was the object of the expedition. About two thou sand militia, commanded by Colonel Winslow, embarked at Boston ; and being joined on their passage by three hundred regulars, arrived in April at the place of their destination. The forts were invested, the resistance made was trifling and ineffectual, and in a short time the English gained entire possession of the province, according to their own definition of its boundaries. Three only of their men were killed. 58 458 THE FRENCH WARS. Of the unfortunate issue of Braddock s expedition we have already given an account. The two northern expeditions, though not so disastrous, did not either of them succeed in attaining the object proposed. In that against Crown Point much delay was occasioned by the distracted coun cils of so many different governments ; and it was not till the last of August, that General Johnson, with three thousand seven hundred men, arrived at the fort of Lake George, on his way to Ticonderoga. Mean while the French squadron had eluded Admiral Boscawen ; and, as soon as it arrived at Quebec, Baron Dieskau, the commander, resolved to march against Oswego with his own twelve hundred regulars, and about six hundred Canadians and Indians. The news of General Johnson s move ment determined Dieskau to change his plan, and to lead his forces directly against the American camp. General Johnson called for rein forcements : eight hundred troops, raised as a corps of reserve by Massa chusetts, were immediately ordered to his assistance ; and the same colony undertook to raise an additional number of two thousand men. Colonel Williams was sent forward with one thousand men to amuse and reconnoi tre the enemy. He met them four miles from the camp, offered battle, and was defeated. Another detachment shared the same fate ; and the French were now within one hundred and fifty yards of the camp, when a halt for a short time enabled the Americans to recover their alarm, and to make good use of their artillery through the fallen trees, behind which they were posted. Dieskau advanced to the charge ; but he was so firmly received, that the Indians and militia gave way and fled : he was obliged to order a retreat of the regulars ; and, in the ardent pursuit which ensued, he was himself mortally wounded and made prisoner. A scouting party had, in the meantime, taken the enemy s baggage ; and when the retreating army came up, they attacked it so successfully from behind the trees, that the panic-struck soldiers dropped all their accoutre ments, and fled in the utmost confusion for their posts on the lakes. This victory revived the spirits of the colonists, depressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock, but the success was not improved in any proportion to their expectation. General Shirley, now the commander in chief, urged an attempt on Ticonderoga ; but a council of war judging it unadvisable, Johnson employed the remainder of the campaign in forti fying his camp. On a meeting of Commissioners from Massachu setts and Connecticut with the Governor and Council of New York, in October, it was unanimously agreed, that the army under General John son should be discharged, excepting six hundred men, who should be engaged to garrison Fort Edward and Fort William Henry. The French retained possession of Ticonderoga and fortified it. General Shirley, who was to conduct the expedition against Niagara and Fort Frontignac, experienced such delays, that he did not reach Oswego until the 21st of August. On his arrival, he made all necessary preparations for the expedition to Niagara ; but, through the desertion of batteaux men, the scarcity of wagons on the Mohawk river, and the desertion of sledgemen at the great carrying place, the conveyance of provisions and stores was so much retarded, that nearly four weeks elapsed before he could commence any further operations ; and from a THE FRENCH WARS, 459 continued succession of adverse circumstances, in a council of war called on the 27th of September, it was unanimously resolved to defer the ex pedition to the succeeding- year ; to leave Colonel Mercer at Oswego, with a garrison of seven hundred men, and to build two additional forts for the security of the place ; while the General should return with the rest of the army to Albany. Thus ended the campaign of 1755 : it opened with the brightest prospects ; immense preparations had been made, yet not one of the objects of the three principal expeditions had been attained ; and by this failure the whole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the Indians, which were accompanied by their usual acts of barbarity. The colonies, however, far from being discouraged by the misfortunes of the last campaign, determined to renew and increase their exertions. General Shirley, to whom the superintendence of all the military opera tions had been confided, assembled a council of war at New York to concert a plan for the ensuing year. The plan adopted by the council embraced expeditions against Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point, and the dispatching a body of troops by way of the rivers Kennebeck and Chaudiere, to create alarm for the safety of Quebec. Major-General Winslow was appointed to lead the expedition against Crown Point. He was a popular officer, and the colonists felt a deep interest in the expedi tion ; but, for want of an established financial system, (their only taxes were upon lands and polls,) the requisite funds were raised with difficulty, and the recruiting service made very slow progress. Only seven thousand men assembled at the posts on Lake George. General Winslow declared, that, without more forces, he could not undertake the expedition ; and it would probably have been abandoned, had he not been reinforced by the timely arrival of some British troops. They came over with General Abercrombie, who had superseded General Shirley, and who soon after gave place to the Earl of Loudoun. These changes produced some unpleasant contests for priority of rank. General Winslow asserted frankly, that the provincials would never be commanded by British officers ; and the Earl of Loudoun seriously propounded the question, whether the colonial troops, with his Majesty s arms in their hands, would refuse obedience to his Majesty s commanders ? He was answered in the affirmative ; and when he understood that the New England troops, in particular, had enlisted under the condition of being led by their own officers, he agreed to let those troops act separately. While the English were adjusting these differences, and debating whether it would be expedient to attack Fort Niagara, or Fort Du Quesne, Montcalm, the successor of Dieskau, marched against Oswego with about five thousand French, Canadians, and Indians. His artillery played with such effect upon the fort, that it was soon declared untenable ; and to avoid an assault, the garrison, who were sixteen hundred in number, and had stores for five months, surrendered themselves prisoners of war. The fort had been an object of considerable jealousy to the Five Nations ; and Montcalm made a wise use of his conquest by demolishing it in their presence. The English and American army was now thrown upon the defensive. Instead of attacking Ticonderoga, General Winslow was 460 THE FRENCH WARS. ordered to fortify his own camp ; Major-General Webb, with fourteen hundred regulars, took post near Wood Creek ; and Sir William Johnson, with one thousand militia, was stationed at the German Flats. The colonists were now called upon for reinforcements ; and, as Parliament had distributed among them one hundred and fifteen thousand pounds for the last year s expenses, they were enabled to answer the call with perhaps more promptitude than was anticipated. The recruits were on their way to the camp, when intelligence of the small-pox at Albany frightened them home again. The other provincials were equally alarm ed ; and all, except a New York regiment, were dismissed. Thus terminated the second campaign. The expedition up the Kennebeck had been abandoned ; that against Niagara was not commenced ; and not even a preparation had been made for that against Du Quesne. At the commencement of the following year, a council was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudoun, and the Governors of the New England provinces and of Nova Scotia. At this council his Lordship proposed that New England should raise four thousand men for the ensuing campaign ; and that a proportionate number should be raised by New York and New Jersey. These requisitions were complied with ; and in the spring his Lordship found himself at the head of a very con siderable army. Admiral Holbourn arriving in the beginning of July at Halifax with a powerful squadron, and a reinforcement of five thousand British troops, under George Viscount Howe, Lord Loudoun sailed from New York with six thousand regulars, to join those troops at the place of their arrival. Instead of the complex operations undertaken in pre vious campaigns, his Lordship limited his plan to a single object. Leav ing the posts on the lakes strongly garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable force against Louisburg ; Halifax having been deter mined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and army destined for the expedition. Information was, however, soon received, that a French fleet had lately sailed from Brest ; that Louisburg was garrisoned by six thousand regulars, exclusive of provincials; and that it was also defended by seventeen line of battle ships, which were moored in the harbor. There being no hope of success against so formidable a force, the enterprise was deferred to the next year ; the General and Admi ral on the last of August proceeded to New York ; and the provincials were dismissed. The Marquis De Montcalm, availing himself of the absence of the principal part of the British force, advanced with an army of nine thou sand men, and laid siege to Fort William Henry. The garrison at this fort consisted of between two and three thousand regulars, and its forti fications were strong and in very good order ; and for the additional security of this important post, General Webb was stationed at Fort Edward with an army of four thousand men. The French commander, however, urged his approaches with such vigor, that, within six days after the investment of the fort, Colonel Monro, the commandant, having in vain solicited succor from General Webb, found it necessary to surren der by capitulation. The garrison was to be allowed the honors of war, and to be protected against the Indians until . within the reach of Fort THE FRENCH WARS. 461 Edward ; but the next morning, a great number of Indians having been permitted to enter the lines, began to plunder ; and meeting with no opposition, they fell upon the sick and wounded, whom they immediately massacred. Their appetite for carnage being excited, the defenceless troops were attacked with fiend-like fury. Monro in vain implored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and the massacre proceeded. All was turbulence and horror. On every side savages were butchering and scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, the groans of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of others shrinking from the uplifted tomahawk, were heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the sava ges was permitted to rage without restraint, until fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy, Major Putnam was sent with his rangers to watch the motions of the enemy. When he came to the shore of the lake, their rear was hardly beyond the reach of musket shot. The prospect was horrible in the extreme ; the fort demolished ; the barracks and buildings yet burn ing; innumerable fragments of human carcasses still broiling in the de caying fires ; and dead bodies, mangled \vith tomahawks and scalping knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbarity, \vere every where scat tered around. Thus ended the third campaign ^ in America ; happily forming the last of a series of disasters resulting from folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of means and military strength. The successes * While the army was in winter quarters, a circumstance occurred, which exhibits the watchful jealousy the colonists ever exercised over their liberties. " The General Court had provided barracks on Castle Island for a regiment of Highlanders, which had been expected at Boston. Some recruiting officers soon afterwards arrived at Nova Scotia ; and, protesting that their regiments would never be filled up if the men must be lodged in these barracks, they required the justices of the peace to furnish quarters, according to the act of Parliament. The justices denied that the act of Par liament extended to this country. Lord Loudoun wrote the Court a letter, and assert ed roundly that it did ; that, moreover, he had used gentleness and patience long enough ; and that, unless the requisitions were complied within forty-eight hours from the receipt of his letter, he should be under the necessity of ordering into Boston the three battalions from New York, Long Island, and Connecticut ; and if more were wanting, he had two in the Jerseys at hand, beside those in Pennsylvania. The Gene ral Court now passed an act very similar to that of Parliament, on the subject of re cruits ; but it did not fully answer Lord Loudoun s expectations, nor did he fail to let them know it in a second epistle. The answer of the General Court was merely a re iteration of what we have so often heard from the same body. They asserted their rights as Englishmen ; said they had conformed to the act of Parliament as nearly as the case would admit ; and declared that it was their misfortune, if a strict adherence 10 their duty should give offence to Lord Loudoun. He, in turn, applauded the zeal of the province in the service of his majesty, affected to rely on its compliance with his wishes, and countermanded his orders for the march of the troops. The Gene ral Court sent his excellency a concluding message, in which they asserted that they were entirely dependent on Parliament ; that its acts were the rule of all their judicial proceedings ; that its authority had never been questioned ; and that if they had not made this avowal in times past, it was because there had been no occasion for it. Judge Marshal seems to think that this language was sincere, but Mr. Minot attri butes it to the desire of the Court to keep friends with Parliament till they were reim bursed for the expenses which they had incurred during the war. The truth is probably between the two opinions." Sanford s History of the United States, p. 145, 146. 462 THE FRENCH WARS. of the French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By the acquisition of Fort William Henry, they had obtained full possession of the Lakes Cham- plain and George ; and by the destruction of Oswego, they had acquir ed the dominion of those other lakes which connect the St. Lawrence with the waters of the Mississippi. The first afforded the easiest admission from the northern colonies into Canada, or from Canada into those colo nies ; the last united Canada to Louisiana. By the continued possession of Fort Du Quesne, they preserved their ascendancy over the Indians, and held undisturbed control of all the country west of the Alleghany mountains. The British nation was alarmed and indignant, and the King found it necessary to change his councils. At the head of the new ministry, he placed the celebrated William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chat ham, who was raised by his talents from the humble post of ensign in the guards to the control of the destinies of a mighty empire ; under his administration public confidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with new life and vigor. He was equally popular in both hemispheres ; and so promptly did the Governors of the northern colonies obey the re quisitions of his circular letter of 1757, that by May in the following year, Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut five thousand, and New Hampshire three thousand troops, prepared to take the field. The zeal of Massachusetts was particularly ardent. The people of Boston sup ported taxes which took away two thirds of the income on real estate ; one half of the effective men in the province were on some sort of mili tary duty ; and the transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were ready to sail in fourteen days from the time of their engagement. The mother country was not less active. While her fleets blockaded or cap tured the French armaments, she dispatched Admiral Boscawen to Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and an army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudoun was replaced by General Abercrombie, who, early in the spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful army ever seen in America. Three points of attack were marked out for this campaign ; the first, Louisburg; the second, Ticonderoga and Crown Point; and the third, Fort Du Quesne. On the first expedition Admiral Boscawen sailed from Halifax on the 28th of May, with a fleet of twenty ships of the line and eighteen frigates, and an army of fourteen thousand men under the com mand of General Amherst, and arrived before Louisburg on the 2d of June. The garrison of that place, commanded by the Chevalier De Dru- court, an officer of courage and experience, was composed of two thou sand five hundred regulars, aided by six hundred militia. The harbor being secured by five ships of the line, one fifty gun ship, and five frigates, three of which were sunk across the rnouth of the basin, it was found necessary to land at some distance from the town. This being effected, and the artillery and stores brought onshore, General Wolfe was detach ed with two thousand men to seize a post occupied by the enemy at the Lighthouse point, from which the ships in the harbor, and the fortifications in the town, might be greatly annoyed. On the approach of that gallant officer, the post was abandoned by the enemy, and several very strong batteries were erected there by their opponents. Approaches THE FRENCH WARS. 463 were also made on the opposite side of the town, and the siege was press ed with resolution and vigor, though with great caution. A very heavy cannonade being kept up against the town and the vessels in the harbor, "a bomb was at length set on fire and blew up one of the largest ships, and the flames were communicated to two others, which shared the same fate. The English Admiral now sent six hundred men in boats into the harbor, to make an attempt on two ships of the line, which still remained in the basin ; one of which, being aground, was destroyed, the other was towed off in triumph. This gallant exploit putting the English in com plete possession of the harbor, and several breaches being made practica ble in the works, the place was deemed no longer defensible, and the Go vernor offered to capitulate. It was required that the garrison should sur render as prisoners of war. These humiliating terms, though at first re jected, were afterwards acceded to ; and Louisburg, with all its artillery, provisions, and military stores, as also Island Royal, St. Johns and their dependencies, were placed in the hands of the English, who, without farther difficulty, took possession of the island of Cape Breton. The conquerors found two hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, and eighteen mortars, with a very large quantity of stores and ammunition. The inhabitants of Cape Breton were sent to France in English ships ; but the garrison, sea officers, sailors, and marines, amounting collectively to nearly six thousand men, were carried prisoners to England. The armies destined to execute the plans against Ticonderoga and Fort Du Quesne were appointed to rendezvous respectively at Albany and Philadelphia. The first was commanded by General Abercrombie, and consisted of upwards of fifteen thousand men, attended by a formidable train of artillery. On the 5th of July, the General embarked his troops on Lake George, on board of one hundred and twenty-five whale boats, and nine hundred batteaux, and commenced operations against Ticondero ga. After debarkation at the landing-place in a cove on the west side of the lake, the troops were formed into four columns, the British in the centra, and the provincials on the flanks. In this order they marched to wards the advanced guard of the French, which, consisting of one bat talion only, posted in a logged camp, destroyed what was in their power, and made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was continuing his march in the woods toward Ticonderoga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and in some degree entangled with each other. At this juncture, Lord Howe, at the head of the right centre column, fell in with a part of the advance guard of the enemy which had been lost in the wood in retreating from Lake George, and immediately attacked and dis persed it, killing a considerable number, and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. This success was, however, dearly purchased by the loss of the gallant nobleman who fell in leading the attack. The English army, without further opposition, took possession of a post within two miles of Ticonderoga. Abercrombie, having learned from the prisoners the strength of the enemy at that fortress, and from an engineer the condi tion of their works, resolved on an immediate storm, and made instant dispo sition for an assault. The troops having received orders to march up brisk ly, rush upon the enemy s fire, and reserve their own till they had passed 464 THE FRENCH WARS. a breastwork, marched to the assault with great intrepidity. Unlook- ed for impediments, however, occurred. In front of the breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been felled with their branches outward, many of which were sharpened to a point, by means of which the as sailants were not only retarded in their advance, but, becoming entangled among the boughs, were exposed to a very galling fire. Finding it im practicable to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine feet high, and much stronger than had been represented, General Abercrombie, after a contest of near four hours, ordered a retreat, and the next day resumed his former camp on the south side of Lake George. In this brave but ill- judged assault, nearly two thousand of the assailants were killed and wounded, while the loss of the enemy, who were covered during the whole action, was inconsiderable. General Abercrombie immediately re- crossed Lake George, and entirely abandoned the project of capturing Ticonderoga. The campaign was not destined, however, to close with such ill success. Colonel Bradstreet proposed an expedition against Frontignac ; a fort, which, by being placed on the north side of the St. Lawrence, just where it issues from Lake Ontario, was the key to the communication between Cana da and Louisiana. It served also to keep the Indians in subjection, and was the general repository of stores for the enemy s western and southern posts. Late in the evening of the 25th of August, Colonel Bradstreet landed with in a mile of the place, with three thousand men, eight pieces of cannon, and three mortars. The French had not anticipated an attack at this point, and the garrison consisted of only one hundred and ten men, with a few Indian auxiliaries. It was impossible to hold out long. Colonel Brad- street posted his mortars so near the fort, that every shell took effect; and the commander was very soon obliged to surrender at discretion. The booty consisted of sixty pieces of cannon, great numbers of small arms, provisions, military stores, goods to a large amount, and nine armed ves sels of from eight to eighteen guns. Colonel Bradstreet destroyed the fort and vessels, recrossed the Ontario, and returned to the army. Had it not been for this fortunate enterprise, the unaccountable delay in preparing the expedition against Du Quesne would probably have left that fort a third time in possession of the enemy. It was not until June that the commander, General Forbes, set out from Philadel phia ; it w r as September before Colonel Washington, with the Virginia regulars, was ordered to join the main body, at Ray s Town ; and, owing to the difficulties of cutting a new road, it was as late as Novem ber, when the army appeared before Du Quesne. The garrison, desert ed by the Indians, and without adequate means of defence, had escaped down the Ohio, the evening before the arrival of the British, who had only to take possession, therefore, in the King s name. The fort was supplied with a new garrison, and the name changed to Pittsburg. The Indians, as usual, joined the strongest side. A peace was concluded with all the tribes between the Ohio and the Lakes ; and the frontier in habitants of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were once more relieved from the terrors of fire and scalping knives. The campaign of 1758 was highly honorable to the British arms, and THE FRENCH WARS. 465 the results of it very important. Of the three expeditions, two had completely succeeded, and the leader of the third had made an important conquest. To the commanding talents of Pitt, and the confidence which they inspired, this change of fortune must be chiefly attributed ; and in no respect were these talents more strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign had, however, been purchased by an expensive effort and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength ; and, when a circular letter from Mr. Pitt to the several Governors induced the colonies to resolve upon mak ing the most vigorous preparation for the next, they soon discovered that their resources were by no means commensurate with their zeal. Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three powerful armies should enter the French possessions by three different routes, and attack all their strong holds at nearly the same time. At the head of one division of the army, Brigadier General Wolfe, a young officer who had signalized himself at the siege of Louisburg, was to ascend the St. Lawrence and lay siege to Quebec, escorted by a strong fleet to co-operate with his troops. The central and main army, composed of British and provincials, was to be conducted against Ticon- deroga and Crown Point by General Amherst, the new Commander in chief, who, after making himself master of these places, was to proceed over Lake Champlain, and by the way of Richelieu river, to the -St. Lawrence, and, descending that river, form a junction with General Wolfe before the walls of Quebec. The third army, to be composed principally of provincials, reinforced by a strong body of friendly In dians, was to be commanded by General Prideaux, who was to lead this division first against Niagara, and, after the reduction of that place, to embark on Lake Ontario, and proceed down the St. Lawrence against Montreal. It has been observed by a recent author, " Had the elements been laid, and the enemy spell-bound, the whole of this brilliant plan could not have helped succeeding." This sentence, however, betrays a very limited view of a plan that was well worthy of the mind of Pitt, In this arrangement immediate advantage was not sacrificed; w T hile the more remote results exhibited a prospect highly calculated to excite the ambition of the leaders, and to arouse all the energies of the troops. It is in thus affording motives which tend to bring physical force into most effective and persevering action, that intellectual superiority becomes manifest, confounding the calculations of ordinary minds. Early in the winter, General Amherst commenced preparations for his part of the enterprise ; but it was not till the last of May that his troops were assembled at Albany ; and it was as late as the 22d of July, when he appeared before Ticonderoga. As the naval superiority of Great Britain had prevented France from sending out reinforcements, none of the posts in this quarter were able to withstand so great a force as that of General Amherst. Ticonderoga was immediately abandoned ; the example was followed at Crown Point ; and the only way in which the enemy seemed to think of preserving their province was by retarding the English army with shows of resistance till the season of operation should 59 466 THE FRENCH WARS. be passed, or till, by the gradual concentration of their forces, they should become numerous enough to make an effectual stand. From Crown Point they retreated to Isle-aux-Noix, where General Amherst under stood there was a body of between three and four thousand men, and a fleet of several armed vessels. The English made great exertions to se cure a naval superiority ; and had it not been for a succession of adverse storms upon the lake, they would most probably have accomplished the original design of forming a junction at Quebec, instead of being obliged to go into winter quarters at Crown Point. In prosecution of the enter prise against Niagara, General Prideaux had embarked with an army on Lake Ontario ; and on the 6th of July, landed without opposition, within about three miles from the fort, which he invested in form. While di recting the operations of the siege, he was killed by the bursting of a co- horn, and the command devolved upon Sir William Johnson. That General, prosecuting with judgment and vigor the plan of his predeces sor, pushed the attack of Niagara with an intrepidity that soon brought the besiegers within a hundred yards of the covered way. Meanwhile, the French, alarmed at the danger of losing a post which was a key to their interior empire in America, had collected a large body of regular troops from the neighboring garrisons of Detroit, Venango, and Presqu Isle, with which, and a party of Indians, they resolved, if possible, to raise the siege. Apprised of their intention to hazard a battle, General Johnson ordered his light infantry, supported by some grenadiers arid re gular foot, to take post between the cataract of Niagara and the fortress ; placed the auxiliary Indians on his flanks ; and, together with this prepa ration for an engagement, took effectual measures for securing his lines, and bridling the garrison. About nine in the morning of the 24th of July, the enemy appeared, and the horrible sound of the war whoop from the hostile Indians was the signal of battle. The French charged with great impetuosity, but were received with firmness ; and in less than an hour were completely routed. This battle decided the fate of Niagara. Sir William Johnson, the next morning, opened negociations with the French commandant ; and in a few hours a capitulation was signed. The garrison, consisting of six hundred and seven men, were to march out with the honors of \var, to be embarked on the lake, and carried to New York; and the women and children were to be carried to Montreal. The reduction of Niagara effectually cut off the communication between Canada and Louisiana. The expedition against the capital of Canada was the most daring and important. Strong by nature, and still stronger by art, Quebec had ob tained the appellation of the Gibraltar of America ; and every attempt against it had failed. It was now commanded by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputation ; and its capture must have appeared chime rical to any one but Pitt. He judged rightly, however, that the boldest and most dangerous enterprises are often the most successful, especially when committed to ardent minds, glowing with enthusiasm, and emulous of glory. Such a mind he had discovered in General Wolfe, whose con duct at Louisburg had attracted his attention. He appointed him to conduct the expedition, and gave him "or assistants Brigadier Generals THE FRENCH WARS. 467 Monckton, Townshend, and Murray; all, like himself, young and ardent. Early in the season he sailed from Halifax with eight thousand troops, and, near the last of June, landed the whole army on the island of Or leans, a few miles below Quebec. From this position he could take a near and distinct view of the obstacl-es to be overcome. These were so great, that even the bold and sanguine Wolfe perceived more to fear than to hope. In a letter to Mr. Pitt, written before commencing operations, he declared that he saw but little prospect of reducing the place. Quebec stands on the north side of the St. Lawrence, and consists of an upper and lower town. The lower town lies between the river and a bold and lofty eminence, which runs parallel to it far to the westward. At the top of this eminence is a plain, upon which the upper town is situated. Below, or east of the city, is the river St. Charles, whose channel is rough, and whose banks are steep and broken. At a short distance farther down is the Montmorency ; and between these two ri vers, arid reaching from one to the other, was encamped the French army, strongly intrenched, and at least equal in number to that of the English, General Wolfe took possession of Point Levi, on the southern bank of the St. Lawrence, and there erected batteries against the town. The cannonade which was kept up, though it destroyed many houses, made but little impression on the works, which were too strong and too remote to be materially affected ; their elevation, at the same time, placing them beyond the reach of the fleet. Convinced of the impossibility of re ducing the place, unless he could erect batteries on the north side of the St. Lawrence, Wolfe soon decided on more daring measures. The northern shore of the St. Lawrence, to a considerable distance above Quebec, is so bold and rocky as to render a landing in the face of an enemy im practicable. If an attempt were made below the town, the river Mont morency passed, and the French driven from their intrenchments, the St. Charles would present a new, and perhaps an insuperable barrier. WitVi every obstacle fully in view, Wolfe, heroically observing that " a victorious army finds no difficulties," resolved to pass the Montmorency, and bring Montcalm to an engagement. In pursuance of this resolution, thirteen companies of English grenadiers, and part of the second batta lion of royal Americans, were landed at the mouth of that river, while two divisions, under Generals Townshend and Murray, prepared to cross it higher up. Wolfe s plan was to attack first a redoubt, close to the water s edge, apparently beyond reach of the fire from the enemy s in trenchments, in the belief that the French, by attempting to support that fortification, would put it in his power to bring on a general engagement ; or, if they should submit to the loss of the redoubt, that he could after wards examine their situation with coolness, and advantageously regu late his future operations. On the approach of the British troops the redoubt was evacuated ; and the General, observing some confusion in the French camp, changed his original plan, and determined not to delay an attack. Orders were immediately dispatched to the Generals Towns hend and Murray, to keep their divisions in readiness for fording the river; and the grenadiers and royal Americans were directed to form on the beach until they could be properly sustained. These troops, how- 468 THE FRENCH WARS. ever, not waiting for support, rushed impetuously toward the enemy s in- trenchments ; but they were received with so strong and steady a fire from the French musketry, that they were instantly thrown into disor der, and obliged to seek shelter at the redoubt which the enemy had abandoned. Detained here awhile by a dreadful thunder storm, they were still within reach of a severe fire from the French ; and many gallant officers, exposing their persons in attempting to form the troops, were killed, the whole loss amounting to nearly five hundred men. The plan of attack being effectually disconcerted, the English General gave orders for repassing the river, and returning to the isle of Orleans. Compelled to abandon the attack on that side, Wolfe deemed that ad vantage might result from attempting to destroy the French fleet, and by distracting the attention of Montcalm with continual descents upon the northern shore. General Murray, with twelve hundred men in trans ports, made two vigorous but abortive attempts to land ; arid though more successful in the third, he did nothing more than burn a magazine of warlike stores. The enemy s fleet was effectually secured against at tacks, either by land or by water, and the Commander in chief was again obliged to submit to the mortification of recalling his troops. At this juncture, intelligence arrived that Niagara was taken, that Ticonderoga and Crown Point had been abandoned, but that General Amherst, in stead of pressing forward to their assistance, was preparing to attack the Isle-aux-Noix. While Wolfe rejoiced at the triumph of his brethren in arms, he could not avoid contrasting their success with his own disas trous efforts. His mind, alike lofty and susceptible, was deeply impress ed by the disasters at Montmorency ; and his extreme anxiety, preying upon his delicate frame, sensibly affected his health. He was observed frequently to sigh ; and, as if life was only valuable while it added to his glory, he declared to his intimate friends, that he would not survive the disgrace which he imagined would attend the failure of his enter prise. Nothing, however, could shake the resolution of this valiant commander, or induce him to abandon the attempt. In a council of his principal officers, called on this critical occasion, it was resolved, that all the future operations should be above the town. The camp at the isle of Orleans was accordingly abandoned ; and the whole army having em barked on board the fleet, a part of it was landed at Point Levi, and a part higher up the river. Montcalm, apprehending from this movement that the invaders might make a distant descent and come on the back of the city of Quebec, detached M. de Bougainville with fifteen hundred men, to w r atch their motions, and prevent their landing. Baffled and harassed in all his previous assaults, General Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the enterprise by a single bold and desperate effort. The Admiral sailed several leagues up the river, making occasional demonstrations of a design to land troops ; and, du ring the night, a strong detachment in flat-bottomed boats fell silently down with the stream, to a point about a mile above the city. The beach was shelving, the bank high and precipitous, and the only part by which it could be scaled, was now defended by a Captain s guard and a battery of four guns. Colonel Howe, with the van, soon climbed up THE FRENCH WARS. 469 tlie rocks, drove away the guard, and seized upon the battery. The army landed about an hour before day, and by daybreak was marshalled on the heights of Abraham. Montcalm could not at first believe the intelligence ; but, as soon as he was assured of its truth, he made all prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no longer possible to avoid. Leaving his camp at Mont- rnorency, he crossed the river St. Charles with the intention of attacking the English army. No sooner did Wolfe observe this movement, than he began to form his order of battle. His troops consisted of six bat talions, and the Louisburg grenadiers. The right wing was commanded by General Monckton, and the left by General Murray. The right flank was covered by the Louisburg grenadiers, and the rear and left by Howe s light infantry. The form in which the French advanced indicat ing an intention to outflank the left of the English army, General Townshend was sent with the battalion of Amherst, and the two batta lions of royal Americans, to that part of the line, and they were formed en potence, so as to present a double front to the enemy. The body of reserve consisted of one regiment, drawn up in eight divisions, with large intervals. The dispositions made by the French General were not less masterly. The right and left wings were composed about equally of European and colonial troops. The centre consisted of a column, formed of two battalions of regulars. Fifteen hundred Indians and Ca nadians, excellent marksmen, advancing in front, screened by surround ing thickets, began the battle. Their irregular fire proved fatal to many British officers, but it was soon silenced by the steady fire of the En glish. About nine in the morning the main body of the French advanc ed briskly to the charge, and the action soon became general. Mont- calm having taken post on the left of the French army, and Wolfe on the right of the English, the two Generals met each other where the battle was most severe. The English troops reserved their fire until the French had advanced within forty yards of their line, and then, by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among their ranks. The fire of the English was vigorously maintained, and the enemy every where yielded to it. General Wolfe, who, exposed in the front of his bat talions, had been wounded in the wrist, betraying no symptom of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, he received a shot in the groin ; but, concealing the wound, he was pressing on at the head of his grenadiers with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced his breast.^ The army, not discon- * On receiving his mortal wound, Wolfe was conveyed into the rear, where, careless about himself, he discovered, in the agonies of death, the most anxious solicitude con cerning the fate of the day. From extreme faintness, he had reclined his head on the arm of an officer, but was soon aroused by the cry of " They fly, they fly !" " Who tly?" exclaimed the dying hero. "The French," answered his attendant. " Then/ said he, " I die contented," and immediately expired. A death more full of military glory has seldom been recorded by the pen of the historian, or celebrated by the pencil of the painter. General Wolfe was only thirty-three years of age. He possessed those military talents, which, with the advantage of years and opportunity of action, "to moderate his ardor, expand his faculties, and give to his intuitive perception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment perfected by experience," would 470 THE FRENCH WARS. certed by his fall, continued the action under Monckton, on whom the command now devolved, but who, receiving a ball through his body, soon yielded the command to General Townshend. Montealm, fighting in front of his battalions, received a mortal wound about the same time ; and General Senezergus, the second in command, also fell. The Bri tish grenadiers pressed on with their bayonets. General Murray, briskly advancing with the troops under his direction, broke the centre of the French army. The Highlanders, drawing their broadswords, completed the confusion of the enemy ; and after having lost their first and second in command, the right and centre of the French were entirely driven from the field ; and the left was following the example, when Bougainville ap peared in the rear, with the fifteen hundred men who had been sent to oppose the landing of the English. Two battalions and two pieces of artillery were detached to meet him ; but he retired, and the British troops were left the undisputed masters of the field. The loss of the French was much greater than that of the English. The corps of French regulars was almost entirely annihilated. The killed and wounded of the English army did not amount to six hundred men. Although Quebec was still strongly defended by its fortifications, and might possibly be relieved by Bougainville, or from Montreal, yet Ge neral Townshend had scarcely finished a road in the bank to get up his heavy artillery for a siege, when the inhabitants capitulated, on condition that during the war they might still enjoy their own civil and religious rights. A garrison of five thousand men was left under General Murray, and the fleet sailed out of the St. Lawrence. The fall of Quebec did not immediately produce the submission of Canada. The main body of the French army, which, after the battle on the plains of Abraham, retired to Montreal, and which still consisted of ten battalions of regulars, had been reinforced by six thousand Canadian militia, and a body of Indians. With these forces M. de Levi, who had succeeded the Marquis de Montealm in the chief command, resolved to attempt the recovery of Quebec. He had hoped to carry the place by a coup de main during the winter ; but, on reconnoitring, he found the out posts so well secured, and the Governor so vigilant and active, that he postponed the enterprise until spring. In the month of April, when the upper part of the St. Lawrence was so open as to admit a transportation by water, his artillery, military stores, and heavy baggage, were embark ed at Montreal, and fell down the river under convoy of six frigates ; and M. de Levi, after a march of ten days, arrived with his army at Print au Tremble, within a few miles of Quebec. General Murray, to vhom the care of maintaining the English conquest had been in trusted, had taken every precaution to preserve it ; but his troops had have -placed him on a level with the most celebrated generals of any age or nation." Montealm was every way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe. He had the truest military genius of any officer whom the French had ever employed in America. Atler he had received his mortal wound, he was carried into the city ; and when informed that it was mortal, his reply was, " I am glad of it." On being told that he could survive but a few hours, " So much the better." he replied, " I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec." THE FRENCH WARS. 471 suffered so much by the extreme cold of the winter, and by the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, that instead of five thousand, the original number of his garrison, there were not at this time above three thousand men fit for service. With this small but valiant body he resolved to meet the enemy in the field ; and on the 28th of April inarched out to the heights of Abraham, where, near Sillery, he attacked the French under M. de Levi with great impetuosity. He was received with firm ness ; and, after a fierce encounter, finding himself outflanked, and in danger of being surrounded by superior numbers, he called off his troops, and retired into the city. In this action the loss of the English was near a thousand men, and that of the French still greater. The French General lost no time in improving his victory. On the very evening of the battle he opened trenches before the town, but it was the llth of May before he could mount his batteries, and bring his guns to bear on the fortifications. By that time General Murray, who had been indefati gable in his exertions, had completed some outworks, and planted so numerous an artillery on his ramparts, that his fire was very superior to that of the besiegers, and in a manner silenced their batteries. A Bri tish fleet most opportunely arriving a few days after, M. de Levi imme diately raised the siege, and precipitately retired to Montreal. Here the Marquis de Vaudreuil, Governor-General of Canada, had fixed his head quarters, and determined to make his last stand. For this purpose he called in all his detachments, and collected around him the whole force of the colony. The English, on the other hand, were resolved upon the utter annihi lation of the French power in Canada; and General Amherst pre pared to overwhelm it with an irresistible superiority of numbers. Almost on the same day, the armies from Quebec, from Lake Ontario, and from Lake Champlain, were concentrated before Montreal : a capitu lation was immediately signed ; Detroit, Michilimackinac, and, indeed, all New France, surrendered to the English. The French troops were to be carried home ; and the Canadians to retain their civil and religious privileges. The history of modern Europe, with whose destiny that of the colonies was closely interwoven, may be designated as the annals of an intermi nable war. Her sovereigns, ever having the oily words of peace on their lips, have seldom had recourse to the olive branch but as the signal of a truce, the duration of which should be coeval with the reinvigoration of military strength.^ It was thus with France on the present occasion. Equally unsuccessful on both continents, and exhausted by her strenuous and continued efforts, she was at length induced to make overtures of peace ; and every thing seemed to be in a fair train for adjustment, when the treaty was suddenly broken off by an attempt of the court of Ver- seilles to mingle the politics of Spain and of Germany with the disputes between France and Great Britain. A secret family compact between the Bourbons to support each other through evil and good, in peace and in war, had rendered Spain desirous of war, and induced France once more to try her fortune. As the interests of the two nations were now identified, it only remained for England to make a formal declaration of 472 THE FRENCH WARS. hostility against Spain. The colonies of New England being chiefly interested in the reduction of the West India islands, furnished a con siderable body of troops to carry on the war. A large fleet was dis patched from England; the land forces amounted to sixteen thousand; and before the end of the second year, Great Britain had the important city of Havana, the key of the Mexican Gulf, together with the French provinces of Martinique, Grenada, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and the Carib- bee islands. The progress of the British conquests, which threatened all the re maining colonial possessions of their opponents, was arrested by prelimi nary articles of peace, which, towards the close of 1762, were exchanged at Fontainbleau between the Ministers of Great Britain, France, and Spain. On the 10th of February in the following year, a definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris, and soon after ratified. Prance ceded to Great Britain all the conquests which the latter had made in North America; and it was stipulated between the two crowns, that the boundary line of their respective dominions in the new hemisphere should run along the middle of the Mississippi, from its source as far as the Iberville, and along the middle of that river, and of Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain. Thus terminated a war, which originated in an attempt on the part of the French to surround the English colonists, and chain them to a nar row strip of country along the coast of the Atlantic ; and ended with their giving up the whole of what was then their only valuable territory in North America. The immediate advantage the colonies derived from the successful issue of the contest was great and apparent. Although, for a short period after the conquest of Canada had been effected, they were subject to attacks from the Indian tribes attached to the French, and also from the Cherokees on their south-western borders, they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties with severe retribution, and to pro cure a lasting repose, as the Indians had no forts to which to repair for protection or aid. But the indirect results, though almost unper- ceived at first, were far more important, and prepared the way for those momentous efforts which issued in the loss to Great Britain of the fairest portion of her colonies, and the establishment of her vassal as a rival. The colonists became inured to the habits and hardships of a military life, and skilled in the arts of European warfare; while the desire of revenge for the loss of Canada, which France did not fail to harbor, was preparing for them a most efficient friend, and making way for the ano malous exhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting all his power in the cause of liberty and independence. 473 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. FIFTH OF MARCH, 1770. EARLY in the evening of the 5th of March, 1770, the inhabitants of Bos ton were observed to assemble in different quarters of the town ; parties of soldiers were also driving about the streets, as if both the one and the other had something more than ordinary upon their minds. About eight o clock, one of the bells of the town was rung in such manner as is usual in case of fire. This called people into the streets. A large number assembled in the market-place, not far from King-street, armed with bludgeons, or clubs. A small fray between some of the inhabitants and the soldiers arose at or near the barracks at the west part of the town, but it was of little importance, and was soon over. A sentinel who was posted at the custom-house, not far from the main guard, was next insult ed, and pelted with pieces of ice and other missiles, which caused him to call to the main guard to protect him. Notice was soon given to Captain Preston, whose company was then on guard, and a sergeant with six men was sent to protect the sentinel ; but the Captain, to prevent any precipitate action, followed them himself. There seem to have been but few people collected when the assault was first made on the sentinel ; but the sergeant s guard drew a greater number together, and they were more insulted than the sentinel had been, and received frequent blows from snow balls and lumps of ice. Captain Preston thereupon ordered them to charge ; but this was no discouragement to the assailants, who continued to pelt the guard, daring them to fire. Some of the people who were be hind the soldiers, and observed the abuse of them, called on them to do so. At length one received a blow with a club, which brought him to the ground ; but, rising again, he immediately fired, and all the rest, except one, followed the example. This seems, from the evidence on the trials and the observation of persons present, to have been the course of the material facts. Three men were killed, two mortally wounded, who died soon after, and several slightly wounded. The soldiers immediately withdrew to the main guard, which was strengthened by additional companies. Two or three of the persons who had seen the action ran to the Lieutenant-Governor s house, which was about half a mile distant, and begged he would go to King-street, where they feared a general action would come on between the troops and the inhabitants. He went immediately, and, to satisfy the people, called for Captain Preston, and inquired why he had fired upon the inhabitants without the direction of a civil magistrate. The noise was so great that his answer could not be understood; and some person^, \vho were appre- 60 474 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. hensive of the Lieutenant-Governor s danger from the general confusion, called out " The town-house, the town-house !" when, with irresistible violence, he was forced up by the crowd into the council chamber. There demand was immediately made of him, to order the troops to withdraw from the town-house to their barracks. He refused ; but calling from the balcony to the great body of people who remained in the street, he expressed his great concern at the unhappy event ; assured them he would do every thing in his power to obtain a full and impartial inquiry, that the law might have its course ; and advised them to go peaceably to their homes. Upon this there was a cry " Home, home !" and a great part separated, and went home. He then signified his opinion to Lieu tenant-Colonel Carr, that if the companies in arms were ordered to their barracks, the streets would be cleared and the town in quiet for that night. Upon their retiring, the rest of the inhabitants, except those in the coun cil chamber, retired also. Lieutenant-Colonel Dalrymple, at the desire of the Lieutenant-Gover nor, came to the council chamber, while several justices were examining persons who were present at the transactions of the evening. From the evidence it was apparent that the justices would commit Captain Preston, if taken. Several hours passed before he could be found, and the people suspected that he would not run the hazard of a trial ; but at length he surrendered himself to a warrant for apprehending him, and, having been examined, was committed to prison. The next morning the soldiers who were upon guard surrendered also, and were committed. This was not sufficient to satisfy the people, and early in the forenoon they were in motion again. The Lieutenant-Governor caused his council to be sum moned, and desired the two Lieutenant-Colonels of the regiments to be present. The selectmen of Boston were waiting the Lieutenant-Gover nor s coming to council, and, being admitted, made their representation, that, from the contentions arising from the troops quartered in Boston, and, above all, from the tragedy of the last night, the minds of the inhabitants were exceedingly disturbed ; that they would presently be assembled in a town-meeting ; and that, unless the troops should be remov ed, the most terrible consequences were to be expected. The justices also of Boston and several of the neighboring towns had assembled, and iesired to signify their opinion, that it would not be possible to keep the people under restraint, if the troops remained in town. The Lieu tenant-Governor acquainted both the selectmen and the justices, that he had no authority to alter the place of destination of the King s troops ; but that he expected the. commanding officers of the two regiments, and would let them know the applications which had been made. Presently after their coming, a large committee from the town-meeting presented an address to the Lieutenant-Governor, declaring it to be the unanimous opinion of the meeting, that nothing could rationally be expected to restore the peace of the town, " and prevent blood and carnage," but the imme diate removal of the troops. The committee withdrew into another room to wait for an answer. Some of the council urged the necessity of com plying with the people s demand ; but the Lieutenant-Governor declared that he would, upon no consideration whatever, give orders for their ANECDOTES OP THE REVOLUTION. 475 Temoval. Lieutenant-Colonel Dalrymple then signified, that, as the twenty-ninth regiment had originally been designed to be placed at the castle, and was now peculiarly obnoxious to the town, he was content that it should be removed to the castle, until the General s pleasure should be known. The committee was informed of this offer, and the Lieu- tenant-Governor rose from council, intending to receive no further appli cation upon the subject ; but the council prayed that he would meet them again in the afternoon, and Colonel Dalrymple desiring it also, he com plied. Before the council met again, it had been intimated to them that the "desire" of the Governor and council to the commanding officer to remove the troops, would cause him to do it, though he should receive no authoritative "order." As soon as they met, a committee from the town- meeting attended with a second message, to acquaint the Lieutenant- Governor, that it was the unanimous voice of the people assembled, consisting, as they said, of near three thousand persons, that nothing less than a total and immediate removal of the troops would satisfy them. Ultimately the scruples of the Lieutenant-Governor were overcome, and ke expressed a desire that the troops should be wholly withdrawn from the town to the castle, which was accordingly done. The funeral of the victims was attended with extraordinary pomp. Most of the shops were closed, all the bells of the town tolled on the occasion, and the corpses were followed to the grave by an immense concourse of people arranged six abreast, the procession being closed by a long train of carriages be longing to the principal gentry of the town. Captain Preston and the party of soldiers were afterwards tried. The Captain and six of the men were acquitted, and two were brought in guilty of manslaughter ; a result which reflected great honor on John Adams and Josiah Quincy, the counsel for the prisoners, and on the jury. THE STAMP ACT. THE Stamp Act was not passed in Parliament until March, 1765. Before that time, and while the law was under consideration, all the Colo nies protested against it, and most of them sent agents to London to reason with the English Ministers ; but in vain. The act passed in the House of Commons, by a vote of two hundred and fifty members against fifty. Doctor Franklin, then in London, wrote, the same evening, to Charles Thomson, afterwards Secretary of the American Congress, as follows: "The sun of liberty is set; the Americans must light the lamps of industry and economy." The gentleman answered, " Be as sured we shall light torches of quite another kind," The people of Virginia and Massachusetts were among the first to oppose the Stamp Act. But the same feeling was soon spread over the whole country. The newspapers were still published on paper not stamped, and these were filled with warm discussions upon this subject. The lawyers also agreed to use no stamped paper ; a great many public officers gave up their commissions, and vast numbers of the people, 476 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. calling themselves sons of liberty, agreed to oppose the Stamp Act, and to assist each other, at all hazards. In Boston, early in the morning of August 14th, two effigies were found hanging on the branch of an old elm, near the southern entrance of the city. One represented a stamp officer. There was a great jack boot also, out of which rose a horned head. The people collected in crowds from the city and country. About dusk, the images were taken down, placed on a bier, and carried about in solemn procession, the people following, stamping and shouting, " Liberty and property for ever no stamps." They passed through the town-house, down King- street, into Kilby-street, halted at the house of one Oliver, which they supposed to be meant for a stamp office, and demolished it from top to bottom ; they carried off the wood, marched through the streets, with a tremendous noise, to the dwelling of Oliver himself; and there, having gone through the ceremony of chopping off that gentleman s head, in effigy, broke in his windows in an instant. They then marched up Fort Hill,, still following the two figures, jack boot, horns and all. Here they kindled a bonfire with them, returned to Oliver s house with clubs and staves, and destroyed every part of his gardens, fences and out-houses. Oliver left a few friends in his house, and fled with all possible speed. His friends offended the multitude, and they broke open the doors, and destroyed all the furniture in the lower story. Mr. Oliver gave notice the next day, that he had concluded not to serve as a stamp officer. The people went to his house in the evening again, gave him three cheers of encouragement, and left him without further damage to himself, his house, or his effigy. The people had now another person to attend to. Having heard that Lieutenant-Governor Hutchinson had written to England in favor of the stamp duties, they visited his house in great numbers. As he assured them, however, that he had written no such thing, they applauded him with shouts, kindled a bonfire, and went home. On the 26th of August, ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. 477 the disorders began again. Some boys were playing round a fire in King-street. The fireward coming to extinguish it, some one whispered him to keep back. The advice was followed by a few blows and kicks, and he soon withdrew. Meanwhile, a particular whistle was heard from several quarters, fol lowed by cries of " Sirrah ! Sirrah !" A long train of persons then came up, disguised, and armed with clubs and bludgeons. They pro ceeded to surround the house of one Paxton, harbor-master. He thought it well to absent himself; but the crowd followed him to a tavern, where he persuaded them not to destroy his house. They broke open the office and house of Story, another crown officer, opposite the court-house ; burned the files and records in the first, and destroyed the furniture in the other. They afterwards paid some attentions of the same kind to Mr. Hal- lowell, collector of the duties, drank up the wine in his cellar, and carried off some hundred dollars of his money. They visited Mr. Hutch- inson once more about ten o clock in the evening, and carried off his plate, pictures, furniture, clothing, manuscripts, and about three thousand dollars in cash. Some of the ringleaders of these riots were imprisoned, though soon released. The Governor offered rewards for the discovery of others : a nightly watch was appointed, and, at a numerous town- meeting, the selectmen of the town were desired to use every effort to prevent these disorders for the future. But the Stamp Act was received every where in a similar manner. At Newport and Providence, in Rhode Island, vast multitudes got to gether, and dragged about the effigies of several of the crown officers in carts, with halters on their necks ; then they hung them up, and cut them down to be burned. Some houses, also, were pillaged. So it was, too, in Connecticut, at New Haven, Lebanon, and other towns ; in New-Hampshire, Maryland, New York, and as far south as the Ca- rolinas. GENERAL PUTNAM, WHEN the intelligence of the .battle of Lexington, which took place on the 19th of April, 1775, reached General Putnam, he was engaged in ploughing on his farm, at Brooklyn, in Connecticut. He instantly un yoked his cattle, left his plough standing in the unfinished furrow, in the rnidst of the field, and without stopping to change his dress, immediately set off for the scene of military transactions, in the vicinity of Boston. Upon entering the army, he was appointed to the rank of Major-General. On the conclusion of the war, General Washington wrote a letter to General Putnam, in which he warmly expressed the sense he entertained of his services. " The name of Putnam," says he, " is not forgotten ; nor will it be, but with that stroke of time which shall obliterate from my mind the remembrance of all those toils and fatigues through which 478 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. we have struggled, for the preservation and establishment of the rights, liberties, and independence of our country." When General Putnam was pursued by General Tyron at the head Of fifteen hundred men, his only method of escape was precipitating his horse down the steep declivity of the rock, called Horseneck ; and as none of his pursuers dared to follow, he escaped. An act of still more daring intrepidity, was his clearing in a boat the tremendous waterfalls of Hudson s river. This was in the year 1756, when Putnam was en gaged in a war with the French and their allies, the Indians. He was accidentally with a boat and five men on the eastern side of the river, when the men on the opposite side informed him, by signal, that a large body of savages were advancing to surround him, and that there was not a moment to lose. Three modes of conduct were at his option to re main, fight, and be sacrificed ; to attempt to pass on the other side, ex- ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. 47$ posed to the full shot of the enemy ; or to sail down the waterfalls, with almost a certainty of being overwhelmed. Putnam did not hesitate, and jumped into his boat at a fortunate instant ; for one of his compan ions, who was at a little distance, was a victim to the Indians. His enemies soon arrived, and discharged their mus-kets at the boat, before he could get out of their reach. No sooner had he escaped this danger, through the rapidity of the current, but death presented itself under a more terriffic form. Rocks, whose points projected above the surface of the water ; large masses of timber, that nearly closed the passage ; ab sorbing gulfs, and rapid descents for more than a quarter of a mile, left him little hope of escape. Putnam, however, directed the helm with the utmost tranquillity. His companions saw him with admiration, ter ror, and astonishment, avoid with the utmost address the rocks and threatening gulfs, which they every instant expected to devour him. He disappeared-, and rose again, till he at length gained the even surface of the river, at the bottom of this dreadful cascade. The Indians considered it a miracle. They looked upon Putnam as invulnerable ; and they feared to offend the Great Spirit, by attempting the life of a man so visibly under his immediate protection. CAPTAIN MOLLY. BEFORE the two armies, American and English, had begun the gene ral action of Monmouth, two of the advanced batteries commenced a very severe fire against each other. As the warmth was excessive, the wife of a cannonier constantly ran to bring him water from a neigh boring spring. At the moment when she started from the spring, to pass the post of her husband, she saw him fall, and hastened to assist him ; but he was dead. At the same moment she heard an officer order the cannon to be removed from its place, complaining that he could not 480 ANECDOTES OF THE REVOLUTION. fill his post by as brave a man as had been killed. " No," said thf intrepid Molly, fixing her eyes upon the officer, "the cannon shall not be removed for the want of some one to serve it ; since my brave hus band is no more, I will use my utmost exertions to avenge his death." The activity and courage with which she performed the office of can- nonier during the action, attracted the attention of all who witnessed it, finally of General Washington himself, who afterwards gave her the rank of Lieutenant, and granted her half-pay during life. She wore an epaulette, and every body called her Captain Molly. MAJOR BURNET S CUE. IN the battle of Germantown, Major Burnet, the aid-de-camp of Gene ral Greene, wore a long cue after the fashion of the times, and as he turned round to attend to a dismounted cannon, his cue was cut off by a musket ball from the enemy. " Don t hurry, my dear Major," cried Greene, laughing ; " pray dismount and get that long cue of yours : don t be in haste." 481 GENERAL VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES. AGEICULTTTRE, THE chief agricultural occupations in the eastern States are grazing and the dairy. The middle States are principally devoted to the cultivation of wheat and maize ; the southern to that of tobacco, cotton, sugar, and rice, and the western to maize and wheat. Slave labor is chiefly employed in the southern States, and in some of the middle and western. The cotton raised in 1830 amounted to nine hundred and seventy-six thousand, eight hundred and forty-eight bales. The flour and meal inspected at the different ports of the United States, in 1830, amounted to the follow ing : two million, eight hundred and fifty-one thousand, eight hundred and seventy- six barrels of wheat flour ; forty-one thousand, three hundred and fifty-one barrels of lye flour ; eighteen thousand, three hundred and seventy-two hogsheads, and thirty- five thousand, seventy barrels of corn meal. COMMERCE. The imports into the United States for the year, ending September 31st. 1831, amounted to one hundred and three million, one hundred and ninety-one thou sand, one hundred and twenty-four dollars. The exports of domestic produce for the same time, to sixty-one million, two hundred and seventy-seven thousand, and fifty- seven dollars ; of foreign produce, to twenty million, thirty-three thousand, five hun dred and twenty -six dollars. Total exports, eighty-one million, three hundred and ten thousand, five hundred and eighty-three dollars. The registered and licens ed shipping amounted on the last day of December, 1828, to one million, seven hundred and forty-one thousand, three hundred and ninety-one tons. The most important exports are those of cotton, flour, rice, tobacco, beef, pork, lumber, cat tle, and horses. New Orleans has the greatest export trade, and New York the greatest imports. Most of the shipping is owned in the New England States and New York, MANUFACTURES, In 1810, the annual value of all the manufactures was estimated at one hundred and seventy-two million, seven hundred and sixty-two thousand, eight hundred and seventy-six dollars. In addition to the large establishments, it is estimated that two thirds of the clothing worn by the agricultural population are the product of domes tic manufactures. The greater portion of American manufactures are designed for 61 4S2 GENERA! VIEW OF internal consumption, yet, in 1829, there were exported from the United States, manufactured articles to the value of six million, twenty-five thousand, and two hundred dollars. FISHERIES. Nearly all the fisheries are carried on by the New England States. The whale fishery alone employs three hundred ships, averaging three hundred and forty tons each, and in 1830 produced one hundred and six thousand, eight hundred barrels of spermaceti oil, and an equal quantity of black oil, and two million, five hundred thousand pounds of spermaceti candles. The mackerel and herring fishery is pur sued along the northern coast, and the cod fishery on that of Labrador and the New foundland banks. Fish to the value of a million of dollars are yearly exported. PUBLIC LANDS. The national domain, or public lands, consist of tracts of territory ceded to the General Government by the several States ; of the lands in the Territory of Louisia na, purchased of France ; and those in Florida, acquired by treaty from Spain. A vast portion of this land is occupied by the Indians, who are considered as proprietors of the soil till the Government extinguish their title by purchase. A General Land Office, at Washington, directs the sale of these territories. All the lands are survey ed before sale ; they are divided into townships of six miles square, which are sub divided into sections of one mile square, containing each six hundred and forty acres, and sold in sections, half, quarter, and half-quarter sections. The minimum price is fixed by law at a dollar and a quarter. All sales are made for cash. Salt springs and lead mines are reserved, but may be sold by special orders from the President. One section of six hundred and forty acres is reserved in each township, as a fund for the perpetual support of schools. Five per cent, on all sales of land are reserved, three fifths of which are expended by Congress in making roads leading to the States in which the lands are situated, and two fifths are expended by the States for the promotion of learning. Up to the present time about one hundred and fifty million acres of the public lands have been surveyed, of which thirty million have not been proclaimed for sale; twenty million have been sold, and as much more granted by Congress for education, internal improvement, and other purposes. There remain one hundred and ten million acres surveyed and unsold ; eighty million of which are in the market. The whole quantity of land owned by the United States amounts to one billion, sixty-two million, four hundred and sixty-three thousand, one hundred and seventy-one acres. REVENUE, EXPENDITURE, AND DEBT. The revenues of the United States are derived from customs, sales of land, the post office, lead mines, and stock of the United States Bank. Of these the customs constitute much the largest item. In 1830 the revenue was as follows : customs, twenty-one million, nine hundred and twenty-two thousand, three hundred and ninety- one dollars, and thirty-nine cents ; lands, two million, three hundred and twenty-nine thousand, three hundred and fifty-six dollars, and fourteen cents ; dividends on bank stock, four hundred and ninety thousand dollars ; other sources, one hundred and two thousand, three hundred and sixty-eight dollars, and ninety-eight cents. Total reve nue, twenty-four million, eight hundred and forty-four thousand, one hundred and sixteen dollars, and fifty-one cents. The expenditure for the same year amounted, exclusive of the payment toward the public debt, to twelve million, seven hundred and twenty-nine thousand, five hundred and thirty -three dollars, and thirty-three cents. THE UNITED STATES. 483 ARMY AND NAVY. The army is restricted by law to six thousand, one hundred and eighty-eight men ; and consists of four regiments of artillery, and seven regiments of infantry, under the command of one major general and two brigadier generals. The army expenses of 1830, including fortifications, arsenals, armories, ordnance, internal improvements, &c., amounted to four million, seven hundred and sixty-seven thousand, on^hundred and twenty-eight dollars, and eighty-eight cents. The navy consists of seven ships of seventy-four guns, seven of forty-four, three of thirty-six, two of twenty-three, thir teen of eighteen, and five smaller vessels. There are building, five of seventy-four guns, and six frigates : total, forty-eight. The force in commission, consists of five frigates, eleven sloops of war, and seven schooners. There are navy yards at Ports mouth, N. H., Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, Norfolk, Va., and Pensacola. There are dry docks at Boston and Norfolk. The expenses of the naval establishment for 1830, were three million, two hundred and thirty-nine thousand, four hundred and twenty-eight dollars, and sixty-three cents. There is no rank in the navy above that of a captain. BANKS. The Bank of the United States was chartered in 1816, with a capital of thirty-five million of dollars. Of this stock, the government own seven million of dollars, or one fifth. The bank is at Philadelphia, with branches in twenty-five other places. The present charter extends to March 3d, 1836. POSTOFFICE. The postroads in the United States, amount to one hundred and fifteen thousand, one hundred and seventy-six miles ; and the yearly transportation of the mail, is equal to fifteen million, four hundred and sixty-eight thousand, six hundred, and ninety-two miles ; namely, ten million, seven hundred and twenty-eight thousand, three hundred and forty-eight. miles in stages and steam-boats, and four million, seven hundred and forty thousand, three hundred and forty miles on horseback, and in sulkies. The number of postoffices on the first of July, 1831, was eight thousand, six hundred and eighty-six. The expenses of the postoffice department for the year ending July 1st, 1831, were one million, nine hundred and thirty-five thousand, five hundred and fifty-nine dollars. Receipts, one million, nine hundred and ninety-seven thousand, eight hundred and eleven dollars ; profits, sixty-two thousand, two hundred and fifty-two dollars. The revenue derived from the postoffice, is chiefly expended upon the extension and improvement of the mail routes. MINT. The mint of the United States was established at Philadelphia, in 1792. The coinage of gold and silver bullion is performed free of expense to the owners. In 1831, the coinage amounted to three million, nine hundred and twenty-three thou sand, four hundred and seventy-three dollars, and sixty cents ; of wh ; ch seven hundred and fourteen thousand, two hundred and seventy dollars were in gold ; three million, one hundred and seventy five thousand, and six hundred doDars in silver; and thirty-three thousand, six hundred and three dollars and sixty cents in copper. Amounting in all, to eleven millions, seven hundred and ninety-two thousand, two hundred and eighty-four pieces : namely, one hundred arid forty thousand, five hun- 484 GENERAL VIEW OF dred and ninety-four half eagles four thousand, five hundred and twenty quarter eagles five million, eight hundred and seventy-three thousand, six hundred and sixty half dollars three hundred and ninety-eight thousand quarter dollars seven hundred and seventy-one thousand, three hundred and fifty dimes one million, two hundred and forty-two thousand, and seven hundred half dimes three million, three hundred and fifty -nine thousand, two hundred and sixty cents, and two thousand, two hundred half cents. The expense of the mint establishment for 1831, was twenty-eight thou sand dollars. Of the gold coined in this year, one hundred and thirty thousand dollars were received from Mexico, South America, and the West Indies ; twenty- seven thousand dollars from Africa, five hundred and eighteen thousand dollars from the United States, and the remainder from unknown sources. TAXATION. Congress possess the power to impose direct taxes ; but as this branch of the revenue has been found one of the least productive, and the other sources of supply being abundant, there is no taxation by the General Government. Each State levies its own tax for the expenses of its local government ; and each city or town provides, by taxation, for its own municipal concerns. SALARIES PENSIONS. The highest salary is that of the President, who receives twenty-five thousand dol lars a year ; Ministers Plenipotentiary receive nine thousand dollars annually, and the same sum for an outfit ; the Secretaries of State, the Treasury, War, and the Navy, and the Postmaster General, nine thousand ; the Vice-President five thousand. The Chief Justice, five thousand ; the Associate Justices, four thousand, five hundred ; Charges des Affaires, four thousand, five hundred ; Secretaries of Legation, two thou sand ; Members of Congress, eight dollars a day. The. revolutionary soldiers, who re ceive pensions, amounted in 1831, to eleven thousand, eight hundred and seventy-six. The invalid pensioners, to three thousand, eight hundred and sixty-eight. The revolu tionary pensions amount to one million, sixty-seven thousand, nine hundred and forty-seven dollars ; other pensions, two hundred ninety-five thousand, three hun dred and forty-nine dollars. NEWSPAPERS. The first paper printed in America, was the Boston News Letter ; the first number of which, was issued April 17th, 1704. In 1775, there were thirty-seven periodi cals, of all sorts, published in different parts of the United States. In 1810, three hundred and fifty-eight ; in 1828, eight hundred and two ; at present, there are above one thousand, of which fifty are daily. The number printed annually, cannot be estimated with any degree of accuracy ; by some, it is calculated at sixty-four million. INTERNAL NAVIGATION. About two thousand, five hundred miles of canal have been executed, or are in a tolerable state of forwardness. By means of these artificial channels, and the great lakes, and western rivers, with which they open a communication, the internal navi gation far surpasses in extent that of any other country in the world. The course THE UNITED STATES. 485 upon a single line from New York up the Hudson, through the Erie canal, Lake Erie, the Ohio canal and river, up to the highest navigable point of the Missouri, would equal four thousand, three hundred and twenty miles. CHIEF CITIES. NEW YORK. The city of New York occupies the first rank among the cities of the western world, for population, wealth, and trade. Situated upon a noble harbor, at the mouth of one of the finest navigable rivers in the world, it enjoys a monopoly of the trade of a large and wealthy district of the interior. Hence, the increase of the city has kept pace with the development of trade and industry in the neighboring States. The rapid augmentation of population, commerce, and every material of prosperity which New York has witnessed in recent years, is almost without a parallel. Founded by the Dutch, in 1614, by the name of New Amsterdam, it did not for a century exceed Boston in point of numbers ; but with the settlement of the interior of the State, and the opening of the navigation of the great lakes, New York has received an im- pulse, which, added to other advantages, has established its present and secured its future pre-eminence. In respect to commerce, it is already the second city in the world. It stands on the southern point of an island, at the mouth of the Hudson ; on the east, the shore of this island is watered by a deep channel, called East River, which separates it from Long Island, and affords a navigable communication between New York harbor and Long Island Sound. The harbor extends nine miles south of the city, to the sea. The first settlement was made at the southern extremity, conse quently that portion of the city is composed of narrow, crooked, inconvenient streets, and unsightly old buildings ; but the more modern parts, and especially those which have grown up within twenty years, are regular and commodious. The finest street is Broadway, which traverses the whole city in a straight line from north to south, being three miles in length, and eighty feet in breadth. It is occupied chiefly by shops and elegant public buildings, and few streets in the world equal it for the splendor, bustle, and fashion it exhibits. The Battery is an inclosed promenade, on the shore at the southern extremity of the city ; it is planted with trees, and though riot extensive, is pleasant, much frequented, and offers a delightful view of the harbor. The Park is a triangular inclosure of eleven acres, in the centre of the city ; upon one side of this stands the City Hall, an elegant structure with a front of white marble. It is two hundred and sixteen feet long, and one hundred and five broad ; and is one of the finest buildings in the country. The Merchants Exchange, in Wall-street, is handsomely built of white marble. The United States Branch Bank is also a line marble structure. St. Paul s Chapel is esteemed one of the finest buildings in the city ; its spire is two hundred and thirty-four feet high. St. John s Chapel has a spire two hundred and forty feet in height, and is the most costly church in the city ; hav ing been built at the expense of two hundred thousand dollars. St. Patrick s Cathe dral, a Roman Catholic edifice, is the largest of all the churches, and is of stone, one hundred and twenty feet long, and eighty feet wide. There are more than one hundred additional churches, some of them very costly. Trinity Church is a Gothic edifice of stone, arid belongs to the oldest and richest Episcopal establishment in America, possessing a property to the amount of several millions of dollars. Packets sail from New York, to Liverpool and London, every week ; to Havre every ten days ; and to Hull, Greenwich, Belfast, Vera Cruz, Carthagcna, and all the 486 GENERAL VIEW OF chief ports of the United States, at different times. Fifty steam-boats constantly pass oetween New York and the towns on the Hudson, Long Island Sound, and other waters in the neighborhood. There are sixty-one banks in the city ; twenty-eight insurance companies ; four hundred and sixty-three schools ; forty bookstores ; four hundred and fifty lawyers ; ninety-eight clergymen ; fifty auctioneers ; three hundred oyster shops ; fifty-six lottery offices ; three thousand licensed groceries and taverns ; two thousand three hundred and eighty licensed cartmen and porters ; two thousand one hundred and ten paupers in the almshouse. The real estate of the city is valu ed at eighty-seven million, six hundred and three thousand, three hundred and eighty-nine dollars; the personal estate, at thirty-seven million, six hundred and eighty-lour thousand, nine hundred and thirty-eight dollars : total, one hundred and twenty-five million, two hundred and eighty-eight thousand, five hundred and eigh teen dollars. PHILADELPHIA. Philadelphia, the second city of the United States, in size, is situated on the west bank of the Delaware, one hundred and twenty-six miles from the sea. The river is navigable for ships of the line, up to the city. It lies three miles along this river, and its western limit is washed by the Schuylkill, which falls into the Delaware about six miles below. The ground on which the city stands is an almost unbroken level ; so that it exhibits no striking appearance as the spectator approaches it. The streets are perfectly rectangular ; and Philadelphia is, probably, the most regular and uniform city in the world. It is at the same time one of the most agreeable. The climate is fine, the city remarkably clean, and abundantly supplied Avith the best of water. To this we may add, that the markets are among the best in the country, while the expenses of living are one fourth less than in Boston, and one third less than in New York. The streets are from fifty to one hundred and thirteen feet wide. The houses are mostly of brick, much darker in color than in the Eastern States, and resembling, at a short distance, the common red sandstone. The streets are generally paved and kept clean. The handsomest of the public buildings in the city, and perhaps in this country, is the United States Bank, in Chesnut-street. It is of white marble, with a front on the model of the Parthenon. It never fails to excite an agreeable emotion when first seen by a stranger. The Old Bank has an elegant marble front, of the Corinthian order, but the effect is much injured by the sides being of brick. THE UNITED STATES. 487 The Bank of Pennsylvania is also a handsome marble edifice. The State-House is a somewhat antiquated structure, and is chiefly remarkable for containing the hall in which the Declaration of Independence was signed ; adjoining this building, is a beautiful inclosed walk, planted with trees. Another handsome public walk is Washington-square . The city and suburbs have large manufactures of cotton, iron, glass, and china ware, besides the great variety of articles made in small establishments. The cloth annually manufactured, is estimated at twenty-four million of yards. In point of commerce, Philadelphia is the fourth city in the Union ; the shipping amounted in 1828, to one hundred and four thousand, and eighty tons. BALTIMORE. Baltimore, upon the Patapsco, fourteen miles from the Chesapetik, is a large city, and the chief commercial mart for all the country upon the bay and its waters. It is finely situated, and regularly built, chiefly of brick ; the public buildings and monu ments indicate, by their splendor, a high degree of wealth and enterprise in the inhabitants. The Catholic Cathedral is an edifice in the Ionic style, one hundred and ninety feet long, and one hundred and seventy-seven wide, surmounted by a dome and cross, which rise to the height of one hundred and twenty-seven feet. It has some fine paintings, and the largest church organ in the United States, containing six thousand pipes. The Merchants Exchange is two hundred and fifty-five feet in front, and contains a hall eighty-six feet in length, lighted from a dome, ninety feet above the floor. St. Paul s Church, the Unitarian Church, the Court-House, and the Union Bank, are also elegant buildings. The trade of Baltimore is great, and it may be considered the best flour market in the world. In. commerce, it is the third city in the United States. The harbor is good, although vessels larger than two hundred tons, cannot ascend below the lower suburb, called Fell s Point ; this is separated from the city by a small stream, over which there are several bridges. The shipping of Baltimore amounted, in 1828, to one hundred and six thousand, three hundred and three tons. There are within twen ty miles of the city, above sixty flour mills ; one of which has ground thirty-two thou sand barrels in a year. Within the same space, there are also twelve cotton manu factories, and various others of cloth, powder, paper, iron, copper, glass, steam- engines, chemical works, &c. BOSTON. Boston, the largest city in the New England States, and the capital of Massachu setts, stands on an oblong peninsula at the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, having a beautiful harbor shut in from the sea by a group of islands. The peninsula is hilly, and in almost every part covered with buildings; the city exhibits a noble appear ance as the spectator sails up the harbor, or approaches it from the country. This splendid exterior, however, has not a corresponding regularity and symmetry within. The city was built, almost from the beginning, without any regard to plan, beauty, or future convenience, and the streets were left to fashion themselves into a tortuous intricacy that might have excited the envy of Daedalus of old. We must except, how ever, the happy reservation of the vacant spot called the Common, originally a cow pasture for the house-keepers of the town, but now a public park and promenade of unrivalled beauty. In the more ancient parts of the city, the streets are still narrow and crooked, and a great proportion of the buildings are of wood. In the western and central parts, a style of elegance and comparative regularity prevails. Many of the streets are neat and spacious, and he improvements which 488 GENERAL VIEW OF are going on yearly, in -widening the old streets, and opening new ones, have done, and are doing much to remedy the defects of the original plan. In the greater pan of the city the houses are either of brick or stone, and the old wooden structures are fast disappearing. A large number of the public edifices are of striking elegance, and the private buildings surpass in splendor those of any other city in the United States. The largest building in the city, is .Fanueil Hall Market, a granite structure, two stories in height, and five hundred and thirty-six feet long. The centre has a dome, and at each end is a portico of four columns, each of an entire stone. This is the most elegant market in the United States, and probably in the world ; on either hand it fronts on a spacious street, one, sixty-five, and the other one hundred and two feet in width, both showing a solid front of stone stores of uniform height and appearance. Old Faneuil Hall stands west of this spot ; it is a lofty brick edifice, and the spacious galleries of its interior, still witness the throngs and the oratory of popular meetings. Painting and repairs have a little modernized the aspect of this venerable pile. The Old State-House, now the City Hall, is another relic of ancient architecture, and the scene of many events in revolutionary history. In this building are now the Mer chants Reading Room, the Postofnce, and other public offices. The wharves of Boston surpass those of any seaport of the United States, for size and convenience. Long Wharf at the bottom of State-street, is sixteen hundred and fifty feet long, and has a line of lofty brick stores nearly its whole extent. Central Wharf is twelve hundred and forty feet in length, and one hundred and fifty wide, and contains fifty-four stores in a single pile, with a spacious observatory in the cen tre, where telegraphic signals are received from the islands in the bay. India Wharf has a double row of stores, six stories high ; all these wharves have spacious docks, and wide and convenient landings, carriage ways, &c. The Massachusetts General Hospital is a beautiful stone edifice, much commended for the convenience of its interior arrangements. The Houses of Industry and Cor rection, on the peninsula of South Boston, but within the city limits, are of stone, each two hundred and twenty feet long, and of a uniform architecture. The Court house and jail, in Leverett-street, are of stone, and comprise three well built edifices. The United States Bank, in State-street, is a well built structure, but more remarka ble for strength than classic proportion ; the columns in front are the largest in the city, and are each of a single stone. The Washington Bank has a more symmetri cal design and better effect. The Masonic Temple is a new building of granite, and has a fine front. NEW ORLEANS. New Orleans, the seat of government of Louisiana, and the commercial mart of all the western country, stands on the northern bank of the Mississippi, at a spot where the river makes a great bend to the north-east. It is one hundred and five miles above the mouth of the stream, by its windings, and ninety in a direct line. The ground is level, and the neighborhood a swamp. It consists of three divisions : the city proper, and the fauxbourgs or suburbs of St. Marie and Marigny. The two first are compactly built, and in all parts the streets are straight and regular, generally at right angles. In the city, the houses are built in the French and Spanish style, and are stuccoed of a white or yellow color. The fauxbourg St. Marie is built in the American fashion, and resembles one of our Atlantic cities. As a place of trade, New Orleans has immense advantages. It is the outport for all the commerce of the Mississippi and its tributaries. It is accessible for ships of the largest size, and its levee is constantly crowded with all kinds of maritime and river craft. In the cotton season, its streets are barricadoed with bales. There are often fifteen hundred flat boats in the harbor at a time. Steam-boats arrive and depart every hour, and fifty may be often seen together. THE UNITED STATES. 489 ALBANY. Albany is the seat of government of New York, and in point of wealth, population, trade, arid resources, is the second city in the State. It is situated on the west bank of the Hudson, one hundred and sixty miles above New York, near the head of tide water. It was settled by the Dutch, in 1612, and, next to Jamestown in Virginia, is the oldest settlement in the United States. Albany is a place of great trade, and, during the session of the Legislature, it is much crowded with strangers. The basin, where the canal joins the Hudson, is formed by an artificial pier, eighty feet in width, and four thousand and three hun dred feet long. It is connected with the shore by drawbridges, and covered with stores ; in which immense quantities of lumber and merchandise are deposited. The basin contains a surface of thirty-two acres. The neighborhood of Albany is plea sant, and many beautiful and thriving villages are within a short distance. This city has a library of eight thousand volumes, eleven newspapers, and a population of twen y-four thousand, two hundred and thirty-eight. CHARLESTON. Charleston, the commercial metropolis, and formerly the seat of government of South Carolina, is built upon a point of land at the junction of Ashley and Cooper rivers. Its harbor is capacious, but difficult of entrance. The city is regularly built, and though the site is low the approach to it by water is particularly fine. Many of the streets are very handsome, and most of the houses are furnished with three piazzas to each story. In the outer parts of the city, the houses are surround ed with gardens, and ornamented by trees and shrubbery. Groves of orange and peach trees in bloom, present here a most inviting appearance to the traveller, w r ho arrives from the north in the early season. Population in 1830, 30,289 CINCINNATI. Cincinnati, the largest city in Ohio, and indeed in all the western country, stands on the northern bank of the Ohio, near the south-western corner of the State. Its City of Cincinnati. site is the eastern part of an alluvial tract, bounded on the north by a ridge of hills. 62 490 GENERAL VIEW OF This plain contains about four square miles, and consists of two different levels, one about fifty feet higher than the other. The city rises gradually from the river, but does not make a very bold or striking appearance. It is built with perfect regularity, on the plan of Philadelphia. The principal streets are sixty-six feet in width. The central part is very compact, yet the whole outline of the city is but partially filled up, and the greater portion of the buildings are scattered irregularly about. Some of the public edifices are of stone or brick, and many of the stores and houses are of brick. Here are four markets, twenty-three churches, a branch of the United States Bank, a medical college, eighteen public schools, a hospital, a theatre, ten news papers, (two of which are daily,) and many manufactories of iron, brass, copper, cotton, woolen, paper, &c. The city has a vast trade by the river and canal. Cincinnati occupies the site of old Fort Washington ; and the outlines of the city were marked in 1789. There were five hundred inhabitants here in 1795, and nine hundred and fifty in 1805. The first settlers were principally from New England and New Jersey. Since the peace of 1814, the city has augmented with wonderful rapidity ; and in 1830, contained a population of twenty-six thousand, five hundred Jind fifteen. PITTSBURG. Pittsburg, in the west of Pennsylvania, is the next, in this State, in importance to Philadelphia. It stands upon a point of land at the junction of the Alleghany and Monongahela rivers, which here take the name of Ohio. It is built on a regular plan, upon the slope of an eminence, and a level plain at its foot. It is finely situated for f Pittsburg. trade, and enjoys a communication by steam-boats, with all the great towns on the Ohio and Mississippi ; but it is most distinguished for its large and nourishing manufactures of glass, iron, woolen, and cotton. The surrounding country is ex ceedingly rich in bituminous coal, which is delivered at the houses for three cents the bushel. The constant use of this fuel causes a perpetual cloud of bl ck smoke to hang over the place. WASHINGTON. Washington, the seat of government of the United States, stands in the centre of the District of Columbia, upon the north bank of the Potomac, between the river and THE UNITED STATES. 491 one of its tributaries, called the East Branch. The actual city occupies a spot about a mile and a half above the junction of the two streams, although the original plan embraces the whole extent below. The buildings which it contains, are in three distinct parts, one portion being in the neighborhood of the navy yard, another in that of the Capitol, and another in the Pennsylvania Avenue, which extends from the Capitol to the President s house. The city presents the appearance of a group of villages, the spaces between the inhabited parts not being occupied or marked out. The Capitol is a large and magnificent building, of white freestone, three hundred and fifty-two feet long, in the shape of a cross, with the Representatives Hall a.nd the Sanate Chamber in the two wings, and a spacious rotunda in the centre. The President s house is an elegant structure of freestone, one hundred and seventy (bet in front and two stories in height, ornamented with an Ionic portico. It stands- about a mile west of the Capitol. It is surrounded with the offices of the heads of departments. At the patent office, is kept a collection of all the models of patent inventions in the country. The navy yard, on the east branch, exhibits a monument to the American officers who fell in the war with Tripoli. There are few other buildings worthy of notice for their architecture. The office of the Department of State, is a large edifice of brick, with a portico in front ; and United States Department. there are two or three others of the same size and construction. There are two public free schools in the city. Two bridges cross the eastern branch, and one, the main stream of the Potomac, at Washington. CANALS. ERIE AND HUDSON CANAL. New York surpasses every State in the Union for canals. The great Erie and Hudson Canal, from Albany to Buffalo, was begun in 1817, and finished in 1825, at the cost of above nine millions of dollars. It is three hundred and sixty-three miles long, forty feet wide, and four feet deep. 492 GENERAL VIEW OF In the whole length of the canal, are eighty-three locks and eighteen aqueducts The locks are built in the most durable manner, of stone laid in water lime, and are each ninety feet long and fifteen wide. Lake Erie is five hundred and sixty- five feet above the Hudson at Albany, and the whole rise and fall of lockage on the canal is six hundred and eighty-eight feet. One of the aqueducts crosses the Gene- see river, at Rochester, and is eight hundred and four feet in length. Another aqueduct crosses the Mohawk, at Little Falls, on three arches of fifty and seventy Aqueduct of the Erie Canal. feet span ; two others cross the same river, one seven hundred and forty-eight feet, and the other eleven hundred and eighty-eight feet in length. The sides of the cana. are sometimes paved with stone, and sometimes covered with thick grass, to hinder the soil from washing away. A tow path four feet above the surface of the water, and ten feet wide, runs the whole length of the canal. A number of side cuts branch off from the canal to different places ; one of these, from Syracuse to Oswego, is thirty- eight miles long ; another from Montezuma to Cayuga and Seneca Lake, twenty miles. The cnnsl boats, for the conveyance of passengers, are generally eighty feet in length, and fourteen in width, drawing from one to two feet of water. The cabin occupies nearly the whole length of the deck, and is eight feet in height, with single berths on each side for thirty persons. They are drawn by three horses, and proceed iay and night four miles an hour ; relays are furnished every eight or ten miles. Boats with merchandise go about fifty-five miles in twenty-four hours ; the passage boats make, including delays, eighty-five miles progress in the same time. The navigation upon this great canal is prodigious, and the work does honor to the saga- <4ty and enterprise of those who planned it. CHESAPEAKE AND DELAWARE CANAL. The Chesapeake and Delaware Canal crosses the northern part of Delaware, uniting the two bays. It is fourteen miles long, sixty feet wide, and ten feet deep, with locks one hundred feet in length, and twenty-two feet wide. It begins at Delaware city, forty-six miles below Philadelphia, and passes westerly to Back Creek, a navigable branch of Elk river. The Deep Cut is the name given to the passage of this canal, for four miles, through a hill ninety feet in height, being the deepest cut upon any canal in the world. The Summit Bridge, which crosses the canal at the cut, is a THE UNITED STATES. 493 single arch, two hundred and fifty-five feet in length. Here the sides of the canal are secured by walls of stone, and the high banks are in some places thatched with Deep Cut of the Delaware Canal. straw to prevent their washing into the canal. East of this spot, the cnnal is carried through deep marshes; the foundation and embankments were executed at great expense. At every half mile are recesses for the passing of vessels, where the width of the canal is increased to one hundred and ten feet. At its junction with the Dela ware, is an artificial harbor, or large basin, of a semicircular shape. This canal was begun in 1823, and completed in six years, at the cost of more than two million of dollars. The navigation upon it is great and increasing. In the tables, towards the close, we have given a list of the principal canals in the United States, with their distances. COAL MINES. COAL, In no part of the world is anthracite coal found so abundantly as in Peniisyl* vania. It abounds in the "Wyoming and Lackawanna valley, between the Blue Ridge and the Susquehanna. The anthracite district is principally occupied by mountains running parallel to the Blue Ridge, often broad, with table summits, and rising generally about fifteen hundred feet above the ocean. These mountains are mostly in a state of nature, harboring wolves, bears, cougars, deer, and other wild animals. The coal occurs in the greatest quantity in those parts of this region most accessi" ble by water. Extensive veins and beds range from the Lehigh to the Susque hanna, crossing the headwaters of the Schuylkill and Swatara, about ten miles north-west of the Blue Ridge. It is abundant near the Susquehanna, and Lacka^ wanna, but in no part is it so plentiful as at Mauch Chunk, a village on the Lehigh, a branch of the Susquehanna. The anthracite region of the Susquehanna lies in the valley formed by the Sus- quehanna and the Lackawanna, one of its branches ; this region is distinguished as 494 GENERAL VIEW OF the valleys of the Wyoming and Lackawanna, but is in- fact without any natural i.ii vision, and constitutes a single formation. It it between sixty and seventy miles long, and five broad. The double barrier of nearly parallel mountains, through whose included valley flow the Susquehanna and Lackawanna, is a perfectly well defined coal formation, and its geological structure is very interesting. The coal lies in beds, and not as commonly, in veins ; these are of every thick ness, from a foot to twenty-seven feet : none are much esteemed that are less than three or four ; few are wrought that are less than six. The lateral extent of the beds is immense ; they break out in the precipices and hills, and upon the banks of the Susquehanna and Lackawanna, and form in some places the pavement of these rivers. They appear in the sides and channels of almost every stream from the mountains j they blacken the soil in numerous places, and wells are often sunk in the coal. Coal Mines. The western part of Pennsylvania is as abundantly supplied with bituminous coal, as the eastern is with anthracite. It is found on the rivers Conemaugh, Alleghany, Monongahela, and Ohio, and in numerous places west of the Alleghany ridge, which is, with some exceptions, its eastern boundary. The veins are generally narrow, rarely above six feet in width. The coal is abundant, and of excellent quality, near Pittsbursr. COMMERCE. % Exports and Imports during- the year ending- Sept.. 30, 1830, Imports, $70,876,920 Exports of Domestic Produce, . , $59,462,029 Exports of Foreign Produce, 14,387,479 Total Exports, $73,849,508 Domestic Produce exported in American vessels, $51,106,189 Domestic Produce exported in Foreign vessels, 8,355,740 Foreign Produce exported in American vessels, $12,386,529 Foreign Produce exported in Foreign vessels, 1,610,950 THE UNITED STATES. 495 WHITE POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. 1st Census. Population. 1790. 2d Census. Population 1800. 31 Ceasus. Population. 1310. Hh Census. Population. IS*). 5th Census. 1 Pcr.C t. Population. 10 KH30. j Years. Maine, 96,540 141,885 85,539 378,737 68,825 237,946 340,120 184,139 434,373 59,096 319,723 747,610 393,951 249,073 82,548 73 3 677 151,719 183,858 154,465 422,845 69,122 251,002 586,050 211,149 602,545 64,273 345.824 880 ,200 478,103 345,591 162,686 8 ; 350 105,602 220,959 45,365 4,651 215 15,093 551 228,705 214,460 217,895 472,040 76,931 261,942 959,049 245,562 810,091 72,674 330,546 979,622 555,500 415,115 252,433 40,352 76,556 261,727 406,511 230,760 24,520 12,232 19,783 24,023 4,762 1,062 298,335 244,161 235,764 523,237 83,059 275,248 1,372,812 277,575 1,049,313 72,749 407,350 1,065,366 638,829 502,741 240,989 J 127,901 \ 75,448 153,407 420,813 564,317 531,434 147,178 55,211 66,586 33,039 8,896 14,273 399,462 269,533 286,679 610,014 97,210 297,711 1,913,508 320,779 1,347,672 76,739 446,913 1,211,272 738,470 581,458 516,567 303,997 136,806 215,575 684,822 688,344 937,679 341,582 157,575, 140,074 39,858 31,260 30,383 34,723 33,9 10,4 19,0 16,6 17,0 8,2 39,4 15,6 28,4 5,5 9,7 13,7 15,6 15,7 51,5 141,6 80,1 40,7 62,7 22,1 61,2 132,1 185,4 110,4 20,1 250,1 113,3 New Hampshire, Vermont, .... Massachusetts, . Rhode Island, . . . Connecticut, .... New York, .... New Jersey, .... Pennsylvania, . Maryland, .... Virginia North Carolina, . . South Carolina, . Georgia, Alabama, ? Mississippi, <J " Louisiana, .... Tennessee, .... Kentucky, .... Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, District of Columhia, . Michigan Territory, . Arkansas Territory, Florida Territory, . . Total, 3,929,323 5,309,753 7,239,903 | 9,638,166 1 12,856,165 33,4 SLAVES IN THE UNITED STATES. Names of States and Territories. Slaves. 1790. Slaves. 1SO(). Slaves. 1810. Slaves. 1820. Slaves. 1830. Maine, New Hampshire 158 8 o o o Vermont, Massachusetts, . .... 16 o o o o Rhode Island ... . 948 380 108 48 14 Connecticut, New York, ........ New Jersey, . . ...... Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 2,764 21,324 11,423 3,737 8,887 103.03-6 292,627 951 20,613 12,422 1,706 6,153 103,554 346 963 310 15,017 10,851 795 4,177 111,502 392 518 97 10,088 7,557 211 4,509 107,393 425 153 23 46 2,246 386 3,305 102,878 469 724 North Carolina, ....... 100,572 133,296 1 68 824 205 017 046 462 107 094 146 151 J96 36> 58 475 315 665 Georgia, Alabama ? 29,264 59,69^9 105,218 149,656 c 4j 879 217,470 117 294 Mississippi, \ Louisiana 3,489 17,083 4 660 I 32^814 69 084 65,659 10*1 631 Tennessee 13 584 44 53 j 80 107 142 3S Kentucky 12 430 40 343 80 561 126 732 165 35 1 Ohio, 3 417 o o 10 u Indiana, Illinois, 135 237 168 190 917 o 746 Missouri, District of Columbia, ..... Michigan Territory, 3,011 5,395 24 10,222 6,377 24,990 6,050 27 Arkansas Territory 1 C17 4,578 Florida Territory 15,510 Total, 697,697 896,849 1,191,364 1,538,064 2,010,436 496 GENERAL VIEW OF THE UNITED STATES. APPORTIONMENT* OF REPRESENTATIVES TO CONGRESS. Maine, .8 New Hampshire. 5 Massachusetts, . 12 Rhode Island. 2 Connecticut, 6 Vermont, 5 New York, . 40 New Jersey, 6 Pennsylvania 28 Delaware, ........... 1 Maryland, 8 Virginia, .......... 21 North Carolina, 13 South Carolina, 9 Georgia, 9 Kentucky, 13 Tennessee, 13 Ohio, 19 Indiana, 7 Mississippi, 2 Illinois, 3 Louisiana, 3 Missouri, . 2 Alabama, , .5 * This apportionment, which took place March 3d, 1833, is in the ratio of one Representative for every 47,700 inhabitants. LENGTH OF THE PRINCIPAL RAIL-ROADS, (Finished or in Progress,) IN THE UNITED STATES. Baltimore to the Ohio river, at or near Wheeling, Va 270 Cattskill to Ithaca, head of Cayuga Lake, New York, 167 Charleston to Hamburg, on the Savan nah river, 1 35 Columbia and Philadelphia; from Phi- .adelphia to York, Penn. . . . . 96 Lexington and Ohio ; from Lexington, Ken. to Cincinnati, ...... 75 Camden and Amboy, 60 Baltimore and Susquehanna, .... 48 Boston and Providence, 43 "Boston and Worcester, 40 Baltimore and Washington, . . . . 38 From Hollidaysburgto Johnstown,Penn. 37 Ithaca and Owego, New York, ... 29 Hudson and Berkshire, Massachusetts, 25 Boston and Lowell, Massachusetts, . . 25 Elizabeth and Somerville, New Jersey, 25 Lackawaxen ; from Honesdale to Car- bondale, Pennsylvania, 17 Frenchtown and Newcastle, . . . . 16 | Albany and Schenectady, 14 : Philadelphia and Norristown, Penn. . 15 i Richmond and Chesterfield, Virginia, . 12 | Mauch Chunk, Pennsylvania, ... 9 Haerlem, 7 ! Q,uincv, Massachusetts, 6 New Orleans, 5 LENGTH OF THE PRINCIPAL CANALS, (Finished or in Progress,) IN THE UNITED STATES. Erie Canal; from Albany to Lake Erie, . . . Chesapeake and Ohio Canal ; from Washington City to Pittsburg, Grand Pennsylvania Canal ; from Columbia, on the Susquehanna River, to Holidays- burg, 172 miles thence to Johnstown by a Rail-road 01 37 miles, over the Allegheny Mountains from thence by Canal to P ittsburg. 104 miles, Total, Ohio State Canal ; from Portsmouth, on the Ohio river, to Cleveland, on Lake Erie, Miami Canal ; from Cincinnati to Maumee Bav, Lake Erie, Middle Division, Pennsylvania Canal; from the mouth of the .Tuniatta River, along the North Branch of the Susquehanna River, to the southern boundary of N. York, Delaware and Hudson Canal ; from the Hudson River to the Delaware River, sixty miles joins the Lackawaxen Canal of 36 miles in length at Honesdale connects with a Rail-road of 17 miles, to Carbondale, Total, Schuylkill Canal and Navigation, from Philadelphia to Port Carbon Morris Canal ; from Jersey City, opposite New York, to Easton, Pennsylvania, on the Delaware River New Orleans and Teche River Canal ; from opposite New Orleans to Berwicks Bay, Attakapas, Miles. 363 341 313 306 265 204 117 110 101 100 497 POPULATION OF THE UNITED STATES. We are permitted to transfer to our pages the following very interesting statistics, in regard to the United States, which appeared in the Quarterly Register, for August, 1833, through the kindness of the editor of that valuable work. To a reflecting man, one of the most interesting subjects of thought is the rapid multiplication of the inhabitants of this country. To the political economist, the philanthropist, or the Christian, there are questions connected with it of vital impor tance. In respect to the certainty of the increase, the most cautious calculator cannot be sceptical. We know not. indeed, what causes may intervene, in the providence of God, to diminish the ratio of increase, or to make the population stationary. Pes tilences, servile or civil wars, may be commissioned to desolate our towns ; still, judging from experience, and from many things in the present aspect of the country, we are disposed to calculate upon a vast augmentation of the existing population. 1. There is yet an unmeasured amount of rich land unoccupied. The regions west and north of St. Louis, Missouri, have hardly been visited by white men. The extent of the country may be seen from the fact, that St. Louis is considerably east of the real centre of the valley of the Mississippi. Cincinnati is almost a frontier town on the eastern side. 2. All the old states can support a far greater amount of population :han now exists in their limits. Massachusetts, which has about eighty-one inhabitants to a square mile, might support two hundred and thirty, with the same ease that England now does. At this rate, the population of the Unitea States would amount to more than four hundred and fifty millions. 3. Lands, which are now tolerably well cultivated, are susceptible of a far higher degree of improvement, and could support a far denser population ; while vast tracts of stony, mountainous, and swampy land may be reclaimed. Old England herself has yet seven millions of acres of uncultivated land. 4. A considerable portion of the unoccupied territory of the United States is in a > .limate almost tropical, where the vegetable productions are far more numerous and nutritious than in colder climates. Florida has hardly one inhabitant to a square mile ; Mississippi, but three ; Alabama, but six or seven ; and the whole southern country, but nine or ten. 5. From late experiments, it would seem that the land in the slave states, which was supposed to have been rendered irreclaimably barren by slave labor, is not totally exhausted, but can, by good management, be brought again into a highly productive state. 6. There is a strong probability that Delaware, Maryland, the District of Columbia. Virginia, Kentucky, and perhaps Missouri and Tennessee, will become, in the lapse of a few years, free states. The tendencies to the extirpation of slavery are by no means equivocal. Slave labor cannot come into competition with free labor, in any form, or in any kind of business. The farmer in Ohio can raise many articles, and carry them into Kentucky, and undersell the Kentucky slaveholder, and yet sell pro fitably. There is a competition between slave and free labor commenced, from the capes of Delaware to Missouri, and the slaves are fleeing before it. If the northern slave-holding states should become free, of course they would admit a great increase of population. 7. The comparative absence of monopolies and large incorporated establishments, is a favorable circumstance. These, as it is well known, destroy com petition, repress industry and invention, and throw many obstacles in the way of an increase of popu lation. The monopolies of the East India Company in England have doubtless, in manv forms, diminished the population of the mother country, and of the colonies. 63 42* 498 POPULATION OF 8. Our principal reason for anticipating a large increase in the population of the country, arises from the influence of moral causes. It is righteousness which increases as well as exalts a nation, and it is by sin that they are diminished. The temperance reform is laying the axe at the root of the evil, it is taking away the CAUSES of sickness and of premature death. It is multiplying the sources of wealth. It is destroying the hereditary diseases which have cursed father and son, mother and daughter, to the tenth generation. It is enabling a father to provide for a large family of children when young, and for children to provide for themselves at an early age. It is culti vating those moral habits, and that sense of accountability to God, which are highly favorable to the happiness and enlargement of the human species. It is saving a large amount of national wealth, for purposes of internal improvement and social enjoyment. The same might be said of other departments of Christian labor. The circulation of the Bible, and the multiplication of Christian ministers; tend most essentially to national prosperity. Christianity is the friend of nations. We now present to our readers some calculations and details on the subject of our population, prepared for the Register, by an individual well acquainted with such subjects the Rev. William S. Porter. MAINE. Settled 1630. Population. Inc. 10 yrs. per c Iffy. 57.9 30 ,7 30,4 33,9 33,9 nt. l.v. Population inc. 3 per cent. 1700, 96.540 1800, 151,719 1810. 228^05 1820, 298.335 1830. 399,462 1 840. 535,000 5.5,179 76,986 69.630 101,127 135,538 4,7 1,2 2,3 3,0 3,0 1831, 411,400 1832, 423.500 1833, 436,100 1834, 419,000 1835. 462,300 Some new settlements, and some manu factories, will make the increase about the same as from 1820 to 1S30, and the rate a little less. MASSACHUSETTS. Settled 1620. The rate of increase, from 1830 to 1840, is taken the same as from 1820 to 1830. The physical resources are great, as fo- j rests, water power, fisheries, <Scc. ; conse quently, the increase of population must continue about the same, at the annual rate of somewhat less than three per cent. NEW HAMPSHIRE. Settled 1623. Gov t. 1680. Pop. datum. Inc. 10 years. 44,O.W 49,195 51,247 86.727 97.986 per HI y. 11,6 11,6 10.9 16.6 16.1 ieni. iy- 1.1 1,1 1,0 1,5 1,5 Population 1790. 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 378.787 422,845 472,040 523:287 610,014 708.000 inc. 1,5 perct. 1831, 619,000 1832, 62,s.00i; 1833, 638.000 1834, 647,000 1835, 657,0(!d Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. :ent. iy. Population incr. 3,000. 1790, 141,885 1800, 183,858 1810, 214.460 1820, 244; 161 1830, 269.533 1840, 300,000 41,973 30,602 29,701 25,372 30,467 29,6 16,6 13,8 10,4 11.3 2,6 1,6 1,3 1,0 1,1 1831, 273.000 1832, 270,000 1833, 279.000 1834, 282;000 1835, 285.000 The rate of increase in such old states as New Hampshire, with small physical resources, must be arithmetical rather than geometrical. It is probable, howev er, that the manufacturing districts will justify the small increase of three thou sand a year. VERMONT. Settled 1749. Govt. 1777. State 1791. The annual rate of increase is taken at 1,5 per cent, a trifle less than it was from 1820 to 1830. The increase of manufac tories, the ready market for the produce of farms and the fisheries, will warrant such an estimate. Settled 1636. RHODE ISLAND. Govt. 1646. Population. Inc. 10 years. 297 7,809 6,128 14,153 15.788 per lOy. 11,3 8,0 17,0 16,1 cent. 1 y. Population inc. 1,5 perct. 1 790. 68,825 1800j 69,122 1810. 76,931 1820, 83,059 1830, 97,212 1840, 113,000 1,1 8 1.6 1,5 1831, 98,700 1832, 100,100 1833, 101,600 1834, 103,100 1835, 104,70!; The increase is confined to the manu facturing districts ; and as the principal streams are now occupied, and the district of which Providence is the centre, is ex tending more into Massachusetts, the rate of increase will probably be not greater than 1,5 per cent. CONNECTICUT. Settled 1636. Govt. 1639. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. lent. i y- Population inc. 1,5 per ct. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. cent. 1 y. Population, increase 2,500 J 790, 85.539 1800, 154/165 1810, 217,895 1820, 235.761 1830, 280,r,79 1840, 326,000 1790, 237,946 1HOO. 25] 002 1810; 261,942 1820, 275.248 1830, 297,711 1840. :;-<;:j.ooo 68.926 63,430 17,889 44.915 45.321 81.0 41,0 8.2 19,0 16,1 Sj u 1831, 284.900 1832, 289,^00 1833, 293,500 1831, 297.900 1S35, 302,400 13.056 10.940 1 3:306 22,463 25.289 4,3 5.1 8,2 8.4 4 8 g 1831, 300,200 1832, 302,700 1833, 305.200 1834, 307,700 1835, 310.200 THE UNITED STATES. 499 (See New Hampshire.) Notwithstand ing the increase of manufactories, the constant emigration to the west, and to New York city, will prevent any conside rable alteration in the increase. NEW YORK. S:.Uled 161 !. Govt. 1629. Population. Inc. 10 years per c 10y. ent. iy. Population increase 1,6 pet cent. +27,000 1790 310 120 l>00, 536,050 245.930 72.3 5,6 1331, 1.961,OUO L310 959,019 182i. 1.372,812 372.999 4 13 . 763 63,7 43,1 5.0 3; 7 1832, 2,019,000 1833, 2.077.090 1330, 1.913.503 540,696 39.4 3.4 1834, 2,136.000 1 341 . 2.500.000 5^6.492 30.7 2,7 1835, 2,16,000 will probably continue for many years, a little more than 2,3 per cent. Settled 1738. OHIO. Govt. 1789. State 1802. Population. Inc. 10 years. per c 10 y. ent, iy. Population inc. 36,200 1790, 3,000 1800, 45,365 1810, 230.760 1820, 531,434 1S30, 937.679 1840, 1,300.000 42.365 185,395 350.674 356,245 362,321 409, 152. 61,3 38.6 17,7 9,7 4.9 3.3 1831, 974,000 1832, 1,010,000 1833, 1,047,000 1834, 1,083,000 1835, 1,120,000 The resources of New York are very great ; but as most of the productive land has been taken up, the rate of increase cannot be as great as at former periods. The increase will probably continue at something more than arithmetical ratio. Hence the two are blended by adding 1,6 per cent, the half rate of 3,2 per cent, to 27,000, the half arithmetical increase of 51.000. NEW JERSEY. Settled 1664. Population. 1790, 184^l39~ 1SOO, 211,149 1810, 245.562 1820. 277,575 1830, 320,779 1*40. 371,000 Inc. 10 years. per ( 10 y. ,ent. iy. Population inc. 1,5 per ct. 27.010 34.413 32,013 43,204 50,221 14.7 16 .3 13^0 15,6 15.6 1,4 1,5 1.2 1,5 1,5 1831, 325.000 1S32, 330.000 1833, 335,000 1834, 340,000 1335, 345,000 The resources of Ohio are by no means yet developed. The soil is extremely fer tile, and very little waste land. The ca nals w T iil produce a great increase of population, as well as the enterprise of free, industrious, and ingenious inhabi tants. This state is capable of supporting as dense a population as Ireland or Hal- land. No inland country in the world has greater commercial privileges. By the Welland canal, they communicate with lake Ontario and Lower Canada ; by the Erie canal, with the eastern and mid dle states, and by the Ohio river, with the south-western. Nothing is wanting but I the wealth of New York, to render this, at | no distant period, the first state in the union . The rate of increase cannot be materi ally altered. It has been very uniform since 1790. Those parts in the vicinity of New York and Philadelphia, and the manufacturing community at Patterson, will continue to increase sufficiently to keep up the same ratio, nearly 1,5 per cent. PENNSYLVANIA. Settled 1682. INDIANA. Govt. 1800. State 1816. Population. Inc. 10 years. perc 10 y. 335, 500, 132.1 77:4 ent. iy. Increase 4 per cent. -VI 0.000 1300, 5,641 1810, 24.520 1820, 147,178 1830. 341,582 1840, GOfl.UMii 1831, 305,000 1832, 389,000 1833. 414,000 1834, 440,000 1835, 466,000 18,879 122,658 194,404 264,418 15,8 19,6 8,8 5,9 Population. 10 yo:ir*. per c 10 y. snt. i y Population inc. 2,3 per ct. J790, 434.373 1800, 602,545 H10. 810.091 Hi I, 1.0-19.313 1<!0. 1.347.672 l-! i 1.7in.00 r l 16s, 172 207,546 239,222 298,359 352.32^ 38,7 34.5 29,5 28.5 26J !/) 2.6 2,5 2 3 1331, 1,3:50,000 1832, 1,412.000 1833. 1.445,000 1834, 1,479,000 1835. 1.5)4.000 The extreme fertility of Indiana will insure a great increase of population. Doubtless, canals will soon be constructed in this level state, which will bring the in terior nearer to market. The resources are yet but little brought out. The rate of increase has been very uni form in Pennsylvania. The physical re sources of this state . have not been so much developed as New York. They are probably as great ; but the enterprise neces sary to bring them out, has not yet been exerted. The present rate of increase ILLINOIS. Govt. 1809. State 1813. Population. Inc. 10 years. 12,067 42,929 102,364 250.425 per < 10 y. ZZ3~ 350, 185,5 158.9 ent. iy. 16,2 11,1 10,0 Population inc. 10 per ct. 1800, 215 1810, 12.232 1820, 55,211 1830, 157,575 1840, 408.000 l31, 173.000 1832, 191.000 1833, 210,000 1834, 231,000 1835, 254,000 The fertility of the soil, the contiguity to great rivers, and the mines, must pro duce a great increase of population in Il linois. 500 POPULATION OF MICHIGAN. Settled 1670. Govt. 1805. Population. Inc. 10 years. per ( 10 y. ,ent. iy- 24,1 6,4 13,4 20,0 Inc. 29 per ct. 1SOO, 551 1810, 4,762 1820, 8,896 1830, 31,260 1840, 184,000 1831, 36,000 1832, 43,000 1833, 51,000 1834, 62,000 1835, 74,000 4,211 4,134 22,364 152,740 764, 87, 251, 519, In calculating the increase since 1830, 1,500 have been deducted out for that pe riod, as the population of the N. W. Ter ritory, which is now nominally a part of Michigan, but will probably be separated when the latter becomes a state. Michi gan is well situated, and is now probably increasing faster than any other part of the Union. WISCONSIN, not an incorporated territory, but probably will very soon be. Supposed population in more than formerly, so that it may be safely estimated at a thousand. VIRGINIA. Settled 1607. Population. Inc. 10 years. per c 10 y. ent. iy. Population inc. 12,500 1790, 747,610 1800, 880.200 1810. 974 ,622 1820, 1,065,366 1830,1,211,272 1840,1,336,000 132,590 94,422 90,744 145,906 124,728 17,7 10,7 9,3 13,7 10,3 1,7 1.0 9 1,3 1.0 1831, 1,224.000 1832, 1,236^500 1833. 1,249,000 1834,1,251,500 1835, 1,264,000 The whole increase is taken somewhat less than from 1820 to 1830. The princi pal increase is west of the Blue Ridge. But as this is distant from market, and other states, having similar products, have better water communications with mar kets, settlers will prefer the latter ; conse quently the increase of the state must decline. 1830, 1,500 1831, 2,000 1832, 2,800 1 833, 3,800 1834, 5,100 1835, 6,900 1840, 32,000 Increase 36 per cent. NORTH CAROLINA. The mines in this territory will attract some settlers, and some towns will spring up on the water courses, and produce [e increase in the population. DELAWARE. 627. Govt. 1704. Population. Inc. 10 years. per c 10 y. ent. i y- Population inc. 10,000 1790,393,951 1800,478,103 1810, 555.500 1820, 638^829 1830, 738,470 1840, 838,000 84,152 77,397 83,329 99,641 99,530 21,4 16,2 15,0 15,6 13.5 2,0 1,5 1,4 1,5 1,3 1831, 748,000 1832, 758,000 1833, 768,000 1834, 778,000 1835, 788,000 considerab Settled 1 The gold mines in this state will pro duce considerable increase in those dis tricts. The western parts are far distant from market, and the eastern parts are so much poorer land than Alabama, Missis sippi. Tennessee, Missouri, &c., whose products are the same, that they can in crease but little. The increase in this state has been very uniform. SOUTH CAROLINA. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. cent. iy. Population increase 400 1790, 59,094 1800, 64,273 1810, 72,674 1820, 72,749 1830. 76,739 1840; 81,000 5,179 8,401 75 3,990 4,261 8,8 13,1 1 5,5 5,2 8 ? 5 5 1831, 77,100 1832, 77,500 1833, 77,900 1834, 78,300 1835, 78,700 MARYLAND. Settled 1634. Population. Inc. 10 years. per c 10 y. ent. i y. Population increase 4,000 Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. cent. iy. Population, increase 7 ; 000 1790, 319,728 1800, 345,824 1810, 380,546 1820, 407,350 1830, 446.913 1840, 487,000 1790, 249,073 1800, 345,591 1810, 415,115 1820, 502,741 1830, 581.458 1840, 651,000 26,096 34,722 26,804 39,563 40,087 8,2 10,0 7,0 9,7 9,0 8 1,0 7 9 9 1831, 451,000 1832, 455,000 1833, 459,000 1834, 463.000 1835, 467,000 96,518 69,524 87,620 78,717 69,542 38,7 20,1 21.1 15.7 12.0 3,3 1,8 1,9 1,5 1,1 1831, 588.000 1832, 595:000 1833, 602.000 1834, 609,000 1835, 616.000 The rail road will produce some increase in Baltimore and the western parts of the state ; but the decrease of slaves will pre vent any additional increase in the whole state. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Ceded 1790. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. ^ent. i y. Increase 1.000 1800, 14.093 1810, 24^23 1820, 33,039 1830, 39,858 1840. 50,000 1831, 41.000 1832. 42;000 1833, 43,000 1834, 44.000 1^35. 45,000 9.930 9^016 9,819 10,142 70,5 37.6 20! 6 25,4 5.5 3.2 1,9 2,3 The south-western states compete still more with South Carolina than with North ; consequently the increase must be less ; the rail road and canals, however, will have some effect in raising it, so that 7,000 may be taken as a medium. GEORGIA. Settled 1733. The canal will produce some increase, Population. Inc. 10 year.?. per 10 y. 97,1 55.1 35.1 51,1 35.7 :ent. iy. 7.0 4,5 3,1 4.2 3il Population inc. 3,1 per ct. 1790, 82.548 1800, lG2,G8f, 1810, 252,433 1820, 340.9^9 1830, 516,567 1840, 701,000 80.138 89,747 88,556 175.578 184,433 1831, 533.000 1832, 549.000 1833, 566.000 1834, 584,000 1835, 602.000 THE UNITED STATES, 501 The new lands of Georgia acquired from the Indians, have been so quickly taken up, that the population has increas ed very rapidly. Henceforth the increase cannot be as great. The policy of the State government ip. distributing the new lands by lottery, must have an injuri ous effect on the permanent prosperity and increase of population in the state. Care is not taken to preserve the land in a productive condition. By the method of cultivation, the soil is soon exhausted, and the planter, by lottery, draws another plantation, or purchases one at a low price, and leaves his own exposed to the washings of heavy rains, which soon ru ins much of the uplands. The new lands of Alabama and Mississippi are more productive and less liable to injury ; hence new settlers will prefer these states. The acquisition of new lands will secure a large increase for the present. ALABAMA. Govt. 1817. State 1820. Population. 1816, 1818, 70,542 1820, 144,041 1830, 3fH.9<.i? 1840, 527.400 Inc. 2 years. 40,859 73,499 10 years 164,956 218.403 r cent. . 1 1 y. 137,7 54,2 104.1 114,6 70,7 42,9 Population inc. 4 per cent. f 8,000 1831, 32SI.OOO 1832, 3.10.000 1833, 372,000 1834, 394.000 1835, 416,000 The increase of this state for a few of the first years of its settlement was very rapid. The rate hereafter will not be so great, as the staple productions are not so valuable ; and slaves are not allowed to be brought in from other states for sale. But as the soil is very good, and cotton can be raised at half the expense it costs in Carolina, the increase will continue Settled 1699. LOUISIANA. Govt. 1804. State 1812. Population. Inc. 10 years. per( 10 y. 100,4 40,5 34,8 ent. iy. 7,2 3,5 3, Increase 7,500 1831, 223,000 1832, 230,500 1833, 238,000 1834, 245,500 1835, 253,000 1810, 76,556 1820, 153,407 1830, 215,575 1840, 291,000 76,851 62,168 75,425 The recent acquisition of the productive land from the Indians, and its vicinity to the Mississippi river, will insure a large increase of population. Still the estimate must be doubtful, for it is uncertain how rapidly these lands maybe vacated by the Indians and brought into the market. The increase of this state will not mate rially vary. Slaves are not allowed to be brought in for sale, and it is not a climate to which whites will emigrate. FLORIDA. Govt. 1822. Population increase about 15 per cent. 1830, 34,725 1831, 40.000 1832, 46.000 1833, 53,000 1834, 61,000 1835, 70,000 1840, 141.000 The increase of population is uncertain ; though, from the adaptedness of the soil to the cultivation of sugar and tropical productions, the in crease will probably not be far from the estimate. TENNESSEE. Settled 1770. Govt. 1790. State 1796. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. 223,0 147,8 60,8 62.7 33.3 :ent. iy. Increase 26500 1790, 32,691 1800, 105.602 1810, 261,727 1820, 422,813 1830. 684.822 1S40 , 950.000 73.011 156; 125 261,086 262,009 265. 17S 12,4 9,5 4,9 5,0 3,3 1831, 711,500 1832, 738,000 1834, 764,500 1834, 791,000 1835, 817,500 Tennessee, from its water communica tions and good soil in the western parts, will continue to increase ; but rather in an arithmetical ratio, as most of the new lands are taken up, and the production of cotton is not so profitable as formerly. KENTUCKY. very great. MISSISSIPPI. Settled 1716. Govt. 1798. State 1817. Settled 1775. State 1792. Population. Inc. 10 years. per 10 y. ;ent. i y- Population inc. 12,000 1790, 73,677 1800, 220,959 1810, 406,511 1820, 564,317 1830, 688,844 1840, 808,000 147,282 185,552 157.806 124^527 119,156 200,0 84,0 38,8 22,1 17,3 11,6 6,3 3,3 2,0 1,6 1831, 700.000 1832, 712;000 1833, 724,000 1834, 736,000 1835, 748,000 Population, Inc. 4 years. per 4y. :ent. i y- Inc. 10 per ct. 29,519 64,3 13,2 6,1 10,0 1831, 150,000 1832, 165,000 1833, 182,000 1834, 200,000 1835, 220,000 1816, 45,929 1820, 75,448 1830, 136,806 1840, 355.000 10 years 61,358 218,194 10 y 81,3 159,4 The increase in Kentucky has been very uniform, in an arithmetical ratio. middle parts of this state, and the inhabi tants, from the influence of slavery, are deficient in that enterprise, that is found in the adjoining state of Ohio, which will prevent a great increase of population. The rail road and other internal improve ments may give some impulse. POPULATION OF MISSOURI. Settled 1764. Govt. 1804. State 1821. Population. Inc. per cent. Inc. 7,5 per ct. 1810, 19,833 10 years. 10 y. iy. 1831, 151,000 1832, 162,000 1820, 66,586 46,753 235.8 12.9 1833, 174,000 1830, 140,074 73,488 110,4 7,7 1834, 187,000 J840, 289,000 148,936 106,1 7,5 |1835, 201,000 The mines and water communications of this state must produce a pretty uniform rate of increase. ARKANSAS. Govt. 1819. Population. 1810, 1,062 1820, 14,273 1830, 30,383 1840, 79,000 Inc. 10 years. perc 10 y. ent. iy. 13,211 16,110 48,617 1344,0 112,9 159,4 29,7 7,8 10,0 Inc. 10 per ct. 1831, 33.400 1832, 36^00 1833, 40,400 1834, 44,500 1835, 48,900 The increase of Arkansas, from its proximity to navigable waters, must be considerable, though not so great as in territories bordering on more thickly set tled states, as Michigan. RECAPITULATION. NEW ENGLAND STATES. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. iy. 1790, 1,009,522 1800, 1,233,011 1810, 1,471,973 1820, 1,659,854 1830, 1,954,609 1840, 2,305,000 223,489 233,962 187,881 294,755 350 ,391 22,2 19,4 12,8 17,8 17,9 2,0 1,8 1,2 1,7 1,7 N. YORK, N. JERSEY, AND PENN. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. iy. 1790, 958,632 1800, 1,399,744 1810, 2,014,702 1820, 2,699,700 1830, 3,581,959 1840, 4,571,000 441,112 614,958 684,998 882,259 989,041 46,0 43,9 34,0 32,7 27,6 3,9 3,7 3,0 2,9 2,5 STATES AND TERRITORIES N. W. OF THE OHIO. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. iy. 1 790, 3,000 1800, 51,772 1810, 272,324 1820, 792,719 130, 1,468,096 1840. 2.530,000 48,772 220.552 520.39.5 675.377 1,0(51.904 1,726, 426, 191,1 85,2 72,3 33,0 18,1 11,3 6,4 5,6 NON SLAVE-HOLDING S. AND TER. Population. Increase 10 years. per cr 10 y. it. iy. 1790, 1,971,154 1800, 2,6,84.527 1810, 3,758,999 1820, 5,152,273 183f t 7,00-1.664 1840, 9,406.000 713,373 1,074,472 1,393,274 1,852,391 2,401,336 36.2 40,0 34,4 38,7 34,3 3,1 3,4 3,0 3.3 3,0 DELAWARE, MARYLAND, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, AND VIRGINIA. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. i y 1790, 1,126.432 1800, 1,304,390 1810, 1,451,865 1820, 1,578,504 1830, 1,774,782 1840, 1,954,000 177,958 147,475 126,639 196,278 179:218 15,8 11,3 8.8 12,4 io!i 1,5 1,1 .8 1,2 1.0 NORTH CAROLINA, SOUTH CAROLINA, AND GEORGIA. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. i y 3,1 2.2 1,9 2.2 1,8 1 790, 725,572 1800, 986,380 1810, 1,223,048 1820, 1,482,559 1830, 1.836,495 1840, 2J90,000 260,808 236.668 259,511 353,936 353.505 35,9 24,0 21 ,2 23,9 19,3 ALABAMA, FLORIDA, MISSISSIPPI, AND LOUISIANA. Population. Increase 10 years. per ct 10 y. nt. iy. 1790, 0,000 1800, 8,850 1810, 116,908 1820, 372,896 1830, 696,101 1840, 1,314,000 8,850 108,058 255,988 323,205 617,899 1.221. 219 , 86,6 88,8 29,4 12,3 6,4 6,6 TENNESSEE, KENTUCKY, MISSOURI, ARK. TER. AND W. TER. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. iy. 1790, 106,168 1800, 326,561 1810, 689,083 1820, 1,067,989 1830, 1,544,123 1840, 2,136,000 220,393 362,522 378,906 476,134 591,877 207,5 111,0 55,0 44,6 38,3 11,9 7,8 4,5 3,8 3,3 * Allowing 10,000 for Western Territories. SLAVE-HOLDING STATES AND TER. Population. Increase 10 years. per ce 10 y. nt. iy 1790, 1.958,172 1800, 2;626,181 1810, 3,480,904 1820, 4,501,948 1830, 5,851,501 1840, 7,594,000 668,009 854,723 1.021,044 L349,553 1.742,499 34,1 32,6 29,3 30,0 29,8 30 2,9 2,6 2,7 2,6 UNITED STATES. Population. Increase 10 years. per c 10 y. ent. iy. 3,06 3,15 2.92 2:9] 2,83 1790, 3.929.326 1800, 5.309,758 1810, 7 ,239,903 1820, 9.654.221 1830, 12,856,165 1840, 17,000,000 1,380.430 1,930,145 2,414,318 3,201,944 4,143,835 35,1 36,3 33.3 33,2 32,2 Population. Inc. Population. Inc. 1-131, 13.22(1,000 1832, 13:595,000 1S33, 13,980,000 1.834, 14,376.000 1835. 14.783.000 3*54,000 375,000 385.000 396,000 407,000 1836, 15,202,000 1837, 15.633,000 1838, 1C>;976,000 1839, 16.532.000 1^40, 17.000,000 119,00d 431,000 i43;oon 456.000 468,000 THE UNITED STATES. 503 ANNUAL RATE OF INCREASE PER CENT. States and Territo ries. 1 o Increase 1800 to 1810. Increase 1810 to 1820, |2 |s d 7~ rt i- 1 5 la 66 Square miles. Population to square mils. estimated pop. 1840, N 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1S40. Maine, .... New Hampshire, . Vermont, . . . Massachusetts, Ithocle Island, . . Connecticut, . . 4,7 2.6 6^1 1,1 ,0 ,5 4,2 1,5 3,5 1,1 1,1 .4 2.7 1,3 i Jo > 8 ,5 3,0 1,0 1,8 1,5 1.6 ,8 1,7 3,0 1,1 1,5 1,5 1.5 ,8 32,000 9,500 10,200 7,500 1,350 4,700 3,0 14,9 8,4 50,5 51.0 5o;e 4,7 19.4 15,1 se;4 51,2 53,4 7,1 22.6 21,4 62i9 57.0 55; 7 9,i 25,7 23.1 69,h 61,5 58,6 12,2 08,3 27,5 81,3 72,0 63,3 16,7 31.6 31.9 94;4 83,7 68,7 535,000 300,000 326,000 708,000 113,000 323,000 nustern States, 2,0 5,6 1,4 3,3 1,8 1,2 3.7 1,2 2,6 ~37T 1,7 65,250 15,5 7,4 23,0 9,9 19,0 12,7 26,4 13,7 22.6 25,5 30.1 35,5 2,305,000 V;w York, Xcw Jersey. Pennsylvania, 5,0 1,5 3,0 3,7 3.4 1,5 2,5 2,9 2,7 1,5 2,3 46,000 8,000 44,000 20,8 30,7 18,4 20,6 29,8 34,7 23,8 ~97fi 41,7 40,1 30,6 54.3 46i3 33,6 2,500,000 371,000 1,700,000 X. Middle States. 3,9 2,5 98,000 9,7 14? 367 46,6 4,571,000 Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan Ter. Wisconsin Ter. 33, 17.7 15,8 24,1 9,7 19,6 16,2 6,4 4,9 8,8 11,1 13,4 3,3 5,9 10,0 20,0 36,0 39,000 37,000 55,000 40.000 omitted ,1 1,2 ,2 5,9 .7 2 ,1 o 12,3 4,0 1,9 ,2 mitt 24,0 9,2 2,8 ,8 ed 33,3 16,4 7,4 4,6 1,300,000 606,000 403,000 184,000 32,000 N. W. States & Ter. 33, 3,1 18,1 11,3 3,0 6,4 5,6 171,000 ,0 ,3 1,6 4,6 8,6 14,8 2,530,00*.) XonS.-hokl. S. fc T. 3,4 3,3 3,0 334,250 5,9 8,0 11.2 15,1 21,0 28,2 9,406,000 Delaware, Maryland, Hist. Columbia, Virginia. ,8 ,8 1,7 1,2 1,0 5,5 1,0 ,0 3^2 ,9 ,5 ,9 1,9 1 ?, ,5 ,9 2,3 1 2,100 11,000 100 64,000 77,200 23,1 29,1 11,7 14~6 30,6 31,4 140,9 13,8 16,9 34.6 34,6 240,2 15,2 34,6 37,0 330,4 16,6 ^M 36.5 40,6 398,6 18,9 ~23~ib~ 3S,4 44,3 500,0 20,9 81,000 487,000 50,000 1,336,000 S. Middle States, 1,5 1,1 | ,8 1,2 1,0 18,8 25,3 1,954,000 North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, 2,0 3,3 7,0 1,5 | 1,4 1,8 1,9 4,5 3,1 1,6 1,5 4,2 1,3 1,1 3,1 48,000 28,000 62,000 8,2 8,9 1,3 10,0 12,3 2,6 11.6 14,8 4,1 8,8 ,4^ 1,6 13,3 18,0 5,7 15.3 2o;s 8,4 17,5 23,2 10,6 838,000 651,000 701,000 Southern Slates, 3,1 2,2 1,9 20,4$ 7,2 2,2 7,9 6,1 3,5 1,8 5,5 10,0 3,0 15,0 138,000 5,2 7,1 10,7 3,1 1,6 3,2 13,3 14,2 2,190,000 Alabama, ) Mississippi] $ Louisiana, Florida Ter. 29,4 46,000 46.000 4s;ooo 50,000 ( 6,9 3,0 4,5 ,7 11,5 7,7 6,0 2,8 527,000 355,000 291,000 141,000 S. W. States <fc Ter. 29,4 12,3 6,4 6,6 190,000 ,0 ,6 2,0 3,7 6,9 1,314,000 Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas Ter. 12,4 11,6 9,5 6,3 4,9 3,3 12,9 5,0 2,0 7,7 7,8 3,3 1,6 7,5 10,0 40,000 42,000 60,000 60,000 ,8 1,8 2,6 5,3 6,5 9,7 ,3 10,5 ft ,2 17,1 16,4 2,3 ,5 23,7 19,2 4,8 1,3 950,000 808,000 289,000 79,000 W. Middles. & Ter. 11,9 ~37F 7,8 2,9 4,5 3,8 3,3 202,000 ,5 ~~2 1,6 3,4 5,3 7,6 9^6 10,6 2,136,000 Slave-holdS. &Ter. 2,6 2,7 2,6 607,200 4,3 5,7 7,4 12,5 7,594,900 United States & Ter. | 3,06 3,15 2,9 2,92 2,83 951,450 4.1 5.6 8,0 10,1 13,5 17,9 17,000,000 504 CHRONOLOGICAL LIST OF THE OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. FIRST ADMINISTRATION 1789 TO 17978 YEARS. Virginia, April 30, 1789. President. Massachusetts, do. 1789. Vice President. Appointed. Virginia, Sept. 26, 1789. do. Jan. 2, 1794. Massachusetts, Dec. 10, 1795. New York, Sept. 11, 1789. Connecticut, Feb. 3, 1795. Massachusetts, Sept. 12, 1789. do. Jan. 2, 1795. Maryland, Jan. 27, 1796. SECOND ADMINISTRATION 1797 TO 1801-4 YEARS. Massachusetts, March 4, 1797. President. Virginia, do. 1797. Appointed. Massachusetts (continued in office.) Virginia, May 13, 1800. Connecticut, (continued in office.) Massachusetts, Dec. 31, 1800. Maryland, (continued in office.) Massachusetts, May 13, 1800. Connecticut, Feb. 3, 1801. Massachusetts, May 3, 1798. Maryland, May 21, 1798. THIRD ADMINISTRATION 1801 TO 18098 YEARS. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Virginia, March 4, 1801. President. New York do. 1801. do. do. 1805. Appointed. Virginia, March 5, 1801. Massachusetts, (continued in office.) Pennsylvania, Jan. 26, 1802. Massachusetts, March 5, 1801. Maryland, (continued in office.) do. Jan. 26, 1802. FOURTH ADMINISTRATION 1809 TO 1817- Virginia, March 4, 1809. N. Y., 1809, (d. April 20, 1812. Mass., 1813, (d. Nov. 23, 1814. Appointed. Maryland, March 6, 1809. Virginia, Nov. 25, 1811. do. Feb. 28, 1815. GEORGE WASHINGTON, John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Edmund Randolph, Timothy Pickering, Alexander Hamilton, Oliver Wolcott, Henry Knox, Timothy Pickering, James M Henry, JOHN ADAMS, Thomas Jefferson, Timothy Pickering, John Marshall, Oliver Wolcott, Samuel Dexter, James M Henry, Samuel Dexter, Roger Griswold, George Cabot, Benjamin Stoddert, Aaron Burr, George Clinton, James Madison, Samuel Dexter, Albert Gallatin, Henry Dearborn, Benjamin Stoddert, Robert Smith, JAMES MADISON, George Clinton, Elbridge Gerry, Robert Smith, James Monroe, James Monroe, Secretaries of State. Secretaries of the Treasury. Secretaries of War. Vice President. Secretaries of State. Secretaries of the Treasury. Secretaries of War. Secretaries of the Navy Vice Presidents. Secretary of State. Secretaries of the Treasury. Secretary of War. Secretaries of the Navy i YEARS. President. Vice Presidents Secretaries of State. OFFICERS OF THE UNITED STATES. 505 Albert Gallatin, Pennsylvania, (continued in office.} George ~W. Campbell, Tennessee, Feb. 9, 1814. Alexander J. Dallas, Pennsylvania, Oct. 6, 1814. William Eustis, Massachusetts, March?, 1809. John Armstrong, New York, Jan. 13, 1813. James Monroe, Virginia, Sept. 27, 1814. William H. Crawford, Georgia, March 2, 1815. Paul Hamilton, South Carolina, March 7, 1809. William Jones, Pennsylvania, Jan. 12, 1813. B. W. Crowninshield, Massachusetts, Dec. 19, 1814. FIFTH ADMINISTRATION 1817 TO 1825- JAMES MONROE, Virginia, March 4, 1817. Daniel D. Tompkins , New York, do. 1817. ) Secretaries of the ) Treasury. I Secretaries of War. > Secretaries of the Navy. -8 YEARS. President. Vice President. John Q. Adams, Massachusetts, William H. Crawford, Georgia, Isaac Shelby, John C. Caliioun, B. W. Crowninshield, Smith Thompson, Samuel L. Southard, Appointed. March 5, 1817. March 5, 1817. March 5/1817. Dec. 16, 1817. Massachusetts, (continued in office.} New York, Nov. 30, 1818. New Jersey, Dec. 9, 1823. Kentucky, South Carolina, Secretary of State. Secretary of the Treas. Secretaries of War. Secretaries of the Navy. SIXTH ADMINISTRATION 1825 TO 18294 YEARS. JOHN Q. ADAMS, Massachusetts, March 4, 1825. President. John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, do. 1825. Vice President. "Appointed. Henry Clay, Kentucky, March 8, 1825. Secretary of State Richard Rush, Pennsylvania, March 7, 1825. Secretary of the Treas. James B arbour, Virginia, do. 1825. ) f-ar Peter B. Porter, New York, May 26, 1828. J Secret{ } ar - Samuel L. Southard, New Jersey, (continued in office.} Secretary of the Navy. SEVENTH ADMINISTRATION 1829 TO 18331 YEARS. ANDREW JACKSON, Tennessee, March 4, 1829. President. John C. Calhoun, South Carolina, do. 1829. Vice President. Martin Van Buren, New York, Secretary of State. Samuel D. Ingham, Pennsylvania, Secretary of the Treasury. John H. Eaton, Tennessee, Secretary of W r ar. John Branch, North Carolina, Secretary of the Navy. New Cabinet organized in 1831. Edward Livingston, Louisiana, Secretary of State. Louis McLane, Delaware, Secretary of the Treasury. Lewis Cass, Michigan, Secretary of War. Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy. ANDREW JACKSON, Tennessee, March 4, 1833. President. Martin Van Buren, New York, do. 1833. Vice President. Louis McLane, Delaware, Secretary of State. "William J. Duane, Roger B. Taney, MaMaiKl 11113 f Secretaries of the Treasury. Lewis Cass, Michigan, Secretaiy of War. Levi Woodbury, New Hampshire, Secretary of the Navy. 64 43 506 POPULATION OF U. S COMPARATIVE VIEW OF CITIES, TOWNS, AND VILLAGES IN THE UNITED STATES, THE POPULATION OP EACH OP WHICH EXCEEDS 5,000, FROM THE CENSUS RETURNS OF 1820 AND 1830. 1830. 1820. 1830. 1820. New York, N. Y. 202,589 123,706 Newport, R. I. 8,010 7,319 Philadelphia, Penn. Baltimore, Md. 167,811 80,625 108,116 62,738 New Brunswick, N. J. Paterson, N. J. 7,831 7,731 6,764 1,578 Boston. Mass. 61,392 43,298 Lancaster, Penn. 7,704 6,663 New Orleans, Lou. 46,310 27,176 New Bedford, Mass. 7,592 3,947 Charleston, S. C. 30,289 24,780 Troy, Mass. 7,590 1,594 Cincinnati, O. 24,831 9,642 Savannah, Geo. 7,303 7,520 Albany, N. Y. 24,209 12,630 Nantucket, Mass. 7.202 7,266 Washington, D. C. 18,827 13,247 Middletown, Con. 6^892 6,479 Providence, R. I. 16,832 11,767 Springfield, Mass. 6,784 3,914 Richmond, Va. 16,060 12,046 Augusta, Geo. 6,696 4,000 Salem, Mass. 13,886 12,731 Wilmington, Del. 6,628 5,268 Portland, Me. 12,601 8,581 Lowell, Mass. 6,474 Pittsburgh, Penn. 12,542 7,248 Newburyport, Mass. 6,388 6,852 Brooklyn, N. Y. 12,403 7,175 Buffalo, N. Y. 6,321 1,100 Troy, N. Y. 11,556 5,261 Lynn, Mass. 6,138 4,515 Newark, N. J. 10,953 6,507 Lexington, Ken. 6,104 5,267 New Haven, Con. 10,678 7,147 Cambridge, Mass. 6,071 3,295 Louisville, Ken. 10,352 4,012 Taunton, Mass. 6,045 4,520 Norfolk, Va. 9,816 8,478 St. Louis, Mo. 5,852 4,598 Hartford, Con. 9,789 6,901 .Reading, Penn. 5,839 4,332 Rochester, N. Y. 9,269 1,502 Nashville, Tenn. 5,566 3,500 Charlestown, Mass. 8,787 6,591 Dover, N. H. 5,449 2,871 Georgetown, D. C. 8,441 7,360 Hudson, N. Y. 5,392 5,310 Utica, N. Y. 8,323 2,972 Wheeling, Va. 5,221 1,500 Petersburgh, Va. 8,322 6,690 Norwich, Con. 5,169 3,634 Alexandria, D. C. 8,263 8,218 Marblehead, Mass. 5.150 5,630 Portsmouth, N. H. 8,082 7,327 Poughkeepsie, N. Y. 5,023 3,401 RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS. Denominations. Population. Commu nicants. Churches or Congregations. Ministers. Baptists, Calvinistic, Methodist Episcopal Church, - 2,743,453 2,600,000 304,827 476,000 4,384 2,914 1,777 Presbyterians, General Assembly, Congregationalists, Orthodox, - 1,800,000 1,260,000 182,017 140,000 2,253 1,270 1,801 1^000 Protestant Episcopal Church, Universal ists, 600,000 500,000 700 300 558 150 Roman Catholics, - 500.000 Lutherans, 400^000 44,000 1,200 205 Christians, - 275,000 25,000 800 200 Reformed, German, 200,000 17,400 400 84 Friends, or Quakers, 200,000 400 Unitarians, Congregationalists, 176.000 193 160 Associate and other Methodists, - Free-will Baptists, 175^000 150,000 35,000 16,000 400 350 300 Reformed, Dutch, - 125,000 17,888 194 159 Mennonites, Presbyterians, Associate, - 120,000 100,000 30,000 15,000 144 200 74 Presbyterians, Cumberland, 100,000 8,000 75 50 Tunkers, - ... 30,000 3,000 40 40 Baptists, Free Communion, 30,000 3,500 30 Baptists, Seventh-day, 20,000 2,000 40 30 Baptists, Six-Principle, 20,000 1,800 30 25 United Brethren, or Moravians, - Millennial Church, or Shakers, 7,000 6,000 2,000 23 15 23 45 New Jerusalem Church, - 5,000 28 30 Baptists, Emancipators, 4,000 600 15 Jews, and others not mentioned, - 50,000 150 COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES. 507 COMMERCE OF THE UNITED STATES, 1831, EXHIBITING THE VALUE OF EVERY DESCRIPTION OP IMPORTS FROM, AND EXPORTS TO, EACH FOREISN COUNTRY, DURING THE YEAR ENDING 30lH SEPTEMBER, 1831. COUNTRIES. COMMERCE. Value of imports. VALUE OF EXPORTS. Domestic produce. Foreign produce. Total. Kusciia, ... $1,608,328 $114,852 $347,914 $462,766 Prussia, .... 50,970 27,043 27,043 Sweden and Norway, 901,812 190,511 86,519 277,030 Swedish West Indies, 218,918 251,937 11,111 263,048 Denmark, Danish West Indies, .... 575 1,651,641 178,333 1,421,075 176,883 224,502 355,216 1,645,577 Netherlands, - ... 989,837 1,707,292 212.860 1,920,152 Dutch West Indies, Dutch East Indies, 343,799 319,395 370,857 128,884 45^274 631,442 416,131 750,326 England, - .... Scotland, - .... 41,854,323 1,977,830 28,841,430 1,185,142 2,367,439 5,567 31,208,869 1,190,709 Ireland, - ... 261,564 589,941 589,941 Gibraltar, 150,517 429.087 165,786 594,873 British African ports, .... 6,064 6,064 British East Indies, ----- 1,544,273 132,442 675,390 807,832 British West Indies, 1,303,301 1,417,291 23,962 1,441,253 British American Colonies, 864,909 4,026,392 35,446 4,061,838 Othar British Colonies, Hanse Towns, - . . 3,493,301 1,812.241 779,931 2.592,172 France on the Atlantic, France on the Mediterranean, - 12,876,977 1,188,766 4,963 557 671,867 3,228,452 300,926 8 192,009 972,793 French West Indies, - 671,842 704.833 13,044 717,877 Spain on the Atlantic, 566,072 235 ,584 63,428 299,012 Spain on the Mediterranean, Teneriffe and the other Canaries, Manilla and Philippine Islands, 709,022 125,159 348,995 75,121 34,931 15,994 7,198 3,446 16,830 82,319 38,377 32,824 Cuba, - . . Other Spanish West Indies, 8,371,797 1,580,156 3,634.144 261JS01 1,259,698 53,245 4,893,842 315,046 Portugal, - 124,446 39,149 2,356 41,505 Madeira, - - ... Fayal and the other Azores, 177,369 32,092 171,563 10,549 5,728 6,049 177,291 16,598 Cape de Verd Islands, .... 63,643 45,432 13,557 58,989 Italy, 1,704,264 371,515 323,010 694,525 Sicily, .... 144,047 2,369 2,369 Trieste, &c. - 161,062 276,561 262,808 539,369 Turkey, ...... 521,598 38,503 298,304 336,807 Hayti, ...... 1,580,578 1,126,698 191,677 1.318,376 Mexico, 5.166,745 1,091,489 5,086,729 fi 178,218 Central Republic of America, Colombia, - ... 198,504 1,207,154 141,179 375.319 165,318 282,830 306,497 658,149 Honduras, 44,463 46^33 13,732 59,965 Brazil, 2.375,829 1,652,193 423,903 2,076,095 Argentine Republic, 928,103 415.489 244,290 659,779 Cisalpine Republic, - .... Peru, 917,788 8.560 7.616 16,176 Chili, - ... 413,758 849,493 518^662 1,368,155 South America, generally, Cape of Good Hope, - .... 4,924 19,922 15,T31 35,653 China, 3,083,205 244,790 1,046,045 1,290,835 Asia, generally, East Indies, generally, 77,861 48,268 251,126 299,394 West Indies, generally, .... 10,691 628,153 7,474 635,627 Europe, generally, 25,702 15 25,717 Africa, generally, - ... 148,932 175,166 69,891 245,057 South Seas, ..... 51,186 16,910 8,963 25,873 North-west Coast of America, 67,635 27,206 51,420 78,626 Uncertain, 11,168 Total 103,191,124 61,277,057 20,033,526 81,310,583 03 NAVIGATION OF THE UNITED STATES. NAVIGATION OP THE UNITED STATES, 1831. A TABLE, SHOWING THE TONNAGE OP AMERICAN AND FOREIGN VESSELS ARRIVING FROM, AND DEPARTING TO, EACH FOREIGN COUNTRY, DURING THE YEAR ENDING 3UTH SEPTEMBER, 1831. COUNTRIES. NAVIGATION. AMERICAN TONNAGE. FOREIGN TONNAGE. Entered into U. S. Departed from U.S. Entered into U. S. Departed from U.S. Russia, $8,931 4,310 577 Prussia, 700 387 Sweden and Norway, 11,346 3,232 2.999 472 Swedish West Indies, 4,793 7 , 199 262 552 Denmark, - ... 3,060 Danish West Indies, Netherlands, 27,501 24,076 41,740 23,168 2.827 349 2.708 1,904 Dutch West Indies, 11,296 11,430 312 194 Dutch East Indies, 2,533 6,498 England, 223,345 235,345 84.324 83.4 Gl Scotland, ...... 5.67 4 6,312 11,008 9; 102 Ireland, ..... 4 .3S8 7,838 7,020 2,306 Gibraltar, 3,599 11,703 256 British African ports, 121 British East Indies, - 5.342 6,481 British West Indies, Newfoundland, &c. 3S 046 275 40,922 277 23,760 736 17,003 British American Colonies, 92,672 79,364 82,557 94,776 Other British Colonies, 248 434 Hanse Towns, 15,934 17.147 12.175 17,487 France on the Atlantic, 40,849 4S .022 8,666 3,722 France on the Mediterranean, 13,774 15A59 493 1,47 " French West Indies, 26,704 35^334 2,793 2.254 Spain on the Atlantic., 6,760 4,598 1.068 Spain on the Mediterranean, 9,583 i;905 536 Teneriffe and the other Canaries, Manilla and Philippine Islands, Cuba, - - - 1,963 2,938 132,830 1,418 249 132.222 19,639 17,816 Other Spanish West Indies, 24,060 8,272 3,117 1,051 Portugal, 5,043 1,598 1,451 Madeira, - - 2,514 5,163 131 Fayal and the other Azores, 660 475 397 251 Cape de Yerd Islands, 875 1.200 236 Italy, 10,683 9^120 159 Sicilv, ..... 2,080 378 Trieste, fee. 1,920 4.215 Turkey, .... 3.918 2,935 Hayti, - 26!446 27,807 699 1,006 Mexico, .... 22,377 22,303 11,498 10,01S Central Republic of America, 2,821 3,315 Colombia, 9J174 7,188 56 Honduras, ..... 1,456 1,449 600 225 Brazil, 29,805 36.892 1,360 303 Argentine Republic, Cisalpine Republic, 9,652 274 8;i69 356 Peru. ...... 2.577 523 Chili, t - - - - - S; 729 11,145 South America, generally, 703 1,013 94 242 Cape of Good Hope, - China, - .... 929 4,316 891 5,061 Asia, generally, .... 1,171 2,4.47 East Indies, generally, - ... 669 West Indies, generally, .... 2,903 17,839 40C Europe, generally, 4,169 560 2,020 Africa, generally, - 2,511 5.098 143 South Seas, ..... 29,581 39i470 North-west Coa=t of America, 375 783 Uncertain, - ... SO Total 922,952 972.504 231,948 271,994 RETURN CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT TQ-- J202 Main Li bran LOAN PERIOD 1 HOME USE ALL BOOKS MAY BE RECALLED AFTER ^DA^YS R e ^a h |s aTd^Tc a h Y arge r s e may be made 4 days prior to due DUE AS STAMPED BELOW De! UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY FORM NO. DD6, 60m, 1 2/80 BERKELEY, CA 94720 @$ U.C.BERKELEY LIBRARIES