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 GIFT OF 
 
OF 
 
 THE AMERICAN MUSEUM 
 
 OF NATURAL HISTORY 
 
 VOL. xxi, PART I 
 
 NOTES ON THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CUSTOMS OF 
 THE MANDAN, HIDATSA, AND CROW INDIANS 
 
 BY 
 ROBERT H. LOWIE 
 
 AMERICAN 
 MUSfUM 
 
 NATURAL 
 HISTORY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 
 1917 
 
American Museum of Natural History 
 
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ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE AMERICAN MUSEUM 
 OF NATURAL HISTORY 
 
 VOL. XXI, PART I 
 
 NOTES ON THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CUSTOMS OF 
 THE HAND AN, HIDATSA, AND CROW INDIANS 
 
 BY 
 
 ROBERT H. LOW IK 
 
 n 
 
 THE 
 
 r AMERICAN 
 MUSEUM 
 
 NATURAL 
 HISTORY 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE TRUSTEES 
 1917 
 
XI 2 
 
 
NOTES ON THE SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CUSTOMS OF 
 THE MANDAN, HIDATSA, AND CROW INDIANS. 
 
 BY ROBERT H. LOWIE. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The Hidatsa, while most closely related to the Crow, have been in close 
 contact with the Mandan for so long a period that the culture of all three 
 tribes must be considered in conjunction. That is to say, it is impossible 
 to acquire an accurate picture of Hidatsa life without taking into account, 
 on the one hand, the persistence of old elements characteristic of the parent 
 tribe before its division into Crow and Hidatsa and, on the other hand, the 
 influence exerted by the Mandan subsequently to the Crow separation. 
 Our information on the Mandan, for reasons stated below, is tantalizingly 
 meager and suggests rather than solves problems. Fortunately, the Crow 
 data are sufficiently extensive to permit a comparison of their social culture 
 with that of the Hidatsa and to make possible a reconstruction of their 
 pristine organization. In a previous paper of this series issued in 1912 
 (Vol. IX, part II) I dealt with the " Social Life of the Crow Indians." Since 
 its appearance I have paid several visits to this people and have secured 
 much additional information, which partly confirms and in part supplements 
 and amends my earlier results. I have naturally devoted much more space 
 to the new material but found it necessary to summarize briefly some facts 
 previously described. 
 
 A few words may be in place regarding the method followed in illustrat 
 ing the use of Crow kinship terms. It has become clear to students that 
 relationship nomenclature harbors innumerable pitfalls for the field in 
 vestigator. These can be minimized only by utilizing every possible means 
 of checking the information obtained. We must not content ourselves with 
 abstract statements nor even with the confirmation supplied by a genea 
 logical scheme but should determine the use to which terms are put by the 
 native when not harried by ethnological questioning, when, in other words, 
 he is in a perfectly normal and naive position with reference to his tribesmen. 
 One way to do this is to keep one s ears open in Indian households when not 
 ostensibly engaged in belaboring the aboriginal consciousness; another 
 equally effective one is to collect systematically the evidence yielded by 
 mythological texts. It is even possible to make use of myths taken dowm 
 in English provided the recorder insists on noting down in the vernacular 
 every relationship term that occurs. 
 
 The Hidatsa and Mandan were visited in the summers of 1910, 1911, 
 and 1913, while my acquaintance with the Crow dates back to 1907 and has 
 been frequently renewed since. 
 
 ROBERT H. LOWIE. 
 June 15, 1917. 
 
 3 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 PREFACE . 3 
 
 SOCIAL LIFE OF THE MANDAN 7 
 
 CLAN SYSTEM . 7 
 
 KINSHIP TERMS . 11 
 
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS 15 
 
 SOCIAL LIFE OF THE HIDATSA . 17 
 
 INTRODUCTION ... 17 
 
 GOVERNMENT . . ..... 18 
 
 MOIETIES AND CLANS . . 19 
 
 TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP . . 26 
 
 TERMS OF CONSANGUINITY . .... 28 
 
 Speaker s Generation . . 28 
 
 First Ascending Generation 31 
 
 Second Ascending Generation . 33 
 
 First Descending Generation ....... 33 
 
 Second Descending Generation . . 34 
 
 TERMS OF AFFINITY . 34 
 
 Speaker s Generation . 34 
 First Ascending Generation . . .36 
 
 First Descending Generation . .... 36 
 
 KINSHIP USAGES .... 38 
 
 Brother and Sister ... 38 
 
 Brothers; Mother s Brothers . . 39 
 
 Sisters . . 39 
 
 Cousins .... 39 
 
 Parents and Children . . 39 
 
 Father s Clan . 40 
 
 Grandparents . 42 
 
 JOKING-RELATIVES . . .42 
 
 MARRIAGE .... 46 
 
 ATTITUDE TOWARDS RELATIVES BY MARRIAGE 47 
 
 Parents-in-law . . . . . 47 
 
 Daughter-in-law . 48 
 
 Brothers-in-law . 48 
 
 Sisters-in-law . . 49 
 
 Man and Brother s Wife 49 
 
 Man and Wife s Sisters 49 
 
 Wife s Brother s Wife 50 
 
 COMRADES 50 
 
 NAMES 50 
 
 BURIAL 51 
 
6 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES ON THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE CROW . 53 
 
 CLANS . 53 
 
 TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP . . 56 
 
 TERMS OP CONSANGUINITY . . . . . . . . 59 
 
 Speaker s Generation . 59 
 
 First Ascending Generation 62 
 
 Second Ascending Generation . . . . . . 64 
 
 Descending Generations . 65 
 
 TERMS OF AFFINITY . . . 68 
 
 Speaker s Generation . . . . . . . . 68 
 
 Other Generations 71 
 
 KINSHIP USAGES . . . . : . 74 
 
 MARRIAGE 74 
 
 POSITION OF WOMEN 77 
 
 SEXUAL MORALITY . . 78 
 
 PRIVILEGED FAMILIARITY 79 
 
 ETIQUETTE 81 
 
 SOCIAL ESTIMATION OF INDIVIDUALS ....... 82 
 
 .87 
 
 97 
 
SOCIAL LIFE OF THE MANDAN. 
 CLAN SYSTEM. 
 
 The study of ancient Mandan society is rendered unusually difficult 
 through the almost complete extinction of the tribe. There are probably 
 not more than half a dozen full-blood Mandan living on the Fort Berthold 
 Reservation in North Dakota. Though the census of 1910 sets their num 
 ber at 197, this is given on the basis of the native way of tracing descent so 
 as to include all those whose mothers only were Mandan or were according 
 to the matrilineal principle of descent reckoned as Mandan. Living for a 
 long period in close contact with the more numerous Hidatsa, with whom 
 intermarriage has taken place to a considerable extent, the younger Mandan 
 so-called hardly ever speak Mandan as fluently or correctly as Hidatsa. 1 
 
 Under these circumstances the question naturally arises over and over 
 again whether a given feature common to Mandan and Hidatsa culture is 
 not an Hidatsa trait shared by the Mandan only since their practical ab 
 sorption in the neighboring tribe. This naturally complicates the suffi 
 ciently difficult question as to the relative contributions of the two tribes to 
 their common cultural stock. On this subject widely varying views have 
 been held. Thus, Morgan, rather cavalierly assumed that agriculture 
 and the earth-lodge were brought into the region by the Hidatsa and bor 
 rowed by the Mandan, 2 while Matthews has expressed the opposite opinion. 3 
 
 Since in culture the Hidatsa differ from the Crow far more than the 
 affinity of the two languages and hence presumable recency of their separa 
 tion would lead us to expect, it seems natural to refer such divergence as 
 exists to Mandan influence on the Hidatsa. This interpretation would 
 lead to thoroughly satisfactory results if we could be sure that recently 
 collected Mandan data indicating cultural identity with the Hidatsa reflect 
 ancient Mandan conditions. Unfortunately, we are frequently without 
 the means of checking our information on account of the inadequacy of the 
 early accounts. 
 
 A point of great importance regarding the Mandan is their local and 
 linguistic differentiation. Whatever may be the fact as to the nine villages 
 they are said to have inhabited about the Heart River confluence in 1750, 4 
 
 1 It may be noted in this connection that these languages, though both of the Siouan 
 stock, are only remotely related. 
 
 2 Morgan, (b), part II, chapter 6. 
 
 3 Matthews, 37f. 
 
 4 Handbook of American Indians, i, 797. 
 
 7 
 
8 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 or the thirteen villages with which Maximilian s informants credited them, 1 
 in the beginning of the nineteenth century there certainly were two villages, 
 Nu pta (Ruhptare) and Mj tutak (Mihtuttahangkusch), speaking distinct 
 dialects, as is demonstrated by Maximilian s vocabularies. 2 One of my 
 informants added a third village, Istape, (given by Morgan as a clan name), 
 where she said the Nu pta dialect was spoken. 
 
 It is clear from Maximilian s data that between Nu pta and Mi tut^k 
 there was also a minor cultural differentiation in the matter of dances. 
 The question in connection with our immediate problem is how to conceive 
 the relation of the villages to the social divisions. Maximilian tells us that 
 the Mandan called themselves "Nu mangka ke" (nu mak&ki) i. e., people, 
 and were wont to add the name of the village from which they had originally 
 come. Thus, there were Prairie-chicken people, so-called after the Prairie- 
 chicken village; Bear people, Cactus people, Badger people, all named 
 from corresponding villages. 
 
 Obgleich nun alle die oben genannten Dorfer nicht mehr existiren, so nennen 
 sich dennoch alle diese Indianer ihrer Abstammung zufolge noch nach denselben. 3 
 
 This is a clear-cut statement to the effect that the Mandan clans de 
 veloped in recent times from formerly distinct local groups. If we assume 
 that the ancient village scheme involved local exogamy and matrilineal 
 descent, or that the latter was grafted on the former, possibly through 
 borrowing, the fusion of people from different settlements would quite 
 naturally lead to the evolution of exogamous clans. The statement of one 
 of my informants that all the clans were found in both Mj tutak and Nu pta 
 is not inconsistent with such a line of development since this condition 
 would be readily brought about by intermarriage. However, all this is 
 pure speculation and the questions involved will only become clearer after 
 considering the social organization of the Mandan as sketched by recent 
 informants and comparing it with that of the Hidatsa and other tribes. 
 
 The Mandan were divided into non-exogamous moieties corresponding 
 in name to those of the Hidatsa, viz., Three-clans (nu maka ki o rehe 
 na/mini) and Four-clans (nu maka ki o re top). According to Black-chest, 
 the names of the moieties and the constituent clans were originated by the 
 legendary warrior Seven-wolf when returning from a victorious expedition 
 against the Arikara. Information is very meager as to the functions of the 
 dual division in tribal life, but here there is again close correspondence to 
 Hidatsa conditions. During a general council of the Mandan the Three- 
 
 1 Maximilian, u, 103. 
 = ibid., 557-561. 
 3 ibid., 104. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 clans were ranged on one side, the Four-clans on the other. In building 
 an earth-lodge the Three-clan women would put earth on one side and the 
 Four-clan women on the other. 
 
 It is altogether improbable that the Hidatsa and Mandan moiety systems 
 should have had an independent origin. The question at once arises, then, 
 which was the borrowing tribe. The complete lack of any trace of the dual 
 division among the Crow suggests that the Hidatsa imitated the Mandan 
 scheme, a conclusion which I was at first tempted to draw. However, there 
 is no satisfactory evidence on behalf of this interpretation. In the first 
 place, the moieties of the Winnebago, the closest linguistic allies of the 
 Mandan, were exogamous, while there is no indication that this applies to 
 the Mandan and Hidatsa divisions; moreover, the Mandan differ from all 
 other Siouans and resemble the Hidatsa and Crow in the rule of matrilineal 
 descent. There is thus no a priori reason for assigning the role of trans 
 mitter to the Mandan rather than to the Hidatsa. Secondly, there is a 
 disparity between the designations of the Mandan moieties and the number 
 of their clans such as does not occur among the Hidatsa. Some informants, 
 to be sure, make the number correspond to the moiety names, and Morgan 
 without speaking of a dual division lists seven clans. But other Mandans 
 give the number as eleven or even sixteen, .while nine are reported by Mr. 
 Curtis. The informant who spoke of sixteen clans added that more of 
 them belonged to the Four-clan than to the Three-clan moiety, but this 
 struck me as an obvious afterthought, as a secondary attempt to harmo 
 nize as best he could two sets of contradictory facts. Although the informa 
 tion obtained is hardly sufficient to permit a definite solution, I rather 
 incline to Mr. Curtis s view that the Mandan moiety scheme is derived from 
 the Hidatsa, whose clans conform in number to the moiety names. 
 
 The following scheme was furnished by Two-chiefs, herself a member of 
 the first-named clan : 
 
 Three-Clan Moiety, 
 maxi kina 
 tami sik 
 nu pta 
 
 Four-Clan Moiety. 
 
 si pucka nu mak, Prairie-chicken people 
 
 xtaxtam nu mak, Young white-headed Eagle * 
 
 manakactdk nu mak, People all in a bunch 2 
 
 xo xixa ka nu mak, Crow people (said to refer to the scalp on a stick) 
 
 1 Mr. Curtis, (v, 145), translates the word "Spotted Eagle." 
 
 2 Presumably Mr. Curtis s Madhakashtak, "Clump of Wood." 
 
10 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 In this list it will be noted that the third name in the first moiety coin 
 cides with that of the Nu pta village and dialectic division. Black-chest, 
 of the same moiety, substituted the ma nakactdk for the nu pta, and 
 Turtle-woman, likewise a Three-clan, gave the tami kexik in the same place. 
 This name suspiciously resembles another, taml kaxik, Bad Packstrap, 
 which the same authority gave as an ancient designation of the maxi"kina 
 people, who were so named because they used poor string to tie with. Both 
 Black-chest and Turtle-w r oman regarded the taml sik as equivalent to the 
 Hidatsa me e tsiro ke (Knife) clan. There is no suggestion that this was 
 meant to interpret the meaning of the name, and Turtle-w r oman said that 
 the tami sik were Wolf people. This is probably merely a symbolic refer 
 ence since the words f.or "wolf" are quite different in Maximilian s vocabu 
 laries. As regards the constitution of the Four-clan moiety, Turtle-woman 
 and Two-chiefs are in perfect agreement. 
 
 Calf-woman said that there were eleven clans grouped in moieties but 
 made no attempt to classify the ten names she actually supplied. Like 
 Maximilian, she regarded all the clans as connected with different villages; 
 accordingly, it is not surprising that she should have included nu pta in her 
 list. On the other hand, several others are omitted in her enumeration, 
 which follows: 
 
 si pucka 
 
 xtaxta nu ma a ke 
 
 ml ti a/ki, Village above 
 
 maxahe 
 
 taml sik 
 
 o re* ku pa, Seven-different-kinds 
 
 ma ak i xtit ml ti, Hilltop village 
 
 mi tixa re, Scattered village 
 
 mi i tik e exicot nu maka v ki, White-bellied mouse people 
 
 nuptare 
 
 Three names not recorded by me at all are given by Mr. Curtis, the 
 mase (kshuk), Red Butte; the matek, Badger; and the madhadhacu, 
 Charcoal. Of these the Badger people are also mentioned by Maximilian, 
 but his Bear and Cactus villages seem to have no equivalents in either Mr. 
 Curtis s or my own lists. Morgan s * list of seven clans includes the Prairie- 
 chickens, Maximilian s Bear and Calf-woman s Village-above people, 
 also a Wolf (Horata), Good Knife (Tanatsuka), Eagle (Kitanemake), and 
 Flathead (Estapa) clan. 
 
 1 Morgan, (b), part n, chapter 6. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 According to Calf -woman, the Prairie-chicken clan is the most important 
 on the Reservation. This is consistent with Mr. Curtis s data, according 
 to which the larger moiety bears the name of this clan, corresponding preemi 
 nence being assigned to the tami sik in the Three-clan moiety. It should 
 be noted that the Prairie-chicken clan is the only one common to the Hidatsa 
 and Mandan series. 
 
 Calf-woman s o re kupa (nite) was given by Turtle-woman not as the 
 designation of a clan but of all the seven clans jointly in addressing the 
 entire tribe. 
 
 Mr. Curtis states that the marriage of fellow-clansmen was considered 
 improper and publicly ridiculed, but according to my witnesses this rule 
 has long ceased to be absolute. Thus, Calf-woman declared that some 
 times people married within their ow r n clan, though there were some who 
 regarded this as wrong; and Two-chiefs, a maxi kina married to a xtaxta , 
 cited the case of her husband s mother who had married another xtaxta , 
 not related by blood. 
 
 KINSHIP TERMS. 
 
 A brief but in most respects accurate statement as to Mandan kinship 
 nomenclature is made by Maximilian. 1 Recently Mr. Curtis has summarily 
 characterized the Mandan terminology as largely influenced by the clan 
 factor, the father s brother and his clansmen being classed with the father, 
 the father s clanswomen with the father s sister, all mates in one s clan with 
 brothers and all females as mothers. 2 This statement is undoubtedly in 
 large measure correct, but, the last part is manifestly not to be taken liter 
 ally since the mother s mother and her generation and the sisters are cer 
 tainly not called "mother." Morgan already had to contend with the 
 difficulty of finding interpreters fully conversant with Mandan and offers 
 an avowedly imperfect list. So far as essentials are concerned, he correctly 
 characterizes the system as of the usual classificatory type. The most 
 important deviation from the norm mentioned in his resume consists in the 
 classification of the father s sister with the mother in feminine parlance, a 
 distinctive word for paternal aunt being used only by males. 3 My data 
 yield no confirmation of this peculiarity. A remarkable feature found by 
 Morgan among the Hidatsa and Crow but not noted by him among the 
 Mandan, though recorded both by Mr. Curtis and myself, is the confusion 
 of generations in the designation of the father s sister s female descendants 
 
 > Maximilian, n, 132, 543. 
 Curtis, v, 145. 
 3 Morgan, (a), 184. 
 
12 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI,. 
 
 through females, all these relatives being classed with the father s sister 
 regardless of generation. 1 The question arises whether this trait was 
 borrowed by the Mandan, possibly since their practical absorption in the 
 neighboring tribe. Another peculiarity not indicated by Morgan in his 
 discussion of the Mandan system, though emphasized in his treatment of 
 the Hidatsa and Crow terminologies, is the classification of the maternal 
 uncle with the elder brother. In Mandan this is optional and there is an 
 alternative specific designation for the mother s brother, while Crow and 
 Hidatsa lack any separate word for this relative. From the great rarity 
 of this feature and the simultaneous use of a distinct word for the mother s 
 brother, which moreover is the only designation given by Maximilian and 
 Morgan, I infer that the Mandan borrowed from the Hidatsa the classifica 
 tion of the uncle with the elder brother. This seems to me the more prob 
 able because according to the more trustworthy of my informants the 
 sister s son is not addressed as "younger brother" but only by a distinct 
 term correlative with that for mother s brother. But the Hidatsa mode of 
 classifying the maternal uncle is of a piece with the Hidatsa designation of 
 the female descendants of the paternal aunt, i. e., in both cases the same 
 principle of emphasizing clan affiliation to the extent of disregarding genera 
 tion finds expression. It is, therefore, likely that both features were bor 
 rowed by the Mandan. 
 
 With the aid of two informants, Two-chiefs and Calf-woman, I secured 
 the following imperfect list of kinship terms. 
 
 tate (vocative only). Father, father s brother, father s sister s son. 
 
 tate xihe, tate xis (voc.). Father s sister s husband, husband s father, 
 grandfather, greatgrandfather. 
 
 ma/ats, tate ena (non-voc.). Father, father s brother, father s sister s 
 son. 
 
 ma txis (non-voc.). Father s sister s husband, grandfather. 
 
 ta terite (voc.). My fathers, i. e., my father s fellow-clansmen. 
 
 n5 ato oc (non-voc.). Father s clansman (man speaking). 
 
 no atore (non-voc.). Father s clansman (woman speaking). 
 
 ptu minike (voc.). Father s sister, father s sister s daughter, father s 
 sister s daughter s daughter, etc., ad infinitum. Non-voc. form: ptu mini- 
 kse v ena. 
 
 nae (voc.) Mother, mother s sister, father s brother s wife. 
 
 na xic, na xihe (voc.). Grandmother, husband s mother. 
 
 mihu xis (non-voc.). Grandmother. 
 
 1 Morgan s schedules regarding the descendants of the father s sister are blank for the 
 Mandan, (a), 322-330. 
 
1917.] Lovrie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 o mihu ruc (non-voc.)- Mother, mother s sister, father s brother s wife. 
 
 tawaratore (voc.)- Mother s brother (see p. 12 and below). Non-voc. 
 form: ta waratose ena. 
 
 pta rumaks. Mother s brother (w. sp.). 1 
 
 miT uka (voc., m. sp.). My elder brother, mother s brother, father s 
 sister s son s son older than ego, father s brother s son older than ego, 
 mother s sister s son older than ego. Non-voc. form: mu v ukase ena. 
 
 micii ka . My younger brother (m. sp.), elder or younger brother (w. 
 sp.) ; father s sister s son s son, father s brother s son, mother s sister s son. 
 
 ptamihe (m. sp.). Elder or younger sister, father s sister s son s 
 daughter, father s brother s daughter, mother s sister s daughter, brother- 
 in-law s wife. 
 
 miruke (w. sp.). Elder sister, father s sister s son s daughter, father s 
 brother s daughter, mother s sister s daughter. 
 
 pta/ ka (w. sp.). Younger sister, father s sister s son s daughter, father s 
 brother s daughter, mother s sister s daughter. 
 
 minike (voc.). Son (m. sp., w. sp.), brother s son (m. sp., w. sp.), 
 sister s son (w. sp.), mother s brother s son. Non-voc. form: mini ks. 
 
 kunika (voc.). Son, grandson. 
 
 minu hake (voc.). Daughter, brother s daughter (m. sp., w. sp.), 
 mother s brother s daughter, sister s daughter (w. sp.). Non-voc. form: 
 minu haks. 
 
 ptu haxka (m. sp.). Sister s son, sister s daughter. 
 
 ptawj haka. Grandchild, son s wife, grandson s wife. 
 
 maratS ka (voc.). Husband, wife. Non-voc. form: ma ratoka se* na. 
 
 mi morus (non-voc.). Husband, ko worus, her husband. 
 
 noka ka (voc.). Wife, husband. 2 
 
 mu us (non-voc.). My wife, k u us; k u uhe, his wife. 
 
 e ecehak (voc.). Husband s brother. 
 
 nisi ke. Husband s brother, kocu ka, (probably) her husband s brother. 
 This last may simply mean "his brother." 
 
 m5 wa kihe . Wife s brother, sister s husband (m. sp.). 
 
 ptune . Brother s wife (w. sp.), husband s sister. 
 
 no hakamihe. Brother s wife. 
 
 mu uh5 v rake (m. sp.). My brother s wife. 
 
 p t u te, p tuts. Daughter s husband. 
 
 1 This word was given only by Calf-woman, who considered mu uka as the corresponding 
 male term. 
 
 2 One informant gave maratoka for husband, and nokaka for wife, the other reversed 
 these interpretations, probably there arc two words both designating the spouse regard 
 less of sex. 
 
14 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 no hakas. Daughter s husband. 
 
 pta +i maratokas. My wife s father. 
 
 ptu hini ks. My wife s mother, my wife s mother s sister. 
 
 It will be noted that beyond the second ascending and the second descending 
 generations no relatives are designated by special terms, lineal and collateral ancestors 
 being classed with grandparents and descendants with grandchildren, regardless of 
 male or female lines. This fact is borne out in detail by Morgan s schedules. Ac 
 cording to these, it would appear that no distinction was drawn between the father s 
 father s and the mother s mother s sister, nor between the father s father s and the 
 mother s mother s brother. On the latter point I unfortunately failed to get data, 
 which would have been of interest in comparison with the Hidatsa usage of classing 
 the maternal grandmother s brother with the elder brother. According to Morgan 
 the word for grandchild was also applied to the sister s grandchild (w. sp.), brother s 
 grandchild (m. or w. sp.), and the sister s son s wife (m. sp.). 
 
 With the father Morgan, doubtless correctly, classes the mother s sister s husband 
 and the stepfather. His identification of the father s sister with the mother in 
 female parlance, however, seems doubtful since both my informants were women 
 but gave a single word for the paternal aunt, corresponding to one of Morgan s 
 terms for male usage. A second word given by Morgan for the father s sister (m. sp.) 
 ma-sd-we, is not Mandan at all but unmistakably the Hidatsa baca wi, which is used 
 by both sexes. On the other hand, Morgan has only the equivalent of td, waratort 
 for the maternal uncle, while I also obtained a distinct word for women s use as well 
 as the classification with the elder brother (by men only?). 
 
 Except for the applications already mentioned, my connotations for the elder 
 brother term closely coincide with Morgan s, which is also essentially true of the 
 younger brother category. The essential point here is that women have a single 
 term for elder and younger brother coinciding with the men s word for younger 
 brother, the men having an additional term for the elder brother. 
 
 In the designation of sisters there is only partial parallelism. To be sure, the 
 women (i. e., members of the sex of the person designated) have two distinct words 
 for elder and younger sister, while the men have only one. The men s generic term, 
 however, does not coincide with either of the women s words so that there are not 
 two words but three to be reckoned with. Here Morgan agrees as regards the men s 
 word, but differs in ascribing a single generic term to the women. Analogy, not 
 only with the brother terms but also with the usage of other Siouan tribes, such as 
 the Winnebago, strongly suggests that Morgan is in error. 
 
 My list contains two words for son without clear differentiation. Morgan 
 practically restricts minike to male and kunika entirely to female speech. The 
 latter word is also translated by him to cover the brother s son, sister s son, father s 
 brother s son s son, mother s sister s son s son and mother s sister s daughter s son, 
 all with a woman speaking. He interprets minikf to cover the son, brother s son, 
 father s brother s son s son, mother s son s son and stepson in male speech, and the 
 stepson and father s brother s daughter s son in female speech. The two last- 
 mentioned meanings are not very convincing; more particularly, the father s brother s 
 daughter being classed with the sister, her son would logically be a sister s son, i. e., 
 a "son" for women according to the usual classificatory rules, and it is not at all clear 
 why this particular "son" should be distinguished from others by substituting a 
 word ordinarily confined to male usage. It is further strange that a woman should 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 15 
 
 use a single word for brother s and sister s son. On the other hand, my own list of 
 meanings for minike is rendered somewhat doubtful by extending the word to the 
 brother s son of both men and women. A similar feature of the daughter category, 
 however, viz., the classing of the man s brother s daughter with the woman s, is 
 supported by Morgan s as well as my own informants. 
 
 One of my words for husband, ml morus, is approached by Morgan s me-mer-ul, 
 while his moo-hul and his moo-ha for wife and brother s wife are at least of the same 
 stem as my mu~ us and mu uho^ake (m. sp.). I did not get the words by which 
 the wife s and the husband s fathers and mothers address each other, but analogy 
 with other Siouan systems supports Morgan s statement that there are distinct 
 terms, which he gives as kote -he-a for the father-in-law and me-ho-he-a for the mother- 
 in-law. My list also lacks a word for wife s sister, which Morgan gives as noo-ko- 
 ho-mus. 
 
 Instead of koo-too -min-ik I have ptune for brother s wife (w. sp.); Morgan s 
 informants, consistently enough, included under his term the father s brother s son s 
 and the mother s sister s son s wife. In my list the husband s sister is put into this 
 category. 
 
 To my p t u te for daughter s husband clearly corresponds Morgan s p too -ta, 
 brother s daughter s husband (m. sp.), which indicates that his ko-too -te is merely 
 a form of the same stem. He gives many connotations for this word, none of which 
 (except son-in-law) is given in my series. Thus, Morgan, translates it also " husband s 
 father" and "husband s mother" and reciprocally "daughter-in-law" (m. sp. and 
 w. sp.), but here judging from analogy, he is almost certainly wrong, the latter 
 relative being classed with the grandchild, the parents-in-law with the grandparents, 
 as my list indicates. Consistently with his classification of the brother s with the 
 sister s daughter (w. sp.) and with the customary classificatory extensions, Morgan 
 further lists under the same caption the brother s son s wife, brother s daughter s 
 husband (w. sp.), sister s son s wife (w. sp.) and sister s daughter s husband (w. sp.). 
 Of these meanings only those applied to men are compatible with my data. 
 
 My mo wa k i ke , wife s brother, sister s husband (m. sp.) is phonetically the 
 equivalent of Morgan s wo-wd ke-a and wo-wa-ke. He gives various additional 
 meanings, viz., sister s husband (w. sp.), husband s brother, sister s daughter s 
 husband (m. sp.), father s brother s daughter s and mother s sister s daughter s 
 husband. The two last-mentioned meanings follow of course from the meaning 
 "sister s husband." That a woman should call the sister s husband by the same 
 term applied by a man to his brother-in-law, seems rather improbable, but un 
 fortunately I did not get evidence on this point. On the other hand, I have two 
 distinct terms for the husband s brother, so that in this respect Morgan s data seem 
 inaccurate. Altogether it is regrettable that the terms of affinity are involved in so 
 much doubt. 
 
 SOCIAL CUSTOMS. 
 
 On this subject I only collected a few items, some of which, however, 
 are of some comparative interest. 
 
 As among the Hidatsa and Crow, there was a joking-relationship, which 
 obtained among the sons and daughters of men belonging to the same clan. 
 These relatives, if such they may be styled, were called I irusit. 
 
16 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Regarding cross-cousin marriage, Two-chiefs said that it was permissible 
 for a man to marry the daughter of a mother s clansman but not the daughter 
 of a mother s own brother. On the other hand, Turtle-woman declared that 
 it was proper for a girl to marry her father s sister s son, and my Hidatsa 
 interpreter explained that this was a point in which Mandan and Hidatsa 
 practices diverged. 
 
 Not only the wfe s mother but also the mother-in-law s sisters and 
 mother avoided the husband. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 17 
 
 SOCIAL LIFE OF THE HIDATSA. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 The Hidatsa (Minitari, Gros Ventre of the Missouri) form, with the 
 closely related Crow Indians, a distinct branch of the Siouan family. They 
 now reside on the Fort Berthold Reservation in North Dakota, which they 
 share with the Mandan and Arikara. According to the census of 1910 they 
 number 547. 
 
 Before the smallpox epidemic of 1837 the Hidatsa were settled in three 
 villages on the Knife River, which they occupied at least as early as 1796 
 and where they were visited by Lewis and Clark s expedition, by Catlin, 
 and by Maximilian. By far the largest of these villages was that called 
 Hira tsa, which in Maximilian s day included over eighty earth-lodges; 
 it was situated on the north bank, about three miles from the Missouri. 
 Both the others were on the south side, Awatixa ati half a mile above the 
 mouth of the Knife and Awaxa wi at the embouchure. The former was 
 made up of about forty, and the latter of eighteen earth-lodges. Maxi 
 milian estimated the total population at between 2,100 and 2,200^ Tradi 
 tion speaks of two additional sites, those of Xu ra and Awati d, which are 
 referred to as constituting with the foregoing the "Five Villages." 
 
 The Awaxa wi language differed dialectically from that of the Hidatsa. 
 proper. To illustrate this point Buffalo-bird-woman told the following 
 story. An Awaxa wi and an Hidatsa once went looking for buffalo. The 
 Hidatsa said, "There s a bull." The Awaxa wi answered, "awaka ts," 
 which meant "I see it" in his dialect 2 but "It is a badger" in Hidatsa. 
 The Hidatsa said, "No, it is not a badger." They had a dispute about it 
 and soon came to blows. 
 
 Owing to the ravages of the smallpox epidemic the three villages were 
 consolidated into one, and accordingly it is impossible nowadays to get 
 first-hand data as to the relations of the three villages when they repre 
 sented distinct communities. Several individuals are remembered as 
 belonging to the Awaxa wi, among them Poor-wolf, Small-ankle, and June- 
 berry. Marriages are said to have taken place both within and without the 
 village group. Maximilian enumerates distinct chiefs for each village, and 
 
 1 Maximilian, n, 212 f. ; Matthews, 15, 38; Handbook, art. "Hidatsa." 
 
 2 Tn Hidatsa the accent is on the second syllable of aira kats. 
 
18 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 I have little doubt that the villages were independent of one another. There 
 is no question that there were slight cultural differences. Thus, I was told 
 that the miraraxuxi society l was confined to the Awaxa wi, and peculiari 
 ties of this sort might be inferred by analogy from the Mandan conditions, 
 for as we have seen the Nu pta had developed certain specific traits in 
 Maximilian s time. 
 
 GOVERNMENT. 
 
 For reasons already given it is impossible to understand fully the political 
 relations of the several villages prior to consolidation. We may reasonably 
 assume that they formed uniformly friendly and autonomous groups corre 
 sponding to the local bands of nomadic Plains tribes. 
 
 The form of internal government in a village is likewise not quite clear. 
 My principal informant introduced the concept of the "winter chief," 
 whose term of office began in the fall when the leaves turned yellow and 
 expired with the melting of the snow. According to this witness a new 
 winter village was built every year. The winter chief was a man associated 
 with some medicine bundle, but as to the exact method of his selection no 
 data were obtained. When chosen he put a pipe before his bundle and 
 prayed. He often prayed thus during his term of office. He was responsi 
 ble for the safety and welfare of the people. On the other hand, he was 
 entitled to credit if the buffalo were abundant and if many enemies were 
 killed during his incumbency. In fact, he was permitted to reckon as his 
 own any war honors won during this period. Sometimes there was no chief 
 because the man chosen was unwilling to risk the responsibilities of the 
 position. The ideal chief seems to have been a man of general benevolence 
 who offered smoke to the old people and feasted the poor. 
 
 My informant recounted the chiefs for every year from about 1845 to 
 1875. I got the impression that this was the Hidatsa method of designating 
 years, corresponding to the Crow scheme of denoting each year by some 
 significant happening. 2 The names of the Hidatsa chiefs were sometimes 
 but by no means always followed by a statement as to some important 
 occurrence, e. g., "Four-fingers, a Sioux was killed that winter;" "Long- 
 hairs, many buffalo came to the village." 
 
 I neither discovered how the village was governed during the summer nor 
 what was the position of the retired chief. As regards Big-cloud (about 
 1845), who is said to have conducted the movement to Fort Berthold, I got 
 
 1 Lowie, (d), 237. 
 
 2 Lowie, (c), 242. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 19 
 
 the information that he was entitled to honor marks in the summer as well 
 as in the winter and indeed remained a chief all his life. The latter state 
 ment may simply mean that he remained always a man of distinction, but 
 since he is mentioned as the leader of many war parties his social status may 
 have been the result of his martial record rather than of his former chief 
 taincy. 
 
 The power of policing the village was vested in the Black Mouth society, 
 one of the age-organizations, whose activities have been fully described in a 
 previous publication. 1 Their principal functions were twofold. They 
 superintended the communal buffalo hunt so as to prevent the premature 
 stampeding of the herd; and they attempted to remove any misunder 
 standings among fellow-villagers. Thus, if an Hidatsa had killed another, 
 the relatives of the slain man might plot revenge; but the Black Mouths 
 would gather together property and offer it to the aggrieved people, fill a 
 pipe for them to smoke, and by gentle words would conciliate them and 
 cause them to give up projects of revenge. 
 
 MOIETIES AND CLANS. 
 
 The Hidatsa are divided into seven matrilineal clans, grouped in the 
 Four-clan (nd ki to pa) and the Three-clan (na ki ra ivi) moieties as 
 follows : 
 
 Four-Clan Moiety. 
 
 tsl tska ru pa ke, Prairie-chicken people 
 awa xe ra/wita, ? 
 
 miripa/ti, Real Water 
 i ticuxke, Wide Butte 
 
 Three-Clan Moiety. 
 
 maxo xati, ? 
 
 me e tsiro ka, Knife people. 2 
 
 ap u ka mika , Lower Cap 
 
 These moieties and clans were represented in each of the old Hidatsa 
 villages. 
 
 Morgan 3 does not speak of the dual division but lists the seven clans as 
 given above, his Hidatsa words being clearly the equivalents of mine. His 
 
 1 Lowie, (d), 274. 
 
 2 The native word was said to belong to the old Hidatsa language. 
 * (b), part 2, chapter 6. 
 
20 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 translations differ to some extent, being the following: Prairie-chicken, 
 Unknown-animal, Water, Hill-people, Lodge, Knife, Bonnet. 
 
 The clan origin legends I was able to get are of the trivial character 
 typical of the corresponding Crow traditions. It is said that a few young 
 men on a war party stopped over night among some macugdkca bushes, 
 such as the prairie-chickens frequent. Accordingly, the rest of the people 
 called them "Prairie-chickens." This story, like the comparable Crow 
 Indian tales, naively ignores the fact of maternal descent. The name 
 iniripd ti is said to refer to Devil s Lake. When the people of this clan were 
 asked by the other Hidatsa where they came from, they replied "Real 
 Water," meaning the lake mentioned. A second explanation of the name 
 was obtained. Some miripd ti had killed one of their clan. They moved 
 away and built a village of their own on the site of the old Hidatsa village of 
 Xu ra. They were afraid to go out in the dark because of the relatives of 
 the murdered man, so they kept a large supply of water for the night. One 
 of them kept water in a paunch. This man said, " Well, I am afraid to go 
 outside, so I keep this water, but now I don t want to drink." So he ran 
 his knife through the paunch and the water flowed out. His clan was 
 therefore called miripa tahc, Punching-water, which name was afterwards 
 altered to miripd ti. 
 
 The Prairie-chicken people did. not consider prairie-chickens as sacred 
 in any way except if a clansman had chanced to see one in a vision. Then 
 he would pray to it and would not kill it under normal conditions; but if 
 hungry he would do so. 
 
 Each clan wished to establish a reputation for bravery. Fellow-mem 
 bers tried to dissuade one another from disgraceful doings, of which all had 
 to bear the blame. Thus, if a Prairie-chicken man had committed murder, 
 his clansmen were all ashamed for other people would say, "The Prairie- 
 chickens are murderers." 
 
 The clans were exogamous but the subjective attitude towards infrac 
 tions of the rule seems to have been even milder than among the Crow. 1 
 They were regarded as improper but not as shockingly unethical. Thus, 
 Wolf-chief said that while very few married within the clan the other people 
 would simply comment on it by saying, "They like each other, we can t 
 help it." According to another informant, a man who married a woman of 
 his clan was called maru *ta, "foolish," or ?/ rooca l tsac, "belonging to the 
 same group," by his joking-relatives but others would not take any notice 
 of his actions. If a Prairie-chicken man married a Mandan woman of this 
 clan, there was no objection even on the part of the maktitsaii. The children 
 
 i Lowie, (c), 188 f. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 21 
 
 of an endogamous Prairie-chicken clan union were called tsi Is ka(a)waxe, 
 "Prairie-chicken high hill"; the informant thought in the old language the 
 word was aicaxai. No further explanation was secured. 
 
 The relations obtaining among members of the same clan and opposite 
 sex are comparable to those between brother and sister. The clanswomen 
 would make quillwork, shirts, leggings, moccasins, and robes for a clan 
 brother, and hand them to him, saying, "Brother, I bring this for you." 
 In return they would be presented with a horse. 
 
 When an Hidatsa marries a Mandan, the children are members of the 
 mother s clan and tribe. In the relatively far rarer cases of marriage with 
 an Arikara woman, the children would of course be Arikara; they would 
 not be affiliated with any Hidatsa clan unless they were adopted. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman s maternal grandmother once bought a little Crow 
 girl for a horse and plenty of goods. She adopted her as a daughter, thus 
 making her a Prairie-chicken, whereby the Crow woman s children also 
 became Prairie-chickens. If a woman of another tribe married into a 
 polygamous household, she was reckoned of the same clan as the other 
 wives (who were usually sisters). 
 
 The moieties had no marriage-regulating functions. This statement 
 rests on explicit dicta of the natives and is also borne out by the list of 
 marriages. Further, the dual division does not seem to have had any 
 connection with athletic games. 
 
 Though it is not easy fully to comprehend the nature of the Hidatsa 
 moieties, it is clear that their functions were in part political. Whenever 
 matters of tribal moment were to be debated, the grouping of men was based 
 on the dual division. This happened, for example, when treaties were 
 concluded with the United States. In such a case, either moiety as a body 
 might agree to abide by the decision reached by the other. A similar ar 
 rangement was said to exist nowadays between the Mandan and Hidatsa. 
 \Vhen the government issued calicoes, the Hidatsa also divided into two 
 groups. Then the Four-clans might say, "Three-clans, take this pile; we 
 Four-clans shall take the remainder." Being more numerous, the Four- 
 clan people would get a somew r hat larger share. 
 
 In the old days each moiety had its own territory for eagle-hunting, 
 and the complementary moiety was forbidden to hunt eagles or use the pits 
 there. 
 
 Big-cloud, Bobtail-bull, and Cherry -necklace, all members of the Three- 
 clan moiety, w r ere chiefs, but there were more chiefs belonging to the 
 Four-clans. To what extent this was connected with the numerical pre 
 ponderance of this moiety, it is impossible to say definitely. 
 
 Judging from the frequency of references to the moieties by the natives, 
 
22 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 I believe that they loomed as important divisions in their consciousness. 
 Nevertheless it seems reasonably certain that their antiquity is not so great 
 as that of the clans. The complete absence of any trace of moieties among 
 the Crow seems decisive on this point, while the clan concept of the two 
 tribes practically coincides, as do their notions as to the functions of the 
 father s clan. In short, vital features of Hidatsa social organization are 
 shared by the Crow. If the moiety division is an ancient Hidatsa institu 
 tion, why do we fail to find even a trace of it among the Crow? This 
 argument is strengthened by the evidence afforded by the kinship nomen 
 clature. Abundant proof exists for the influence of the clan organization 
 on kinship terms, but I fail to find a trace of the specific effects of a dual or 
 ganization, whether we assume that exogamy was or was not at one time 
 associated with the moieties. In an exogamous moiety system, e. g., the 
 two types of cross-cousins, father s sister s and mother s brother s child, 
 are of the same moiety; yet we shall see that these types are sharply dis 
 tinguished in Hidatsa by a difference of generations. Again the mother s 
 brother is not classed with the father s sister s husband, after the manner of 
 some tribes where this feature is possibly associated with the dual organiza 
 tion. Finally, it may be noted that while fellow-members of one s clan are 
 "brothers" and "sisters," these terms are not extended to members of the 
 same moiety if of a different clan. The only statement to the contrary 
 which I obtained by its weakness really bears out my point: it was said 
 that members of one moiety were friends, a kind of brothers. There is 
 indeed, proof that certain social practices hold for the larger division. For 
 example, I was told that when presents were received by Four-clan people 
 from their clan sons and daughters, they called together all the other mem 
 bers of the moiety and distributed their gifts among them. As shown 
 elsewhere, the joking-relationship likewise extended, at least in some meas 
 ure, to the children of the moiety members. Nevertheless, in almost all 
 such cases the indications are that we are dealing with an extension from the 
 smaller to the larger group. In other instances, a usage is definitely asso 
 ciated with the clan and only the clan. Thus, if a man struck a coup, only 
 members of his own clan rejoiced. Finally the lack of distinctive names for 
 the moieties may be regarded as corroborative testimony. Taken in con 
 nection with the various reasons already adduced, it suggests that the 
 moieties developed historically as combinations of several clans. 
 
 A clan census was taken with the main purpose of determining what 
 clans had intermarried. The results are the following: 
 
 Joe Packincau, Lower Cap; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Skunk, Lower Cap; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Juneberry, Lower Cap; husband (dead), Knife. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 Otter, Lower Cap; husband (Bad-brave), Knife. 
 
 Dancing, Lower Cap; husband (Young-wolf), Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 I tsi ki v kic, Lower Cap; unmarried; son of Bad-brave, Knife. 
 
 Medicine-crow, Lower Cap; wife, Three-clan moiety, clan not known to informant. 
 
 Many-sweet-grasses, Lower Cap; husband (Sand, dead), Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Frank Packineau, Lower Cap; wife, Mandan of clan not known to informant. 
 
 Tall-woman, Lower Cap; husband, Standing Rock Agency Dakota. 
 
 Hairy-coat, Real Water; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Looking-for-water, Prairie-chicken; husband (Crow-arm), Mandan of Three-clan 
 moiety. 
 
 Son-of-star, Knife; wife (Buffalo-bird-woman), Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Ooke wl v a (Hair-ornament-woman), maxo xati clan; husband (Crow-flies-high), 
 awdxe ra wita; father, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Drags-wolf, Real Water; wife (Prairie-dog-woman), Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Spotted-horn (son of 6Yoke wa), rnaxoxati; wife (Other-comes-out), Prairie- 
 chicken. 
 
 Many-women, Knife; husband (Kidney), awdxe ra wita. 
 
 Old-white-man, maxo xati; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Butterfly, Real Water; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Poor-wolf, Real Water; wife, Knife. 
 
 Dancing-bull, Prairie-chicken; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Fast-dog, maxS xati; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Spotted-rabbit, awdxe ra wita; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Hard-horn, awdxe ra wita; wife, Knife. 
 
 James Horn, awdxe ra wita, wife, Knife. 
 
 No-arm, maxo xati; wife, awdxe ra wita. 
 
 Biscuit, Prairie-chicken; wife, Knife. 
 
 Sitting-owl, Knife; wife, awdxe ra wita. 
 
 Foolish-bear, Wide Butte; wife, awdxe ra wita. 
 
 George Elk, Wide Butte; wife, Mandan. 
 
 George Blackhawk, Wide Butte; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Bull s-eye, Wide Butte; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Spotted-wolf, awdxe ra wita; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Thomas Spotted-w r olf, Knife; wife, Three-clan moiety. 
 
 Young-bird, Knife; wife, Three-clan moiety. 
 
 Yellow-wolf, maxS xati; wife, Knife. 
 
 James Baker, Knife; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Lewis Baker, Knife; wife, awdxe ra wita. 
 
 Percy Baker, Knife; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Willy Hale, maxo xati; wife, Real W ater. 
 
 Arthur Mandan, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 White-finger-nail, Knife; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Coffee, Real Water; wife, Knife. 1 
 
 Francis Charging, Knife; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Bird-bear, awdxe ra wita; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Harry Eaton, Knife; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 1 The informant was not sure of the clan, but felt certain that Coffee s wife was of the 
 Three-clan moiety. 
 
Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Little-wolf, Knife; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Young-bear, aw r axe ra wita; wife, Dakota. 
 
 Front-coyote, awaxe ra wita; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Peter Standish, Three-clan moiety; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Walks, Three-clan moiety; wife, Mandan, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Henry Bad-gun, Knife; wife, Knife. 
 
 Lean-bear, Knife; wife, Knife. 
 
 Robert Lincoln, Prairie-chicken; wife, Knife. 
 
 Sam Jones (= Left-hand-bull), Real Water; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Crow-bull, Real Water; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Black-mountain-lion, Knife; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Phillip Atkins, Knife; wife, Real Water. 
 
 Foolish-wolf, awaxe ra wita; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Holding-eagle, Prairie-chicken; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Watkins, Prairie-chicken; unmarried. 
 
 William Coghlan, Real Water; unmarried. 
 
 Louis His-horse-is-red, Real Water; wife, Wide Butte. 
 
 Dan Wolf, Real Water; wife, Dakota. 
 
 Good-bear, Real-water; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Buffalo-paunch, Real Water; wife, awaxe ra wita. 
 
 Wolf -chief, Prairie-chicken; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Bear-arm, Knife; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Old-dog, Three-clan moiety (probably Knife) ; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 White-duck, Three-clan moiety (probably Knife); wife, Knife. 
 
 Stick-face, Prairie-chicken; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Rabbit-head, Knife; wife, Knife. 
 
 White-face, Knife; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Pan, awaxe ra wita; wife, Lower Cap. 
 
 Rabbit-above, Prairie-chicken; wife, Real Water. 
 
 Conrad Smith, Prairie-chicken; wife, awaxe ra wdta. 
 
 Bears-in-water, Lower Cap; wife, Three-clan moiety (Knife?). 
 
 Harry Savings, Knife; wife, Mandan Prairie-chicken. 
 
 William Dean, Lower Cap; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Stanley Dean, Lower Cap ; wife, Three-clan moiety. 
 
 Mike Bassett, Real Water; wife, Three-clan moiety. 
 
 Big-head, Three-clan moiety; wife, Prairie-chicken. 
 
 Old-male-black-bear, awaxe ra wita; wife, Three-clan moiety. 
 
 One-feather, awaxe ra wita; wife, Wide Butte. 
 
 Carl Withman, Three-clan moiety; wife, Mandan. 
 
 Sam Newman, Three-clan moiety (because his Arikara mother joined Three-clan 
 
 moiety) ; wife, Arikara. 
 
 Many-shrines, awaxe ra wita; husband, (Bear s necklace), Prairie-chicken. 
 First-squash-blossom, awaxe ra wita; husband (Bobtail-bull), Knife. 
 Skunk-woman, Knife; no husband. 
 Many-woman, Knife; husband (Kidney), awdxe ra wita. 
 Marakapec, Knife; husband, Lower Cap. 
 Woman-bear, Prairie-chicken; husband, Lower Cap. 
 Buffalo-woman, Prairie-chicken; husband, Knife. 
 Takes-out, Real Water; husband, Knife. 
 Cold-medicine, Knife; husband, Knife. 
 
1917.] 
 
 Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 25 
 
 Yellow-top, Real Water; husband, awaxe ra wita. 
 His-cherry, Real Water; husband, awaxe ra wita. 
 Juneberry, Knife; husband, awaxe ra wita. 
 Not-woman, Knife; husband, Mandan. 
 
 Different-snake, Knife; husband, (Prairie-chicken), Mandan. 
 Grows-on-water, Knife; husband, Real Water. 
 Corn-stalk, Knife; husband (Two-hearts), awaxe ra wita. 
 All-blossom, Real- Water; husband, (Black-chest), Mandan. 
 Woman-in-water, Knife; husband, Mandan. 
 
 Of the 153 adult Hidatsa (living and dead) listed above, the clan affilia 
 tions are as follows : Prairie-chicken, 26; awaxe ra wita, 26 ; Real Water 21; 
 Wide Butte, 6; maxo xati, 7; Knife, 51; Lower Cap 16. The total for 
 the Four-clan people is accordingly 79, for the Three-clans 74. 
 
 In the following table the data bearing on intermarriages of clans are 
 presented, the method adopted being essentially that suggested by Dr. A. A. 
 Goldenweiser. 1 Since the order of the spouses in the preceding list is 
 
 Prairie- awdxe Real Wide maxo - Lower 
 
 chicken ra wita Water Butte xati Knife Cap 
 
 awdxe ra wita 
 
 Knife 
 
 Lower Cap 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 1 
 
 3 
 
 7 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 9 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 9 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 1 Goldenweiser, 284. 
 
26 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 immaterial, the vertical and the horizontal columns ought to give identical 
 figures, which of course implies duplication. That is to say, the number of 
 marriages between, say, the Prairie-chickens and the Real Waters is re 
 corded in the third square of the first horizontal column but also in the third 
 square of the first vertical column, and so forth. Marriages with foreigners 
 have been disregarded, and a zero indicates that no marriage between the 
 two clans in question is on record. 
 
 Small as is the total number of marriages recorded, certain interesting 
 facts develop from this tabulation. For one thing, the only cases of non- 
 exogamous unions, four in all, occur in the Knife clan. Secondly, the non- 
 exogamous nature of the moieties is clearly shown. Of the fifty-six marriages 
 recorded, twenty-three took place within the moiety, thirteen among the 
 Four-clan and ten among the Three-clan people. Each of the clans of the 
 former moiety has intermarried with the three other clans of the same 
 moiety. In the Three-clan moiety there is no record of an intra-moiety 
 marriage between the maxo xati and Lower Cap clans, but this must be due 
 merely to the small number of maxo xati people since there is also no case 
 of their intermarrying with the Wide Butte of the complementary division, 
 while an instance occurs of a maxo xati marrying a Knife. Further, it is 
 important to note that of the five types of union permissible by clan exo 
 gamy, but not recorded as having actually occurred, four would be perfectly 
 consistent with exogamous moieties. The simplest explanation of the 
 lacking combinations is that they are absent simply because of the inade 
 quate extent of the series. It can hardly be assumed that the Wide Butte 
 on principle eschewed possible mates from the complementary moiety, 
 while the small number of individuals of that clan (6) sufficiently accounts 
 for the phenomenon. A similar explanation may be offered for the lack of 
 Lower Cap and maxo xati marriages, there being only seven members of the 
 latter clan in my list. The only case not so obviously interpreted in this 
 way is that of the Real Waters (21) and the Lower Caps (16), but even here 
 the number of individuals is not very great, and the moiety factor being 
 excluded no explanation but chance suggests itself. In short, I believe that 
 in principle the Hidatsa had no objection to marrying into any clan except 
 their own. 
 
 TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP. 
 
 Morgan rightly insists on the essential similarity between the Hidatsa 
 and Crow kinship systems and gives a fairly accurate exposition of their 
 dominant principles. 1 He deserves special credit for emphasizing two very 
 
 Morgan, (a), 188-189. 
 
1917.| Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 27 
 
 characteristic traits, the placing of the cross-cousins into generations 
 different from the speaker s, and the classification of the mother s brother 
 with the elder brother. The Crow and Hidatsa terminologies differ mark 
 edly from the ordinary form of classificatory system as found among the 
 Dakota in the complete lack of specific terms for uncle, nephew and niece, 
 and cross-cousins. Thus, there is no distinction between male and female 
 speech in designating the brother s son and daughter, both men and women 
 classifying these with their own children. Morgan errs, however, in his 
 treatment of the paternal aunt relationship. According to him, this aunt 
 is called "grandmother" and correlatively calls her brother s children 
 "grandchild"; though he also mentions a distinct word phonetically corre 
 sponding to my bacci wi, he explains that it is restricted to male usage. 
 According to my information, this is incorrect. The word baca wi, though 
 without a correlative to designate the nephew-niece relationship, is the 
 regular word used by both sexes for the father s sister; and this relative is 
 not addressed as grandmother. This statement is corroborated by Mat- 
 thews s data (see below) . Morgan s error may be due to rationalization from 
 the fact that this aunt s husband is undoubtedly called grandfather. 
 
 Other points of disagreement with Morgan will be best considered in 
 connection with the terms themselves. 
 
 Matthews s list l does not give nearly as many connotations as Morgan s, 
 but is rather accurate so far as it goes and phonetically superior. Matthews 
 makes the mistake of claiming for the Hidatsa system a specific term for 
 maternal uncle, ita du (with third person pronoun). "Maternal uncle" 
 is only one of the meanings this word has; it is applied, as Morgan also 
 notes, to the elder brother (w. sp.), and the essential thing is this classifica 
 tion of the mother s brother with the elder brother. In the Bear-girl myth, 
 e. g., the heroine addresses her elder brothers as matd ru. Matthews there 
 fore further errs in stating that itame tsa is the only term for a woman s 
 elder brother, though he is right in saying that this is a general name for 
 brother or male cousin, i. e., is used by both sexes. According to my in 
 formants it may even be applied to sisters, though the stem seems to be 
 simply that for "man." 
 
 While clan lines are obliterated by the absence of specific terms for the 
 brother s son and daughter (w. sp.), the clan factor becomes so dominant 
 as to override the generation factor in the designation of cross-cousins, the 
 female descendants through females of the paternal aunt, of the maternal 
 uncle, and of the maternal grandmother s brother. At least, this is the 
 most satisfactory explanation of the empirical facts. 
 
 Matthews, 55-57. 
 
28 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 For the sake of clearness I shall, regardless of the necessity of some 
 repetition and arbitrariness, list the Hidatsa terms under the general 
 headings of consanguinity and affinity, and further subdivide according to 
 generations. Where there is no absolute demarcation between terms of 
 consanguinity and affinity, I shall indicate overlapping by bracketing the 
 connotations in point. It should be noted that differences in generation are 
 not distinguished beyond the second ascending and descending generations. 
 
 The words are given with the first person pronominal forms, but where 
 the stem differs for other persons these forms are also listed. 
 
 Except for the father terms and where a vocative form is precluded by 
 avoidance rules, the vocative and non-vocative stems coincide, but minor 
 alterations are made either by suffixing c for the non-vocative or by a change 
 of accent. Thus, matawapica/, my grandchild (voc.) becomes ma^tawapi ca; 
 maku , my grandmother (voc.) is changed to maku c, and matu , my brother s 
 wife (voc., w. sp.) becomes matu c. 
 
 TERMS OF CONSANGUINITY. 
 
 Speaker s Generation. In order to avoid unnecessary reiteration, I 
 state at the outset that parallel cousins are brothers and sisters, while cross- 
 cousins, being placed in the parent and child relationship, are not included 
 in the present section. Further, it should be noted that all male clansfolk 
 are brothers, while the female members of one s clan and generation are 
 sisters. 
 
 mi aka (m. sp.). My elder brother, mother s brother, mother s mother s 
 brother, mother s mother s mother s brother. 
 
 matsu ka . My younger brother (m. sp., w. sp.), sister s son, (m. sp.), 
 sister s daughter s son (m. sp.). 
 
 matawi a (m. sp.). My elder sister. 
 
 mata kl ica (m. sp.). My younger sister, sister s daughter. 
 
 mata ru (w. sp.). My elder brother, mother s brother, mother s 
 mother s brother. 
 
 maru u (w. sp.). My elder sister. 
 
 mata ku (w. sp.). My younger sister. 
 
 matawa tsa. My brother or sister, 1 regardless of relative age; members 
 of one s clan are designated by this term. 
 
 maku tsati. My father s clansman s child (see p. 42). (Father s 
 clansmen s children may be addressed as brothers and sisters). 
 
 As noted above, the stem seems to be that for "man." 
 
1917.1 
 
 Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 29 
 
 o 
 
 S-J 
 
 
 
 T3 
 
 o> 
 
 S 
 
 2 
 
 O 
 
 ^ 3 
 
 .2 a 
 
 03 O 
 
 pa 
 
30 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 In addition to the above may be listed mata wa + i tia, which was 
 given as an alternative for mi x aka . The word is readily analyzed into 
 ma^ta, first person possessive pronoun; wa, one who; i tia , big, old (here 
 with comparative meaning, that is, my big (old) one. Brothers and sisters 
 by the same father and mother might be called collectively makitawa tsik&ti, 
 makil rukfr tats, or maki xuakd^ tats. 
 
 matawl a is obviously derived from mi a, woman, the m being changed 
 to w in intervocalic position. 
 
 It is obvious that the nomenclature for brothers and sisters distinguish 
 ing relative seniority is rather full, seven out of eight possible concepts 
 being represented ; only for the younger brother is there a term common to 
 male and female speech. Mandan is poorer by two terms, that for younger 
 brother (m. sp., w. sp.) being also applied to the elder brother by women, 
 while the men do not differentiate elder and younger sisters. Morgan gives 
 only six Hidatsa terms, merging the women s with the men s word for 
 younger sister; but matd^ku is certainly correct for the former and is 
 listed by Matthews. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman (see table, p. 29) calls Wolf-chief matsu^ka , and he calls her 
 matawl a; she called her deceased elder brother Black-horn matd ru and was called 
 in turn mata ki icd. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman called her younger sister, Cold-medicine, mata^ku, and was 
 called maru . 
 
 Cold-medicine s children would have been Good-bird s brothers and sisters. 
 
 Wolf-chief calls White-owl matsu^ka because they are fellow-clansmen. 
 
 Son-of-a-star s brother s children are Goodbird s brothers and sisters. 
 
 The unusual confusion of generations indicated by the meanings listed 
 above was checked by genealogical data. 
 
 Goodbird calls Wolf-chief and Tsiri kec mi* oka and they call him matstfkd; 
 the latter is addressed mata ru by Wl atic and Buffalo-bird-woman. Tsiri"kec 
 is also elder brother to Wolf-chief. If Buffalo-bird-woman had any daughters or 
 daughter s daughters, all of these would address Tsiri kec as matd ru, elder brother, 
 and he would call them mata klica , younger sister. 
 
 Butterfly s children (table, p. 31) are Buffalo-bird-woman s brothers and sisters 
 for they are the children of her father s sister s son, i. e., of her "father" (see below). 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 31 
 
 Genealogical Table 2 
 
 = H 
 
 Wi atic = Small-ankle 
 
 = Butterfly 
 
 Wolf-chief 
 
 i 
 
 Mrs. Packs-wolf = Packs-wolf 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman = Son-of-star 
 
 Crow Mrs. Goodbird = Goodbird 
 
 (by adoption) 
 
 First Ascending Generation, tate (voc.)- -My father, father s brother 
 or clansman, hence father s mother s brother, and father s sister s son, 
 [mother s sister s husband]. 
 
 ma tuc (non-voc.). Coextensive with above; 3d person, aruwd tu. 
 
 tati c (non-voc.). Also coextensive with above. 
 
 ita kaxie\ My father, father s clansman (optional), [father-in-law]. 
 
 i ka . My mother, mother s sister, [father s brother s wife]. 
 
 ihu c. His mother, etc. 
 
 baca wi. Father s sister or her clanswoman of the same generation, 
 father s sister s daughter, father s sister s daughter s daughter, and all other 
 female descendants through females ad infinitum. 
 
 The poverty of Hidatsa terminology in- this generation is noteworthy, 
 not only as regards the absence of uncles, but also in point of specific terms 
 for the sexes and as regards differentiation of vocative and non-vocative. 
 
 Both Buffalo-bird-woman and Wolf-chief called Small-ankle late . 
 
 Morgan incorrectly classes the father s sister s daughter with the mother and her 
 husband with the father; since the father s sister s daughter is classed with the 
 paternal aunt, her husband is logically classed with this aunt s husband, i. e., as a 
 grandfather (see below). His error in classing the father s sister s daughter with 
 the mother is presumably a consequence of his mistake concerning the father s sister. 
 
 Tsiri kec (see table, p. 29) would be called tale by Goodbird s children, because 
 he is Goodbird s mother s mother s mother s brother, i. e., his "brother" and thus 
 stands to them in the relationship of a father s brother. 
 
 Wolf-chief, about sixty-five years of age, actually addressed male members of 
 his father s clan as "father" even if they were little boys. 
 
32 
 
 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Crow-arm (see table, p. 29) calls Tsiri kec father, because the latter stands to 
 him in the relationship of mother s (adopted) sister s husband. But Tsiri kec is 
 regarded as an elder brother by Goodbird, Wolf-chief and Buffalo-bird-woman for 
 reasons previously given. Hence Crow-arm is treated by all three as a brother s 
 son, i. e., is called "son" and addresses the two men as "father." This is not mere 
 rationalization but the actual mode of address. My interpreter Goodbird told me 
 he had never known before my inquiries why Crow-arm, who is about seventy-five 
 years of age, called him father. 
 
 Butterfly (table, p. 31) is Buffalo-bird-woman s father because he is her father s 
 sister s son. For the same reason Ben Benson s son is Goodbird s father (table, 
 p. 32), and Goodbird is called father by Wolf-chief s son. Benson s daughter, Leaf, 
 and Leaf s daughter are called bacd wi by Goodbird. 
 
 Butterfly s daughter, Mrs. Packs-wolf, is Buffalo-bird-woman s sister and 
 therefore "mother" to Goodbird; her children are Buffalo-bird-woman s children 
 and Goodbird s brothers and sisters. Butterfly s son, however, would be Goodbird s 
 brother, for he would be Goodbird s mother s father s sister s son s son = mother s 
 father s son = mother s brother = brother. 
 
 Wolf-chief s son calls Buffalo-bird-woman bacd wi. Wolf-chief s daughter 
 would call Buffalo-bird-woman s daughter, i. e., her father s sister s daughter bacd wi. 
 
 Goodbird s children, male and female, would call Tsiri kec tale . 
 
 Wolf-chief s children call Goodbird "father." 
 
 Packs-wolf and all of Good-bird s clan sons (i. e., clansmen s sons) call him 
 it d kaxi^e, literally, "old man"; tate would be equally correct. 
 
 Goodbird called Cold-medicine i ka . 
 
 When a clan-father is younger than the speaker, he may be called md luo kari cta, 
 i. e., young (or small) father. 
 
 Son-of-a-star s sister s daughters are addressed by Goodbird as baca wi and her 
 sons as tate . 
 
 Genealogical Table 3 
 
 Ben Benson = Brown- chest 
 
 Son-of-star = Buffalo-bird-woman 
 
 Benson s son Leaf = Hi 
 
 Goodbird 
 
 Leaf s son 
 
 Leaf s daughter 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 33 
 
 Second Ascending Generation. ma v rut a ka . My grandfather (m. sp., 
 w. sp.)> grandfather s brother (m. sp., w. sp.), [father-in-law, w. sp.], [father s 
 sister s husband, m. sp., w. sp.], [grandfather s sister s husband], [husband s 
 sister s husband]. 
 
 maku . My grandmother (m. sp., w. sp.), grandmother s sister (m. sp., 
 w. sp.), [mother-in-law, w. sp.], [grandfather s brother s wife (m. sp., w. sp.)]. 
 
 Morgan s error as regards the use of the grandmother term for the 
 father s sister has already been noted. He is also mistaken in classing the 
 mother s mother s brother with the grandfather; as explained in an earlier 
 section, this kinsman is called elder brother. 
 
 The classification of the father s sister s husband with the grandfather 
 is one point of difference from the Crow system. According to Morgan s 
 schedules, this Hidatsa feature is shared only by unrelated tribes, viz., the 
 Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Pawnee. 1 
 
 Ben Benson (table, p. 32) is Goodbird s father s sister s husband, hence is called 
 grandfather. 
 
 Logical inferences from peculiarities of nomenclature previously noted result in 
 astonishing anomalies. Thus, Hairy-coat (see table, p. 32), though about seventy, 
 actually addresses Goodbird, about forty-five, as "grandfather." The reason is 
 that his real grandfather, Tsiri"kec, being Goodbird s mother s mother s mother s 
 brother becomes Goodbird s elder brother, whence the conclusion that Goodbird 
 is a grandfather s brother and accordingly, a grandfather. For a similar reason 
 Hairy-coat addresses Buffalo-bird-woman, his grandfather s "sister," as grand 
 mother, and the same word is applied to her by his brothers and children. 
 
 Butterfly is Goodbird s grandfather because for reasons given in the preceding 
 section he is Goodbird s mother s "father." 
 
 Small-ankle s brothers are Goodbird s grandfathers; his sisters are Goodbird s 
 and Goodbird s children s grandmothers. Small-ankle s sister s husbands are 
 Goodbird s grandfathers, Small-ankle s brother s wife is Goodbird s grandmother. 
 
 Son-of-a-star s paternal aunt is Goodbird s grandmother; his paternal uncle is 
 Goodbird s grandfather. 
 
 First Descending Generation, marica . My son, brother s son or clan 
 brother s son, mother s brother s son, sister s son (this last meaning only 
 for w. sp.). 
 
 batse cie. My clan son, also used in addressing any young man of 
 unknown relationship. 
 
 ma ka . My daughter, brother s daughter, mother s brother s daughter, 
 sister s daughter (this last meaning only for w. sp.). 
 
 ma tawakari cta. My child (literally, my little one). 
 
 One anomaly that particularly requires genealogical confirmation here is the lack 
 of a nephew and niece term correlative with baca wi. The correctness of the mean- 
 
 i Morgan, (a), 322. 
 
34 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 ings given is shown by the fact that Buffalo-bird-woman calls Wolf-chief s son 
 maricd and his daughter ma kd as though they were her own children, while in turn 
 she is addressed baca wi. 
 
 Goodbird calls Wolf-chief s children maricd and ma ka . 
 
 Cold-medicine called Goodbird, her sister s son, marica . 
 
 Second Descending Generation, ma tawapica/. My grandchild, my 
 brother s grandchild, [wife s brother s son]. 
 
 It has already been pointed out (p. 33) that the mother s mother s 
 brother s (or even the mother s mother s mother s brother s) daughter s 
 son is classed with the grandchild. 
 
 Consistently with his remarks on the designation of the father s sister, Morgan 
 classifies the woman s brother s child with the grandchild. As shown in the preced 
 ing section, a woman classifies her brother s children with her own. Morgan further 
 errs in stating that a man classifies his sister s grandchild with his own; this is im 
 possible since his sister s children are called his brothers and sisters. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman calls any one of Goodbird s children, male or female, mata- 
 wapica . 
 
 TERMS OF AFFINITY. 
 
 Speaker s Generation, ma kira c (non-voc.). My husband, provided 
 I have never been married before. 
 
 ma tamwi a (non-voc.). My wife, provided she has never been married 
 before. (The last two syllables form the usual word for "woman"). 
 
 ma taruwatsec. My husband, if I have been married before. (The 
 last two syllables form the usual word for " man.") 
 
 e raha (non-voc.). My spouse. 
 
 u a. His wife. 
 
 There is considerable complexity in the nomenclature of spouses and 
 their brothers or sisters, and the definitions given must be supplemented by 
 the following data. A man may call his wife by name, but a woman must 
 not call her husband by name though the words forming it are not taboo to 
 her. Spouses call each other hi re or hari ku, which words are not so much 
 terms of kinship as demonstrative interjections meaning "that fellow" or 
 " that woman." If the wife has not been married before, her husband may 
 call her hi re maVaruwi a. If the woman had been previously married, the 
 husband s joking-relatives would object to his using the latter expression 
 with respect to her. 
 
 Teknonymy may be used non-vocatively by both spouses if the wife has 
 been married before. The woman is then spoken of as- mara ka ihu c, my 
 child s mother, and the man either by a corresponding phrase or with the 
 name of the child substituted. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Croiv Social Organization. 35 
 
 I have no instance of u u compounded with the first person pronoun 
 though this combination occurs with the same root in the word for brother s 
 wife (see below). Instead of u a may be used the third person form of 
 ma iaruwi a (with the restriction of meaning already noted). 
 
 Of several women in a polygamous household, each not previously 
 married might refer to her husband as md^ kird c. 
 
 A man calls his wife s sister as he does his own wife, viz., hi re or ha ri- 
 wa ku (apparently a variation of hari *ku), or by name. Non-vocatively 
 he uses a descriptive phrase, e. g., ma^taruwi ac itd kuc, my wife s younger 
 sister. When a man has taken to wife first the elder and then the 
 younger of two sisters, the latter is referred to as i^taruwi a kari ctac, " his 
 young wife." Goodbird calls his wife s elder sister by name, other people 
 refer to her as u a i ti ac, "his wife s elder one"; he calls his wife s younger 
 sister by name, while other people refer to her as itaruwi ac, "his wife." 
 
 A woman thinks of her sister s husband as her own, but calls him batse , 
 "man"; non-vocatively she uses a descriptive phrase, e. g., marii c kird^c, 
 "my elder sister s husband." 
 
 This last expression is given by Morgan for the father s brother s daughter s 
 husband (w. sp.); this is of course correct provided the speaker is younger than her 
 female cousin. Morgan s ma-ensh-ke-rash for the sister s husband (w. sp.) is probably 
 merely a typographical error. 
 
 A woman calls her husband s brother hi re; the corresponding non- 
 vocative form is given below. 
 
 iri kue ts is used for a fellow-wife, presumably only if not a sister. 
 In jest a man may call his wife s brother his wife. 
 
 Small-ankle had four wives and called each of them by name, referring to them as 
 mataruwi ac. Each wife referred to him as mofkira c. 
 
 The remaining terms of affinity in this generation are as follows : 
 
 bu v aka (m. sp.) My brother s wife. 
 
 mara ti (m. sp.). My wife s brother, sister s husband. 
 
 maci kicdc (non-voc.). My husband s brother. 
 
 matu (w. sp.). My brother s wife, my husband s sister. 
 
 Morgan rightly extends the meaning of bu aka to cover the wives of relatives 
 classed with the brother, viz., the father s brother s son, mother s sister s son, and 
 mother s brother; he is mistaken in also translating the word "husband s brother," 
 for which a specific term is given in my list, bu aka, both in Hidatsa and Crow, is 
 clearly derived from u a, wife, (bu a, my wife), mara ti is correctly given by Morgan 
 as applying to the husband of the father s brother s and mother s sister s daughter. 
 Of matu he also extends the connotation correctly to the wives of the parallel cousins. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman calls Wolf-chief s wife matu and is so called by her sister-in- 
 law. 
 
36 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI r 
 
 First Ascending Generation. ma N rut a ka . My father-in-law (w. sp.); 
 husband s sister s husband (w. sp.) ; father s sister s husband, (m. sp., w. sp.) ; 
 [grandfather, m. sp., w. sp.]. 
 
 niaku . My mother-in-law (w. sp.); my sister s mother-in-law (w. sp.); 
 fmy grandmother, m. sp., w. sp.]. 
 
 Since the parent-in-law taboo is observed by the Hidatsa, neither the 
 wife s father nor her mother was normally addressed. The regulation as 
 to the former was, however, less strict and when it was relaxed the son-in- 
 law might use the vocative form iVa kaxie, "old man." Non-vocatively 
 he uses another form of the same stem, ma ta it d ka. The mother-in-law 
 is non-vocatively referred to as mat ut a ka; this term also includes all 
 those the w T ife calls mother, grandmother, and baca wi. 
 
 I find no warrant whatsoever for Morgan s term md-na-tish, which he 
 translates "husband s father, wife s father." Phonetically his word re 
 sembles that for brother-in-law (m. sp.). 
 
 I have collected various instances of the use of mcf rut a ka . Thus, Wolf- 
 chief s son s wife would so call Goodbird, her husband s father s sister s son = hus 
 band s "father." If Small-ankle were still living, Wolf-chief s wife would address 
 him as ma rut a ka and he would call her mat u ka . 
 
 Morgan defines his equivalent of my mat ut a ka to mean both wife s mother and 
 husband s mother. According to my data, only the former is correct. If Small- 
 ankle s wife were living, Mrs. Wolf-chief would call her maku. 
 
 Wolf-chief s daughter s husband would refer to Goodbird, i. e., his wife s father s 
 sister s son, as ita kaxie . 
 
 Wolf-chief s son s wife would call Goodbird, i. e., her husband s father s sister s 
 son, wa v ruta ka , the same word which would be used by Wolf-chief s daughter s 
 child. 
 
 Goodbird is called ma ruta ka by his wife s brother s wife. 
 
 Goodbird s wife and all her sisters call Buffalo-bird-woman, maku. 
 
 If Small-ankle s wife were living, Wolf-chief s wife would call her maku. 
 
 Goodbird classes with his father-in-law his wife s father s brothers, both her 
 grandfathers and all their brothers, her father s sister s sons and her other father s 
 clansmen, Mrs. Goodbird s grandmother and their sisters, her mother s sisters, 
 her father s own and clan sisters are all Goodbird s mothers-in-law. 
 
 First Descending Generation, mat u v ka . My daughter-in-law, wife s 
 brother s wife, mother s brother s son s wife. 
 
 The son-in-law is not addressed directly on account of the avoidance 
 rule. Non-vocatively he may be referred to in several ways, of which 
 no ha kac is probably the most common; qualified by the word for woman, 
 no ha kac wi a, it is sometimes applied to the daughter-in-law instead of 
 the word given above. Another word for the daughter s husband is matu ti. 
 mard ka , " my child" and ma ka kird c, "my daughter s husband," are like 
 wise used in referring to him. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 37 
 
 According to Morgan, men class the sister s son s wife with the daughter, address 
 ing her ma ka . Though I have no note on this relationship, this seems inconsistent 
 with other connotations. Since the sister s son is classed with the younger brother, 
 his wife would properly be a brother s wife, i. e., addressed as bit oka . 
 
 As Morgan notes, the term mat u" ka is applied to the wife of the brother s son 
 (m. sp.) and of the sister s son (w. sp.). For son-in-law Morgan only gives the 
 phonetic equivalent of my matu ti. He is right in including under this head the 
 mother s brother s daughter s husband. 
 
 Morgan gives me-na for sister s daughter s husband (m. sp.). I did not obtain 
 this word and think it must be an error; the sister s daughter being a "sister," her 
 husband would be a "brother-in-law." 
 
 Another term found in Morgan s schedules is mat-to -we-a-ka-zhe, "brother s 
 son s wife" (w. sp.). Since the brother s son is classed with the son, his wife would 
 naturally be called by the usual word for daughter-in-law. 
 
 If Wolf-chief s daughter married, her husband would be referred to by Good- 
 bird as no^haka , matu ti or markka . If Wolf-chief s son married, his wife would be 
 called mat u ka by Goodbird. 
 
 If Small-ankle s wife were living, she would call Mrs. Wolf-chief mat w v ka . 
 
 Son-of-star was Small-ankle s real son-in-law. Small-ankle would also have 
 classed with Son-of-star the husbands of Buffalo-bird-woman s daughters, and of her 
 daughters daughters, whom of course Buffalo-bird-woman would also regard as 
 sons-in-law. Good-bird s wife is Small-ankle s daughter-in-law; Wolf-chief s 
 daughter s husband is Buffalo-bird-woman s son-in-law; Goodbird s daughter s 
 husband would stand in this relationship to both Goodbird and Buffalo-bird-woman. 
 
 One of the most interesting features of the Hidatsa kinship system is the 
 fact that the same individuals may stand to each other in two or more 
 relationships. The concrete cases are too few to permit generalization as 
 to the preferential use of one of the possible terms in actual practice, and I 
 must accordingly content myself with describing the facts. 
 
 For reasons previously set forth Hairy-coat is Buffalo-bird-woman s 
 "grandchild." But he is also a member of the same clan as Buffalo-bird- 
 woman s father, hence he is her "father." According to my informants, 
 both appellations might have been used, but as a matter of fact Buffalo-bird- 
 woman and her brother Wolf-chief only called Hairy-coat "father" when 
 they received a sacred bundle object from him. 
 
 Still more instructive are the relations between Packs-wolf and Goodbird. 
 From diagram 2, it appears that Packs-wolf is Goodbird s mother s father s 
 sister s son s daughter s husband = mother s father s daughter s husband = 
 mother s sister s husband = father. On the other hand, Packs-wolf s 
 father was a member of Goodbird s clan, whence the relationship would be 
 reversed, Goodbird becoming Packs-wolf s father. But this is not all. 
 Mrs. Goodbird s sister adopted Packs-wolf s brother, Crow-not-knowing, 
 as her brother, whence Mrs. Goodbird likewise became sister to Crow-not- 
 knowing, all his brothers simultaneously becoming her brothers as well. 
 
38 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Thus, Packs-wolf is a brother of Goodbird s wife and accordingly Good- 
 bird s brother-in-law. As a matter of fact, Goodbird never called Packs- 
 wolf tail but batsc ec or batse tcia because of the clan relationship, which 
 thus took precedence here but for some reasons not in the case of Hairy- 
 coat. Packs-wolf called Goodbird tate , but they might treat each other as 
 brothers-in-law and Mrs. Packs-wolf in speaking to Goodbird about her 
 husband would say, " na atu di rati e raha, " your father your brother-in- 
 law my spouse." 
 
 Son-of-star was Goodbird s own father. On the other hand, Goodbird 
 was Son-of-star s father because Goodbird is of the Prairie-chicken clan to 
 which Son-of-star s own father belonged. Goodbird never actually called 
 his father "son"; he was, however, entitled to his share when Son-of-star 
 gave presents to his clan fathers (see p. 40). 
 
 Poor-wolf belonged to the same clan as Buffalo-bird-woman s father, 
 and she belongs to Poor-wolf s father s clan. Accordingly, he was both her 
 clan father and also her clan son. Actually, she only called him "father." 
 This may have been due either to his age or to his functioning as a cere 
 monial father towards her. 
 
 With reference to Small-ankle s wife (Buffalo-bird-woman s mother), 
 Poor-wolf also stood in a dual relationship. Since she was wife to a clan 
 brother he might have viewed her as a sister-in-law; actually he never 
 called her buaka but addressed her as baca wi since she was one of his 
 father s clanswomen. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman looked upon Cherry-necklace as her brother-in-law 
 because her brother, Painted-yellow, was his brother-in-law. But when 
 another brother, Bear s-necklace, married Cherry-necklace s daughter, 
 Buffalo-bird-woman henceforth regarded him as her father-in-law. In 
 such cases, my informant explained, the relationship of father-in-law takes 
 precedence and thereafter she would not joke with Cherry-necklace any 
 more. 
 
 KINSHIP USAGES. 
 
 Brother and Sister. As among the Crow, it was not considered proper 
 that an adult brother and sister should hold long conversations together. 
 "If I am married," said Buffalo-bird-woman, "and Wolf-chief visits me 
 with his wife, he talks with my husband and I talk with his wife. If he 
 should come to my house when I am alone, we should settle any business or 
 say anything special we may have to say to each other and then he would 
 leave." 
 
 This in no way interferes with their sentiments. "I love Wolf-chief," 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 39 
 
 said the same informant, "and he loves me. I have nothing against him 
 in my heart." She always tries to help him and vice versa. When she was 
 little, she took care of him. If he did anything wrong, she scolded him, 
 and if she did anything out of the way she was scolded by him. Until she 
 was ten years of age, they slept together, but later they slept separately 
 and from that time on only spoke to each other when necessary. 
 
 Black-horn gave Buffalo-bird-woman many horses, while she gave 
 presents to his wife. 
 
 A woman would tan her brother s robes and prepare meals for him. He 
 would exhort his sister not to do anything bad. Neither will say anything 
 suggestive of obscenity in the other s presence. 
 
 When there is a dance at which presents are distributed, a sister will ask 
 her brother to give away her own horses. On one occasion Buffalo-bird- 
 woman s brothers thus disposed of seven of her horses. 
 
 Brothers; Mother s Brothers. An elder brother is the proper person to 
 punish his, junior, and when the latter is old enough his senior exhorts him 
 to seek visions, to go to war and earn honor marks, etc. 
 
 The relations between a mother s brother and a sister s son (m. sp.) are 
 said to be consistent with the terminological peculiarities noted in a previous 
 section. Wolf-chief treats Goodbird as a younger brother and says his 
 feelings towards him are the same as they were towards Changing-enemy, 
 his deceased younger brother. 
 
 Sisters. Sisters work together and help each other. Normally, when a 
 younger sister grew up to maturity, she was also married by her elder 
 sister s husband (see p. 46). 
 
 Cousins. Buffalo-bird-woman laughed outright at the query whether 
 Goodbird might marry Wolf-chief s daughter, i. e., his maternal uncle s 
 daughter, whom he calls "daughter." The idea of a man marrying his 
 daughter ! It would be the same as though he were marrying his own child. 
 She had never heard of such a case. People would regard such a married 
 couple as dogs. 
 
 After the above, it hardly requires special statement that marriage 
 between parallel cousins was also tabooed. 
 
 Parents and Children. One of the points in which the Hidatsa differ 
 sharply from the Crow is in the more systematic character of their thinking 
 and acting. Thus, I get the impression that in the education of children 
 the Crow allowed their boys and girls to pick up many things by mere 
 observation which the Hidatsa taught by definite instruction. This is 
 strikingly true in the sphere of religion, where a father would point out to 
 his son each progressive step in the way of sacrifice and prayer which it was 
 proper for him to take. 
 
40 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 This leads to a sociologically important point. Among the Hidatsa 
 ceremonialism is highly developed, particularly in connection with certain 
 sacred bundles ("shrines," as Doctor Gilbert L. Wilson calls them). Now, 
 while descent in the clan is strictly matrilineal, as already shown, property 
 rights to the sacred bundles are transmitted exclusively in the paternal line, 
 the method being for children to buy each ceremonial privilege jointly from 
 their own father. It is worth emphasizing that a man does not sell these 
 ceremonial prerogatives to his brother s sons but only to his own, though 
 both types of relatives are classed together in the native kinship nomen 
 clature. In the matter of ceremonial transmission the Hidatsa thus differ 
 strikingly from the Hopi, another matrilineal tribe, among whom cere 
 monial offices usually descend from maternal uncle to sister s son or from 
 elder to younger brother. 
 
 Children are not beaten by their parents. So far as corporal punish 
 ment was used at all, it was administered by an elder brother and not so 
 much by blows as by immersion in the Missouri. I have one note, how 
 ever, to the effect that a mother might punish her own but not her sister s 
 children unless she had adopted them ; probably my informant had in mind 
 some mild form of correction. 
 
 Until the age of about ten little girls might sleep in the same bed with 
 their fathers; after that they would not do so any more. 
 
 Father s Clan. In general, it may be said that the father s clansfolk are 
 preeminently the people entitled to receive gifts whenever a proper occasion 
 arises. Possibly connected with this notion is the Hidatsa custom of 
 securing ceremonial articles and privileges from a clan father, who would 
 then be fed for his services. This feature is very prominent in the purchase 
 of membership in the age-societies: men select clan-fathers for their cere 
 monial "fathers," women clan aunts for their ceremonial "mothers." 
 Funerals were always conducted by members of the clan of the dead per 
 son s father. A clan father was always honored by his clan sons and in 
 return he would never reprove them but treated them with kindness. 
 
 During a dance Wolf-chief would give presents of calico and blankets or 
 even of horses to his clan aunts. He excelled all his clansmen in the gen 
 erosity he displayed towards their fathers clansfolk. Before going to war, 
 he once asked a clan-father to paint his face and put a medicine feather on 
 his head. In the ensuing fight my informant shot and struck an enemy, 
 so he saw that his clan-father had the power to help him. Whenever he 
 had good luck in the chase, he would call in his clan-fathers to give them a 
 feast; and he still invites them when he has anything good to eat. On the 
 
 Lowie, (d), 225-228. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 41 
 
 other hand, the clan fathers sometimes called Wolf-chief to give him the 
 best of their food. They would also pray to their medicine bundles on his 
 behalf, saying, "This is my son, try to help him." 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman said she tried to give suitable presents to her 
 brother s son and he would give her presents whenever he thought of it but 
 not from any feeling that a return gift must be made. 
 
 Father s clansmen were also prominently associated with an individual s 
 names. When a young man had performed a creditable war exploit he 
 would assume some clan father s name, paying its owner for it. The clan 
 father would publicly announce the fact and for a while use his boyhood 
 name until he acquired a new one. Women did not buy new names in this 
 manner, but with men it seems to have been a very common practice under 
 any circumstances. Thus Small-ankle sold one of his names, Spotted-wolf, 
 to a clan son. A man was at liberty to dispose not only of his own name in 
 this way, but also of that of any one of his clansmen. For example, Butter 
 fly gave one of Small-ankle s names Axpara axic, to their clan son, Hunts- 
 the-enemy; it would not matter in such a case whether Small-ankle were 
 living or dead. When Wolf-chief had struck a coup, his clan-fathers would 
 call him by the name of some famous deceased warrior belonging to their 
 clan; in return my informant gave them horses and property. Wolf- 
 chief s clan-fathers were very kind to him, giving him many names, for 
 which he was envied by his fellow-clansmen. Sometimes these offered to 
 buy some of them, but he refused. 
 
 On one occasion Wolf-chief received a name by way of indemnification. 
 When in St. Paul he asked for medicine (whiskey?) in a drug store and re 
 ceived a big bottle, which he put into his bag. On his return, a father s 
 clansman stole it and put back the empty bottle. Wolf-chief said to his 
 clan-fathers, "Well, fathers, some white man must have stolen this bottle." 
 They replied, "Well, son, we ll give you a good name and you will not have 
 to pay for it." Since then he has received many names from them. 
 
 A highly characteristic practice shared with the Crow is that of bestow 
 ing a nickname derived from an action or peculiarity not connected with the 
 person named but with a member of his father s clan. 1 If a man made some 
 such statement as "My face is Mandan," one of his clansmen might come 
 to one of their clan sons and call him "Mandan-face." Or if a man said 
 to a fellow-clansman, " I have plenty of spotted horses," the latter might 
 call in one of their clan sons and say, " Your name shall be Many-spotted- 
 horses." To take an actual case. A few days before an interview with 
 Wolf-chief, a boy about ten years old entered his store and said, " Well, son, 
 
 1 Lowie, (c), 202, 216. 
 
42 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 I have a good name for you, Packs-iron." He was a member of the Real 
 Water clan to which Wolf-chief s father had belonged and another Real 
 Water was carrying about a lump of iron with which to massage his back, 
 whence the name. The boy said, " I want some candy because I gave you 
 a good name," and Wolf -chief gladly gave him some. On another occasion 
 a clan-father came to Wolf-chief and said, " Son, I want to get some dinner, 
 give me a large can of strawberries, a pear, and some crackers. I want to 
 give you a very good name this time." Wolf-chief brought in what his 
 "father" had asked for, the latter ate some of the food and took along the 
 rest, and before leaving he spoke as follows : " My hip is sore and I am pretty 
 lame. I ll give you the name of Sore-hip, if I do not give you the name, 
 some one else will." Wolf -chief has received many names on account of 
 Butterfly s actions, hence he always treats Butterfly with consideration. 
 
 Grandparents. Grandparents on both sides love their grandchildren but, 
 oddly enough for a tribe with matrilineal organization, one informant 
 declared that the children belonged more particularly to the father s parents, 
 w r ho took care of them and took them to bed with them. However, accord 
 ing to another statement orphans are cared for by the maternal grand 
 mother. 
 
 According to Buffalo-bird-woman, grandmothers and grandchildren 
 through adoption were on a footing of mutual raillery. Thus, her son s 
 wife adopted as her. son Rufus, the child of her mother s half-sister s daugh 
 ter. Buffalo-bird-woman will tell Rufus to make haste and marry " because 
 if you don t get a wife soon, your girl will soon get old." On the other hand 
 when she asked for a looking-glass, Rufus said, " Don t let her have it, she 
 wants to send the reflection to an old man she loves." 
 
 JOKING-RELATIVES. 
 
 As among the Crow, 1 individuals whose fathers belonged to the same 
 clan were " joking-relatives" (maku tsatsi). The basic notion of this 
 relationship in its more serious aspects seems to be that of licensed and 
 unrestricted criticism for an infraction of tribal custom. When a man had 
 committed some reprehensible or improper deed, e. g., married a clan mate/ 
 or shown jealousy, it was not the function of his fellow-clansmen but of his 
 maku tsati to reprove him or make fun of him. They would spread the 
 news of the wrongdoing and throw it in the offender s teeth and he was 
 obliged to take all this in good part as the prerogative of maku tsati. 
 
 Lowio. (r), 204 et seq. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 These practices began even in childhood. A girl would reproach 
 another for not knowing how to build an earth-lodge, while one boy would 
 say to another, " I have some honor marks, you have nothing." Sometimes 
 maku tsati played against each other in games. 
 
 Joking-relatives addressed one another as brothers and sisters. Accord 
 ing to Buffalo-bird-woman, they gave one another presents; for example, 
 Sitting-owl, whom she called younger brother, gave her horses. If a man 
 is wounded in battle, his maku tsati is expected to dismount and save him, 
 otherwise he will get the reputation of a coward. 
 
 If a woman had been honorably bought in marriage while her maku tsati 
 had merely eloped with her sweetheart, the former would twit the latter 
 with this difference, saying, " You are a bad woman, no one knows where . 
 you sleep with this man, no one knows who your first husband was," or, 
 "You are bad, I am a good woman for I have been bought." If a woman 
 is expert at porcupine quillwork and her maku tsati is not, the former 
 will scoff at the other for her ignorance, saying, di watski wits, " I sew you 
 up," which is the word applied t o the sewing up at the end of a piece of 
 quill-work. Similarly, if one woman has done a great deal of tanning, 
 she will make fun of another of inferior skill by saying, "I scrape your 
 back." 
 
 Among male fellow-jokers certain peculiar usages were in vogue. A 
 man w r ho has scalped a slain enemy has the right of cutting a maku tsati s 
 hair, provided the latter has no like feat to his credit or has performed it 
 less frequently. In such a case the hair-cutter pays a horse to his joking- 
 relative. Sometimes the one whose hair is threatened will say, " Give me 
 your wife," then the joker desists, for otherwise he would have to surrender 
 his wife. One who has struck an enemy may whip his maku tsati, always 
 granting that the latter has not done likewise. Hairy-coat said that since 
 he had performed this greatest of war deeds he was exempt from having his 
 hair cut and might knock down with his pipe any one attempting to cut it. 
 
 \\ olf-chief said that one who has struck an enemy, if angry at his joking- 
 relative, may strike him, prefacing the act with the statement, " Over there 
 I struck an enemy." One who had taken a scalp and cut off his maku tsati s 
 hair would say, 
 
 "batse hiri 1 ka tsiwa a ra \varu tsic. " 
 "A man of this size his hair I got." 
 
 Then he summoned his father s clansfolk, saying, "My fathers (or aunts), 
 come and bury this enemy I have killed, and receive one of my horses." 
 Some clan father or aunt would then come and give a blanket to the 
 man whose hair had been cut. Before the hair-cutting, the man who is 
 
Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 to suffer the indignity designates a horse belonging to his fellow-joker 
 and says, "That s the one you will pay me, and you will give up your 
 wife too." 
 
 The other replies, "I ll give you a horse." The one whose hair was to 
 have been cut then takes a stick, strikes his maku tsati and says, " I am using 
 your honor mark because you love your horse and your wife." Then he 
 pays a horse to the man struck. All the other maku tsati deride the one 
 who was afraid to lose his wife and his horse. They say, " Everyone uri 
 nates on him, he is no good, he loves his wife. If anyone took her away, I 
 am sure he would try to recover her." This alludes to the very fundamental 
 notion that a man of standing must not be jealous. If his maku tsati asked 
 him for his wife, he was supposed to give her up, or they would jeer him all 
 his life. If he should give her up and take her back again after a few days, 
 he likewise became a laughing-stock. 
 
 The relations between male and female fellow-jokers are illustrated by 
 some of Wolf-chief s experiences. When he was a young man, Corn-stalk 
 and Many-women made fun of him. Both of them had made tipi decora 
 tions, which accomplishment corresponds to a man s honor marks, while my 
 informant had not yet struck the enemy as first-coup man. Corn-stalk 
 sent him a message, saying " I have finished my tent now and want to pitch 
 it. Wolf-chief is a heavy man, so I shall let him be on the edge of the tent 
 : lest the wind blow it away." She made this remark because on account of 
 his war record she considered Wolf-chief inferior to other maku tsati. He 
 sent back word to this effect : " They are right. I 11 be glad to weight down 
 their tent. They will give me a horse for that, then I ll take my honor 
 marks on them." Once he went on a war party, which killed two women. 
 He took off their dresses and put their bodies together. " I am going to do 
 this to Corn-stalk and Many-women," he declared, "then I ll give them 
 whatever presents they may name." Wolf -chief did this to the women of 
 the hostile camp. The two fellow-jokers sent back this message: " Brother, 
 we don t want you to do that, we ll never bother you any more." Accord 
 ing to old Indian custom, Wolf-chief would have been permitted to carry 
 out his threat. 
 
 From a statement of Buffalo-bird-woman s it would appear that those 
 whose fathers belonged to the same moiety were also maku tsati, for she 
 stood in this relationship to her own father, Small-ankle of the miripa ti 
 clan, since his father had been an i ticu xke, i. e., also of the Four-clan 
 moiety. Small-ankle would chaff his daughter, saying to her, "I am a 
 worker; you are lazy." On one occasion, however, she got even. Her 
 father was boasting of his qualities but confessed that he had the fault of 
 being jealous : 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 45 
 
 " mi arutsa wi ici dtats. mataruxpa ka, mata ixa, ma + ici wa 
 My way is not bad. My relatives, my connections, I make them 
 ne cdts, ml wa ici dtats. mawaki rd make + its mi 
 
 nothing bad. I am not stingy I hunt I do it for them. My 
 
 arutsa wi aru + icid matuts : mi + awabcte its. 
 way is bad some: I am jealous." 
 
 Punning on the last word, 1 Buffalo-bird-woman asked, "who bet women 
 in gambling so that Small-ankle could win them?": 
 
 "tape wa mi d aru -f e e hewa, na xte + i v ? 
 
 "Who is it that women (obj.) bet, you won?" 
 
 A woman who was present laughed at this sally, and Small-ankle was 
 ashamed and said no more. 
 
 The following myth is told about the ancient practising of the custom. 
 
 First-maker 2 (I tsi ka -wa hiric) and Spotted-tail 3 (Ts! ta-xa v xi) were maku - 
 tsati and were always watching each other. First-maker hid his food several times 
 and Spotted-tail appropriated it. One day Spotted-tail took all his food and roasted 
 it. First-maker roasted some prairie-dogs and then went to sleep. So Spotted-tail 
 took them out and ate them, burying the bones. First-maker woke up, tracked 
 Spotted-tail and found him asleep. Taking his knife, he cut open his back, cut out 
 his guts and stuffed them with grass. Then he said, "Friend, get up and eat!" 
 He offered him his own guts. Spotted-tail ate his guts and found the taste good. 
 At length First-maker said, "Why, you have eaten your own guts!" "What are 
 you saying?" Then the grass came out of him. 
 
 One day First-maker roasted geese. He fell asleep. Spotted-tail ate up all the 
 geese and buried the bones. First-maker tracked him into a thick wood. When he 
 got there, he wished to kill him. He pondered where to hit Spotted-tail, "If I hit 
 him in the head, then there ll be some blood when I eat him. If I hit his backbone, 
 it will be the same way. If I break his legs, there will also be blood." In the 
 meantime Spotted-tail woke up and ran away. First-maker could not catch him, 
 he came back to the same place. "I ought to have done this way to him," he said. 
 He struck the ground with a stick, breaking the stick and hitting himself. 
 
 One day First-maker was running after some bone grease. It jumped into the 
 water. First-maker watched for it to come out. The water was all greasy. First- 
 maker had no dipper and was looking about for some hair to use instead. He thought 
 he had better cut off his tail. He did so, but in the meantime Spotted-tail had 
 already used the hair on his feet to dip up all the grease, so First-maker had cut off 
 his tail for nothing. lurst-maker said, "I always want to do what is right for my 
 maku tsati is always watching me." 
 
 This was the beginning of the maku tsati custom. 
 
 1 mia woman, maxt.its, I win in gambling. 
 
 2 The Hidatsa hero-trickster. 
 
 3 This animal I was unable to identify; Goodbird said it was extinct in the region in 
 habited by the Hidatsa. 
 
46 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 MARRIAGE. 
 
 The Hidatsa and Crow agree in considering marriage by purchase as the 
 most honorable form from the woman s point of view; but among the 
 Hidatsa I got the impression, which I did not receive among the Crow, that 
 it was somewhat discreditable for a man to have to buy a wife. Thus, if 
 one man had married his sweetheart without such formality and a maku - 
 tsaii who had bought a woman made any comment on his appearance, he 
 might reply, " I am a good-looking man, you bought a woman because you 
 are ugly," and this silenced the joker. 
 
 Great stress is laid in nomenclature on whether a wife has been previ 
 ously married (p. 34), and I found that such a woman was married without 
 purchase and without aid from any one else. When a young man bought a 
 girl, his parents gave horses to her parents and vice versa, the return gift 
 being sometimes of greater value. 1 Only a woman who had not been 
 previously married was allowed to receive sacred objects for her husband 
 in the transfer of medicine bundle prerogatives. 
 
 As regards residence, there does not seem to have been an absolute rule, 
 but apparently in the beginning the young couple generally took up their 
 abode with the wife s parents, the husband acting as their servant and pro 
 viding them with food. If he wished to give away a horse, he would ask 
 permission through his wife. The wife s parents treated him kindly during 
 this period and if they had a horse to spare they would give it to their daugh 
 ter. When there was issue from the union, the man became independent 
 and might do as he pleased without asking leave. 
 
 The orthodox form of polygamous marriage was for a man to marry 
 his first wife s younger sisters, this term being sometimes used in a classi- 
 ficatory sense. The native theory is that two wives who were not so related 
 were likely to quarrel. The special term iri kudts (plural, iri kuowaiu } is 
 used for fellow-wives who do not get along with each other (see p. 35). 
 Yellow-head and Cherry-woman, who were not sisters, were both married 
 to Small-ankle. One day they quarreled. Yellow-head asked her mother 
 to give Small-ankle her younger sisters for wives. "Then," she said, "I 
 am sure Small-ankle will throw Cherry-woman away." Accordingly, 
 Small-ankle married four younger sisters, three of them being full sisters 
 and the fourth her mother s adopted daughter. Bears-looking had five 
 wives, Otter, Root, Large, Juneberry, and Corn-woman, of whom the 
 first four were sisters. All of them stayed together for a long time. Sisters 
 who are fellow-wives do not dispute but help one another. 
 
 Of. Matthews, 52. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 47 
 
 In spite of the considerable looseness which prevailed among the Hidatsa 
 a pure woman was highly esteemed. " If a woman was good and kind, her 
 husband loved her whether she had been previously married or not." " My 
 husband never punished me, and I never fought him. We both lived well 
 together. I was never foolish or bad, my husband knew it and never got 
 angry. Some husbands nearly killed their wives because they went with 
 other men." 
 
 It should be noted that to exhibit jealousy publicly was to expose oneself 
 to ridicule at the hands of the maku tsaii. If a man eloped with a married 
 woman, the husband might whip the adulterer, who was not permitted to 
 strike back, and would make it hard for his wife after taking her back. 
 But the jokers would make fun of the husband for his actions. Apparently 
 the proper or at least ideal course was for the husband to let his wife go 
 without protest. On this point my data entirely corroborate Matthews s 
 statements. 1 
 
 In case of a divorce the children remained with the mother and ceased to 
 call their own father by that kinship term, which was transferred to their 
 mother s husband if she remarried. However, the real father s clansmen 
 remained the children s clan-fathers. 
 
 The levirate was in vogue, but a man who availed himself of its privileges 
 might be derided by his maku tsati, who would say, "You are like a bad- 
 looking man, you are keeping your brother s wife, you could not get a woman 
 otherwise." But the people at large regarded marriage with a deceased 
 brother s wife as perfectly proper. 
 
 ATTITUDE TOWARD RELATIVES BY MARRIAGE. 
 
 Parents^in-law. The son-in-law at first occupies a position of inferiority 
 with reference to his wife s parents, his status being somewhat that of a 
 hired man, to use my interpreter s analogy. His status becomes one of 
 independence, however, when children are born. 
 
 There is a taboo against social intercourse between the son-in-law on the 
 one hand and his wife s father, her father s brothers and sisters, her mother, 
 mother s sisters and grandmothers on the other. To put it more accu 
 rately, a man does not hold conversation with those persons whom his wife 
 addresses as i ka , baca wi, tate , and maku . Parents-in-law and son-in-law 
 never pronounced each other s names and were not permitted to use any word 
 that entered into the names. The taboo is said by one witness to have held 
 
 1 Matthews, 54. 
 
48 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 and by another to have lapsed after the wife s death; but I learned of no 
 case in which a woman adopted a deceased daughter s husband as a son by 
 way of effacing the restrictions, though instances of this type were noted 
 among the Crow. The rule of avoidance was not so strict between a man 
 and his wife s father as with his mother-in-law, and in the case of an im 
 portant happening the ordinary rule was broken, the father-in-law being 
 addressed as "old man" and addressing his daughter s husband as son. In 
 the old days there was only one way of abolishing the mother-in-law regula 
 tion, which was also noted by Maximilian for both the Hidatsa and Mandan. 1 
 Once Wolf-chief w r ent against the Dakota, struck a coup as the third man, 
 and cut off the scalp, which he saved. When he got home, he called out 
 to his wife s mother, "Mother, I have brought you a scalp." She replied, 
 "Thank you, son, I am glad to receive it." Thereafter he was permitted 
 to converse with both his parents-in-law T . As will be seen presently, this 
 liberty was optional. If the son-in-law had not brought home a scalp, he 
 would not even face towards his mother-in-law; if they accidentally ap 
 proached each other, they would get scared and go out of each other s 
 way. 
 
 Two concrete instances illustrate the native point of view with regard to 
 these observances, which are considered indicative of respect and in no way 
 of animosity. Buffalo-bird-woman s husband brought two scalps for her 
 mother but never availed himself of the privilege of disregarding the rule 
 of avoidance: "He honored her too much." Another case is, if anything, 
 even more instructive. Joe Packineau is married to an Arikara woman, 
 whose tribe does not observe the avoidance rule. On one occasion her 
 mother spoke to Joe in the presence of some of his Hidatsa friends, who were 
 very much shocked and said, "What s the matter with your mother-in-law, 
 Joe? She does not seem to have any respect for you at all!" 
 
 If the parents-in-law wished to direct their son-in-law to do something, 
 they would employ the third person plural. Thus, to an ordinary person 
 they would say, "mi ri ruwa aaku " "W r ater some bring" (2nd person 
 imperative), but if they wanted their daughter s husband to go on this 
 errand they substituted, "mi ri ruwa aakra hu ta pdk*," "Water some 
 they bring should." 
 
 Daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law is well treated by her husband s 
 parents. They give her good clothes and good things to eat. If they abused 
 her, the people would disapprove of it. 
 
 Brothers-in-law. Brothers-in-law love each other. A man will present 
 his sister s husband with a gun and horses, and on the other hand receives 
 
 i Maximilian, n, 132. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 49 
 
 game from his wife s brother, as well as horses captured on a war expedition. 
 When a man recites his coups, he will say, " I captured a horse and gave it 
 to my brother-in-law." 
 
 As already noted, a man may jestingly refer to his wife s brother as his 
 wife and is in turn called husband. This mode of address is used on the 
 battlefield. If a wounded man catches sight of his sister s husband, he will 
 say, "Husband, I am getting killed." Then his brother-in-law, if a brave 
 man, will give help or even die with his wife s brother. Unless he did so, 
 his brother-in-law would jeer at him for his cowardice, saying, " My husband 
 is like a woman, he left me alone." A man who has captured a horse will 
 say to his wife s brother, " My wife, take this horse." Otherwise his brother- 
 in-law will say, "My husband got enemy s horses but did not give me any, 
 he is bad!" If a man s wife s brothers capture horses while he himself 
 does not, he is ashamed because his "wives" are braver than himself. If a 
 man is sent out by his war party to get water of a dark night, his wife s 
 brother may say, "He calls me wife, yet he is more afraid than I am." 
 When sent for water by one s "wife," a man cannot refuse to go. 
 
 Sisters-in-law. The brother s wife (w. sp.) and the husband s sister 
 stand on a footing of equality. They give presents to each other and poke 
 fun at each other without any resentment. Buffalo-bird-woman often 
 received clothing from her brother s wife and several times presented her 
 with horses. 
 
 Man and Brother s Wife. If a man died, he would bequeath his wife to 
 his younger or elder brother, even if she was older than the legatee. Certain 
 aspects of this levirate marriage are discussed under another heading. 
 
 Doubtless in connection w r ith these marital rights, a man was permitted 
 to exhibit considerable freedom in intercourse with his brother s wife. He 
 might play with her and use funny words in order to make her laugh. 
 However, he did not actually exercise marital rights while his brother was 
 still living. 
 
 Brother-in-law and sister-in-law laugh at each other and try to make 
 each other ashamed. If there w r as an ill-favored girl in camp, Buffalo- 
 bird-woman would say that that was Bad-brave s sweetheart. He would 
 declare that some bad-looking man was her husband or was courting her. 
 
 A woman makes moccasins for her husband s brother; he gives her a 
 dress or blanket and money he has won at gambling. 
 
 Man and Wife s Sisters. In the old days a man who married the eldest 
 daughter of a family had a preemptive right to her younger sisters as they 
 grew up. Even now Goodbird may treat his wife s sisters with great 
 familiarity and may make fun of them, chaffing them about their husbands 
 and sweethearts. 
 
50 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Wife s Brother s Wife. Unlike the Crow, 1 the Hidatsa have no taboo 
 against social relations between a man and his wife s brother s wife. They 
 talk freely and are expected to treat each other kindly and not cheat each 
 other. There is mutual respect and accordingly no undue familiarity. 
 
 COMRADES. 
 
 Men would pair off as I raku d, comrades. They would go on the war 
 path together and neither concealed anything he did from the other. - 
 Hunts-alone, of the Knife clan is Goodbird s comrade. I kooxpa is the 
 corresponding term used by a woman for her female confidante. Every 
 girl had a special friend of this type, from whom she would not keep secret 
 any of her love affairs or anything her lover said. 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 When a child was about ten days old, the parents would ask some rela 
 tive owning a medicine bundle to name it. Names designating parts of the 
 bear s body were very common. 
 
 Buffalo-bird-woman (waxi ri wi dc) was at first named by Aru wiri tsa kic 
 (Watery-mush?), one of her grandmother s brothers, who was possessed of 
 supernatural powers. He called her Oruwi tsaki c, " When-he-goes-he- 
 always-has-good-luck." But she was often sick in infancy, so her father 
 gave her a new name to make her strong. Goodbird was so named by his 
 maternal grandfather, Small-ankle, who had a bird for his medicine. 
 
 The importance attached by the Hidatsa to new names and their con 
 nection with the functions of the father s clan mates have been discussed 
 under another heading (p. 41). 
 
 There is no taboo against the use of a dead person s name. That of a 
 famous warrior may be conferred on a young man who has distinguished 
 himself and people are glad to hear it again. 3 
 
 A few additional facts are noted by Matthews. According to him, a 
 male infant sometimes received as many as four names composed of the 
 same noun with different adjectives; but only one of these was commonly 
 used. 
 
 In after years, the names of the miles are changed once, or oftener, or rather new 
 names are given; for they will be called as often by the old names as by the new. 
 
 1 Lowie, (c), 214. 
 
 2 Lowie, (c), 212. 
 
 3 Of. Matthews, 55. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 51 
 
 The first new name is usually given to a youth after he has first struck an enemy in 
 battle. The names of women are rarely changed. Sometimes, if a name is long, a 
 part of it only is used in ordinary conversation. 
 
 Matthews found bashfulness about telling one s name less highly developed 
 among the Hidatsa than with other tribes: some individuals would answer 
 reluctantly or refer the questioner to another person who might give the 
 required information. 1 Maximilian states that when an infant is to be 
 named the father goes on a buffalo hunt. When he returns, he packs from 
 ten to twelve large pieces of meat on his back, putting his child on top. 
 Staggering under the load, he goes to the medicineman who is to name the 
 child and presents him with the meat as his fee. 2 
 
 BURIAL. 
 
 The burial practices of the Hidatsa are sociologically interesting because 
 of the prominence assumed by the father s clansmen. This feature seems 
 to have been absent among the Crow. 
 
 Before the death of a person either he himself or one of his relatives 
 appoints one of the patient s clan-fathers or aunts to conduct the funeral. 
 The individual designated collects all the dying person s old clothes and 
 receives some of his property as his fee. This might consist of either horses 
 or guns, these being considered of equivalent value in the old days. Some 
 property was saved for the widow. For example, the tipi might be kept 
 and the earth-lodge always was. It was considered miserly for the master 
 of ceremonies to keep all his fee for himself; most Hidatsa in this position 
 would distribute gifts among their friends. 
 
 When the patient s death was approaching, the father s clansman who 
 directed the proceedings, washed and painted his clan son s face and dressed 
 him up as though in preparation for a visit to other people; marks indicative 
 of his war honors were put on the dying man. When he had breathed his 
 last, the family and also the master of ceremonies gashed their arms and 
 legs with sharp flint knives, cut off their hair and some of the finger-joints, 
 and sometimes stabbed their heads with an awl or knife so that the blood 
 would flow down. All the father s clansfolk wept over their lost "son." 
 The corpse, stretched out on a robe, was formally borne to the graveyard 
 by four or more clan-fathers or aunts. 
 
 \\olf-chief says that two modes of burial were in vogue and the one 
 preferred by the dying man was followed. One method was that of actual 
 
 i ibid., 54 f. 
 
 1 Maximilian, H, 217. 
 
52 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 interment, the director digging a pit into which the body was lowered. 
 Pieces of wood were placed on top and the hole was filled in with earth. 
 The second way was scaffold burial, in which case four forked posts were 
 set in the ground and the corpse was secured by means of ropes. Maxi 
 milian mentions both forms of burial but according to him it was only the 
 bad people who quarrel and kill one another that were interred. In this 
 case a buffalo skull was laid on the grave lest the herds should move away 
 and fail to return when they scented the wicked persons. The good were 
 placed on stages so that the Master of Life might see them. 1 
 
 In depositing the body the clan father thus addressed it: "My son, do 
 not look backwards but go to the ghost land. You will meet many of your 
 beloved ones there. You must not expect us, your family are remaining 
 here. Go alone. We are poor." This speech sends the spirit to the land 
 of ghosts. If some person not a clan father spoke thus, the spirit would not 
 go to the ghost land but would get lost. When the corpse had been buried, 
 the director of ceremonies took some sage, rubbed it into a ball and gave it 
 to each person who had touched the corpse in order to ward off illness from 
 all concerned. 
 
 1 Maximilian, n, 235. 
 
1917.] Loune, Man dan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 53 
 
 SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES ON THE SOCIAL LIFE OF 
 THE CROW. 
 
 CLANS. 
 
 Later investigation has established the essential correctness of the data 
 presented in my former publication. That is to say, the Crow were divided 
 into thirteen exogamous matrilineal clans linked together in six loose 
 phratries, most if not all of which were non-exogamous. 
 
 In an unusually careful study of my earlier paper l Doctor Golden- 
 weiser has suggested that the Crow, like the Hidatsa, once possessed the 
 dual organization. Its absence is of course one of the striking cultural 
 traits of the Crow when compared with their next of kin, as I have myself 
 pointed out. I was at one time inclined to explain the difference by assum 
 ing that the Hidatsa adopted their moiety system from the Mandan. For 
 reasons given, which I admit are not decisive, I now rather favor the 
 hypothesis that the Hidatsa moieties are older than those of the Mandan. 
 This view lends somewhat greater a priori plausibility to the one-time 
 existence of the dual division among the Crow. Nevertheless, the fact 
 remains that of any such organization no trace is perceptible. 
 
 The etymologies of the clan names, which owing to the sometimes 
 extraordinary contraction of words, were not always correctly rendered in 
 my earlier publication, are given below in accordance with the latest inter 
 pretations secured. 
 
 1. a cirari o; ace , lodge; hira , just now; ri o, they made. Newly- 
 made Lodge. 
 
 2. acitsi te; ace , lodge; citsi te, thick. Thick Lodge. 
 
 3. acl oce; ace, lodge; I, lip, mouth; 5 ce, cooked, scalded. Sore-lip 
 Lodge. 
 
 4. u wutace v ; u wu, the inside of the mouth; tace, greasy. Greasy in 
 side the mouth. 
 
 5. u sawatsid; u, they shoot, hit; sa, not; batsi d, to hunt, bring game. 
 Without shooting they bring game. 
 
 6. xu xkaraxtse ; xu xka, in a knot; daxtse , to tie. Tied in a knot. 
 
 7. acpenuce; ace, lodge; pe re, filth; du ce, to eat. Filth-eating Lodge. 
 
 8. e raraplo; e re, belly; arapl o, they kick. Kicked in the Belly. 
 
 Goldenweiser, 281-294. 
 
54 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 9. ack-a pkawi v d; ack-a pe, war honor; xawi d, bad. Bad War Honors. 
 
 10. birik-o oce; hire , water; k o oce, to whistle. Whistling Water. 
 
 11. acxatse ; ace , lodge; xatse , streak. Streaked Lodge. 
 
 12. ack-a mne; ace , lodge; k a mne, Piegan. Piegan Lodge. 
 
 13. a cbatcu d; ace, lodge; batcu d, awl, treacherous. Treacherous Lodge. 
 There was hitherto some doubt, which cannot yet be resolved, as to 
 
 whether the ack-a mne and the a cbatcu d were distinct clans or whether 
 these were merely two names for the same division. 1 According to Hillside 
 they were distinct, intermarried, and like other linked clans gave mutual 
 aid : 
 
 "ack-a mne a cbatcu d bats-axpuk , 
 
 "The Piegan clan the Treacherous clan each other they married, 
 
 bats-k uxsu kV 
 each other they helped." 
 
 Though tJ uciec denied this, saying that ack-a mne and a cbatcu d 
 were only two of four different names applied to the same clan, he gave 
 corresponding testimony respecting several other linked clans. The a cira- 
 rl o and acitsi te, he said, " ru pe + uk, du pta, wats a xpa kvk , i. e., 
 "They are two, separate, they intermarried continually." He made the 
 same statement for the u wutace and acl oce; the acpenuce, xu xkaraxtse, 
 u sawatsi d; and the erarapPo and ack-apkawi d. On the other hand, 
 he asserted that the acxatse , birik-o oce, tsi pawal itse and acbatsi rice 
 were only several names for a single clan. 
 
 In short, the evidence remains contradictory as to the same two groups 
 as before, 2 while the distinctness of the linked clans in the four other divi 
 sions may be considered as definitely established. 
 
 There are several versions of a tale recounting a conflict between the 
 ack-a mne and birik-o oce. 
 
 Like the Abderites among the Greeks and the natives of Schilda in 
 German folklore, the people of the Bad War Honor (ack-apkawid) clan 
 enjoy the reputation of proverbial stupidity. The people say, " ack dpkawld 
 wara xuk*," "The Bad War Honors are crazy." A few anecdotes were 
 retailed to illustrate their folly. 
 
 Once" they were all camped together when the Piegan attacked them. 
 The men and women all took to the woods except for one young man who 
 climbed a tree. The enemy at first did not see him. After a while they 
 cut up a tipi near-by. One of them opened a bag and took out some buck- 
 
 i Lowie, (c), 192. 
 ! Lowie, (c), 194. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 55 
 
 skin. The man hiding said, " Don t take that, the owner is no good." 
 Then the Piegan caught sight of him and killed him. 
 
 On another occasion an ack ap kawid saw another Crow wearing beaded 
 buckskin leggings with red fringes. He asked how they had been made. 
 The owner told him to take the leggings to his wife and have her cut them 
 after the same pattern, then he should kill a buffalo, bring its bones home, 
 boil them till the grease rose to the top, cool the grease, plunge his leggings 
 into it and place them under his bed on the ground. "The next morning, 
 when you get up, they will be just like mine." The ack apkawid followed 
 these directions, but when he got up the next morning his leggings were so 
 greasy that he did not know what to do with them; he hung them up and 
 sent for his adviser. When the man saw the leggings he gave him his own. 
 
 Magpie, who was still living at the time the tale was told about him, 
 once took a Crow of his own age for a Piegan and invited him to his house 
 by means of gestures, asking how long he had been on the Reservation. It 
 was only when the supposed foreigner spoke in Crow that Magpie found 
 out his mistake. He could not do anything about it for he had already 
 given him food. The reason for his misunderstanding was that he had 
 seen someone else making signs to this Crow. On another occasion Magpie 
 wished to call Lewis Moccasin by name but instead he uttered his own Crow* 
 name a k e wird xbd k c, "Indian." Magpie s wife has told other people 
 that her husband once put on his moccasins on the wrong side and never 
 noticed it till his attention was called thereto. My interpreter has heard 
 people say that Magpie once tried to strike mice with a pitchfork but 
 struck his own foot. In talking about Magpie the Crow were wont to say, 
 " ack dp kawik&ce," "He is a genuine ack- apkawid," (ka/ce is the super 
 lative suffix). 
 
 In accordance with the Crow and Hidatsa custom of giving nicknames 
 for peculiarities evinced by one s father s clansfolk (p. 41) the Crow are 
 in the habit of throwing into a person s teeth the fact that his father is of 
 the notoriously foolish clan. When a boy whose father is an ack- apkawid 
 does something silly, people say, "He is one of those who told the enemy 
 not to take the buckskin," or, " He is one of those who boiled their leggings." 
 Medicine-crow s real father was an ack- apkawid. When Medicine-crow 
 has done anything wrong his wife scoffs at him, saying, " irupxembicd 
 ack-dpkau a u racen." "He has the Bad Honors for fathers, that is 
 why." This seems to correspond exactly to our saying, "That s the Irish 
 of it." 
 
 It was principally a man s wife, his brothers or clan-brothers wives, 
 
 ; Moaning presumably, that it was dangerous to trifle with his property. 
 
56 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 and his joking-relatives who made fun of him for being a typical ack-ap- 
 kawid. Gray-bull did not make fun of Magpie because Magpie s son, 
 Yellow-brow, was Gray-bull s son-in-law. 
 
 The custom of giving presents to father s clansmen was described in my 
 earlier paper. I have since repeatedly obtained a traditional justification 
 of the usage, the same motive being always apparent. A brief version 
 follows. 
 
 Three young men were friends. They said, "Let us do something. To one 
 they said, "Do you frequently build sweatlodges and go into them." To the second 
 they said, "Give presents to the Sun all the time." To the third they said, "Always 
 give food to your a sa ke. "They were going to see who would live longest. The 
 one who gave presents to the Sun became a chief but he was the first to be killed. 
 The one who built sweatlodges was killed when he was only fairly old. But the one 
 who entertained his father s clansmen lived to be very old. Since then we have 
 given food to our clan-fathers. We never passed in front of them unless we had 
 previously given them a present. 
 
 Young-crane thought marrying into her father s clan was as bad as 
 marrying into her own, for then she would call her husband "father." 
 Accordingly, though she was sought in marriage by acl oce men she declined 
 -to have anything to do with them. However, she added that women did 
 marry father s clansmen provided they were not closely related. This 
 agrees essentially with previous information. 1 
 
 TEEMS OF RELATIONSHIP. 
 
 Further study has convinced me of the correctness of a statement made 
 in my previous publication, viz., that nothing short of a perfect knowledge 
 of the Crow language suffices to ensure an absolutely trustworthy and 
 complete description of the Crow kinship terminology. However, I have 
 been able by repeated inquiries and, still more important, by direct observa 
 tion in the field and examination of texts recorded by myself, to revise and 
 amplify my original account. 2 
 
 The most serious error in my former list relates to the designation of the 
 father s sister s children, who are not classed with brothers and sisters but 
 are set in the first ascending generation, the sons of the paternal aunt 
 with the father and her daughters with herself. In short, Crow usage 
 coincides in this respect with that of the Hidatsa. My error seems the less 
 pardonable because the essential facts had already been grasped by Morgan. 
 
 1 Lowie, (c), 201. 
 
 2 Lowio, (c), 207 et seq. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 57 
 
 A painstaking analysis of my old data on Crow nomenclature has been 
 published by Doctor A. A. Goldenweiser, 1 who rightly criticised my method 
 of objective enumeration of meanings, which made no attempt at bringing 
 out the rationale of the system. Though I am very appreciative of the care 
 this author has devoted to the examination of my list, I am unable to accept 
 as valid any of his other comments of a theoretical nature. For one thing, 
 the Crow system is not based on a single principle of classification but on a 
 number of disparate and in part contradictory principles. Thus, the 
 occurrence of a specific term for the paternal aunt in the absence of a corre 
 lative for the nephew or niece is an inconsistency. While certain portions 
 of the nomenclature undoubtedly form organic units, this certainly does 
 not apply to the entire series and accordingly it seems wrong to generalize 
 that "the principles of classification on which such systems rest always 
 prove exceedingly simple and, as soon as revealed, serve to coordinate the 
 apparently complex series of terms." Secondly, Doctor Goldenweiser 
 arbitrarily excludes a number of terms on the ground that they are "not 
 terms of relationship," among them bacbl d, my fellow-clanswoman, liter 
 ally, "my w T oman." The fact is that most of these terms are actually 
 applied by the natives as terms of relationship and the phonetic equivalent 
 of the one cited is the regular Hidatsa word for elder sister (m. sp.). Further, 
 a combination of stems rejected by Doctor Goldenweiser is the normal way 
 of referring to a son or daughter non-vocatively. Doctor Goldenweiser 
 cannot seriously suggest the elimination of all terms of which the etymologi 
 cal derivation is established. Thirdly, I have never succeeded in grasping 
 the advantage of the diagrammatic form of presentation used by Doctor 
 Goldenweiser and other Americanists. If I adopted any scheme of this sort, 
 I should prefer that of J. O. Dorsey in his tabulation of the Omaha system; 
 but I do not consider this indispensable. Finally, I am obliged to challenge 
 the method of reconstructing the pristine Crow system without a considera 
 tion of all other available Siouan terminologies or those of other tribes his 
 torically connected with the Crow. Conclusions based solely on the Crow list 
 necessarily suffer from excessive rationalization and must be purely specula 
 tive. Thus, Doctor Goldenweiser contends that because man and woman 
 use diverse terms for the father, there must once have been a similar dicho 
 tomy in the designation of the mother. Yet Professor Kroeber long ago 
 pointed out that the majority of Indian categories are expressed only in part 
 of their nomenclatures and that complete consistency in this respect would 
 involve a monstrous wealth of terminology. Similarly, how many Indian 
 tongues consistently discriminate the sex of the speaker in all the clesigna- 
 
 1 288 t seq. 
 
58 Anthropological Papers American Miiseum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 tions of elder and younger GescJiwistert It is, therefore, simply an instance 
 of the rationalistic fallacy to infer the former existence of separate male and 
 female terms for elder sister and younger brother from the corresponding 
 sex-discrimination in dealing with the elder brother and younger sister. 
 
 In order to comprehend the Crow system a number of linguistic points 
 must be understood. 
 
 batst is the regular word for "man," bl d for "woman," dd k(e) for 
 "child," the suffix ka ta has a diminutive meaning with the secondary 
 sense of endearment, while kari cta rather indicates mature youth (bl akd ta, 
 "girl," bl akari cta, "young woman"). kd a re is the normal expression for 
 "old woman," ise (isd) means "big, old" and an obvious derivative, isaf ka 
 is the word for "old man;" bats is the reciprocal prefix. 
 
 As to the use of pronouns with stems, certain differences are worth noting. 
 A number of vocative terms, e. g., axe , "father," entirely lack a pronominal 
 prefix. In perhaps a majority of cases there is contraction of the possessive 
 pronouns, bos-, dis-, is-, which are ordinarily used with vocables other than 
 those GJ relationship, by eliminating the final s. Thus, we find bard ace, 
 dird ace, ird acc for the brother-in-law term. Sometimes the simple stem has 
 a potential third person possessive meaning and cannot take the prefix i, 
 while the other persons merely prefix b and d. Thus, we have bua, dua, ua, 
 the last form meaning both "his wife" and "wife" in the abstract. On 
 the other hand, the ordinary possessives are employed in some cases, e. g., 
 basbd xid, disbdxi d, isbd^ xld, "paternal aunt." In at least two cases 
 where the simple stem has a potential third-person meaning, the second 
 person is formed not with di but with da, viz., datsire, "your husband," 
 dard ke, "your child." 
 
 In a number of cases the change from vocative to non-vocative coin 
 cides with a change of terminal a to e. This usage is not without corre 
 spondence in other departments of the language. Thus, the culture-hero, 
 Isa"kawudte, is addressed as "Isa kawudta." 
 
 Phonetically, it is necessary to note that initial b and m, which I preserve 
 in accordance with my previous orthography represent a single phonetic 
 element, weakly nasalized b; further, that this sound regularly becomes 
 w in intervocalic position. 
 
 As regards Crow-Hidatsa correspondences, the most striking ones have 
 been correctly summarized by Matthews 1 : Crow c or s is the equivalent 
 of Hidatsa 1; Crow n of Hidatsa dz; Crow k of Hidatsa ts. 
 
 There are certain generic expressions for relatives, the precise delimita- 
 
 78 et seq. 
 
1917.] Lowe, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 59 
 
 tion of which is not easy. In asking a person what his relationship is to 
 another, the approved query is: diri co tat "Your relative what sort of?" 
 The same root is employed in the worst insult that can be hurled at a Crow: 
 di ak-irl -haire, "You are one whose relatives are non-existent (destroyed)." 1 
 I do not remember hearing this stem used with the first person pronoun. 
 Another commonly used expression is birdxbci ke, the normal word for 
 " person" and " people" ; it seems to me to be used very freely, as Americans 
 use the word "folks." Linguistically, it may be noted that the unabbre 
 viated pronominal forms, such as are prefixed to vocables other than rela 
 tionship terms, are used with this word. We find, e. g., bais-is-birdxba kua, 
 "They are one another s relatives." In prayer a man will say, "bas- 
 birdxbd kc itse awl rupe awa wi," "My people (obj.) safely (to) the next 
 year may I bring them." The expression was used, to denote the relation 
 ship between linked clans: the crarapl u and ack-apkawi v a were said to be 
 is-birdxba kua, one of the other. Exactly the same meaning was ascribed 
 to another word sa pc, which interrogatively means "what ? " declaratively 
 "something," the idea being apparently that relatives are "something" 
 to one another. Thus, the acitsite and acirarl o were said to be bats-isa puk, 
 " reciprocally their relatives they are." The statement was added that 
 sa pe is applicable to one s own as well as to the linked clan. Another 
 authority extended it to the father s clan. Another interrogative, cd *ta, 
 occurs with a similar generic meaning of relationship. In a myth both 
 these words occur in close juxtaposition: isd pu rdk ak-bats-ico"ta-kacV-rdk 
 a su rdk , "Their relatives and those who were very closely related many 
 had died." Here the jdea of closeness is not embodied in the stem but in 
 the usual superlative suffix kaci. 
 
 TERMS OF CONSANGUINITY. 
 
 Speaker s Generation. In order to avoid repetition, I state at the outset 
 that as in Hidatsa nomenclature parallel cousins are brothers and sisters 
 while cross-cousins are placed in other generations. Male clansfolk are 
 brothers, female members of one s clan and generation are sisters. 
 
 bl ik-a (m. sp.). My elder brother, mother s brother, mother s mother s 
 brother. I doubt whether my earlier statement that this term was applied 
 to a maternal uncle, whether older or younger, holds, for it seems to desig 
 nate fundamentally relative seniority of the person denoted; obviously in 
 most cases the uncle would be older than the nephew. 
 
 Of. Lowie, (c), 245. 
 
60 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 matsu ka. My younger brother (m. sp., w. sp.), sister s son (m. sp.), 
 [sister s husband younger than myself (w. sp.)]. 
 
 basa kaHa (m. sp., w. sp.). My elder sister. This word is clearly a 
 derivative from masa ke, "my mother," and the diminutive suffix; in other 
 words its literal meaning is "little mother." 
 
 basa tsi ita (m. sp.). My younger sister, sister s daughter. 
 
 basa a re (w. sp.). My elder brother, mother s brother, mother s mother s 
 brother, [husband s brother]. 
 
 baso /0 ka (w. sp.). My younger sister. 
 
 makukata (m. sp., w. sp.). My elder sister, [brother s wife older than 
 I]. This word is possibly restricted to vocative use. In both senses the 
 proper vocative correlative is xu u tsc, though this word perhaps more fre 
 quently means "daughter" than either "younger sister" or "younger 
 sister-in-law." I believe that maku kata is the diminutive survival of the 
 Hidatsa word maku, "my grandmother." 
 
 bakupe (m. sp., w. sp.). My brother or sister. This term may be 
 applied to fellow-clansfolk, as when a man who has married within the clan 
 is spoken of: " akupc dxpec," "He has married his sister." But this strikes 
 me as deliberate extension of the original meaning for the purpose of em 
 phasizing the impropriety of non-exogamous unions. According to Shell- 
 necklace, brothers and sisters sharing at least one parent, moreover the 
 children of two brothers and two sisters were bats-akupud, while mere 
 clansmen were one another s basa a pe (see p. 59). Flat-back went so far as 
 to limit the term akupe to persons sharing both parents, but this was 
 challenged by all other informants. 
 
 bacbatse and bacbl d, "my man" and "my woman," are used generically 
 for own and clan Geschwister, regardless of relative seniority. Thus, in 
 describing the proper form of marriage an informant said that the bride s 
 brothers, ic-batse -o, received horses. It was said that bacbl d is not used 
 of little girls if they are own sisters- but may be applied in any case to more 
 remote "sisters," and that the term* was used preferentially for adoptive 
 and clan sisters. 
 
 In addressing a younger brother, or perhaps any other younger male 
 relative, the terms cik-d (-akc), "boy" and bard a,r(a), "crazy one" are 
 sometimes employed. Correspondingly, mi aka te, "girl", is used for a 
 younger sister or female relative. 
 
 The Geschwister nomenclature is well illustrated in mythological texts. 
 In the Bear-woman tale there figure two sisters and their six brothers. 
 The younger girl calls her elder sister maku kaVa and is in turn addressed 
 as ocu u tsc. On the other hand, the more common terms for elder or younger 
 sister repeatedly occur in non-vocative usage. Thus, the brothers say to 
 the little girl, disa V7Yc k u, "To your elder sister give it;" and in defining 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 61 
 
 the little girl s age the narrator said, pointing to his own grandchild, iso ke 
 I mbe kara-k ukl ima tsik, "Her younger sister may have been of the size of 
 that one." From this it might be inferred that basa ka f *ta and basd ka 
 are merely non-vocative stems. But since they were given to me in pre 
 cisely this form, i. e., with the vocative ending, I believe that they are 
 correct vocative terms which may be transformed to the non-vocative by 
 change of final a to e; and that maku kfrta and xu utse are simply supple 
 mentary and optional vocative forms. 
 
 In the same myth the customary word is regularly used for a female s 
 elder brother. Thus, the girl says, masa^re, da raxta sapat "Elder brother, 
 don t you know what (it is)?" And non-vocatively we find, isd re i + a - 
 kawu^rdk duxira + -u tseru^k, "Her elder brothers, six of them, had gone 
 on a war party." On the other hand, the girl, probably on account of her 
 youth, is addressed as bl akaVe, " girl," but referred to by the usual specific 
 term, e. g., isa tsi tucc isd cg-ckackd tbicVtseruk, "Their younger sister had 
 a little dog, it is said." When the wicked sister sees that she is getting the 
 worst of the contest, she tries softer measures, saying to the little girl, di 
 bakupkcTt b& -+- ic, "You (as) my little sister I ll treat." Here the diminu 
 tive probably has rather the sense of endearment, as it undoubtedly has in 
 another myth where adults are thus addressed, bakupkd ta, bl wateeek tt t*, 
 "My dear brothers and sisters, I am poor." This example incidentally 
 illustrates the vocative use of the term. 
 
 The usual words for elder and younger brother (w. sp.) constantly occur 
 in the texts. In the tale of a wicked brother-in-law who had plotted to eat 
 his elder brother s wife, the woman, after saving her husband from starva 
 tion, thus addresses him: ditsu kc bl ru cbid-sd -rdk, ku au d rdk , lrl n mdVsik, 
 " Your younger brother if he had not wished to eat me, him also I should 
 have brought with me, he would be living." In accordance with the usual 
 inclusiveness of Indian terms and the disinclination to employ proper names 
 in address, we find these terms extended to individuals where there is no 
 evidence of blood-kinship. In the tradition of the separation of the Crow 
 and Hidatsa, a member of the aggrieved party enters the chief s lodge and 
 says, bl ik-a, ba^mdl-watsiice wi^awak , "Elder brother, I want to tell you 
 something." In an Old-Man-Coyote tale the trickster meets a buffalo 
 calf, which he at once regards as his younger brother: batsu k hine m 
 batefck-d t*, "This younger brother of mine is poor;" in turn the calf ad 
 dresses him as follows, bl n k-a, k an-dapdcek-, "My elder brother, you are 
 tired now." Similarly, in asking some ducks to dive for land, Old-Man- 
 Coyote addresses them as matsii kd lu, "My dear younger brothers." 
 
 It is interesting to find that in the story of the twin boys the heroes 
 uniformly address each other as bard a x(a), " Crazy one." 
 
 cik-(i, of the same stem as cik-a *ke, "boy," is not necessarily limited to 
 
62 
 
 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 relatives but seems to be a friendly greeting between males. For example, 
 in the myth of the Bungling Host, Old-Man-Coyote thus addresses the Owl. 
 
 Since the son of a Crow s paternal aunt is addressed as a father 
 the father s sister s son s son is a " brother," and the father s sister s son s 
 daughter a " sister." 
 
 The characteristic disregard of generations may be clearly illustrated 
 with the aid of the following diagram. 
 
 Wi = Old Dog Old Dog s sister = Hi 
 
 Bread Spotted Horse = Reuben s mother 
 
 Reuben 
 
 Old-dog is elder brother to both Reuben s mother, his sister s daughter, and to 
 Reuben, his sister s daughter s son; he is their aku pe. Old-dog, at the time of my 
 visit, was about eighty, Reuben a little over twenty years of age. 
 
 Mrs. Old-dog s daughter would call her mother s mother s brother basd are. 
 Though this is evidently the approved method of designating the maternal uncle and 
 great-uncle, in accordance with Hidatsa usage, there is some tendency for the gener 
 ation factor to assert itself, so that in the absence of a specific avuncular term some 
 Crow of both sexes, call the mother s brother "father," while the great-uncle is 
 sometimes called "grandfather." Gray-bull connected this less usual mode of 
 designation with the custom of adopting and bringing up a sister s child. In such a 
 case, he said, the child would call the mother s brother with whom it lived "father," 
 while its own mother would be called "sister" and its own father "brother." This is 
 a point on which I should like to obtain corroborative data. 
 
 Plenty-hawk calls his stepson bard x, "Crazy-one." 
 
 First Ascending Generation, ak e, ak se. Parent, used only non- 
 vocatively, I think. 
 
 axe (voc., m. sp.). Father, father s brother, father s mother s brother, 
 father s sister s son, father s clansman regardless of age, [mother s sister s 
 husband], [father s sister s husband]. 
 
 mirupxe (non-voc., m. sp.). Coextensive with above. Though this 
 word is never used in address, a derivative mirupxe k-aVa, which etymo- 
 logically means" little (dear) father" may be so employed. However, it is 
 not properly a term of kinship at all, but denotes either a specific relation- 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 63 
 
 ship between two men which will be described presently, or secondarily 
 simply intimacy or friendship. Sometimes a good-looking young man 
 would temporarily surrender his sweetheart or wife to one of his friends. 
 In such a case the two men called each other mirupxek-frte. Sometimes 
 the young man desired to get some medicine from an old man and would 
 similarly surrender his marital rights. 
 
 Gray-bull himself secured some war medicine from an old man, for which he 
 first yielded possession of his mistress and later of his wife. The medicine was used 
 for stealing horses from the enemy. This old man was the informant s mother s 
 brother, but thereafter the reciprocal term mini pxek-ate was used by both. Simply 
 as a joke this term is applied by Bull-chief to Gray-bull, a fellow-clansman. In the 
 historical tale of Spotted-rabbit, the hero after becoming a Crazy-dog-vvishing-to-die 
 (see p. 83) has a love affair with the wife of Two-faces, who thenceforth regards him 
 as iru pxek-a^te. In another story two men who have stolen each other s wives 
 in reconciliation establish the same mutual relationship. 
 
 ma sa ke (non-voc.). My father s clansman. The corresponding voca 
 tive form in a was used only in praying to the Sun. 
 
 masa ka, masa ke (voc. and non-voc., w. sp.). Coextensive with axe 
 and mirupxe in female parlance. 
 
 i g-a (voc., m. sp., w. sp.). Mother, mother s sister, mother s clan sister 
 of her own generation, [father s brother s wife], father s sister, [husband s 
 mother]. 
 
 masa "ke (non-voc.). Coextensive with i g-d. 
 
 basba x xid (non-voc.). Father s sister, father s sister s daughter, father s 
 sister s daughter s daughter, and all female descendants through females 
 ad infinitum. This term corresponds to ma sa ke with the difference that 
 it designates the father s female clansfolk while the latter denotes male 
 members of his clan. Etymologically, I feel certain that this word goes 
 back to the Hidatsa stem xid, "old"; ba being a nominal prefix. The term 
 thus literally means "my old one." This, of course, suggests a secondary 
 extension of meaning from the primary one of father s sister. 
 
 The use of terms may again be abundantly illustrated by text material. 
 
 In a song sung in derision of the Lumpwood society, 1 these words occur: 
 dak ake retba wik , "Their children parentless I ll make." A tradition 
 begins with the statement: isa k cirdk bak e -ivisak , "A young man had 
 parents." In regard to the same character the phrase b a v k saf wi ce c is 
 also applied, meaning "the one who had parents." 
 
 The distinction of speaker s sex in addressing the father appears very 
 clearly. When one of the twin heroes speaks to his father, he says, ore , 
 
 Lowie, (d), 170. 
 
64 Anthropological Papers American Mmeum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 dehamaku, "Father, your food give me some," but when Whirlwind- 
 woman is admonished by an old man, she answers, did, wasa ka , bitsiwa 
 waku , " Come, father, tell me for my sake." The equally rigid differentia 
 tion in non-vocative use was forcibly brought home to me when I once 
 asked a half-breed girl where her father was: dl f rupxe co? This produced 
 great merriment, the only possible form in speaking to a w r oman being 
 disa ke. For instance, after Coyote s supposed decease his wife says to 
 their daughter, disd a ke ariri dc did wcfwu, " Your father, what he said let us 
 do." In the myths it is common to refer to a person s parents specifically 
 instead of using the generic parent term discussed above. For example, 
 masa ku u -rdk mirupxu^-rdk am-bare -tsiwa + u, "Our mothers and our 
 fathers what they have told us." Here the speakers are male. When 
 the Buffalo-woman s parents are referred to, however, the phrase is isa kardk 
 im k-ardk, "her father and her mother." That is to say, the stem for 
 "mother" remains the same, that for "father" is fundamentally distinct. 
 
 The difference between vocative and non-vocative stems for the parent 
 terms is readily illustrated. In the Old-Woman s Grandson myth, the boy 
 hero asks his mother to dig wild turnips which they shall eat: i g-a , ihe m 
 bcikpd k bu cbok. The story continues: isa ke , di rupxe bare api ft tseruk, 
 hf tseruk, "His mother, Your father us to dig forbade she said." In 
 another story a boy identifying his father says, miriipxe k*ok*, "My father, 
 it is he." 
 
 A prayer to the Sun opens with the following allocution: kahe, ma sa ka, 
 kandisa /a ce diawa hik-, "Well, father s clansman, now your blanket I 
 have just made." In a story dealing with the origin of the sweatlodge, a 
 character is thus admonished: dlik-uctci^-rdk, da a sa*kem ba a ku, "When 
 you go out, (to) your father s clansman give something." 
 
 According to Gray-bull, it was only the husband of an own or at least 
 closely related "paternal aunt" that was called axe . 
 
 Grasshopper s daughter addresses her paternal uncles masd k a and her father s 
 sister i g~a . 
 
 It is interesting to note that the relationship through the father s clan may be 
 superseded as a result of marriage. Thus, if a birik-o oce married Gray-bull s 
 daughter, Gray-bull would no longer call him "father" but consider him his son- 
 in-law; while by marrying Gray-bull s sister, he would become his brother-in-law. 
 
 Second Ascending Generation, axe -isa ke (voc., m. sp.). Father s 
 father, father s father s brother, mother s father, mother s father s brother, 
 grandmother s husband, mother s mother s brother (optional). 
 
 mirupx-isa ke (non-voc., m. sp.). Coextensive with the above. 
 
 masa k-isa ka (voc., w. sp.). Coextensive with above. 
 
1917.] Lmvie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 65 
 
 masa k-isa ke (non-voc., w. sp.). Coextensive with above. 
 
 masa ka /a re (voc. and non-voc., m. sp., w. sp.). My grandmother, 
 grandmother s sister, mother s paternal aunt, father s paternal aunt, 
 grandfather s wife. 
 
 The etymology of all these terms is transparent, isa" ke, of the same 
 stem with ise, isa, "old," "big," is the essential element of the customary 
 word for "old man," isa kaka^te; cf. Isa ^ka-wudte, Old-Man-Coyote. 
 In other words, the grandfather terms are composed of the "father" term 
 plus the stem for "old man." masa l ka a re is similarly compounded by con 
 traction of the non-vocative term for "mother" with the customary word 
 for "old woman," ka *rc. 
 
 In the Old-Woman s Grandchild cycle the hero s adoptive grand 
 mother thus announces that he has killed her husband, e k dl rupx-isa^ka 
 k ok\ " That one your grandfather was identical with." In telling the old 
 woman of his departure, the hero says, masa*ka a re, ba\vac bare wik", 
 " Grandmother, I am going to hunt." When he gets back to her, the same 
 stem is used non-vocatively : isa kci^re hi dk*, "His grandmother he 
 reached." 
 
 In prayer the Moon is said to have been addressed as masa ka ra re. 
 
 Sunrise is regarded as Plenty-hawk s grandson, because the latter married Sun 
 rise s grandmother. 
 
 Gray-bull s granddaughter calls both Gray-bull, who is her father s father, and 
 her mother s mother s brother masd k-isa ke. She likewise calls Horn, her mother s 
 mother s sister s husband "grandfather," and his wife "grandmother." 
 
 Descending Generations. ba ka te (non-voc.). My child. Composed 
 of nominal prefix and diminutive suffix. 
 
 dak, rak, nak (usually non-voc.). Child, both with and without kin 
 ship significance. 
 
 da/k-batse v (non-voc.). Son, literally "child-man." 
 
 da k-brd (usually non-voc.). Daughter, "child-woman." 
 
 iro oce (voc.). Son (m. sp., w. sp.), brother s son (m. sp., w. sp.); 
 mother s brother s son (m. sp., w. sp.), mother s mother s brother s son 
 (m. sp., w. sp.), sister s son (w. sp.), grandson (m. sp., w. sp.). 
 
 xu /u tse (voc.). Daughter (m. sp., w. sp.), brother s daughter (m. sp., 
 w. sp.), mother s brother s daughter (m. sp., w. sp.), sister s daughter (w. 
 sp.), granddaughter (m. sp., w. sp.), younger sister (w. sp.), [younger sister- 
 in-law, (w. sp.)]. 
 
 macbapite (non-voc.). Grandchild (m. sp., w. sp.). 
 
 Perhaps the most interesting point in regard to these terms is the limita 
 tion of the "grandchild" term to non-vocative use. Phonetically it corre- 
 
66 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 spends perfectly to the Hidatsa stem, which, however, is used both in direct 
 address and otherwise. The Crow connotation is clearly exemplified both 
 in daily life and in mythology. Thus, Young-crane calls her daughter s 
 daughter xu u tse; in the Old-Woman s Grandchild myth the hero s name is 
 Kd ricb&pi ludc ("Old woman her grandchild," plural form), but she 
 addresses him as iro cc, or with added diminutive iro ck-(Tta, never as 
 ma cbapite. She does, however, apply to him, both vocatively and non- 
 vocatively, the generic "child" term. For example, we find: wara k* 
 bd> ward xkdVec, "my grandchild is a crazy one;" ik-a, bard kfTta, "Look, 
 my little (grand) child." Correspondingly, the term is used in the third 
 person: hine k-d a rec nd k batse tsiri"tscruk, "This old woman her (grand)- 
 son feared, it is said." 
 
 Some of the other words of this series are not so rigidly defined as to 
 vocative or non-vocative use, though the above data give the preferential 
 or at all events more common meaning. For example, Old-Man-Coyote s 
 wife says, to a man hine xu u tsk d te dxpdk, " This little daughter marry " 
 (imperative). On the other hand, an old mouse thus addresses Whirlwind- 
 woman: barid di a, dd k bl^d, "My words execute, daughter," where it is 
 also noteworthy that the pronominal prefix is lacking. 
 
 Illustrations of the use of terms taken from mythological material follow- : 
 
 bac-bakd te d tsipd ri, My children may they grow up. bard k* saso, 
 "My child soon bring (imperative), dard k e cik-d k\T t -ddk, "Your 
 child if it should be a boy." dd k batse i rd pu rdk, " His sons there are two 
 of them." dara k bi" a daro re ardxpa? "Your daughter you came and 
 married?" dd k bl dc xatsi dk, "Her daughter (obj.) she shook." darfi k e 
 dxpdk d takdt awd tsia, "Your child (a grown-up daughter) with her close 
 sit" (imperative), axe , hammaku. iro cc, co ritsim diwardkd? "Father, 
 some give me. Son, when (did) you (become) my child?" 
 
 Yellow-brow calls Grasshopper s daughter, i. e., his wife s brother s 
 daughter xu utse. Young-crane calls her daughter s daughter by the same 
 term. 
 
 A suspicion sometimes arises whether what from our point of view seems a 
 grotesque misapplication of terms of kinship is not merely a theoretical exercise on 
 the natives part. But both among the Hidatsa and the Crow the apparently absurd 
 connotations feature in everyday conversation. Reuben assured me that Bread 
 (see diagram, p. 62) addressed him, i. e., his father s sister s daughter s son, as axt 
 not by way of a joke but as the normal mode of allocution. An even more con 
 vincing case came directly under my observation. A four-year old boy, Sunrise, 
 actually called a two-year old girl, Good-skunk, his daughter. In reality, she is his 
 mother s brother s daughter. I asked Sunrise, "dara k bl a co?" "Your daughter 
 where (is she)?" He at once replied by puckering up his lips and protruding them 
 towards Good-skunk. In other words, these to us strange applications are imparted 
 to children, with others that seem normal to us, at a very early age. 
 
1917.] Lowe, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 67 
 
 According to Young-crane, a woman would refer to her brother s child as macbtf- 
 pi te. This may be merely a retroactive effect of the freedom with which the Crow 
 merge distinct generations, for the husband of the father s sister w r as not classed 
 with the grandfather but with the father. Thus, Young-crane had an elder brother s 
 daughter, whom she referred to as her grandchild, but who addressed Hunts-the- 
 enemy, my informant s husband, as "father." A plausible reason for the classifica 
 tion of the brother s child with the grandchild lies in the classification of the mother s 
 brother s child with the child: if the father s sister s son regards his cross-cousin as 
 his son or daughter, it is not unnatural for the father s sister to regard this nephew 
 or niece as her grandchild. My impression is that Crow usage, here as in some other 
 respects, is not rigidly fixed, certainly less so than among the Hidatsa. 
 
 Morgan s Crow schedules have a relatively high degree of correctness, most if 
 not all of his terms being readily equated with those obtained by more phonetic 
 methods of transcription and the meanings being also given with a fair measure of 
 accuracy. Nevertheless, there are not a few errors due to his unfamiliarity with the 
 language and sometimes to his failure to note the distinction betw.een vocative and 
 non- vocative use. 
 
 As generic terms for "my brothers" and "my sisters" Morgan gives the equiva 
 lents of bdsa pe and baku prri?d, respectively. The former expression has been found 
 to extend far beyond the narrow family circle (p. 59), the latter seems to me a per 
 fectly legitimate compound of baku pe and ux?d ("Geschivister" and "woman") but 
 is hardly the usual generic expression for "sisters," for which I think bacbi d would be 
 more commonly used (but see p. 60). In defining the equivalents of Wik-a and 
 basa a re, Morgan correctly notes the extension of these terms to elder parallel cousins, 
 but wrongly makes the latter word stand for maternal uncle in male as well as in 
 female speech. In the former case bl ik-a is naturally used since basa are is only 
 employed by women, "bd-cha-ka" for " father s brother s daughter s son" is ob 
 viously only a misprint for bd-chu -ka, which is correctly rendered to cover the younger 
 brother and younger parallel male cousin in the speech of both sexes; and the sister s 
 son and the mother s sister s daughter s son in male parlance. The father s brother s 
 daughter being a "sister" according to the Crow system, her son is naturally in the 
 class of the sister s son. Morgan limits basa ka a ta to the man s elder sister and 
 parallel female cousin, while according to my data it is used by both sexes. The 
 term he gives for a female s elder sister bus-we -na I can identify with nothing but 
 basbi d, the generic sister term. It may be noted that its phonetic equivalent in 
 Hidatsa is limited to male usage, baso ka, being a female term, cannot be applied 
 by a man to his sister s daughter, the corresponding basa tsl ita being the only per 
 missible one. Morgan correctly defines this word to include a man s younger sister 
 and female parallel cousins; curiously enough, he omits the meaning "sister s 
 daughter," for his correctly given additional definitions "father s brother s daughter s 
 daughter" and "mother s sister s daughter s daughter " are intelligible only through 
 the extension of the term to the sister s daughter. 
 
 In the ascending generation Morgan gives only the vocative father term, thus 
 obscuring the derivation of his (non- vocative) grandfather term. He errs in not 
 restricting axe to male speech and thus even comes to extend it to the husband s 
 father. On the other hand, it is worth noting that he correctly makes it cover the 
 relationship of father s sister s husband, i g-a is rightly defined, the extension to 
 father s sister s son s wife following logically from the status of the cross-cousin. 
 The only criticism to be made under this head is Morgan s failure to note that there 
 
68 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 is a non- vocative term generally corresponding to i g-a but not embracing the pater 
 nal aunt and her female descendants through females. Morgan gives e-sd-cheka for 
 stepfather; I never found the equivalent used except for the stepson. For the 
 grandfather and all the other male relatives of his and higher generations Morgan 
 has one word, miru px-isa^ ke. This we have seen to be only the non- vocative form 
 of male parlance. Further, the extension to the mother s mother s brother is merely 
 optional, and I suspect the same for the mother s mother s mother s brother, masa - 
 ka are is correctly defined. 
 
 In the first descending generation Morgan again fails to note the distinction 
 between direct address and non-vocative usage. For the daughter he gives only an 
 expression predominantly non- vocative, da kbl^d. For "son" the form bot-sa -sa is 
 listed, the additional meanings being brother s son and mother s sister s son s son 
 for both sexes, and sister s son and mother s sister s daughter s son for female speech. 
 What Morgan himself evidently felt to be a word of the same stem, botso -ka, is 
 defined father s brother s son s son and mother s brother s son for both sexes, and 
 father s brother s daughter s son for women. There is no warrant for this differentia 
 tion. Morgan seems to have got mutilated forms of the non-vocative da kbatse\ 
 which would cover all his meanings. 
 
 In the second descending generation Morgan fails to note that macba^pi te is 
 restricted to non-vocative use. The meaning "sister s grandson (m. sp.)" requires 
 explanation. The sister s daughter s son would logically be a sister s son, i. e., a 
 younger brother, correlatively with the designation of the mother s mother s brother 
 as elder brother. In practice, however, we have found this use to be optional, the 
 grandfather term being sometimes substituted, and to correspond with this we may 
 have the sister s daughter s son classed with the grandson. Eut this reasoning does 
 not apply to the sister s son s son, for the sister s son is a younger brother, whence 
 his son becomes a brother s son, i. e., a son, not a grandson. In agreement with this 
 we have the classification of the father s mother s brother with the father. Morgan 
 is more seriously at fault in his interpretation of the word basb&xi d as sister s grand 
 daughter, (m. sp.), and father s sister s son s son, father s sister s son s daughter, 
 father s sister s daughter s son in the speech of both sexes. Indeed, the only correct 
 meaning furnished by Morgan is "father s sister s daughter s daughter." His 
 misunderstanding is in part due to his ignoring the distinction between the vocative 
 and non-vocative for paternal aunt, basba xi d simply denotes, in non-vocative 
 use, the father s sister and all her female descendants through females. It never 
 designates a male relative; the son of a father s sister s son is a father s son, i. e., a 
 brother, while the son of a father s sister s daughter is a father s sister s son, i. e., a 
 father. The father s sister s son s daughter, being a father s daughter, is classed 
 with the sister. lintlly, basb&xi d cannot be applied to the sister s daughter s 
 daughter, who is a sister (cf. diagram, p. 62); but neither can it be extended to a 
 man s sister s son s daughter, who is classed with the daughter of a brother, hence 
 with the daughter. 
 
 TERMS OF AFFINITY. 
 
 Speaker s Generation, axpe (non-voc.)- Spouse. The stem means also 
 "companion" "to marry," and "in the company of." For example, in a 
 tale a man who kills an enemy with his mother s help is dubbed " Isa k- 
 axpa-rape c," "His mother-with-he-kills." 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 69 
 
 tsire (non-voc.). Husband. This is the only specific term for this 
 relationship, but like its phonetic equivalent among the Hidatsa it is re 
 garded as something of a honorific designation. That is to say, its use 
 suggests the permanence of the union; whether the Hidatsa idea is involved 
 that the woman must not have been previously married, I am unable to 
 state definitely. 
 
 u d (non-voc.). Wife. This is the specific term for this relationship. 
 
 The two preceding words are used with possessive or privative particles 
 to denote the fact or the contrary of marriage. Thus, a man is asked 
 du a-wici, " Are you married? " (literally, your wife is there one?) or dua- 
 wic-bice, "Have you ever been married?" or an-dua-wic-base, dicba re 
 sa wef "When you were married the first time, how old were you?" Of a 
 woman it is said: tsi mbicik- , "She is married," (literally, "her husband there 
 is one," the final syllable of tsire being contracted and assimilated to follow 
 ing &). In a song a woman is represented as saying, bateimbicik-, "I am 
 married" and is told datsi netde Vk, "You are as though without a husband" 
 (net, privative). 
 
 bu d ka (voc., m. sp.). My brother s wife, mother s brother s wife. 
 This is clearly a derivative from the foregoing; the non- vocative is formed 
 in the usual way (e). 
 
 bu d wa -|- ise (m. sp.). My wife s elder sister, wa is the nominal 
 prefix, ise means "old, big." 
 
 bu d-karic ta (m. sp.). My wife s younger sister; my young wife in a 
 polygamous household. 
 
 bactsite (w. sp.). My husband s brother. 
 
 Nothing is more complicated than the Crow mode of designating these 
 affinities, for there seems to be considerable latitude. Neither spouse 
 ordinarily addresses the other by name, but this was sometimes used, 
 probably only in the case of long-continued union. Gray-bull said that a 
 good woman would call her husband by name, meaning she would have to 
 be one whom her husband would not have cause to abandon for infidelity. 
 Instead of the names, demonstrative or inter jectional expressions are 
 employed in direct address, he ha is used by either sex in calling a spouse. 
 The women also use hira and more particularly baru aritse, which latter 
 word I cannot satisfactorily analyze. A wife s sister is likewise addressed 
 he ha, and in calling her sister s husband she employs the identical word or 
 him. She may also call her brother-in-law by name: " da sud /c o ra sasuk*," 
 "Name that they call him." A woman similarly may call her husband s 
 brother by name and he may use hers instead of budka, but there are evi 
 dently optional modes of address: if he is older, she calls him mma re; if 
 younger, either batsu ka or even iro oce. 
 
 The term he ha, as applied to a wife s sister, obviously refers to potential 
 
70 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 connubium for she is no longer so addressed when married to another man, 
 her name being then used instead. She may also be called " So-and-so s 
 wife." 
 
 In non-vocative first-person usage non-specific expressions often take the 
 place of batsire and bua. Thus, we may have the demonstratives, l wd k, 
 i mbe, i rd*k, or combinations of demonstratives with generic expressions. 
 
 I was seated by Mrs. Plenty-hawk, whose husband had been telling me myths, 
 when a visitor arrived and knowing what my business was inquired who was telling 
 me stories. The hostess answered i mbe, "That one," her husband being at the 
 moment some distance away and in motion. U ciec s wife always referred to her 
 husband as e"k isa/ ke, "that old man"; other women would use batse "man" 
 in place of isa"ke and might substitute I rd k for e"k. A man often referred to his 
 wife as e k (or ir <9 k) bl d "that woman." Corresponding expressions are in vogue 
 for other relatives. Thus, a woman speaks of her husband s brother as e"k badsite , 
 "that my brother-in-law" and of her sister s husband as e k tsire , "that one s hus 
 band," and a man may refer to his wife s younger sister as e"k isd ke, "that one s 
 younger sister." 
 
 A woman sometimes referred to her husband teknonymously, saying, 
 "the boy s father." 
 
 ba acr (voc., m. sp.). My wife s brother, wife s mother s brother, 
 sister s husband, sister s daughter s husband. 
 
 bara/ace (non-voc., m. sp.). Coextensive with the foregoing. 
 
 bakua (non-voc., w. sp.). My husband s sister. 
 
 basbl akaricta (non-voc., w. sp.). My brother s wife, literally "my 
 young woman" (see p. 58). 
 
 Vocatively, the sisters-in-law may address each other by name; or the 
 elder may call the younger xu utse, being in turn called maku kd^ta, " elder 
 sister" (see p. 60). Probably the other terms for sister are also permissi 
 ble. 1 According to one informant, sisters-in-law of about the same age 
 called each other hl ra, "female comrade." 
 
 According to one statement, the wife s sister s husband is called elder or 
 younger brother depending on seniority; according to another, he is not 
 considered a relative but is called bard x (cf. p. 60). 
 
 batc-iri kuo is the expression used to designate the relationship between 
 co-wives, the first syllable being the reciprocal prefix, (cf. p. 35). 
 
 The use of the above-mentioned terms of affinity is in some measure 
 illustrated in the texts secured. In the myth of Lodge-boy and Thrown- 
 away, the witch who afterwards kills the heroes mother addresses her as 
 follows: hl ra, datslre ba tsik ut*, co ot-da^e, "Female comrade, your husband 
 
 i See Lowie, (c), 212. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 71 
 
 when he comes home with his pack, what do you do?" In another tale 
 when Mouse transforms Old-Man-Coyote into a mouse, Whirlwind-woman 
 fails to recognize him : tsire-c ard xta-td re . tseruk, " Her husband she truly 
 did not know, it is said." In the Old-Woman s Grandchild myth, when 
 the hero has killed his adoptive grandmother s husband, she informs him 
 of his identity: e k- dl rupx -dsa^ka k*ok\ bl watsiraf -k\ "That your 
 grandfather was, I my husband he was." When a dwarf asks a young 
 man whether he is married, the reply is bu a k ar-e risak\ "My wife now 
 is pregnant." In a society s song ridiculing the rival organization it is 
 said: a re-tatse -we ud kurutsl m, dud hu kaive, "Straight-arm his wife took 
 back, your wife let her come." A tyrant who has cruelly treated the hero 
 of a" tale attempts to placate him by saying: bu akari^clem Usik-d cec axpdk, 
 " My young good-looking wife (in a polygamous household) marry" (imper.). 
 In another story a woman is. living with her husband, her husband s brother, 
 and his sister. This fact is expressed as follows: bl drdk isire isl ictsit*- 
 bic-ddk akua-kdt -bic-ddk ku* kord tseruk, "A woman, her husband, also her 
 husband s brother there was one, her husband s little sister there was one, 
 also she was there." When a young man has had his will of a buffalo-cow, 
 he addresses her he ha, "W T ife!" The same word is used by a young man 
 who has eloped with the wife of another. In the story of Coyote and his 
 Daughter, the little boy announces his discovery of Coyote s identity 
 with the words: hine ward ace mirupxe k ok*, "This my brother-in-law 
 my father is identical with." With reference to the boy s scrutinizing 
 Coyote s face it is said: ird acecl se i k-a-kd^ci- tseruk, "His brother-in- 
 law s face he looked at very much, they say." The mother warns the boy: 
 ird oce, dird ace I se dirutsiri, " Son, your brother-in-law s face you might 
 touch." 
 
 Spotted-horse (see diagram p. 62) was Old-dog s brother-in-law, being his 
 sister s daughter s husband. 
 
 Other Generations. The most important fact relating to other relatives 
 by marriage is the reciprocal rule of avoidance obtaining between a man 
 and certain of his wife s relatives. There is a generic expression covering 
 all relatives who are shunned, uct (plural, usu a) ; with the first person 
 the word becomes buce . Of course, vocative forms are out of the question 
 for these tabooed affinities. U uciec, from a man s point of view, sum 
 marized the facts as follows: bu a isa ke buruci tuk*; bu a icbatse u d 
 burucituk* ; bu a isd ke bururituk 1 ; bard kbVd tsire burucituk\ That is, 
 "Our wife s mother we avoid (i. e., neither look at her nor speak to her); 
 our wife s brother s wife we avoid; our wife s father we avoid ; our daughter s 
 husband we avoid." These terms should be understood in the native, 
 
72 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 classificatory sense; yet apparently without including the more remote 
 relatives of the wife; and the wife s grandmothers, on both sides should 
 have been added, as indeed the informant remarked independently of his 
 formal enumeration. On the other hand, the Crow differ from the Hidatsa 
 in not including with the ucd the wife s isbd^xi d (paternal aunts, etc.), 
 who are not avoided and are classed with the mother. In polygamous 
 marriage with unrelated wives, the taboo extended to the relations of all 
 the wives. The rule of avoidance embraced the son-in-law s own brothers, 
 as well as the son-in-law himself, but apparently did not affect more remote 
 kinsmen. 
 
 The father-in-law taboo was also weaker than the rule for mutual 
 avoidance between wife s mother and daughter s husband; nowadays it 
 seems to have largely disappeared while the other taboos persist. 
 
 One-star, who was once married to one of Arm-round-the-neck s daughters, is 
 now called "son" by his one-time father-in-law and treated accordingly, and One- 
 star s wife is considered his daughter. One-star speaks to his former son-in-law, Leo 
 Medicine-crow. In these cases, the dissolution of the marriage bond may be thought 
 to have produced this effect. But this does not apply to the case of James Carpenter, 
 who speaks freely to Flat-head-woman, his wife s father, but continues to shun his 
 wife s mother, her grandmother, and her brother s wife. 
 
 A man may refer to his parents-in-law as basx&ri d or basba xartd, 
 "my old one" or "my old ones." He may also designate them as "that 
 woman s father" or "that woman s mother." 
 
 The rule of avoidance can be removed, usually after the wife s death, 
 by the presentation of a substantial gift, and in this step either the son-in- 
 law or the parent-in-law may take the initiative. In such cases a parent- 
 child relationship is assumed. 
 
 Thus, Gray-bull gave Yellow-brow one* or two horses and said, bara ke ko dl 
 at -di d wa? wik- , "My child that you, too, I shall make you." Since then he spoke 
 and smoked with him as though with one of his sons, but Gray-bull s wife was not 
 affected by the arrangement. A wife s death and divorce certainly affected the 
 taboo. Young-crane, after the death of her daughter, prepared her son-in-law 
 through his father for what was coming, then gave him a colt, spoke to him, and 
 since then has treated him as a son. She lives with him and takes care of her grand 
 daughter. Yet sometimes horses are presented without a removal of the taboo. 
 Gray-bull gave one horse to his father-in-law and another to his mother-in-law, but 
 only spoke to the former thereafter. It is also strange that w r hile Grasshopper now 
 freely converses with Young-crane, his own brothers, White-hip and Cuts, who form 
 erly shared the taboo with him, do not yet talk to the old woman without restraint. 
 While they no longer shun her, they do not speak with her any more than is necessary. 
 
 Gray-bull said that since his wife s death he no longer shuns all her brothers 
 wives. "My wife was the reason I did not talk to them, so now that she is gone 
 I talk to them." However, this principle is not consistently carried out. My 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 73 
 
 informant still shuns his wife s own or closely related brothers wives. He was suc 
 cessively married to five wives. After a divorce he would no longer avoid his former 
 wife s mother. 
 
 There is no taboo between a woman and her parents-in-law, whom she 
 treats as her own parents. She calls them masd ka, "father" or bas-isd he, 
 "my old man," and masa ke, "mother," bac-k-d are, "my old woman," 
 or I rd k k-d arc, "that old woman." On the other hand, da k bVd, 
 "daughter" is used, certainly by the mother-in-law, and probably likewise 
 by the father-in-law, in addressing the son s wife. 
 
 Morgan gives the easily recognized equivalent of ml rapatse as the word by which 
 two fathers-in-law, i. e., the fathers of spouses, address each other. This is the usual 
 word for "comrade, friend." The same author gives hd-nd as the corresponding 
 word for the relationship between the spouses mothers. This must be a misprint 
 for hi ra, the usual word for "female comrade." It may very well be that such 
 terms were used, since their application is generic and would simply express friend 
 ship or courtesy. The only relevant data I collected refer to the relations between 
 parents-in-law of opposite sex. Gray-bull, whose son had married Young-crane s 
 daughter (deceased), lived for years under the same roof with the old woman. They 
 did not regard each other as relatives, yet treated each other as though they were. 
 They were i d-nakasu a (first person singular: bi d-nakase). 
 
 Owing to the extreme difficulty of the affinity terms used by the Crow, it is not 
 surprising to find Morgan s schedules inadequate in some respects and misleading 
 in others. It was natural that he should usually have obtained the specific terms 
 rather than the non-specific modes of address. Sometimes his ignorance of the lan 
 guage is to blame. For example, the daughter-in-law (w. sp.) and sister s son s 
 wife (w. sp.) are not denoted by a specific term when called bard ke (md-nd-ka). 
 as Morgan s readers might conjecture, but by the generic expression for "my child." 
 Similarly, gd-na in his boo sha-gd-na is simply kd a re, the word for "old woman" 
 suffixed to bucc . Ignorance of the avoidance rule prevents him from explaining 
 why wife s father, son-in-law, and so forth, should be designated by this common 
 term. He also fails to include the wife s brother s wife in this category, giving 
 botze -no-pdche for both her and the husband s brother s wife. I consider this in 
 correct, for his term seems to be the equivalent of bats-l rapatse, which means "one 
 another s male comrade." Morgan fails to note that bd aci is simply the vocative of 
 bar a ace and translates the former "wife s brother," the latter "father s brother s 
 daughter s husband, mother s sister s daughter s husband, and sister s husband (all 
 m. sp.). For "husband" and "wife" he gives merely the non-vocative terms, being 
 apparently ignorant of the impossibility of using these in direct address. For 
 bu d ka the classificatory extensions are correctly given, for since the sister s son, the 
 father s brother s son, the mother s brother, and the mother s sister s son are all 
 "brothers" (m. sp.), it follows that their wives must be designated by the same term 
 as an own brother s wife. On the other hand, Morgan errs in defining basbl akaricta 
 (bos-me a-kun-is-td) . He correctly gives "brother s wife (w. sp.)," from which 
 fundamental meaning follows, logically enough, the extension to father s brother s 
 son s wife and mother s sister s son s wife (both w. sp.). But he also gives "daughter- 
 in-law (m. sp.)," and "brother s son s wife " and "mother s brother s son s wife" for 
 
74 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 both sexes. This information is in a measure inconsistent, for the application by 
 both sexes to the two last-named affinities would follow only from a term for "daugh 
 ter-in-law" common to men and women, while Morgan limits basin akari^cta to male 
 speech in this sense. The essential objection, however, is that I find no warrant for 
 the use of basbl akari^cta except to denote a woman s brother s wife. It is, however, 
 rash to dogmatize on the designation of Crow affinities; and I hasten to point out 
 that etymologically the extensions given by Morgan are intelligible since the term 
 signifies literally only "my young (but mature) kinswoman." 
 
 KINSHIP USAGES. 
 
 A few additional data have been secured on this topic. 
 
 The respect paid to each other by male brothers-in-law has already been 
 emphasized. According to one informant, it is mainly the wife s brother 
 that gives presents of horses, guns, etc., to the sister s husband, though 
 the latter sometimes makes a return gift. The brother-in-law relationship 
 was said to persist after the divorce of the connecting relative. On the 
 other hand, by adoption into a society a "brother-in-law" might be trans 
 formed into a "son." This happened, e. g., when Gray-bull adopted Lee 
 Scolds-the-bear into the Night Dancers club. There is no objection to 
 telling obscene myths in the presence of a brother-in-law, but personal 
 obscenity must be avoided. 
 
 Female sisters-in-law did not joke with each other. A woman gave 
 presents to her brother s wife. She would resent infidelity on the part of 
 her brother s wife, and if she quarreled with her might prevail upon her 
 brother to divorce her. 
 
 Young-crane declared that she had exactly the same feelings for half- 
 brothers and half-sisters as for full Ceschwister and that it made no difference 
 whether the relationship was through the father or the mother. 
 
 In general it may be said that whatever differences of sentiment per 
 sisted with reference to differently related individuals designated by the 
 same kinship term there was a conscious effort not to let the fact color one s 
 practical conduct. It seems that a Crow regarded it as a matter of honor 
 to treat., say, an adopted child as well as his own children, if anything, 
 better. In Crow folklore the wicked stepmother does not play the part 
 she assumes in European tales, and though I recall a story in which a cruel 
 stepfather figures this is an isolated instance. 
 
 MARRIAGE. 
 . 
 
 A man had a preemptive right to the younger sisters of a woman he had 
 bought in marriage. Some men married a brother s widow; this was 
 called u ak-kura^ + u, "keeping a brother s wife." 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 75 
 
 As explained in my previous paper, 1 there was abundant opportunity 
 for philandering on such occasions as berry-picking (amatdi aritskisu^a) 
 and it happened that young people would form a permanent attachment 
 on such occasions without further ceremony. This type of union was 
 called bats cird -f- u, "taking each other." Sometimes a young man used 
 a go-between to make an offer to a young woman, and this was designated 
 as bl d-kus- ird + u, " talking towards a woman." 
 
 The most honorable form of marriage was buying a wife, I wiciriC a, 
 "paying for her." That is, a man would give horses to her male relatives 
 (ic-batst o) and meat to her mother. It was usually a young, good-looking 
 and virtuous woman who was purchased but it did not matter whether she 
 had been previously married. "Men," said Gray-bull, "would buy a 
 woman who was not crazy. The Lumpwoods never came to the door of 
 my tipi to take away my last wife. That is the sort of wife we paid for." 
 This is an allusion to the custom by which a member of the Lumpwood or 
 rival Fox organization might carry off the wife of a member of the other 
 society provided he had ever been on terms of intimacy with her. 2 
 
 Women stolen in this fashion were not usually kept for any length of 
 time. Shell-necklace abducted three women in this manner but did not 
 live with any of them longer than twenty days. He let them stay in a 
 lodge other than his real wife s. There were some men who would keep 
 these stolen women but the majority sent them away with such words as, 
 kan-ctt + awdxpc, bare tk\ kand f "I have done marrying you, go away!" 
 After this any man might marry her without being disgraced, except the 
 husband from whose lodge she had been stolen. 
 
 When a woman abandoned a man she disliked, this was called batst - 
 kurupi u, "disliking a man." Shell-necklace said, contrary to Gray-bull s 
 earlier statement, that in such a case the husband recovered the property 
 he had paid for her. A woman s relatives sometimes tried to dissuade her 
 from running away from her husband. 
 
 The attitude of divorced spouses towards each other in later life naturally 
 differed with different individuals. One interpreter told me that his father 
 and mother hated each other and never had any social intercourse. Corre 
 spondingly, Young-crane informed me that she at first refused to be adopted 
 into the Tobacco society by her former husband, Hunts-the-enemy, but 
 was finally persuaded by her then husband, Crazy-dog. On the other 
 hand, there are cases of divorced mates who converse on amicable terms. 
 
 Some concrete data as to married life are of considerable interest. 
 
 Young-crane married her first husband, a chief, before her first menses. 
 
 Lowie, (c), 220 et seq. 
 Cf. Lowie, (d), 169. 
 
76 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 He had already married her elder sister and at the time of his death had two 
 other wives, one of them a relative belonging, like the informant, to the 
 a cbatcud. The three related women inhabited the same lodge, while the 
 fourth wife lived in a separate tipi; but sometimes all the wives of a man, 
 even if unrelated, lived together. This first husband had been married to a 
 wife whom he divorced and by whom he had four children. When he took 
 to wife Young-crane, he gave her elder brother two horses and other pres 
 ents. She had no children by him, but her elder sister had three, of whom 
 Packs-hat is the oldest. He has always called Young-crane "mother"; 
 when she later married Hunts-the-enemy, Packs-hat called him "father," 
 as he also did his own mother s second husband; he continued to address 
 Hunts-the-enemy in this way even after Young-crane s divorce from him, 
 and later when she married Crazy-head called him "father" also. Young- 
 crane s first husband was killed and after awhile she had Hunts-the-enemy 
 for a lover and accordingly married him without purchase. However, 
 he also took to wife a relative of Young-crane s whom she designated as her 
 grandchild (macb(Tpite] and who called her husband "father." This 
 angered her. All the people thought Hunts-the-enemy had done some 
 thing wrong in marrying a girl who called him " father" and said he was 
 crazy. Accordingly, Young-crane separated from him. Later Crazy- 
 head wished to marry her, and since he was a chief her brothers advised 
 her to take him, and so she did without being purchased. 
 
 When Gray-bull was about twenty-two, he married for the first time. 
 He had been out on a war party and when he came back he found a young 
 woman who had come to his home, so he married her. She had a son by 
 him, but the boy died. After about four years of marriage, she discovered 
 that her husband had been out berry-picking with another young woman, 
 so she got angry and told him to marry her rival. Accordingly, Gray-bull 
 threw all her belongings out of the tent, and she left him. Then Gray-bull 
 went to where his sweetheart was and married her without purchase. She 
 was stolen by the Lumpwoods and Gray-bull never went near her for a 
 year, and even then he did not seek her but she came to him. However,, 
 he did not keep her permanently. It was only for his last wife that prop 
 erty was paid. She was a virtuous woman, the widow of a brother of 
 Gray-bull s, who had been killed. When Gray-bull s mother urged him to 
 marry this woman, he at first declined, but at last consented. Then 
 another brother of his took a horse and some property to the widow s 
 mother, the horse being for the widow s father and the other gifts for her 
 brothers. Some time after this one of the woman s brothers bade him stay 
 in his lodge. Then one of her brothers came, stood outside the tipi, and 
 called Gray-bull. Then he went with them and two of his own brothers 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 77 
 
 to the woman s lodge. She was seated on a fine bed and had a backrest 
 there. Gray-bull s brothers went to the rear and sat down, and all of them 
 received food. When they had eaten, the brothers went home and Gray- 
 bull remained and lay with his wife. He felt bashful because she had not 
 been his mistress before. 
 
 POSITION OF WOMEN. 
 
 The fact that the women certainly perform all the menial household 
 duties and are ordered about by their husbands in regard to bringing water 
 and the like is likely to convey the idea that the position of women was a 
 very inferior one in Crow society. Random references to women in myth 
 and song, and indeed the deliberate bravado with which the ideal Crow 
 man might discard his wife at a dance or allow her to be abducted by a 
 rival organization, tend to confirm this impression. 
 
 Nevertheless, as in the case of sexual morality, superficial appearances 
 are in a measure deceptive as to the real native point of view. In the first 
 place, it is worth noting that a woman exercises definite property rights. 
 In buying specimens I noticed repeatedly that husbands did not attempt 
 to influence, let alone force, wives in regard to the sale of their belongings. 
 It is further noteworthy that while women were naturally barred from the 
 distinctively military men s clubs they play an important part in the 
 sacred Tobacco society. W T omen secured visions, though less frequently 
 than men; and some of them were medical practitioners and exercised 
 supernatural powers. As the Crow had a very definite conception of ideal 
 manhood, so they have a clear notion of what a woman should be, virtuous, 
 skilled in feminine accomplishments, physically attractive. This complex 
 is summed up in the expression blitsik , "She is a good woman," which 
 perhaps corresponds to our "perfect lady" with the addition of good looks. 
 A woman of this type was certainly well thought of and might exert con 
 siderable influence on her husband. 
 
 It is further clear that the bold face put on when a woman was abducted 
 often merely served as a mask for profound grief. Indeed the stoical 
 decorum so emphatically demanded by tribal etiquette indicates how diffi 
 cult an achievement this triumphing over one s emotions was considered. 
 When Gray-bull lost his wife in the spring contest of the Foxes and Lump- 
 woods he bravely bade her go with his rival, but interrupting his narrative 
 at this point he said to me, " If you have ever been married, you know how 
 this felt." 
 
 W hether what has been called "romantic love" is less common among 
 
 1 Lowie, (d), 171. 
 
78 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 the Indians than in our own everyday life, it would be difficult to say. 
 An educated interpreter ridiculed the notion of a man s committing suicide 
 because of unrequited affection, but Werthers are not so common among 
 us as he seems to have inferred from a reading of novels. At all events, 
 Crow literature also comprises narratives of a hero undergoing dangers and 
 achieving arduous tasks " all for the love of a lady," while one story recounts 
 how a young woman braved all the perils and privations of a long overland 
 journey through hostile territory in order to reach her disabled sweetheart. 
 
 SEXUAL MORALITY. 
 
 In his discussion of the social life of the Yukaghir, Mr. Jochelson empha 
 sizes the difference between theory and practice as regards the sexual 
 relations of this people. 1 Exactly the same point may be made with regard 
 to the Crow. In practice there is great looseness of manners, though the 
 established rules of propriety are strictly observed. 2 War and love are 
 described as the old Crow men s principal occupations, and the mythology, 
 the reminiscences of informants, and ancient songs are all surcharged with 
 evidence of the tendency to apparently unlimited philandering. To a 
 superficial observer it would appear as though this masculine license were 
 even today extended to the female sex. Young women of notorious im 
 morality are not only not regarded as outcasts but in some instances are 
 even taken to wife by young men who to all appearances might have made 
 better matches. Their outward treatment, whether they are married or 
 not, seems to differ not one whit from that accorded to other women. 
 
 Nevertheless, as already explained, the Crow have very definite ideals 
 of feminine purity. A man certainly prides himself on being married to a 
 woman of irreproachable chastity, and a wife of this type enjoys a very 
 different reputation and social status from that of a " crazy" one, as unchaste 
 women are usually described. On public occasions precedence was yielded 
 to the virtuous women. When Young-jack-rabbit had distinguished 
 himself in battle, his grandmother, who "had never done anything wrong," 
 led him about camp and sang his praises. During the Sun dance the highly 
 honorary office of tree-notcher was bestowed on a woman who had been 
 taken to wife in the most honorable way, i. e., one who had not run away 
 with her lover but had been decently married by purchase, and who had been 
 
 i Jochelson, 62, 65. 
 
 - Thus, my interpreter twitted me with the fact that while whites censured the Indian s 
 immorality a brother would not hesitate to speak freely with his sister, which no decent 
 Crow would do (see p. 38). 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 79 
 
 uniformly faithful to her husband. Chastity was likewise a prerequisite 
 for another office in the same ceremony. 1 
 
 There can be no doubt that even theoretically there was a double stand 
 ard of morality. No one thought any the w r orse of a man of prominence for 
 having indulged in numerous love affairs: these were rather regarded as his 
 rightful share of the good things of life. When a young man had assumed 
 the especially dangerous office of a Crazy Dog, 2 an old man would lead him 
 through camp, announcing that since he was going to die the girls of the 
 tribe who wanted to become his sweethearts must hasten to make overtures 
 to him. One of my youngest interpreters, who had recently been married, 
 would speak quite freely of the possibility of amours with other women, 
 but he became grave in considering the case of his wife being disloyal. 
 "Do you know what I should do?" he asked me; "I should never look at 
 her or have anything more to do with her." 
 
 That, however, a certain preferential respect was accorded to a man of 
 virtue is shown by another Sun dance usage. An expedition for the purpose 
 of bringing white clay was always led by a man who had never taken liber 
 ties with any women but his own wife, even in the case of licensed privileges. 3 
 
 PRIVILEGED FAMILIARITY.* 
 
 Some additional details were obtained regarding the joking-relationship. 
 
 If a person s mother had a second husband, her children regarded the 
 clan children of both their own and their stepfather as i watku#u^d. Thus, 
 Gray-bull treated as in this category both the children of birik-5 oce men 
 (his own father s clansmen) and of acitslte men (members of his stepfather s 
 clan). 
 
 TJ uciec has One-star for one of his joking-relatives. He would abuse 
 him as follows: dl wird xba k* xawl k- ; baco" di* d ra, dl wirdx ba k* xawl k- ; 
 "You are a bad person; whatever you do, you are a bad person." If a 
 war party returned unsuccessful, the I watkusu d of the warriors made fun 
 of them. tl uciec explained that after the hair-cutting performance there 
 was no more licensed joking (icitse cua) between the persons concerned for 
 the rest of their lives: kam-bat-ictitse ce-su-k, "They did not joke any 
 more." The joking-relationship includes people of opposite sex. Old- 
 dog would chide a female l icatkusifd, saying dl we? warax , dl roka sak*, 
 
 i Lowie, (e), 30, 35. 
 5 Lowie, (c), 193. 
 
 3 Lowie, (e), 42. 
 
 4 Cf. Lowie, (c), 204-206, 214 f. 
 
80 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 "You are a crazy one, you are lecherous." He would say this whether 
 it was true or not, in reply she would call him crazy or abuse him in some 
 other way. 
 
 My earlier statement that children of men belonging to linked clans 
 were also I watkusu^d stands corroborated. Gray-bull illustrated this 
 specifically by the case of children of men of the acitsite and acirari o clans. 
 This extension, however, leads to an interesting possibility. Since a man 
 was not prohibited from marrying into a clan linked with his own, it was 
 possible for his children to be his joking-relatives. Thus, Bull-tongue is an 
 acirari o, while his father was acitsite. Bull-tongue and his daughter 
 accordingly both have fathers of the same phratry and accordingly the young- 
 woman would be privileged to treat Bull-tongue and his clansmen as I wat- 
 kusifd. This, however, is entirely contrary to the notion that the father s 
 clan must be treated with special respect. My informant was of opinion 
 that in such a case a little joking might be permissible, but not the usual 
 form of license. 
 
 As explained elsewhere, "brothers-in-law" were treated with great 
 respect, and especially the real brother-in-law, i. e., the wife s own brother 
 and vice versa. However, the more remote brothers-in-law were some 
 times mocked in connection with war exploits. Thus, Old-dog will say to 
 White-man-runs-him, who is married to one of Old-dog s clan sisters: 
 duxirarerctk* , "You have never been on a war party." White-man-runs- 
 him responds in similar fashion. Gray-bull joked with Scolds-the-bear, 
 but the latter was afraid to return in kind because of Gray-bull s superior 
 war record. Under no circumstances is there obscene joking with any 
 member of the "brother-in-law" group. 
 
 A man has the privilege of treating with the greatest license his brother s 
 wife and his wife s sister, even if the latter should be married. He might 
 raise his brother s wife s dress, exposing her, and she might do the same to 
 him. A woman might also take liberties with her elder sister s husband. 
 In the summer of 1916 I spent considerable time in the camp of an inform 
 ant, who was continually teasing and fondling his wife s younger sister, 
 while she returned this treatment in kind. They took the greatest liberties 
 without regard to my presence or that of my informant s wife or that of his 
 adult son by another marriage. According to Gray-bull, this type of 
 familiarity ceases, however, when the wife s sister marries another man. 
 For example, he himself continued speaking, but no longer played and 
 joked with a certain w r oman after her marriage to Horn. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
 ETIQUETTE. 
 
 When a visitor comes to a tipi, the host may say kahc by way of greet 
 ing, and this interjection is also used in addressing supernatural beings in 
 prayer. If the inmates of the lodge happen to be outside they may say 
 to the guest, bire ri , "Enter." He is made to sit in the aco ria, i. e., the 
 rear of the lodge, the place of honor. If a woman is visited by her husband s 
 wife or an adopted child, she bids them sit in the rear; other female visitors 
 sit anywhere. 
 
 A man does not enter a lodge if his sister or brother-in-law or any of the 
 wife s relatives coinprised under the term usu a is there alone. If he finds 
 any woman alone in a lodge, he is not likely to enter unless she is a sister-in- 
 law; and correspondingly a woman does not enter a lodge where she sees 
 a man by himself unless he be a lover or a relative other than a brother. 
 
 If a visitor comes with his wife, they take seats opposite to the host and 
 his wife, but if that side is occupied they go to the rear. When they have 
 no visitors, a couple usually occupies the place where the blankets are spread 
 for sleeping, generally on the sides (the part of the lodge called i^cg-cwatsua), 
 No matter at what time of day a visitor arrives, food of some sort is at 
 once offered to him or her. In the old days this consisted mainly of pounded 
 meat (ba ndatsia) or something of the sort. It was not obligatory to eat 
 up everything; sometimes a visitor would take home what was left. This 
 was considered perfectly proper: ari pdetk, "It did not matter." Some 
 times a guest would ask for a container in which to take the food home. 
 The hosts do not have to eat at the same time with their visitors. In the 
 old days the people ate when they were hungry. 
 
 I have myself had occasion to observe again and again that guests do 
 not usually eat in the immediate company of their hosts even if all partook 
 of food at the same time. The usual arrangement is for each family to eat 
 by themselves. Sometimes my interpreter and I ate separately from the 
 other people; and almost always every man formed a distinct group w T ith 
 his wife and children, so that on some occasions there were as many as four 
 groups. Once Bright-wing was seen to join Magpie and his wife, which 
 Gray-bull explained by saying the former was Magpie s brother. 
 
 When people meet outdoors, they do not use any expression correspond 
 ing to our passing the time of day but will probably ask, co k araro\ " \Vhere 
 do you come from?" or sa p didra, "What are you doing?" On my return 
 to the Crow Reservation one summer, an Indian greeted me with the remark: 
 di awdkam, mi ite k , " I am glad to see you " (literally, I see you, I am better). 
 On a similar occasion a Crow said, hinc batse k-aVcc karahu -tsitse^k- , "This 
 dear man has come, it seems." 
 
 
82 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 Crow men do not kiss their wives or sweethearts publicly; only young 
 children are kissed in the presence of other people. However, I have seen 
 a newly married young man caressing his wife though without kissing her. 
 
 In referring to a deceased person, particularly if related to one present, 
 it is customary to use a euphemism, saying not karace k, "He is dead," 
 but k oresak, "He is not here." Thus, e. g., my interpreter designated 
 Gray-bull s dead wife in speaking to her husband. 
 
 A man often refers deprecatingly to his own achievements, but this is 
 mock-modesty and he knows perfectly well that his audience is perfectly 
 aware of the facts. Once Gray-bull, in spite of his excellent war record, 
 adopted this tone, saying, " I have never done anything in war." Young- 
 crane, his son s mother-in-law, fearing that I might misunderstand, at once 
 explained that Gray-bull was a very brave man indeed. 
 
 SOCIAL ESTIMATION OF INDIVIDUALS. 
 
 In his little book on Anthropology Doctor R. R. Marett has rightly 
 emphasized the importance of individual differences even in the most 
 primitive society. This fact, which has been repeatedly observed by field- 
 workers, is certainly very noticeable among the Crow. It appears, e. g., 
 in the contrast between the abstract-like version of a myth, or the colorless 
 account of an actual happening, furnished by one informant and the 
 graphic narrative of another. The point I should like to make in this 
 connection is that the Indians are quite conscious of these individual varia 
 tions, and further that the place occupied in society by a man as a result 
 of his individuality depends not merely on his qualities but also on the 
 traditional sense of values. 
 
 So far as the ancient Crow are concerned, prestige depended primarily 
 on martial glory. Though the Government recognizes Plenty-coups as 
 chief of the Crow, the natives who still cling to the old ways generally regard 
 Bell-rock as the foremost Crow, in spite of the fact that he has not been 
 at all prominent in dealings with the United States. The point is simply 
 that in his record for war exploits he is the foremost of living men. In the 
 estimation of the Crow he therefore takes precedence of Plenty-coups and 
 Medicine-crow, though both of these likewise have an excellent score to 
 their credit. On the other hand, it is quite impossible to make the people 
 yield homage to a man who has not attained the full status of a chief in the 
 customary way. Thus, White-man-runs-him has gained a certain amount 
 of celebrity among whites as the sole survivor of the Custer party and has 
 served as a member of delegations to Washington. Nevertheless, no one 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 83 
 
 recognizes him as a chief. When he acted as crier at one of the July festivi 
 ties some years ago, one of the other Crow pointed him out as an example 
 of the degeneration of tribal standards. "In the old days we should not 
 have picked out a man like him to serve as herald." 
 
 This one-sidedness, of course, prevents adequate recognition of men who 
 in other societies might enjoy an enviable prestige. This came home to 
 me with special force in the case of Bear-crane. Bear-crane had repeatedly 
 acted as my informant, being apparently both unusually intelligent and 
 remarkably well-posted in every subject of ethnographic interest. Yet 
 while I was investigating the Sun dance with his aid, I was repeatedly 
 warned to place no reliance on his statements because of his utter untrust- 
 worthiness. This led to a very careful checking of his data by my chief 
 interpreter, James Carpenter, and in practically every instance Bear-crane s 
 accounts were found to be corroborated by tribesmen of unexceptionable 
 veracity. The psychology of the situation only became clear when I ascer 
 tained Bear-crane s war record, which was very poor and which apparently 
 he had foolishly attempted to doctor in the customary recital of coups. 
 He thus acquired in addition the reputation of mendacity, and whenever 
 I mentioned him to other men his name was at once pooh-poohed. We 
 have here, then, a sociologically instructive instance. A highly gifted 
 individual receives no recognition in his social setting and is impelled to 
 make an abortive attempt at getting a position from which he is barred by 
 the rigidity of the native canons. 
 
 The notion that it was a man s duty to be brave sometimes found 
 exaggerated expression, as among the Hidatsa, in the form of the theoretical 
 view that it was proper to die young. Thus, an elder brother might force 
 a younger one to assume unusual obligations of bravery not from malice 
 but in order to shed luster on his name. 1 The same sentiment is expressed 
 in the following song: 
 
 bak o tsi te awaxe awe -rdk. baxaria kawa-uk 1 . 
 
 Eternal (is) the heaven and the earth. Old people are bad. 
 batsiri reta. 
 Be not afraid. 
 
 This general point of view is illustrated by the actions of the Crazy-dogs- 
 wishing-to-die, 2 who were not merely brave but foolhardy, deliberately 
 courting death. It should be noted that the reason why Isacpi tdakc, one 
 of the most famous of these men, became a Crazy-dog was because a sore 
 
 i Lowie, (d), 166. 
 
 See Lowie, (d), 193-196. 
 
84 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 knee prevented him from joining the foot-soldiers in their war raids. In 
 other words, the impossibility of satisfying the normal ambitions of a Crow 
 warrior made life unbearable and drove him to assume the unusual obliga 
 tion of recklessness. The respect which such conduct elicited is exempli 
 fied by Spotted-rabbit s case. After becoming a Crazy-dog, this warrior 
 became the lover of Two-faces wife. Two-faces, so far from resenting this 
 as an injury, viewed Spotted-rabbit as his irupxek-a te (see p. 63) and 
 even sought to avenge his death. 
 
 In latter-day Crow society the principal means for distinction has of 
 course become impossible. It has been supplemented partly by other 
 qualities esteemed in former times as secondary attributes of eminence, 
 such as liberality, partly by characteristics displayed in dealings with the 
 Government officials. Those who attempt to curry favor with the authori 
 ties or missionaries to the detriment of their own people lose caste, and to a 
 lesser extent this applies to men who, while ostensibly defending their 
 tribesmen, are suspected of being mainly actuated by motives of self- 
 aggrandizement. On the other hand, those who combat without after 
 thought what the Indians regard as injustice, even subjecting themselves 
 to punishment on behalf of the rest, are highly esteemed. 
 
 Women are held in repute for such qualities as chastity (cf. p. 77), 
 skill in feminine handicrafts, and kindliness. 
 
 Apart from the evaluation of personalities in ioto, the Crow are keen in 
 recognizing differences in point of special endowments or temperament. 
 Thus, No-horse (bur e -sac) was pointed out to me as an unsurpassed master 
 in the use of the Crow language. He will get up in an assembly, I was told, 
 and employ words which no one has ever heard before yet which are at 
 once understood and felt to be perfectly correct. On my second visit to 
 the Crow, I was advised again and again to use as an informant Old-horn, 
 who was described to me as an incomparable historiographer of his tribe. 
 After possibly two weeks arduous attempt to extract desired data from him, 
 I was obliged to give him up as a hopeless case. He had never been a 
 member of the Tobacco society and on most other aspects of aboriginal 
 culture he spoke as an outsider. Whence, then, his reputation? He 
 actually did possess a remarkable memory, especially for relationships and 
 had proved very valuable to the Indian Office in aiding the adjustment of 
 the native matrilineal scheme of inheritance to the laws of the United 
 States. Ignorant of my precise aims and knowing his preeminence in this 
 particular branch of aboriginal knowledge, my advisors had quite sincerely 
 directed me to him. 
 
 As a social characteristic the ability to exchange good-humored raillery 
 is highly prized. This is markedly noticeable in the intercourse with whites, 
 where umbrage is taken at any appearance of putting on airs. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 85 
 
 Some people become popular as purveyors of entertainment. Among 
 these is AYhite-arm, who was described to me as "a regular clown." He 
 picks up threads of gossip and retails them to interested audiences, which 
 are convulsed with laughter at his topical narratives. Things which never 
 appeared funny before become comic under his treatment. Two of his 
 favorite tales of this order were recorded as texts and wherever I read these 
 to groups of Indians I always produced inordinate merriment. Of late 
 AYhite-arm has become less popular because of his association with one of 
 the Protestant missions. 
 
 The loss of social prestige is naturally connected with the absence of the 
 prized qualities, but as bravery is associated in the native consciousness 
 with certain specific deeds, so disgrace is correspondingly the result of 
 certain specific actions which are conventionally considered contemptible. 
 Offenses of this sort become preeminently the butt of the i watkusud, and 
 the natives extreme sensitiveness to ridicule renders the joking-relationship 
 a very genuine corrective influence. 
 
 One of the things to which the Crow are strongly averse is a personal 
 brawl among tribesmen. They will sometimes contrast their attitude with 
 that of the whites who exchange blows when at loggerheads. "The white 
 people all want to be prize-fighters," one of my interpreters said to me. 
 Gray-bull told me there was just one bad thing scored against him in the 
 tribal reckoning, a fight with a Crow chief. His tale runs as follows: 
 
 We were camped on the Yellowstone. The Arapaho were at Fort Custer, the 
 Cheyenne at Rosebud. The Arapaho were friendly. I went hunting and got to the 
 Arapaho. Some Arapaho told the Cheyenne that a Crow was in the Arapaho camp. 
 The Cheyenne came and wanted to kill me, but the Arapaho chief would not allow it. 
 One Cheyenne, whose son had been killed by our people, said if he could not kill the 
 Crow he wanted to whip him. So the Arapaho took away all his weapons except his 
 whip. I went up to him. He began to whip me. He whipped me until I no longer 
 felt it. The Cheyenne was crying while he whipped me. At last the Arapaho chief 
 bade him stop. 
 
 I crossed the Bighorn and went down the other bank. The whole Crow camp 
 was coming across. When they had crossed, the Cheyenne were on the other side of 
 the river, but did not cross in a body. One of them, however, crossed, riding a 
 black horse and wearing a two-tailed war-bonnet. I said to the Cheyenne, "I told 
 you not to come across." I went up and whipped him so hard that the feathers of 
 his bonnet fell off. When I got through whipping him, I returned to the other Crow. 
 The chief of the Crow came up and asked me what I was doing. " They whipped me 
 first, that is why." The chief said, "It is nothing if they whipped you, you are no 
 good any how." I said nothing. The chief began to whip me. Now all the Chey 
 enne had crossed. He whipped me for a while. When he had done, I told him he 
 was crazy and asked whether the Cheyenne were his brothers and why he took their 
 side. I told him that was a good day to die. The chief asked me whether I wanted 
 to die. "Yes." I took a stick and hit the chief on the nose. He just stooped over 
 and I beat him with the stick. Another chief, Long-horse, came and told me to 
 
86 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 cease, 1 1 ceased and stood there. I had two pistols; one I was holding loaded under 
 my breech-clout. I waited for the chief to say something. He recovered from his 
 nose-bleeding, then he told me he was going to kill me. I took out my pistol from 
 under my breech-cloth, but someone knocked up my arm and I shot over the chief. 
 The Indians seized both of us and separated us. After that I felt so badly that I did 
 not know what to do. I said I was going to kill one of the Cheyenne, but the rest of 
 the Crow would not let me go. The Cheyenne cheered while I was being whipped 
 by the chief. 
 
 After this incident Gray-bull s j ok ing-relatives made fun of him. The men 
 would say, e *k bare ditsl 1 , "That one may strike us." The female I wat-kusu 
 would also give warning of his approach, "There s that fighter, (e"k b&wurute c); 
 get out of his way, he might hit you." 
 
 The case of Fire-bear, an Agency policeman who killed Wraps-up-his- 
 tail, the sword-bearing prophet (about 1888), was naturally regarded, as 
 far more serious. He was considered crazy for killing a fellow-Crow and 
 when he approached everyone, whether a joking-relative or not, would say: 
 ham-di-rapeo, mita xare, " He might kill some of you, get back." 
 
 As liberality is considered a great virtue, miserliness is regarded with 
 contempt. Thus, it is considered bad if a man takes home a horse he has 
 given away to a brother-in-law or some other person. This is called bd*k- 
 unitcite. If a hunter who had killed deer or buffalo did not give any of the 
 food to another Crow who came upon him while butchering, his stinginess 
 was derided. People would say to him, iruk ardtsicik-, "You love meat." 
 If a horse was always kept by a man until it was very old without being 
 given away, this was not so bad, still people would make fun of the owner. 
 
 It was considered bad for a man continually to beat his wife without 
 cause. People would talk about it, saying, bl d rit d k\ " He beats his wife." 
 If a party of Crow approached the enemy who stood their ground and if 
 the leader then turned aside, the people made mock songs about him and 
 compared him to a "bleeding woman" (bl I maxud}. This was, of course, 
 a stinging reproach. 
 
 One of the worst things a man could do was to take back a divorced 
 woman or one who had been abducted by a rival society. 2 Such conduct, 
 called bi d warci x k urd + u (keeping a crazy woman), was regarded as 
 truly disgraceful. People would say to an offender, d t ise ritcik-, "Your 
 face stinks." Flat-dog, Old-dog, Arm-round-the-neck, and Yellow-wolf 
 are among those who transgressed the rules of propriety in this manner. 
 People still hold this against them, and their joking-relatives throw it in 
 their teeth, saying, "You smell a vulva." Though Arm-round-the-neck 
 is a chief, they say this to him. 
 
 i This is probably a famous warrior of that name whom the Crow frequently mention 
 for his extraordinary valor. 
 * Lowie, (d), 169. 
 
1917.] Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 87 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Before entering into a comparison of Crow and Hidatsa social life, a few 
 words seem in place regarding the general culture of these tribes. While 
 probably every department of thought and customs presents some evidence 
 of the former unity of these tribes, there are also noteworthy differences 
 which may perhaps best be summarized by the statement that the Hidatsa 
 enjoy a far richer culture than their western congeners. Economically, 
 they were not merely buffalo-hunters but also hoe-agriculturists and in 
 connection with this feature they inhabited, for part of the year, settled 
 villages of earth-lodges. They were (and to some extent still are) conver 
 sant with the arts of pottery, basketry, and matting, and cross the Missouri 
 in the oft-described bull-boats, all of which features are unknown to the 
 Crow. Ceremonially, the Hidatsa have an abundance of rituals associated 
 with sacred bundles, to which there is likewise no parallel among the Crow. 
 Finally, while the published mythological material from the Hidatsa is not 
 adequate for a thorough-going comparison, it is surprising how often a 
 Crow narrator gives to his tales an Hidatsa setting, the implication being 
 that at least some of these stories were borrowed bodily from the Hidatsa 
 stock of tales. That such transfer occurred in the case of certain dances 
 and organizations is an historical fact. We may assume that much of the 
 relative complexity of Hidatsa life is due directly to Mandan influence or 
 at least indirectly to the stimulation received by contact with them, though 
 we cannot trace in detail what was borrowed and what was transmitted as a 
 result of this intercourse. The culture of the Hidatsa differs from that 
 of the Crow not merely by the greater number and elaboration of discrete 
 features but also in a marked trait of their social psychology, - the tendency 
 towards rationalization and systematization. The Crow child, for example, 
 seems to have grown up largely without formal instruction. Even on so 
 vital a matter as the securing of supernatural favor, the adolescent Crow 
 was not urged by his elders but came more or less automatically to imitate 
 his associates: others had obtained benefits through visions, hence he also 
 would retire into solitude in expectation of a revelation. With the Hidatsa 
 everything seems to have been ordered and pre-arranged by parental 
 guidance: the father repeatedly admonished his sons to make appropriate 
 offerings and obtain the requisite ceremonial articles, at the same time 
 giving them specific instructions. The desire to account for cultural 
 phenomena is likewise very much more highly developed among the Hidatsa. 
 Though the tales accounting for the origin of the exoteric military organiza- 
 
88 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 tions certainly do not show Hidatsa speculation at its best, they contrast 
 favorably with the bald statements or total lack of statement by the Crow. 
 In accounting for their sacred rituals the Hidatsa, like the Blackfoot, 
 largely draw on folk-tales for the incidents supposed to have led to the insti 
 tution of their ceremonials. Nothing comparable was observed among the 
 Crow: the origin of the chapters of the Tobacco order, for example, is 
 associated with specific visions but not with a definite plot. It does not 
 matter whether we assume that the Hidatsa tales were evolved in order to 
 account for their rituals or were secondarily utilized for that purpose: 
 in either case a distinctive trait must be recognized. They must be ac 
 knowledged to reveal, at least in this department of thought, either a 
 superior degree of inventiveness or a superior capacity for coordinating and 
 synthetizing disparate elements of their culture. 
 
 Associated with this tendency to rationalize and systematize there is 
 naturally far greater rigidity, much less variability in individual inter 
 pretation and conception. The names of the Crow clans, for instance, 
 have clearly changed . considerably in the course of time; 1 those of the 
 Hidatsa appear to have been immutable, there being no suggestion of other 
 designations than those listed above and already recorded by Morgan. 
 Versions of Crow myths sometimes differ as widely as if they were collected 
 among distinct tribes. Among the Hidatsa I think there is far more con 
 formity to type, and though my experience in taking down their stories in 
 the original is very limited I received the impression that even in the phrase 
 ology employed there was a markedly greater tendency to preserve a tradi 
 tional form. This seems to me to hold quite generally. If one inquires 
 whether Old-Man-Coyote and the Sun are identical or whether Old-Woman s 
 Grandchild was ever addressed in prayer, one receives diametrically 
 contradictory replies from equally trustworthy Crow natives, which is 
 hardly likely to occur in parallel Hidatsa instances. Even in the applica 
 tion of kinship nomenclature, where a certain fluidity is probably universally 
 found, the Hidatsa are more consistent than the Crow, as may be shown by 
 comparing the applications of the grandchild term and the designations of 
 the mother s mother s brother. It is true that my personal acquaintance 
 with the Crow is much more intimate than with the Hidatsa and that any 
 expression of opinion on the latter must be weighted accordingly. Never 
 theless an impression of contrast so definite and apparently so abundantly 
 supported by concrete facts can hardly be without an appreciable element 
 of justification. 
 
 To turn now to a comparison of social organization and customs. The 
 
 i Lowie, (c), 190 et seq. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 89 
 
 fact that the Hidatsa and Crow clans do not coincide in name is hardly 
 surprising in view of the constant change of designation among the Crow 
 in historical times. What is more important for our purpose is the complete 
 coincidence of the clan concept. This appears in the proper light only 
 when we consider certain facts of distribution and some correlated phe 
 nomena. 
 
 In the first place, we should note that, apart from the Mandan (whom we 
 may ignore for the present on account of inadequate information), the 
 Crow and Hidatsa are for a radius of hundreds of miles the only tribes 
 having exogamous divisions with maternal descent. Eastward the Wyan- 
 dot and Iroquois, southward the Navajo and Hopi, westward the Tsim- 
 shian and Haida are the nearest peoples divided into mother-kins. The 
 clans of the Hidatsa and Crow differ from other clans, first of all, in type of 
 name, which is almost uniformly non-totemic and among the Crow belongs 
 clearly to the nickname order. Secondly, they differ from those of the 
 Eastern and Northwestern tribes in wholly lacking sets of honorific indi 
 vidual names. Thirdly, they are not connected with crest privileges of 
 the North Pacific Coast type nor Hopi-fashion with any ceremonial duties 
 or prerogatives. In short, beyond those traits involved in the definition 
 of an exogamous mother-kin the Crow and Hidatsa clans share no traits 
 whatsoever with the clans of the other tribes. 
 
 The contrast is still more striking when correlated traits are compared. 
 The avunculate is highly developed among the North Pacific Coast tribes 
 and the Hopi but no trace of it appears among the Hidatsa and Crow, nor 
 do we find the women prominent in political activity as among the Iroquois. 
 On the other hand, the Crow and Hidatsa share a conception of the rela 
 tions with the father s clan which to my knowledge is unique. Some of the 
 relevant traits have parallels elsewhere; but so far as I know, no other tribe 
 has developed the notion to such an extent as both the Crow and Hidatsa 
 that the father s clans-folk are preeminently the people to receive gifts; 
 none defines the joking-relationship through paternal clan connections; 
 and nowhere else are nicknames derived not for one s own, actions but from 
 those of a father s clansman. Finally, we must mention in this connection 
 certain significant resemblances in kinship nomenclature. Unlike probably 
 all other North American tribes, there is no uncle term in either language, 
 the mother s brother being classed with the brother. Associated with this 
 classification within the mother-kin we find a characteristic designation of 
 cross-cousins, the maternal uncle s children being placed in the first de 
 scending and the paternal aunt s in the first ascending generation. The 
 application of a single term to the paternal aunt and all her female de 
 scendants through females, regardless of generation, proves to my mind 
 
90 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 that we are here dealing with a clan phenomenon; especially since various 
 Siouan tribes with paternal descent show a characteristic difference intelligi 
 ble only by the different rule of descent. It is true that the cross-cousins 
 and the female descendants of the paternal aunt are designated by the Hopi 
 in the Crow-Hidatsa fashion; whence the argument might be advanced 
 that the Crow and Hidatsa independently of each other evolved a termi 
 nology reflecting their clan system. But when we consider that this by no 
 means common feature is associated in Crow and Hidatsa terminology 
 with an (except for a trace among the Blackfoot) unique mode of classifying 
 the mother s brother, not to speak of other specific similarities, the sugges 
 tion of independent origin for the relationship features in question becomes 
 absurd in the light of known tribal relations. Negatively, the non-recogni 
 tion of the commonly designated relationship of nephew or niece must be 
 considered historically significant. 
 
 To sum up the matter of the Crow and Hidatsa clans. There can be no 
 doubt that we are dealing with a unique clan concept developed by the 
 parent tribe, which concept has persisted with various adherent features 
 in both branches and both by its positive and negative traits and correlates 
 stands out in contrast to all other comparable clan systems. This, of 
 course, does not mean that no differences have developed since the separa 
 tion but simply that they are subordinate from the broader historical point 
 of view. From other angles of vision two Hidatsa peculiarities are, indeed, 
 noteworthy. First, we find that the funeral proceedings are conducted 
 by the father s clan, which recalls the customs of remote tribes. Secondly, 
 attention must be directed to the purchase of important ceremonial preroga 
 tives from the real father. This shows clearly how not only the father s 
 group but the father himself may be of great importance in a matrilineally 
 organized society. 
 
 Turning to the larger social units, we find no trace of the dual division 
 among the Crow while the loose and colorless phratries of the latter do not 
 occur in Hidatsa society. I conclude that both types of unit developed 
 since the separation from the parent tribe, being of more recent date than 
 the clan system. I have suggested that the dual division was not borrowed 
 by the Hidatsa from the Mandan but vice versa; however, this is a purely 
 tentative assumption. 
 
 With regard to the various social customs described in the course of 
 this paper, no exhaustive summary of significant points is possible. This is 
 due partly to the wide distribution of these features, partly to the lack of 
 data for many of the tribes that must be considered in a survey of this kind. 
 For example, the Crow and Hidatsa share the levirate and the form of 
 polygamous marriage with sisters, but these are so common in North Amer 
 ica that no special importance can be attached to the coincidence. 
 
1917.] Lome, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 91 
 
 To a certain extent this applies also to the parent-in-law taboo. While 
 by no means universal, it is shared by such remote North American peoples 
 as the Cree and the Navajo, and close resemblance of details must be looked 
 for in support of historical conclusions. Yet even the similarities of this 
 sort are often so distributed as to defeat specific results. For example, 
 the Crow and Hidatsa both permit a removal of the taboo after bringing of a 
 scalp or the presentation of a gift; and in both tribes the very names of the 
 persons embraced in the taboo, and even the words composing them, were 
 avoided. But the removal of the restriction in the manner stated is also 
 shared by the Mandan, Assiniboin, Arapaho, Cree, and Blackfoot; and the 
 name taboo is found among the Dakota and Assiniboin. 
 
 Without any pretence to completeness but merely in the hope of secur 
 ing additional statements from fellow-students I append my notes on the 
 distribution of the mother-in-law taboo. It occurs among the Tlingit and 
 Haida; l Cree, Assiniboin, Blackfoot, Sarsi, and Gros Ventre; 2 Lemhi 
 Shoshoni, Crow, Hidatsa, and Mandan; 3 Dakota, Ponca, and Omaha; 4 
 Arapaho, Cheyenne, and Kiowa; 5 Navajo and Apache; 6 Tiibatulabal, 
 Western (not Eastern) Mono, Yokuts, Miwok, Porno and presumably 
 Southern Wintun 7 ; Creek and Alibamu. 8 A trace of the taboo bashful- 
 ness about facing each other without the rule against conversation has 
 been recorded for the Beaver. 9 The mother-in-law taboo is known to be 
 lacking among the Kwakiutl and Nootka; 10 the Arikara (p. 48) and 
 Pawnee; u Ojibway; 12 Zuni and Hopi; 13 Comanche, Wind River Sho 
 shoni, Ute, Paviotso, and Paiute; 14 Yurok, Yuki, Kaw 7 aiisu, Luiseno, and 
 Mohave. 15 . 
 
 On the other hand, there are cases where absence of information is 
 probably due to the recorder s neglect. Thus, very little is known as to 
 the range of the taboo between father-in-law and daughter-in-law. It is 
 probably everywhere weaker than the mother-in-law taboo, yet its re- 
 
 S wanton, 424; id. personal information. 
 
 Kane, 393; Lowie, (b),41; Wissler, (a), 12; Kroeber, (b), 180. 
 
 Lowie, (a), 211; Lowie, (c), 213; Maximilian, II, 132. 
 
 Kiggs,204; J. O. Dorsey, 262f. 
 
 Kroeber, (a), 9; information by Crow Indians; Methvin, 163 f. 
 
 Goddard, (a), 162. 
 
 Personal communication by Mr. E. W. Gifford; Kroeber, (d), 383. 
 
 Personal communication by Doctor John R. Swanton. 
 
 Goddard, (b), 222. 
 
 Personal communication by Doctor E. Sapir. 
 
 James, I, 262 f. 
 
 Tanner, 146, but the name of the son-in-law was tabooed; Kohl, 273 If. 
 
 Doctor A. L. Kroeber s and the writer s field notes. 
 
 Writer s notes. 
 
 Kroeber, (d), 383. 
 
92 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 corded occurrence among the Dakota, 1 Assiniboin, 2 Kiowa, 3 Arapaho, 4 and 
 Omaha 5 suggests a continuous distribution with connecting links as yet 
 unnoted. 6 We have positive information that no such rule of avoidance 
 existed among the Crow (p. 73) and the Blackfoot, 7 but even for the Hidatsa 
 I can make no such positive statement. 
 
 Another case in point is the young man s practice of sneaking to a lodge 
 of a night and touching a girl s body. 8 It was in vogue among the Oglala 
 Dakota and Assiniboin, 9 but for all we know it may have been a general 
 custom of the Plains region. Yet of the northern tribes the Oglala and 
 Crow alone share so significant a trait as the licensed kidnapping of each 
 other s wives by rival organizations, 10 so that the other parallel may very 
 well turn out to be a reflection of their intimate contact. 
 
 Teknonymy, i. e., the designation of a person as So-and-so s father, 
 grandfather, etc., is an equally tantalizing usage. Crow and Hidatsa both 
 use it in the designation of spouses (p. 34), but a similar practice has been 
 noted for the Tlingit n while with the Zuni and Hopi 12 it attains a pre 
 valence probably unsurpassed anywhere in the world. Does the Crow- 
 Hidatsa custom represent a feature independently evolved by the parent 
 tribe or are we dealing with a trait that has a much wider range than at 
 present appears and which, for all we know, may have been borrowed by 
 Hidatsa and Crow from different directions since their separation? The 
 data for a solution must come from field-workers. 
 
 Another custom shared by the Crow and Hidatsa (p. 50) yet hardly to 
 be considered of specific significance in the light of present knowledge is 
 the close friendship between two male comrades. It is very highly de 
 veloped among the Dakota, 13 Blackfoot, 14 and Cheyenne, 15 and even turns up 
 in the Woodland area. 16 
 
 Probably most, if not all, North American aborigines have some super- 
 
 Riggs, 204. 
 Lowie, (b), 41. 
 Writer s field notes. 
 Kroeber, (a), 9. 
 Fletcher and La Flesche, 334. 
 
 At least traces of the custom are recorded for the Beaver, Goddard, (b), 222; and Dr. 
 God ard tells me that similar bashfulness obtains among the Hupa. 
 Wissler, (a), 13. 
 Lowie, (c), 221 f. 
 Wissler, (b), 77; Kurz, 110, 152. 
 Lowie, (f), 903. 
 Krause, 217. 
 
 Kroeber, (c), 72; the writer s field notes. 
 Riggs, 196. 
 Wissler, (a), 16. 
 Mooney, 416. 
 Skinner, (b), 34. 
 
1917.] Loivie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 93 
 
 stitious notions connected with menstruation, but the segregation of women 
 during the menses is not nearly so common. We have positive statements 
 as to the absence of the menstrual hut among the Blackfoot and Gros 
 Ventre, 1 (Vow, 2 and Arapaho, 3 and its existence was not recorded for the 
 Hidatsa. However, the hut is found among the Dakota and Assiniboin, 4 
 the Omaha and Ponca. 5 Outside the Plains region the seclusion of girls at 
 puberty is widespread. We find it, for example, among the Tlingit, Nootka, 
 and Chinook; 6 Hupa and Shasta; 7 Pima; 8 Tahltan and Chipewyan; 9 
 Thompson River Indians and Nez Perce; 10 Lemhi and Wind River Sho- 
 shoni, Paviotso and Ute; u Northern Saulteaux and Menomini; 12 Creek 
 and Yuchi. 13 The range of the custom suggests that its absence may have 
 historical significance. 
 
 The curious bashfulness of an adult brother and sister in each other s 
 presence is common to the Crow and Hidatsa (p. 38). Restrictions on 
 social intercourse between Gcschicisler of opposite sex are found in Melane 
 sia, 14 but the only other recorded North American case I know of is that of 
 the Arapaho. 15 This seems to be a matter on which few field-workers have 
 made specific inquiries; a positive or negative report on this point will 
 henceforth be highly desirable. The Yana rule that brother and sister must 
 not address each other in the singular may turn out to belong to the same 
 type of taboo. 16 
 
 A particularly friendly relationship betw r een brothers-in-law occurs 
 among the Hidatsa and Crow. I am under the impression that this is by 
 no means peculiar to them and have myself recorded a similar sentiment on 
 the Wind River Shoshoni Reservation, but cannot at present place my finger 
 on specific references for other peoples. In connection with the brother-in- 
 law sentiment there is, however, one exceedingly suggestive detail. The 
 Crow do not permit personal references of an obscene character in a brother- 
 
 1 Wissler, (a), 29; Kroeber, (b), 181. 
 
 2 Lowie, (c), 220. 
 
 3 Kroeber, (a), 15. 
 
 4 Lowie, (b), 39. 
 
 5 J. O. Dorsey, 267. 
 
 Swan ton, 428; Sapir, (a), 67 ff; Boas, 246. 
 
 7 Gocidarcl, (c), 56; Dixon, 420, 457. 
 
 8 Russell, 183. 
 
 Emmons, 104; Hearne, 313. 
 
 10 Teit. 312; Spinden, 198. 
 
 11 Lowie, (a), 214, and field notes; Hopkins, 48; writer s field notes. Among the South 
 ern Paiute there was the typical food taboo but I got no evidence of a special hut. 
 
 " Skinner, (a), 152; (b), 52. This writer also ascribes the custom to the Sauk, Fox, 
 Kickapoo, Winnebago, and Ottawa. 
 Speck, (a), 116; (b), 96. 
 
 14 Speiser, 217. 
 
 15 Kroeber, (a), 11. 
 " Sapir, (b). 95 
 
94 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 in-law s presence, the offender being punished with a blow. 1 This agrees 
 exactly with the Arapaho conception of this relationship 2 and a close 
 parallel (without the feature of the blow) has been noted for the Blackfoot. 3 
 
 Another feature common to the Crow (p. 80), Arapaho 4 and Black- 
 foot 5 is the licensed familiarity between a brother-in-law and sister-in-law. 
 It is also shared by the Hidatsa (p. 49), and occurs in the Woodland area. 6 
 
 I cannot resist the temptation of calling attention to the common 
 possession of a combination of sociological features by the Crow, Hidatsa, 
 Arapaho, and Blackfoot. An examination of the age-societies of the Plains 
 Indians led me to the conclusion that the Hidatsa must have been in con 
 tact, on the one hand, with the Arapaho and on the other with the Black- 
 foot. 7 We now find that the lack of a menstrual hut and the licensed 
 familiarity between brother and sister-in-law are common to all four, while 
 the brother-sister bashfulness is recorded for all but the Blackfoot, and the 
 obscenity taboo between brothers-in-law holds for all except the Hidatsa. 
 Since no direct historical connection existed between the Crow and Arapaho, 
 the unique coincidence in the details of the last-mentioned trait permits 
 the inference that it is one formerly shared by the Hidatsa. It should 
 further be noted that each of the four features here considered (with the 
 possible exception of the relations between brother and sister-in-law) is 
 highly specific and relatively rare so far as our records go. For this reason I 
 cannot regard the combination of resemblances as the result of chance, and 
 interpret it as the effect of historical contact between the Hidatsa and 
 Arapaho. The Blackfoot analogies do not seem to me to require the same 
 sort of relationship; since the known Blackfoot-Crow relations suffice to 
 account for the transmission of the relevant features. 
 
 Supreme contempt for the exhibition of jealousy is shown by the Crow 
 and Hidatsa (pp. 86, 45), but I rather expect that more painstaking search 
 will unearth other instances. 
 
 Finally, some attention must be devoted to the joking-relationship. 
 Doctor Rivers found it in the Banks Islands, where relatives by marriage, 
 and particularly the father s sister s husband, are subject to the practice. 8 
 The Hidatsa and the Crow, to my knowledge, are the only people in the 
 world who regard the offspring of male members of the same clan as "chaf- 
 
 1 Lowie, (c), 214. 
 
 2 Kroeber, (a), 11. 
 
 3 Wissler, (a), 12. 
 
 4 Kroeber, (a), 11. 
 * Wissler, (a), 12. 
 
 Skinner, (c), 281. 
 
 i Lowie, (f), 946-954. 
 
 8 Rivers, I, 40, 45 ff. 
 
1917.1 Lowie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 95 
 
 fers," and the hair-cutting custom associated with the joking-relationship 
 seems likewise peculiar to them. On the other hand, joking of some sort 
 exists between quite different relatives elsewhere. In the field I learned 
 that a Hopi will play tricks on his wife s brother s son, who returns the treat 
 ment in kind after reaching maturity. According to a personal communica 
 tion from Doctor Radin the Winnebago have the joking-relationship 
 between maternal uncle and nephew. Mr. Amos One-road, an educated 
 Dakota, described the chaffing of his tribe as taking place between brothers- 
 in-law, each belittling the other s achievements in war and the chase. 
 
 Here a word of caution is necessary. We must recognize that customs 
 distinct both psychologically and historically may be labeled by the catch 
 word "joking-relationship." This term, as we have seen (pp. 42, 49) 
 might be extended to the mutual relations of Crow and Hidatsa brothers-in- 
 law and also to those of a brother and sister-in-law. It is, however, clear 
 that the 1 watkuc^ makutsati usage is something different and cannot, 
 accordingly, be equated with an alien practice of chaffing either, unless 
 characteristic features reappear. Thus, the Dakota "joking-relationship" 
 is evidently homologous not with what I have called by that term among 
 the Crow and Hidatsa but with the brother-in-law chaffing of these people. 
 Similarly, the usage that figures so prominently in certain Menomini folk 
 tales is the parallel of the brother and sister-in-law license not of the 
 I watkiice"- practice. It hardly requires the statement that privileged famil 
 iarity between persons of opposite sex must have a different psychological 
 import from such liberties between people of the same sex or of either sex 
 without preference. 
 
 In conclusion a few words may be said on the study of social customs. 
 While ample attention has been granted to the social organization of primi 
 tive tribes, usages of the type here dealt with have often been reported as 
 though they were mere oddities. A brief consideration of some of the facts 
 cited suffices to show their extraordinary theoretical value. In the South 
 west the Apache and Navajo have the mother-in-law taboo but the Hopi 
 and Zuiii lack it. Surrounded by tribes practising this custom, the Pawnee 
 and Arikara, both of Caddoan stock, differ from their neighbors by its 
 absence. Of the Shoshonean Plateau and Basin tribes it is found only 
 among the Northern Shoshoni, who have had much contact with the Crow 
 and Blackfoot. Practically all the Plateau Shoshoneans share the same 
 menstrual customs. The recurrence of the Crow brother-in-law prudery 
 in Arapaho society proves an indirect historical relation and prompts the 
 search for intervening links. 
 
 Reverting to the Crow and Hidatsa, we have here two tribes distinct 
 from all other Siouans by virtue of their close linguistic affinity. In many 
 
96 Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XXI, 
 
 respects their cultures have differentiated far more than might be expected 
 on the basis of this peculiarly intimate relationship. Yet both social 
 organization and social customs preserve evidence of the unique connection 
 between them, and I should say that this applies rather to the latter than 
 the former. Were it not for the isolation of the Crow-Hidatsa mother-kins 
 (always disregarding the Mandan) from tribes with like units, their common 
 possession of a clan system would not be particularly impressive. It is 
 the correlated social usages, such as the treatment accorded to the father s 
 clan, and the absence of traits correlated with clans of other tribes, such as 
 the avunculate, that give point to the comparison. The derivation of 
 nicknames from actions of the father s clansmen and the i watkiic^ custom 
 show that unique historical relations are expressed in the parallelism of 
 unique social usages. From this point of view the less conspicuous features 
 of primitive social life acquire a novel significance: they are likely to be 
 sign-posts of historical connection where other divisions of culture yield no 
 evidence. What is more, in the case of widespread customs it is the most 
 trifling details that are historically most significant. It is the blow feature 
 that convinces us of community of origin in the case of the brother-in-law 
 prudery of the Crow and Arapaho. Hence a mere statement as to the 
 presence or absence of these customs, while valuable enough, is not suffi 
 cient; on all such points we require the greatest possible wealth of concrete 
 information. It is in the hope of stimulating field-workers to obtain such 
 data that I have ventured to offer the comparative notes of this chapter. 
 
1917.] Loicie, Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Social Organization. 
 
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 (U. S. Interpreter at the Sault de Ste. Marie) during 
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 tion for the Advancement of Science, 1888, London, 1889.) 
 
 WISSLER, CLARK, (a) The Social Life of the Blackfoot Indians (Anthropological 
 Papers, American Museum of Natural History, vol. 7, 
 part 1, New York, 1911.) 
 
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 of the Teton-Dakota (Anthropological Papers, American 
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 1912.) 
 
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