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MILLERS HISTORY OF THE ANGLO-SAXONS, 1 1 I fA ai.>: til ATiii.il ruK I)K Ui INCV. llliistr.ited »nil 1:; liighly-linisbed mid iiMiitituI 1 ji}.'r.iviii|ri, iniliidiiig tiic Liiitt Jud|.'iiie°iil, the C.irtoon of Pi.^a, IhcTrii.|,UtUon anil Expulsion, uiid the Chriftlbcourgcd, after Michael Aiigclo, uuU uli tlic C;.rt(Mjns ut lla;diael ; u ith rurtniits. ^attle of Wagram Peace of \'icnua CHAPrEU v.— From the Peace of Vienna to the Fall of Napo- leon, 1810-1815 Marriage of Napoleon and Maria Louisa AuHtria enters into a Conditional Alliance against Napoleon Battle of Dresden Battle of Leipnic Invasion of F'rance Alxlication of Napoleon His Return from F^lba and Final Relegation to St. Helena Share of Autitria in the New Partition of Europe . . CHAPTEK VI. — From the Congress of Vienna, ISlö, to the Revo- lution of 1848 Iv XV xvi xvii xviii xxi xxii XXV xxvi xxvii ib. xxviii xxix ib. XXX xxxi xxxii ib. XXXV ib. xxxvi xxxvii xxxviii ib. xl xli xlii xliii xliv xlv xlvi ib. xlviii xlix 1 ib. liii liv ib. CONTENTS. XI Affairs of Naples, Spain, and Greece Death of Francis and Accession of Ferdinand Insurrection of Galicia Incorporation of Cracow with Austria Affairs of Italy . . Chapter VII. ^ — Revolution of 1848, from March Bombardment of Prague New Constitution of Hungary Duplicity of the Imperial Government Chapter VIII. — Lombai-do- Venetian War, 1 The Austrians driven out of Milan . . ,, ,, Venice . . Charles Albert attacks Eadetzki Battle of Somma Ca^ipagna . . Radetzki enters Milan. . Campaign of Novaro . . Siege of Venice Venice capitulates Chapter IX. — Revolt and Bombardment of Vienna, tion of the Emperor Ferdinand .. Battle of Schwechat . . Rights of Hungary Chapter X. — Second Invasion of Hungary Its Rapid Success Its Subsequent Total Defeat . . Hungarian Declaration of Independence Siege and Storming of Buda . . Chapter XI. — Third Invasion of Hungary Görgei's Insubordination His Retreat across the Carpathians . . Battle of Temesvar Surrender of Vilagos . . Capitulation of Komorn Atrocious Acts of Vengeance. . Present Condition of Austria . . to September Abdica Iviii Ix Ixii Ixiii ih. Ixvii Ixix Ixx Ixxii Ixxiii Ixxvii Ixxix Ixxxii Ixxxiv Ixxxv ib. Ixxvvii xc ib. xcvii cii civ cv cxiii cxvi cxix ib. cxx cxxii cxxiii cxxiv cxxv cxxvi cxxvii GENESIS OF THE REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA, Author's Preface Preface to the Third Edition Chapter T. — Introduction . . Chapter II. — Before March, 1848 The Emperor Francis . . The Emperor Ferdinand Austrian Government Machinery System of Government Commotions previous to March, 1848 J, in Galicia ,, Austrian Italy . . „ Hungary.. ,, Transylvania Page cxxxi cxxxiv 1 8 ib. 17 19 37 59 61 62 69 78 XU CONTtLNTS. Cominntiunit in liohoinin 7i ,, Lower AwHtria .. S'i ClIArTKn III. Tbl- FjvrU IWl of tlio month of March, 1848 .. »J K.v, Itit;. ii:\!_v Movi'nu'nU in Wi'HU'rn Kuropo .. .. ib. 'hv Lower AuHtrian Trinlci» Union 108 r Urform 110 vi-mcntM in I'nijfuo .. •. 115 ■ i:»n I'arlianniit .. .. .. .. 118 1 . .1 i«.rniih on thu Evo of tho Rovolution . . I"i2 CflArTER J\.- Kventi» of tho 13th, 14th, and 15tli of ÄLircli, 1S4S. in Vienna 1'28 Ciurrr-R v.— Socond Ilnlf of the montli of March, 1848 1(53 In Vienna ..... 164 In HmiL'nry .. .. 178 In I'-ohi'min .. .. .. .. 184 In I'ahii.iti«. C'roftti.i, and Sclavonia. . .. .. 187 In AuKlrian Italy .. .. .. .. 191 CUAITEK \'I. — From March, 1848, to the Opening of tho Cou- Mtituunt Diet at Vienna . . . . . . . . 196 Procoetlings in Vienna ■ .. .. .. 197 I"' ht of the KmiKjror to InnHpruck. . .. .. .. -'60 ■.irdmi-nt of rriigue . . . . . . . . 245 1 -ion of the Constituent Diet 250 Arcliduke John ajidumes the Viceroyalty .. .. .. 253 Affairs of Hungnry .. .. .. .. .. 268 Cosci-rsiox . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Appendix 309 Im|>eriil Decree of March 15, 1)*4S .. .. .. .. ib. Mini«Uri:il rrociaiii.ition of ^L•ly 26 and 27, 1848 . . . . 311 Imperial Announcement, Innspruck, May 20, May 21, and June 3, 1848 314 Minist^irial Proclamation declaring the Provisional Govern- ment of Prague to he ille;,'al .. .. .. .. 318 Imperial ProcLimation, Innspruck, June 16, 1848.. .. 320 Prtwlamation hy the Archduke John . . . . . . 321 Viceregal S|K.'ech on 0|)ening the Diet of tlie Empire .. 322 AddreHu of the Vienna Committee of Safety to the Diet .. 324 Atuiwer of the Hungarian Ministry to the Estates of Tran- Hvlvania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 Speech from the Tlirone on Oj)ening the Hungarian Par- liament 328 INVESTIGATION INTO THE MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. Prcf»ce 334 FiKHT Section.— Events in the War Office on the 6th of Octo- ber, 1848 335 Secomj Si:s crossed the IVreuees; the Italian princes invaded the Alpine houudary ; Anstria, Fnissia, Holland, and the German «•mpire threatened the Khenish frontier ; wliilst Sweden and Russia stood frc>wning in the back-ground. In Sardinia the anus of the repulilic were engaged in aggressive hostilities. Tlje whole of Cliristian Europe was combined in arms against France. The Austrian army in the Netherlands was commanded by Prince Coburg, and that on the Upper Khine by Count Wurmser. The didce of Brunswick commanded the Prus- sians ; and the duke of York besieged Dunkirk with an army of 37,0U0 English, Hanoverians, Hessians, and Aus- trians. Dumourier. who was disgusted with the rule of the Jacobins, and openly avowed liis intention of overthrowing the Convention, sutlered himself to be defeated at Alden- hoven and Neerwinden, and the French were obliged to abandon all their conquests in Flanders. Finally, Dumotnier deserted to the Austrians. Valenciennes and Conde were Vtesieged and taken possession of (July 13) in the name of the emperor of Austria, as acquisitions to be permanently retained by the contjueror. This act was in accordance witli a vesolution adopted at Antwerp by a congi-ess of the ministers of the allied powers, by which the object of the war was totally altered. On the 5th of April, Cobui'g issued a jiroclamation, wherein he said: — "I declare that our only .object is to restore to Fi-ance its constitutional monarch, ■with the means of rectifying such experienced abuses as may exist I declare, on my word of honour, that I enter on the French territory without any intention of making conquest.s, but solely and entirely for the above-mentioned jiurposes. I declare also, on my word of honoiu-, that if militarj' operations should lead to any place of .strength being placed in my hands, I shall regard it in no other light than as a sacred deposit^" (fee. After the Congress of Antwei-ji, Coburg issued another proclamation, revoking the former one, and announcing that lie shoidd prosecute the war with the utmo.st v-igour — that is to say, as a war of aggrandisement. Ko step in the early stages of the war was ever attended with more unfortunate consequences. It SUCCESSES OF THE FKENCH IX 1793. X\'ii sowed divisions among the allies as much as it united its enemies. From the moment Prussia saw her rival's ])ower augmented by such an acquisition as Conde and Valenciennes, she secretly resolved to paralyse all further operations of her arms, and to withdraw, as soon as decency woidd permit her, from a contest, in which success seemed more to be dreaded than defeat. The Convention, on the other hand, turning to the best account this announcement of intended conquest, succeeded in inspiring a degree of unanimity in defence of their country, which they never could have effected had the allies confined themselves to the original objects of the war. The French army under Custine, which had shut itself up within the camp of Csesar, was attacked and driven from its trenches (August 8) with so much ease, that the rout could hardly be called a battle. So precipitate was the flight of the French, that, as at the Battle of the Spurs three centuries before, hardly a shot was fired or a stroke given before the whole army was dissolved. The allies, in great force, were now grouped within one hundred and sixty miles of the dis- mayed cajiital of France ; fifteen days would have brought them, without impediment, to its gates. But instead of im- proving their advantages, the Austrians temporised, as the Prussians had done in the former campaign, and allowed the French to I'ally and act on the offensive. Houchard defeated the English at Hondscoten on the 8th of Septembei-, and X'aised the siege of Dunkirk ; and Jourdan drove the Avis- trians off" the field at Wattigny the day on which the French queen -was Ijcheaded. Although the Austrians had main- tained their ground on every other point, Coburg resolved to make a general retreat, notwithstanding the urgent re- monstrances of the youthful Archduke Charles, who had greatly distinguished himself in the campaign. ]\Iayence was retaken by the Prussians (July 22), after a siege ot four months. The Austrians under Wurmser stormed the lines of Weissenburg, and advanced to Hagenau. The duke of Brunswick defeated the French general Hoche at Kaiserslautern. But the army of the Rhine under Pichegru, and the army of the Moselle under Hoche, now effected a junction, and the Prussians and Austrians were signally XVÜi HISTORY OK ArSTRIA. «lelrtitcil at W.'.rth aiul Friisdiwriler, and compelled to ri'tnMit across the Kliiiie, the loft l>aiik of which was thus lust to luTinaiiy. Thi* duke of l!i-unswick resigned the command of tin- army to Miiilendorf. who fought one suc- wswful luittle with the Frcndi at Kaisei-slautem (May 25th, 17;»4). Vnit thenceforth remainetl inac-tive. The Prussians !uul the EstJites of the Enijtire were tired of the war, and left Austria to beju- the burden of it alone. The war ih-dared by France against Sardinia had resulted in leaving the French masters of Nice at the close of the year 171)2. In the following year, hostilities were resumed between the Piedmontese ai-my, reinforced by 10,000 Aus- triansand the republicans, but no decisive battle was fought. The insm-rection of Lyons afforded the Piedmontese a golden opportunity of establishing themselves in the south of France, l)Ut they neglected it, and the campaign terminated, after an e|>hemeral .succes.s, in their ultimate disgi-ace. The emjieror Francis visited the Netherlands in person in the spiing of 1794, ^vith the intention of marching straight- way on Paris. But this was now become impractical>le since the defection of the Prussians. The French remarked on this occasion : "The allies are ever an idea, a year, and an army behind-hand." The Austrians, nevertheless, attacked the whole French line in March, and were at first \'ictoi'ious on every side ; at Catillon, where Kray and Wernek distin- gui-ihed themselves, and at Landrecis, where the Archduke Charles made a brilliant charge at the head of the cavalry. Lantlrecis was taken, but tliis was all. Claiifait, being left unsupi)orted by the British, was attacked singly at Kortiyk by Piohegru, and forced to yield to supei-ior numbers. Coburg fought an extremely bloody but undecisive battle of eighteen hours' duration at Toumay, where Picheginx ever opposed fresh mas.ses to the Austrian artillery. 20,000 dead strewed the field The emperor, di.scouraged by the coldness displayed by tlie Dutch, wliom he liad expected to see rise en masse in his cause, returned to Vienna. The Austrian troops were now greatly dispirited ; and on the 26th of June, Prince Coburg was defeated at Fleurus by General Jourdan ; and the duke of York soon afterwards at Breda by Pichegni. All Flanders was now in the hands of the French ; and Pichegru, pur- THE FIRST COALITION DISSOLVED. XIX suing his victorious cai'eer, invaded Holland, which, before the close of the year, was transformed into a Batavian republic. In this year, also, the republicans carried Mount Cenis, and before the end of May were masters of all the passes of the Maritime Alps. During this period the hoirors of the French Revolution were at their height ; but "the iron rule of terror undoubtedly drew out of the agonies of the state the means of its ultimate deliverance." Upon the fall of Robespierre in July, 1794, the king of Prussia suddenly abandoned the monarchical cause, and negotiated a separate peace with the Directory, which was concluded at Basle on the öth of April, 1795. By a secret article of this treaty, Prussia confirmed the French republic in possession of the whole of the left bank of the Rhine, be- ing herself amply indemnified in return at the expense of the petty German States. Hanover and Hesse Cassel parti- cipated in the treaty, and were included ^vit]lin the line of demarcation, which France bound herself not to transgress. The countries lying beyond that line, the Netherlands, Holland, and Pfalz Juliers, wei'e abandoned to her ; and Austria, kept in check on the Upper Rhine, was powerless in theii- defence. Sjjain and Portugal also seceded from the coalition, and made peace with the French republic. To the lukewarmness of Prussia in the contest with France, more than to any other cause, is to be ascribed the extraordinary success which for some years attended the republican arms. The Berlin cabinet impatiently desired to withdraw its army from the seat of war in the west, in order to accomplish its arrangements with the Empress Catherine for the partition of Poland. At a later jperiod, Austria, too, became an accomjjlice in that most iniquitous act ; and already, as we have seen, she had set her allies an example of that rapacious policy, which was the immediate and fatal cause of their disunion. Prussia and Russia took upon themselves alone to execute the second dismemberment in Poland, and in October, 1793, the combined troops were, in the first instance, quietly can- toned in the provinces they had seized. On the 3rd of March, in the following year, Kosciusko closed the gates of Cracow, and proclaimed the insurrection. The struggle lasted until XX UI.STOKY OF ALüTiUA. tlio Ith i>l (.)clol)er, wiieii Kosciusko was tlefeated and taktMi iinsoiuT at Maccüwice, in a battlt" which decitloil the fate of Tolaud. After the fall of the hero, who sustained in liis .single ju'i-stiu the fortunes of the republic, nothing but a .veries of disiVitei-s overtook the Poles. The Austrian^, takiuf advautiigo of the general confusion, entered Gallicia, imd iK'cupied the palatinates of Lublin and Sandomier. On the 4th of Xoveniljer, Praga and ^Yarriaw were stormed by Suwarrotf. and an atrocious massacre of the inhabitants Wits committed, which Russia cxi)iated in the conflagration of ^loscow. Besides ten thousand Polish soldiers killed in light, above twelve thousand citizens of every age and sex were put to the sword. '* The partition of Poland, and the scandalous conduct ot the states who reaped the fruit of hijustice in its fall, ha\ o been the freipient subject of just indignation and eloquent complaint from the European histoi'ians ; but the connection lictweeu that calamitous event and the subsequent disasters of the pai-titioning ])Owers has not hitherto met Avith due attention. Yet nothing can be clearer than that it was this iniijuitous measure which brought all the misfortunes that followed upon the Eurojiean monarchies ; that it was this which opened the gates of Germany to French ambition, and brought Xapoleon ■with his teri*ible legions to Vienna, Berlin, and the Kremlin. The more the campaigns of 1793 and 1794 are studied, the more clearly does it ap])ear that it wa.s the prospect ftf obtaining a share in the partition of Poland which paralysed the allied arras, wliich intercepted and tin-ued aside the legions, wliicli might have overthrown the Jacobin rule, and created that jealousy and diAisiou among their niler.s. which, more even than the energ}^ of the republicans, contributed to their unifonn and astonishing success. Had the redoubtable bands of Catherine been added to the armies of Pi-ussia on the plains of Champagne in 179-, or to those of Austria and England in the fields of Flanders in 1793, not a doubt can remain but that the revolutionary jiarty would have been overcome, and a con- stitutional monarchy established in France, with the entire concun-ence of three-fourths of all the respectable classes in the kingdom, and to the infinite i)resent and future blessing CAMPAIGN OF 1794. Xxi of the whole inhabitants. Even in 1794, by a cordial co-operation of the Prussian and Austrian foi'ces after the fall of Landrecis, the whole barrier erected by the genius of Vauban might have been caj^tured, and the revolution, thrown back upon its o\vn resources, been permanently pre- vented from proving dangerous to the liberties of Europe. "What then paralysed the allied annies in the midst of such a career of success, and caused the cam})aign to close under circumstances of such general disaster 1 The prospect of par- titioning Poland, which first retained the Prussian battalions, during the crisis of the campaign, in sullen inactivity on the Pchine, and then led to the precipitate and indignant abandonment of Flanders by the Austrian forces."* The operations of the allies on the Piedmontese frontier were prosecuted with great vigour in 1795, and at first with signal successs, the French being driven from all their positions in the Maritime Alps. But the campaign enderl with the great and decisive victory of Loano, gained by Massena over the Austrians on the 23rd of November. In the campaign of this year, Mannheim fell by treachery into the hands of the French. Wurmser arrived too late for its I'elief, but he routed the French forces before it, and took General Oudinot prisoner. Clairfait at the same time, by aii able manoeuvre, fell unexj^ectedly on the French force, Ije- sieging Mayence, defeated it and raised the siege. Pichegru, who had been called from Holland to take the command of the Ujiper Rhine, was driven back to the Vosges. Jourdan advanced to his aid from the Lower Rhine, but his van-guard, under ]\Ioreau, was defeated at Kreuznach and again at Meissenheim. Mannheim also capitidated to the Austrians. The "svinter was now far advanced, and both sides willingly concluded an armistice, which all the lesser princes of the empire would gladly have seen converted into a permanent peace; but Austria remained unshaken, and intrepidly pre- pared for the mighty contest of 179G, being encouraged in- her resolution by England, and aided by her with a subsidy of six millions sterling. The seats of war in 1796 were Germany and Italy. The * Alison, Hiitory of Europe. Xxii HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. Austrian furcos wore conimniulc«! in the former by the Arch- duke Charles, in tlio latter l>y Cieneral Beaulieu. The French tx>nunanss at Aniberg on tlie 24th of August, and again at Wurtzhiu-g on th(! 3rd of September, in a battle which deterniineil the fate of the campaign. The French made a tlisa.strons retreat ; and the exasperated peasants rose ea nuijijit', and hunteil down the fugitives. MeaTiwhile 3Ioreau, instead of hiistening to Jourdau's aid, had continued his advance into Bavaria. Tliis was just what the archduki' desired. " Let Moreau advance to Vienna," «lid he on parting with Latour ; " it is of no moment, pro- vided I beat Jourdun." This re.s(jlute conduct of the Aus- trian commander had the desired effect. Moreau was forced to make a retreat, which he executed with consummate skill and lirnniess. Defeating Latour at Biberach, he led the main body of his army in safety through the deep, uaiTow gorges of the Höllen thai in the Black Forest, and, after maintaining a final struggle ^vith the archduke at Emmen- dingen, he efl'ected a passage across the Rhine on the 20th of October, and thus accomplished his memorable retreat with compai-atively little loss. The taking of Kehl by the imperiaUsts on the 9th of Januaiy, 1797, and of the teie (k pant of Hiiningen on the 1st of Februaiy, were the crown- ing events of this remarkable cami)aign. The archduke was now i-ecalled from the Rhine to take the .command in Italy. Immense efforts were made to sup- ply the los-ses which the imperial forces had sustained ; it therefore became B(jnaparte's jjolicy to anticipate the arrival of the new le\'ies, and, on the 10th of [March, all the columns of his army were in motion, across the Alps towards Vienna. HocIk'. ut the same time, attacked the Lower, and Moreau the \j\t\m- Rhine. On the 16th, the French crossed the Tagliamento in face of the imperialists, who wx're forced to retreat, and thu» hjst the prestige of a first success. On the 22nfl, Ma.ssena made himself master of the Col de Tai-vis, the ci-est of the Alps, commanding the passes both to Carinthia annnct'8 di8|>ossc'ss<>«l on llit« loft, uiitl «itherwisc to settle ilio lilViiii-s of till' cin|iiii'. The ecelesiitsiitiil ])r«])orty in the inti-rioi- nf Cn'iumny wjls st'cularis«««!, and uj>jK»rtiüno(l among thf tstntfs that ivt|uiivil intlruiniHcatiun. Tin« tall uf Vi-nicf, anil the inii|uitt>u.s eunliscatii)n uf the intle|H'nilence she hail niaintaineil I'ur rmnteen hundred veai-s, demand mui-ethan a jiiusMug notire. " In cDiitemiilating this memonihle event," says a writer strongly Ina.ssed in favour of Austria,* " it is difheult to say whether most in- ilignation is to he felt at the ]>er(idy of Fmnee, the cuj)idity of Austria, the weakness of the Venetian aristocracy, or the insanity of the Venetian j>eoj)le. For the conduct of Napo- le cnish the insiu'- rection the pretext for declaring wai* against the state. He then excited to the uttermost the democratic sjnrit in the capital, took advantage of it to paraly.se the defences, and overtuni the government of the country ; established a new constitution on a higlxly |)opular basi.s, and signed a treaty on the 16th of May in Milan, by which, on payment of a heavy ran.som, he agi*eed to maintain the indeijcndence of Venice under its new and revolutionary government. Ha\-ing thus committed all his supporters iii the state iiTe- vocably in the cause of freedom, and got ])Os.session of the cajiital, as that of an allied and friendly power, he plundered it of everj'thing valuable it po-ssessed ; anosed the invasion of France from Swabia. The occupation of Swtzerland was, however, resolved upon, and General Auffenberg entei-ed the Grisons, whence he was expelled by Mas-sena, after being defeated on the St. Luciensteig; Avhilst Hotze iu the Vorarlberg, and Bellegarde in the Tyrol, re- mained inactive, at the head of 15,0()0 men. The simul- taneous invasion of Swabia by Jourdan now induced the military council at Vienna to accede to the proposal formerly mad<- by the Archduke Charles, who was despatclied with tlie main bo involvo liimsclf in a mountain warfiuv, ill sviitod ttt the Imliits uf Lis soldiery. This insane disltKiition of the allied loices was commanded by the Aulic Uouneil, in sjtito of tlie remon.strances ol" Archduke Charles, just when Mnssena wtus meditating oÜ'en.sivc operations. Its immediate eonsi'thanl wore again carried hy the French ; and then Massona, taking advantage uf the archduke's departure, beset Koi-sakoÜ" at Zurich, where he had imprudently stationed himself with his whole army, and pressed him so closely, that, after an engagement that lasted two days, from the loth to the 17th uf September, the Russian general escaj>os, the campaign came to a close, and the coahtion was dissolved. The archduke's reax'-guard was defeated in a succe».sion of petty skii-mishes at Heidel- berg, and on the Neckar by the French, who again pressed forward. These disasters were comitei-balanced by the splendid victory gained by Melas in Italy, at Savigliano, over the French general, Championnet, who attempted in vain to save Genoa. Meanwhile, Bonaparte had returned from his Egyj^tian campaign to Paris, overthrown the Directoiy on the 0th of November (iSth Brumaire), bestowed a new constitution on France, and placed him.self; under the title of First Consiü, CAMPAIGNS OF 1800. XXxi at the head of the republic. One of liis first steps was to offer peace to Austria and England, which was rejected by both powers, as he had fully anticipated it would be. He then prepared for war -svith his usual promptitude. Moreau had the command of the army in Germany, Massena of that in Italy, which Bonaparte himself was about to join at the head of an army of reserve, collected at Dijon. Austria received from England a subsidy of two millions, sterling, and pledged herself not to conclude a separate peace before the 1st of February, 1801. The Archduke Charles, who disapproved of the continuance of the wai', was made governor of Bohemia, and superseded in his com- mand of the Austrian forces by Field-Marshal Kray. With such consummate skill did Bonaparte mask the movements of his army of reserve, as to make its very existence matter for derisive incredulity at Vienna ; nor were the Austrians undeceived until he had astounded them by his presence in Lombardy, after a stupendous march of thirteen days across the Great St. Bernard. Genoa, gar- risoned by Massena, had just been forced by famine to capitulate. Ten days afterwards, on the 14th of June, Bonaparte gained such a decisive victory over Melas at Marengo, that he, and the remains of his army, capitulated on the following day. The whole of Italy fell once more into the hands of the French. Moreau had at the same time invaded Germany, and defeated Kray in several engage- ments, principally at Stockach and Möskirch, and again at Biberach and Hochstädt, laid »Swabia and Bavaria under contribution, and taken Ratisbou, the seat of the diet. The Austrians were now threatened with invasion of the Here- ditary States, in their most vulnerable quarter, the valley of the Danube, when, fortunately for them, the trvice which had been concluded at Alexandria, after the battle of Marengo, was extended to Germany, \inder the appellation of the armistice of Parsdorf (July 15). Overtures were now made for peace between France on the one side, and Great Britain and Austria on the other, but proved abortive, and hostilities recommenced at all points, in the end of November. Tlie command of the Austrian army had been taken from Kray, and given to the Archduke John, a young man of c2 X\.\:i IMSTOKY OP AUSTRIA. eighteen, with Lauer, tlie gi-ancl master of avtillerv, for his advisor. On the 27th of November, he quitted his position on the line of the Inn, and, ailvancini^ into Bavaria, surprised Morean'.s lU'niy, on the march, and drove it back in extreme ronfusion. But, instead of vigorously jiursuing tlio immense advantages thus offered to him, he suflered Moreau to retire, on the 1st of December, to Hohenlinden, and to spend all the next day in concentniting his scattered forces. On the 3rd. the Austrians wi-re defeated, ^\^th immense loss, in the tremendous battle of Hohenlinden, more momentous even Than that of ]\Iarengo, in its military consequences. The .shattered remains of the imperial army retreated behind the Inn, disasters still tracking their footsteps. The Ai'chduke Charles, whom the unanimous cries of the nation "now sum- moned to the post of danger, b\ir.st into tears, when, instead of the proud battalions he had led to victory at Stockach and Zurich, he beheld only a confused mass of infantry, cavaliy, and artilleiy covering the roads : the bauds of di.s- ciiiline were broken ; the soldiers neither grouped round their colours, nor listened to the voice of their officers ; dejection and despair were painted in every countenance. His heroic eflbrts to remedy the disoixler were imavailing. The rout of the rear-guard, under Prince Schwartzenberg, with the loss of twelve hundred men, compelled him to solicit an armistice, which, after some hesitation, was signed by Moreau on the 2.5th. At the same time, the fate of the Italian campaign was determined, by the defeat of the im- |>eiTalists at the passage of the Mincio (December 26). These di.sasters once more inclined Austria to peace, which was concluded at Luneville on the 9th of Febraary, 1801. The Archduke Charles seized this opportunity to pi'opose the most beneficial reforms in the war administration, but his councils were again treated with contempt. In the ensuing year, Kngknd also concluded peace at Amiens. The Emperor Francis was com]ielled to sign the treaty of Luneville " not only as emperor of Austria, but in the name of the German empire." But by a fundamental law of the empire, the emperor could not bind the electors and states, of which he was the head, without either theh- concurrence, or express powers to that effect, previously conferred. The TREATY OF LUNEVILLE. XXXÜi want of such powers had rendered inextricable the separate interests i-eferred to the congress of Rastadt ; but Napoleon, whose impatient disposition coukl not brook such formalities, insisted that the emperor should now act as if he possessed the powers in question ; leaving him to vindicate such a step as he best could to the princes and states of the imperial confederacy. This the emjieror did in a dignified letter, in which, after premising that he had been compelled to sign as head of the empire without any title to do so, he added : " But, on the other hand, the consideration of the melancholy situation in wliicli at that period a large part of Germany was placed, the prospect of the still more calamitous fate with which the superiority of the French menaced the empire if the peace was any longer deferred ; in fine, the genei'al wish which was loudly expressed in favour of an instant accommodation, were so many powerful motives which forbade me to refuse the concurrence of my minister to this demand of the French plenipotentiary." Touched by this appeal from the first monarch in Christendom, thus compelled to throw himself on his subjects for forgiveness of a step which he could not avoid, the Diet of the empire promptly gave the treaty of Luneville their solemn ratifi- cation, grounded on the extraordinary situation in which the emperor was then placed. By the peace of Luneville, France was left in possession of the whole left bank of the Rhine. The petty republics, for- merly established by her in Italy, Switzerland, and Holland, were also renewed and recognized. The Adige became the boundary of Austi-ia on the Italian side. The Cisalpine republic was enlarged by the possessions of the grand duke of Tuscany, and of the duke of Moden a, to whom compensation in Germany was guaranteed. This question of compensation, which had been opened at the congress of Rastadt, was resumed, and finally settled by a decree of the Imperial Diet, on the 2oth of February, 1803. The three spiritual electo- rates, Mayence, Treves, and Cologne, were abolished, their position west of the Rhine including them in the French territoiy. The archbishop of Mayence alone retained his dignity, and was transferred to Ratisbon. The imperial free cities were deprived of their privileges, six alone excepted, XXxiv UISTOKY OK AUSTRIA. T.ubook. llaui>>urg, Brenu-u, Frankfort, Augsburg, and NuixMiiU'rij. The unseoularist'd bisliojirics and abbeys were jibolislu'd. The jtetty priuri's, counts and barons, and the Teutonic order, were still allowed to exist, only to be in- cluded ere long in the genend ruin. To the share of Pra.s.sia fell the bishoprics of llildesheim and Paderborn, a part of Münster, and numerous abbeys and imperial free towns in Westphalia and Tlniringia. The compensations allotted to Itavaria laid the foundation of her present greatness. Those jt'^signed to Austria were as follows : Ferdinand, duke of MiKJeusi, the emi)eror's uncle, obtained the Breisgau in exchange for Ids duchy ; Ferdinand, grand duke of Tu.scany, the emperor's brother, received Salzburg, Eichstädt, and Pa.ssau, in exchange for his hereditary possessions. The Archduke Anthony became Grand Master of the Teutonic order. The decision of the Diet with respect to the apportionment of all these compensations was made in entire subser\-ience to France and Russia, which powers acted in ])erfect concert with each other, and uäth the acquiescence of Pmissia, whose share of the indemnities amounted to more than fom- times what .she had lost on the left bank of the Rhine. Austria, the power best entitled to a preponderating share in the negotiation, was very little consulted ; " and thus did Russia and Prussia unite with the First Consul in laying the founda- tion of that Confederation of the Rhine, from which, as a hostile outwork, he was afterwards enabled to lead his Winnies to Jena, Friedland, and the Kremlin."* Meanwhile vast preparations had been made on both sides of the channel for a renewal of hostilities between France and England, which began with the conquest of Hanover by the French (May, 1803). Naples was simultaneously invaded by French troops. Di.s.sensions had already arisen between the Emperor Alexander and the First Consul, and these were further exasperated by the murder of the Due d'Enghien, who was seized on the neutral territory of Baden, carried to the fortress of Vincennes, and there .shot on the 21st of March. This atrocious deed, wliich was not less impolitic * Alidon, History of Europe. ' FIRST WAR WITH THE FRENCH EMPIRE. XXXV than criminal, gave an immense impulse to the fermenting elements of a coalition against France. Such was the state of things in Europe, when, on the 1 8th of May, a decree of the French senate declared Napoleon Emperor of the French. Instead of testifying any repug- nance at this step, the Austrian cabinet had the address to use it as the long-sought opportunity for a similar measure on their own part ; and on the 11th of August, 1804, after the Emperor Francis, in a full council, had recognized the title of the Emperor Napoleon, he assumed for himself and his successors in the Austrian dominions, the title of '' Emperor of Austria." CHAPTER III, First War ivlth the French Empire to the Extinction of the Holy Roman Empire. 1805-1806. Ox the 11th of April, 1805, an alliance was formed between England and Russia, for the purpose of resisting the encroachments of France. Austria and Sweden joined the coalition some months later. Prussia held aloof, in the hope of receiving Hanover as a reward for her neutrality. Baden, AVurtemberg, and Bavaria, sided with France. Deceived by the vast efforts which Napoleon was ostensibly making for the invasion of England, Austria broke ground on the 9th of September, crossed the Inn, overran Bavaria, and took post in the Black Forest. Meanwhile the camp at Boulogne had been broken up, and the troops composing it arrived on the Rhine, from the 17tli to the 23rd of the same month. The Russian troojjs had been refused a passage through the Prussian territory. The precipitance of the Aulic council, in forcing on hostilities before their arrival, Avas the ruin of the campaign. Napoleon sent orders to Bernadotte, who was stationed in Hanover, to cross the neutral Prussian territory of Anspach, without demanding the permission of Prussia, so as to form a junction with the Bavarian troops in the rear of the Austrians. Other corps Avere, at the same time, directed by circuitous routes upon the flanks of the Austrian army, which was assailed with NX.wi IlISTOHT OK AISTRIA. »loulitlul Micco.ss Hi llapliiih (111 till- 11th of October, dc fi';it«'f tlu« cavalry, throui,'!! the enemy. Mack, the couimandei ia-chief, who had stupidly sutlered liiniself to be thus sin l-uiuuled and e:itraj)i)ed, shut hiinsi'lf up in Ulm, but was foiled to surrender on the -Uth. With him GU,üOO Austriaus, the cli(>' of the anny, fell into the liands of the enemy. Napoleon could scarcely spare a sufficient number of men to escort this enormous crowd of ])risoners to France. General Werack, who hail been detaclied from Ulm, was also com- i)elled to surrender at Trochteltingeu mth 8,000 men. The blame of these disasters was wholly laid by the AiLstrian government on General Mack; he was subjected to a court of inquiry, and condemned to twenty years' impiT-soument in consequence. Upon the conclusion of the war. Napoleon interceded for him, but in vain. But, as Alison justly remarks, although this unfortunate general was üb\'iously inadequate to the dillicult task imposetl upon him of commaniUng a great army, which was to combat Napoleon, and although he e\'idently lost his judgment and unneces- sarily agix-ed to a disgraceful aljridgment of the period of the caj litulation at the close of the negotiations, yet the whole diasters of the campaign are not to be visited on his head The impr(j^"idence of the imperial government, the faults of the Aulic Council, have much also to answer for. Mack's authority was not firmly establislied in the army ; the great name of the Archduke Ferdinand oversliadowed his influence ; the necessity of providing for the safety of a prince of the imperial house overbalanced every other con- sideration, and compelled, against his judgment, that division of the troops to which the unexampled disasters that fol- lowed may be immediately ascribed. It is reasonable to impute to the unfortunate general extreme im])rovidence in remaining so long at Ulm, when Napoleon's legions were clo.siag round liim, and gi-eat weakness of judgment, to give it no severer name, in afterwards capitulating without trying- some gi-eat eflbrt, with concentrated forces, to effect his escape. But there appears no reason to suppose, as the INVASIOX OF THE TYKOL. XXXVÜ Austi'ian go\erument did, that he wdlfuUy betrayed theii' intei'ests to Napoleon ; and it is to be recollected, in extenuation of hi« faults, that Ms authority, controlled by the Aulic Council, was in some degree shared with an assembly of officers, which, it is proverbially known, never ado[)ts a l)old resolution ; and that he was at the head of troops habituated to the discreditable custom of laying down their arms, on the first reverse, in large bodies. The Aulic Council, which had begun offensive operations in Germany with the weaker of their two great armies, obliged the stronger of them, under Archduke Charles, to remain on the defensive in Italy, in presence of inferior forces, wliilst they retained 20,000 men in useless inactivity in the Tyrol, where as yet there was no enemy to comljat. After Mack's suiTender, Napoleon, with his usual rapidity, marched wdth his main body straight upon Vienna, wliilst he despatched Ney into the Tyrol, where the peasantry, headed by the Ai'chduke John, made an heroic defence. The advanced guard of the French, composed of the Bava- rians imder Deroy, made a successfvd irruption on the eastern frontier, and blockaded Kuflstein. Augereau threat- ened Feldkirch, whilst Ney carried the mountain entrench- ment of Schaarnitz by storm, and reached Innsbruck, where he captured sixteen thousand stand of arms. The Archduke John was compelled to retire to Carinthia, in order to form a junction with his brother Charles, who, after beating Mas- sena at Caldiero, had been necessitated by Mack's defeat to hasten from Italy for the pvu-pose of covering Austria. Two corps, left in the hurry of retreat too far westward, Avere cut oft' and taken pi-isoners, that under Prince Rohan at Castel- franco, after having found its way from Meran into the Venetian territory, and that under Jellachich on the lake of Constance. Kensky's and Wartenleben's cavalry threw themselves boldly into Swabia and Franconia, seized the couriers and convoys to the French rear, and escaped unhurt to Bohemia. A new enemy was meanwhile rising up against Napoleon. Bernadotte's maix-h through Anspach, in violation of the Prussian territory, had given deep offence to the court of Berlin, and exasperated its subjects in the highest degree. XXXviii lUSTOKY of AISTUIA. At tlmt crisis tho KinptTor Alfxuiulor arrived at Bodiu, and exrrtwl nil liis inlliu'iioo to induce the kin;^ to adopt a more manly and rounij^cou.s policy. Alexander was warndy .•H'oond«»d l»y tlio ipUH^n of Prussia ; French influence rapidly tlivlined in the cjipital ; Duroc left it on the 2nd of No- vcniU'r, without having been able to obtain an audience for honie days previously either from the king or the emperor ; and on tho following day a secret convention was signed between the two nionarchs for the regulation of the affairs of EuroiK', and the erection of a bai'rier against the ambition of the French emperor. By this convention it was stipu- lated that the treaty of Lunevillc was to be taken as the basis of the arrangement, and all the acquisitions which France had since made were to be wrested from it : Switzer- land and Holland were to be restored to their independence, and, without overturning the kingdom of Italy, it was to be merely agreed that its throne and that of France were never to be occupied W the same person. The Prussian minister, llangwitz, wa.s to be entrusted with the notification of this convention to Napoleon, with authority, in case of its ac- ceptance, to ciTer a renewal of the former friendsliip and alliance of the Prus.sian nation ; but in case of refusal, to tleclare war, with an intimation that hostilities would be commenced on the loth of December. But before that day came, the opportunity was lost. After Alexander's depar- ture, Pnis.sia relapsed into her old temporising habits ; her armies made no forvvard movement towards the Danube, and Napoleon was permitted to continue, without interruption, his advance to Vienna ; while eighty thousand disciplined veterans remained inactive in Silesia — a force amply sufficient to have thrown him back with dissrace and disaster to the Rhine. Napoleon continued his advance, and on the 5th of November established his head quarters at Lintz, the capital of Upper Austria. He had ^vith him, marching in one body, at least two-thirds of his whole army of 150,000 men, whilst the whole allied force between him and Vienna, including the Ru.s.sians under Kutu.soff, might be reckoned at about G5,000. A bloody conflict took place on the same es. Austria was merely indemnified by the possession of iSalzlturg and Berchtesgaden. Ferdinand, elector of Salz- burg, the fonner gi*and duke of Tuscany, was transferred to M'urzljurg. Ferdinand of Modena lost the whole of hi^ posjiessions. Immediately after the conclusion of the peace of Presburg, Napoleon withdrew his forces, and the Emperor Francis re-entered Vienna, where he was received by his subjects with a.s much respect and affection as though lie had con- quered instead of losing so many provinces. On the 12th of July, 1806, sixteen princes of Western Germany concluded, under Na})oleon's direction, a treat}, whereby they separated themselves from the German empire, and founded the so-called Confederation of the Rhine, under the supremacy of the emperor of the French. On the 1st of Au,gu.st, Napoleon declared that he no longer recogoiised the empire of Gennany. No one ventured to oppose his omni- potent voice. On the 6th of August, 1806, the Emperor Francis abdicated the imperial crown of Germany, in a touching address, full of calm dignity and sorrow. The last of the (Jerman emperors had showTi himself throughout the contest worthy of his gi-eat predecessors, and had almost alone .sacrificed all in order to preserve the honour of Germany, until, abandoned by the gi-eater part of the German princes, he wa.s compelled to yield to a stronger power. The fall of the enijjire that had stood the storms of a thousand years was, however, not without dignity. A meaner hand might have levelled the decayed fabric with the dust ; but fate, that seemed to honour even the faded majesty of the ancient Caj.sars, selected Napoleon as the executioner of her decrees. The standard of Charlemagne, the gi-eatest hero of the first Christian age, was to be profaned by no hand save that of the greatest hero of modern times. '^ * Meuzel, Histor}- of Germany. SECOXD WAR WITH THE FREXCH EirPIRE. xlL CHAPTER IV. Second War icillt the French Empire. 1806-1809. The peace of Presburg was quickly followed by war be- tween France and Prussia, in whicli tlie latter suffered a terrible retribution for the selfish and base policy that had induced her to leave Austria unaided in her heroic struggles against the common foe of Europe. Great efforts were made by Prussia's allies, England and Russia, to obtain the co- operation of Austria, but that power prudently adhered to the system of neutrality, which Avas needful to her after her recent losses. She armed, indeed, and assumed a menacing attitude, during the reverses sustained by the French in the subsequent Polish campaign ; but upon the termination of the contest, after the disaster of Friedland, she resumed her pacific attitude. Meanwhile, the government was not idle. During the whole of 1806 and 1807, the efforts of the Archduke Charles, now at the head of the war department, were incessant, to restore the inaterlel lost in the last campaign, and to remodel the army upon the admirable system adopted by Napoleon. Emboldened by the diversion of a lai'ge portion of the Frencli army from Germany, on the breaking out of the Spanish war, the cabinet of Vienna issued a decree on the 9 th of June, 1808, instituting a landwehr or militia to be raised by conscription, which soon amounted to 300,000 men, whilst the regular army numbered 350,000. On i-eceiving decisive intelligence of these hostile pre- parations. Napoleon returned with extraordinary expedition from Spain to Paris, in January, 1809, and gave orders to concentrate his forces in Germany, and call out the full contingents of the Confederation of the Rhine. Some further time was consumed by the preparations on either side. At last, on the 8th of April, the Austrian troops crossed the frontiers at once on the Inn, in Bohemia, in the Tyi-ol and in Italy. The whole burthen of the war rested on Austi'ia alone, for Prussia remained neiitral, and Russia, now allied to France, was even bound to make a show at least, though it were no more, of hostility to Austria. On the same day Xlii niSTOHY OF AUSTKIA. on which the Austrian forces crossed the frontiers, tlie Tyrol rose ii» iusunvctioii, and was swept clear of the enemy in four days, with the exception of a Bavarian garrison, tluit still lu'ld out in Kufsteiu. The French army was at this time dis])ersed over a line ot forty leagues in extent, M-ith numerous undefended apertures lietweeu the corps j so that the faii'est jjossible opportunity presented itself to the Austrians for cutting to pieces the scattered forces of the French, and marching in triumph to the Khinc. As usual, however, the archduke's early move- ments were subjected to most impolitic delays by the Aulic Council ; and time was allowed Napoleon to arrive on the theatre of war (April 17), and repair the faults committed by his adjutant-general, Berthier. He instantly extricated his army from its peiilous position — almost cut in two by the advance of the Austrians — and, beginning on the 19th, he beat the latter in five battles on five successive days, at Thaun, Abensberg, Landshut, Eckmühl, and Katisbon. The Archduke Charles retired into Bohemia to collect re- inforcements, but General Hiller was, in consequence of the delay in repairing the fortifications of Linz, unable to main- tain that place, the possession of which was important, on account of its forming a connecting point betAveen Bohemia and the Austrian Oberland. Hiller, however, at least, saved his lionour by pushing forward to the Traun, and in a fear- fully bloody encounter at Ebersberg, captured three French eagles, one of his colours alone falling into the enemy's hands. He was, nevertheless, compelled to retire before the s\iperior forces of the French, and crossing over at Krems to the left bank of the Danube, he formed a junction with the Archduke Charles. The way was now clear to Vienna, which, after a slight show of defence, capitidated to Napoleon on the ll'th of May. The Archduke Charles had hoped to reach the capital before the French, and to give battle to them beneath its walls ; but as he had to make a circuit whilst the French pushed forward in a direct line, his plan was frustrated, and he an-ived, when too late, from Bohemia. Both armies, sepai-ated by the Danube, stood opposed to one another in the vicinity of the impeiial city. Both commanders were BATTLE OF ASPERN. xUH desirous of coming to a decisive engagement. The Frencli had seciu'ed the island of Lobau to serve as a mustering place, and point of transit across the Danube. The archduke allowed them to establish a bridge of boats, being resolved to await them on the Marchfeld. There it was that Rudolph of Habsburg, in the battle against Ottakar, had laid the foundation of the gi'eatness of the house of Austria ; and there the political existence of that house and the fate of the monarchy were now to be decided. Having crossed the river, Napoleon was received on the opposite bank, near Aspem and Esslingen, by his opponent, and, after a dreadful battle, that was carried on -with unwearied animosity for two days. May 21st and 22nd, 1809, he was completely beaten, and compelled to fly for refuge to the island of Lobau. The rising stream had, meanwliile, carried away the bridge. Napoleon's sole chance of escape to the opposite bank. For two days he remained on the island ■with his defeated troops, Avithout jDrovisions, and in hourly expectation of being cut to pieces ; the Austrians, however, neglected to turn the oppor- tunity to advantage, and allowed the French leisure to re- build the bridge, a work of extreme difficulty. During six weeks afterwards, the two armies continued to occupy their former positions under the walls of Vienna, on the right and left banks of the Danube, narrowly watching each other's movements, and preparing for a final struggle. Whilst these events were in progress, the Archduke John had successfully penetrated into Italy, where he had totally defeated the Viceroy Eugene at Salice, on the 16th of April. Favoured by the simultaneous revolt of the Tyrolese, he might have obtained the most decisive results from this victory, but the extraordinary progress of Napoleon down the valley of the Danube rendered necessary the concentra- tion of the whole forces of the monarchy for the defence of the capital. Having begun a retreat, he was pursued Ijy Eugene, and defeated on the Piave, with great loss, on the 8th of May. Escaping thence, without further molestation, to Villach, in Carinthia, he received intelligence of the fall of Vienna, together with a letter from the Archduke Charles, of the 15th of May, directing him to move with all Ids forces upon Lintz, to act on the rear and communications of xliv niSTOUV OF AUSTRIA. Nui>olcoii. Instead of obeyin«,' tliese onlor.s, ho thought jirojwr to iiiaivh into ITuiiu'arv. abaiuloiiiiiy the Tyrol and tlie V. hok' jtrojcctod ojtoratioiis on tlic U]»jier Danube to their fate. His (lisubedioneo was disjistrous to tlic fortunes of his house, for it caused tlie fruits of the victory at Aspern to 1)6 hjst. He nii^ht have arrived, witli .1(),00U men, on tlie 24:th or l'öth, at Lintz, whei'o no one remained but Eernadotte and the Saxons, who were incapable of offerinf;; any serious re- .sistance. Such a force, concentrated on the direct line of Napoleon's communications, immediately after his defeat at Aspern, on the 22nd. would have de})rived him of all means of extricatinif himself from the most perilous situation inwhich he had yet been placed since ascending the consular throne. After totally defeating Jellachich in the valley of the 3Iuhr, Eugene desisted from his pursuit of the army of Italy, and joined Nai)oleon at Vienna. The Archduke Jolm imited his foi-ces at Raab with those of the Hungarian in- surrection, under his brother the Palatine. The viceroy again marched against him, and defeated him at Raab on the 14th of June. The Palatine remained with the H\m- garian insxirrection in Komorn ; Archduke John moved on to Presburg. In the north, the Archduke Ferdinand, who had advanced fuS far as War.saw, had been dri\-en back by the Poles under Poniatowsky, and by a Prussian force sent by the Emperor Alexander to their aid, which, on this success, invaded ■iiaVicia. On the 1 1th of May, the Tyrol was invaded bj'- the French in great force under Lefebre, and by the Bavarians under Deroy. Innsbruck was taken on the 1 9th, and affairs seemed utterly desperate in the mountains ; but, on the 2Sth, the Bavarian gamson was totally defeated by Hofer, Hasprnger, «nd Specldjacher, and the Tja'ol was once more swept clear of the iiiAaders. ^Vllen Napoleon had completed his means of transit, and obtained strong reinforcements, he again crossed the Danube, and began the attack at Wagram, not far from the battle- ground of Aspern. The conflict lasted two days, the 5th and Cth of July. The object of the Austrian commander was to maintain the light so long as to give time for the re- BATTLE OF WAGRAM. xlv serve under the Arclidiike John, whom he had summoned from Presburg, to appear on the right flank and the rear of the French. The battle was one of the most tremendous in the annals of war. The Austrians fought with admirable gallantry, lost one of their colours, but captured twelve eagles and standards of the enemy. Their heroic leader was slightly wounded on the first day, whilst rallying one of his battalions. For a day and a half the issue of the conflict continued doubtful, until at last the Austrian left wing was outflanked by the French cavalry. Then, in obedience to the command of their chief, the Austrians slowly retired in regu- lar order, without the loss of either prisoners or cannon. Two hours afterwards, the heads of the Archduke John's columns were seen approaching the bloody field. But they were now too late to be of any use, and they fell back again on Pres- bui"g. Had they arrived in time, there can be no doubt that Napoleon would have been totally defeated. This is dis- tinctly acknowledged by General Pelet, the French historian of this campaign, and a distinguished actor in it. The retreat was continued, without any serious molestation from the enemy, to Znaym, where the Archduke Charles took up a position on the 7th of July. A violent combat took place there on the 11th, but it was intei-rupted by the announcement of an armistice, which was followed on the loth of October, after long negotiation, by the jjeace of Vienna. Austria was compelled to cede Carniola, Trieste, Croatia, and Dalmatia to Napoleon ; Salzbui'g, Berchtolds- gaden, the Innviertel, and the Hausrukviertel to Bavaria ; a part of Galicia to Warsaw, and another part to Russia. She lost altogether 32,000 square miles of teri-itory, three and a half millions of subjects, all contact with the sea, all exit for her trade. As a crowning indignity, she had to sul^mit to see the ramparts of Vienna blown up, — a wanton act of military oppression, which exasperated the people in tlic highest degree, and was a bad preliminary to the cordial alliance which Napoleon desired. By the convention of Znaym and the subsequent treaty of Vienna, the Tyrol reverted to its Bavarian masters ; but the brave mountaineers refused to acknowledge the conven- tion, for their emperor had promised to conclude no peace d xlvi IIISToKY OF AUSTRIA. which tlit soi'iirc to liiin tlio possession of that loyal liiml. Alter all the Austrian regular troops had witlulrawu from the jM-ovinee. the ]ieasants, under Hofer, Haspinger, Swchhaeher. and otlun- leadei-s. still maintained the contest against Ii<>fel)vre and his 30,000 men. An advanced guard of Freneh and I'avarians were defeated by Has])inger at the bridge of Laditeh (Aug. 4), Avnth a loss of 12,000 men ; six days afterwards, INlarshal Lefebvre himself, with 20,000 troops, was routed with immense loss on the Brenner (Aug. 10) ; and again he suffered a total defeat with all his forces at Innspruck (Aug. 12), and the Tyrol was once more evacuated by the invaders. But this triumph of the peasants was of short duration. The Tyi'ol was again invaded with an overwhelming force ; the insurgents were blockaded in their mountain valleys in the depth of winter, and starved into submission. Hofer was captured, tried by court-martial at Milan, and shot by the express order of Napoleon. CHAPTER Y. Prom the Treaty of Vienna to the Final Overthrow of NapoUon. 1810-1815. Immediately after the treaty of Vienna, Count Clement Mettcrnieh, who had previously been ambassador to France, became the leader of the Austrian cabinet, and minister for foreign affairs, a position which he retained for thirty-eight years. He had not been many months in office when a treaty of marriage was concluded between the Emperor Napoleon, who in the meanwhile had been divorced from Josephine, and the archduchess of Austi'ia, Maria Louisa, eldest daughter of the Emperor Francis. The nuptials were solemnized with extraordinary pomp at Paris, on the 2nd of April, 1810 ; but the conflagration of the house of the Aus- trian amba-ssador. Prince Schwartzenberg, during a splendid fete given by him to the newly-wedded pair, ominously marred the festivities. Several persons perished in the flames, — among the rest, the ambassador's sister-in-law, Prin- cess Paulina Schwartzenberg, who had mshed into the burn- STATE BANKRUPTCY OF AUSTRIA. ISll. xlvii iiig building to rescue her daughter. In the ensuing year the young empress gave birth to a prince, Napoleon Francis, who was laid in a silver cradle and provisionally entitled king of Rome, to signify his future destiny to succeed his father on the throne of the Koman empire. Exhausted by her continual exertions for the maintenance of the war, Austria now offered a melancholy contrast to the magnificence of her new ally. The state could no longer meet its obligations, and on the 15th of March, 1811, Count Wallis, the finance minister, struck eighty per cent, off the value of one thousand and sixty millions of bank paper, and reduced the interest on the whole of the state debts to one half, payable in the new paper issue. This fearful state bankruptcy was accompanied by the fall of innumerable private firms ; ti'ade was completely stopped, and the contributions demanded by Napoleon amounted to a sum almost impossible to realize. The alliance of Austria, secured to Napoleon by so inti- mate a tie, seemed in the eyes of all Eiurope, as well as in his own, an unfailing pledge of the pei'manence of his dynasty. In reality it caused his destruction, by removing the last impediment to his design of invading Russia. When war was declared by France against that power in 1812, Austria desired to remain neutral, bvit was compelled, like Prussia, to furnish an auxiliary force under the command of Prince Schwartzenberg. Napoleon crossed the Niemen at the head of 600,000 combatants, of whom all but 80,000 perished. Among those who escaped were 30,000 Austrians and 18,000 Prussians, so that the survivors of the proper I French army were not above 32,000. On the 30th of December, General York signed a conven- tion with General Diebitch, in virtue of which the Prussian troops became neutral, and only waited the commands of the king of Prussia to unite themselves to the victorious Rus- sians. Prince Schwartzenberg refused to follow this ques- tionabl example, or to surrender Warsaw, to which he had retreated ; but the Russians abstained from molesting the soldiers of a nation which they foresaw would soon be alliöd to their own. Rallying with amazing promptitude from the tremendous blow he had suffered iu Russia, Napoleon raised a fresh ai-my xlviü msTouv OK Austria. of 300.000 nun in tlio ln'^riniiini^ of 1813, in order to crusli the insnnvc'tion in which all Northern Germany had joined, with tlie exci'ption of Saxony, after Prussia had openly adhered to the Russian alliance. Great efforts were now made bv the cahinets of IVrlin and St. Petersburg to detach Austria from France ; and so strongly were the national feelings declared in favour of that policy, that M. de Metter- iiicli had tlie utmost difficulty in withstanding the torrent, and evading the hazard of committing his government pre- maturely. Temporizing with consummate art, he oflered the mediation of liis government between the hostile parties, and at the same time prosecuted his military prepai'ations on such a scale as -would enable Austria to act no subordinate part on the one side or the other in the coming struggle. Meanwhile hostilities began ; the Russians and Prussians were defeated by Napoleon at Liitzen and Bautzen, and were fortunate in concluding an armistice ^vith him at Pleisswitz on the 4th of June, 1813. On the 27th, Austria signed a treaty at Reichenbach, in Silesia, with Prussia and Prussia, by which she bound herself to declare war with France, in case Napoleon liad not, before the termination of the armistice, accepted the terms of peace about to be proposed to him. A pretended congress for the an-angement of the treaty was again agreed to by both sides ; but Napoleon delayed to grant full powers to his envoy, and the allies, who had meanwhile heard of Wellington's victor)' at Vittoria, and the expulsion of the French from Spain, gladly seized this pretext to break off the negotia- tions. ]\Ieanwhile, Metternich, whose voice was virtually to decide Napoleon's fate, met him at Dresden with an offer of j)eace, on condition of the surrender of the French conquests in Germany. Napoleon, with an infatuation only equalled by his attempts to negotiate at Moscow, spumed the pro- posal, and even went the length of charging Count Metter- nich with taking biibes from England. The conference, ■which was conducted on Napoleon's part in so insulting a manner, and at times in tones of passion so violent as to be overlieard by the attendants, lasted till near midnight on the loth of August, the day with which the armistice was to expire. The fiital hour passed by, and that night Count BATTLE OF DRESDEN. xlix Metternicli drew up the declaration of war, on the part of his government, against France. Austria coalesced with Russia and Prussia, and in a certain degree assumed a i-ank conventionally supei'ior to both. The Austrian general. Prince Schwartzenberg, was appointed generalissimo of the whole of the allied armies, and the manifesto of Count Met- ternich spoke already in the tone of the future regulator of the affairs of Europe. The plan of the allies was to advance with the main body under Schwartzenberg, 190,000 strong, through the Hartz mountains to Napoleon's rear. Blücher, with 95,000 men, was meanwhile to cover Silesia, or in case of an attack by Kapoleon's main body, to retire before it, and draw it further eastward. Bernadotte, who had become crown prince of Sweden, was to cover Berlin with 90,000 men, and in case of a victory, was to form a junction, rearward of Napoleon, with the main body of the allied army. A mixed division under Wallmoden, 30,000 strong, was destined to watch Davoust, in Hamburg, whilst the Bavarian and Italian frontiers were respectively guarded by 25,000 Austrians under Prince Reuss, and 40,000 Austrians under Hiller. Napoleon's main body, consisting of 250,000 men, was con- centrated in and round Dresden. The campaign opened with the march of a French force under Oudinot against Berlin. This attack having com- pletely failed, Napoleon marched in person against Blücher, who cautiously retired before him. Dresden being thus left uncovered, the alhes changed their plan of operations, and marched straight upon the Saxon cajDital. But they arrived too late. Napoleon having already returned tliither, after despatchmg Vandamme's corps to Bohemia, to seize the passes and cut off Schwartzenberg's retreat. The allies attempted to storm Dresden, on the 26th of August, but were rejjulsed after suffering a frightful loss. On the follow- ing day Napoleon assumed the offensive, cut off the left wing of the allies, and made an immense number of prisoners, chiefly Austrians. The main body fled in all directions ; part of the troops disbanded, and the whole must have been annihilated but for the misfortune of Vandamme, who was taken prisoner, with his whole corps, on the 29th. 1 HISTOUY Ol' Al'STlilA. At the same tinio (August 26) a splendid victory was gniuoil bv HUiolier, on the Katzbach, over Macdonakl, who ivachousont to a suspension of hostilities while the conferences for an armistice were going on. As for the conference at ChatiUon, he used it only as a means to gain time, fully resolved not to purchase peace by the reduction of his empire within the ancient limits of the French monarchy. Blücher became furious on being informed of the inten- tion to retreat, and with the a])proval of ilm Emperor Alex- ander, he resolved to separate from the main army, and push on for Paris. Being reinforced on the Marne by Winzinge- rode and Biilow, he encountered Napoleon at Craone on the 7th of Mai'ch. The battle was one of the most obstinately contested of the whole revolutionary war ; the loss on both sides was enormous, but neither could claim a victory. Two days afterwards the emperor was defeated at Laon ; but Blüchers army was reduced to inactivity by fatigue and want of food. Napoleon now turned upon the grand army, which he encountered at Arcis-sur-Aube ; but after an indecisive action, he deliberately retreated, not towards Paris, but in the direction of the Bhine. His plan was to occupy the fortresses in the rear of the allies, form a junction with Augereau, who was then defending Lyons, and, with the aid of a general rising of the peasantry in Alsace and Lorraine, surround and cut off the invaders, or, at least, compel them to retreat to the Rhine. But this plan being made known to the allies by an intercepted letter from Napoleon to the empres.s, they frustrated it by at once marching with flying banners upon Paris, leaving behind only 10,000 men under Winzingerode, to amuse Napoleon, and mask their move- ment. After repulsing Mortier and Marmont, and capturing the forces under Pacthod and Amey, the allies defiled within sight of Paris on the 29th. On the 30th, they met with a spirited resistance on the heights of Belleville and Mont- martre ; but the city, in order to escape bombardment, capitulated during the night ; and on the 31st, the sovereigns of Rassia and Prussia made a peaceful entry. The emperor BATTLE OP WATERLOO. lüi of Austria had remained at Lyons. Napoleon was compelled, on the 10th of April, to resign the imperial crown, and descend to the miniatiire sovereignty of the island of Elba. On the 4th of May, Louis XVIII. entered the capital of France, and mounted the throne of his ancestors ; and on the 30th of the same month, a general peace was concluded at Paris, by a treaty which reduced France to her limits as in 1792. Europe being now freed from her tyrant, a congress was assembled at Vienna in the autumn of 1814, to adjust the claims and mutual relations of the several states. This was a matter of great difficulty, and there seemed much pro- bability that the discordant victors would turn their swords against each other, until concord was perforce restored by the news that the common enemy was again in the field. Napoleon had quitted Elba, landed on the coast of France on the 1st of March, 1815, and in three weeks afterwards entered Paris, the whole nation receiving him with acclama- tion, not a single Frenchman shedding a drop of blood in defence of the house of Bourbon. The allied sovereigns, present in person or by their representatives at Vienna, at once declared Napoleon an outlaw, and bound themselves to bring a force of more than a million into the field against him. The first contingents brought forward were a mixed army of English, Dutch, Belgians, and Germans, under the duke of Wellington, and a Prussian force under Blücher, both of which were encamped in Belgium. Napoleon crossed the frontier on the 14th of June, led the right wing of his army against Blücher at Ligny on the 16th, and defeated him with gi'eat slaughter, the marshal himself being among the wounded and almost among the slain. On the same day, but with very different fortune, Ney, with the left wing of the French, encountered Wellington at Quatre Bras, and suffered a severe defeat. After this, the Prussians retreated to Wavi-e, pursued by 3.5,000 French under Grouchy, whilst Wellington, falling back on the position he had chosen near Waterloo, awaited the approach of Napoleon. In the stu- pendous battle of the 18th of June, the flower of tne French soldiery perished in their desperate efforts against the obdu- rate valour of the British. The battle rajred from noon imtil liv HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. «•iilljt o'clock, with \incxamj)led fuiy. Blücher and lu's l^russians iiuulo giijjantic ctVorts to reach the scene of action ; but, marching over ground rendered almost impassable by the lu-avy rains that had fallen, their main body did not arrive until the victory was already won. Then they under- took the j>ui-suit, and prosecuted it with unrelenting vigour until nothing remained of the magnificent Fi'ench army but a helpless mob of fugitives incapable of rallying again. Napoleon returned to Paris to abdicate a second time. Then failing in an attempt to escape to America, he surrendered to Ca]>tain ^laitland, of his Britannic majesty's ship JJelleropfum. With the concurrence of all the powers, he was conveyed, under the custody of the English, to the island of St. Helena, where he died on the 5th of May, 1821. His consort, Maria Loui.sa, was created duchess of Parma, and his son lived, under the title of duke of Reichstadt, with his imperial grandfather at Vienna, until his death in 1832. Meanwhile, Murat, Napoleon's brother-in-law, who had joined the allies against liim after the battle of Leipsig, advanced into Upper Italy against the Austrians, upon the reajipeai-ance of the ex-emperor in France. Mui"at was de- feated at Tolentino and fled to Coreica, but his retreat to France V)eing prevented by the success of the allies, he rashly retunied to Italy wnth the design of raising a popular insur- rection, but was seized on landing, and shot on the 13th of October. In the new partition of Europe, aiTanged in the congress of Vienna, Austria received Lombardy and Venice under the title of a Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, the Illyrian provinces also as a kingdom, Venetian Dalmatia. the Tirol, Vorarlberg, Salzburg, the Innviertel and Hausracksviertel, and the part of Galicia ceded by her at an earlier period. Thus, after three-and-twenty years of wai-, the monarchy had gained a consideral^le accession of strength, having obtained in lieu of its remote and unprofitable possessions in the Netherlands, territories which consolidated its power in Italy, and made it as great in extent as it had been in the days of Charles VI., and far more compact and defensible. The grand duchies of Modena, Panna, and Placentia, were moreover restored to the collateral branches of the house of Habsbm-g. THE HOLY ALLIANCE. Iv The ancient German empire was replaced by a German confederation, composed of thirty-nine states ; and a per- manent Diet, consisting of plenipotentiaries from the several states, was established at Frankfort on the Maine, Austria holding the permanent presidency. CHAPTER VI. From the Congress of Vienna, 1815, to the Revolution o/1848. The wars which, with little intermission, filled the first three-and-twenty years of the reign of the Emperor Francis, were in the main a struggle for national independence. On their first invasion of France, Austria and her allies declared their intention to quell the revolutionary spirit, and to up- hold the cause of hereditary monarchy j but having failed in the attempt, they soon abandoned, tacitly at first, and after- wards in express terms, all pretensions to interfere in the domestic concerns of an independent state, or to prescribe its form of government. They fought against French aggression, not for abstract ideas, but in defence of their own rights and territories. After the last fall of Napoleon, how- ever, the great powers of the continent reverted to their original policy, and constituted themselves the champions of the pi'inciple of absolute monarchy. The maintenance of that p]-inciple ultimately became the chief object of the so- called Holy Alliance established in 1816 between Russia, Austria, and Prussia, and was pursued with remarkable steadfastness by the Emperor Francis and his minister, Prince Metternich. The determination to resist all demands for constitvitional rights, both in their own dominions and in every continental state, was then an after-thought of the allied sovereigns, who had previously made very liberal professions, and apparently with perfect sincerity. The treaty of alliance concluded at Chaumont in 1814 between Austria, Russia, England, and Prussia, contained the following declaration : — " The sovereigns recognise as the fundamental principle of the high compact now existing between them the unalterable l\-i HISTOnY OF AISTUIA. ns«tlu(i(>ii. neither in their own roci|)rooal concerns, nor in tlu'ir n-hitious with other powers, to ih-jiart from Uic strich'st ulKd'u-ticf to the maxims of popnhi/r riyht ; because the con- stant application of these maxims to a permanent state of jK.-ace atVonls the only eH'cctual guarantee for the inilej)en(l- vnoe «)f each separate powei-, and the security of the whole confederation." In the early part of the first Congress of Vicnnii, Austria declared that *' the subjects of every German state under the ancient empire possessed rights against their sovereign which had of late been disregarded, but that such disreganl must be rendered impossible for the future ;" Prussia deliberately proposed a scheme of almost the same constitution, wliich, thirty two years after, was revived by the ])rescnt king ; and Austria, Prussia, and Hanover con- curreil in placing on record a note (November IG, 1814), in which was maintained the necessity of introducing uni- venvilly Constitutional Estates, and giving them a voice in «juestions of " taxation, public expenditures, the redress of public grievances, and general legislation." Such was the disposition of the leading members of the German Confederation immediately after the first treaty of Paris ; but the events of the hundred days appear to have produced a total change iu their views. When the Congress of Vienna resumed its sittings after that period, the question of constitutional rights underwent a discussion of four week.s, and the result, effected chiefly through the influence of Au.stria, was the concise expression of the thirteenth article of the Confederation, -viz. " A Representative Consti- tutifju shall be adopted in all the federative states," — a phrase which committed its authors to no very definite issue, and of which the true meaning has been to this day a subject of dispute. Thenceforth it became the avowed policy of the chief .sovereigns of Germany to maintain the rights of «IvTia-sties in an adverse sen.se to those of their subjects. The people, on the other hand, deeply resented the breach of those proini.ses which had been so lavi.shly made to them on the general summons to the war of liberation. Disafiection took the place of that enthu.siastic loyalty with which they had bled and suffered for their native princes ; the secret societies, formed with the concurrence of their rulers, for tliiB DESPOTISM AND REVOLUTION. * Ivii purpose of throwing off the yoke of the foreigner, became ready instraments of sedition ; and Germany has ever since been j^ossessed by a revolutionary spirit, working through liidden ways inscrutable to the police, compressible only by an enormous preponderance of military force, and always ready to break forth with devastating violence whenever that pressiu-e is removed. The antagonism thus briefly indicated constitutes the dominant fact in the history of Austria, and of every German state, during the last forty years. Its nature is thus por- trayed by the philosophical historian Niebuhr, as reported by the Chevalier Bunsen : — " Europe is threatened with great dangers, and with the loss of all that is noble and great, by two opposite but con- spiring elements of destruction — despotism and revolution ; both in their most mischievous forms. As to the former, the modern state despotism, established by Louis XIV., promoted by the Fi-ench Revolution, and carried out to memorable perfection by Napoleon, and those governments which have adopted his system, after having combated its author, is more enslaving and deadening than any preceding form ; for it is civilised and systematised, and besides the military force, has two engines unknown to the ancient world or to the middle ages. These are, first, the modern state-government, founded upon a police force, which has degenerated into a gigantic spy system ; and secondly, a thoroughly organised and centralised bureaucracy, which allows of no independent will and action in the country. So likewise modern revolution is more destructive of political life and the elements of liberty, than similar movements in former ages ; for it is a merely negative, and at the same time systematic reaction against the ancient regime, of which it made the despotic part universal by carrying out uni- formity, and by autocratic interference in the name of the state ; whereas it gives no equivalent for the real, although imperfect libei-ties, which the old system contained in the form of privileges ; and in condemning such privileges under the sanction of democracy, it destroyed the basis of liberty under the pretext of sovereignty."* * Life and Letters of B. G. Niebuhr, vol. iii. Iviii HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. In llit> winter of 1819, a German federative congi'ess asst'iubletl at N'ienua. In May of tlie folU)wing year, it pub- lishoil an art containing closer definitions of tlie Federative Act, having for their essential objects the exclusion of the various provincial Diets from all j)ositive interference in the general allairs of Germany, and an increase of tlie jtower of (he princes over their respective Diets, by a guarantee of aid un the part of the confedei'ates. During the sitting of this congress, on New Year's Day, 1820, the liberal party in Sjiain revolted against their un- grateftil sovereign, Ferdinand VII., who exei'cised the most fearful tymnny over the nation that had remained faithful to him in his adversity. This example was shortly after- waids followed by the Neapolitans, who were also dissatisfied with the conduct of their sovereign. Prince Metternich immediately convoked a congress at Troppau. The Czar Alexandex', who had views upon the east, and was no stranger to the designs of the pai-ty who were preparing a revolution in Greece against the Turks, was at first unwilling to give liis consent unconditionally to the interference of Austria ; but on being, in 1621, informed, to his great surprise, by Prince Metternich, of the existence of a revolutionary spiiit in one of the regiments of the Russian guard, he freely assented to all the measures proposed by that minister. The new congress, held at Laibach in 1821, was followed by the entrance of the Austrians under Frimont into Italy. The Neapolitans fled without firing a shot, and the Piedmontese, who unexpectedly revolted in Frimont's I'ear, were, after a short encounter with the Austrians under Bubna at Novara, defeated, and reduced to submission. Meanwhile, the Greeks had risen in open insun-ection again.st the long and cruel tyranny of the Turks ; but Piussia now no longer ventured openly to uphold them, and the influence of Austria was successfully exerted against them at the Congress of Verona in 1822. Notwithstanding the professedly Christian spirit of the Holy Alliance, and the political advantages which would accrue to one at least of its members from the sub- version of the Turkish empire, the revolt of the Greeks was treated as rebellion against the legitimate authority of the Porte, and was strongly discouraged. On the same grounds, AFFAIRS OF TURKEY. lix it was decided that a French army should be despatched into Spain to reinstate Ferdinand in his legitimate tyranny, and this was accomplished in 1823. The Duke of Wellington, who represented England at the Congress of Verona, pro- tested, in the name of his government, against this violation of the constitutional rights of Spain ; the protest was dis- regarded, and Portugal would have been likewise coerced, but for the landing of a protecting English force upon its shores. The establishment of the kingdom of Greece in 1827, under the protection of England, France, and Russia, was regarded with no favoui'able eye by Austria ; but she did not interfere with the proceedings of the other ^Dowers, nor was the harmony between her and Russia disturbed until the invasion of Turkey by the latter had excited her alarm. In 1828, England and Austria ^peremptorily intervened to prevent the impending fall of Constantinople. France expressed her readiness to unite with Russia, and to fall upon the Avistrian rear in case troops were sent against the Russians. Prussia, however, presented herself as a mediator, and a treaty M'as concluded at Adrianople in 1829, by which Russia, though compelled for the time to restore the booty already seized, gained some considerable advantages, being granted possession of several of the most important mountain fastnesses and passes of Asia Minor-, a right to occupy and fortify the mouths of the Danube, so important to Austria, and a pro- tectoral authority over Moldavia and Wallachia. The piratical seizure of an Aiistrian trading brig in 1828 occasioned a petty war with Morocco, and the appearance of an Austrian fleet in the Mediterranean. Satisfaction was obtained, and peace was concluded at Gibraltar in 1830. The commotions that pervaded Europe after the French Revolution of 1830, affected Austria only in her Italian dominions, and there but indirectly, for the imperial authority remained undisputed in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom. But the duke of Modena and the archduke of Parma were obliged to quit those states, and a formidable insurrection broke out in the territory of the Church. An Austrian army of 18,000 men quickly put down the insurgents, who I'ose again, however, as soon as it was withdrawn. The pope Ix HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. n^^uii invdkod tlio aid of Austria, wlioso troops entered l{«>l()i;n!i in .lannarv, 1832, and estaMislied thoniselvcs there in jj-.vrrison. Upon this, the French imnieiliately sent a force to occupy Ancona, and for a while a renewal of the oft -repeated eontlict between Austria and France on Italian jjniund seemed inevitable ; but it soon appeared that France wiLs not prepared to support the revolutionary party in the ]>oj>e's dominions, and that danger passed away. The French remained for some years in Ancona, and the Austrians in Bologna and other towns of Roraagna. This was the last important incident in the foreign aflairs of Austi'ia previous to the death of the Emperor Francis I., on the 2nd of March, IS.^/), after a reign of forty -three years. During the last twenty years of Francis I., and the whole reign of his successor, the care of the government was directed with assiduity, and with no inconsiderable success, towards improvements in the industrial resources of the empire. Two great companies were formed for the conduct of steam navigation, the one operating from Linz on the Danube to the Black Sea, the other, the Austrian Lloyds, effecting communication between Triest and Egypt, Asia Minor and Constantinople. The state planned a net-work of railways, extending over the whole empire, and undertook the construction of a railway fi'om Triest to the Saxon and Prussian frontiers. A private company began the railway from Milan to Venice, and being favoured with extraordinary aid from the government, was enabled to complete the colossal viaduct across the lagunes, connecting Venice with. the main land. Other important undertakings, supported by private capital, are, the railway from Debreczin to Pesth, and the noble chain-bridge over the Danube between Pesth and Buda. But the solicitude of the Austrian govern- ment for the material welfare of the people was in a great degree neutralised by the erroneous policy which almost prohil)ited commercial intercour.se Avith foreign countries, and even between Austria and Hungary. In 1838, however, a commercial treaty was concluded between Austria and England, by which the Danube was freely opened to British ves-sels as far as Galatz, and all British ports, including Malta and Gibraltar, as freely to Austrian vessels. FERDINAND I. Ixi Tlie Emperor Francis was succeeded by his son, Ferdi- nand I., whose accession occasioned no change in the^ioliticalor administrative system of the empire. Incapacitated, by physical and mental infi-rmity, from labouring as his father had done in the business of the state, the new monarch left to Prince Metternich a much more unrestricted power than that minister had ^vi elded in the preceding reign. One happy effect of this circumstance was seen in the general amnesty granted to political offendei's on the occasion of Ferdinand's coi-onation in Milan, in 1838. Perfectly in unison as Francis and Metternich had always been as to their political views, no two men were ever more unlike in the disposition they evinced towards offenders against their common system. The homely good-nature of " Father Francis," as his petted Viennese delighted to call him, gave place to barbarous vin- dictiveness against all who sinned against his j^olitical creed. The larger mind of the minister was incapable of this fanaticism. He was averse to all extreme measures, and particularly opposed to shedding human blood. No political executions ever took ])lace at his instance. Francis himself has been heard to say, " In pardoning, I am a bad Christian ; it is too hard for me j Metternich is much more com- passionate." Once only during the reign of the Emperor Ferdinand did the foreign relations of Austria assume a threatening appear- ance. War had broken out, in 1839, between the Sultan oi Turkey and his powerful vassal, the Pasha of Egypt, whose son, Ibrahim Pasha, wrested Syria from the Porte, and over- ran Asia Minor, and threatened the very existence of the empire. The five powers — England, France, Russia, Prussia, and Austria — interfered. While their envoys consulted in London, the French and English fleets cruised in the Levant to keep the truce. The case was now much perplexed by the Turkish admiral having carried his ships to Alexandria, and put them into the power of the Pasha. A strong sus- picion was entertained that the French government encou- raged the Pasha to retain this fleet, when he would otherwise have given it up. The four other powers demanded its sur- render by a certain day, and this not having been done, tliey signed a convention on the 15th of July, to the exclusion of e l\il HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. France. That power was jealous, and remonstrated tlirou^di her minister, ^I. (Juizot ; and war seemed imniiniitit in Kurope. The only way to prevent it was to extinj^uish the war in the T^evant by a sudden blow before the cunllagration spread farther ; and this was done by the ]5ritish lleet, aided by a few Austrian ships. They blockaded Alexandria and the Syrian ports ; and in September they bombarded Boyrout. The Egyptians lost ground everywhere ; and in November Acre fell before the attacks of the allied squadrons. Jerusalem returned to its allegiance to the Porte ; and the Egyptians had no other hope than that of getting back to the Nile with the remnant of their force : Mohammed Ali de- livered up the Turkish fleet, resigned his pretensions to Syria, and in return received the firman, which gave the dominion of Egy]Dt to himself and his heirs. A change of ministiy took place in France, and peace was preserved. The province of Galicia began early in the new reign to occasion uneasiness to the government. The Congress of Vienna had constituted the city of Cracow an independent republic — a futile representative of that Polish nationality which had once extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea. After the failure of the Polish insurrection of 1831 against Russia, Cr-acow became the focus of fresh conspiracies, to put an end to which, the city was occupied by a mixed force of Russians, Prussians, and Austrians ; the two former were soon withdra%vn, but the latter remained until 1840. When they also had retired, the Polish propaganda was renewed with considerable effect. An insurrection broke out in Galicia in 1846, when the scantiness of the Austrian military force in the province seemed to promise it success. It failed, how- ever, as all pre\-ious efforts of the Polish patriots had failed, because it rested on no basis of popular sympathy. The nationality for which they contended had ever been of an oligaj-chical pattern, hostile to the freedom of the middle and lower classes. The Galician peasants had no mind to ex- change the yoke of Austria, Avhich pressed lightly upon them, for the feudal oppre.s.sion of the Polish nobles. They turned upon the insurgents, and slew or took them prisoners, the police inciting them to the Avork, by publicly offering a reward of five florins for every susjjected person delivered up by them AFFAIRS OF ITALY. 1846 8. IxiÜ alive or dead. Thus the agents of a civilized government became the avowed instigators of an inhnmsin jacquerie. The houses of the landed proprietors were sacked by the peasants, their inmates were tortured and murdered, and bloody anarchy raged throughout the land in the prostituted name of loyalty. The Austrian troops at last x'estored order ; but Szela, the leader of the sanguinary marauders, was thanked and highly rewax'ded in the name of his sovereign. In the same year the three protecting powers, Austria, Kussia, and Prussia, took possession of Cracow, and ignoring the rights of the other parties to the treaty of Vienna to concern themselves about the fate of the republic, they announced that its independence was anmdled, and that the city and ten-itory of Cracow were annexed to, and for ever incorporated with, the Austrian monarchy. From this time forth the political atmosphere of Europe became more and more loaded with the presages of the storm that burst in 1848. It was the Italian quarter of the horizon that first attracted the anxious gaze of statesmen. For more than thirty years after the final settlement of Europe by the treaty of Vienna, Austria exercised a per- emptory control over the affairs of all Italy. From every sovereign of that country she exacted the strictest main- tenance of the established order of things in his own dominions; and hence she became for all Italian malcontents the object of tlieir supreme enmity, the common cause to which they ascribed all their political and social grievances. Agreeing in little else, they were unanimous in hating their northern masters ; and gradually this communion in hatred led them to fix their desires also upon one common object, the achievement of Italian nationality. But they looked upon Austria with no less dread than aversion, and plainly acknowledged to themselves the impossibility of coping with her in arms. They busied themselves only with conspiracies to harass and annoy the Italian sovereigns, her subordinates. " During these last thirty years," says one of the most judicious Italian writers of the present day,* " the Italians had only l>een feeling their way. They cared very little, and * Mariotti, Italy in 184S. 62 Ixiv HISTORY OF AUSTllIA. understood even less, about the representative forms of Transiilpiup freedom. The thorn in tlieir side was plainly the foreigner. Thty tried him by indirect attacks, by a fi'int ujion the Bourbon, or the Pope, at Naples, at Rome, at Turin. Before they were fairly on tlieir guard, down he came upon them ; and tliis ubicpiity of the Austrian, tliis ))ron»ptnes.s and decision of his movements, this omnipresence and omnipotence, ought, if anything, to have, as it actually had, the eti'ect of simplifjiug the question and identifying italian interests." Ever preluding a levy of bucklers against Austiia, but ever indetinitely postponing the moment of action, Italy was ])rematurely overtaken in the midst of her preparations by tlie fair-seeming but fallacious opportunity of 1848. Shortly before that period, the Italians had become conscious from fatal experience of the total inefficiency of seci'et conspiracies and violent measures, and they had adopted a more cautious and discreet policy, the watchword of which was "con- ciliation, union, and moral force." This change of conduct led to concessions on the part of the princes, the first example of which was given by Charles Albert of Sardinia, to whom the foreign yoke was even more galling than to the meanest of his subjects. Some trivial differences "svith the imperial government in 184G, on the subject of railways, and about some matters of custom and finance, afforded him a pretext for repudiating the dictation of Austria, and assuming the tone and attitude of an independent sovereign. This beginning was dexterously imjDroved by the leaders of the national partj% and three more of the i)rincipal Italian monarchs — the grand duke of Tuscany, the pope, and the king of the Two Sicilies — were brought by clever manage- ment to adopt, with more or legs reluctance, a course opposed to the wishes of their imperial protector. Italy was now fairly launched in what was vaguely called " the way of progress," and which simply meant, rebellion against Austria. A peculiar significance was attached to the mustenng of the Italians in literary and scientific associations. A trade and customs' union was largely discussed, and was finally concluded at Turin on the 3rd of November, 1847. After the accession of Naples, it seemed an easy step to con- AFFAIRS OF ITALY. 1847. IxV vert that merely commercial agreement into a political com- pact, an offensive and defensive alliance ; but this was not attempted until after the declaration of war in April and .May, 1848, when it was too late. Austria was by no means indifferent to these tokens ; she resolved to surjirise the Italians in the midst of their too- leisurely deUberations ; but in the execution of that purpose, she forgot her usual discretion, and made a false move, which she was constrained to retract Avith discredit. She struck the first blow and failed. Upon the publication of the pope's decree of July 6, 1847, for the organization of a civic guard, the Austrian garrison in the citadel of Ferrara marched into the town, and took possession of it. Against this "läolation of his territory, the pope protested in what the friends of Avistria called at the time "unusual and in- temperate language," but the act which had provoked it was condemned by the whole civilized world, and Austria felt the expediency of amicably revoking the step she had taken, and withdrawing her troops within the citadel.* She had put herself so palpably in the wrong on her first aggression, as to make it difficult for her to venture .soon upon another attempt of the same kind ; and so conscious was she of her false position, that she tacitly abdicated the high protectorate she had been used to exercise over the minor Italian states, and even refused the benefit of her advice to the sovereigns of Lucca and Tuscany in their perplexities. It Avas fortunate for her that she had not to do with a pope like Julius II. to head a national crusade, which would have leagued all Italy against her. As it was, she was compelled to endui'e, at the hands of Pius IX. and his minister. Cardinal Ferretti, a flat and harsh refusal of a free passage to the troops she con- templated sending to the succour of her Neapolitan ally. Never was Austrian influence in Italian affairs at a lower * " It was the dread of innovation that prompted the occupation of Ferrara, — a measure in our opinion precipitate and impolitic ; the nng the empire from the system of Prince Metternich to the verge of a Convention. On the same day, the emperor and liis family secretly quitted the capital and retired to Innspruck. Tlie ministers and the whole popula- tion of Vienna were thrown into consternation, and messen- gers were despatched with the most pressing entreaties to recall the fugitives, who obstinately rejected all such over- tures. Another insurrection took place in Vienna on the 25 th of May, in consequence of a report that three regiments were to enter the city at night. Barricades were erected, but there was no fighting, tor the government purchased another instalment of repose by an abject concession ; and the result was the establishment of a " committee of citizens, national guards, and students of Vienna, for the mainte- nance of peace and order, and for the defence of the rights of the people." From that moment the whole power in Vienna was in the hands of this body, which was expressly declared to be independent of any other authority. On the 16tli of June a proclamation appeared, by which the Archduke John was appointed the full representative or Alter Ego of the emperor, not only for the opening of the Diet, but for all the business of government. Besides this weighty ta.sk, others had been heaped upon him, each of which would have sufficed to employ the whole time and energy of a younger man. He was to represent the sovereign in Vienna ; he was to mediate between the Hungarians and Croatians, already on the brink of war ; and, on the 28th of June, he was elected vicegerent of the Germanic empire. In the two former capacities his exertions were without result, and shortly afterwards he withdrew altogether to Frankfort, where he still rendered an important service to Austrian interests, by maintaining that «juuterpoise against the growing a.scendancy of Prussia, which Austria had, at that time, no other means of supporting in the councils of Germany. In consequence of these engagements, the formal BOMBARDMENT OP PRAGUE. Ixix opening of the Diet was postponed until the 22nd of July. The Emperor returned to his capital on the 12th of August. In Bohemia the revolution ran a vehement, but very brief course. The Czechs, or Bohemians of the indigenous race, had long nurtured hopes of seeing the Austrian empire transformed into a great Sclavonic confederacy, from whicli the alien races should be excluded, or in which they should hold a position corresponding to their numerical inferiority. In March, a deputation from Prague presented a petition to the emperor, demanding popular representation on the broadest basis, and a responsible Bohemian ministry residing in Prague. This was granted on the 8th of April. The next step of the Czech leaders was to call upon all the Sclavonian provinces of the empire, " to appear by their representatives on the 31st of May in the ancient city of Prague, to take counsel for the intei'ests of their race, and especially to counteract the absorbing influence of the Ger- manic body about to meet in Prankfort." Three hundred deputies assembled at the appointed time, and, as if the more to exasperate the Germans, the opening of the congress was accompanied by the establishment of a provisional govern- ment in Prague, the pretext for which had been furnished by the events of the 26th of May, which seemed to sliow tl.at the Viennese ministry were captives in the hands of insurgents. On this ground the burgrave. Count Leo Thun, created a council of regency in direct correspondence with the emperor. Of the tliirteen members of this government, two only were Germans. 0])ened on the 2nd of June, the congress was abruptly closed on the 12th. The Viennese government could not jardon the slight put upon it by the provisional government of Bohemia, and it declared that body to be illegal, and its acts null and void. This challenge was answered, as pro- iiably it was intended that it should be, by an insurrection which raged for five days, ending on the 17th of June ; nor was it put down until Prince Windischgrätz, the Austrian commandei-, had bombarded the town from the adjacent heights, and laid much of it in ruins. Prague relapsed into its former state of dependence on Vienna ; the Sclavonic con- gress was dispersed ; and even the Bohemian Diet, which was Ixx HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. to liave opoiu'il on tho ISth of June, was indefinitely post- }>(>no(l The tnimiuillity of Prague was never afterwards »listurhed ; and in the subsequent debates of the Diet at Vieinia and Krenisier, tlie Bohemian i)arty formed the inielous of the right, or conservative section of the chamber. On tlie liith of March the king of Hiuigaiy received a deputation of 2Ö0 Hungarian gentlemen, headed by the Palatine. Archduke Stci)hen, and beai'ing an address voted l>v the Diet then sitting in Presburg. Dismissed from the monarch's presence with a fiül assent to their requests, the deputation I'eturned home ; and so energetically did the Diet avail itself of the powers conceded to it, that in less than a month all the reforms of the liberal part}' jiassed into law by common consent, and the improved constitution of the kingdom was established. Instead of the Aulic Chancery, a responsible ministiy for Hungary was instituted under the presidency of Count Louis Batthyany, with Kossuth in the department of finance. All classes and races throughout Hungary, Transylvania, Sclavonia, and Croatia, wei'e equalized before the law ; and universal religious toleration was decreed, with one exception in favour of the Eoman Catholic province of Croatia, whose former law, forbidding Protestants to settle in that country, was suifered to remain unaltered. The censorshi[) of the press was abolished. The national guard was established. A general taxation was introduced. The mode of election was improved. The robot or labour service due by the peasantry to their landlords was abolished; the former were made free proprietors of the land they had held as hereditary tenants, and the latter were to be indemnified by the nation. Lastly, the union of Transyl- vania with Hungary was mutually decreed ; and, on the 11th of April, the king came down in person and ratified all these laws by oath. The Diet was then dissolved, and a new one summoned to meet at Pesth in July. With unbounded satisfaction the Hungarians regarded the happy destinies thus apparently secured to them ; but now new difliculties aro.se out of those animosities of race which had been fostered by the immemorial policy of the house of Habsburg, and which the Hungarian government took no adequate jiains to allay. Not one of the Croatian leaders THE CROAT INSURRECTION. Ixxi was admitted into the ministry, or into any of the higher offices of state. This alone would have served to quench the movement which had begun in Croatia in union with that of Hungary. Austrian intrigue was not slow to avail itself of this and other errors. Croats, Seiwians, and Wallachs were incited by delusive promises, by hopes of plunder, and by the instigations of their Greek and Romish priests in Viennese pay, to wage civil war in defence of their emperor and their religion, both which they were assured were threatened by the rebellious and heretical Hungarians. Jellachich, the Ban of Croatia, oj^enly organised a revolt against the lawfully constituted government of Hungary. He was summoned to appear before the emperor at Inn- spruck to account for his conduct, and on his refusal to obey the summons, Ferdinand issued a decree on the 10th of June, by which the contumacious Ban was declared a rebel, and the Hungarian Diet was exhorted to raise an army against him. The king, however, always avoided giving his final sanction to the bills passed for that purpose. Mean- while, Eadetzki had defeated Charles Albert. Jellachich threw off the mask which his countrymen alone had been too blind to penetrate, and announced to Batthyany that there should be no peace until a ministry at Vienna ruled over Hungary. The new diet was opened at Pesth on the 5tli of July by the Palatine, Ai-chduke Stephen, in the name of his majesty King Ferdinand V. The language in which he condemned the Croat insurrection was uneqiaivocal. " The king," he said, " after having spontaneously sanctioned the laws voted by the Diet, has seen with grief that the agitators, especially in Croatia, have excited the inhabitants of different creeds and languages against each other. By harassing them with false ruuiours and idle terrors, they have been driven to i-esist laws which, they assumed, were not the free expression of his majesty's will. Some have gone further, and have averred that their resistance was made in the interest of the royal house, and with the knowledge and consent of his majesty. His majesty scorns such insinuations. The king and his royal family will at all times respect the laws and protect the liberties granted to his people." Ixxii HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. So spoke pultlicly the emperor's kinsman and representa- tive, bis Alter Ego. But iu a letter to Vienna, dated Mart;h 24, 1848, that is to say, a few days after the grant of 11 separate niinistiy, this same person is found to have sug- gested three modes of destroying the Hungarian constitution : either to excite the peasants against tlie nobles, as in Galieia, and stand by -whilst the parties slaughtered each other; or to tam])er with Biitthyany's honesty; or to invade and overpower Hungary by military force. A copy of tliis letter, in the archduke's hand-writing, was afterwards found among his jjapers when he fled from Pesth, and was officially jtul)lished with all the necessary verifications. The Austiians have not ventured to deny its authenticity. In Se})tember, as the king would neither allow troops to be raised in Hungary, nor the Hungarian regiments to be recalled from Italy for home defence, a Hungarian deputation was sent to the Austrian Diet, but it was refused admittance by aid of the Sclavonic party. On the 2nd of that month, Latour, Austrian minister at war, solemnly disavowed in the Diet any connection with Jellachich's movement ; yet two days later, a royal ordinance (otficially published in Croatia only), reinstated Jellachich in all his dignities : and he soon afterwards crossed the Drave to invade Hungary, with a well- appointed army, G5,000 strong. It was the duty of the Palatine, the Archduke Stephen, as supreme captain of all troops in Hungaiy, to lead the army against Jellachich. He proceeded to the neighbourhood of Lake Balaton, there re- viewed the troops, and then fled to Vienna without com- municating with the parliament. In tliis ])osition, and as Jellachich openly showed the king's commission, Batthyany felt compelled to resign, since he knew not how to act by the king's command against the king's command. No successor was appointed, and the Hungarian Diet had no choice but to form a Committee for National Defence. To embarrass them in thi.s, the king re-ojjened a negotiation with Batthyany (September 14), but still eluded any practical result by refiLsing to put down Jellachich. Meanwhile (September 10) despatches were intercepted, in which Jellachich thanked Latour for suf)plics of money and material of war. The Hungarian Diet published them officially, and distributed MURDER OF COUNT LAMBERG. Ixxiu tliem by thousands. But Hungary was still unarmed, and Jellachich was burning, plundering, slaughtering. Some idea of the conduct of his troops and their auxiliaries may be formed from the fact, that Mr. Fonblanque, the British consul-general at Belgrave, in Turkish Servia, where their plunder was disposed of, was obliged to complain to the prince of Servia of the disgusting spectacle offered in the market-place, where rings, still attached to the dissevered ears and fingers of women, were exhibited for sale, like fruits culled with the leaf to render them more tempting. The next move made in the emperoi-'s name, professedly with a view to put an eiid to the civil war in Hungary, was to appoint Count Lamberg to take the command of the whole kingdom and its contending forces ; a step, it has been aptly said, about as hopeful and judicious as if Charles I. of England had appointed a generalissimo over the royal and parliamentary armies of his early wars, in the expectation of stopping the civil conflict by the sim])le issue of that com- mission. The Hungarian Diet immediately declared Lam- berg's appointment illegal, and himself a traitor if he attempted to act upon it. He persisted however, and, being recognised as he crossed the bridge at Pesth, he was mur- dered by the infuriated populace. By this time Kossuth's eloquence had assembled masses of volunteers, who, with the aid of only 3,000 regular troops, met and repulsed Jellachich at Sukoro (Sept. 29), and chased him out of their country. His rearguard of 12,000 men, under Generals Phillipovitch and Both, was obliged to surrender twelve days afterwards, and 6,000 more were destroyed by the Hungarian levies at Kanischa. CHAPTEB VIII. Lomhardo- Venetian War. — 1848-1849. Nowhere in Italy was hatred to the Austrian more intense or more universally cherished than in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom. Its people have published a long list of grievances in j ustiücation of that feeling. The panegyrists of Ix MV lUSTOKY OF AUSTRIA. Austritv on tlio other huml, assert that her administration " was more just and impartial, more provident ; above all thinj,'s nioiv passionless than that of any of the so-called independent Italian governments;" and they accuse Lom- bardv and Venice of gross ingratitude and blindness to their own interests, in their relations with a paternal government, which treated them with such peculiar favour as excited the keenest jealousy of the other provinces of the empire. AVith- out entering into the merits of this controversy, it is enough for our present purposes to accept the cardinal fact alleged by the disputants on both sides — namely, that the Italian subjects of the empire hated its yoke. They hated it above all things because it was a foreign yoke, and for that reason alone they would have hated it, however slightly it had pressed their necks. Any aliment would have sufficed to feed the rancour of their passion ; but three things especially contributed to keep it fresh in their souls ; these were, the swarms of Germans, Slavonians, and Tyi'olese, who filled all civil offices to the exclusion of native functionaries, the very judges being often unacquainted with the language of the country, and discharging their office through interpreters ; and secondly and thirdly, those two main evils, for which Napoleon's rule had been held up to universal execration, — the inquisitional police and the conscription. The dread of Austria's power was stronger even than the hatred she inspii-ed, and neither in Lombardy nor Venetia did any political outbreak occur from 1814 to 1848; but when the new system of " legal resistance" came in vogue throughout the peninsula, it was adopted in those provinces also, and prosecuted with great spirit. For two years Italy had fought with no other weapons than shouts of " Viva Pio Nono !" the Lombards caught up the strain, they had a ' Pope's Hymn,' which did duty instead of a Marseillaise. With this they greeted their new pastoi*. Archbishop Romilli, on hi? .solemn entrance into his diocese on the 5th of September, 1847. The apftointment of an Italian, after the decease of a German prelate, was hailed as a return to national jninciples. Austria was here forced to depart from that system of denationalization, which had included the very clergy. Eomilli was an Italian, and came in the name of the Italian pontiiE The rejoicings, renewed on the 8th, L05IBAKDY AND VENICE IN 1847. Ixxv and assuming a character of political demonstration that could not be overlooked, led to the first bloody collision. Remonstrances of a stiictl}' legal kind followed. Lombardy, like most provinces of the empire, had a " constitution," granted by the Emperor Francis I., and grounded upon old local institutions. It had, however, been suffered to fall into almost total desuetude ; partly owing to the abuses and encroachments of the omnipotent police ; partly, also, owing to the indifference or stubbornness of the people, always determined " to spurn Austria and her gifts," always re- reluctant to incur the charge of complicity with her govern- ment even in the discharge of the most sacred duties. But now, a recourse to these national forms such as they were, suited the peculiar mood of the patriots of the day, and the whole country was astir with municipal meetings, commis- sions, &c., whose ostensible aim was merely to put into operation the constitution of 1816, and see how far Austria could be made amenable to her own laws and compacts. In Venice, Daniele Manin, an advocate, and Nicolo Tommaseo, a literary man, thought they could find, in the letter of that constitution, a saiiction for the freedom of the pi-ess. Manin presented a petition to that effect in December, 1847, and Tommaseo read a paper to the same puqDose before the Athenajum ; both of them were arrested, and thrown into prison in the following month. The Austrians, at this critical moment, were still smarting under a sense of their blunder and discomfiture at Ferrara ; and, with a fatality common enough in private life, they fell from one error into another. They lost their temper just when they had most need of it, — lost the very quality by which they had, until then, prevailed over the more hasty and mercurial Italians. The latter, on the other hand, per- severed with growing zeal and complete unanimity on their peaceful line of policy, and soon found means to make it tell upon the government on its most vulnerable side. Calling to mind that the Americans had begun their successful struggle for independence by abstaining from the consump- tion of excisable articles, the Lombards, one and all, resolved to practise a total abstinence from tobacco, snuff", and the lot- tery, three monopolies from which the imperial government derived a very large revenue. But the populace, not con- Iwvi IIISTOKY OF AUSTUIA. tent with strictly keopiniT tlio natiuiial plfdi^^e thoni.sclves, uttoiiiptecl to cnlurco its \iiiivorsal obsorvancc by stuj)ping all ]HM*soiis I'uuml smoking in the streets, and requiring thcni to desist from the forbidden indulgence. On the other hand, the Austrian soldiers, Avho had smoked before from incli- nation, now smoked the more to show their loyalty and their contemjjt for the Italians. Brawls, of coiirse, ensued between the mob and the soldiers ; and the latter were otheially reminded that they carried swords at their sides for use on ])rovocation. The liint was not lost upon them. On the 3ril of January, a party of military rioters fell npon the defenceless crowd, killed eight persons and wounded fifty- three. Five days afterwards another military outrage was peri)etrated at Favia, and on this occasion two othcers were ])roniinent in the fray. Up to the year 1848 nothing could have been more admirable than the discipline of the Austrian army ; both officers and soldiers had borne the mo.st con- temptuous treatment at the hands of a subjugated race, with a patience and forbeai'ance that excited the astonishment of strangers ; but now a change had taken ])lace in their habits, so sudden and complete, that it could only be accounted for by a change of orders. It seemed, indeed, the deliberate pui'pose of the cabinet of Vienna to goad the Lombards into open rebellion. It did all in its ])Ower to aggravate the existing evil by its uncourteous refusal to admit a Lombard deputation (Jan. 10) ; by its senseless proclamation, pre- cluding all hope of change (Jan. 17), and that in flat con- tradiction to the promises of redress solemnly given by Archduke Rainer only eight days before (Jan. 9) ; by Marshal l^detzki's intemperate order of the day (Jan. 15) ; by arbitrary arrests, proscriptions, and banishments of men, too often conspicuous for rank and character, in some in- stances perfectly innocent ; and finally, by that proclama- tion of martial law (Feb. 22, though bearing the date of Nov. 24, 1847), which, after the scenes of the two j^receding months, seemed hardly needed to add to the unbridled licence of the soldiery. But all the high-handed efforts of Austria served only to strengthen the tacit compact between her Italian subjects, and to make them more obdurate in their passive resistance. Had this state of tilings been sufiered to work out its own INSURRECTION OF MILAN. Ixxvii issues independently of extraneous causes, Austria must have submitted to make terms with the refractory provinces, imless she had it in her power to exterminate theii- popula- tion. But the Febiniary revolution of Paris led to a diÖerent solution of the problem. Had that event, indeed, been without results on central Europe, it would hardly have accelerated the Lombard movement. But when it became known that revolution had triumphed in the centre of the monarchy, that Vienna was without a government, and the great bond of Austrian unity was dissolved, the Milanese and Venetians could no longer restrain themselves. On the 18th of March, the day after this news had I'eached Milan, the mimicipal authorities, headed by the mayoi", Casati, and accompanied by the archbishop, presented to the organs of the govei'nment assembled in the palace, peti- tions praying the installation of a municipal magisti'acy, the repeal of some severe laws, the liberation of political prisoners, the election of deputies, and the estabUshment of a national guard. The petitions were rejected, and thereupon the people stormed the palace. The guard was overpowered in a moment ; the governor, O'Donnell, was made prisoner ; and the tricolour flag was planted on the palace. Some Croats afterwards fired upon the peojjle and killed five or six of them ; and this became the signal for a general rising. Marshal Eadetzki ordered a battalion of Hungarians to seize the town-hall, where there were only three or four hundred citizens peacefully proceeding Ax-ith the organisation of the civic giuird. Unarmed as they were they ventured UJ301X some show of I'esistance ; but the doors were forced open with cannon, and 300 prisoners were captui-ed. The troops then scoured the broadest streets of the city, and kept possession of the viceregal palace, the cathedral, the town wall, and all the gates. But the inhabitants had intrenched themselves behind lofty and solid barricades, intersecting that vast labyrinth of narrow and crooked streets and alleys, which harbours the densest population of Milan, and which it was not possible to take without a bombard- ment. Unwilling to have recoux-se to that extremity until lie had communicated with Vienna, Radetzki acted only on the defensive. The conflict was kept up for five days. At last, on the evening of the 23rd, the insm-gents succeeded m / Ixxviii irisTOKY of Austria. seizing <>iio ^atc and the houses covering it, and thus fstahlishing a coniniunicatioii with their friends outside. Intfllis^fnce from Paihia, Venice, and other })oints, showed that the wliole country wa.s in a state of revolt, and it becjinie known that the king of Sardinia had crossed tlie frontier with a formidable army. Radotzki's position was no longer tenable, for Milan is a place of no military strength ; he thei-efore began, at once, his retreat in the direction of Verona. Twelve hom-s afterwards it might, perhaps, have been too late. Even then great ])raise is due to the brave veteran for the order and conduct of his retro- gi-adc march. Two brigades he had summoned to his aid on the first alarm, came up in this terrible juncture ; and with this .seasonable reinforcement, in the face of a rising population, hotly pressed 1)y the citizens, he was enabled to cany with him not only all his artillery, liis prisoner.s, and hostages, but even his mutinous Italian soldieiy, whom he had now to encompass with more devoted troops, and to spur on with German and Croatian bayonets. In 184:7, and the beginning of 184:8, the Austrian police had taken great pains to excite the Lombard pea.sants against theh- landlords, and the lower classes against the upper in the towns. Even after the events of March, Count Ficquehnont flattered himself that " it was always in the jjower of Au.stria to raise the Lombard peasantry again.st theii* superiors."* But the attempt failed whoUy, the people expressing their contempt for it in this pointed sentence : — " The GalHcian florin (the blood-money paid at Tarnow) shall not pass ciu'rent inLombardy." The agiicultural population ro.se en masse, and flocked towards Milan, anned with the muskets they had wrested from the surrounding garri.sons, often under the captainship of their parish clergy. To such a pitch of daring had they worked them.selves, a.s almo.st to venture to confront Radetzki at the head of all his host, on his retreat. They fell upon the Tyrolese rifle- men of his vanguard at Melignano, or Marignano, a small town on the road to Lodi, twelve miles from JVIilan ; they took prisoner the commanding officer, Count Wratislaw, adad demanded the arms of the whole corps. The main body * Lord Ponsonby's Despatch, Vienna, April 2. REVOLT OF VENICE. Ixxix of the retreating army came up at this jimctiu'e ; the puny barricades reared by the rustics were forced with cannon, and the town delivered up to mihtary execution. The ai'oused peasantry returned to the charge nevertheless. They harassed the enemy's rear ; they threw every obstacle in his way, by broken bridges, blocked-up thoroughfares, and flooded fields ; they fell on small detachments, couriers, and stafi" oflicers, and swelled the Manara and Ancioni legions, when these, after a short rest, set out in pursuit of the foe from the emancipated city. These swarms of irregular com- batants never lost sight of the Austrian, until the Pied- montese battalions came to take the contest upon them- selves. Not less than 30,000 of these inistic auxiliaries had entered Milan immediately after the gates had been forced open on the 22nd. So fatal had been the aim of the Swiss and Milanese rifles, both within, and without the town, that Radetzki Ls said to have lost, in the course of the five days, no less than 5,000 men, killed or taken prisoners ; and so many of his artillerymen had fallen at their guns, tliat at Montechiai'i, near Brescia, on the 30th, he is repre- sented as having barely five or six of that corps left to man i the fifty or sixty cannon which he dragged along on his flight. The Milanese compute theii" loss in dead at 329. The revolt of Yenice, like that of Milan, immediately followed the news of the revolution in Vienna. The Adriatic capital was lost, not from any show of desperate courage on the part of the people, but solely in consequence of the imbecility and utter cowardice of the civil and military L,'overnors of the place. On the morning of the 17th of JMarch, the populace in St. Mark's Place, clamoured for the release of Manin and Tommaseo. Hardly waiting for a re- luctant assent, they forced open the prison doors, and bore iorth theii- leaders in triumph. Collisions between the people and the German soldiery were inevitable, especially as the former were cheered on by the Italian grenadiers, who were eager to join them. On the 18th, a turbulent crowd, assembled in St. Mark's Place, was dispersed by a volley of musketry, which killed five and wounded as many of their number. Just enough blood had been shed to increase the commotion, but not to dismay the disaffected, and Count Palfy, the governor, became so alarmed, that he signed an y2 IXXX lU'^TOKY OK ACSTRIA. unler for enrolling a civic guard, — an act equivalent to tlic iibcliofttion of Austnan authority in Venice. There waiii a lull during the next three days ; l)ut mean- while a consjuiiicy was on foot, to aid which, the wildest and most extravagiint reports were put in circulation : as that the city was to be bombarded, or destroyed by mines dug in various parts of it, or by rockets and other infernal devices, designed to multiply death and destruction ; and that all these diabolical schemes were the invention of Colonel Mari- no\ic]i, the commandant of the arsenal. It is an old proverb in Venice, that whoever is master of the arsenal is master of Vemce. This the insurgents knew, and their measures were taken accordingly. Their plan was simple : first, a civic guai-d, as numerous and well informed as possible ; then its introduction either by stratagem or force into the ai-senal, and all was accomplished. Marinovich was a man of much vigour and abUity, but detested by the mai'ines and workmen, who accused him of great harshness towards the people under him. Certain it is, that he had put an end to a veiy extensive system of pilfering which had long prevailed among them. He was murdered by the workmen on the 22nd, and on the evening of the same day, the civic guards, led by Manin, took possession of the ai-senal. A party of the regiment of marines, wdiich had orders to resist them, re- belled agamst their leader, ]\Iajor Bodai, murdered him, and declared for the republic. Count Palfy immediately resigned the civil authority into the hands of the militaiy commander, Count Zichy, who without delay signed a capitulation with the municipal authorities, by ^drtue of which, impregnable Venice, with all its fortres.ses by land and sea, Avith all the inaterid of war, — 30,000 muskets, the military chest, with 36,000,000 of Austrian lii-e (£1,200,000)— were .given up to the insurgents. The Italian soldiers, nearly 4,000 men, were to remain in Venice ; the foreign part of the garrison, -with three months' pay, to be sent by safe conveyance across the sea to Trieste. Even after the capitidation was signed, proof was not wanting of what might have been effected if the governors had posses,s<;d a grain of resolution. The Kinski regiment refused to lay down their arms ; gun-boats were brought up before their baiTacks to compel them; still they stubbornly THE AUSTRIAN" FLEET. Ixsxi refused to submit to such an indignity ; and so late as the 25th, they were only got rid of by a compliance with all their demands as to military honours. Thus Venice, almost by a miracle, had snatched from the cowai'dice of her foreign rulers, the freedom which her no less cowardly native rulers had tamely surrendered half a century before. The republic of St. Mark was revived ; the old standard was brought to light, the old war-cry revived. A provisional government was established, of which Manin had the presidency, with Tommaseo for his chief counsellor. But one unaccountable oversight had been committed : the Austrian fleet at Pola was lost, and with it the means of preventhig a blockade of Venice. The disposition of mind of the Italian seamen on board the fleet, might he jiidged of from the conduct of the marines both in the harbour and the arsenal, and still more clearly from the acts of the men and officers on board an Austrian frigate stationed at Naples, and two brigs cruising in the Adriatic, who, on the first announce- ment of the Lombard movement, hoisted the national coloiu's, and made sail for Venice. The provisional govei'nment made sure of the same result with the whole of the Austro- ItaUan fleet, and issued orders to that efiect. But they put their despatches into the hands of the captain of a steamer, which was to convey the ex-governor Palfy, and otlier Austrian ofiicers, to Trieste, in accordance with the capitula- tion. The captain's instructions were, that he should touch first at Pola, and deliver the important papei's of which he ■was the bearer, to the fleet ; but he was compelled, as it apj>ears, by his passengers to make for Trieste without delay. Thus his despatches fell into the hands of the Austrian authorities, who took the necessary measures at Pola, and had it in their power, by means of the land batteries, to keep the fleet in check, aiid secure, by main force, the allegiance of the mutinous crew. Only twenty-two officers were able to escape from Pola to Venice, where they arrived on the 13th of April. ExxKipt in the strong fortresses of Verona, Mantua, and Peschiei-a, the Austrians retained no hold on any jiaiii of tlie Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. The dukes of Parma and Modena fled from their dominions, and all the other powers of Italy sent troops to aid the provisional government of Ixxxii IlISTOKY OK AUSTRIA. Milan. On tlir 22n(l uf Marcli, the Sardiiiiim minister officially a.ss\u-o(l the Austrian ambassador that he woidd "do all that dei>ended upon him to insure the relations of amity and good-neighliourhood between the two states." On the vor}' next day, the Sanlinian troops entered Lonibardy, and on the ."JOth, the main body, led by Charles Albert in person, arrived at Lodi. When the advanced guard reached Milan on the -7th, Itadetzki was still within twenty-five miles of that city. Had Charles Albert made two or three forced marches, he might easily have prevented the concentration of the AustrLau forces, and extinguished the war. Instead of this, he allowed Radetzki to pm^siie his march without molestation for a week, aiid take up an impregnable jwsition under the walls of Verona, within the triangle formed by that fortress, and the two other strongholds of Mantua and Peschiera. Delay was now the policy of the Austiian commander, to allow the anival of General Weiden, Avith 10,000 men, from the Tyrol, and General Count Nugent, with 30,000 men, from the Friuli. There was apparently no impedi- ment to the approach of these reinforcements, for Radetzki, in his official despatch, at this time represents Charles Albert as "inactive at all points, and seeming to have neither the courage nor the power to act upon the offensive," though his best chance of success lay in assailing the Austrian army in detail, rather than waiting until con- centration should have made it invincible. Slight engage- ments took place almost daily between the advanced posts of either army, attended -with alternate .success ; but for five weeks, the king of Sardinia never attempted to l)ring on a general battle. Meanwhile, Nugent and Weiden pursued their operations without check, and by the 25th of June, the whole Venetian territory, with the exception of the capital, had been reconquered by Austria. On the Gth of !May, Charles Albert insanely attacked Ptivdetzki in Ids impregnable position before Verona, and was defeated -with a loss of 1,-500 men. On the 18th he laid siege to Pe.schiera, which surrendered on the 30th ; but the advantage of this capture was more than counterbalanced by the junction of Nugent's army with that of Radetzki. Whilst the king of Sardinia was busy jjushing his conquests VICENZA TAKEN BY KADETZKI. Ixxxiii farther nortli, along the shores of Lago di Garda, Radetzki made an unexpected sortie from Verona, and aj^peared before Vicenza with 30,000 men. General Durando, the com- mandant, capitulated, and entered into an engagement for himself and his troops, not to take np ax'ms against Austria for three months. Thus the Piedmontese lost the aid of the Roman contingent ; the Neapolitan troops had previously- been recalled in consequence of the events at home, in the month of May. On the same day (June 10) when Radetzki signed the capitulation of Vicenza, Charles Albert affixed liis signature to an act presented to him by the provisional government of MUan, for establishing the union of Lombardy to the kingdom of Sardinia. Already Austria had intimated her willingness to acquiesce in that an-angement. She had pro- posed a division of the country by the Mincio, retaining to herself the fortresses of Peschiera and Mantua, provided the Lombards would assume their portion of the public debt ; and she had invoked the mediation of England and France towards effecting a peace on that basis ; but Lord Palmerston had refused the mediation on the part of England, on the ground that the terms offered by Austria were not liberal enough ; and the provisional government of Milan woiild accept no terms from Austria short of the entire suiTender of the Venetian territory also. Thinking that the Austrians were still before Vicenza, Charles Albert marched against Verona on the 1 2th of June ; but already Radefczki had returned thither, and the Pied- montese were obliged to reth'e within their lines, where they relapsed into inaction. In the beginning of July, the Pied- montese army of 65,000 men occupied a line of about thirty miles in length, from near Mantua on its right, to Rivoli on its left. The head-quarters, which had been at Peschiera, were removed to Vallegio, and afterwards to Rivei'bella, and the strength of the army was gradually accumulated on the right wing, in order to invest Mantua, whilst the left wing was most imprudently weakened. The lines of Rivoli were not defended by more than 3,000 troops, and those of Somma Campagna, extending from Bussolongo, on the Uj)per Adige, to Vallegio, on the Mincio, by not more than 5,000. Radetzki meanwliile was preparing to seize the game which his un- l\X.\i\ IIISTOKV Ol' AISTRIA. skilful jintiigoiiLst was |)ljiyiii;,' into his liauds. Scfiiig tliaf- C'liarU's Alport's whole attention was directed towards tln' south, l>e kept him in that disposition l)y well-contrived feints. A littli' victory gained by General Bava ovvv 3,00(1 or 4,000 Austrian» at Governolo, near the junction of the !Minci(» and the Po, also contributed to the same end, and tilled the king and his army Avith fallacious hojws. But .sutldenly, on the 22nd of July, news arrived that the Anstrians had been quietly passing the Upper Adige, at the foot of the mountain that overlooks Eivoli, and had already descended to La Corona, dri\ing before them the few Pied- montese stationed thei'e. Next day they pushed on from La Corona, and carried the plateau, and all the lines of Rivoli ; whilst another Austrian force, 25,000 strong, under Geneiid d'Aspre, assaulted the lines of Somnia Campagna. Their 5,000 defenders made a gallant resistance, l)ut the force of the assailants was overwhelming, and the Austrian« regained the whole territory between the Upper Adige and the Lago di Garda and th(! Älincio, from the foot of Älonte- baldo, and from Bussolongo to Vallegio, Peschiera being placetl in a static of complete isolation. Getting together nearly 30,000 men, Charles Albert advanced, on the evening of the 25th, against the heights between Bussolongo and Vallegio. The decisive battle which, was fought next day, bears the name of Somma Campagna, where tlie centre of the Austrian force was estabhshed. It lasted fi"om five in the morning to five in the afternoon, the Piedmontese having at fii'st the advantage of numbers, and fighting with desperate courage, until Badetzki brought up a resei-ve of nearly 20,000 men from Verona, and obtained a complete Aictory. The retreat began on the following day, and on the 3rd of August Charles Albert arrived at IVIilan, Avhere he culpably sufiered the inhabitants to compromise themselves by erect- ing Ijan-icades, and making other futile preparations for a battle, which he j»romised to fight before the walls of the capital, whilst he was, at the same time, entering into a ca]>itulatiou with Eadetzki. When this fact became known in ^lilan, the excitement was intense, and it was not without difiBculty that Charles Albert esca})ed with life from a city, whose inhabitants but a few weeks before had hailed him as CAMPAICIX OF KOVARA. Ixxxv their deliverer und chosen 80"vereign. Next day the Anstrians inarched into Milan, and Kadetzki issued an address to his troops, in which he said, with just pride, " You have marched from victory to victory ; and, in the short space of a fort- night, advanced victoriously from the Adige to the Ticino. The imperial flag waves again from the walls of Milan, and no enemy any longer treads the Lombardian territory." On the 9th of August, an armistice was granted to the vanquished king by Marshal Radetzki, on as liberal terms as could have been expected, at a moment when there was no obstacle to the advance of the imperial forces to Turin, and their dictation, within the walls of that capital, of such a treaty of peace as would have severely punished their recent assailant, and thrown u]3on Sardinia the expenses of the war. The time of truce was spent by Charles Albert in preparing to renew, under the most adverse conditions, a struggle in which he had failed so WTetchedly when favoured by so many conspiring circumstances. Agreeably to the stipulations entered into between the belligerents upon the close of the last campaign, notice was to be given of the denunciation of the armistice eight days before the recommencement of hostilities. The king of Sardinia having resolved to open the war on the 20th of March, 1849, the required notice was given on the 12th to Eadetzki, who immediately issued an order of the day, concluding with the inspiring war-cry, " Fox'ward, soldiers, to Turin !" Though the resumption of hostilities was more sudden than Radetzki had expected, he was far from being taken by sux'prise, as the cabinet of Turin had been led to believe. His measures were adopted with so much jjromptitude and secrecy, that, on the night of the 1 9th, live of the six corps composing the Austrian army in Italy, were concentrated round Pavia, read}' to take the oflensive the veiy moment the armistice should expire, whilst the people of Milan and the Piedmoutese believed that he was retreating on the Adda. But his plan was to carry the war into Piedmont, and dictate a peace iinder the walls of Turin. At twelve o'clock on the 20th of March, the moment when the ar- mistice exj)ired, the Austrian« crossed the Ticino without encountering the slightest obstniction from the enemy ; for Eamorino, who commanded the Lombard division of Charles Ixxxvi IIISTÜKY OF AUSTRIA. Allu'rt'sariHV, liacl disoboyed the ordei-s given him to occupy I*» Cava, so as to he able to act in tho direction of I'avia. On the foHowingday an engageu\ent took place at Mortai-a, in wliich two Piedmontese divisions were defeated Avith a K>ss of GOO men and five cannons. Tliis disa.stei-, and the advanced position of the Anstrians, placed the Piedmontese aniiv in such a peiilous position as left its commander no (.-hoico but to fight a decisive battle at Novara on the 23rd. The Piedmontese were defeated beyond all possibility of recovery, and that night Charles Albert abdicated in favom* of his son Victor Emmanuel. Next day an interview took place between Radetzki and the young king, and an armistice was concluded upon the following terms : occupation by 20,000 Avistrians of the country lietween the Ticino and Sesia ; joint occupation Avith the Piedmontese of the fortress of Alessandi-ia ; dis- banding of Hungarian, Lombard, and Polish troops in the service of Sardinia ; retirement of the Sardinian fleet from the Adriatic ; negotiations for a permament peace to be entered upon without dela}^ While these successes attended the Austrian arms in Piedmont, events of a different character were occurring in Lombardy. Brescia, the second city of the province, wdth 40,000 inhabitants, having been left under the guard of only 500 men in the citadel, determined to rise and stiike for independence. An ineffectual attempt was made to capture the citadel, and the insurgents were forced by the few troops in the neighbourhood to shut themselves np in the town. General Haynau, in command of the troops then blockading Venice, arrived before Brescia on the 30th of March, with between 3,000 and 4,000 men. The gates of the city were captured without the discharge of a single gun ; but then, the contest commenced. A part of the town being in flames, the people endeavoured, in vain, to escape over the walls, and were diiven into a corner between two of tlie gates, which was fired at all points, and where it is believed that great numbers of them were burned to death. But the massacre did not end with the combat, though it is stated in the ofiicial bulletin, that, when all resi.stance was over, " the bodies of the insurgents lay in heaps in the streets and houses." The most hideous SIEGE OF VEXICE. Ixsxvü incident of this terrible »laughter is reserved for the closing paragraph of General Haynaus bidletin : " All prisoners taken -svith arms in their hands were shot publicly." Brescia was now a heap of ruins ; the district was mulcted to the amount of two millions of florins, and one million compensation money for the widows and orphans of the slain, the wounded and the troops engaged. Venice, which for a while had declared lierself incorpo- rated with the jDrospective kingdom of Northern Italy, had resumed her republican character after the capitulation of Milan, and had elected Maniii dictator. After the desertion, of Naples, the Austrian occupation of Tviscany, the French occupation of Rome, and even after the total defeat of the Piedmontese at Novara, by which the Venetians were de- prived of the eflicient aid of the Sardinian navy, they replied, on the 2nd of April, 1849, when summoned by Haynau to surrender, that they were resolved to resist " at any cost, and to the last." Yet they had no stores of provisions suf- ficient for a protracted siege, they were exceedingly in want of money, and any hopes they might have placed in foreign diplomacy were soon destroyed by the fate of their appeal addressed, on the 4th of April, to the governments of France and England. Both declined to offer a mediation which Austria would by no means accept at such a moment, and Lord Palmerston coupled his refusal with advice to make terms with Austria while it was yet possible. On the 4th of May, Marshal Radetzki arrived at the head-quarters of the besieging army, and immediately issued a proclamation, summoning the Venetians to surrender within forty-eight hours, and offeinng a general amnesty to all common soldiers and all subordinate officers of the army and navy, and permission to every one who might choose to do so, to leave the city either by land or water during the space of forty-eight hours after the capitulation. These terms being rejected, the siege was prosecuted with vigour, and an attack was begun on the fort of Malgheri-a, situated to the west of Venice, and at that time the only spot of the mainland in the possession of the Venetians. Tliough an ordinary ftn-t of the third order, and feebly manned, yet so ably was it dfjfended, that its reduction gave the besiegi^rs full employment for three weeks. Ixxxviii lUSTOKY OK AUSTRIA. Two iui4es of water still iuterveiu'cl between the Axistriaiis and the devoted city, which their guns were unable to reach ; whilst it was defended by the foi-tification on Sar Secundo and other islands, two batteries on the I'emains <^t the niilway viaduct, several arches of which had been blown U|», and by one lumdred gun-boats, each cari-jnug four guns. The bombardnient began on the 15th, and the tiling was ke])t uj) day and night, but with no great success, for the balls and bombs for the most part fell short. Vexed by the fruitless expenditure of an enormous amoimt of aiun\unition, the Austrians had recourse to the novel device of bombarding by means of balloons, five of which, each twenty-tive feet in diameter, were constructed at Tre^-iso. From the car attached to each balloon, five bombs were suspended by long isolated copper wires, one end of which was in commu- nication ^vith a powerful gah^anic battery placed on the shore. The balloon having been launched and earned by the wind in the required direction, the cutting of the wires would eflect the double jmrpose of firing the fusees and detaching the bombs, which Avoixld then fall per})endicularly and explode on reaching the ground. By this means it Avas thought that twenty-tive ])ombs a day might be thrown into the city when the wind av'us favourable. Experiments made previously at TreA-iso had succeeded comj^letely ; but when the trial was made over the lagoons, on the 24tli of June. with three balloons, it failed in consequence of a change in the wind after the balloons were discharged, and the bombs, in.stead of reaching the city, fell into the sea. Toward the end of July the incessant roar of cannon, which for thii-ty-two days and nights had sounded x\])on the ears of the Venetians, began gi'adually to subside ; lead- ing the besieged to conjecture that the enemy had aban- doned the idea of taking the city by storm, and had resoh'ed to rely for its reduction on famine, the first effects of which were now muTufesting themselves. The croAvds round the bakei-s' shops were alread}- so dense that several persons had been i)re.s.sed to death. Meat and A\ine were almost com- pletely exhausted, and Jn-ead of the worst quality exceedingly scarce. Tlie blockade both bj- sea and land was so close as to exclude all hope of obtaining supplies ; and that Venice must fall by hunger in a short time was now apparent to VEXICE BOMBAKDED. Ixxxix all. Still the town continued perfectly tranquil, nor was the determination to resist the enemy in the slightest degree impaired ; all classes were still resolved to hold out to the last. Meanwhile Marshal Radetzki had been preparing means to put their fortitude to an unexpected proof. When the silence of the lagoons had for many days been unbroken by a single hostile gun, on Sunday, the 31st of Jvily, at mid- night, when the populace were in their beds, and the higher classes, as was their custom, were promenading in the illu- minated Piazza di San Marco, suddenly they found them- selves in the midst of a shower of red-hot shot, which covered at once nearly three-fourths of the city. In a moment all Venice was alive. The streets were crowded with men, women, and cHldren, hurrying from the exposed districts toward the Castello and the public gardens, which the projectiles did not reach. But the alarm did not affect the constancy of the Venetians ; those who were liouseless quartered themselves on the inhabitants of the safe quarters, with as much imconcern as if all were members of one family. By-and-by it was found that the balls seldom, if ever, penetrated fui'ther than the roof and one story, and the inhabitants remained imconcerned in the lower parts of theii' houses. Some buildings were set on fire, but the flames were quickly extinguished. The means by which the Austrians succeeded, at length, in throAving projectiles into the city, was by mounting eighty pomiders and Paixhan guns of great calibre at San Giuliano, and firing with muzzles greatly elevated. The torrent of balls, which fell incessantly day and niglit, had no other effect than to destroy propei'ty, and to demolish the most beautiful works of architecture and sculpture. Many chiu'ches suffered severely ; nearly every palace on the Grand Canal was perforated, some of them with from thirty to forty balls ; and one shot struck the Rialto. Provisions were hourly becoming more scarce ; the supply could last but two weeks longer ; and yet the people very quietly said, " We will hold out until we have nothing more to eat, and then the Croats may come and do what tliey please." To add to the hoirors of their situation, the cholera broke out amongst then in its most malignant form, its ravages increased, no doubt, by the scanty and unwholesome XC HISTOUY OF AL'STUIA. I'ooil uu wliii'li tliev had been compelled for some time to subsist ; yet amid all these disjisteis not the least sign of turlndcuce or despondency ai>peaied in the aHlicted city. On the 14th of Anglist, Marshal Eadet/.ki, aware of the state to which Venice was reduced, i-euewed his eflbi-ts to induce it to capitulate, by offering nearly the same; terms that had been ])revioiLsly rejected. But rejected they were again, though ammunition, food, medicine, drink, and even water was liiiling, and though the cholera wa« carrying off from eighty to a hundred a day. On the 17th, however, the president of the republic, after consiütmg the commandant of the French squadron and the French consul, decided that longer resistance was impossible, and tliat a deimtation shoidd be sent to the Austrian camp with an offer of capi- tulation. The offer, received on the 19th by the Austrian commander, was ti"ansmitted to JMilan, and three days elapsed before Marshal Radetzki's answer arrived. It was an jinxious interval for the prostrate Venetians, who feared that the terms to be im2:)osed upon them would be rigorous in the extreme. They had but two days' provisions left, and those of the worst kind ; the progi'ess of the cholera was fiightfnl ; the absolute and unconditional suiTcnder of the city within two days inevitable. Great, therefore, was the joy of the Venetians, when it was made known to them that Radetzki had generously foi'borne to impose any additional stijjidations on his fallen foe. The capitulation was agi-eed to by the municipality of Venice, in whose favour the Pro- visional Government and the National Assembly had aljdi- cated their powers ; the firing ceased on both sides, and the republic of Venice was no more. CHAPTER IX. Hevoll and Bomlardraent of Vienna. Abdication of tlte Emperor Ferdinand. Tue jjroceedings of the Imperial Diet, fi-om the time of its formal opening in Vienna, on the 22nd of July, 1848, do^vn to the catastrophe of October, were marked by utter in- capacity for any of the objects it was chosen to 2>i"omote. It DISORDERS IN VIENNA. XCI occupied itself but nominally with the structure of the con- stitution ; what it really aspired to, was the immediate direction of the government by the terror which it affected to exercise over the capital, the ministry, and the empire. The condition of the people of Vienna, and especially of the masses of the labouring population in the suburbs, had become frightfully necessitous. Money was moi'e freely distributed by the leaders of the movement for bidlding barricades, than for any pursuits of lawful industry, which, indeed, were universally checked ; and the Assembly con- tinued to sit and wrangle within the grasp of the power which was one day to destroy all semblance of control and authority. The first explosion after the opening the Assembly, took place on the 23rd of August, and appears to have been con- fined to the class of workmen, who were irritated at the reduction of wages which had just taken place. A conflict ensued near the Prater and the Brigettenau, between the mob and a detachment of the national guard : six persons were killed ; but the government allayed the tumult, by dis- tributing relief to the people in the shape of fictitious public work. This opportunity was, however, wisely taken to dis- solve the " Committee of Pubhc Safety," on the gi-ound of its having utterly failed to efiect its proposed object, whilst it secretly tended to favour the projects of anarchy. On the 14th of September the disturbances were renewed with a* more hostile and threatening character. On the evening of that day, the oflices of the minister of war were surrounded by large bodies of armed men, consisting partly of national guards, partly of members of the academic legion, wearing on their hats a printed bill, to the eftect that "the restoration (jf the Committee of Public Safety could alone save the threatened liberties of the free-minded citizens of Vienna." This tumultuous body was dispersed by the best portion of the national guard, backed by the troops of the line. The disorders reached their climax on the 6th of October i>s thus destined to aet against tlic Hungarians, was the liichter battalion of grenadiers, who had been (juartered for many years in Vienna, and were unwilling to accept the sei'\ice imposed ujion them. Accordingly, they communicated with the national guards of the suburb in wliich their ban-acks were situated, and with the academical legion, botli which coi'ps promised that measures should be taken to jirevent the dejiai'tui'e of the grenadiers. Parties of the confederates went Ijy night, and broke up the railway to some distance from the station, whilst others erected a barricade on the Tabor bridge, which the battalion woidd have to cross in oi'dcr to reach the next station. The gi'cnadiers were ordered to storm the barricade, but instead of doing so, they went over and joined the national guards and the academical legion, now assembled behind it in con- siderable force. Cavalry, infantry, and artillery were employed against the mutineers, but were completely routed by the latter, who then marched into the town. The con- flict became general, and the government troojis were eveiy- where defeated. The war office was stormed ; Count Latour, the minister of war, was taken there, and savagely murdered. His mutilated body was flung out of a window, stri]iped naked, and hung on a lamp-post, where it was exposed for a whole day to the brutal indignities of the mob. At six o'clock, the arsenal was the only place left in the city for the refuge of the troops and national guards who re- mained faithful to the government. The insm'gents assailed it with cannon-balls and Congi-eve-rockets ; the garrison re} »lied with grajje and canister; and though part of the tuilding took fire, they succeeded in keeping down the flames, and holding their as.siiilants aloof througli the entire night ; nor dill they yield until next morning, when summoned to do so by their own commander, Coimt Auersperg, who had entered into stiimlations with the Diet for the surrender. The arsenal wa.s given up into the hands of the national guard and the academical legion, who had engaged to occupy and defend it ; but it was innnediately plundered by the populace. Two hundred thousand new muskets became the spoil of the rabble, and with them all the trophies and SECOND FLIGHT OF THE IMPERIAL FAMILY. xciü militaiy relics, collected from the period of tlie crusades to the present times. The sword of Scanderbeg was sold in the streets for two shillings. In the midst of these bloody deeds, the Diet, now reduced to the rump of a faction by the withdrawal of all the Bohe- mian deputies, declared its sittmgs permanent, and elected a Committee of Safety, whose decrees shoiüd be signed by the minister Honibostel. A deputation was also appointed to carry an address to the emperor, demandmg the foi'mation of a new and })opular cabinet, including Dobllioff and Honibostel; the removal of the Ban Jellachich from his governorship of Hungary ; the revocation of the last proclamation agamst the Hmigarians ; and an amnesty for those implicated in the riots of that day, including, especially, the avowed murderers of Count Latour. The Diet made itself an accomplice after the fact in a deed, wliich it described as " nothing more than an act of popular self-preservation, residting from regretable circumstances." The emperor returned an evasive answer, and quitted the palace of Schönbrunn at four a.m. on the 7th, with the other members of the imperial family, leaving behind him a sealed proclamation, which the minister Kraus read the same morning to the Diet. In this document, the emperor said he had done all that a sovereign could do ; he had , renounced the unlimited power he had received from his I forefathers ; he had been obUged, in May last, to quit the I palace of liis late father ; he had come back without any I guarantee, and in full confidence, to his people. A strong, I but audacious party, however, had urged things to the last '■ extremity ; pillage and crime reigned in Vienna, and the minister of war liad been murdered. He trusted in God and his own good right, and he now left the vicinity of liis capital in order to find means to bring aid to his oppressed Ipeoplu. Kraus added, that he had refused to countersign ' tliis unconstitutional and tlu'eatening proclamation." The Diet having already assumed to itself executive as }weU as deliberative powers, began, along with the tliree ministers, to act as a jirovisional goveminent, affecting, how- ever, the oljservance of constitutional fomis, and using the emperor s name to countei'act the emperor's measures. Depu- ations were sent, one after another, to invite the monarcli 9 Xciv Hl.STORY or AUSTRIA. U> roturn, uuiKm- the iinj)licil peril of forfeiting lii.s throne. Coimt Auei*sperg, who was outside Vienna with 12,000 men, was cjilleil iiin)n to come in, and iiid in maintaining order within the walls ; that is, in reality, to surrender himself to the forces of the Diet. This he declined, on the plea that he couUl only act \mder the instructions of the minister of war ; the ordere of the late minister, the mxu'dered Latour, did not allow him to enter Vienna, but he would obey a new minister of war as soon as any should be duly appointed. The Diet succeeded no better "with Jellachich, who was at Ebersdorf with his Croats, within two hours' march of the city, having ai'rived there on the 9th, by forced niarches from Raab, where he had been severely defeated by the Himgarians. Simimoned to retire, he replied bluntly that he was the emperor's oflicei', commanding the emperor's forces, and that he awaited the imperial orders. The Diet then turned to Jellachich's enemies, the Hungarians, who had pur.sued him to the confines of Austria ; and Ms majesty's rebels, appealed to by liis majesty's ministers, returned a gracious promise that, if called on by the Diet, they would .support the Viennese against the common enemy, invade the metropolitan province, and clear it of his majesty's forces. But the Diet, which had not hesitated to sanction the murder of the emperor's minister, and the robbery of his arsenal, nor scnipled to usui-p liis power, was overcome with constitutional qualms at the thought of ex- tending to the Hungarians the invitation which the latter burned to receive, though such a .step would have rendered the Diet invincible by any force tliat Austria could at that time have brought against it. The empire was now in a state of extreme peril and jjmost imintelligible confusion ; nor was this dismal imbroglio the work of the revolutionary party alone. The jjolicy of the Austrian caTjinet from the events of March to this period, was chai-acterized only by indecision, inconsistency, and duplicity. It contributed neither to consolidate the move- ment in which it originated, nor to counteract the evils to which that movement gave Ijirth. It had been faithful to no principle it professed a;^ its own. It had not protected the interest it promised to guard, but brought the imperial authority first into contempt, and then into danger. It had PROCLAMATIONS FROM OLMÜTZ, OCT. 1849. XCV been weak, timid, intriguing, and jjcrfidious. No small part of its dealings with Hungaiy had been eminently of tliis character ; raising hopes which it never meant to fulfil, making promises which it had no intention to perform, it thus greatly contributed to render formidable that in- siu'rection, which was now hurrying thousands of armed men to rescue from the menacing hands of loyalty the beleaguei'ed capital of sedition and treason. Without question, it was the consciousness of the insincerity with wliich they had been treated that aggi'avated the hostile passions of the Hungarians, ah'eady too prone to recognise an insult and revenge an injury. To be satisfied of the duplicity that was practised, we need only recall the proceedings toward the Hungarians and Croatians. On one day, the emperor grants to the Hungarians political government and control over the Croatians ; on another, the Croatians are fiu-nished with men, money, and arms, and encom-aged to resist all en- croachments of the Hroigarians. At one time the Ban of Croatia is proclaimed a traitor ; at another, he is nominated imperial commissioner plenipotentiary for Hun- The time was now come when there should be no more faltering, if the throne of Habsburg was to be saved. Quietly seated under the protecting guns of the strong foi'tress of Olmiitz, the emperor threw off all disguise, and in his proclamations of the IGth and 19th of October, de- clared open war against the revolt in his capital and other places. The rebels were to be put down by force of arms, and the murderers of liis faithful servants Lamberg and Latour, should be handed over to avenging justice. To this end, he appointed Prince Windischgrätz commander-in- chief of all his forces, except those under Radetzki in Italy, and he gave the prince full power to do all things " accord- ing to his judgment, within the shortest time." On the 23rd, Prince Windischgrätz arrived before Vienna with an army of some 100,000 men and 140 guns, and sum- moned tlic city to surrender within forty-eight hours. Meanwhile, i)reparations had been made for its defence with much bustle, but little practical ability. Bodies of fighting men had flocked in from the country round ; barricades and fortifications had been raised, and mounted with cainiou ; 9 ^ XCVl HISTORY OF AUSTRIA. tlif oomumiul ol" till.' iiiitional giiai-il had bocii givon to Mosst'iilmusor, loniu-rly an officer in the Aiistiian army, aiultliat of the mobile guard to General Dem, a Pole, and a man of remarkable military' talent. The forty-eiglit liours allowed by Prince Windiscligriitz having expired, the attack began on the morning of the I'Oth, and, after twelve hours' iighting, the exterior line of the Leopoldstadt faubourg was taken, but the interior remained in the hands of its de- fenders. The next day was spent in unavailing negotiations. On the :28th, the attack was renewed on all sides with great vigom-, especially on the east and south. The city was set on tire in many places, and the co)itest was continued all night in the Leopoldstadt and Wieden faubourgs. On the 29th. the Viennese sent a deputation to Prince Windisch- gi'ätz, with proposals of surrender. The prince refused to abate his ])revious demand for disarming the workmen and the students, but agreed to suspend hostilities for twelve hours, while the besieged held a last deliberation. The deputation retui-ned, and summoned a meeting of the town council, which was attended by Messenhauser, the commander of the academic legion, and some members of the Diet. Messeuhanser declaimed tliat he and the officer imder him were ready to hold out, if the council decided to do so ; but the situation was nearly desperate. The troops ■wei-e in ])ossession of the suburbs to the foot of the glaci.s, and the waUs were incapable of genei'al defence against escalade. On the question being put to the vote, it was re- solved by three-fourths of the town councillors that the defence should cease. This resolution was announced to Prince Win«lischgi-ätz, and the disarming wa.s actually com- menced ; but on the 30th, a brisk cannonade Avas heard in the dii-ection of Hungaiy, the sentinels on St. Stephen's Tower announced the long-expected approach of the Hun- garian army, and the citizens were again summoned to arms, notwithstanding their engagements to sun-ender. To puni.sh this breach of faith, Windischgi-ätz recommenced the bom- bardment of .some of the faubourgs knoAvn as the most rebellious, and the filing was continued until nightfall. The camionade which had so raised the hopes of the Viennese in the moraing was that of an engagement which took place at Schwechat, twelve miles from Vienna, BATTLE OF SCHWECHAT. XCVU between a Hungarian army of 22,000 men, coming to the aid of the city, and 28,000 imperial troops despatched against them under Auersperg and Jellachich. The Hungai-ians had been awaiting on the frontier for many days the call of the Austrian Diet. At last, on the 28th of October, Kossuth himself joined the army. The twenty columns of fire that rose that night from amid the palaces of Vienna, show^ed but too fearfully the need there was of speedy aid for the devoted city ; and without Avaiting longer on the Austrian Diet, Kossuth gave the order to advance. It was too late, for on that very day had the fatal blow been stiiick. On the 30th the Hungarians came up with the scattered detachments of the Imperialists, ch'ove them out of Fischamend and Albern, carried Mannsw^orth by storm, and pushed on toward Vienna, whilst Jellachich and Auersperg awaited their approach in most secure and advantageous positions. The main body of the Himgarians was between tiie Danube and the Schwartzen Lachen, a sluggish arm of that river, as broad and deep as the Danube itself At the head of tliis body of water the Austrians, with a park of sixty guns, stood ready to receive them ; while ten regiments, principally cavalry, had been sent out to gain their rear and inclose them in the defile. So gross a blunder could not escape the military eye of Görgei, who was at that time invested with Ijut an unimportant command ; he directed Kossuth's attention to the fact, and by an immediate retreat they narrowly escaped the trap and avoided a total defeat, in which an hour's advance would inevitably have involved them. They were pursued by the victorious Austrians both that day and the follo^ving, and drivf-n back into Hungary. This was the battle of Schwechat, in which Colonel Görgei, for the etficient service rendered in saving the Hungai-ian araiy from the cfid de sac, was promoted on the ground to the rank of general. In c(jnsequence of the bombardment of the 30th, the city, on the following morning, declared, for a second time, its unconditional submission. A deputation from the munici- pality communicated to the field-marshal the fiict that the greater part of the citizens were willing to surrender without reserve ; but that they were too feeble to carry theii" deter- xoviii lüSTOUV OF Al'STUIA. miiiatiou into otVert in (ipixisition to tlio radiijil dul), the comniittoc of stiulonts, iind the arniod luob, who thieatonod to act the city on lire, and l)uiy themselves l)eneath its ruins. After receiving the deputation, tlic imperial general ordered large bodies of troops into the faubourgs, the uncon- ditional surrender of which was betokened by the wliite flags hanging from the bastions and the adjoining houses ; but no sooner had the unsuspecting troops made theii- appeai-ance on the open glacis, than their ranks were torn by a murderous fire of grape and musketry, poured upon them from the ramparts. Incensed by tliis treacherous act. Prince Windisfhgrätz ordered a boml)ardment of the inner city, and an attack by storm on three of the eastern and south- easteni gates. The imperial library, several public buildings, and two churches were set on fire. The Burg Thor was carried by the troo])S, and a short but bloody fight began in the streets. The defenders being still, as on the 29th and 30th, divided among themselves — some only of them for fighting, more for yielding — the success of the besiegers was i-apid ; and before midnight the greater part of the capital was subdued. The contest, however, was continued at de- tached points on the following day, and the north-westerly parts of the city were not mastered until dawn on the 2nd' of November. The fire in the imperial libraiy wa.s extin- guished ^v^thout much injury to its valuable contents, but the Augustin church was nearly destroyed. Prince Windisch- grätz ]jroclaimed that, in consequence of the breach of capi- tulation, the conditions which he had at first agreed to were null and v(jid ; he declared Vienna in a state of siege ; the academic legion dissolved for ever, and the national guard for an indefinite time ; all newspapers and political associa- tions suspended ; domiciliaiy visits to be made for the dis- covery of concealed arms, &c. The loss of ])roperty occasioned by the siege of the Austrian capital has been estimated at about a million and a (juartcr sterling. The loss of life was much less than might have ]>een expected after so protracted and desperate a .struggle. Of the 1,G00 persons arrested, nine only were punished with death, nine sentenced to imprisonment for a term of yeai-s, 09G discharged, and the remainder were tried by civil tribunal. Many of the most influential THE SCHWARTZENBERG MINISTRY. XCIX participators in the revolt escaped by flight before the troops entei'ed the city. General Bern made his way into Hungary in disguise. Among the pi'isoners tried by court-martial were two members of the Diet of Frankfort, sent thence by the deputies of the extreme left to aid by their counsels the insurrection in Vienna. One of them, Robert Blum, member for Leipsig, being condemned, " on his own confession of having made revolutionary speeches, and opposed armed resistance to the imperial troops," was shot on the 9th of Novembei*. The other deputy, Fröbel, Avas sentenced to be lianged, but after- wards received a free pardon on the score of " extenuating circumstances." Messen hauser, the commander of the national guard, was shot. After the subjection of Vienna, the imperial government entered upon a conciliatory course towards all but the Hungarians, who were sharply admonished against lending themselves to the intrigues of the traitor Kossvith. A new ministry was formed, the two 2:)rincipal members of which were Prince Felix Schwaiiizenberg, premier and minister for foreign affairs, and Count Francis Stadion, minister of the interior. The Diet assembled at Kremsier on the 22nd of November. On the 27th the premier delivered a speech nlar inacliineiy of goverumcnt, and a fodoial- izod oonsolidatiun. Tlio i>a.ssages in tlio ministerial pro- gi-jimmo, wliich rolatcd to the ovganizatiun of the state, wore as follows : — '• "NVo undertake the administration of the jiower of government, whioh his iNIajesty has handed to us, and at the siime time the responsibility of that power ; for while it is our tirm resolution to keep aloof from all miconstitutional iuiluence, we shall not allow any encroachments upon the executive authority. . . . We -wish for a constitutional mo- narchy ui)rightly and without resenation. We desu'e that foxTU of gmernment whose existence and secure character can be recognised by the monarch and the representative body of Austria. We wish these to be founded on equal vight.s, and the free development of all nationalities ; as also on the equality of all members of the state before the law, secured by publicity in all branches of the legislature. We wish that the internal concerns of the country districts should be carried on by free members, and by a free move- ment among the country people themselves ; the whole being bound together by the common bond of a strong central power. . . . The cabinet does not mean to stand in the rear of the progi-ess to free and populai- institutions. It feels itself in duty bound to head that movement. . . . The free state must be founded on free communes. It is .strictlj' neces.sary that, through a liberal communal law, each com- mune be guai-antced its indej^endence of management within the limits prescril^ed in reference to the general welfare. As a necessary and una^■oidable consequence of the indeijendence of the communes, may be mentioned the independence of the state govennnent, and the regulating of the authorities in a way correspondmg vdih the wants of the times. Suit- able measures will be laid before you regarding those cii-- cumstances, as well as relating to the improvement, in a constitutional spirit, of the administration of justice, the establishment of communal tribunals instead of patiimonial ones, and the complete severance of government from the affairs of justice." A project, which had been discussed in Mav, after the FRAKCIS JOSEPH THE FIRST. ci fliglit to Inspruck, was now carried into effect ; and on the 2nd of December, the Emperor Ferdinand abdicated th.e Austrian throne ; Francis Charles, liis next brother, and legal heir, renonnced the succession ; and Francis Joseph, a young man only in his nineteenth year, and son of the renouncing archdiike, was proclaimed emperor of Austria, Sec, by the name of Francis Joseph the First. The young emperor's inaugural proclamation was far from indicating the intention he cherished to return to the old despotic system : — " We, Francis Joseph the First, by the grace of God, emperor of Austria, &c. " By the resignation of our lieloved uncle, the Emperor and King Ferdinand the First, in Hungary and Bohemia of that name the Fifth, and by the resignation of our beloved father, the Lord Archduke Francis Charles, and summoned by virtue of the Pragmatic Sanction to assume the crown of the empire, proclaim hereby solemnly to our people, the fact of our ascension of the throne, under the name of Francis Joseph the First. " We are convinced of the necessity and the value of free institutions, and enter with confidence on tlie path of a prosperous reformation of the monarch}-. " On the basis of true liberty, on the basis of the equality of rights of all our people, and the equality of all citizens before the law, and on the basis of their equally partaking in the repi'esentation and legislation, the country Avill rise to its ancient grandeur ; it will acquire new strength to resist the storms of the time ; it Avill be a hall to shelter the tribes of many tongues, under the sceptre of our fathei's. " Jealous of the glory of the crown, and resolved to pro- .ser\e the monarchy uncui-tailed, but ready to share oiu" privilege with the representatives of our peojile, we hope, by the assistance of Cod and the co-operation of oiu" peojilc, to succeed in uniting all the countries and trilies of the monai-cliy into one integral state. We have liad acxorc trials ; trampdllity and order have been disturbed in many l)arts of the empire. A civil war is t preserve the independence and nationality of Hungary." But the new dictator immediately issued a proclamation, desiring the Hungarians to retire each man to his home, and i:)ffer no further resistance to the enemy. At the same tiuie he dismissed the general levy, and sent a letter to General Rüdiger, stating that he was ready to lay down his arms un- conditionally. " At that moment," says Görgei,* " I might indeed have retreated from Arad by way of Radua into Ti-ansylvania ; but" — what hindered him? — "my afiection for my country, and my desii-e to restore it to peace at any price, induced me to surrender !" The preliminaries for this act of infjiiny were concluded at Vilagos on the night of the 12th of August ; and on the following day, an unconquered Hungarian army, twenty-four thousand strong, with a hundred and forty -four canons, laid down their arms before the Russians. The fbitresscs of Arad and Peterwardein soon afterwards surrendered at discretion ; but Klapka still held out in Komom. Euiboldened by two successful sallies made in July, he had assumed the oflFensive on the 1st of August, * Letter to Klapka, August 16. CAPITULATION OF KOMORN. CXXV and issuing from the fortress, had routed the besiegers with gi'eat slaughter, captured an enormous booty of provisions and ammunition, retaken Raab, and swept that ])art of the country clear of the imperialist forces. His success excited great alarm in Vienna, which was thus exposed to his assaults, with only eight thousand men to defend it, whilst a victorious army of twenty thousand men held the country in Haynau's rear, cutting off his lines of communication with Austria. After six days spent in Raab in raising recruits, and completing his preparations, Klapka was about to march on the night of the 11th to invade Styria. This was on the very day that Gorgei became dictator. But the intended ex}:)edition was abandoned in consequence of the alarming intelligence received in the evening from beyond the Theiss, and Klapka returned with his forces to Komorn. The fortress was now invested by the whole Austrian force, and after many debates in council of war, it capitulated on the 29th of September, the stipulations being, that the garrison should be allowed to secure a portion of its pay, and retire unmolested in person or property. These con- ditions were held towards the officers, but broken as re- garded the soldiers, who were forcibly drafted into the imperial army. The capitulation is said to have been brought about by double-dealing. The principal motive which induced the victorious garrison to surrender, was the assurance given them by the Austrian negotiators, that the emperor waited but for that act to show clemency to their captive companions in arms and to their coinitrymen in general. In corroboration of this assurance, it was alleged that the emj>eror had sent Count Griinne, his own adjutant-general, to Arad, to stop the execution of the sentences of death which had been jmssed by the courts- martial sitting in that fortress. But Klapka and his men were not told tliat this seeming act of gi'ace was only a lure ; tliat the executioner's hands were stayed only until Komorn should have fallen ; not a man of them was aware that the only reason Haynau had for urging the capitulation, was his desire to execute the bloody sentences agabist the doomed patriots with impunity.* Hence they * Klapka'a Letter to Haynau, dated London, Feb. 6, 1850. i CXXVl IIISTOnV OF AIRTRIA. i-onsented to claim amnesty only for themselves, and not for the wliole country ; therein yielding to the assurances of the Austrian negotiators that the latter stipulation was sujwr- fluous, and to their rejn*esentations that the acceptance of such a condition for the surrender of a fortress would be in- compatible with the dignity of the emperor. And now the savage executioner of Brescia befjan his congenial work of cold-blooded butchery. Finst came the scourging of Hungarian ladies, forced to run the gauntlet half-naked between two lines of Austrian soldiers, armed with rods. Next occurred the execution of generals and officers. Görgei had obtained his pardon, by desire of the emperor of Russia ; but whilst the chief was spared, no mercy was shown to his subordinates. Thirteen genei-als and iield-officers were hanged or shot at Arad on the 6 th of October. Ten ministers and civil officers were executed soon afterwards ; and it is computed that more than a thousand gentlemen of station and character died by rope or lead in Hungary that year under Austrian hands. The colonels and majors of the Hungarian army were sentenced to imprisonment for eighteen and sixteen years I'espectively, or to serve as privates in the Austrian ranks ; and the landed aristocracy were visited unsparingly with fines and confis- cations. Immediately after Kossuth's I'esignation, himself and several other civil and military leaders, with about five thousand officers and soldiers, escaped over the Turkish frontier, and took refuge in Widdiu. The emperors of Russia and Austria demanded the extradition of the re- fugees. This was peremptorily refused by the Sultan, whom Sir Stratford Canning, the BritLsh ambassador, encouraged by his advice to jjersist in that determination. The emperor of Rus.sia reiterated the demand in menacing language ; but the appearance of a British fleet in the Dardanelles, whether fortuitous or designed, induced him to lower his tone. The two emperors now contented themselves with requiring that the exiles should be removed to a more distant part of the Turkish empire. They were transfei'red accordingly to Kutayah, where they remained until the middle of the year 18Ö1, when the government of the United States .sent a man-of-war, which, with the Sultan's consent, conveyed HER CONDITION SINCE 1849. CXXvii away Kossuth and his companions, except a certain number of them who had made a voluntary profession of Islamism. More than three years have now elapsed since Austria bartered her independence for a renewal of her old system of absolutism and centralization, and acquired the power to extinguish the ancient immunities of Hungary at the cost of her own vassalage to Russia. In all that time she has not made the slightest progress towards the consolidation of her factitious greatness. She subsists only by virtue of a permanent state of siege and martial law. Her subject populations, who rose against her in 1849, are more dis- affected than ever, and she has alienated the very races that then took up arms in her defence. Her despotism rests on no saving basis of a common nationality ; no inward ■vitality binds together the heterogeneous elements of her empire ; the prestige of her might is gone, the sanc- tuary of her authority has been profaned, her weakness made manifest, the mechanism of her power laid bare. She maintains her state by terrorism alone, the most precarious of all tenures. t2 GENESIS REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. AUTHOR'S PREFACE. There are no abrupt transitions in nature. Tliis axiom holds good in tlie moral as well as in the physical world. When, therefore, a Constituent Parliament, composed of democratic elements, was observed in Austria, in the month of July, 1848, by the side of the throne (which in the pre- ceding month of March was still absolute), laying claim to the sovereignty, and that, too, before the chasm between those two conditions of government had been bridged over by a popular victory, the qviestion at once suggested itself, how this change could so suddenly have taken place. It is the task of this work to show that even in tliis case the unchangeable laws of nature maintained their course, inasmuch as the phenomena of the year 1848 were only the result of long-subsisting causes, which at length became evident to all. The title of these leaves (Genesis) will indicate that they are not intended to be either a chronicle or a minute detail of the events of the period. They enter on liistorical ground only when such a course appears necessary to accomplish their design, which is to explain the original causes of the change of circumstances alluded to. The first motto upon the title-page indicates the intention to maintain a strict impartiahty. The second motto will justify the boldness with which, without regard to the approbation of any party, it has been attempted to discharge the duty resulting from the first. Should this work succeed in removing from the public mind those prejudiced views which, in a time of political excitement, partisans are accustomed to form concerning both things and individuals, and so correct the errors and injustice which result from such opinions, its object wül have been attained. In order to prevent the reader from being misled by the OXXXU AUTIIOUS PREFACE. name of the author, and fi-om perusing these leaves with a mind jtrejudicod either in favour of or against the views they maintain, tlie A\Titer has thought it better to presei'\'e an incoijnito. He is conscious of liis honoural)le determinatiou to observe strict truth in the circumstances he relates. Should he hii\c given admission to any erroneous statements, he will cheerfulh^ adopt their correction, for the sake of tiiith, and will rejoice at the opportiniity for such correction being afforded to him. Wherever he has expressed an opinion, he has obeyed the voice of his ovm conviction. He is reluctant, however, to force his own opinions upon any one, and there- fore he is not disposed to engage in a polemical dispute with those who difter from him. The topics treated of in this work have been already discussed in other quarters, — for example, by Philipps and GröiTes in the 21st and 22nd numbers of a brochure styled " The Historical and Political Pamphlet for Catholic Ger- many ;" also by F. von B., in a work called " A Re^dew of the Political Commotion in Austria in the Year 1848 ;" and in several other ephemeral publications in which this last book is criticised. Again, a work by Count Leo Thun, in the Bohemian language, called, " Reflections on the Present State of Things, -with particular Relation to Bohemia," is partly occujded with the same subject. The Genesis was already finished when these pamphlets met the eye of the author, and he has not found himself obliged by their con- tents to alter what he had previously written. Should the reader, therefore, detect in these pages any resemblance with the sentiments of other wiiters, he must attribute the cir- cumstance, not to plagiarism, but to the irresistible power of truth ; and should he, on the other hand, discover any points of difference, he must not consider this work as a polemical essay. The judgments passed in these pages upon individuals have relation only to their political character as it has been evinced by their public conduct. The mention of names notorious on the political stage has been found necessary for the object of this work, and has appeared at lea.st as unobjectionable as the affected conceal- ment of the mere name, accompanied, however, by a sketch of the individual through the medium of a transparent descrip- AUTHORS PREFACE. CXXXIU tion. The names of persons, however, are not mentioned, who have remained secluded from public Hfe, and at a dis- tance from the eye of the world. In estimating the merits of this work, the reader will bear in mind that it is not a state document ; that it is not com- posed by a man of letters for the perusal of the mere learned, but the work of one unknown to the literary world — a mere quiet observer of the passing events of the age — and has been written for those whose tastes resemble his own, "absque irä et studio," indeed, but nevertheless in a style which, by means of a lively colouring imparted to the narra- tive, seemed adapted to soften in some measure the sober seriousness of the subject, and dissipate the tedium of the reader. Atigust, 1849. PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. The first edition of the " Genesis" was sold in a few weeks. Tlie voice of the critic had not yet readied the autlior during the preparation of the second edition. He has become acquainted with it by this time, and thinks it his duty to jiay it regard as far as it tends to promote the object of this work, which seeks to euHghtcn tlie judgment of tlte world on one of ilie least expected of catastrophes which Itave ever shattered tJie foundations of a great state. All observations on the " Genesis" which have aj)peared in p\iblic journals or in pamphlets, and have illustrated the events of the year 1848, whether proceeding from the pen of friend or of foe, have been welcome to the author. There are three publications which demand especial notice on occasion of the present edition. The first is the review of " Genesis" in the " Historical Papers for Catholic Germany for 1850," numbers I. and II., by G. Philipps and G. Görres (Historische Blatter fr das Katholische Deutschland). This review bears the marks of having been written by a practised observer, in high position and of great experience in the affairs of the world. The second is a pamphlet of 73 pages, large octavo, i)ublished in 1850 by T. N. Passy, at St. Pölteu, and by P. Rohi-mann, bookseller to the court at Vienna. Its title is, " The Estates of Lower Austria and the Genesis of the Revolution in Austria in 1848." The anonymous author of this pamphlet declaies, at page 2, that he has taken up a '^'■party position, and closely and sincerely sym- pathizes tvith tJte acts of tlie Estates of Lower Austria.'" That declaration is important, as it renders it possible to complete the description of the events of March, by citing several facts which, in the absence of a guarantee on behalf of the party of the E.states itself, did not previously seem suitable for publication. The third treatise, by L. Count Ficquel- mont, entitled, " Illustrations of the Period from the 20th of March to the 4th of May, 1848" (Aufkhii-ungen über die PREFACE TO THE THIED EDITION. CXXXV Zeit vom 20 März bis zum 4 Mai, 1848), was published in 1850 by J. A. Barth, at Leipzic, and by Fr. Beck, bookseller to the University at Vienna. The " Genesis" is not in terms aUuded to in this work, though its author, a statesman, in every respect honourable, who furnishes us with elucidations derived from the fountain-head, seems to have been induced by the " Genesis" to make the gi*ant of the constitution of the 25th of April, 1848, the subject of a veiy cai-eful inves- tigation, which could not be passed ovex* in silence in the present edition. Voices have been raised here and there which have pro- nounced the " Genesis" to be a party work, called forth by those who were in authority before March, as a means of vin- dicating their honour. It would have been especially flatter- ing to the author, if those personages had intrusted to his pen the task of vindicating their honour. However, it is not, and for this simple reason could not be, the fact, — because states- men, who were unwilling to sacrifice their inward convictions to fashionable theories and to popular favour, might perhaps endanger the shining diadem of glory and the golden wreath of fortune, but never that precious jewel — honour. The author wrote under the im})idse of no other motive than the desire of furnishing to future impartial historians intimations from other sources than those from which the swarm of publications of the present day have originated. The new materials have been added in the shape of notes, as they allow of comparative glances at the present without interrupting the descriptions of the past. Whatever judg- ment the reader may form from such comj)arisons, we beg of him to keep in mind, that those who are now occupied with the task of re-erecting the Austrian state edifice are not to be reproached for the troublesome dust occasioned by the removal of the rubbish, and for the comfortless damp and chilliness pervading the new-built halls, which have not been allowed time to dry. 8uch are the inevitable consequences of rebuilding:. GENESIS OF THE REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. CHAPTER I The sea roars from the west : the storm impels the billows against the harbour wall : the latter bids them a proud de- fiance ; some few waves with difficulty reach the simimit, and appear on the broad parapet which protects the pier, to glide away without a trace. Within the harbour, too, the calm water-level is disturbed by smaller waves, that portend no danger : when suddenly the wall bursts asunder, the tide iiishes fiercely in and inundates the shore, scattering destrac- tion wide ai'ound. With astonishment and wonder, the spectator beholds the fragments of the ruined wall which he had deemed imperish- able — he marks how the waves, which appeared to flow off from the surface, had gradually formed a channel through the crevices of the outer-works, and as the inner stones were already secretly penetrated and decayed, how they had reached the foundation of the wall, so that its destruction became inevitable. So it happened with Austria. The revolution raged in the west. The Austrian Government conceived that as she L' GENESIS OF THE had once formed the bulwark of Eiuropean civilization against the encroachments of bai'bai'ian Mahometanism, so she might now stand firm as a defence against the propaganda of the revolution. The sincere loyalty of the peoj)le to the imperial djTiast}'', the influence of habit, the sense of comfort arising from the secure administration of the laws, the tender anxiety for the commercial interests which developed them- selves more and more eveiy year, these wei'e regarded as the fii'm foimdation of this defence, while the regulations of the police to prevent the circulation of revolutionary doctrines by word or writing furnished a protecting complement to the work ; but these measures, though competent, apparently, to suppress hostile manifestations of discontent, could not prevent its gradual increase. Moreover, the very foundation itself had been already shaken by the internal attacks which the government had to sustain from the hand of one, who now showed as much anxiety to divide her authority, as she had exhibited for the same purpose some centviries before — and hence arose the crash on the 1 3th of March. The catastrophe of the days of Maich astonished all parties, both the government and the governed. By the first it was not apprehended, by the latter it was not expected in the way in which it actually occiu'red. Accordingly, botli parties entered wholly unprepared into new reciprocal relations with each other. Errors on the one side and exaggerated demands on the other must have been expected by all reflecting men, as the consequence of such a sudden change, but the event unfortunately exceeded aU anticipations. The inundation which, in the month of March, gave up the otheiTV'ise happy territory of Austria a prey to the de- vastation of the raging waves, was prepared through a long course of previous years, partly by circumstances, and partly by design. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 3 Since the time wlien Jean Jacques Rousseau first published his theory of a " Social Contract," a party has always ex- isted in evexy civilised country, opposed to the absolute power of monarchs. In France, in consequence of some j)eculiarly favourable circumstances, this party first achieved the overthrow of the throne and the altar. Even at that time, it was not without adherents in Austria, but the seed fell upon a soil not yet sufficiently prepared for it. The reforms of the Emperor Joseph, in advance of the sjiirit of the age, partook of a philosophical, but at the same time of an absolute character, and while they had alleviated the most crying evils of the people, they had also extended the power of the sovereign. The mass of the people, therefore, felt no sympathy for the revolution, while the government was ia. full possession oi all the public and private resources to suppress any attempt at a popular insurrection. It happened, by a dispensation of Providence not unfavour- able for the propagation of the principles of the French revo- lution in the eighteenth centuiy, that at the time when that revolution was in preparation, the sceptres of Prussia and of Austria were wielded by two monarchs who were philosophers, and at the same time despots in the strictest meaning of the word. The ovations which were ofiered to both these rulers by the national heroes of the new era, could be no more than mere irony, if they did not arise from the most complete thoughtlessness. After the days of March in Vienna, the mad joy of the mob at their success in having obtained for the people the right to carry arms, the freedom of the press, and the restraint of the absolute monarch withia the limits of a constitution, induced them to proceed to the equestrian statue of Joseph, in order to place a crown on that emperor's head. Must not every cool and well-informed spectator have asked himself at that moment, what would have been B 2 4 CEXESLS OF THE the answer of tlmt liiglily-honouied uioniirch to liis joyous woi-sliippei-s, it' his spirit could then but have animated his statue '/ Would not the ponderous weight of his brazen arm have crushed them in indignation at their acliievements 1 The unimpaired jiowera of government bequeatlied by Joseph and Prederic to their successors rendered it possible for the latter, at the outbreak of the fu'st Fr-ench revolu- tion, to resist throughout their own kingdoms the si)irit of enthusiasm, wliich was partially awakened in particular classes of society in fa vom* of " fi-eedom and equality." The coui*se which that revolution took subsequently, destroyed the number of its foreign adherents, since it became evident that its public boastings in favour of the rights of man were mere absurdity, inasmuch as such privileges were only valu- able to the adherents of the lading party for the time being, its opponents finding their freedom in exile, and their equality in being condemned to the guillotine. The bloody war of conquest carried on by the young reijublic completely alienated from her all hearts in Austria ; for when one's o^\^l fire-side is threatened, every thought is directed to avert the appi-ehended danger, and for the moment, the dreams of freedom and equality vanish into aii*. The people gladly beheld the conversion of the French Eepublic into an empii'e, and the thrones of Europe had no farther cause to fear being overturned Ijy their own subjects. But, on the other hand, the thii-st for conquest which seized the Emperor of the French, threatened the ruling dynasties ^vith the loss of their crowns. In this extremity they gi-asped at a means of safety, power- ful, no doubt, in its operation, but on whose effects it was impossible to reckon ; namely, to awaken the sentiment of independence amongst their people, and array them in opi>o- sition to the conqueror of the world. Napoleon fell ! After his fall, the spirit whose aid had been invoked, was not allayed. REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. Ö It turned against the very power by wliicli it had been aroused. The tliirty-foiu' years which had elapsed since the banishment of Napoleon to Saint Helena present the picture of a perpetual contest with this spii'it. The Governments wliich have been exposed to this struggle, have pursued different Imes of con- duct. Some have thought to escape the difficulty, by im- posing vokuitary restraints on the absolute power of the crown, and by adopting a constitutional form of government, modelled in such a fasliion that the power of the sovereign with regard to the framing of laws and the imposition of taj;:es is controlled by hereditary and elective representative estates, while the other privileges of the government remain untouched, and the maxim of the sovereignty of the people never came under discussion. Others adopted the notion that the authority of government, when divided, and con- sequently weakened by division, is less capable of defending itself than Avhen it remains sti'ong and undivided, whereupon they allowed no limit to be placed to the authority of the monarch, but endeavoured to maintain tliis power unimpaired, by every means whidi stood at their command. The events of the year 1848 have proved that both these plans have failed in their object, since the people ruled by constitutional laws, no less than the peojile living under a despotic govern- ment, have endeavoured to usurp the sovereign authority for themselves. In Austria and Prussia the last-mentioned course was followed. Its adoption laid the foundation of the so-called " Mettemich system." In order to act consistently, the advocates of this system were obliged to oppose all concessions tending to diminish the authority of the monarch, not only at home, but abroad, since, where power is the question, popular coalitions can exist as ■well as coalitions of princes. It was a herculean task to 6 OEXESIS OF THE struggle against the spirit of the age, which animated the people. Single-handed, no government could accomplish it eflectuaUy. As long as the two chief powers of Germany, Austria and Pi-ussia, piu-sued the same coui-se in union, the authority of government was maintained unimpaii-ed. But as soon as the King of Prussia had determined to share this authority, though only in some tri%äal pai-ticulars, with a popular assembly, it became evident that the downfall of absolutism must soon be the result in both kingdoms ; since a principle of such importance, which enters deeply into all the relations of life, and oflfers homage to the spirit of the age, can never be affirmed in part, and negatived in part, according to the arbitrary fancy of the moment, but must either be rejected wholly or acknowledged wholly, -with all its attendant consequences. The utter rejection, therefore, of the principle, involving a division of the sovereign powei", which had been half acknowledged by the king of Prussia, was the problem reserved for Austria singly to solve, on the soil of Germany and in the west of Europe. The system of Mettemich was applied to the solution of this problenL But its solution was not effected ; the system gave way. No sooner did it faU, than every voice was raised in its condemnation. It was pronounced exe- crable, and to its influence were attributed all those dreadful excesses which took place afterwards in the im- perial capital, as if this system had actually engendered the hostile force which it was unable to cinish, instead of being in fact a bulwark raised against the very power by which it was eventually vanquished. An objection which might have been urged against it with greater justice, was its untenableness. This was acknowledged, on March 13th, by the man whose name it bore, and who sought to maintain it ; and he accordingly gave way before a superior power. A REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 7 system of a wholly different nature was introduced, without the necessity of a previous contest with arms. The in- evitable course of events was allowed to pursue its way in peace. That it did not so happen — that six months later fire and sword raged in the heart of Austria, can only be ascribed to a fauure of the new system, or to the errors of those who were summoned to execute it. GEKESIS OF THE CHAPTER II. BEFORE THE MONTH OF MARCH, 1848. Havin'g in a cursory manner doscril)e(I tlio ori<,an of tlie geuei-.il discontent, to whicli Austria had endeavoured to oppose herself as a ban-ier, it now l)ecomes our task to explain by what means it happened that the advancing influence of the spii-it of the age succeeded in effecting a gnidual diminution of that resisting power, which the Aus- trian Government considered itself to possess. This diminu- tion of power Avas not the work of a recent period. Its origin is to be found in the peculiarities which existed in the heart of the monarchy for a long series of years, and wliich Avere already in full operation at the accession of the Emperor Ferdinand. We must, therefore, in the first place, take a glance at the government of the Emperor Francis. THE EMPEROR FRANCIS. The year ISIG was the culminating point of the imperial power, not only in a matei-ial, but more particularly in a moral point of view. The peace of Paris had made ample compensation for the losses wliich the monarchy had sus- tained since the outbreak of the first French revolution. The Emperor Francis commanded the liighest esteem on account of liis own personal merits, which had been displayed to the gi-eatest advantage in conferences with many other monarchs and European personages in Paris and Vienna; and KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 9 he was lionoured as a sage. The love of his people, who had evei* remained faithful to liim in adversity, was bestowed upon him in increased measure when he suddenly became the favourite of fortmie ; and the well-gi-ounded expectations of a happy fiiture excited his subjects even to enthusiasm. The rich countries which had lately become annexed to the monarchy, the enormous sums which France had been con- demned to pay, and the certain duration of a long peace, seemed to offer a complete security for the diminution of the state burdens, and for the establishment of content and prosperity. These hopes, however, wei'e not realised in their fullest extent. A disastrous system of finance, founded on a mere delusion — the extinction of the old national debt — increased annually the burden of interest due by the state, without furnishing by way of compensation any new capital to open fresh soui'ces of national wealth ; a bigoted attach- ment to whatever was established, closed the door against such improvements in the legislative or executive depart- ments as were suitable to the exigencies of the times ; and even when a conviction of the necessity of reforms was acknowledged, they Avere delayed, or their effect rendered nugatory by numerous doubts, and by endless discussions, as to whether, in place of the alteration proposed, some- thing better might not perhaps be substituted. The task which Austria had undertaken to accomplish, viz. to establish a barrier against the movement which a powerful party was directing from the west, in favour of the sove- reignty of the people, entailed upon her the necessity of maintaining numei'ous and burdensome regulations of police, a system mucli less rigorously exercised even in Pi'ussia, although that country was by no means disposed to renounce her absolute form of government, and far less strictly ])ursued in other countries, where the authorities had commenced a 10 GENESIS OF THE coui'se of concessiou iu order to appease the temper of the disaflcctcd ; and hence it haiijicucd that from the com- parisons Avliich were naturally instituted between these respective fonns of governments, discontent was engendered in Austria. The difTei-ent provincial states observed that similar boelios iu other districts of Germany enjoyed a larger shai'e in the executive and legislative functions than was conceded to them, and they panted to regain their old privi- leges. From these causes it happened that in the latter part of the reign of the Emperor Francis an inward feeling of discontent became general, which, though it might not have been loudly expressed, was nevertheless deeply rooted. Diu-ing his lifetime these sentiments were counterbalanced by tho sincere attachment and filial reverence to which liis own personal worth had given birth. Dming a long seiies of years his subjects had shared with him feelings first of national humiliation, and subsequently of national rejoicing. They recognised and appreciated his deep sense of justice, and his plain and simple mode of living, and the peciüiar appro- priateness of his answers to their prayers and grievances, which were always uttered in the most familiar tone, invested him with the influence of a popular chieftain. The judgment with which he selected his most intimate asso- ciates strengthened this sentiment, as in those cases where the brilliancy of the court was not so much concerned, as his own feelings of personal confidence, his choice generally fell upon indi\iduals taken from amongst the ranks of the people. At the same time, however, it was well knowTi that, notwithstanding his simple and unostentatious mode of life, he was inflexible in the maintenance of his sovereign authority, and that every assaiüt upon it would be resisted by every means at his command ; no persons ventured, therefore, to exhibit in Ids presence either their discontent REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 11 or the feelings which, they nourished in their bosoms; on the contrary, they sought to conceal such emotions from his observation by the most joyous display of love and respect. The consequence, therefore, was, that the emperor remained wholly ignorant of the opinions of his subjects, and had no idea of the general feeling of wide-spread discontent which reigned in almost all classes of society ; but he lived imder the illusion that the few expressions of dissatisfaction which reached his ears, were uttered by mere visionaries or by malevolent individuals. It is the misfortune of all those who hold power in their hands, that they never see mankind except in holiday apparel or in their holiday behaviour ; and this is the case no less with monarchs who are born heirs to the purple, than with nders who have sprung from the ranks of the people. Mankind dissembled its sentiments before CromweU as well as before King Charles ; before Eobespierre as well as before Louis, and no less before Napoleon. But even if the Empei-or Francis ' had been acquainted with the sentiments of his people in their fullest extent, he was not the man ever to swerve from the groundwork of his system, which was termed the Metternich system, and wliich consisted in an unbending resistance to every effort to impose restraint upon his absolute authority, and this arose not so much from vanity as from the dictates of conscience. He was a reli- gious man, and considered it a duty of conscience to desire only what was good and right ; and every voluntary consent to weaken the authority placed ia his hands by God, awakened his apprehension lest he might be impeded thereby in the discharge of those duties which he recognised as either good or right ; and he would, in fact, have considered his conscience burdened with all the wei<;ht of the «rood omitted or the evil committed against his conviction, which might have resulted from any diminution of his authority ; so that 1- (.KNIISIS OF TIIK if tlie foivc tif (.iiruinstaiicc's liad ubligccl him t(t ivuouuce absolutism, as lie had once been coustniinecl to abaxulou jn'ovinces, and to oHor up his daughter a sacrific(>, as it were, to ]\Ioloeh, he would ])ro1>ably have chosen to descend from the throne leather than to do <.>utrage to his conscience and peril the sjilvation of his sonl. This conscientiousness constituted his gloiy as a man, but at the same time was his niisfoi-tmie as a nder. Con^-incod of the purity of his inten- tions, but immoderately mistnistfid of his owai sagacity, he often became entangled in doubts wliich prevented liim from adopting any course of action. The soiu'ce of this weakness spi-ung partly from the rude; style in which his uncle Jose])!! had undertaken to initiate him into public business. Failing to discover in him his own peculiar energy of mind, he made the young prince so sensible of his full displeasure on that account, that the latter became discouraged and lost all self- confidence. Tlie unfortunate vicissitudes which marked the latter half of the reign of the Emperor Francis were not cal- culated to remedy the evil. But they served, at the same time, to awaken in his mind a feeling of mistrust in the judgment or uprightness of the coimcillors by whom he was sun-ounded, and whose ad\'ice, when acted upon, was so often followed by no favourable residt. Hence, in addition to a doubt in the correctness of his own judgment, there now ensued a want of confidence in those who were called to aid him in the fonnation of Ids opinions. In order to avoid being mi.sled by these, he conceived it his duty to make himself personally acquainted with the details of business, and, in cases of doubt, to consult ^\ith different individuals unknown to each other, and Avho were oftentimes even complete strangers to the service of the state : the conflict of opinions which ensued, only .sei*\-cd to render his own judgment more imcertain, and prevented him from coming to any decision, and IIEVOLUTIOX IX AUSTRIA. 13 the utter paralysis of public business was generally tbe resvilt. Had the emperor relied more upon his own practical sense and experience, or reposed full confidence in any one of his councillors, the delay in the despatch of business which occa- sioned so many well-grounded complaints, would not have occurred. It is an opinion very generally entei-tained, par- ticularly in foreign countries, that Prince Metternich exer- cised an imbounded influence over the emj^eror. This opinion is wholly erroneous, for in the home department of government the prince was seldom heard, but was inten- tionally kejit at a distance ; here the emperor himself toiled Hke a chief clerk, and seemed wonderfully pleased at paying himself the very humble comi:)liment " of being Hkely to become a valuable privy councülor." With advancing age bis doubts and scniples of conscience mcreased, business was more and more procrastinated, and so it happened that the Austrian government remained far behind the demands of the age even in those impi'ovements wliich could not by j)Ossibility impair the principle of absolutism. The emperor and his minister have been accused, imjustly, of remaining .stationary, in accordance with certain maxmis ; but the fict is, they only remained stationary because they were unable to determine with which foot they should begin to march forward. But the consequence of thus remaining stationary, from whatever cause it may have proceeded, was melancholy ii?. the extreme, for it undermined the confidence of the people in the intentions or -the capacity of the government, and thereby weakened their moral energy and j)0wer to I'esist the I'evolutionary party, who carried on their machinations in secret. That this party did not then enter tlie lists against the government, as it did in the year 1848, miist be asci'ibed alone to the circumstance that domestic and foreign events oflTei'ed them no px'ospect of victory. 14 GENESIS OF THE These obsen-atious on the Austrian aduiiiiistration in general require only the assistance of a few supplementary remai'ks with respect to that portion of the monarcliy whci'e, from time immemorial, constitutions were established, namely, Hungary and Transylvania. In both these countries the Estates enjoyed a share in the legislative power, and in many cases a share also in the general government. Thus, the fundamental law required the periodical convocation of the Diet, in Hungary every three yeai's, in Transylvania every yeai*. But the convocation of these Diets was inter- mitted for a long period of years, and for this reason every species of improvement was also intermitted, which required to be called into life by a formal decree of the legislature, and did not depend upon the mere authonty of a royal rescript. When the convocation of the Hungarian Diet at length once more took place, in the year 1825, in conse- quence of the loud complaints of the people, the king occu- pied a most painfid position with regard to it ; for he was obliged to make an acknowledgment detrimental to the royal authority, and to confess, " That he had en-ed." Concessions were afterwards suently made for the puqiose of conciliating men's minds, which, however, entailed far more imjiortant consequences than were foreseen, and led the way to the undermining of the complicated constitution of Hungaiy, in which it was an inherent peculiai-ity, that a custom acquii-ed the force of law even against the king, when he allowed it to pass without oppo- sition. Thus it happened, that already in the Diet of the year 182.5, and more particularly in subsequent years, for want of active opposition on the part of the king, the very groimdwoik of the Hungarian constitution became en- tirely altered, either by usurpations on the side of the Estates, or by errors on the side of the viceroy, although the KEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 15 government neither intended nor suspected sucli a result. The following examples may serve as illustrations : — The counting of individual votes in the assembly of the Estates, and the consequent power of the majority, formed no part of the Himgai-ian constitution, the spirit of which was rather to be found in the maxim, " vota non numerantur, sed ponde- rantur ;" and hence it was intended, not that the " vota majora," but the " vota saniora," should have preponder'ance, by which means the influence of the high nobility was se- cui'ed ; because it was the duty of the pi'esident, not only in the coimty assemblies, but also in the assemblies of the Estates, to declare the result according to the votes of the most influential and intelligent members. Upon the occur- rence of accidental circumstances, in particular cases, ex- ceptions were made to the above-mentioned maxim, and individual votes were counted, by which means a custom was introduced, which ia the year 1830 was silently adopted by the Diet, and was particularly acceptable to the movement party, inasmuch as it afibrded them an opportunity of pur- chasing a majority in the county assemblies, by introducing the corrupt lower order of nobles, who, though qualified to vote, had never previously appeared in those assemblies, and of afterwards substituting in the Diet the illegal majority of individual votes for the constitutional preponderance of the high nobuity. The well-known excesses of the so-called Cortes in Hungary, which often occasioned blood- shed, spiimg from this mistake. The restriction of the right of the towns to vote in the Diet, was the result of a president of the Tabic of Estates in the year 1830, when the system of counting individual votes was first introduced, reckoning at the scrutiny the votes of all the members for the towns, as constituting a majority of one collective vote. Similar oversights occurred in numerous other instances, IC GENESIS OF TUE Nvhich, being unnoticed by the ciowii, -were adopted as customs, and thus tore one stone after another from the foundation of the constitution, wliich, though antiquated, ■was constructed after an intelligent design, until eventually the ediüce liad lost its solidity. The coiu'se of afiairs in Transylvania, where the constitu- tion had conceded to the sovereign the a])j)ointment to the highest offices in the administration only upon the recom- mendation of the Estates, was similar to that wliich has been already described in Hungary; and therefore, during a long period, the greater part of the Government officials were considered by the Diet to be acting in the illegal dis- charge of their functions, inasmucli as their appointment by the crown was defective, by reason of the susj^jcnsion of the Diet. It was a fortunate circumstance for the government of the Emperor Francis, that the movement of the popular mind in the south-eastern parts of his empire was directed to an entirely diffei-ent object from those pursued in the west, and that the so-tenued Holy Alliance, whose founder was the Emperor Alexander, as well as the resolute support of the King of the French, offered no encouragement to the move- ment party to cany out theii' plans. The fermentation in Hungarj' and Transylvania was, in tnitb, not occasioned by any chimera of the sovereignty of the people, but by the desire of the pii\-ileged classes to assert and to extend theii' privileges in opposition to the throne, combined with the endeavour to exalt the Magyar people to become the predominant power in Hungary and its crown land;?. In those regions the theory of the sovereignty of the people had never been heard of In the west, where, as we have already observed, such a doctrine had been circulated after the war of liberation, the opinion pre- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 17 vailed (whether correctly or not is unimjiortant) tliat the Holy AUiauce concealed under its title an alliance of sove- reigns against theii- subjects ; the demagogues had expressed tliis opinion at the time of its institution, and the sentiment seized at least to discourage them, notwithstanding the bitter hate with which they regarded the alliance itself, from commencing a ivar against half a million of bayonets, Avhich the princes of that alb'ance had at their command, more particularly as the King of the French, who had been established by the will of the sovereign French people (or at least of the Parisian mob), in the year 1830, did not exhibit the smallest inclination to engage in a contest in support of such a theory. The Emperor Francis closed his ea;i-thly pilgiiinage in peace, and as his conscience must have re- minded him that he had nobly consulted the welfare of liis people, and, like a loving father, ceaselessly laboured for the same to the best of his ability, so he might be content to die in the belief that he would ever continue to be regarded as the object of their veneration and love, and bequeath these sentiments as an inheritance to liis son and successor, together wnth. all his widely-extended powei'. THE EMPEROR FERDINAND. The disappearance of a monarch, who with a strong hand liad personally held the reins of government during almost half a century, who had witnessed, first the curtailment, and then the geographical and political enlargement of his king- dom, who had gained marvellous experience, and had earned for himself personally the respect of all Europe, must have rendered the position of his successor one of extreme ar- dour and difficulty. The Emperor Ferdinand had inherited C 18 GENESIS OF TUE fi'orn his father a veneratiou for rectitude, and a zeal for all that is good, no less than an anxiety for the welfare of' his subjects. But nature had not endowed him with equal capacity to undergo bodily and mental exertions. The impossibility, tlicrefore, of his canying on the affairs of government in the same manner as his father had done, was at once apparent. To the latter, business had become an habitual occupation, with which he could not dispense. The first care, therefore, of the new government shoiild have been to remove from the superintendence of the monarch that mass of business in detail, in the management of which the deceased emperor had taken so much delight, and to entrust it to the care of responsible ministers. The unas- suming character of Ferdinand, incapable as he was of mis- trust, could not possibly offer any obstacle to a change so fully in accordance with the spirit of the age. It should have been commenced, however, immediately after his ac- cession to the throne, since if once delayed, it was easy to foresee that a love for what was already established would retard the desired improvement, by the argument so con- stantly employed in life, that there is no good reason why that which happened yesterday and happens to-day should not happen again to-morrow : in which observation we forget that between to-day and to-moiTow, the night inter- venes, in the shadow of whose darkness much may be pre- pared to ÜTistrate the usual order of events. A feeling of regard for the memory of the Emperor Francis, honourable in the extreme, but inconsistent with political duties, led, immediately after his decease, to the resolution, that not only the system of government, but the very machinery of the state, as he had used it, should be preserved un- changed, — an unfortunate decision, since the hand failed that was so skilled in putting the machine in motion, and REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA, 19 the spirit, moi'eover, failed, wHch in case of necessity was to supply the defects in the worn-out machinery. The con- struction of this complicated macliine, particularly in its internal parts, is so little understood beyond the limits of Austria, that a sketch of it, in this place, cannot be con- sidered inappropriate. THE AUSTRIAN GOVERNMENT MACHINERY. Until the month of March, 1848, there was no ministry in the Austrian empire, but only court offices, and they were of this description. For the chief government of the home department there were three aulic chancellorsliips (viz. an imited aulic chancellorship for all parts of the empire not belonging to Hungary or Transylvania, and a separate chan- cellorship for each of those last-mentioned provinces). For the departments of finance, rents, domains, mines, trade, in- dustry and the post-office, there was one general auHc- chamber. For the administration of the law in those dis- tricts which formed no part of Hungary or Transylvania, tliere was a chief-justiceship. For the united military depart- ment, there was the celebrated aulic council of war. For the business of the police and censorship, there was an aulic-de- partmcnt bearing those titles. For the control of the public accounts, there was a general directory of accounts ; and finally, for conducting the business of the imperial household and of foreign afiairs, there was a private house-court-and-state- chancellorship. In the united aulic chancellorship, there was a 'separate department for the management of public education, under the title of the aulic commission of studies ; and, annexed to the chief-justiceship, there was an aulic com- mission of legislation to frame all laws relating to the adininis- 20 OEXESI.S OF Tlti: tration of justiio. Thcso cmirt olVict's, -with tlio exceptiou of the police and censorship, and the house-court-and-state-clian- celloi^sliip, had a collegiate aduiiuisti*atiou ; that is to say, all theii' measures were determined at boards by a relative majority of votes ; each referendary and voter possessed au individual vote, as well as the president, whose duty it was not to allow any decisions to come into practical operation, if he apprehended any injury might arise therefrom to the service, without first submitting tliem to the emperor for decision. These court offices were in former times con- sidered as secretarysliips of the monarch, they acted in his name, and received the title and the address of " Your IMajesty." This custom subsisted up to the days of March, with respect to the chief department of justice, and the two aulic-chancellorshijjs of Hungary and Transylvania, which bodies controlled the administration of justice in those countries. Originally the heads of the court offices had the same jurisdiction as state secretaries, or ministers, in the real meaning of the word, and sometimes enjoyed that title and rank on account of their own personal qiialifications. The head of the house-court -and-state-chancellorslii}) always en- joyed this distinction, oftentimes even in connection with the still more exalted dignity of state chancellor, as was the case first with the celebrated state chancellor Prince Kaunitz, and subsequently with Prince Mettemich. They were sum- moned to councils by the monarch, and up to the last years of the reign of the Empress Maria Theresa there- was no corporation in existence to whom the examination and review of the projects emanating from the court offices was committed ; but the more important affairs of state were considered, and afterwards decided in councils formed of the chiefs of the court offices under the presidency of the REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 21 monarch, held iii the presence of a few confidential j^ersons, who had attained the rank of minister of state, or minister of conference, wliich was the highest office in the empii-e after that of state-chancellor, although such person might have ceased to hold a portfolio. The rapid development of the moral and industrial resources of Austria, and the reforms in the administration of the home department, instituted by the empress, with the assistance of her son Joseph, tended to increase the amount of public business, and to render it more complicated, and thence arose the necessity for increasing the number of confidential persons in the imperial councils, wliich was effected by employing jiersons from each separate department, who were wholly unfitted, in respect of their other qualifications, to fill the highest offices in the state. The empress therefore created the council of state, and sum- moned to the same a small but carefully selected number of nobles from the difierent branches of the administration^,, who might, in conjunction with the ministers of state and the ministers of conference, form her political court of con- science. The duty which she imposed on the members of this new council was very characteristic. They were bound to speak according to their indii-idual convictions, with the additional understanding that they should receive, during the period of their lives, the lai'ge yearly salary of 8,000 florins, even in case of their secession from the council, and this aiTangement was made for the express purpose of ensuring their protection, lest apprehension from the consequences of the imperial anger, occasioned by an unrestrained expression of their sentiments, might cause them to swerve from the conscientious discharge of their' duty. As long as the original character of these court offices and of the court council Avas preseiwed, the want of an united ministry could never be felt in Austria. But in the L'l: GENESIS Ol" THE coui-se of time these bodies lost tlieir i^cculiar character. During the first jjart of tlie reign of the Emperor Francis, he })resided in poi"son at tlie conferences, and to assist liim in the discharge of his duty, he had a cabinet minister at liis side, who was in constant connection, not only officially, but personally, with the president of the court offices, the state-councillors, and the ministers of state and conference, and he daily brought before the notice of the emperor the subjects to be considered. In the year 1805 this cabinet minister (who at that period was the Count Colloredo) was dismissed from his post at the desire of Napoleon, and the office has never since been filled up : the emperor per- sonally undertook the arduous task of holding together all the threads of the general administration, and availed liimself of the occasional assistance, first of one and then of another of his ministers of state or conference, but never otherwise than in a temporary and partial manner. Oral communications between the emperor and the heads of the state departments became now more and more rare ; they were obliged to submit everything to the emperor's notice in writing ; they were forbidden to appear before him in discharge of their official business, without a summons, or without the imperial permission previously obtained, and many months often elapsed withoixt their being summoned together. After this fashion, those who filled the court offices gradually sunk from their rank of participators in the government, to the condition of mere officials of the administration ; each busied himself in his own particular department, without regard to the duties of the others, and a substantial co-opera- tion was wanting for the general benefit of the state. The council of state, which should have formed the focus for con- centrating the rays of government, did not fulfil such an inten- tion ; for the great mass of business in detail, which had been REVOLUTIOX IK AUSTRIA. 23 referred to this body for its advice, had produced an impor- tant increase in the number of its members, not by the addi- tion of bona fide pri-vy councillors, but by the introduction of official referendaries of lower rank and inferior capacity, and dividing them into sections adapted to the various departments of business. The personal credit of the mem- bers of the state council was materially diminished, their proceedings were tedious and procrastinated, each section deemed itself the representative of that particular branch of business committed to its superintendence, and considered that the whole was represented only by the Emperor Francis. It did not happen, however, that all the business which came before the throne was referred for decision to the state council, to whose province it belonged. The em- peror caused a large proportion of it to be transacted with- out the intervention of that council, in '' cabinet fashion," as it was termed, by a single member of the body, whom he selected, or by one of the ministers of state or conference, occasionally even by persons who belonged to neither cate- gory, and were even strangers to the service of the state : in which case it was forbidden to those who were so honoured with the imperial confidence to speak of the transaction. It often became the difficult task of the monarch alone to con.sider the efiect which certain measures proposed by one department might exercise on another branch of the administration. The state council was not capable of taking a general view of the afiairs of government, and could not, therefore, supply the deficiency which existed in the veiy heart of the executive, for want of a ministerial council. In consequence of this manner of conducting the public busi- ness, everything depended upon the personal qualifications of the emperor. But as personal qualifications are not here- ditary, like the throne, it was a matter of the most urgent 21 GENESIS CF THE necessity, on the accession of the new emperor, to effect a cliange, adaptecl to the wants of the time, in the whole j^ystem of the eoiut offices and the council of state. The system of transacting business at boards by the court offices, which had no cognizance of matters of law, might, at the time of its institution, when the quantity of business and the number of members wei'e not very large, have been liable to no strong objection ; but of late they had to contend with the two-fold disadvantage of im- peding the discharge of pressing business and acting in con- cert with a class of officials who were exempt from personal responsibility, since the quantity of business to be transacted, often, too, of the most complicated nature, allowed neither a thorough discussion nor a comj)lete decision, the discussion being in most cases a mere matter of form, Avliich served merely to screen the official from all subsequent responsi- bility. The Tmfitness of this collective system of transacting matters of business which, from theü* nature, required des- patch, secrecy, and special knowledge, wa.s already e\ident ; and for this reason the system of presidential management was introduced as a palliative. According to tliis system, the pre- sident withdrew a portion of the business from the manage- ment of the board, in order to despatch the same by virtue of his own mere authority, with the aid of a councillor's or secretary's pen. In many of the coiui; offices, particularly in the general court-chamber, the business was exces- sively procrastinated. But this system had the evil result of directing the attention of the president too much to such affairs as were reserved for liimself, and to the business of the boards, and diminished the superintendence he was bound to maintain over the referendaries and voters, as in such superintendence lay the only guarantee against inat- tention, ijrejudice, or obstinacy on thek" part. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 25 The Jurisdiction of these court offices was strictly defined by the emperor j whatever duties lay beyond or above such jiu'isdiction was reserved for the impei'ial determination. But the boundary was found sometimes to lie more in matter of form than of substance. Strictly speaking, whatever matters were not in accordance with established precedent ought to be referred to the throne, but whatever lay within the confines of j^recedent might be immediately decided by the court office to the jurisdiction of which it belonged. The most extraordinary contradictions resulted from this maxim. A conscript, for instance, summoned for military service, if his claims of exemption were not admitted by the civil and military officials, could, strictly speaking, only be relieved from service by an imperial decree, wliilst the duty of determining the number of recruits to be annually kept on foot, although this varied eveiy year, depended altogether on the decision of the war department. The thousand workmen who, duiing a great many years, had found fixed employment in the public works, but who had not gone thi'ough the formality of taking an oath, when they became disabled, could not be entitled to the smallest pension without the previous consent of the emperor liimself, because, according to established precedent, the oath of alle- giance alone gave a title to the protection of the state. The conversion of the smallest portions of forest into arable land required the special permission of the throne, because the forest laws enacted, in order to prevent a scarcity of wood, that the extent of the forests should not be diminished. A landlord wisliing to purchase a few square yards of ground from his tenant for building, or the formation of a garden, was obliged first to obtain the permission of the emperor himself, because the tenant laws forbade the increase of domains l)y any addi- tion of peasant lands. 26 GKXESIS OF THE Besides tlie iinpccliments tliiis oflferccl to the efficiency of the court offices l>y the offi'ct of a particular system, they were not unfrcqueutly intertered with by the emperor liim- self, even in matters which came pai-ticularly within their attribution. The absolute rulers of Austria had, for instance, given their subjects so imcontrolled a right of petition- ing, that eveiy indi\-idual might apply immediately to the emperor, and was allowed not only to hand in his petitions personally, at the weekly audiences, but even to send them by post, as the post-office authorities had received dii-ections to forward all commxmications for the emperor to the imperial cabinet. The applications were examined on theii- arrival, and if their contents seemed to require no particular attention, they were transmitted forthwith to the court offices, to be dealt -svith by those departments. But if circumstances wei'e therein stated which appeared either to entitle the petitioner to a favour, or raised a doubt as to tlie impartiality of the authorities, the emperor marked (signed) the petition, — that is, he wrote with his own hand in a comer thereof the name of the president of the particular court office to whose cog- nizance the matter belonged ; every such, signature had the effect of preventing the petition from being dealt with by the office before the whole transaction had been explained to the emperor, and before the intended decision of the comi; office had been approved of by him. These signatures (as they were technically termed), which so constantly occurred, produced as a necessary residt, not only the delay of business, but impaired the efficiency of the administration. The superintendence exercised over the court offices, for the purpose chiefly of preventing them from overstepping their jurisdiction, was ensured by a regulation, which rendered it necessary to submit to the emperor a j>rogramme of the business which was to be transacted at eveiy sitting. The RSVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 27 examination and supervision of this progi-amme devolved upon the council of state, which exercised a strict control. Although by these means valuable precautions were taken against the abuse of official authority, the working of the coiu't offices was, however, a good deal trammelled, and a species of intimidation was exercised, not only over them, but over their sub-functionaries. The result was, that every official, in order to escape responsibility in doubtful cases, instead of acting, had recourse to consultations, and thus the subaltern leaned upon his superior, and the superior upon the emperor, upon whom consequently, in the opinion of the people, rested the responsibility of all obnoxious measures. The court offices had no connection with the state councu, or -with the voters of the cabinet. They submitted their proposals to the emperor. Thus their original cha- racter of secretaries of state was maintained in form, since the state council was not interposed between them and the emperor, but stood behind the latter, to receive their proposals from him when they had been considered by the state council, and to retiu^n them to him when they had undergone revision. But this strict adherence to form carried with it a material injury to the substance. The court offices only learned the emperor's decision upon theii' measures through the medium of cabinet letters (wliich were termed hand-billets), and even then only received the emperor's determination, briefly annoimced, without any reasons being given for the same ; and this course was pur- sued in conformity with the maxim, that it was not deemed compatible with absolute power to render any account res- pecting tlie grounds of an imperial decree. In numerous cases, therefore, when their proposals were not adopted, or were subjected to material modifications, they were unable to learn the motive of the rejection or tlie alteration, they 28 GENESIS OF THE could nevei' thci'^fore comprehend the spirit of their master's orders, but were circumscribed in canying them into execution by the limits wliich seemed to be contained ^äthin the strict letter of tlie decree. ^Misiuidcrstandings and indifference fol- lowed the execution of such decrees, and displays of vexation and malicious joy were not wanting at the imsuccessful result of a groundless decision against their opinion, so that not imfrequently the secretaiies of the emperor came into moral conflict with their master. This serious evil might have been remedied by the simple arrangement of calling in the chiefs of the court offices to consider the amendments of the state or cabinet council, whenever it was proposed to reject, or materially to alter, the propositions emanating from the couii; offices ; but in opposition to this plan, a love for c>ld us;iges arrayed itself, together \n.th the satisfac- tion which the councU of state and the cabinet voters found in claiming part in the infalHbUity of their client. In the chief towns of the provinces, the countiy magis- trates were subject to the com-t offices at Vienna, and amongst these, always excepting the management of the police, the collective system of transacting business was established, and was followed by the same e"\dl results. The poUce establish- ments occupied a two-fold position ; they were, for example, subject to the pro\incial authorities, and Avith resj^ect to matters that concerned the inferior police, subject even to the inferior authorities ; but at the same time they received their orders immediately from the court office of police, and made reports immediately to it, a course, as is generally known, which gives rise to perpetvial suspicions and discon- tent on the part of both the pro\-incial and the inferior authorities. The provincial authorities for the management of the iBterior (political) as well as the finance administration, EEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 29 had in the chief city of every cii'cle (in the Lombardo- Yenetian kingdom, in every province), the government officers at theii" disposaL By those to whom the adminis- tration of the finance was entrusted, the system of transacting business by boards was practised ; by those who conducted the interior (political) administration (called cii'cle-offices, and in the Lombard© -Venetian kingdom, delegations), the official authority and responsibility was transferred per- sonally to the president (called the captain of a circle or delegate). The provincial authorities for the administration of justice exercised control over the judges of the first instance, who in some places consisted of boards of magistrates appointed by the prince or the toAvns, in others, were single judges appointed by the prince or the lord. In Hungary and Ti-ansylvania this difference existed, that the provincial authorities for the interior administration and for the affairs of justice, had no government officers under theü' control in the separate departments (the counties), but only municipal officers ; who, Avitli the exception of the supreme counts, nominated by the prince, and irremovable from office, or, in their absence, the removable administrators of counties, elected by the counties themselves, were either badly or not at all paid, and were irremovable for the period of their office, and on this account, particularly of late, only obeyed such orders as they deemed consistent with their municipal authority. According to the esta- blished proceedings of the boards, the president appointed by the prince (eiso(l upon him at his atlvanccd jige ; the other, Count Kolowrath, hold no portfolio, Imt, as is gouerally known in Vienna, lie ■was constantly «Mnj)loye(l in the oilieial iluty of sujKU'intending the most important and contideutial affairs of state, of examin- ing all mattei-s conneeted with the court and the expenditure of the imperial family, and of reviewing and examining the ■work of the councillors of state and the cabinet olHcials before they came before the Arcliduke Louis, to be sub- mitted to the emperor ; and he had in addition to perform the duty, if not to enjoy the title, of the cabinet minister who had been always at the side of the Emperor Francis till tli»? year 1805. This duty was so extensive, that to assist in its discharge, two liigh state officials — councillors of court — with several official clerks, were assigned to him ; and this business required the more attention, from the fact that any observations he might make on the various matters which he undertook to examine, were never communicated to others, and therefore he had to pnmounce the final opinion, which beciime the more imj)ortant in consequence of the confidence which the emperor reposed in him. Time could not be found for regidar oral consultations with the mem- bers of the state conference on business relating to the empire in general ; the reference of jjai-ticular subjects to that board for consideration did not occur regularly, but by fits, and accidentally, and the decision ou such occasional matters was usually communicated only in writing, and accordingly without artbrding any o])portunity for comparing idea« and correcting impressions. For tliese reasons, this institution, which was intended to supply the want of a ministerial coinicil, failed in its purpose, and produced no other result than to add a third system to the two oiiginal plans (to wit, the state council and the cabinet), through KEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 37 whicli business to be transacted by the emperor was brought before his notice, and thus in place of promoting a union, occasioned a greater division. The temporary members of the conference of state could exercise no beneficial influence upon that body. Their position resembled a cipher in aritlunetic, which only • has value when a figure stands befoi'e it. A gross injustice would be committed against the statesmen of Austria by supposing that they had not long recognized the defects of the state machine. All those who have ever been in confidential communication with them, must acknow- ledge that the evils had not escaped their attention. Above all, Prince Metternich made no secret of his conviction that the chief fault of the government lay in its not governing, and that this defect arose from confounding the executive with the legislative departments. But an admission, to produce benefit, must embody itself in action. And the force of habit, combined with the want of decision and union, prevented the intention of acting from being reduced to practice. No one deemed the storm so near, and when at length it burst forth, the worn-out machinery was no longer capable of governing the vessel of the state, and it became the sport of the wind and the waves. THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. The causes which had prevented a timely reform of the state machine, on the accession of the Emperor Ferdinand, though they were of such a nature as (except in Hungary and Transylvania) to depend on the will of the monarch alone, must have stood still more in the way of a change in the system of government, besides which the relations of 38 GEITESIS OF THE Austria to foreign powers were to be taken into considera- tion. It was for this ixiason that the system of govcmraent of the Emperor Francis remained wholly untouched. "We have already adverted to the chief maxim of this system ; it was the unabated maintenance of the sove- reign's authority, and a denial of all claim on the part of the people to a participation in that authority. This maxim was accompanied by two others, which were meant to sei-ve as props to it. One was the maintenance of the paternal character of the government, and the other the defence and encouragement of Catholicism. Fi'om these three maxims emanated all the proceedings of the government. The contradictions which an attentive observer may notice in particular government measures will be explained by considering the predominance of one or other of these maxims : sometimes it might be accidental, and at other times it might arise from the force of circumstances. Thus, the police provisions respecting passports, the strict censorship exercised over publications, the restrictions on public meetings, the direction of the species of instruction to be taught in schools of every kind, the suppression of the provincial estates, were consequences of the first maxim. On the other hand, in the execution of all ordinances and pro- hibitions, the second maxim gave rise to so lax a system, that their full weight was felt by only a few individuals, and those were persons whose conduct had made them particularly obnoxious or had provoked in too marked a manner the atten- tion of the police. The strictness of the censorship, more especially, was only exercised against works and journals pub- lished in the country, and against the public advertisements of booksellers. All foreign literary productions were easily obtained in private, so that a man of any literary pretensions would have been ashamed in society to acknowledge himself REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 39 unacquainted with a forbidden hook or journal tliat Jiad excited observation : for instance, even in the presence of the highest officials, and in the most public places, it was customary to speak openly of tlic worst articles in the journal Die Gi'enz- hoten, since no one tliought it his business to inqiiire how the speaker became acquainted with such an article.* Directions wei'e previously given to the professors, prescribing in what manner and on what subjects they were to lecture ; but if they taught differently, they incun-ed no censure provided their teaching impugned no dogma of Catholicity. For instance, after possession had been taken by Austria of the territory of Cracow, a professor at Vienna chose for a subject of public disputation for a doctors degree a question which afforded an opportunity of condemning this act of the government in the severest terms. The circxmistance caused excitement ; the pro- fessor was examined, and he excused himself by proving the good intention which had actuated him to choose this subject, being desirous to correct the erroneous opinions of those who had expressed themselves loudly against the government. And though from the style in Avhich he had ojiposed the candidate for the degi'ee, in the public disputation, it was * Tlie following decree which appeared in tlio Gazette of Vienna {Wierwr Zeilunr/) of 14th July, IS.'iO, forms a contrast to the proceed- ings before March : — " Vienna, 12fh July, 1850, " Sentence of imprisonment (profoson-arrest) for four weeks was pro- nounced against Joseph Sclionpflug, for receiving the Presse, a for- hiddcn newspaper," &c. &c. .IVorn the imperial Royal Central Military Commission. It is probable i\\!\,t before March 1848, the military provost would liavc: liiund it ncccHsary to provide receivers of n(!\vHpai)crs with l)oard ;ind lodging, if a state of siege, in the .alisenco of war, hiud been at that time iiiiown in Austria. Tliat such a resouroe was ludcnown, and that tliero were no laws .against riots, was a defect in the legislative system, which was not recognised before the events of March, when tlie neces- sity of Hup])lying such a defect became evident. It aj)pears tliat the completion of the Austrian laws \-ithout the advantages of noble blood, or comiection with influential officials, or the gifts of fortune, attained their high position and baronial rank by means of their own personal meiit alone, and to the vice-president of the superior court of justice, Baron von Gärtner, and to the court councillor in the united court chancery, Baron von Frossdik, both of whom were non-Catholics. It was not the rule to inquire into the nationality of an official. The great majority of officials, even in the higher departments, sprang from the rank of citizens. Promotion in the army was attained by men of all nations and all creeds, by citizens as well as by nobles. Offences in the nature of parti- zansliip and of patronage exercised by individual superiors in appointments and promotions are by no means rare in constitutional states, and even in republics. In Austria, therefore, they did not arise from the system of absolute government, to which at most indulgence to the oflienders might be imputed. The discovery of faults and errors in a system of government should never render us blind to its advantages. The unmeasured abiise with which the Austrian press, as soon as it became free, in the middle of March, * Baron d'EichhofF and Charles Fred. Baron Kubeck. — Ed, REVOLUTION IN" AUSTRIA. 47 assailed the government -which had existed prior to the month of March, mnst fill aU unprejudiced persons with contempt and disgust. Whoever may have read in the daily press the charges of a crushing coercion and of a sys- tematic stupifying influence practised by Austria against her subjects, without ever having visited the coiintry ; whoever may have read in the Constitution (No. 174, p. 1637), a paper glowing with love for the people, that before the days of March the Austrian peasant and the ox that drew his plough were on a perfect equality, and then immediately after those days may have observed how, in spite of this crasliing coercion, in spite of this universal stupefaction, a thousand gallant combats for liberty took place in all quarters of the empii'e ; how a thousand keen and enlight- ened statesmen arose, who, by speech and writing, taught their profoimd wisdom in unions, clubs, provincial assemblies, and parliaments, by the aid of books, newspapers, and mural advertisements — a thousand philosophers, who annoimced the results of their sagacious inquiries — a hundred thousand electors, who were capable of choosing lawgivers for Buda- Pest, Vienna, Frankfurt, and half a dozen Austrian provin- cial parliaments, — such an unprejudiced witness must be asked to believe that the deluge of March carried away all the enslaved, and stupified population of the Austrian empire into the depth of the ocean, and that a new host, like Pyrrha and Deucalion, came forth from the House of Assem- bly at Vienna and the Hall of the Diet at Presburg, who, by their successful exertions, caused the demoi"alized, ignorant mob, of the days antecedent to March, to rise up weU-in- structed and accomplished citizens, ripe and ready to under- take the duties of self-government. If, in accordance with a sense of honour, it be mean and unworthy to insult a fallen foe, what judgment does the 48 GENESIS OF THE abuse of a fallen government deserve, — a goverament which, without an eflbrt to defend itself by arms, yielded to tlie loudly-expressed oj)iuiüii of tlie people ; which, though it may be charged with errors in the course it adopted, can never be accused of malevolent intentions. The system which it adopted, sprang from the conviction of the heart and the conscience of the Emperor Francis. He and liis suc- ces.sor recognized in this system the conditions on which the empire depended for its existence, and the most certain means for advancing and establishing the happiness of their people : their most distinguished statesmen enter- tained this conviction, and honourably supported it. The future alone can show whether they were in error, whe- ther they misunderstood the notion of jwpular happiness : «nemies of the nation, however, such an error could not render them.* No notion is more relative to the individual * Tlie allusion to this conviction of the Emperor Francis, li.as brought upon this work the suspicion of reactionary tendencies, though it has pronounced no opinion upon the soundness or eiror of that conviction. Whether the views of the Emperor Francis and of his successor were correct or otherwise, experience alone will show. It would be prema- ture to found a definitive sentence concerning them upon the events which have hitherto transpired. In the course of the year 1848, pain- full apprehensions could not but be excited in the breast of every Austrian as to the .soundness of the convictions which the Emperor Francis entertained. Everything was out of joint ; the Imperial Diet had only uttered what tended to destruction and disorganization ; even the conservative party in it maintained its name only by its efforts to preserve the monarchical principle and social order, whilst it did not exert itself to keeji up the union between those races, which constitute the empire, and the entire dissolution of that union was only averted in 1848 and 1849, by a resort to the mo.st absolute of all powers, the force of arms. The veil of the future still conceals what will again be at- tempted, when the so-called exceptional state of things will have to make way for the true constitutional system in various parts of the empire. Wlieii each citizen of the empire, though the first words, which by a mother's teaching, he has been alile to stammer forth, may have be- longed to the German, Magyar, Wallachian, Italian, or some Sclavonic language — when he, after the example of the citizens of the United Kingdom on the other side of the English Cliannel (who, in spite of REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 49 tlian that of happiness. What one person considei-s as hap- piness, another regards as misfortune. The tranquil fisher- man, who, after successful casts of his net, steers his smoothly- gliding bark, laden with rich spoil, to his native shore, C(jnsiders it happiness, if the undisturbed sea allows his boat freely to obey the rudder ; wliilst the bold sailor, on the contrary, who at the same time impatiently awaits in the harboiu- the moment for liis departure, in oi'der speedily to reach a distant coast, considers it a misfortune if a fresh gale does not spring up to inipel the waves in the dh-ection of liis cour,se, which, tossing his vessel on the foaming biUows, may bear it, with expanded sail and redoubled speed, to its wished- for destination. The Emperor of Austria and his council resembled the fisherman, — the popular leaders were like the .sailor ; but can this difference in intention afford a reason for suspecting the designs of the former, or loading their- names with contumely 1 One may expose eri'or without abusing the individual who eiTS, as luifortunately has oc- curred, and may again happen. With difficulty was the .statue of the Emperor Francis, in the squai-e of Vienna, pro- being Scotch, Irish, or English, exult in the common name of Britons), schall feel himself most honoured by the name of "citizen of Austria," niu\ by the exclamation of " Hail Austria," shall be enfl.amed to patri- otic enthusiasm, like the Briton by his " Rule Britannia :" when respect for the law, and the consciousness of a duty to see it enforced, even at tlie sacrifice of self, shall have gained imdisputed possession of the heart of every citizen of Austria, when there shall be no difference of opinion with the government of the time being as to whether there should be a great, pf)werful, and united Austria, but only as regards the ways and means to maintain and secure its grandeur, its power, and its unity, — when the Maf/na Charta of his liberties, and the Hulicas Corpux Act, sliall not be used by the Austrian as a bulwark behind which the dis- trust of the people against the intentions of the government shall intrench itself, but they sliall rather serve as a guarantee of confidence between the governing and the governed ; when all these conditions shall have been fulfilled, it will be shown to have been an error to sup- pose that the existence of the Austrian Empire was fundamentally based upon the principle of pure monarchy. 50 GENESIS Ol' THK tected from the fuiy of a fanatical iiKjb. Tiio l)ouos of tlio omporor a^oic to have Iteeu tijru from their resting-place, and exposed upon the ramparts of A'ienua to the bullets of the imperial troops, who were struggliug with the insurrectiou. The miuister""' whose mime this system of government bore, because he held the portfolio of foreign atfairs from the year 1809, and who was obliged to be the representative before the world of tliis system of the emperor, agi-eeing as it did with, his o^vn innermost conviction, became an ob- ject of general hatred and calumny. To his colleague,t who, from the year lS'2ö, assisted him in piloting the A'essel of Aiistria, was attributed tlie gi-oss injustice of asserting, that he was hostile to this system, and yet maintained a post in which he contributed to its suj)port ; conduct which in an honourable, independent statesman would have been a moral impossibility. In particular cases, there must neces- sarily have existed differences of opinion between two states- men, one of whom pursued his course abroad, with his atten- tion directed chiefly to Europe, whilst the other confined his observation to the interior of the empire, and so attained the highest eminence in the state, including a nomination to the supreme council, — differences respecting the application of state maxims, — ^but to neither of them should it be imputed as a reproach that he subjected liis own individual sentiments in such cases to the opinion of the absolute sovereign ; but as to condemning the system of government, it cannot be conceived possible that a statesman woidd keep his lAace where his principles coiJd not be reduced to practice, unless he had to expect on his retbement, that the silken bow-string would be forwarded to him by an exasjDerated sultan. . We have given our opinion so freely respecting the state * Prince Metternich. — Ed. f Count Kolowrath. — Ed. EEVOLUTIOK IN AUSTRIA. 51 macMaery and system of government of Austria, that we believe "we may, without subjecting oui'selves to the charge of reactionaiy tendencies, venture, as unprejudiced and inde- pendent spectators, in opposition to exaggeration and mis- representation, to speak the tiiith, even though it should be in favoui- of the government as it existed before March. The preservation of peace in Europe for a period of thirty- three years, to which it cannot be denied that Austria con- tributed a decisive assistance, ought to have some favourable influence upon the friends of the people, who exhausted themselves in denunciations against the chief Austrian statesmen previous to March. The credit which the Austrian exchequer enjoyed through- out Europe previous to March, in spite of the difficulties it had to contend with, of which the interest on Vienna bank- notes, and the high coui"se of exchange upon government bills up to March, 1848, affords a proof, will serve to show that the Argus-eyes of the European moneyed powers, which could not surely overlook the government in Austria, found never- theless no reason for suspecting that a state bankruptcy was about to occur. The security which person, honour, and property enjoyed in Austria, may afford a proof that Themis, even though the old government chmg to her, had made proper use of her scales and sword. Mercury, during the time of the old government, could scarcely have been less favourable to Austrian commerce than he has shown himself since its abdication. Mars and Bellona have, in truth, since the fall of the old government, again restored to the Austrian army that high fame which had made her warriors, dtiring many years, the object of universal honour and admiration ; but this army was not called suddenly from the eai-th by a stamp of the foot E 2 02 GENESIS OF THE on tlie purt of those who exercisod power subsequent to March ; the education of the army, the spirit wliich inlhienced it, its organization, wliich in the moment of necessity rendered its increase and full development a })0s- sibility, were the work of many years' exertions, during the epoch of the old government. If, however, we must thankfiUly acknowledge the destruction of the old govern- ment as an improvement, let us not inconsiderately condemn an age and a race of men who could not enjoy this improve- ment, as thousands have condemned them since the days of March, and amongst whom are many who, imder that very government, gradually rose to the highest posts of office and honour, without ever giving expression to their discontent. The Austrian government, as it existed before March, is often subjected to the reproach of having lagged behind other governments in the race of improvement, because it could not decide how it should step forward. But let those who, with the bitterest feelings, indulge in tliis reproach, ask their own consciences whether they have not themselves given cause for siich indecision. An improvement, for example, is inconceivable without a change of situation ; but when, before the days of March, some comfortable post was destined to be abolished in consequence of an improvement intended by the government, its possessors liad recourse to every means in their power to enable them to retain it. It was part of the paternal character of the government to lend an ear to those who apprehended injury from the abolition of the post which they enjoyed ; and thus, many an important reform split lipon this rock. Was it not, for example, the cry of terror raised by a few of the manufacturing classes that, a few yeai's ago, prevented the change * projected by the govem- * This change has been carried into effect by Prince Schwarzenberg's administration. It EVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 53 ment from a proliibitive to a protective system of customs 1 Who threw obstacles in the way of a more rapid improve- ment in the plan introduced to effect a general engineering, survey of the country, by curtailing the pecuniary grant which, from the beginning, had been annually dedicated to that piu'pose l Who prevented the proportionate taxation of home-manufactured sugar determined upon many years before, mth respect to wliicli branch of industry the English, who were fully qualified to fomi an opinion in this respect, considered that the loss wliich the state finances would thereby suffer in the duty on cane-sugar, was nothing else but a source of pi'ofit to the producer 1 Who delayed, by refusing to introduce the conscription, and to abolish the i5ri-\i- lege of the nobility on the subject of bearing anus, the intro- duction of a timely law of recruiting ? Woiüd no impedi- ments have been offered to a compulsory removal of the burdens pressing on the land and soil, if the government had proposed it, by those who were in perpetual conflict with the government authorities, for seeming to show more partiality to the villein, than to the freeholder of the soU, or by those who, shortly before the eventful year 1848, had proposed to the government, for the greater protection of tlic right of shootbig, to forbid the sale of a hare, or a par- tridge, or any other game, unless the seller was qualified mth a previous license 1 How would an equal toleration of all religions in the eye of the government have been received by those provincial authorities, who, in one province,* on the ground of ancient privileges, had required and obtained t!u> banishment of numerous families natives of the soil, because, forsooth, they did not live in the bosom of the Catholic Church ; whilst, in another province, the costly gift of a foreigner, wlio * In the Ziller-Tlial, where before the charter of March 4, 1S49, tho Roman Catholic Church was exclusively dornin;n.t. — Ed. 54 GENESIS OF THE ■was allowed by the govenmient to purchase land, and which he, from motives of gi-atitude, had dedicated to a generally jusefiü and long-desired object, was rejected, because the generous donor was a Jew ? And with regard to the freedom of the press, we ^■enture to ask whether many of those who, as friends of literature and art, complained the loudest and the boldest on the subject of the censorship, as it existed before March, against reviews of a pamphlet or a play, did not feel themselves aggi-ieved by the lukewarm censorship exercised by their own officials, when their indi- vidual vanity or interests were thereby aggrieved ? The president of the police may answer this question by a reference to his proceedings. Though it may betoken irresolution and weakness on the part of the Austrian government before the month of March, deplorable and highly deserving of censure, that she suffered herself to be impeded in her progi-ess by such a host of petty obstacles, it ill becomes those who have derived advantage from such ÜTCSolution and weakness to stand forward now, as the bitterest accusers of that government, and seek to proscribe its supporters, because less progress was made than the spirit of the age demanded, less than has been undertaken since the days of March, when those opposing obstacles were removed. The powers, the ministry, and Diet which succeeded it, have not put a stop to the former " vis inertise," nor the activity of foimer selfish- ness, since those who, before the events of March, raised their voices loudest against every change in their situation, were afterwards silenced, and bore -with, resignation what- ever happened to them. Till the dissolution of the Diet, the activity of the new authorities was particularly devoted to the work of demolition ; the rebuilding came afterwai'ds. Upon that task the present government is actively engaged. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 55 No town council, no aristocratical or clerical influence, no imperial cabinet, no council of state, and, at the present moment, no parliament, or diet, comes with, its obstacles and delays in the way.* The officers xmder the ministry must yield unconditional obedience to its commands, since he who cannot or will not instantly obey, is now immediately replaced by another, t N'o regard to the maintenance of the paternal character of the government, as it existed before March, can impede the exercise of its fidl powers. Pater- nal affection can never be the attribute of a constitutional government, whose authorities are responsible for their con- duct, not to a warm-hearted and feeling niler, but to the uncertain majority of a sharply-scnitinizing parliament. Thus, the existing ministry is likely to complete -with G GENESIS OK THE possesses a liouso whioli, altliouLjli ulil, is lial)it;il)lt', will cer- tainly not decide upon a change in the huilding, -without first well examining if the Hnn connection of the other i)arts may not, perhaps, be endangereil ])y the alteration, and whether substantial means arc foi'thcoming for the completion of the building. But whoever sees his house destroyed by an earth- quake, docs not consiilor about the most convenient mode of rebuilding it, but provides the means of doing so, at any price, even by issuing securities, Avhich may absorb part of the future rent. So it happened now in re-constinicting the demolished edifice of the state in Austria. Many of the changes adoi)ted at present were pre^äously contemplated, and were only de- layed because the means for that jjurpose were not forthcoming. The suppression of hereditary courts of justice, the establish- ment of a gendarmerie, the alterations in prisons, and houses of correction, the improving the condition of the instructors of youth, the extinction of \-illeinage, and other changes, were admitted, and encouraged by previous statesmen of the old government, as consistent with well-recogiiized theones ; but the millions of florins whicli were annually required for the existing necessities of the state, were wanting to carry out these changes, and as expexience proved that an altera- tion which materially concenis the state, is sure at some time to be eftected, they were unwilling to oppress the present or futm-e tax-payers with new burdens for these improvements.* But the people, who since that time have * We may judge of the amount of these expenses from several data which have become public. The administration of justice, which, up to 1848, claimed about "ij millions of florins from the State treasur\, required 12 millions in 1S50. The four ministerial departments, tlie attributes of which were fomierly comprised in the Court-Chancery, the Court-Commission of Studies, the Police, and the Court-Censorship, and which usually figured in the State budget under the head of "Poli- tical funds and establishments," with an expenditure of about 16j millions of florins, and under the head of "Police," with 2,V millions of REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 57 attained a partnership in tlie sovereignty, have misunderstood this unwillingness ; they have torn down the old state edifice, florins, consequently with an annual total expenditure of IS-J- millions : these four ministerial departments, viz. that of the Interior, that of Ecclesiastical Affairs and Public Instruction, that of Commerce, Industry, and Public Buildings, and that of Agriculture, have in the first quarter of 1850 absorbed already 9,112,692 florins. Accordingly, the total expenditure of the current year may rise to 36 millions of florins, which will be almost double that of former years. The national debt, which up to 1848, entailed an annual charge of about 49 millions of florins, has cost the nation in the first quarter of 1850 already 13,960,618 florins ; the expense for the whole year will consequently rise to 56 millions. The army will cause the most considerable increase of expen- diture in the budget of the constitutional empire. Tl;e amount required for its support during the time of the absolute monarchy, notwith- standing the preparations for war against France in 1841, and the reinforcements sent into Lombardy, never exceeded 55 millions in any year, but according to the results of the first quarter, its cost will amount, in 1850, to 125 millions. There is a probability of a diminution in this sum of about four millions, if the fratricidal dispute in federal or confederate Germany, as to German unity, should be adjusted without the roar of cannon. The expenses, however, of the army will not, and cannot l)e reduced again to their ancient limits, as they existed before March ; for to Austria the words now apply which the deputy to the Spanish Cortes at Madrid, Donoso Cortes, Marquis de Valdegamos, uttered during the discussion on the budget, on July 30, 1850, when he declared himself against the reduction of the army, viz. " That in our days the armies alone 'prevent civilization from being dried up in the bottomless sands of barba- rism, inasmuch as the world has now before its eyes the strange phenomenon of the force of ideas leading to barbarism, and the force of arms piressing forward to civilization." Tlius greatly augmented expenses demand larger contributions on the part of the free citizens to cover them. The land-tax has already been raised about oue-third, the tax on houses about tlie same ; the stamp duty has equally been augmented. There lias also been imposed a new income-tax, and a new duty of 3 J per cent, of the value upon the transfer of immovable property. We do not refer ■ to these fresh burdens with the intent nf loading the present ministry with reproach ; there is no blame attached to them : those burdens are the inevitable results, althougli they are not yet fully developed, of what was acquired for the people in the year 1848, both by their self- styled and by their duly elected representatives. Tlie ministers even spared the fatliers in some degree by raising credit, for which the sons and grandsons will have to be answerable. Tliey resorted, for instance, to paper money, to assignments on tlie revenues, to assignments on the central chest, to Exchequer-bills, to State loans, and to the capitalization of interest. It is right and equitable that the next generation should not be established in the enjoyment of their gains, without having caiwo 58 GENESIS OF THE and tliereby imposed upon themselves the task of bearing the expense of erecting- anotlicr building adapted to the wants of the age. Theii* noble profusion may excite aston- isliment ; the anxiety of the present architect of the state to avail himself of such c^xtravagance may be approved, and the timidity of liis predecessors be lamented, but no gi'ovmd is thereby ftimished for detesting and depreciating those, who cATuced more solicitude for the taxation of the people^ to remember the distress of the present genei-ation. The free commimes, which are the basis of a free state, cLaim, like it, sacrifices wliich were previously not at all required, or only to a small extent. The two spheres of activity for the communes, marked out by the communal law of the 17th of March, 1849, viz. the 'iiatural one and that covferred upon them, comprise so many fimctions, with which government or patri- monial oflBcials were formerly charged, that their management will entail loss of time, labour, and money on the part of the members of the communes. Besides the burdens of the free commimes, the citizen of a free state has, in addition, the personal obligation to act as an elector, as a national guardsman, as a member of the communal council, and as a sworn jury- man ; services which not only deprive him of his time — to millions as valuable as money — but which were previously unknown to him, and were attended to by soldiers, officials, and courts of justice, which received their remuneration from the state. The people's coming of age, in 1848, Las consequently been bought at a very high price. We trust that it may be to the nation a source of happiness and prosperity. In Vienna and in Prague, where, in 1848, the loudest declamations were uttered against the guardianship of the government, there does not appear to have been any great rejoicings in respect of their lately acquired rights ; if the zeal, wdth which those rights are exercised, is to be regarded as a measure of it. At Vienna, both the press and the government had to muster all their strength in order, at last, to induce 6, 21 7 persons, out of the large mmiber of citizens, to inscribe their names in the electoral lists. The president of the college of the constituency of the city of Prague was, on the 17th of June, 1850, obliged to declare, " that the neglect of the city constituency in regard to their duty of attending at the sessions, would compel him for the future to publish the names of the absent members, especially as there were several members who had never yet been present." We would, under these circumstances, ven- ture to ask the question, whether the ministers who were in power be- fore the month of March in Austria, might not merit a bill of indemnity as regards the charge made against them of not having, of their own accord, granted to the people those rights which the latter have ac- quired at so high a price, and with such few reasons, apparently, of rejoicing at the result. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 59 than seems to actuate tlie people tliemselves. Tlieii- inten- tions were good, tlieu- conduct was in accordance witli their intentions, but unfortunately secured no approbation, because the views of the people were not in unison with then." own. The people may now rejoice that their views are carried out, but should hesitate to sully the purity of their joy, by unjust reflections upon those who, under different ch-cum- stances, were compelled to adopt a different line of conduct. We beg the reader will attribute no other object to these remarks, than a wish to dissipate liis prejudices respecting the Austrian statesmen during the time of absolute monarchy, and by this means enable him to fomi a correct opinion of them. COMMOTIONS PREVIOUS TO MARCH, 1848. The introduction of moderate reforms was confidently ex- pected on the accession of the Emperor Ferdinand ; their postponement increased the discontent which already existed ; at the same time the want of that determined will and ex- perienced hand which belonged to the old emperor was clearly perceptible. The feelings of discontent were uttered in louder tones than heretofore, and paved the way to dis- turbances which gTaduaUy increased in all parts of the monarchy, emanating from the higher and middle classes of society, and finding acceptance amongst the lower orders of the people, in consequence of the pressure of the taxes, and more particularly of two measures of finance, namely, the tax* upon articles of food and drink, and the stamp act, which appeared in the year 1840, and whose provisions were advantageous to the rich. These commotions resolve themselves into two creat * Verzehrungsteuer, a tax corresponding to tlie octroi in France, levied .•it the gates of toNvns upon all articles of food and drink. — En. GO GEXESIS OF THE cla>;ses, namely, those of which the principal aim was to ctt'ect au absolute separation from the empire, and those which con- templated the extension and establishment of the right of the pco])le ti» participate in the government. The stniggU- after national supremacy was common to both. The commotions in the Polish and Italian parts of the empire belong to the first class ; the commotions in Hungary anil Transylvania, as also in Bohemia and Moravia, and the German provinces, belong to the second. In order thoroughly to understand the events which occurred after March, 1848, it must be particularly kept in mind, that the high or pri\-ileged classes of the people com- pletely agreed with the intelligent middle classes in one chief point, namely, in their aversion to the system of go- vernment, and their mistrust in the efficiency of the state machine, as well as in their wish to alter both ; but in all further ^^ews they were diametrically opposed to each other. The fii'st class, for example, wished, upon the ruins of the existing edifice, to (»rect a building in which they might occupy the best and most convenient apartments, and graciously leave to the others the occupation of the attics and the gaiTets. The other class wished, on the contrary, to complete a buüding, in which all apartments should be alike, but in which they shoiüd leave no I'oom for the first class. Both these parties exerted themselves together to tear down the existing edifice, \vith the intention, when the time should come for reconstruction, of claiming the building- ground for themselves. Hence the apparent harmony in the work of destniction until the days of March, and the subsequent disunion. Besides tliis general difference in the motive, there existed in the several parts of the empire the essential difference in the object in \iew, which has been above alluded to. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. " 61 The tendency to insui-rection was first embodied in action in the Polish parts of Austria, namely, in GaUcia, in the winter of the year 1846. But the disturbances there ori- ginated from another source, and had another object than those which took place in the other parts of the empire ; they sprang from recollections of the ancient kingdom of Poland, and they contemplated its restoration ; the spirit which actuated them was not democi'atic, since their object was not to elevate the people to a participation in the government, but to establish a Polish dominion in place of the Austrian, which latter was to be suppressed. For this reason, its authors did not succeed in seducing the people ; but the latter crashed the revolution in its bii-th. It is very remark- able that the government was taken by surprise and unpre- pared, although the civil and militaiy chief of the province had held the reins of government in his hands for fourteen years, and was an archduke of the house of Este, a famuy of whom it cannot be said that it is not quick in spying out revolutionaiy tendencies. The key to this difficulty may be found in the fact, that the archduke directed his attention more to the movements of the poor and inconsiderable ■democrats, and was not a match for the hypocrisy of the deceitful and treacherous Polish aristocracy, by whom he was ensnared.* This revolution, so soon sxibdued, might have * The editor of the "Historische Blätter, by G. Philipps and G. Görres," remarks on this head, at page 26 of the first number for 1850, " that, according to the evidence of other well-informed judges of those affairs, the archduke was not only far from being "ensnared," but, on the contrary, was fully aware of the hypocrisy and deception of the revolu- tionai-y Polish nobles ; that he had, however, imagined them to be un- willing heedlessly to bring about their own certain ruin, at their own risk and expense, considering the well-known dispositions of the pea- santry." We sliall not raise a dispute as to the fact, wliether the Governor-general of CJalicia was taken by surprise by the revolt in 1846, because the Polish nobles had " ensnared" him, or rather because hi« confidence in their discretion had deceived him. The error was equal 62 GENESIS OF THE fui-nislied a wholesome Avaming to the Austrian government against similar sui'prises, but uniortimately it only regarded the fa\'ourablc side of the transaction, namely, the assistance ■which it received from the people ; it considered this an the necessary result of the paternal system adopted by it, and it w'as strengthened in the delusion that this system w'ould eveiywhere, even beyond the limits of Poland, enlist the sympathy and support of the people, without reflecting that the sympathy of the Galician peasantry arose chiefly from theh- antipathy to theh- Polish landlords, and from the re- collection, by no means remote, of the intolerable oppression which they had been forced to endure under the dominion of a Polish aristocracy. In Austiian Italy the commotions before March had a similar object as in Austrian Poland, since they were intended to effect a separation from the empire. But the important difference between them consisted in this, that the Poles had a fixed object in view, to which their strug- gles were directed, — the re-estabhshment of the ancient king- dom of Poland, whilst the Italians only had before theii- eyes a something of which they disapproved, namely, the Austrian dominion, which was rather irritating to them by its petty goadings, and wearisome by its tedious forms, than oppressive to their nationality, or regardless of their in either case as regards liis discrimination of their sentiments. This is also the very reason why we do not concede to the editor of the " His- torische Blätter " the right of ascribing our remarks upon the conduct of the Archduke to the offence which "his jyrofound Catholic convictions had, as was to be expected, at all times occasioned to the ruling officials, who propayated the principles and doctrines of Voltaire." We believe, how- ever, that these Cathohc convictions could have no connection whatever with either of the two mistakes ; and we equally believe that those errors do not, in the slightest degree, darken the lustre of the arch- duke's noble character, or lessen the acknowledgment of the meritorious services which that prince of the imperial house has on so many occa- sions rendered to the throne and to the state. KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 63 substantial interests. Hence it happened that Avliilst the Poles sought to attain theii* object by deeds, the ItaUans evinced their disapprobation like children or women, by pouting, teasing, and abusing theii* masters, without the probability of ever coming to blows, if the apparent dissen- sion between the Pope and Austria, respecting the trans- action at Ferrai'a, and afterwards the ambition of the King of Sardinia, but more particularly the revival of the republic in France, had not awakened in them the hope of attaining this great end with little trouble. The strengthening of the Austrian garrison at Ferrara, undertaken in the year 1847, with military ostentation, was the result of a wish, which could not be misunderstood, to oppose a barrier to the disturbances likely to prove injurious to Austrian Italy, and which had been excited against the existing order of things by the fugitives who had been mi- wisely pardoned en masse by the Pope, and had returned to the States of the Church. This proceeding was quite lawful for Austria, and was only the repetition of what had taken place under the previous Pope, Gregory XVI., and had been acknowledged by him with thanks. But the commander in Lombardy committed the ana- chronism of forgetting that in 1847 a different head wore the tiara, and that tliis head was influenced by different opinions. But the cabinet of Vienna cannot be blamed for this anachi'onism, for it first became acquainted with the fact when accomplished, and it was obliged, therefore, to assert its own legal rights. For the movement party, the protestation of the Papal government was a jjowerful wea- pon against Austria, since it afforded an ostensible ground to preach a crasade against the alleged enemies of the Cliurch, in wliich couise they were zealously assisted by the Italian priesthood, who are, for the most part, an ignorant body, G4 ' GENESIS OF THK :uiil wlio d(i not osteem the Germans to bo genuine Catlio- lios. By this course the inoveiuent ])arty, who belonged to the niiiUUe and higher orders of society, obtaineil a support iVoni the h)wcr classes which they had previously wanted j for in Italy, as elsewhere, the ])eople who depended upon their own labour foi- sui»poi-t, were not disijosed in favour of political strife, unless connected with their own personal interests, whether founded on jn-ospective physical ale (alter their o^v^l fasluon, by a display of outwiu-d I'eligious practices) seem more anxious than the inhabitants of Gennany. Moreover, the hope of <;xpiating a multitude of suis by a manifestation of hatred against the German enemies of the Church jn-oduced a great effect upon the lower oi'ders, j)ai-ticularly as a distribution of money, or other favours, was adopted by the rich, to connect their temporal with their eternal interests. The demon- strations against the Austrians, which had formerly been evinced by a few indi\-iduals only, and with gieat timi- dity, increased in both number and boldness. The poHce authorities, for j)reventing and repressing such excesses, were powerless against such a multitude of malcontents ; they were forced to limit their activity to the detection of the ringleaders ; but even in such efforts they were not fully successful, since their sub-officitils lent them but indifferent aid. The measures which they employed failed in their object, and operated like goads, which provoke without destroying an antagonist. The coiu'se of events now as- simied such an aspect, that it was easy to see the Austrian authority could be maintained by nothing else than military force. For this pm*pose the aimy in Italy was continually increa.sed with great sacrifices on the part of the straitened REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 65 exchequer. ■"■ It seems tliat those who conducted the mea- sures of defence were but ill read in Italian history, which * The commander in Italy had, in December, 1847, 55,000 men and 5,600 horses at his disposal. The emperor ordered forthwith, in the same month, the Italian army to be increased by 9,800 men, and, in case of any gi-eater emergency, further by 13,000 men and 1,000 horses ; he ordered, likewise, the division of the troops into two army- corps, of which the first, in Lombardy, was to be composed of 29 move- able battalions, 22 squadrons, and 66 field-pieces, and 4 stationary bat- talions ; and the second, in the Venetian territory, of 17 moveable battalions, 14 squadrons, and 42 field-pieces, and of 7 stationary bat- talions. The emperor assigned to the Italian army, in the course of January, 1848, a fresh reinforcement of 9,000 men, with 2 batteries ; it was thus raised to 85,000 men, to which, in February, 2 battalions of infantry, 6 squadrons, and 2 batteries were further added. The expense incurred by these reinforcements increased the army-budget of that year by 5,000,000 of florins ; and though an attack on the part of the King of Sardinia was at that time hardly credible, the new burden was nevertheless not shunned, for the sake of maintaining peace in the in- terior of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom. The greatest part of the Austrian forces in that kingdom consisted of Italian troops ; but almost up to the very commencement of the revolution their loyalty had not only not been doubted, but every allusion to such doubts — whicli are said not to have been wanting in the cabinet — was looked upon as a violation of military honour. This prejudice was so extensively pre- valent, that even in the month of Februaiy, when martial law against high treason and rebellion was proclaimed in the Lombardo -Venetian kingdom, and the military were made subject to it, this latter circum- stance was even in the highest circles of Vienna looked upon with displeasure, as an attack upon the honour of the soldier, although the field-marshal himself had consented to the measure. The subsequent perfidy of so many Italian battalions has furnished a sad proof of its having been adopted with good reason. Our allusion to this circumstance has been provoked by an attempt on the part of several persons to construe the remarks of " Genesis," on the rapid loss of the Italian provinces, as evincing ingratitude for the services of the grey-headed and victorious general. They were not, however, made in that sense. Iladetzky's glo'y springs from the mas- terly discipline he knew how to give to his troops — from the prudence with which, wlien the catastrophe had burst forth, he knew liow to preserve them for future victories — fi-om the foresiglit with which lie ■waited for the opportunity for those victories, — and finally from the valour by whicli he gained them. It was perfectly true, as he said at the time of evacuating Jjomliardy, — "Milan has been loH at Vienna," — for the events of Vienna caused both the rising of the 6Ö GENESIS OF THK teaches that there the towns liuve ever controlled the pro- vinces, and that, therefore, whoever is master of the former can govern the latter, since, but for tliis ignorance, they would have found means in the ti'oopa which they com- manded, and in their munitions of war, to enable the gamsons of the large to'WTis to strike a blow against theh- imperfectly armed antagonists, and defy a people who were so little expe- rienced in militaiy aftairs. It would not then have occurred, that, beginning ^vith INIUan, all the towns, except Mantua and Verona, were evacuated by the imperial troops in the space of a week, without an attempt being made at bombardment, the most efficient means, as is universally admitted, of reducing insun-ections in towns. Even duiiug the contest in Älilan, which lasted for several days, field-pieces alone and no shells were employed, although the towers of the citadel completely commanded the town ; indeed, it has been observed that the citadel was wholly \mpro%dded with shells. This remarkable circumstance may have resulted from the timid character of the Austrian government ; and, paradoxical as it may sound, we cannot doubt the fact, when we reflect that in the government there existed an actual fear of the apprehension of danger ; and therefore it was that, notwithstanding the daily increasing tumult and daring conspiracy — -fronderie, as it may be termed (and German purists mil excuse the foreign idiom, as no German word can so completely express the idea), — the government neglected to take timely and proper measures for enabling the garri- MUanese and the King of Sardinia's violation of the law of nations by the assistance which that king gave to the rebels. Grand and pro- phetic were the first words hi; pronounced, after his arrival at Verona, — " Nothina as yd is l(>st." We rejoice at his fame, but we feel also, as impartial observers, called upon to combat that erroneous opinion, whicli accuses the men wlio were in possessiop of the reins of government at Vienna before March, as having caused the first disasters of the Lom- bardo- Venetian kingdom by a denial of the necessary means of defence. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 67 sons of the towns to defend them, effectually against the mob, because they were afraid of c\dncing theh- fear of insur- rection by precautionaiy measures, which it was impossible to conceal. If this was indeed the cause of the incomplete measures of defence, we must observe with Horace, — " In ^dtium ducit culpa3 fuga, si cai'et arte." Since, how great soever may be the fault of a government, when, by a prematiu'e display of military power, it betrays a mistrust of its subjects who are but partially excited, it cannot be imprudent to exhibit its ftdl preparations to a people who, by provocations and con- tinued abuse of the authorities, have long evinced then- decided intention to overturn the government, thereby pro- voking the preventive and restrictive operations of police measures, and even the summary proceedings of military law, to suppress their political intrig-ues. The most un- fortunate event, however, which could have occurred, hap- pened in Milan, on the 3rd of January, 1848 : a few hun- dred soldiers, whom the disturbers of the public peace would not allow to smoke cigars, actiug under the con\dction that they would fail to receive protection from the authorities against the anger of the people, sought to procure justice for tl emselves by the aid of their weapons, and, in bhnd revenge, cut down the innocent with the guilty. This unfortunate act of self-defence aided the enemies of the Austrian government to excite the people to mad tumult, and they knew how to take advantage of this accidental circumstance, and for the same purpose they had recourse to another expedient. They influenced the deputy of the Milan Central Congregation, Nazzari, to lay a petition before that body, whicli was insti- tuted by the Emperor Fi-ancis for the representation of the Linded interests, in which petition the grievances of the country were detailed and its -wishes expressed. This r 2 6S GENESIS OF THE example wiis iimnediately imitated in Veuice, and iu the provincial assemblies, as well as in many miiiiicijtalities, and by such means a universal commotion was excited. Such was the object of a step made under the pretence of loyalty. It would have- been a serious mistake to believe that, even if this step had had a favourable result, the position of the Austrian government would have been improved in the eyes of the people, since the point in dispute was not the im- provement of their condition luider an Austrian govern- ment, but their actual separation from it : eveiy concession, therefore, would have been misused, in order to strengthen their means of opposing Austria. This was not suspected by the Austrian officials in the country, since they ad\'ised an immediate compliance with the popular demands, though it was at once perceived by the central authority in Vienna, who, in consetpience of this conviction, and from an appre- hension of the eflects which concessions in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom might produce iipon the other portions of the empire, refused to recede from its customary cautious course, and declined to give a decisive answer. That the plans of the Lombardo- Venetians were completely pene- trated, is now proved by the public admission of one of the most intelligent of the Milan insurgents, Carl Cattaneo, who, in his work, pubUshed in Paris, entitled " L'Insurrection de !Milan en 1848," page 18, observes : " Les banquiers de Vi- enne insistaient dejä aupres du Conseil Atiliqu« (under which expres.' archduke stood above liim in that capacity. And in addition, we must recollect that the latter, in his efforts to secure j)opiüarity, endeavoiu-ed as much as jiossible to avoid eveiy unpleasant collision wth the leaders of the Estates, and succeeded admirably in this object, by means of his intel- lectual j)arts, liis lively disposition, liis playfid wit, and liis agi-eeable exterior. The assemblies of the Bohemian Estates were the most dis- contented, after those of Hungaiy and Transylvania. A bad symjitom displayed itself in the ch-cumstance that the sovereign did not escape attacks, but was constantly re- minded of his coronation oath. This boldness towards an absolute monarch can be explained by the sympathy which many of the chiefs of the Bohemian opposition found among the higher circles at Vienna, and even among the influential friends of the throne, in consequence of wliich the whole matter was viewed in the mildest light, and considered a mere stonu in a glass of v>-ater ; and the abusive speeches which were uttered against the impei'ial decrees opposed to the wishes of the people, were explained away by saying that they were directed against the courtiers, or the coun- cilloi-s at the side of the emperor. Such a connivance of the liigher circles Avith the Estates, evident as it was, natm-ally encoui-aged their discontent, and increased their aversion to the bureauci"acy, as it was termed. To this last class, not only in Bohemia, but in the other provinces of the empire, all the blame of the good that was omitted, REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 85 and the evil that was committed, was ascribed, but without justice, as the bureaucracy had no authority to alter the state machine or to change the system of govern- ment. But the aversion with which they were regarded was not wholly unfounded, because they had the imperti- nence to lay claim to universal knowledge, and frequently were harsh in the exercise of the power that was intrusted to them. But they were doubtless oftentimes irritated and vexed at the hatred which the Estates and the liigh aristo- cracy evinced towards them. "Wlioever worked with zeal in a government office, even though by bii'th and social relationship he was a mem- ber of the higher orders, was regarded by his fellows as a biu'eaucrat, and it was a rule, j^articiüarly with that portion of the higher aristocracy Avho were called in derision '• la. creme'' of society (because they raised themselves above theh" fellows as cream does above mUk), to behave to the bureaucracy in a friendly and polite manner, only when they needed their assistance. And thus a system of reciprocal anhnosity was established, which led to continual an- noyance. Those who were not members of the aristoci'acy felt no sympathy for them, but rejoiced at their disagreements with the government, because they hoped, by the humiliation of the latter, to raise themselves to power. The foreign press (particularly that widely-circulated, but strictly-prohibited, joiu*nal, the Grenzhoteii) praised the heroic courage of the Bohemian Estates, but lamented that they entered into contests for their own indiAddual privi- leges, and did not defend the general interests of the people. This censure fell upon a fruitful suil, for the Bohemian Estates soon enlarged the field of their complaints. In order to .stjt about the recovery of their privileges, they established a com- SG GENESIS OK THE mission chosen from amongst themselves, who were to examine all doenments in their archives which might sei-ve to support their claims against the government. At the same time they brought muler their revision transactions of the administra- tion which had no relation to the Estates as a body, but affected the country at large, or the kingdom in particular. By this means they usurped the attitude of " representatives of the people," a position for which they had never been designed, and for which, from their very elements and composition, they were wholly \uifitted. Many plans were now brought forward, which, partly fi-om their great hn- portanco (of which the proposers themselves were unaware), partly from the serious influence they might exercise on the credit of the state or on the money market, and partly on account of the impossibility of defraying the attendant expenses, were not supported by the officials who were called to take them into consideration. The rejection of any such project was the occasion of loud complaints against the detested biireaucracy, who were accused of fettering the good intentions of the king, and of bringing every spe- cies of calamity on the monarchy. And although such charges did not lead to present blows, they paved the way to a revolution, by undennining all confidence in the intelligence, and all faith in the goodwill and power of the government, and established in its place that mistrust which brought all the mischief of the present time upon the empire. To render themselves completely the representatives of the Czech people, the Estates now applied themselves to fanning the flame of popular independence, which had never been perfectly extinguished, but continued to bum faintly in the bosoms of the people. Those who spoke GeiTnan much more fluently and more correctly than Bohemian assumed the character of genuine Slavonians ; in the principal i REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 87 taverns and coffee-houses of Prague, where scarcely a tongue imacquainted with the German language ever tasted refresh- ment, the biUs of fare were drawn vcp in Bohemian; invitations to parties were also issued in the same tongue, although they were not addressed to the humbler classes of society, among whom alone an ignorance of the German language could possi- bly exist ; and in the covmtry towns, whose population con- sisted of Germans, the streets invariably received Bohemian names, if the chief magistrate happened to be a native. And thus squabbles about the language, to wliich the gx-eater part of the people had never paid any attention, were called into life. As it had always been the custom to promulgate the laws and decrees in both languages, and as in the Czechish districts, the clergy, the schoolmasters, and public officials, always used the Bohemian language in their intercourse with the people, the result was, that, in spite of the linger- ing feeling of nationality, scarcely a trace of real animosity towards the Germans was to be found among the Czechs ; on the contrary, it had come to be a very general custom for Bohemian parents to send their children to friends in German districts, and to take charge of their cliildren in return, in order that both parties might enjoy the opportunity of becoming acquainted with each other's language. The pre- sent division, therefoi'e, on the subject of tongues and national feelings, did not arise from that portion of the Czech people who are ignorant of the German language, but rather it has been called into being by the upper classes, in order thereby to weaken the central administration, after the example which had been given in Hungary. After a silent battle had been fought in this way for many years, an open rupture took place, in the year 1847, between the government and the Bohemian Estates, wliicli, as a forerunner of the events which subsequently took place 88 GENESIS OF THE in March, 1848, desenes to l)o more particulai'ly uoticod here. For a long time tlie royal towns of Bohemia had decided that they were no longer subject to defray th^heavy and constantly- increasing expenses of the existing criminal courts out of their own resources, and therefore they energetically lu-ged the necessity of some relief. The justice of this demand was univei"sally acknowledged, and the amount to be contributed by the different towns for the piu'pose was calculated at 50,000 florins, annually. The government, to pi'otect the state finances from a new outlay, proposed to the Bohe- mian Estates to charge this payment for the towais on the domestic fund of the State ; but the latter i-ejected the proposal, declaring that the domestic fund was not liable to this charge, relating, as it did, directly to tli<' purposes of the State. In this they were quite right, as the government, in fact, admitted, the latter ha^-ing imdertaken, as a state charge, the support of the tow^is in deti-aying the expenses of the cr imina l couits. Here the matter would have been settled, if a desire to indemnify the finances for this new impost had not occasioned the unfortunate measure of making this unimportant addition to the direct taxes of Bohemia alone. Tlie additional amount of taxation which was therefore imposed, and amiounced to the Bohemian Estates in the royal demand, was earned tlu'ough the parliament first in the year 184Ö, and aftei'wards in 1846, not wathout opposition. The title of tliis new tax was not expressly declared, because it was generally customary to accoimt to the Estates fur the allotment or distribution of the taxes. Although, in the Diet of 1847, held for considering tin; estimates, a precisely similar sum was demanded for th*; year 1848, the Estates, nevertheless, considered themselves justified in asking the goveniment by what authoxity the REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 89 taxation, since the year 1845, had been increased by the sum of 50,000 florins. This demand suggested the reflection, that the first step was thei-eby made by the Estates towards controlling the govern- ment in granting the supplies. The government, therefore, adopted the usual course, and requested the Estates to allot and appoint the required taxes for the year 1848 in the same pi-opoi-tion as they had done for the two preceding year.s. The Estates refused obedience, and declared afterwards that they only consented on this occasion, by way of excep- tion to the general rule, to instruct their committee to grant taxes to the same amount as had been allowed up to the year 1848, and this for the purpose of preventing inj my which would accinie to the public service, if, acting on their sense of right, they should, on account of the existing difierences, postpone the question of taxes till the end of the Diet, of wliich there was no immediate prospect. Thus the gauntlet was thrown down. The government was obliged to take it up, and engage in the contest, if it did not wish to see its position totally changed in relation to the Bohe- mian Estates, and afterwards in relation to all other Estates^ whose privileges could be traced from an eai'lier origin, and were, in substance, identically the same. The entire amount of taxes demanded was thus imposed on the tax-payers by the chairman of the Estates and governing president, with the privity of the Corporation of the Estates, and measures were thus taken efiectually to meet eveiy refusal to pay the taxes. This caution appeai-ed necessaiy, because on an occasion some years before, when, on account of a delay in the closing of the Diet, the proper taxes were assessed in the usual way through the office of the Estates be- fore the close of the Diet, some members of the Estates, of high rank, threatened to refuse payment, though they were then 90 GENESIS OF THE the organs of the Estates, and had no scmiple in making the siifety of th(^ public service to depend on a matter of form. But, iu tlie mean time, no such demonstration was made on the present occasion. Advantage was taken of the decided conduct of the government in every possible manner to i-ender it and the statesmen, who were considered as its authors, objects of avemon, in order still more to excite the national feeling and to prepare for the ensuing contest with the government when the Diet should assemble in the ensuing spring. The arsenal of the Estates was in the mean time properly prepared for tliis contest by the committee of the Estates, which, as already mentioned, was appointed to make a report of the documents embodying the rights to which the Estates were entitled. After two years' laboiu-, this report was so voluminous that the Estates did not consider it proper that it should be laid in its full extent before the throne, but that it should be preserved in the archives of the Estates for use upon fit and proper occasions, and only submitted the general effect of the same to the emperor in a report of the Estates, with a view of having some security for the maintenance of their old privileges, which had been set aside by the bureauci-acy. It is beyond the limits of our task to enter upon a descrip- tion and critical examination of the claims of the Estates. Be it enough to mention that at the head of these claims, althougli the recollection of the privilege was certainly not very opportune, was placed the right to choose a king in case the ruling dynasty should become extinct, as also the demand that the imposition of taxes should be made dependent on the previous consent of the Estates, and that their advice should be taken on every law and regulation affecting the country. The attitude which the Bohemian Estates thus assumed with respect to the absolute Emperor of Austria, REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 91 and the daring way in which they acted, might well betolcen how sensible they were of theh' own strength — a strength which coiild only arise from their strict union with the Estates of the other Austrian provinces, and from a cer- tainty of obtaining support among the unprivileged classes of society. This commimity of purpose was, in fact, not im- known to the government, who were fully aware of the agi'eement which the directors of the movement of the Bohemian Estates had formed with those of Mora^da, Lower Austria, and Hungary ; they were also aware of the efforts which they were making to cross over the gulph which yawned between them and the unprivileged classes on the bridge of their common national feeling. Notwithstanding all this, they remained tranquil spectators, in firm reliance on the so mvich vaunted attacliment which the masses of the people were expected to display when the hour of danger should arrive. The government hoped, moreover, to avoid that critical horn* by a compromise with the Estates. For this purpose a special department was opened in the United Court Chancery for the purpose of settling the relations of all the provincial Estates -with the government, on the basis of right and of practical consistency, and to settle the prin- ciples of their regulation. The plan was a happy one, but it came too late, and faued in its intent, for the new de- partment in the court chancery had not yet given signs of life, when the events of March dealt a death-blow not only to it, but to the court chancery, and to all the ancient privileged Estates. "We may perhaps have wearied the patience of the reader by the details which we have given of the agitation in the Bohemian Estates, but we have done so, because it was the prototype of what occurred in the other provinces, where ancient privileged Estates existed, with some variation in 92 GENESIS OK THE the ilegrec of determination und obstinacy, in proportion to the power which they severally possessed. Till' Moniviau Ustates, nearly allied as they were with those of Bohemia, were their eiu'liest and most zealous imitators. But the secession of the most influential and important man, who liad placed himself at fii"st at the head of the Opposition, but subsequently became an adherent of the government in Bohemia, where he was also a member of the Estates, in addi- tion to the great influence of the governor of the country (who was also chief of the Estates), gave the movement a very inoffensive cliaracter. In Styria there were some indi\"idual membex's of the Estates who felt themselves disposed to struggle against the government ; the majority, however, were too much disposed for peace to allow themselves to be forced by the othei's to a stronger manifestation of their feelings, and they knew, moreover, that they were not independent and influential enough to break with the government, particularly as they could not overlook, what so often occurs in mountainous countries, that the democracy was quite a match for the aristocracy, a result wliich had been in a great measure brought about by an agricultural society of long standing, chiefly composed of country ])eople and tradesmen, which had extended its branches all over St}'Tia, and was in imcea-sing confidential communication with the Archduke John. It could not, therefore, have escaped the obsei'\-ation of the Estates, that a contest with the government must be attended with great danger to themselves, since the demo- cracy is ever the enemy of priA-ileged orders. They adhered, therefore, to the old path, and presented their wishes or their complaints in the old accustomed peaceable and respectful manner to the emperor. The Estates of Carintliia, and of REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 93 the district above the river Enns, were circumstanced pre- cisely in a similar manner. These countries, although they too were in the possession of veiy ancient privileges, did not approve of entering into a contest with the crown for their assertion, being convinced that in such a straggle they would find no support. The Estates of Silesia entertained the same conviction. The corporations of the Estates in the other provinces (with the exception of Lower Austria, of which we shall say more hereafter) were created by the Emperor Francis, after he had reconquered those counti'ies, and were so constituted, that an opposition on their part against the government would have been without any basis of justice. In all these provinces, thei'efore, although they were in trath not strangers to discontent, and even entertained a desii-e to extend their* own influence, and to effect some alterations in the system of government, they were entirely opposed to any violent movement. This was not the case, however, in Lower Austria, where the ciy wliich went forth from the Estates to the landowners in the 1 7th centiuy, " Subscribes Ferdinandule," still lived in the r'ecollection of the inhabitants, and dissensions between the Estates and the government officials were the order of the day. It is tiiie that these dissensions arose at first merely from certain orders issued from the circle-authori- ties in Lower Austria, or it might be fi-om the court chan- cery; but the relation of the Estates towards the throne remained imdisturbed. But as this relation had become the very source of dispute in Bohemia, and a meml^er of the Bohemian Estates, who was also one of the highest order of the aristocracy, stated, upon his introduction into the Lower Austrian Assembly, his conviction that the privileges of tlie 94 GENESIS OF Tin: Estates were as little acknowledged aud respected iu one place as iu the' other, this expression aroused theii' energies to demanil theii* rights, aud assert them even in Vienna.' In addition to the ordinary assemblies of the Estates, meetings were held of members who agreed in political opinions, complaints against officials and against the crown were drawn up at length, extensive i-emedies were proposed, and addi-esses to the emperor were thereupon prepared, which deputations afterwards presented at the foot of the throne. Under the modest title of a plan to regulate the busineÄS of the Diet aud the general assemblies of the Estates, a species of chai-ter was prepared, which would have entii-ely changed the relation between the Estates and the throne. The failure or rejection of such plans and proposals gaA'e occasion to veiy loud complaints of oppression against the bm-eaucracy, of inactiA-ity or incapacity against the * Tlie pamphlet, " Die Nieder Oesterreichischen Landstände und die Genesis" ("The Provincial Estates of Lower Austria, and the Genesis"), &c., which has been mentioned in the preface of the third edition, corrects (pp. 10 — 12) the above assertion. It assures us that the endeavours of the Estates of Lower Austria to dispel the apathy of the assemblies of the Estates, which liad almost become proverbial, and to awaken them to constitutional activity, are traceable back Ijeyond the year 1835. The attempts made since that year to rouse themselves up from that apathetic state had, for the greatest part, been without effect. The Estates of Lower Austria had not staggered fonvard out of their sleep before 1840, and the ten following years, when they had been aroused by those few of their members who, apparently slumbering, had neverthless l)een watchful. According to this, the endeavours of the Estates of Lower Austria to display once more their activity manifested itself in the last years of the reign of the Emperor Francis. Attempts were made, in the year «f his death. Tlie real staggering forth did not, however, commence until after the year 1840. It was exactly at that time that the Bohemian Estates, which had been amalgamated with the a-ssembly of the Estates of Lower Austria, reproached the latter in the manner we have stated. As we did not enjoy the favour of belonging to the Estates of Lower Austria, we hoj>e to be pardoned for not having been aware of their activity during tlieir apparent slumber, and in consequence of which we referred its com- mencement to that moment when we saw them stagger forth. I KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 95 central government, and of hostile designs entertained by one or other members of the same. The tendency of every step was to obtain some degree of control over the direction of the finances, and a participation in the legislatvire, and to secure in important matters the same privileges as existed in Bohemia, with the exception of what had reference to their nationahtyj for on these points the German inhabitants of Lower Austria had no new rights to assert. But for this very reason, that there was no occasion to appeal to the feeling of nationality amongst those people, they failed in seciu'ing for their projects that source of strength which is to be found in the sympathy and assistance of the lower orders ; a resource, however, of which the Bohemians could always avail themselves. They were obhged, therefore, to seek other assistance. Accordingly they had recourse to the middle classes of society, with whom, on account of the ch'cumstances in which the capital was placed, they had also formed a more intimate connection. Members of the Estates now took an active part in the various so- cieties established in Vienna, amongst which, the Com- mercial and the Legal-and-Political Reading Society showed the greatest disposition for active operations in the poHtical field. The commercial body, which had felt itself crippled in its speculations by the proper control which the administra- tion of finance exercised over the Lower Austrian National Bank, by counteracting various projects for dealing in its shares, was not slow on its part to blame and discredit the government ; men of letters and pretended literati, who foiTned a numerous class, and a multitude of teachers who were in the pay of the state, in difierent pubHc institutions, poured forth their wrath at the fetters in which the j^ress was held bound, and expressed theh- discontent that a general system of liberty was not established for learning and 9G GENESIS OF THE toacliing. The angiy speeches of iiiaiiy eminent bankers, and also of some oftlie respecteil |>i-ol'essors of tlie university of Vienna, ])r<)dnce(l a poweHul impression, in the first pUice, upon the lower order of tradespeople and artizans, and in the second place, upon the students and, tlu'ough their influ- ence, upon their parents, wliich had the effect of exciting mistnist in the government, breeding general discontent, and nourishing a gloomy con^•iction of the unavoidable necessity of a total change in the political system. Even the veiy officials themselves were not free fiom this conta- gion. In the casino of the nobles, in the reading club, oia the exchange, in tavenis and coffee-houses, in the courts and pubUc offices, everywhere were heard loud expressions of censure and want of confidence in the government, uttered openly and without apprehension. Even in the veiy neighbourhood of the court were found men, who not only joined in expressing the same sentiments, but that in so noisy a mannei-, that the emperor, a short time before the events of March, found it necessary to admonish them on the subject. The discontented Poles, Hungarians, and Italians, who hai)i)ened to be in Vienna, assisted with all their energies to increase the .spü'it of hostility against the government. The Lower Aixstmn Estates, moreover, found a strong host of allies ready to assist them in any endeavours to oppose the existing order of things, willing to stand by them in every effort to destroy, but by no means disposed to aid afterwards in their attempts to rebuild. Such was the aspect of affairs in the different pai-ts of the Austrian empire, previous to March, 18i8, and in tliis con- dition they might perhaps liave continued to remain, if into the inflammable materials wliich had been thus collected together, the spark of a trimnphant democracy in France REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 97 had not suddenly and unexpectedly been thrown to excite a general conflagi'ation. The news of this victory reached Vienna on the 29th February, 1848, by means of a courier to the state chancellor ; it was published on the 1 st of March, and on the 13 th of the same month its effect was already apparent. Before we pass to the events of March, we must request the indulgence of our readers for having subjected their patience to so severe a trial, by having so long dwelt upon the pi'e\ious epoch. To many of them oiu* sketch of the Austrian state machine, the accoimt we have given of the Austrian government system, of the excesses of the j^ro- vincial Estates, »fee, will have aj)peared wholly unnecessary, because we have related nothing new ; but whoever has not been placed in relations of official business to the different Austrian authorities, will find in our account of their cUvisions and commotions the key to the solution of many perplexing difficulties which happened during the days of March and the subsequent time. It is not our task to wi'ite a chronicle of the year 1848 ; we -wish to inquire into the origin of that convulsion to which the whole form and constitution of Austria, as it existed previovisly to March, was obliged to succumb in its entirety, and in every indi- vidual part. For this purpose it seemed necessary to ex- amine the nature of the seed, and mark the first budding and gi'athial ripening of that fatal fruit, which, greedily and im- moderately enjoyed, has thrown old Austria into a paroxysm, from wliich no person can with certainty foresee her recovery, though we may in a manner exj^ress our ardent wishes that that prophecy may be truly fulfilled, which these five mys- terious letters, A, E, I, O, U, were intended to announce, " Austria erit in orbe ultima." 98 GENESIS OF THE CHAPTER III. THE BEQINXING OF THE MONTH OF MARCH, 1848. The morning of the 1st of March conveyed to the inha- bitants of Vienna, through the medium of the public papers, the news of the victory wlxich the democrats of Paris had obtained over the citizen king, and the substitution of a republic for the monarchy. Heaven seemed willing to give notice to the inhabitants of Vienna of the calamity which this news portended to their city. At cai'ly dawn thick clouds enveloped the town ; towards foui* o'clock in the afternoon they were alarmed by a storm of thunder and lightning, — a rare occuirence at such a period of the year. The aspect of the physical seemed to resemble that of the moral world. The accoimt of the occun-ences in Paris on the 24th of February at first excited the utmost astonishment ; the conse- quences of the events which had taken place lay hid in dark- ness : as these became gradually displayed, there burst forth one of the most terrible political stonns, Avhich no resident in the previously quiet and happy imperial capital could have conceived possible ; popular inile and popular terrorism were predominant, and the traces of their destructive agency will long remain behind. The fii'st impression produced by the convulsion in Paris seemed to be the same on all cla.sses of society, and on all parties, — that of astonishment at so rapid and unexpected a dethronement of the King of the French, who, in general opinion, was regarded as the most prudent, most shrewd, and REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 99 most experienced ruler of the age. One might have under- stood the possibility of the throne becoming vacant in France by the assassination, but not by the expulsion of King Louis Philippe. This feeling of sm'prise was soon succeeded by reflections, which had often before arisen, in contemplating what might possibly occur at the future decease of the first king of the house of Orleans, and these reflections were as various as dif- ferent political sentiments could render them. The friends of peace and order looked forward to the future with apprehen- sion, the leaders of the revolution, on the other hand, with hope. Fear ever produces inactivity, whue hope prompts to action. Among the friends of order, thei'efore, a helpless inert- ness succeeded the first feeUngs of astonishment, whilst among the movement party, on the contrary, a prompt activity at once displayed itself in the Rhine provinces, and subsequently extended itself further. The democratic societies took ad- vantage of the fear which was once more awakened in the German governments, lest the newly-established French re- pubhc might now wish to realize the desire they had evinced in 1840, to extend their frontier to the Rhine, in order to preach up the necessity of German unity and concord, and to maintain that this end could never be accomplished with the speed that circumstances reqviired through the Frankfort Diet, which had failed for thirty years to produce imion and strength in Germany, but must be attained by the liands of the German people themselves. An assembly of the people of Germany, in a house of self-elected representa- tives, without any interference of the princes, was announced as the only means of displaying the people's power of re- sistance, and everything was speedily prepared which could conduce to the development of this plan. The govex-nments had not the power to oppose this popular movement. The h2 100 GENESIS OK TUE tlomocratio unions in Vienna, mIucIi subsisted in spite of the so nuich hoiistod wattliful ami suspicious police, lent a diligent hand to the preparation of these measures in the imperial capital, though they were at first conducted in silence and with caution. The Austrian govenunent was so full of a lamentable over-confidence in its security against internal attacks, that it only directed its attention to the danger which threatened it from Germany and Italy. Pre- parations were neces-sjiry to meet this danger. For this pur- pose the requisite pecuniary resources were to be got ready. A new loan was already projected, but it could only be em- ployed to supply the momentary want of money : measui'es were first to.be taken to establish a permanent uniformity be- tween the income and the expenditure of the state. And as a diminution of the latter was not possible, under existing circumstances, it was obviously essential to increase the former, which wa.s impracticable without discovenng new sources of revenue. Though the condition of the Austrian finances, at the commencement of the year 1848, was not such as to alarm competent judges, they were yet, according to public opinion, in a critical position. On this subject public opinion was misled partly by the general system of secrecy in state matters, partly by the imprudence of high personages, who, in order to justify the rejection of demands upon the state finances, wliich came before them, alleged their disorder by way of pretext, some- times even with an allusion to an approaching national banki^uptcy. This imprudence aftei-wards bore bitter fndt, inasmuch as it increased and established a mistrast of the government, and a general discontent with its proceedings. The head of the finance department. Baron Kiibek, president of the Court Chamber, recognized the overpowering impor- tance of these circumstances. From his anxiety to reduce REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 101 witliin the compass of tlie strictest necessity the expen- diture of the state, in its most expensive branch, namely, the military establishment, he was engaged in perpetual conflict with the war department, which, on its side, being pressed by the iirgent demands of the commander-in-chief of the Italian armies, laid claim to all the disposable funds to increase the army and establish it on a war footing. This army, as early as February, 1848, was increased to 85,000 men, and was thus rendered, according to the judgment of experienced men, sufficiently strong to preserve order ia the country. An attack from King Charles Albert, without a previous declaration of war, and in direct opposition to liis assurances of friendly alliance, could not but appear to men of justice and honour, such as were then in the Austrian cabinet, to be a moral and political impossibility, more par- ticularly after the explanation given to the treaties of 1815 by the Eui-opean powers, with a view of acknowledging the bearings of those treaties upon their relations with Italy. The reproach of an ill-advised parsimony, which has been directed by some persons against the Avistrian central govern- ment, on the ground of a supposed neglect of the Itahan annies, and which found a vent in the columns of the Augs- burg Universal Gazette, particularly m their Itahan corres- pondence, is therefore incorrect ; since the burdens ah-eady imposed on the Austrian finances, almost too heavy to be borne, the universal outcry against the pressui'e of the exist* ing taxes, which rendered their further increase impossible, and the general mistrust in the condition of the finances, arising as already stated, and diligently encouraged by the enemies of the government, rendered it a duty for the statesmen of Austria, although they were as yet resjoon- sible to no parUament, but only to an absolute monarch and their own consciences, not to dij) deeper into the 102 GENESIS OF THE purees of the citizens thau iiudoubted and unavoidable necessity demanded. But so earnest, particiüarly in the capital, was the anxiety of e^cry one to blame and misrepre- sent every proceeding of the government, that the very same individuals who complained of financial difficulties, approach- ing bankruptcy, and oppi-essive taxation, actually censured the government for iiot establisliiug a larger and more powei-fiü army in the Lombardo-Venetiau kingdom. Indeed, the cir- cumstances of this kingdom were a never-failing source of agitation. In the same moment one might hear voices com- plaining of the weakness and unseasonable müduess of the go- vernment towards its Italian subjects, which had continually spared and favoui-ed them at the expense of the rest ; and again, voices, -which ascribed the discontent in the Lombardo- Venetian provinces to the Austrian system of oppression, ex- tortion, and neglect. And thus all respect and confidence was systematically withdrawn from a government, whose love for its subjects, and untiring solicitude for their general welfare, and strict uprightness, shone forth in aU its dealings, and which should only have been charged with an excess of cau- tion, and, as a necessary result, a languor of administration. The immediate consequences of this lamentable state of things upon the branch of government intioisted to his super- intendence, namely, the finances, did not escape the sharp ob- servation of Baron Kiibek. His position justified and required him to adopt some remedy. The publication of the state budget would have been sufficient at any other time to coi-rect the opinion of the public ; but, in the excitement wliich then existed, it would have probably produced the very con- trary effect : since the abandonment of the perfect secrecy which was formerly obsei'ved so strictly, that in the statistical tables which were officially communicated to the heads of the several departments, no notice of the state debts was REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 103 ever inserted, with the adoption of a system, which made public those secrets, would have been considered as an attempt to deceive the public, and as a cunning artifice to obtain undeserved credit. He proposed, therefore, to requii-e the Estates of all the provinces to send deputies to Yienna, that they might there receive the most complete explanation, supported by docu- ments, and might consider such ways and means of managing the finances, as might lead to a restoration of equality be- tween the income and expenditure of the state. This step might have proved of incalculable importance, and might have paved the way to a constitutional adjustment of the monarchy. The plan was not rejected by the emperor, but rather approved of. But when the details of the mea- sure were discussed, doubts and delays arose agaiu in tlüs instance, and thus it happened that the 1 3th of March arrived before a single step had been taken in the matter. But for this delay, the government might have opposed the threat- ened revolution with a greater degree of moral strength, for it could no longer be accused of closing its ear to the wishes of the Estates, who wished to play the part of x'epre- sentatives of the people, and the change from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy would have been less hasty and less destructive in its effects. For, after the victory which the doctrine of the people's sovereignty had so unexpectedly obtained in Paris on the 24th of February, the chiefs of the popvilar party in Germany were able to use their power to effect the overtlirow of their German rulers. As the princes, in the year 1813, in order to strengthen their power against the Emperor of the French, had evoked the spirit of freedom in their people, so they deemed it advisable, in their fear of an approaching contest with the French republic in 1848, not to oppose Avith force the impetuous efforts of the 104 GEXlCSrS OF THE German people to obtain their independence. One glance at the events which occurred in Germany immediately after the Febniary revi)lutiou in I'aris will establish the truth. As early a.s the 20th of Februar}^, the ministry of Baden, at Carlsruhe, being hard-pressed by the demagogues, notified to the Chamber of Deputies that the ministry was prepared to bi'ing forward measures for the establishment of complete freedom of the press, trial by jury, and the arming of the people. In the evening of that veiy day the citizens appeared tmder ai'ms ! At Stuttgart, on the 2nd of March, a petition Avas signed in an assembly of the citizens^ and addressed to the kbig, requiring him to summon a German parliament, to establish the jury system, unfettered freedom of the press, the privilege of holding public meetings and debates, a legal equality of all religious denominations, equality of taxation, freedom of land tenure, earnest efforts to develope the com- mercial and political resources of Germany, and an arming of the people, — which petition produced the immediate convo- cation of the Estates, in order that suitable projects of law might be j^roposed for their consideration. SimUar requests were made at the same time in the duchy of Nassau, and for the most part were granted. The Diet sitting at Frank- fort found itself comjielled to declare, even so early as the 3rd of March, that it should be hvtt^il for every German state of the confederation to abolish the censorship and establish Uberty of the press, under guarantees to secm-e, as far as possible, the other states, and indeed the entire confederation, agahist an abuse of this pri\-ilege. On the 9th of March, the coloui-a, black, red, and gold, were adopted as the colours of the confederation. In Munich, King Louis, after a popular tumult, which lasted for many days, and a plundering of the arsenal, on the 4th of March, felt himself compelled, in a proclamation, dated March 6th, to convoke a REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 105 meeting of the Estates for the 1 6th of the same month (the lower chamber had been dissolved on March 3rd, and he revoked this dissolution), in order to submit to them projects of law of nearly a similar tendency, and at the same time the immediate swearing of the army to the constitution, and the aboUtion of the censorship in domestic and foreign matters, which had been postponed, was commanded. In Berlin the king declared, on the 7th of March, that the right of periodically assembling, wliich had hitherto been conferred only on the united committee of the provincial Estates, was transferred to the united Diet, and on the 8th, that the censorship should be abolished and freedom of the press established ; which announcements, however, were not sufficient to prevent a jjopiüar assembly from meeting in the zoological gardens on the 13th of the same month, which proceeded to the palace, and, midst the insults of the sol- diery, shouted for liberty and freedom of the press, a sample of the serious events which wn-o subsequently to occur. The King of Saxony was obliged, on the 6th of March, to consent to the immediate convocation of the Estates, and to the dismissal of his minister', " von Falkenstein," who was an object of aversion to the people. It does not fall within the limits of our task to describe the popular commotions which took place in all the provinces, of Germany about the same time. They were all formed after the same model. Some governments were fortunate enough to postpone the tumult, none could succeed in defeating the movement. On the contrary, in Heidelberg, the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people obtained a triumph on the 5th of March, which was full of portentous results for the whole of Gennany. There, on the above-mentioned day, a body con- sisting of fifty-one individuals, who had proposed themselves as representatives of the German people, came to the resolu- 106 GENESIS OF THE tion, that since the Diet no longer possessed the confidence of the nation, a general assembly of trustworthy men from all the provinces i)f the (Jerman empire should meet together %\ith all speed, to tako immediate measures for a national representation, which sliould be ixdopted in all the depen- dencies of the country by popular election, according to the ixmoiint of the inhabitants. To make preliminary an-ange- ments. a committee, consisting of seven of those present, was immediately appointed. In the course of a week this com- mittee published an invitation to all those who ever had been, or at that time might be, members of the Estates, or belonged to the legislative bodies in any of the countries of Germany, to meet in Frankfurt-on-the-Main, on Thursday, March 30th, for the purpose of considering apian for the formation of a German national parliament, with the proviso that particular invitations should be forsvarded to a certain number of other eminent men who possessed the confidence of the German people, b\it who had not previously been members of the Estates. The German governments were obliged in sUent submis- sion to witness this bold movement, which asserted the sovereignty of the people ; but with regard to the Italian princes, the case was not mucli better. On March 5th, the constitution was proclaimed in Turin. On March 6th, the King of Naples, who had already given a constitution to his own subject.s, which, however, found no approval in Sicily, convoked the SicUian parliament to meet on the 23rd of March, in Palermo, in order to adapt to the existing state of things the constitution of the year 1812. On March 7th, the Pope had to excuse himself to the Roman people, on the ground that in the States of the Chiu'ch a constitution could not be prepared so speedily as in other kingdoms, and sought to appease the excited populace with KEVOLUTION IK AUSTRIA. 107 an assiu'ance that lie would be able to satisfy tliem iii a few- days. And thus we see, that no sooner was the throne over- turned in France, than the princes of Germany and Italy became at once subject to the will of their people ! Thus, totally destitute as the kingdoms of western Eiu'ope seemed to be of all power of resistance against the force of democracy, it became evident that even in the Austrian monarchy the feehngs of all those parties who were averse to the existing form of government, who were dissatisfied with the action of the state machine, and were excited by a desire for reform, could not long remain inactive. The moment for commencing the movement must have ap- peared so favourable to the reformers in Austria, that they could scarcely expect a moi'e advantageous one to occur, since the embarrassment of the government in Italy, in con- sequence of the national hatred which was excited and sup- ported from abroad ; in Hungary, in consequence of the increasing arrogance of the Magyars ; in Bohemia, in conse- quence of the open collision with the Estates ; in Lower Austria, in consequence of a similar division, which was every day apprehended ; the condition of the finances, which rendered a still deeper plunge into the pockets of the citizens un- avoidable, and the feelings of discontent and distrust of the government, which were now loudly expressed in the higher and middle classes of society, encouraged the hope that a resistance on the part of the government, which even in Paris, under circumstances of infinitely less difficulty, King Louis Philippe, who was considered a prudent and resolute man, had not been able to carry into effect, and which German princes had never attempted to imdertake, would not be made in Vienna against the movement party, or at least was not much to be anticipated. 108 GENESIS OF THE Renewed actmty wtvs now oliscnahlo in all tlio cor])orii- rations, unions, and clubs, und even among itrivatu iiidivi- duals, and wishes which were lurnierly ex2)ressod oidy in secret, were now opeidy announced. lu the fii-st place, the voice of intelligence, as it is termed, became loud ; it had com- j)lained, for many years, of the enchainment of the mind, which resulted from the rules of the censorship, and from the manner of theii* administration, and had been encouraged to expect a reform in that objectionable system. This measure of reform, which had been so ardently expected, commenced on the 1st of February, 1848, but produced, upon those whose hopes had been thereby excited, a perfect astonish- ment ; since they recognized in these measures of reform i-ather a stricter superintendence over the press than any favour confeiTed iipon it. Soon after the commencement of the new censorsliip regidations, the principal booksellers in Vienna presented a petition to the emperor, for the abolition of the censorship grievance, admirably drawn up in an original tone, in the style of the Lord's Prayer, and ad- dressed to him in the .second person (but not Avi-itten in verse), and immediately afterwards a re])ort wa.s circvdated that several book establishments were about to close for want of means, if immediate help Avas not extended to them, and thus the sources of bad feeling were increased amongst the educated classes. The Trades Union of Lower Austria on the Gth of March, in one of its ordinaiy montlily meetings, at wliich the Archduke Francis Charles, and the minister. Count Kolow- rath, were present, voted an addi'ess to the emperor, in which, whilst they noticed the astonisliing events which had oc- curred in the west of Europe, they set forth the deep woimd given to public credit, the cessation of all trade, and the magnitude of the impending danger ; and they further de- KEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 109 clared that nothing but a strong and cordial union of the government with the Estates and the citi2ens, a strong and cordial union of Austria with the interests of the entire Ger- man fatherland, coupled with perfect sincerity, could win back that old national confidence which had so often been put to the test ; and they added an assurance that every member of the union was ready to sacrifice his wealth and his hie for the hereditary imperial house, in the conviction that the emperor would adopt the wisest and best means to avert the impending danger. In the composition of this ad- dress, in spite of the appended and parenthetical vows of self- devotion, one could plainly read a wish to efiect a radical change in the government ; for such declai-ations were by no means called for, inasmuch as the French republic, which had been re-established, gave not the slightest occasion to suspect its mtention of threatening other states, and it was little in accordance with the purpose and position of the Lower Austrian Trades Union to step forth as a prophet and counsellor in the field of politics. It was therefore clear that they were glad, under pretence of sincere devotion to the imperial dynasty, to seize the opportunity of passing a vote of distrust of the government, in the presence of two permanent members of the state conference, one of whom was the presumptive heir to the throne, and by the acclama- tion with which it was received, to make the first attempt at a demonstration. The thanks which the archduke re- turned in the assembly, amidst gi-eat applause, in an extem- pore speech, proved that this attempt was successfid ; for he, in his goodness of heart, suspecting no evil, was overcome by the assurance that they were willing to risk life and property in the defence of the imperial house. The courage of the reformers now increased. A few days after this prelude, men of all classes ascended the stage, and 110 GENESIS OF THE ivssisted in thousands in oompleting a, petition proposed by the members of the university of Vienna, and the Legal and Political re;uling elub, in which their real objects were more cleai'ly and minutely detailed. In the commencement it stated the desire, which, for many yeai's, eveiy true patriot had felt, and the necessity, so often adverted to in words and speech, of beholding tlie glorious and mighty land of Austria marching onward in the path of peaceable, but substantial, improvement ; then followed the remark, that the late events in the west of Europe rendered it impossible to reject or postpone these demands without endangeiing the peace of the world, the credit of the state, and the security of pro- perty and right in eveiy kingdom. The course which it then behoved Germany to piu'sue was next pointed out, in order to preserve her against every disaster, and to secure her support and strength at home and abroad, in the firm con- \dction that Austria, whose rulei*s had filled the German throne for centuries, could only find real security in a firm union "svith (jrerman interests and Gennan politics. The petitioners then averred their enduring afiection and attach- ment to the high imperial house, as Austiian citizens, and they subjoined, in the discharge of a holy duty, an open and plain exposition of the measures which they considered to be alone calculated to impart new strength and vigour to the government and the empire at large, in the fearful cir- cumstances of the age. These measiires were : — " The immediate publication of all matters relating to the adminis-tx'ation of the state household. " The periodical conA'Ocation of a united assembly of the Estates of all the provinces of the monarchy, representing all classes and interests of the people, with the right of assenting to the taxes, and of controlling the financi^,! REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. Ill department, and likewise of taking part in the legisla- tion. " The establishment of a legal status for the press by the introduction of a restriction law ; the enactment of a funda- mental law of publicity in the administration of justice, and in all government proceedings ; the concession of a municipal and commercial charter, adapted to the times ; and as a basis for the same, the representation of the agricultural, indus- trial, commercial, and educated classes, which were imper- fectly or not at all represented in the assembly of the Estates." This petition, having in view a radical change in the inter- nal organization of the whole monarchy, was not addressed to the emperor, but to the provincial Estates of one of the smallest provinces of the empire, namely, the Archduchy of Austria below the Enns, with the request that they, as the constitutional organ to meet the wants of the people, would in their next assembly take the proposed measures into consideration, and lay before the throne a proper plan for their immediate execution; a most remarkable proceeding, since it must be observed that the Estates, in their existing condition, could not express the complete sentiments of the country. It is evident, therefore, that a few individuals in Vienna, who were only competent to express their own separate views, and to represent their own individual inte- rests, elected themselves without any authority to be the repre- sentatives of the whole Austrian population, and became the bearers of a petition which was destitute of whatever value it might have been entitled to, if it had emanated from the Corporation of the Estates, which body they roundly declared never to have been the complete representatives of the province of Lower Austria, and never to have possessed any authority to submit to the emperor a plan for changing the whole system of government throughout the monarchy. 11- GENESIS OF TUE The connection of the interests of the reigning dynasty with the proposjil to divide the govornment between the sovereign and the j^eojile, presented at tliis moment, when in France the mling family hiwl been driven out by the people, the appearance of a threat, because there was nothing in the po- litical circumstances of Europe to expose the imperial family of Austria to the ajiprohension of such a danger. We have already seen that the Trades Union had adopted the same means for exciting teiTor ; their object was, no doubt, to frighten the royal family and their advisers. During the whole of the Austrian revolution, its originators aud ad- herents, over and over again, had recoui'se to this plan, with dexterity and success, to cripple the power of the govern- ment. It must be ascribed to the fears of the government that the proceedings of the Trades Union on the Gth of March, instead of being met by an order to dissolve or close the "union, were responded to by an expression of thanks from the heir to the throne, and that the adcb-ess of the Austrian citizens in Vienna was allowed in many places to be exposed for the collection of signatures up to the 12th of March with- out the interference of the Austrian police, who were accused over all Europe of posse.ssing Argus' eyes and vulture's claws. Amongst the many persons who assisted to compile tliis peti- tion, one individual particularly demands attention, who has distinctly declared his concurrence with the same, apj^ended his whole name, style, and title thertito, John, Baron of Deresenyi, royal and imperial court coimcillor and referendary of the do- mains in the General Coiu-t Chamber. This declaration was, doubtless, intended to establish, that a royal official by no means violates his duty or hLs oath in supporting, from mo- tives of indi^•idual conviction, such a petition, deeming it con- sistent with the true and real interests of the people. Such a REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 113 declaration was calculated to exercise a great influence upon the whole body of officials, as the man from whom it emanated was the son of one who enjoyed high and powerful patro- nage, the president of a court office, who had retired in 1840. This may serve as a proof of the observation we have akeady made, that moral discipline had enth-ely disappeared amongst the officers of the state. To the two above-mentioned demands for a reform of the government, both of which were without any legal autho- rity, succeeded a third, on the 12th of March, which was equally iUegal, and came from the students of Vienna. These young people, whose pursuit should have been study, allowed themselves to say to the emperor that, according to their conviction, freedom consisted in strongly uniting prince and people, in making them capable of gi-eat deeds, and of bearing great trials with fortitude and valour, and that, therefore, the students of Vienna conceived they discharged a sacred duty in declaring their conviction, that the assertion of this freedom was a compulsory obligation in the present cri- tical situation of afiairs, on which account they implored the emperor to grant freedom of the press and freedom of speech, for the establishment of mutual confidence and agree- ment between prince and people, a change in the system of popular instruction, and above all, the introduction of free- dom in'-teaching and learning ; an establishment of equality between the members of all religious creeds, publicity and onva voce management of all legal proceedings ; and that these improvements should be especially introduced into such portions of the kingdom as belonged to the German con- federation. This petition was brought forward on March 11th, and on the following day (Sunday) it was agreed to in the hall of the university (afterwards the infamous Aula), with the co-operation of many members of the Polytechnic I 114 GENESIS OF THE lustitution, at a very boistci'oiis meeting. The advice offered by the iliivctor of the political law chiss produced no effect, for the heads of tlie young people had been, for a long time previously, no doubt intentionally, too much excited by some of the professore to attend to the dictates of prudence and reason, when other voices demanded the removal of the Austrian government. Wlien we consider the nature of the demands that were made by the students, involving questions of the most com- plicated kind, on which the best instructed and most expe- rienced statesmen of all nations are at variance, and which the former considei'ed as settled, we cannot doubt that the presumption and daring of these inexperienced persons ai'ose from their youth, and that they were led astray by an excusable desii-e "jurare in verba magistri ;" so that these magistri, of whose hostile dispositions towards the govern- ment we have already spoken, must be considered the real authors of this petition. In fact, the authority of the university, instead of opposing these proceedings on March 11th, and of supporting the interference of the dii'ector on the 12th, rather chose to try a plan of arrangement by pro- mising the excited youths to forward the petition on the same day to the emperor through a deputation. In this deputation the same professor took part who, in the year 1846, chose the seizure of the territory of Cracow sdl a sub- ject of discussion, to qualify a candidate for a doctor's legal degree, and who endeavoured to screen tliis offence under the j)retence of good intentions, when he was called to account for his conduct. And this deputation, which was called together by boyish arrogance, not^vithstanding that on other occasions deputa- tions even of the Estates had been refused admittance, when the emperor disapproved of the object they had in view, re- REVOLUTION m AUSTRIA, 115 ceived an audience of the absolute emperor in tlie evening of the very same day, a most unusual time to enjoy such an honour. Was not this a proof that the powers of absolu- tism were broken by faction, and that the revolution was triumphant 1 What remained but to circulate the news of this triumph in Vienna ? This soon occurred ; but before we consider what occuiTed on those remarkable days, the 13th, 14th, and 15 th of March, we must take a glance at the effects which the popular victory in Paris had produced in some other parts of the empire. We will first dii'ect oiu' attention to Bohemia, whei-e the Estates were preparing themselves for an obstinate struggle in the next Diet, for the re-establishment of their old privileges. Shortly before the month of March, the Bohe- mians, in pm-suance of the terms of their constitution, had received an oberstburggraf as tlieü- provincial chief, in the per- son of Count Rudolf Stadion, who had been governor of Mo- raAT.an Silesia. In Moravia he had had the good success to overcome the opposition pai-ty in the assembly of the Estates. A similar advantage was exjjected from him in Bohemia, as an accommodation of the dispute about the taxes was an object of the greatest anxiety on the part of the central government. The minds of the people in Pi-ague were much agitated by two causes ; the Estates and their adherents were excited by the struggle in which they were engaged to establisli their claims, and the other classes by the jealousy that existed between the Czechs and the Germans. For a very long time, meetings of the partisans of the Czechs had been held ia a favourite hotel, called " Wenzelsbad," the members of which evinced their attach- ment to their party by the custom of only speaking the Bohemian language at these meetings. Such was I 2 1 1 G GENESIS OF THE also the practice in many other hotels in Prague, ■whose proprietors, without jjosscssing much education themstilves, in order to fui-ther the projects of Czechish literati and officials who resorted tliithei-, endeavom-ed to prove their national j>redilections by the ])ractical measures they ado2)ted, of furnishing no refreshments to their guests which were not called for in the Bohemian language. The proprietor of the house, the notorious Faster, obtained by this means the character of a Czechish patriot. As these meetings had neither the appearance of a club, nor were the result of any political object, but seemed to be established to encoui-age a love for the Bohemian language, literatm-e, and nationality, they were not interfered with by the authorities. But after the news of the proceedings at Paris, their origi- nal object either changed altogether, or the inoffensive veil in which it had been enveloped was thrown aside. The effect of those proceedings in Prague -svas alarming. The first expression of feeling which it called forth showed the opinion which was there entertained of the Austrian go- vernment. It was evinced by a inin on the branch estab- lisliments of the National Bank, to prociu'e pajTuent of the notes of the Central Bank, which bore three per cent, in- terest ; which was, "svithout doubt, a silent but unequivocal vote of distrust. Many members of the Bohemian Estates resolved in a private meeting to endeavoui* to jn'ocure the convocation of an extraordinary Diet by the oberstburggraf, in order to demand timely concessions from the emperor, amid pro- testations of the most loyal intentions. A repoi't was soon circulated that a meeting of the citizens was to be held in the above-mentioned hotel of the Wen^elsbad, to prepare an address to the government, on the necessities of the time. Anonymous invitations to attend at the hotel on the 11th BEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 117 of March, in the evening, which were circulated through the town, reduced these reports to a certainty. At six o'clock in the evening of the appointed day, every room in the Wenzelsbad was filled with guests of the better classes, amongst whom the most prominent members of the Bohe- mian Trades Union appeared in the most significant manner. The doors were closed against the people and the mere youths, who attended in crowds. The hotel-keeper, Faster, had the honour of appearing as the spokesman, or as he may be rather designated, on account of his impudence, natural eloquence, and clear-toned voice, the herald of the general sentiments of the assembly. Amid repeated cheers, he read aloud in the Bohemian language, a statement of the following demands, to be embodied in a petition to the throne. EquaHty in a national point of view between Germans and Bohemians, in schools, coiu-ts of justice, and befoi-e all the authorities, as well as with regard to the appointment of officials who could speak both languages. A united representation of the Estates of Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia, the place of meeting to be Brdnn and Pi'ague alternately, in which the towns and pro\'inces should be represented. A free communal constitution, with inde- pendent administration of their funds, and election of the town magistrates and communal ofiicers. Equality of all rehgions. Independence of the courts of justice of the district. Publicity and viva voce proceedings in the same. Complete freeedom of the press, under mere restrictive regulations against the abvise thereof A responsible central govern- ment. Abolition of feudal burdens and of privileged court fi Abolition of the robot.* Abolition of the tax upon * Tlie " Rol)ot " was a customary labour-rent, in payment of which the peasants worked for their lords a certain number of days in the year, according to tlie extent of the peasant-lands which they held and culti- vated for themselves. — Ed, 118 GENESIS OF TUE ax'tk'los of consumption. Altemtiou of the stamp and tax laws. Univei-sal liability to militaiy sendee. Recruiting by ballot. Four yeai-s' military service. Security of per- soual liberty. No impiisonmcnt but by virtue of a Judicial seutence. These demands were to be prepared by a com- mittee, and di'awn u}) in the form of an address. The motion of the hotel-keeper was supported, seconded, and tran.slated into German by a person holding an in- fluential office in the province. His name was Trojan, and he was also one of the mo.st active members of the Bohemian Trades Union. It was adopted by acclamation. They pro- ceeded immediately to elect the membei-s of the committee, upon whom the preparation of the address mtliiu eight days was imposed as a duty, in order that the same might be for- warded ^vith a deputation to Vienna. The demands of tlii.s petition had a two-fold object, the alteration of the absolute into a representative system of government, and at the same time, the separation of Bohemia and her crown lands in mat- ters of administration from the other parts of the monarchy. That such proposals should have been made in such a manner to the uncontrolled nder of Austna appears to us a proof that the revolution in Prague, as well as in Yienna, previous to its formal introduction into the palace (on the 13th of March), was already virtually in operation. Even the people themselves in Prague appeared to be of the same opinion, for in the year 1849, the day appointed to be celebrated, as the anniversary of their triumph in the previous year, was not the 13th nor the 15th, but the 11th of March. The Hungarian Diet assembled at Presburg took advan- tage at once of the imperious attitude which the people had assumed towards their nders, upon the overthrow of royalty in. Paris, in order to declare openly and decidedly their revo- lutionary tendencies. As early as the 3rd of March, when KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 119 allusion was made by a deputy to the want of confidence in the notes of the Austrian National Bank, which prevailed in Hungary, the result of an intention to bring them into dis- credit, Kossuth moved the Estates, interrupting the order of the day, that a committee should be appointed to advise the king on the measures demanded by the exigencies of the time. The motion was unanimously carried. A Himgarian councülor of state and magnate, who, before the sitting of the Diet, had with difficulty carried his election as deputy, with the declared intention of putting down the agitator Kossuth in the assembly, regardless of his resolution, sup- ported the motion with the greatest zeal, after a most violent attack upon the government. The warning of Kossuth not to lend the assistance of Hungary, as in the first struggle against the French revolution in 1790, without demanding guarantees for the future welfare of Hungary, was received with general approval. On the same day the nature of the representation to be made to the king was debated fii-st in the cireidar, and immediately afterwards in the formal sitting of the Estates. It set out with a charge that the central government had hitherto not pursued a constitutional course, and consequently, could not be in accordance with the independence of the na- tional government or with its constitutional existence. This course had hitherto only prevented the development of the Hungarian constitution, but now it was evident that if it were continued, and the state government should not be brought into unison with the latter, the most dreadful consequences might result to the throne, to the monarchy, which was united to Hungary by the pragmatic sanction, and to the country at large. The reforms in the administration of the home department, and the duty of the Diet in relation thereto, were afterwards set forth ; but a conviction was at 120 GENESIS OF TUB the same time expressed thut the constitutional life of Hun- gjiry could only bo niaiutainod under a real representative system, and that her substantial interests demanded a basis of fi'eedom for their support ; that further, the system of defence needed a radical change, and that the direction of the accounts and the responsible management of the Hungarian revenue by the Diet could no longer be refused. As it would be necessary, therefore, to come to an arrangement with the hereditary provinces, the Hungarian Estates were ready to make an advance for that purpose, papng regard, howevei*, to their own independent national lights and interests, and they were convinced that the laws necessary to support the constitutional existence, as well as the intel- lectual and substantial welfare of the nation, could be set ill rigorous operation only by the establishment of a national government, free from every foreign influence, which should, in accordance with the constitutional doctrine, be respon- sible to and represent a majority of the people. On this account the Estates ought to consider a complete change of the present system of government by boards, for a responsible Hungarian ministiy, as the chief condition of, and important guai-antee for, all reforms which they were resolved to accomplish in the present Diet, with the support and concurrence of the throne. But as this end was not to be obtained without some disturbance of tranquillity, and symptoms of disturbance wei-e already observable in other i>rovinces of the monarchy, which Avere vmited with Himgaiy by the pragmatic sanction, and these symptoms awakened the greatest apprehension, on account of the unfor- seeii occun'ence of recent events in foreign parts, the Hungarian. Estates were con\anced that the surest protection against all possible misunderstanding and the firmest suj^port of the throne and reigning family would be provided by the throne's REVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 121 resolving to sm-roiind itself with constitutional institutions, in all its important relations, in conformity with the demands of the age. These demands, which contemplated an utter change in the constnaction of the state edifice, were mingled with allusions to measm-es already ia readiness, and with assurances of unshaken loyalty, these last being com- pliments invariably appended to petitions of the people. The Board of Magnates, on receiving the resolution of the Estates, at the proposal of the presiding Judex Curiae, had resolved to postpone the consideration of the question tiU the return of the Palatine, who was then in Vienna ; and when afterwards the question was resumed, on the 14th of Mai'ch, they wanted courage and resolution to oj^pose such an address, although many of the magnates, particularly those who belonged to the Hungarian cro^vn provinces, recognized therein the seed of those calamities which subsequently spread thi'ough the land, though the terror which the galleries exercised over the rest of the Diet tied their tongues. With this adoption of Kossuth's motion in both assembhes, the course of the revolution in Presburg began. The ring- leaders stretched forth the hands of brotherhood to their adherents in Vienna, and excited their courage by publicly promising effective assistance in case of need. Hungarian agents, who were joined by Italians, Poles, and Germans, inflamed the heads of the Viennese by speeches and the distribution of money, and excited them to action on the appointed day. All these commotions might surely have been sufiicient ta point out to the government the danger that threatened on the approaching meeting of the Estates of Lower Austria, but more direct evidence was added. In the beginning of Marcli an anonymous notice was appended to the door of the house in 122 GENESIS OF THE which the cliief court of justice held its sittings, in which the proclamation of the coustitution was announced for the raid- die of the month. Numerous anonymous letters, filled with threats and warnings, were forwai'ded to the chancellor of state, and a person tilling one of the highest offices in the impci'ial pahice received intimation that there were people working for the establishment of a constitution. Ladies in the cii'cles of the higher society, whose houses were situated in the neighbom-hood of the Diet, gave utterance to their fears about the approaching assembly of the Estates, others were advised by a young physician to prepare for probable disturbances about the middle of March. On the evening of the 13th, a state official, of high stand- ing, directed the attention of Piince Metternich to the danger which threatened him personally. Several members of a foreign embassy came, mthout invitation, to the residence of the diplomatist, who resided opposite the assembly-house, in order to have an opportimity of observing from the •udndows of his residence the natm-e of a Vienna emeiUe. The president of the government of Lower Austria, who had heard the reports of an approaching outbreak of a plot in Vienna on the 12th of March, held a consultation with the authorities, convened for the preservation of peace and order, as to the natiu-e of the measures to be adopted, but he received the most positive assurances from the chief of these authorities, that nothing was to be feared, and that precautionary measures were unnecessary. It must appear strange that the poUce of Vienna, whom no one can accuse of blindness or inacti\-ity in cases of poUtical disturbance, made no preparations to prevent the threatened outbreak of the revolution on the 13th of March. We believe that the solution of this mystery is easily found in the descriptioii we have already given our readers of the mechanism of the KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 123 Austrian government, in the want of independent power in her organs, in their mistaking the effectiveness of the exag- gerated popularity of the government, in their unwillingness to appear afraid, and their aversion to forsake their usual course of conduct. They were unwilling, by unusual pre- ventive measures, to encourage the idea that it was possible to attempt a revolution in the capital, and they were content with hoping that the announced demonstrations wovdd dwindle to a mere mob gathering before the assembly-house, and to a cheer for some of the liberal members of the Es- tates ; and that the street excesses which might follow could be easily suppressed by the ordinary means which were always in readiness. This opinion was strengthened by the conduct of the Estates of Lower Austria, for the provincal marshal, the president of that body, who was appointed by the empe- ror without their nomination, and enjoyed the perfect confi- dence of the government and their court, considered no other precaution necessary beyond proposing that the members should come to the assembly, not arrayed in their state robes, as was customary, but dressed as citizens, without display,' in order not to attract the attention of the people.* * The pamphlet entitled " Die Nieder Oesterreiscliisehen Landstände und die Genesis, etc.," reported to be published under the auspices of some of the members of the Estates of Lower Austria before March, expresses its surprise at the total neglect of preventive measures, and remarks, at page 24, as follows: "We shall not give credit to the rumour, that the government, in allowing, after a protracted discussion, the assembly of the Estates to be held, had secretly no other object in view than to avail itself of an opportunity for a cmq^ d'etat, by seizing the ringleaders of tlie movement amongst the Estates, and that for this purpose even the warrants had been issued." The allusion to this rumour, which never became public, and proba- bly merely circulated among the partisans of the Estates in the shape of vague apprehensions, induces me to observe how little the govern- ment before the 13th of March was compelled to take refuge in a coup d'4tat as regards the leaders of that movement amongst the Estates, there being nothing to prevent all such parties as seemed dangerous 124 GENESIS OF THE Wo must cnnfoss that, iho iiriiorauoo of the true state of things, ami the want of foresight oxhihitod by those wliose duty it wius to adopt measures for the jireservatiou of order, cannot he justified. But "we believe a consi(h'rati(>n of the attendant circumstances vnW, in some measure, palliate their inactivity, as it was the result, not of their own choice, but of overruling events. Intentional ti'eachery cannot be imputed to them ; they were, doubtless, tme servants of the emperor, but no doubt luiequal to the demands of the time.* That greyheaded statesman, who, on the 13th of March, from being taken into custody by the ordinary police. If the government had intended to make use of the asseinblj' of the Estates of the 13th of March as a mere trap, it would certainly liave taken the proper steps for seizing its prey when in the snare. That rumour is of importance as indicating the apprehension of the partkans of the Estates. How could such an alarm have arisen, if they had not been aware tliat some men of high station were informed of wliat was to take place in tiiat assembly ? "\Vhy did not those persons cause some jireventive measures to be adopted ? AMiat was the ground of their remaining inactive spectators, as the artifice above alluded to could not be the cause ? We are proba- bly not mistaken in supposing tliat those who knew of the unusual agi- tation which was to be expected in tlie next assembly of the Estates of Lower Austria, did not, however, perceive the full extent and bearing of that agitation. They merely anticipated that, hke an electric shock, it would stimulate the relaxed organs of the state to more vigorous action and accelerate desirable changes, both of men and measures, with- out endangering the principle of pure monarchy and social order. Such an illusion, however lamentable it may have been in its consequences, ought nevertheless to Ije excused, as even the assemliled Estates both of Lower Austria and of Bohemia had no notion that their agitation would lead to the overthrow of all existing institutions. * The hatred against those men manifested iip to this very hour by the daily pres.s of Austria furnishes the most striking proof of their faithfulness. One of them who, since the 14th of March, 1848, had lived far from Vienna in quiet retirement, and who, in June 1850, only set foot in that city as he was i)assing through it, became immediately, and owing to that circumstance, the oijject of base attacks in the Viennese journals. The art of building barricades and dexterity in cat's-music was imported from Paris into Vienna ; but indulgence towards the supporters of fallen systems of government, Vienna lias still to learn from Paris, where the press does not delight in calunmiating statesmen who now only belong, as such, to historj'. KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 125 declared that he had played out his part, and whose task it had been through life to watch the poUtical horizon far beyond the cii'cuit of the Austrian monarchy, had long foreseen the impending danger to which the monarchy then fell a prey. At home and abroad, those persons to whom he unfolded liis views, and they are not few, can confirm this statement. He always denounced the non-governing system as the chief evil of the state, and as oi'iginating in the confounding of administration with government. The existence of this evil was evident to him, and if his influence over the admi- nistration of the interior had been as powerful as the imperfectly-informed public believed, a remedy (but only in the monarchical sense) would long previously have been the result. It had by no means escaped his observation, that where this great fault does exist, kingdoms may continue to pursue their weary com'se without being outwardly dis- turbed, according to all appearance, until the authority which has been left unexercised, and which will always find itself a channel, falls from the hands of the highest into those of the lower classes, and an abnormal commotion amongst those classes who, with or without design, have occupied the sphere of government, leads at once to revolu- tion. Those persons with whom Prince Metternich has ever been on terms of intimacy, will remember these and similar observations to have been used by him. They will serve to show that he was conscious of the danger, and unceasingly spoke of the evil of neglecting it. Sins of omission in the sphere of government he considered as sure to avenge them- selves the most severely, and their consequences to be the most pernicious in regular governments, from their not being discovered until the governing power has given way ; for states, like all machines which require a " vis motrix " for their operation, after this has disappeared, may pro- iL'O GENESIS OF THE ceed for a given time, m v-iiiuc (if tlieir firat impulse, but the moment of their ytoppagc soon arrives, and it is the moment of theii* death. If pi-actical importance liad been attributed to these views of the chancellor pf state, the movement in favour of the sovereignty of the people in the year 1848, which, resulting, according to our conviction, from the French revolution, did not spare Austria, would at least have fovmd the go^•ernment provided with better means of resistance, and would have been less destructive in its eifects. Convinced as we are that the danger we have alluded to was not unperceived by the chancellor, it might seem at first sight astonishing that, notwithstanding and in spite of positive warnings, the events of March 13th came upon him by surprise. But this appai'ent contradiction will ilisappear, by drawing a proper distinction between appi-ehensions for the distant futm-e, and perceptions of evil which has already commenced. Metternich foresaw that a catastrophe could not be avoided, but he could not convince liiinself that it would soon occui" ; because that branch of the government, whose duty it was to watch the sentiments of the people, to mark their evident tendencies, to prevent party excesses, and to warn the emperor of approaching danger, expressed no apprehension, although they were not ignorant of the threats and notices which reached the chancellor. Upon him, such efibrts to intimidate, and such expressions of hatred or sympathy, were wholly unavailing ; for, during the long period which intervened between the Vehmgericht,* to which Sand had lent his arm as the executioner of Kotzebue, and the days of March, in Vienna, he had * "Vehmgericht" waa a secret tribunal of criminal justice peculiar to Westphalia during the Middle Ages, held by private individuals, without the authority of the state, when the government was too weak to act for itself. The last regular Vehmgericht was held at Celle, in 1568.— Ed. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 127 become so accustomed to notices of such a natui-e, that they 110 longer gave him uneasiness ; they did not move the courage or determination of the man who felt himself con- scientiously bound not to swerve from the maxims which the world declared and insisted were his, and which his understanding compelled him to adopt as the very source of existence to the Austrian government. And so it might well happen, that to the distant prophet the approaching danger was not perceptible on the evening of the 13th of March. One may, perhaps, here observe, that he resembled that astrologer who, while his eyes were employed in reading remote dangers in the stars, was blind to the precipice beneath his feet, into which he accordingly fell. We are satisfied to adopt the simile, and answer, it was not the fault of the astrologer, if his guides, whose duty it was to warn him of the earthly precipice, whilst he, in discharge of his vocation, was lost in contemplating distant objects, did not themselves perceive the danger. The police autho- rities and the home administration should have been his leaders, but they failed in their duty ; whether it happened that their dim vision could not distinguish the brink of the precipice, or that their imprudence overlooked the real moment of danger. Their arm afterwards lacked the power to save him in the act of falling, as, perhaps, they had fondly imagined they could do — they fell together with him. 128 GENESIS OF TUE CHAPTER IV. THE IStu, 14th, and 10th of march, 1848, in Vienna. On the 13th of March, at nine o'clock in the morning, the students, dressed in proper costume and without weapons, proceeded to the house of the Estates, and drew themselves up in front of it ; a crowd of inquisitive persons followed them. The streets and even the court were filled with people who did not belong to the lower classes, and who were allured thither and harangued by some students who were chiefly Poles, assisted by others of similar opinions with their own. The members of the Estates in the mean time took their seats in theii* hall. A conversation was soon commenced from the windows of the assembly-room with the votaries of the muses, who thronged together in the courtyard. The provincial marshal and several members of the Estates zealously encouraged this mutual imdcrstanding, wliich was canied on amid continued shouts of " Long live the Emperor !" A Pole soon afterwards came into the street ii'om a door of the assembly -house in a state of great excite- ment, holding a written paper in his hand, and immediately set the whole crowd in motion.* * This paper, as the " Nieder Oesterreischischen Landstände und die Genesis, &c.," tells us, had been thrown into the courtyard by a person who had forced his entrance into the assembly of the Estates ; and it pro- posed that the people should not rest satisfied with what the assemliled Estates should demand. We learn from the same pamphlet (page 25), that the order of the d.ay embraced three projects of an address to the emperor, all of which referred to the common interests of all the provinces of the monarchy. The first demanded the convocation of the representatives of all the REVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 129 Did it arise from a feeling of indiflereiice in the assembly of the Estates, or from sympathy -with the mob outside, that provincial Estates, to be completed with men from those corporations and other political elements which were not represented, in order to examine the financial condition of the state, and to propose measures calculated to establish permanently general confidence, by placing the public finances on a secure footing, and by developing indisputably the representative system of the country. The second address supported the petition of Atisti-ian citizens to the Estates of Lower Austria, alluded to in the pre\'ious chapter. The third requested of the emperor to effect an union of all the German federal states, under a common law of the press, with tlie abolition of the censorship, and the adoption of a system for repressing abuses. There was, however, added to these long-prepared projects of an address another subject for the order of the day, namely, an imperial cabinet letter, first published in the before-mentioned pamphlet, which, on the evening of the 12th of March, had been directed to the high chan- cellor, and which the emperor had also communicated to the provincial marshal. Count Montecucoli. (See No. 3 of the Appendix.) The im- perial resolutions announced in this letter harmonized in the most essential parts with the demands which the Estates of Lower Austria intended to lay at the foot of the throne. Was this important concession of the sovereign not read aloud, or was it not listened to in the assembly of the Estates ? One or other of these results must have occurred, for there would have been, beyond a doubt, persons amongst the Estates who would have recognized a most undoubted guarantee of the honest wish of the emperor in regard to a suitaljle reform of the system of government in the resolution which he had freely adopted, " of uniting ike repi-esentatives of the various j^^ovinccs into one body, who should be consulted with reference to the relations of the Estates and the requirements of the moment, and to whom, if necessary, the assistance of the entire body of the various provincial Estates shoidd be granted." The prorogation of the assembly of Estates, which commenced under the influence of a riotous mob, ought to have been the first fruit of the announcement of the emperor's honest wishes ; it ought to have followed that announce- ment out of respect for the other provincial Estates, which, according to the emperor's wish, were henceforth to take into consideration the general interests of the empire in conjunction with the estates of Lower Austria. On what grounds could the latter claim as their prerogative to press forward as the mouth-piece of all the Estates ? It is an un- doubted fact that many of the members who were present in the assembly were not made acquainted with the important imiierial caliinet paper of the 12th of March, 1848, before its appearance in the pamphlet, "Die Nieder Oesterreichischen Landstünde, &c." Wo Iiave also acquired the con viction that this document liad laid on the table of the houses of as.scnil)ly on the morning of tlie 13th of March, and was left altogetlier unnoticed. K 130 GENESIS OF THE they were induced to prolong their sittings in spite of the popular demonstration, which every moment increased, in place of adjourning the meeting and separating one by one as they had assembled, upon such indications of a near ap- proacliing storm ? They continued together untu the crowd, fanaticised by some orators, who suspected a stratagem from the accidental shutting of a door, rushed \'iolently from the court into the assembly-room, and tearing up the seats, chairs, and benches, put an end to the meeting by such acts of outrage.* At the same time the people tlironged to the BaU-place, before the house of the state chancellor, and to the other squares, where agitators, elevated on the shoulders of others or standing on the pumps, insisted on the necessity of wresting by force from their rulers those objects which had either been already obtained by the inha- bitants of neighbouring countries, or were at that moment the object of similar struggles. The passing mihtary, not being required by the magistracy to interfere by force of This disrej,^rd of so important a letter, which is to us so inexplicable, at first created the impression in our mind that the emperor's letter of the l'2th, by some delay in its delivery, had not yet reached the assembly on the 13th of March, and therefore, in describing the occurrences of that day, ought not to be taken into account. As we never had the honour of being classed among "the men of confidence" of the Estates for Lower Austria, our first erroneous impression may be excused. But we cannot help smiling at the suspicion which has been excited against us, of having in our first and second editions of "Genesis" made no mention of that imperial letter, "in order to preserve in oblivion that most Tmsuccessful note of the State Conference, as if it were the song of the dying swan." We are inclined to believe that this oblivion would \>e desirable only in the interest of the Estates which made professions of their loyalty ; for how can the entire failure of the song of the dying swan be made to agree with such professions ? ■* We think it our duty to observe that the pamphlet, " Die Nieder , Oesterriechischen Landstande und die Genesis," corrected this statement by saying " that at the rusliing in into the assembly, it did not happen as mentioned in 'Genesis,' that chairs and benches, &c., were broken in the hall, but that in one of the adjoining saloons the benches broke under the weight of those standing on them." REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 131 ai'Dis, necessarily remained quiet spectators of the commotion, or at most could only act on the defensive, in resisting the pressui'e of the mob upon themselves. The moment, when the sitting of the Estates was inter- rupted by the intruders, marked precisely the point of departure from a street brawl to a revolution. Had the Estates decided that, in consequence of the violent inter- ruption of their meeting, they could neither consider nor adopt any further pubHc measures, and that, therefore, they must postpone their debates until the restoration of tran- quillity, and commit the conduct of afiaii-s to the autho- rities appointed for the preservation of oixler, and then dis- solved themselves, they would have reduced the character of the iusiu'rection to a mere ordinary disturbance, for the tem- porary suppression of which at that moment the means at hand would have been imdoubtedly sufficient had they been employed by the Estates for their protection, since the dis- turbance had not then extended to the other parts of the town or the suburbs. But the resolution of the Estates to lay the demands of the people before the emperor without delay, and with the pro\'iucial marshal at their head to march in a body to the castle, -with a promise that they would announce the decision of the emperor to the expectant mul- titude, imparted to the tumult a grave political importance, since it was no longer a self-willed mob with which the authorities had now to deal, liut at the head of this mob ,-,tood the Corporation of the Estates of Lower Austria, who had made the business their own, and had taken ad- vantage of theii- right to petition in order to call on the sovereign to change the existing order of things, in conformity with the spirit of the age, and who supported this demand with their whole political weight, relying upon the concur- rence of the Estates of the other provinces, in accordance with k2 132 CIKNESl.S Ol" THK tlioir wi'll-known sontiiufut.s. It uu longor remiiinod for the iiuthorities, it wiis for the sovereign alone now to act. When the Estates reached the castle, the permanent State Conference, ^v^th the addition of some members of the State Council, were actually engaged in considering the events of the day. At this critical moment the want of a properly- org-anized ministerial council was very keenly felt ; no mem- ber of the superior executive power (president of the court offices) assisted at the consultation. None of those present ■was invested Avith executive authority, and therefore no resolution could be promptly acted upon with the common consent of all those engaged in the discussion. The Estates submited the demands of the people to the as- sembled council of the emperor, more in the character of medi- ator than as petitioners on their own account, and begged for a promjit and favourable decision, inei'oly for the .sake of public peace and tlie presenation of the throne from threat- ened danger. It was a prudent step on their part to adopt the character of mediatoi-s, since they were thus protected from responsibility on the score of participating in the dis- turbance in case of failxire, and were sui-e of obtaining their own desires by the concessions which shotdd be gi-anted nominally to the people. The empei'or was now in one of those difficult positions wliich sometimes occur in life, where one's conduct, should the event prove favourable, is rather the resvdt of inspiration than of a carefiü consideration of all possible chances that may occur. The immediate answer, "Those who send you are rebels, and you who undertake this mi.ssion are partners in the rebellion, whom I wll \n\t doAvn with a strong hand ;" or a reply on the other hand to tliis effi'ct, '■ I have already taken proper measures to give my jieopl < ■ the freest institutioas in Gei-many, and we will consider toge- ther, without delay, the best mode of fidfilling these my inten- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 133 tioiis ; convey tliis decision to those who sent you, and bid them take heed how they bring upon themselves the arm of just punishment by distiu'bing the public peace :"' one or other of such answers woiüd have put an end at once to the threatened danger, but they wei-e compatible only with the personal decision of a wholly irresponsible rider, who could x'ely for support on his o"svn unchangeable determination ; no board of councillors could propose such answers in any state, since a council must, in its proposals, follow the dictates of cool calculation, and not obey mere inspiration, which varies much according to individual character, and often leaves us to oiu' own resources. The Austrian State Confe- rence, therefore, must not be censured for having offered advice to the emperor, which elicited no such decisive language. We must place ourselves in the condition of men who are clearly sensible of some of the faults of the existing government, and have an indistinct perception of others, and then consider Avhether, in siqiport of such a government, a war should have been commenced ; whose issue, moreover, could not possibly be foreseen, on account of the difficulty of calculating the magnitude of the opposing forces. At the head of the army stood an imperial prince, young, talented, courageous, and active, but inexperienced in wax-, and to whom, in tmth, as liis first essay in the career of generalship, one would not willingly intrust that most difficult of all the duties of war, viz. the conduct of a street battle against an excited people. The daily occurrences in the Austi-ian monarchy and its several provinces must have occasioned a doubt, whether the insurrection could have been actually suj)pressed or merely postponed by a momentary victory obtained in the palace at the cost of torrents of blood. There seemed to be a natural connection between the forcible entry of a fanatical mob into the imperial castle, 134 GENESIS OF TUE which was in uo respect prepared for resistance, aud the flight of the royal family of Orleaus, which had occurred iu Paris scarcely three weeks pre^'iously. A. hold sti'oke, which a daring iider might undertake from his own impulse, >ra.s more than the considerate advisei^s of Ferdinand ven- tured to propose. The councillors of the emperor were just as incompetent to suggest an answer of the second kind. Every man may sun-ender as much as he pleases of his own lights, but the protector of another's rights should never advise the sacrifice of more than is requii'ed by the strictest necessity. To a deliberative body the change of an absolute monarchy into a constitutional form of government coiüd never be i-egarded as a necessary result of a demonstration made not only without an appeal to arms, but even by mi- armed men. It seemed, however, indispensable, imder any cii'cumstances, that an attempt should be made to appease the storm with, the smallest possible sacrifice. Whoever considers, without prejudice, the posture of afiairs in the afternoon of the 13th of March, mvist admit that the plan proposed by the State Conference was the only one morally possible. They obtained from the emperor an assurance, which they were to communicate to the Estates of Lower Austria, to this efiect : " That whatever the present emergencies might require should be submitted to a committee to be appointed for the purpose, and then laid before the emperor, and that his majesty would then speedily decide what was meet, having regard to the general welfare of the whole of his beloved subjects. And his majesty further relied on the attachment and unimpaii-ed fidelity of the people of the capital for the establishment and future maintenance of peace." This imperial assurance was given orally to the Estates of Lower Austiia ; and furthermore, the president of the Lower Austrian government, being summoned for that KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 135 purpose, was commissioned, to give public notice of the same by a proclamation of his own ; and further, to take care that the civil authorities, in their official costume, should require the people thi'ee times to disperse peaceably before the mihtary power was brought out for that purpose. The commence- ment of the proclamation announced " that the Estates of Lower Austria, with the laudable intention of tranqiiillizing the excited population, had proved their readiness to lay their desires before the emperor, and that his majesty had been gi'aciously pleased to receive them." It was intended by this that the character which the Estates had undertaken of mediators, should be made known, and that the idea should be abandoned that they shared the popular sentiments, which idea had made them the bearers of the petition, because the hope was generally indulged that the Estates would materially influence the leaders of the popular move- ment. But the hope was fallacious. The proclamation failed in its effect. The Estates, in public opinion, were con- sidered not only the bearers but the representatives of the petition they carried (and this was quite in accordance with the maxim " vox populi vox Dei "), but the popular leaders expected a weightier and more decided result from, their influence. The still increasing mob, who awaited their re- turn with impatience, was not satisfied ; its impatience and anger at the military, who watched its motions, increased every minute, untU at length the soldiers, pressed hard at some points, in order to remain masters of theh' post and to defend themselves from personal attacks, had rec'oui'se to their arms. The number of those who were killed, partly in this manner and partly by injuries arising from the pres- sure of the mob, was estimated at seventeen, and amongst them was one of the most active popular orators, a Jewish student named Spitzer, wlio was wounded in the head witli 136 GENESIS OK THE a sword in an attempt to deprive a soldier of his liorse, tliat lie might luoimt it hinisclf and parade the town, and so from IUI eminence addn-sss his audience with greater cöcct. When one hears these unfortunate beings spoken of as heroes wlio fell fighting for the liberties of the people, one scarcely gnulges them tliis small share of fame, in their graves, bestowed as a tribute by their friends ; but it has no foimdation in fact, for without fighting there can be no hero, and there was no fighting. There was an accident, it is tnie, like that wliich hapjjened some years ago in an ItaUan town at a theatrical representation wliich took place in an arena. The disapprobation of the spectators was expressed louder than usual at the badness of the acting, and the persons whose duty it was to preserve order considered themselves justified in firing a volley. Some indiAaduals fell a saciifice, but it never entered the heads of any one to maintain that they were heroes who had fallen in defence of the liberty of hissing. The deaths wliich occiuTed in Vienna on the 15th of March are the more to be deplored because they tended in no degree to forward the wishes of the people, and they either resulted Irom the hardihood of a few indi\dduals, who ventiu'ed to insult the military, or' else they arose from accident; at all events, they fiuTÜshed the evil-disposed with a new pretext for abusing the government and exciting the passions of the people. In the course of the afternoon a strong body of journey- man mechanics issued from the suburbs, celebrating the festivities of blue Monday, as it is termed ; they entered the town unarmed, and thronged towards the castle. The members of the civic guard likewise appeared there in unifonn, the officers of which corps were allowed the entree to the rooms on coiirt festivals ; the honourable unifoi-m which REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 137 tliey wore procured them admission to tlie castle, from wliich they would otherwise have been excluded by the mili- tary. These persons also played the part of mediators, and under this title sought an audience of the emperor. But his majesty, deeply shocked at the events of the day, had retired. His uncle, the Archduke Louis, received them, and heard, with his customary tranquillity and kindness, their vows of attachment to the imperial house, theii- prognosti- cations of the approaching danger, their wild plans for re- sisting its approach, and even their very grievances, which last were confined to a misunderstanding that had taken place at the door of a police office, in consequence of which the police soldiers, drawn up there, had fired on a body of citizens in uniform, who were in the act of approaching too near. It is remarkable that the grievance seemed to consist, not so much in the actual firing, as in the shots having been directed against the citizens ; the warmth of the spokesman caused a distinguished military officer who was present to ob- serve, " that when citizens became rebels, even they must be fired upon." The spokesman thereupon fell into such a rage, that he rushed into the ante-room, shouting, " that he would go down and announce to the faithful and loyal citizens of Vienna that they were to be shot." Some considerate indi- \-iduals, however, succeeded in seizing and restraining the excited man. He was a well-known wine- merchant, and seems on that day to have made too free vrith his own com- inodities. The members of the Estates, who had previously acted as mediators, now united themselves Avith the citizens, and ap- peared again in the same capacity. They unanimously in- sisted on the necessity of appeasing the excited mob, by j)a3''ing immediate attention to some of their demands, as the population of the subiirbs and of the neighbouring vil- 13S GENESIS OF TUE lages ab"eady took part in the gcnenil tumult. But what those demands exactly were, the fulfilment of which would allay the storm, it was not so easy to ascertain, in con- sequence of the confusion and disturbance which reigned aromid. ^Meanwhile night approached. Like the Moor, in Schiller's Fiesco, who, when he had lent all the assistance in his power to liis master's design to strip old Doria of the ducal mantle, in the evening began to think of making something for him- self and his adherents; so the people of Vienna were T\Tlling to close that day of commotion, in whose noon-tide business they had taken part, by turning the evening to tlieir own account. Bands of robbers and murderers over- awed the suburbs and the neighbomhood ; rumours of the most alann- ing kind were circidated through the town. A forcible attack was made on the shop of the com^t apothecary, a building which was connected A\dth the castle by a passage, in order, as is supposed, to force an entry through that un- defended way into that part of the castle wliich was close to the apartment inhabited by the emperor. At that critical moment, a third set of mediators appeared before the Archduke Loms, viz. the academical senate of the xmiversity, with their grey-headed " rector magnificus" at their head, distinguished by the colane* appended from his neck. It was the object of this deputation to make a positive request, viz. for permission that the students might take weapons from the imperial arsenal, and hasten to the suburbs, to stop the dreadful attacks which were there making upon Life and property. The proposal to put arms in the hands of the very persons who, when unarmed, had been the promoters of disturbance during the whole day, must have * " Colane," the badge of office worn by the rector. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 139 occasioned some surprise. But, after a long negotiation, the rector of the university threw himself on liis knees before the archduke, and implored him to confide in these young men : two thousand of them, he said, the hope of so many families, were tilled -with such enthusiasm, that, if attacked, they were ready to fling themselves bliudly on the bayonets of their opponents ; what streams of noble blood would then flow : an opportunity now ofiered to avoid this danger, by giving their ardour a proper direction ; they burned with anxiety to prove their readiness to defend order and right ; the military were too few, and ah^eady wearied by the exertions of the day, to resist the threatened danger with success : why, therefore, should they not, in defence of property, avail themselves of the willingness and youthful energy of the students ? Let them only be trusted, and they woidd show that they were fiüly worthy of such confidence. This address of the old man, delivered with enthusiasm, could not fail in its effect on the noble and benevolent sph-it of the Archduke Louis. The request was first orally granted, and subsequently a proper order was drawn up by a secre- tary, addressed to the authorities, to the following effect : — '' That for the preservation of peace and order, the arming oi the students (with the exception of foreigners) should be per- mitted, under pi'oper regulations." The order was handed to the assembled members of the State Conference for perusal. Those members of the Estates who had appeared in the capa- city of mediators were present in the room during the above negotiation. One of them took up the order, and (with a pencu) added the following sentence, as an amendment : — " It is further expected that all citizens wiU lend their aid to the above, by enrolling themselves in the civic guard, and will assist in the preservation of peace." And this amendment, though introduced by an imauthorised hand, was considered 140 (iENESlS or TIIK so miR'h a matter i)f course, aud so uuiinjiortant in its mean- ing, that it was not oitposed. In tliis manner tlie arming of the jteople was unadvisedly introduced in the capital. Scarcely wa.s it effected, before the mediators from the Es- tates, and the citizens who still lingered in the chauibers of the archduke, i-aised a loud cry for the liljerty of the press. It hap- pened by accident that, on the 1 3th of March, the royal order of the Pnissiau cabinet, wliicli was issued on the 8tli of the same month, ajipeared in the Vienna newspapers, witli a royal decree for a refonn in the laws of the press, based upon the abolition of the censorship. With this example before them, wliich was set, moreover, by that jiower of Germany which had ever been most friendly to the Austrian maxims of government, a resistance to the popular demand did not seem advisable : moreover, as we have already said, in our sketch of the Austrian state maehine, the censorship in Aus- tria had failed in its effect ; no voice, therefore, in the State Conference could recommend a contest in support of the cen- sorship ; on the contrary, it was deemed prudent to yield to the demand, precisely as it had been acceded to by the Pi-us- sian goveiTiment. The chancellor retired to the adjoining cabinet, and placed himself at his desk, to prepare the sketch of an answer, in the spirit of the Pi-ussian order, to be laid before the emperor. The leaders of the people having now secured offen.sive and defensive weapons, both for the hand and head, availed themselves of this momen- tary absence, to get rid of the man whose charactei-, prin- ciples, experience, and authority would have checked all excess in the use of those weapons. In a decisive tone, they demanded, that, to appease the people, Pi-ince Metternich should retire from his post. The increasing tumidt in the -adjoining room called the chancellor back from Ids desk ; REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 141 he approaclied the archduke, and asked what the noise meant. He was informed that liis own retirement was pro- posed. This was the moment when all the strength of soul which distinguished that great man, was put to the proof. To leave a post which he had filled with the greatest re- nown for nine-and-thii-ty years, in which he had earned the confidence not only of the whole imperial house, but of all the lailers of Europe, and had taken an influential part in the most impoi-tant afiairs of the world ; to witness the clouds of incense in wliich he had been enveloped, by sincere as well as by hypocritical reverence, suddenly dispersed by a gust of wind ; to reap the basest ingratitude in return for his ceaseless exertions to promote the interests of the state and the wel- fare of his fellow-citizens ; all this was doubtless calculated to waken feelings in an old veteran, so bitter in their effect, that one could hai'dly have been surprised, if he had sunk under their weight. But such was not the case. With un- moved tranquillity and dignified composure, he declared, " that the task of his life had been to work for the welfare of the monarchy, in the position which he occupied ; but if it appeared to any that his continuing in the same would peiil the monarchy, he would consider it no sacrifice to retii'e from his post." He then turned to the Archduke Louis, and said, he placed his ofiice in the hands of the emperor. He then addressed the leaders of that mixed assembly which on that eventful evening besieged the palace of the arch- duke, in the following memorable words of farewell : — " I foresee, too plainly, that a false opinion will spread abroad, that in retiring from my post I have dragged down the monarchy along with mc. But I enter my solemn protest against such an assertion. Neither I nor any other man has strengtli onougli to dosti'oy a state. Empires may vanish, but only when they Ijctrny themselves." The deportment 112 GENESIS OF THE of the venci-able statesman, when confronting the fury of his enemies, cannot be better described than in the words of the Roman poet : — Justum et tenacem propositi virum Non civium ardor prava jubentium Mente quatit solidä : Si fractus illabatur orbis, Impaviihim ferient ruinae. In remarkable contrast with this magnanimity of soul was the deportment of his exulting foes. On hearing the news of his retirement, they shouted with triumph, and has- tened to convey the jo}iful intelligence to the mob, whose i-eprosentatives they were. The chancellor, who had so suddenly and so unexpectedly closed his political career, was so little moved by this change of cii'cvmastances, that he discoursed for a long time with liis fiiends in his ciistomaiy manner over the events of the day and their consequences, as if he himself had been by no means personally interested in them. The observation of some friends, that his retirement from the helm of the state could not be considered as certain, since the emperor had not given his consent, which he would probably withhold, elicited the decisive answer, " That he would never agree to retain his place in such a manner, as his retirement would then be looked upon as a mere farce, to which he would be no pai-ty ; that his decision was taken, and nothing could change it but the entreaties of those who had occasioned its adoption." Thus ended the 1.3th of March, the day on which the virtual revolution which, as we have shown, commenced long before, was formally proclaimed in the capital. The KEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 143 events of this day were, — "An acknowledgment of the necessity of timely reforms, with an assurance that they would be immediately considered and speedily introduced by the emperor ; the arming of the students and citizens of Vienna ; the deteiiui nation to grant freedom of the press after the example of Prussia ; and the removal of the most distinguished opponent of the sovereignty of the people." Dui-ing the night many thousand stands of fire-ai-ms were distributed with the greatest speed to the students and other inhabitants of Yienna from the imperial and city arsenals, without any regard to the personal chai'acter of the applicants. All who were anued in this manner laid claim to the honour of being ready to march against the bands of robbers in the suburbs and beyond the limits of Vienna. On the morning of the 14th of March the streets were again filled with men. The suddenly-equipped City-guard assembled in the neighbourhood of the castle. They were sensible that the consent to their establishment wore the appearance of a measure suddenly reqidred by the emergency of the times, and that they had thus no guarantee for their continuance. Under the advice and guidance, therefore, of experienced advisers, their exertions were directed to pro- curing for themselves a chai-acter of stability. On this account they prefeiTed the double request, that they might assume the title of National Guard, and have a commander in the person of one of the imperial princes (the Ai'chduke "William). Neither of these requests was approved of by the council of the emperor. The first failed, because it was thought that the arming of the students and citizens under a momentary pressure for the maintenance of peace in Vienna ought to receive a title adapted to the local origin and object in view. But the question, whether a measure which might be necessary for Vienna should at once be converted into a 1 t-i GENESIS OF THE • national institution, was a point not discussed, nor likely to be discussed in times of sueli distvu'banco, and demanded, at all events, the most careful consideration, especially in regard to the Italian provinces, where the revolutionary party placed tlieii" chief strength in the arming of the people. For these reasons, the title of " the Vienna Cixic Guard " was adopted as imobjectionable. The second request failed, because, on the morning of the 14th of JNIarch, the Archdiike Albert had resigned the command of the troops to Piince Win- dischgi'ätz, who happened accidentally to be present in Vienna, because it was not considered advisable that there should be an immediate connection between one of the impeiial princes and an excited people. The citizens, therefore, withdrew their second request, but with regard to the fii^t tbey Avoidd not accept a refusal. Accordingly, the mediators of the pre\dous day again volunteered their inter- ference. Wliether it arose fi-om short-sightedness or fear, or was a fixed plan, they maintained that the title given to the newly-raised body was a matter of unimportance, and not worth the danger to the throne which might result from a contention on the subject. Persons high in office, and aristocrats in the strictest sense of the word, were of tliis opinion, without reflecting that the Aery obstinacy witli which the people, under the guidance of their leaders and seducers, insisted on the title of " National Guard," must have had some deep design at the bottom. They succeeded, liowevcr, in obtaining the emperor s consent. Count Hoyos, field marshal and colonel of the rifles, was appointed to be commander of the national guards. On the first annoxmce- ment of this news in Vienna, the magic effect of a title which had been represented as wholly imimportant, was at once apparent, for, with the exception of the governor of Galicia, Count Francis Stadion, no land chief could prevent REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 145 the people from considering the arming the people of Vienna as a national institution, consented to by the em2ieror, to be adopted everywhere without restriction. The consequence of this was, that the effective power of the authorities in opposition to the people was sensibly weakened. Thus the jjossession of all material means for fighting the battle of freedom was secured to the people. It now only remained to place moral weapons in the hands of the people. On the 13th of March it had been resolved to gi-ant the libei-ty of the press ; but in this measure the peaceful example of Prussia was to be followed, and with the removal of the censorship, certain measui-es were to be in- troduced for the purpose of repressing abuses. Even as early as the 14th, the State Conference was engaged in framing the intended measm-es. But a peaceful transition from- the- tyranny of the censorship to the freedom of the press by no means satisfied either the domestic or foreign demagogues, who were the leaders of the popular distur- bances, any moi'e than the vain and speculative literati, or the students who were under theii' control. The censorsliip must be instantly abolished. They united all their efforts to excite the mob of Vienna, whose throats and vigorous arms they needed for the furtherance of their own objects, to a pitch of enthusiasm in favoiir of the liberty of the press. Although the mob did not enjoy the reputation of being- able to set a very high value on those intellectual enjoyments which the liberty of the press secures, they became, never- theless, so enthusiastic for the possession of these unknown Ijenefits, tliat their violent conduct became even more alanning than it had been on the previous day. The mediating friends of the throne and the dynasty now discovered a new field for the exea'cise of their activity. They intiaided into the antechambers of the emperor to ofier L 146 GENESIS OF THE their wt'll-iueant ay moans of a printed i)roclamation on the morning of March l.Oth, was the result of a eonfcrence which lasted to a late hour in the night, and which, accord- ing to the nimours of tlu- town, was attended by the Arca- diikes Francis Charles, Francis Joseph, Albrecht, and Louis, the minister of state, Coimt Kolowi-ath, the temporary cliief of the militaiy and ci\*il affairs at Vienna, Prince Windisch- giütz, the minister of state, Count Münch-Bellinghausen, the ])resident of the Exchequer Chamber, Baron Kiibeck, and the chiefs of the sections of the State-Council for the affairs of the interior and of justice, Count Hartig and Baron Pilgram. By considering what this proclamation says, and what it omits to say, we may discover the maxims which guided the conference. In the first place, the emperor's decree anuoimces the con^äction, that the concessions which had been made to the Lower Aiistrian Estates, and to the citizens of Vienna, since the 13th of March, which comprised the arming of the people and the freedom of the press, had rendered an essential refonn in the system of government an inevitable necessity, and that this reform must consist in the renunciation of absolutism, since, for the future, the representatives of the jieople were to take jirirt in the legislative functions, and in the control of the administration. Everytliiug was thus admitted which forms the essence of a constitutional system. But when we obsei-ve that in the proclamation made on the moiTiing of the 15th of March, the word "constitution " is not mentioned, Ave ai'e forced to inquii-e the reason for the however, they were in possession of the means for multiplj-ing the free concessions of the emperor by extorting others. Hence the shouts of acclamation. EEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 151 omission of tliis woi'd, since we cannot suppose that if the substance was promised, the mere expression was accidentally omitted. An attentive regard to the form of the Austrian monarchy may answer the question. It consisted at that time of divi- sions, some of which (such as Htingaiy and Transylvania) already possessed an ancient form of constitution, which had been sworn to by the sovereign, whilst others were governed absolutely, in which, however, there existed cer- tain corporate bodies, who enjoyed a share not so much in the government as in particulai* branches of the adminis- tration, by virtue of important privileges which had been conceded to them by the sovereign. It is therefore clear that the advisers of the crown, in omitting the word " con- stitution," in respect of the new chai-acter of the sovereign towards these latter portions of the monarchy, had care- fully considered the importance of the expression, since by proclaiming a constitution that was to serve for some parts of the empii'e and not for others, the unity of the Austrian monarchy would have been endangered, and its disrupture into separate constitutional states have been prepared. These states, indeed, might have perhaps for some time preserved the semblance of union, by having a common head, but this union would have subsisted only so long as no conflict respect- ing theii- separate interests, or rivaliy between the representa- tives, placed the executive power of the common head be- tween the opposing demands of the di\'ided legislative bodies, and thereby rendered an open breach inevitable. The events which had happened ia the Diet of Presburg showed tliat the moment for such a conflict was not far distant. Moreover, the proclamation of a constitution for those parts of the monarchy which did not belong to Hungary or Transylvania, rendered the abolition of Constitutional Estates 152 GENESIS OK TJIE necessary in the provinces whei'c they existed, to whicli step the Conference tliil not tliink proper alone to advise tlie emjU'ror, in opposition to the wislies of the Lower Austrian Estates and tlie citizens of Vienna, since the privileges of the Estates had been confirmed partly by the oath of the emi)eror, and jiartly by his sign-manual. Con- sidered in this point of view, the omission of the expression " constitution," in the imperial proclamation, seems to have been quite in character with the circumstances, particularly as the future course of proceeding was not com2:)i'omised ; but the question was rather left open for the considei*atiou of the representatives of the particular provinces, who wei'e to assemble round the throne, at latest in the beginning of July, in order to advise on this point, whether it were possible, by an imderstanding wth the Estates of Hungaiy and Ti"ansylvania, to convert the aggregate monarchy into a single constitutional state. The first impression made upon the jiopulation of Vienna by the proclamation which appeared on the morning of the 15th March, and which had been determined upon the night before by the emperor, upon the i:)ro2iosal of the Conference, was very favourable, notwithstanding the omission of the word "constitution." The manifesto of the publishei"s of Vienna, and the general rumour that the censorship \;pon the newspapers liad that day ceased, overcame the mistitist entertained for the sincenty of the goverament. The pubUc feeling tlisplayed itself so gi-atefuUy to the emperor, that he resolved to show himself to the people, during a drive in the afternoon. This diive clearly proved that popular opinion resembles the air-bubble in a levelling macliine, which is impelled fii\st to one side, then to another, as it is directed by the hand which guides it. The same people who two days before had threatened the REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 153 residence of the emperor, wislied now to prove their attach- ment to liini by taking the horses from his carriage and substituting theii- own personal strength in their stead. It afforded at once matter for laughter and for serious reflec- tion, to mai'k a member of the Lower Austrian Estate« clearing the way for the imperial carriage. It was not in tiiith "A noble count on prancing steed," like the baron in the ballad of the brave hero who, with a well-filled purse in his hand, offered a reward to him v^ho should save the jjoor tax-gatherer from drowning ; but Avitli the weapon of the Estates at his side, and the three-cornered hat of the Estates upon his head, our Count sought by the magic influence of these distinctive emblems to throw his sliield over the emperor, and protect the latter from his rejoicing people ! So great was the sympathy of this people either for the person of the " noble count on prancing steed," or for the assembly to which he belonged, that every one fimüy believed he had been summoned to j)i"ecede the lord of the realm in the capacity of his protectoi'. What coald have occasioned such an idea, if not the consciousness of former exertions to win popular favour, and of the influence arising from its possession and direction ? We relate this unimportant anecdote, as it wül help us to estimate the cha- racter and real nature of the events which have lately taken place. * * Our .supposition tliat the member of the Lower Austrian Estates rode before the emjieror with the intention of protecting him, is con- tradicted in tlie '"Nieder Oesterreichischen Landstiinde und die Gene- sis." It is there stated that " the first occasion of it is said to liave been the wish to convert the drive of the emperor into the Prater, as jirojected by the courtiers, into a drive through the various parts of tlie city." We are inclined to doubt whether at that time a diive into the Prater bad been projected. But if such had been the case, tlie deter- lüi GENESIS OF TUE Dui-ing this triumph of the mob, the men who held in their hands the strings by which the theatrical puppetrf were set in motion, I'tmnd new materials to produce discord by circulating unjust suspicions. They found fault, for instance, with the omission of their favoiu'ite catch-word " The Constitution " in the late imperial proclamation, and i-emarked that under the term " The Estates " those claases of the people who were formerly unpri^-ileged should be included, an object of long contention. They asserted that this proclamation had not been published in the official Vienna gazette of the day (which, doubtless, occiu-red from the news having been earned too late to the office) ; they conceived that the form of customaiy ceremony in which all the imperial concessions of the 13th and 14th of Mai'ch had been published, shoidd be obsei-ved in events of such impor- tance, and they commenced awakening suspicions with regard to the sincerity of the government, and exciting distxu'- bance. The State Conference was informed of the thi-eatening dissensions, and endeavom-ed to prevent them by annoimcing that on that very day, to put an end to the popular commotion, an imperial decree woidd appear as the Magna Charta of the Austrians, in which each concession granted during the past days would be successively enumerated, the satisfaction of the emperor at the gratitude exhibited to liim on the occasion of his appearance would be expressed, together with a hope that the mind.s of the people would be tranquillized, that the b-tudies of the university would be pursued as usual, and that trade and peaceful commerce woxild once more flourish. mination of a member of the Lower Austrian Estates, — who did not belong to the court — to change, according to his own pleasure, the di- rection of that drive, must have originated in the consciou-sness of the moral power possessed by himself, or by the body whose insignia be wore. Tliough we may, therefore, have been mistaken with regard to the intentions of that member, the inference which we may have drawn from his conduct seems to have been correct. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 155 In this decree (wHcli will be foimd at full in the supple- ment to this work, No. 1) the declaration could be fearlessly made, that the convocation of the provincial Estates would take place with a fuller representation of the citizens, and with proper attention to the provincial Constitutions, be- cause these very points, even before the month of March, had been discussed in the Estates. It was remarkable, however, that the word "Constitution" should be found in this decree, as it seemed to be imperative, for the grave reasons already mentioned, that it should have been avoided. The information we have carefiilly collected esta- bhshes the foUo^ving fact : — The State Conference -wishetl to substitute in the patent, in place of the ominous word " constitution," the expression " a constitutional arrangement of the coimtiy," by which phrase, on the one hand, a pledge was given for a real shaiing of the legislative power between the sovereign and the representatives of the people, and on the other, it was intimated that this object was to be attained not in the stereoty]3ed manner lately adopted, but by having due regai'd to the peculiar circumstances of the pro- vinces of the empii-e. Whoever considers, without prejudice, the nature of the materials of which the Austrian monarchy is composed, must admit that the plan chosen was the most jid\dsable, with a view to reconcile with the existence of the state the demands of the people who reposed so little confi- dence in the government. But there were persons who insisted that theii* favourite catch-word should be pronouncer unjustly it is not for us to say. We content our- selves with stilting we]l-knu\vn facts, in order to place in a true light the conduct of those men who figured in the three days' aita5troi>he. On the 15th of March the inhabitants of Vienna might exclaim " Post nubila Plia^bus," since the gloomy i)oliticaI horizon of the pre^äous days wjis converted into a momentaiy biightness. To the joy of the morning succeeded in the afteiiioon and in the evening a second and a tliii'd triumph. Tlie Archdiüie Stephen, Palatine of Hungarj^, came from Presbiu-g to Vienna. He was accompanied by the Himga- rian deputation, who were bearers of the celebrated address ])roposed by Kossuth on the 3rd March, and adopted by both Estates of the kingdom. The deputies were attended by a crowd, consisting of many hundi-ed young Magj'ai-s. The ai-chduke was received with acclamations of joy. The same vain homage which had been offered to the emperor some hours before, was paid to him. The deputies and their at- tendants were received with shouts of applause by the national guard and citizens, and attended to their dwellings. What coidd be the object or the meaning of such ovations 1 The strangers had e\'idently contributed nothing to those conces- sions, from which the inhabitants of Vienna expected so much happiness. It must, therefore, have been in comsequence of some secret combination that these latter felt themselves compelled to offer their thanks to those who, on that im2:)or- tant day, appeared in Vienna, with the intention, doubtles.s, of dissolving the union of a hinidred years between Hungary and Austria, in order to substitute in its place a new bond of a EEVOLUTIOX IX AUSTRIA. 157 less eiiduviug kind. The day of this meeting with the Hun- gariau deputation, mamerons in itself, and accompanied by still move numerous followers, was that on which it had been pre\'iously determined that the populace should shout for a constitution in Vienna, but whether this was to result from the free exercise of imperial generosity at the moment of meeting it was impossible to determine. It seems, there- fore, beyond doubt that the enthusiastic reception of the Hungax'ian strangers was intended as a tribute of thanks for their willing help, which was ready for action on the de- cisive day, though their aid was for the moment no longer necessary. The part which the Magyars played in the fol- lowing October, reduces this susjiicion to a certainty. But in the midst of all this triumph the distui'bers of the public peace never ceased to fan the flame of discontent. Men who, from their external appearance, were strangers in Vienna, mingled with the tln'ong, and whispered to the by- standers " ere the constitution is ready the Russians will be here." When we consider the events which happened in Austria and its provinces in the first half of the month of March, and remember the lessons of experience which teach, that in tlie depths of human determination and action none but un- important words and deeds are allowed to meet the public eye, we must feel convinced that the party whose object was the establishment of the sovereignty of the people, had cast out their nets with wonderful skill to entrap the honest but thoughtless ftiends of gi-adual refoiin, and place them appa- r-cntly at the head of the movement, deluding them with the hope of observing all proper restraints of right and justice, and aftei-wards discarding them as tools no longer fit for use. It cannot be uninteresting to hear the voice of one of the organs of this party on the subject of the events at 158 GENESIS OF THE Vienna. The paper published under the title of the Consti- tution coutiiins ill its numlHi- for the 19th of October, 1848 (No. 173), the following remai-kable announcement : — . " There are men who would render public writers, and even, jomualists, resjwnsible for all those occurrences in a revolu- tion which do not coiTespond with their o^vn \aews, not to mention others to whom the very idea of a revolution is a heinous crime. But do such men conäder what writers the 1 3th of March called forth ? It would seem that if a public press had previously existed in Austi-ia, the transition might have been easier from the old to a new state of things. Doubt- less there did exist a certain class of public writers before the 13th of March, but who can say that theh- works pro- duced any effect upon the people ? It has been seen that in March the movement affected those classes of society who had not yet tasted the apple of knowledge, no less than those who had ever been opponents of reform. It is thus dear that some other power than the press occasioned the events of the 1 3th of March, namely, a sense of increasing oppression, ■which caused a terrible reaction. Can it be thought that the dealers in the public funds were enticed by the syren voices of the pubUc press 1 We well know, and have al- ready pointed out the authors of the 13th of March ; we well know who would have made cats'-paws of the brave students, and it is now provoking to them, that the students, and the people who joined them, will themselves eat the chestnuts which they have snatched ii-om the flames. The lower Austrian Estates, wished to retrieve the honour wliich the bureaucracy have lost," «fee. It were well to compare with the above passage from a highly radical pen, another which is the production of a very eminent statesman, who differs wlioUy in opinion from the contributors to the above mentioned gazette, — Count REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 159 Montecuculi, who, before the month of March, filled the office of provincial marshal at the head of the Lower Avisti'ian Estates, expresses himself as follows, in a memorandum ad- dressed to the high assembly of the empire (page 13), dated Mitterau, July 5, 1848, wliich he afterwards published : — " It was, in truth, no easy task, and demanded in many instances no small degree of self-denial, properly to represent and to protect the interests of the people, when they were not in unison with the measures of the government ; but in tliis conflict I have never shrunk from representing such interests, and defending with zeal the welfare of those who were incapable of protecting themselves. I can appeal boldly to the whole of my past career, and to the testimony of those who have watched my conduct as captain of a district, as privy councillor, as vice-president, and, above all, as provincial marshal for two years, and who have had an opportunity of knowing me fully. All Vienna witnessed my conduct in the days of March, which brought the people of Austria to the age of majority, and I have received the most honourable acknowledgment of my exertions." A glance at the measures which the Lower Austrian Estates had prepared for the Diet on the 13th of March, makes us fui"ther acquainted with the publication of certain proceedings which they had drawn up for that Diet. We annex a passage from the draft of a petition for freedom d by an ambitious or corru])t tendency. The deep knowledge of men and things, the penetrating look, tlie invanal)le tran- (piillity and self-possession, the indefatigable industry, and the strong love of truth Avhich marked the Archduke Louis, of whom it might truly be said, that though he was often silent, yet he never spoke an imtruth, were qualities which made his adherence to liis 2)ost indispensable for the welfare of the state ; at least until the new constitution, which was determined upon, should come into practical operation, and until the personal assistance which he had afforded to his so^■ereign could be sup2)lied by a ministry chosen by a })ai"liameutaiy majority, to whom, in pursuance of a contem- plated enactment, that ministry should be responsible. In yielding to this A\-ish, the Archduke Louis, in accor- dance with general report, declared that he had promised the late Emperor Francis to pursue liis system and maxims of go^■emment michanged, and to undertake no duty wliich should entail upon him the necessity of opjDosing proper refonns in the state, and thus to e\änce his readiness sincerely to promote those changes in Austria which circumstances had rendered inevitable. In our opinion, much evil would have BEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 169 been avoided if, after the lapse of fourteeu days, disti-ust aud deception, in conjunction -witli popular efirontery, had not ren- dered this noble resolution vain, since the establishment of the ministerial council had remedied that e\"il in the central con- duct of state aflairs, wliich had rendered the procrastination ot the Archduke Louis, in forming his resolutions, an object of censure. His experience, his character, and his rank, were yuflicient to prevent indecision, inconsistency, and mistakes, even in measures which required promptness of decision. The names of the new ministry were published on March tlie 21st. In the mean time tlie functions of president wei'e pro\isionally discharged by Count Kolowrath. Count Ficquel- mont was appointed minister of the imperial house and of foreign affairs ; Baron Von Pillersdorf was named minister of the ulterior ; Count Taafe, minister of justice ; Baron Von Klibeck, minister of finance. The emperor delayed, for the present, tlie nomination of the minister of war. His choice had fallen upon men who had already been engaged in the same departments of business. During a state of transition this Avas unavoidably necessary, to prevent utter confusion in the discharge of business. There was discord in the term " provisional " as applied to the ministerial president, forth(> president is the soul of the ministerial council ; upon him is the difficult duty of holding in check the centrifugal ten- dency of each minister, and of directing their united efforts to one common point, namely, the welfare of the state. At that critical moment no one was better adapted for tliis purpose than Count Kolowrath, as well on account of the high and influential office he had filled in the state for twenty-two years, as on account of his rare fortune in enjoy- ing the confidence of the emperor aud the favour of the re- formers. The word " provisional," therefore, left room for doubting whether he would continue to discharce the difficult 170 GENESIS OF THE «liity of regulating the transition from absolutism to a con- stitution. As it turned out, after a fortnight, the Vienna (iasette announced that, for his health and repose, he had resolved to retire for a time from public business, and had actually ceded the presidency of the iiiiiiisterial council to Count Ficquelmont. But this was also a temporary mea- sure. Next to the minister-president, the minister of the inte- rior was the most important personage at that period of commotion and change. Baron Pillersdorf seemed the fittest person to fiU tliis station in that moment of distrust in the government, — renowned as he was for the clearness of his imderstanding, in addition to being an attractive speaker, a decided friend of reform, an opponent of the late Metter- nich system, as it was termed, and enjoying the confidence of the reformers, though not of the Conservative body. The former deplored the small degree of influence he had hitherto possessed in the conduct of afiairs, although in the business of the interior he had for many years assisted the infii-m liigh chancellor. On account of his mature age and his gradual elevation in the service of the state, the government had reason to hope that he would employ his credit, as well as his remarkable talents, in efiecting a quiet and deliberate, but not an utopian and revolutionary, change in the system of the state. How far this hope was fiilfilled we may learn from an account of the events in Austiia down to the period of Pillersdorf's resignation — a clu'onicle which it is no part of our ta.sk to write. We shall not inquii-e whether the evil results of the dictatorship which he gradually assumed in the ministry, contrary to the original intention of the emperor, were to be ascribed to his principles, or his en-ors, or liis weakness of character, or whether they arose from acci- dental causes. We deem it enoiigh to repeat the joke with REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 171 whicli he was ridiculed in Vienna in 1842, wlien lie filled the office of court chancellor, as assistant to the chief chan- cellor, a joke which subsequently acquired a significant im- portance. The people of Vienna said that the chief chancel- lor was the lantern and Baron Pillersdorf the light. This witticism afterwards verified itself in a manner not then foreseen. For no sooner was the light separated from the lantern, than, blown about by the wind upon aU sides, it set fire to whatever it touched, and might have occasioned a destructive conflagi'ation, if it had not been luckily extin- guished by a gust of wind, and gradually reduced to an ex- piring ember. The minister of finance. Baron Kiibeck, would have been the man to direct the course of the government at the commencement of its constitutional existence in a regular channel, on account of Ms cool penetration, his great know- ledge and experience, and his firmness of character. He stood very high in public opinion, and had not attained his position by being a member of the aristocracy, but was promoted to the ranks of the latter body on account of his sexwices, wliich secured for liim the confidence of the people. But ill-health obliged him to abandon liis ministe- rial office. The other ministers were active men of business, as was also his successor. Baron Von Kraus, who had ac- cepted the port.folio of the finances, which, as ah'eady stated, had been previously offered to and refused by Count Sta- dion, the governor of Gralicia. Such likewise was the Field Marshal Lieutenant Zanini, who had in the interim been appointed minister of war ; and the Baron Von Sommaruga, to whom, in the subsequent ministry, was intrusted the department of pubUc education. But these persons, by virtue of their office, could only exercise a subordinate direct influ- ence over the affairs of the ministiy, and did not possess 172 OENF-SIS OF THE ' thoso qualities which wouhl have secured for Baron Kiibock an iutlueiK-e of an indirect nature. It happened, therefore, that Biiron Pilleredoif — who at first managed the interior department in conjunction with the two provisional })resi- dents, Kolownith and Ficquehnont, after the secession of the former and the expid-sion of the latter by the audacity of the students and the mob — remained alone at the head of affairs. For, after Count Tiuife was di'iven from the ministry, wliicli was effected, however, Avith less scandal than had happened to Count Ficquehnont, the duties of provisional president were discharged by Baron Pillersdorf as senior minister in rank. There were three principal errors whicb misled the minis- try immediately after its formation. The first consisted in the mistaken idea that when the emperor had expressed his determination to e.stabli.sh a con- stitution, a constitutional regime was then actually com- menced. The second consisted in the recognition of an ineflScient mini.sterial responsibility in respect of a representative system not yet set on foot. The third and last consisted in the optimist notion that an excited and unbridled people, in gi-ateful acknowledgment of the freedom bestowed upon them by their ruler, would never exceed the limits of jastice ^^'ithout requiring any measures of prevention. The first of the.se errors occasioned the cessation of those temporary enactments which were in force up to July 3rd, according to which the representatives of the several pro- vinces were to assemble in Vienna, and for which period of transition the general ministry sliould have estabH.shed a firm system of restraint. Contradiction and inconsistency in the measures of particular ministers, and the usurpation of that REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 173 control over the ministers which properly belonged only to the legal representatives of the people, but which was assumed by cei'tain temporary societies claiming to act in such a cha- racter, were the lamentable consequence. In this period of transition the ministry in the first place yielded to the in- fluence of the Vienna Committee of Safety and to the Central Committee of the National Guard, which held its sittings in the hall of the university, and at a later period to the United Conmiittee of the Citizens of Vienna, the National Guard, and the Academic Legion, just as if they had been the repre- .sentatives of all the nations of the Austrian empii'e, by wliich means these revolutionary local associations obtained a despotic influence over the entire monarchy. The emancipation of the ministers from the superinten- dence of the emperor (by substituting other ad-\dsers, who wei'e intrusted with no portfolio) was the result of the second error, of wliich the minister Pülersdorf cleverly took advan- tage, in order to remove the State Council (in place of intro- ducing proper changes therein), to abolish the State Confer- ence, to remove the Archduke Louis from the presence of the emperor, and to make it impossible for the latter to hear any other voice than the minister's, by rendering all those whom the emperor wished to consult confidentially ■s'ictims of ])C)j)ular hatred, under the designation of a " Camarilla." But since the minister, who, under the delusion of his own responsibility to the nation, prescribed laws for the emperor, himself obeyed the tlictatcs of a local association in Vienna, the capital groaned under a tyi-anny whereof history affords few examples. The consequence of the third error was the removal of the police authorities, and the abolition of the very name of the police (an institution whicli even in i-epublican France was allowed to continue both jw-actically and nominally) ; the un- 174 OEKESIS OF THE seasonable promulgation of a species of Habeas Corpus Act, by a notice from the minister Pillersdorf, dated tlic 28th of March, and addressed to all the proAdncial authorities, which had the effect of impairing their efficiency in ca.ses where the public peace and order were disturbed ; the diminution of the number and strength of the military power in the capital ; the silent permission to form associations, a privilege not mentioned in the patent of March 15th, and the omission to make any regulations for their control ; the impunity en- joyed by the public disturbers of the peace, according to which cats'-music and rioting became the order of the day ; and, finally, the intimidation and abandonment of all the effi- cient officers of government, of which two examples may be here adduced as illustratiorLS. The first occurred in the case of I\Iartinez, the president of the Vienna Committee of Safety, who was forced to resign liis post in consequence of ha^-ing di'iven away the notorious agitator. Schütte, though this step is said to have been taken with the connivance of the minister. The second happened in May, 1848, with relation to the Count Montecuculi, of which the memorandum already alluded to wdll affijrd an explanation. According to its tenor, he had, in his capacity of president of the administration of Lower Aus- tiia, at the request of the minister, Baron Pillersdorf, prepared the order of the 25th of May, which had been determined on by the Ministerial Council, respectiag the dissolution and dis- arming of the Vienna Academical Legion, but he was after- wards abandoned by the same minister, or rather given up as a prey to the popular frenzy, from which he was only saved by his immediate flight. A ministry consti-ucted on such erroneous principles must have been incompetent to resist a revolution, even of a less complicated character. It was uttei'ly incapable of pro^'ing a match for that which had broken out in Austria, in which KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 175 difficulties -were to be encountered tliat had never previously arisen. These difficulties lay partly in the tendency of the popular discontent, and partly in the position of the ministiy, in relation to the united monarchy. Two revolutions in France had for their object and result the destruction of the thi-one and the establishment of a republic ; but the people by whom they were occa-sioned, desired the continuance of a united French nation. The Austrian revolution did not seek the destruction of the monarchy (at least in the intention of the majority of its originators), but only the dindnution of its pri- vileges. There were, however, four separate races, Vv^hich, in conjunction with this common object, sought to reali^ie their own separate interests. They were the Germans, the Sla- vonians, the Magyars, and the Italians, though the last con- templated an absolute severance from the empire. German Austria was content to belong to Austria ; Slavonian Aus- tria desired a government separate from that of Germany ; Hungary sought to establish her independence, and only to submit to the Austrian emperor as her Mng : Italian Austiia threw herself into the arms of the other Italians, with imprecations of "death and destruction to the fo- reigner." Each of these countries asserted with equal vigour its ovna. national claims, but was hostile to the others who did the like. Hence arose a contest of a two-fold charac- ter, against the sovereign and against one another. No previous I'e volution had affiorded an example of similar dif- ferences. In France one and the same ministiy was effective through- out all parts of the country. But the influence of the March ministiy of Vienna Avas confined to only half the kingdom : those parts of the monarchy which belonged to Hungary refused to acknowledge its authority, and arrayed themselves 17G GENESIS OF THE ander another ministry, respousible to that country ; and this responsibility wixs not imaginary, but real, since in Hungary there existed a system of popular representation, which could bring the ministry to account. The Hungaiian revolution was much better organized than the Austrian, and as far as con- cerned the establishment of the principle of popular sove- reignty, the former extended to the latter a sister's hand. The minister of Vienna wiis unable, by any effective measures, to jirevent this union ; for the river Leitha was the Rubicon which liis power coidd not i)a.ss. Tliis proves the necessity of having only one central government for the entii*e Austrian mo- narchy, if the constitutional iiiler, placed between two inde- pendent ministers, and responsiljle to two different parliaments of equal authority, would avoid the fate of the man who be- tween two stools falls to the ground. A hasty glance at the exertions which the four nations displayed in the month of March, in the infancy of Austrian freedom, to insure a re- iCOgnition of their sevex'al claims, each without regard to the other, will enable us to estimate the magnitude of the diffi- culties with which the centi-al adnainistration had to <3ontend. The Germanistic mania appeared in Vienna as a soi-t of prologue to the drama of the revolution enacted in the Trades Union on the Gth of March, Avhen the declaration to the em- peror was resolved upon, " that nothing but a finn and cordial xmion of Austria with the common interests of the German fatherland could restore their ancient, oft-tried confidence." No sooner had the glorious days of March destroyed the control of the jiolice, than the three Gennan colours adopted by the Federal Assembly of the 9th of March were pub- licly worn in the form of cockades, scarfe, ribands, and ban- ners. The tricoloured flag soon aftei-wards Avaved from the tower of St. Stephen's^ and even from the balcony of the REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 177 ancient imperial chancery ; and no sooner had the emperor appeared at a ^\^ndow of his dwelling to the Academical Legion assembled in the onter Burg Square, than Profes- sor Endlicher handed liim a New German banner, that he might, ]>y waving it, take part in the general enthusiasm for Germany, upon which the congi'egated multitude burst forth into joyful acclamations. Whoever was fortunate or imfortunate enough to attract the public notice of the inhabitants of Vienna, immediately planted a similar banner to wave before his house, whether "ad captandam benevolentiam " or " ad redimendam vexam." The very name of black and yellow was not only discreditable, but even ominoixs ; black, a mixture of all colours, and gold, the colour of the sun, had been already made famous by the brave armies of Austria, united with German troops in those battles which Austria, for the establishment of Ger- man civilization and freedom, had been obliged in former times to wage against the Turk, and in latter times against the red Phrygian cap which had been imported into France from ancient Rome, — and now, alas ! these colovirs were destined to maintain their renown only on condition that the colour of the said Phrygian cap should be incorporated with them, against which Austrian and German warrioi^s had so often and so bravely fought ! — an ommous union of colours, which seemed to indicate that young Germany, deserting the principles of her brave ancestors, was ready to embrace those tenets of the Red RepubUc which the latter had ever rejected ! In Vienna and in other German localities of tlie empire, the independent feeling of the Austrian was changed into a wish to be merged in Germany. The ministry encouraged this idea in the dehision of being able to find therein a guarantee for the gi'owtli and prosperity of tlie new-born child of constitutional fieedom. N ITS 0EXESI3 OF TIIK Contemporaneously with the previilence of the Gerraanistic spirit, the Magyaiistic mania raised its pretensions. The Hun- garian deputation, which had entered Vienna on the 15 th of March and on the folknving day appeared at the foot of thu thi'one, was the bearer of a manifesto adopted by the Hunga- rian Diet at the suggestion of Kossuth, addressed to the king, which clearl}^ described the jiolitical state of Hungary, and demanded the removal of every government-interest unfa- vom-able to the Magyars. The German Michel, who was employed in Vienna, was so benevolent as to give a trium- phant reception to the Magyar champions, and to flatter their leader \vith a gracious look or a kind Avord ; but notwith- standing liis satisfaction at his own acquisitions, and the tributes wliich were plenteously showered upon him by the Magyai-s in their speeches from the windows of their dwell- ings, he experienced the humiliation of afterwards hearing that the tiibune of the people, Kossuth, on his return, to Presburg, in a public speech, ascribed these boasted acquisi- tions to the presence of the Magyar deputation, although tln^ latter Avas only in the act of disembarking when the sounds of triumph Avere resounding thi'ough the streets of Vienna to celebrate the new Constitution. The tmth is, that the reformers of Vienna and Presburg were morally combined in those critical da3-s to make an attac^k on the government which, although it emanated fi'om opposite quarters, weakened its efficiency. Tliis effect must be ascribed to those conces- sion.s, so injurious to the imperial prerogative, wliich had been made to the Magj-ars on the well-known remonstr'ance of the Presburg Diet ; for if the Austi-ian Emperor could have depended on the ready co-operation of Ids imperial subjects for the protection of the Apostolic King against the attacks of the Hungaiian Estates, a different answer would ha\e been given to the demands of the latter than that which tlic REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 179 Archduke Steplien brought back to Presbui-g on the 15th of March. In this first answer of the king, however, certain important privileges were preserved, and the interests of the other parts of the empire in some degree maintained. In particular, no permission was therein given to separate the command of the Hungarian troops from that of the whole imperial army, and the right to establish a separate ministry of finance for Hungary was coupled with the condition of pro- A-iding an adequate civu list for the king, a proportionate con- tribution to the common treasury, the defraying a proper por- tion of the national debt, and the support of the royal troops garrisoned within the bounds of Hungary and its dependen- cies. But to this very moderate limitation of their demands, which had in view the preservation of the Pragmatic Sanc- tion, the Magyars would not consent, but succeeded in the month of March in obtaining all those concessions, so inju- rious to the country, which ai'e included in the royal decree of the 11th of April, 1848, and particularly in the third article of law of the Hungarian Diet for the year 1847 — 1848. This article of law, so pi'egnant with miscliief (in the second section), places the executive power, with full authority, in the hands of the palatine, whenever the king shall be absent from the country, and declares the existing palatine, the Grand Duke Stephen, to be in- violable, whereby the rights of the apostolic king, during his residence in his imperial palace elsewhere than in Hun- gary, are withdrawn and conferred on his representative. The third section makes the efficiency of a royal order depend on the co-operation of a resj^onsible Hungarian ministiy. The fifth section decrees that the seat of the Hungarian ministiy shall be at Buda-Pesth. Tlic sixth refers all matters fonnerly transacted in the ofiiccs of the Hungarian Court Chancellorship, Court Exchequer, and Lord-Lieutenancy N 2 180 GENESIS OF THE at Vienna, particularly such matters as related to militarv affairs, to the defence of the country, and to the finances, exclusively to a Hungarian ministry, by which means a complete sej>aration was established between the Hungarian and the imperial government. The eleventh section con- cedes to the palatine the nomination of the minister-presi- dent dvu'ing the absence of the king from the country, only reserving to the king a power to approve the appomtment. The twelfth section, which relates to the appointment of the other ministers, binds the king to approve the proposal of the president. The inevitable result of these legal reso- lutions must have ol>liged the emperor either to take up his residence in Hungaiy, or to renounce the exercise of his royal privileges in that country. In either case the victory of the Magyars over the interests of the united monarchy was beyond a doubt. It is important here to consider whether the imperial Austrian cabinet, in consideiing the addi-ess of the Diet presented by the Hungarian deputation, foresaw this conse- quence, or whether the concessions made to the Magyars should be ascribed to some other influence. The answer to such a question would be easy to one familiar with the secrets of the Austrian cabinet and of the imperial family, if they could not be collected from facts published at the time by the daily press, or well known as matters of common conver- sation. We have already dii'ected the attention of our readers to the celebi-ated manifesto of the Rstates wath relation to the independent administi-ation of Hungary, to its temporary postponement, as also to its subsequent unanimous adoption by the assembly of Magnates. The Pre.sburg Gazette gives a literal account of this consent of the Magnates at their sitting of March the 14th (the day when the events of Vienna of the 13th became known in Pres- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 181 burg). After observing that tlie appearance of the archduke, the imperial palatine, amongst the Magnates on that day had occasioned immense applause, the palatine is said to have spoken the following words : — " High Magnates ! from the postponement of the mani- festo wliich lies before me, and has just been read [alluding to the one which upon Kossuth's motion had already been adopted by the Estates], I venture to entertain the hope that the high Magnates Avill agree to its entire contents." After it had been agreed to by acclamation, the palatine pro- ceeded ■s\dt]i his speech : " In obser\dng that the high Magnates adopt this petition, I cannot conceal my wish and my warmest anxiety that tliis Diet may produce successful results. I assure you, at the same time, that to this end I .shall direct all my personal and independent influence, and that I consider it my duty, for the purpose of developing our constitution, to go with you hand in hand in that path which the estimable assembly of the Estates has jiursued. But I recognize only one means for the attainment of this object, namely, a thorough harmony and union in these difficult times — an end to which I invite the high Mag-nates, with the fullest confidence, ou the present occasion." In what manner the palatine fulfilled his promise of directing his influence to give effect to that mischievous re- solution of the Diet the Hungarian papers afterward.s informed us, by announcing that he had gone so far as to declare his determination of renouncing the office of palatine, if the royal sanction should be withheld. There is no room for doubting the perfect coiTectness of this newspaper an- nouncement, at least iu the opinion of the most intelligent persons in Vieima. Many sagacious Austrians could not find in this declaration of the archdiikc sufficient reason for grant- 182 GENESIS OF THE iug a concession, the consequence whereof might be so injuiious to the iuipciiiü prerogative ; for be tlve position of any ser- vant of the state ever so high and so important, it can never be supposed that his services are actually indispensable, for in the course of nature we may witness the man who was to-day considered indispensable, stretched to-morrow on the bed of sickness or consigned to his coflSn, in either of which cases a substitute must be provided. But it might be whispered to such profane doubters, by the initiated, that the matter would not be settled by the retirement of the palatine, since it might afterwards be expected that he would be elected king of Hungary by the Diet. The first view of such a spectre as a neighbouring king in Hungary might indeed teri'ify, but when viewed closer, it ought not perhaps to appear so formidable. The idea should not have surprised the imperial family as a thing wholly unprecedented, for they had shortly before bewailed the loss of one of their most distinguished members, the conqueror at the Rhine and at Aspern (the Archduke Charles), whom in the night of November 21st, 1790, upon the outbreak of the first French revolution, the rebeUious Estates of the Austrian Netherlands had, in their congi-ess, nominated as hereditary Grand Duke of the Burgundo-Belgian provinces, on condi- tion that he would never more incorporate those pro'vdnces with the monarchy, and that he would always reside within their limits. A s this appointment produced no efiect on the mind or conduct of the Archduke Charles, and did not pre- vent him from supporting the imperial throne, it was to be hoped that in like manner the noble character of the Arch- duke Stephen would render a similar attempt in Hungary inefiectuaJ. The designs of treasonable hypocrites were th\xs exposed, the eyes of their deluded friends wei'e opened, and thus that extreme distress was avoided which at a sub- REVOLUTIOK TN AUSTRIA. 183 sequent period spread over Himgary. A report prevalent iu tlie town evinced a presentiment of those events wliicli occurred some months afterwards, nnder far less favourable circumstances. The councu of the emperor, with relation to the affairs of Hungary and Transylvania, was composed of the members of the State Conference appointed before March; a voice in this conference is said to have declared aloud that rather than yield to the demands of the Himgarian Diet, it were better for the king to intrast the protection of his crown to the Croats and Slavonians, who, true to him, were long weary of the Magyar yoke, and were ready to join the brave and loyal troops in Himgary, who, in the preceding- March, before the promise of a union between Transylvania ;ind Hungary, had been strengthened by reinforcements from Transylvania. The struggle would not then have proved so violent and deadly as that of October. For the bold warriors of Hungary had not yet been led astray from their duty to the king by orders proceeding from an Hun- garian ministry of war, and woidd at that time have had to contend with enemies destitute both of cannon and of for- tresses, with both of which they were provided on the com- pletion of the above-mentioned article of law. That advice, liowever, was not responded to, as is proved by the moral disheartenment of the government at the events which oc- curred, and by the advice which their intimidated or false friends, and even the Austrian constitutional ministers, offered them not to enter into a contest about the affairs of Hungary, particularly as the cunning of the Magyars had not failed to insert in the proposition of their Diet an assu- rance " to maintain inviolable the preservation of the union of the throne and the monarchy, and to have regard to the relation which sliould be maintained with the pro- vinces" — an assurance which must either be considered as 184: GENESIS OF THE mere idle words, or else wholly destructive of those conces- siuus with Avhich they were evid(;ntly incompatible. Whilst the Austrians who were infected with the Ger- mauistic mania panted fur union, and the Mag}'ars desired to presers'e merely a nominal connection with Austria, the Slavonians in the north and south sought to establish their own independence. The Bohemians, in the north, at a meeting held in Prague on the 11th of March, in the rooms of the Wenzelbad, had agreed to the petition before alluded to, and wliich had the aliove object in view. On the 20th of March it was brought to Vienna by a nimierous deputation, who were invested with no legal character, but were the tools of a club, headed Ijy the innkeeper Faster, under the assumed title of the citizens and inhabitants of Prague. They succeeded in obtaining a conference with the pro\-i- sional niinister-pi'esident, and with the minister of the interior ; in consequence of wliich an imperial cabinet order, dated March 23rd, was directed to Baron Pillersdorf, in which an ans^^'er was returned to every point of the petition. This answer was partly in appi-oval : partly it alluded to the concessions whicli had already been made by the decree of the 15th of ^Marcli, and partly promised to ex- amine and take into immediate consideration their requests. The imperial ans^ver to the complaint made in the fifth section of the petition excited the utmost astonishment and wonder. It put an end to the Robot system in Bohemia fi'om the end of March, 1840, in consideration of a tritiing compensa- tion. This was a decision extorted from the sovereign upon a subject which, by \-irtue of the decree of the 15th of March, should have been submitted to the consideration of a pro\"incial parliament, to be summoned immediately, or else to an assembly of deputies from all the pro\incial Estates, which should be con\'oked at latest on Jidy 3rd ; but it REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 185 should never have been conceded in an extemporaneous manner to a deputation composed of the inhabitants and citizens of Prague. This concession to a deputation, fur- nished ^^'ith no legal title, and composed of a motley crew, emanating from a public-house in Prague, exposed the weakness of the new ministry, and gave reason to fear that new associations would obtain a like favourable hearing, and would claim a similar attention to their Avishes (either with or without a riot), an apprehension which was soon after- wards actually realized in Vienna. The ministry openly con- fessed that it wanted the courage and the will to execute the decisions of the patent of the 15th of March with dignity and firmness, but it was ready to pvu'chase momentary repose by the abandonment of those decisions. But in this expectation it was gi'ievously deceived, for, though Faster and his adhe- rents were siitisfied with the audacity displayed by them in Vienna, thek* feelings of satisfaction did not extend to the inhabitants of Prague. On the return of tlie deputies of the Wenzelbad to Prague, a burst of dissatisfaction, excited liy the students, arose at what had been achieved. It was pronoimced insufficient, as it was wholly silent on those points calculated to satisfy the spiritual interests of the Bohemian nation. The cause of this unfavoiu-ablc result of minis- terial weakness lay in the fact that, at the meeting at the Wenzelbad on March the 11th, some members of the univer- sity of Prague maintained that the claims of the intelligent classes were not sufficiently represented ; thereupon a meeting of the heads of the university was appointed for the» 15th of March, to consider the nature of those claims. Faster and his dependants did not deem it prudent to await the decision of this meeting, or to tak(; i)art in tho petition, Itut hurried to Viemia with the one adopted on March the 11th. The students of Prague, on their side, 186 GENESIS OF THE were anxious to emulate the inliabitants of Vienna in activity and zeal. They had forwarded them an address, which was published by the newspapers, in wliich they had expressed their feelings of admiration and gratitude to them, and they thei-efore transmitted to tlie foot of the throne the petition adopted by the university on March the 15th. In conjunc- tion with some adherents of the Wenzelbad party, Avho had remained beliind in Prague, and were dissatisfied with the success which had attended Faster and his followers in Vienna, they excit(»d a considerable disturbance on the return of the deputation, the consequence of which was, the transmission of a second petition to the government, which had been agreed to in Prague on March 29th, and in which those demands were repeated which had not been previously granted. Thi-eats and abuse were employed against those members of the cabinet whose sentiments were considered doubtfiU. The ministry condescended to treat with the second deputation from Bohemia. The political importance of the -club of the Wenzelbad in Prague was increased by their success. When, on the return of their first deputa- tion, they annouaced to the Bohemian people that the Robot system was abolished, this news secured the popular sympathies, and gave them that degree of influence which, two months later, induced the populace to take part in the insurrection that broke out in Prague. The north Slavonians of Poland, from the remembrance of the evil fate which had attended their hoisting the war- banner in 1846, thought it impnident to rekindle the flames of revolution at home. They resolved, therefore, to remain satisfied with providing, in the first place, that the fire should be kept alive beneath the ashes, whilst they applied them- selves to the task of stirring and spreading the flames through the temtories of Germany, Slavonia, Hungary, and REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 187 Italy ; in which endeavour they were assisted by thousands of emissaries, consisting not only of men, but even of ladies, from the very elite of society (p-hne de Velegance). The excited feelings of nationahty amongst the South Aus- trian Slavonians had, in the beginning of March, assumed a more decided charactei-. In Agi-am, an extempoiized national committee convoked, on March 25th, a national assembly, foi-med from the three united (?) kingdoms of Dalmatia, Croatia, and Slavonia, in which it was agi-eed, that a nu- merous national deputation shoiüd ascertain and fully state the demands which the nation had to lay before the throne. At the outset of these demands, a wish was expressed to remain, as formerly, under the Hungarian crown. But in compaiing this wish with the natiu^e of the various claims, stated under thii-ty distinct heads, it will be seen that it was expressed -svith as little pretensions to seriousness as the assurance of the Hungarian Diet to preserve intact the union of the cro^vn and the monarchy, and at the same time to take into consi- deration the relations of Hungary to the hereditary provinces. That celebrated saying of Talleyrand, that language has been given to man, not for the purpose of expressing his thoughts, but rather to conceal them, was here fully exemplified ; for whilst their words asserted their desire to continue the union between the three kingdoms and Hungary, their thoughts were bent upon the complete dissolution of those ties by which they were connected. The first pohit of these demands required that the Ban Jelacic, who had been alreadj^ elected by the people, should be appointed captain of the nation, with all the accompanying attributes of the office. In the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5tb, 6th, 8th, lOtli, 15th, 16th, 19th, and 29th points, the South Slavonians demanded the convocation of their Diet in A gram, on the following 1st of May ; the incorporation of Dalmatia, and of the military provinces (with 18S GENESIS OF THE I'espect to their jx)litical iidministratiou), and such otiuu- por- tions of their country as by the course of time had become united with tht; Hungarian counties or other portions of the Austrian dominions ; national independence ; a separate independent ministry, responsible to the Diet of the three kingdoms ; the introduction of the national dialect in all the legislative departments and seminaries of education ; yearly diets, to be held alternately in Agram, Essegg, Zara, and Fiume ; the establishment of a national bank ; the resti- tution of their national funds and banks to the management of their own responsible finance minister, instead of lea\'ing them, as liitherto, to be controlled by Hungary ; the swearing in of the national troops to the common constitution, to fidelity to their king, to the freedom of their nation, and of all the free people of the Austrian monarchy, according to the principles of humanity ; and lastly, the concession of all ofiices, spiritual and temporal, without exception, to members of the united kingdom exclusively. These demands were diametri- cally opposite to those of Hungary, having only this one point in common, the isolation of the three kingdoms from the other parts of the monarchy ; a design clearly indicated by the 18th j)omt, which demanded that the national troops of each division should remain in their own country, and be officered by their own countrymen, commanded in theii* own dialect, and when on foreign seiwice, or on cordon duty, should be provided with pay, food, and clothing ; that foreign soldiers should be dismissed from the countiy, and that the border troops in Italy should be alloAved to return home. In the other points of their demands, the South Slavonian na- tions were not behind the other peo2:)le who were stiniggliug for freedom. The most pmdeut and the wisest step which the Austrian go\ernnient of that stormy peiiod ever took, was, that they (in pursuance of the advice of some friendl}' KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 189 Croatian nobles, even before the meeting of the national as- sembly on March the 29th) anticipated the demand made in the first point, and, by an official announcement of the Vienna Gazette, on March the 28th, appointed the Baron Jelacic to the office of Ban of Croatia ; for wliilst, by the exercise of their own power, they thus gave to the nation a leader universally beloved and esteemed, one tiidy devoted to the reigning dpiasty, and having at heart the maintenance of the united monarchy, they also adopted the surest means of restraining the exag- gerated demands of the people within the bounds of mode- I'ation, by the influence of a person possessed of unlimited confidence. How great is the controlling influence possessed by a popular ruler, traly devoted to his sovereign, was fully exemplified by the events of October and November, when the Ban Jelacic, at the head of his national ti'oops, fought to preserve the unity of the monarchy. By this appoint- ment, the most powerful bulwark was opposed to the Magj-^ar insuiTection. Tliis the chiefs of the Magyar pai'ty fully ad- mit, and they tried to represent this step of the king as his first act of treason against the Hungarian ministiy. Thus speaks the representative of the Hungarian government, Count Ladislaus Teleki, to the French repubUc, in liis mani- festo to the civilized people of Europe, in the name of the Hungarian ministry (Leipsig, by Keil and Co.), page 21 ; and he endeavours to prove his assertion by observing, " that the ministiy on this occasion were not applied to or consulted, and that the king's appointment of the Ban was not confirmed by the consent of the ministiy." But in this observation the learned count has overlooked the fact, that in Hungarj^ and its tributary provinces the resolutions of the Diet, wliich had been sanctioned by the king, were only rendered opera- tive on the prorogation of the Diet, by the publication of such matters as had been agreed to between the cro^\^l and 190 GENESIS OF XnE the EstAtes ; that this publication did not take place till the 11th of April, 1848, by means of a royal decree, and that therefore, in the appointment of the Ban of Croatia in the month of March, reference was had only to the ancient laws and the peculiar statutes that related to the crown lands of Hungary {partes culnexce). These, however, neither allude to any responsible ministiy, nor make the validity of a royal decree dependent upon the joint signature of any official. With respect to the appointment of the Ban of Croatia, they merely prescribe the previous consent of the Palatine, which regulation was followed as a matter of course ; for when it was proposed to confer the honour of the banship on Jelacic, the application of the palatine to the ajiostolic kinji, and their mutual conference upon this subject, took place. In addition to this, the sentiments and chaiucter of the newly-appointed Ban were sufficiently known to the Magnates, to the deputies who composed the parliament of 1847-48, and to the Hungaiian minLstiy, so as to enable them to perceive that if, by this appointment, the govern- ment had committed a violation of the estabUshed forms, complaints upon the subject would have been made im- mediately from Presburg, and not have been left tül the following year, to come from Paris by way of Leipsig. If, in the interests of the young Magj'ar diplomacy, a royal act has been adduced in Teleki's manifesto as the first instance of treason, against the legality of which not one word was uttered by the Magyar Diet, still sitting at Presburg at the time of its announcement, it is clear that the first act of treason never occurred, and the civilized nations of Eiu-ope wUl consequently have reason to doubt the actual occurrence of the second, thh'd, and subsequent ones. We have now seen how the maxim " L'amoiir bien con- ditionne commence par soi-meme" was truly followed out in REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 191 the days of March by tlie Germans, the Magyars, and the Slavonians, for the pui-pose of realizing the objects of each na- tion, without reference to the others, or regard to the exis- tence of theh' common mother, Austria. The fourth race, the Italian, acted upon the same maxim, and sought, by means of violence, to attain its long-cherished wish, namely, a sepa- ration fi-om the Austrian empire, which had latterly been fanned into a flame by the ai'ts of its royal neighbour, and the pohtical weakness, imprudence, and inexperience of the head of the CathoUc Church. There were those in Vienna who expected that the granting of such a constitution as had been promised by the decree of the 15th of March would satisfy the Lombardo- Venetians. They overlooked that the attaining of political rights was but a secondary object with the Italians, and that the principal point they had in \-iew was their liberation from a foreign yoke. It was singadar enough that these persons did not even abandon their error, when the Austrian army ceased to re- tain possession of a greater pai-t of its Lombardo- Venetian kingdom than was contained hi the triangle formed by the citadels of Mantua, Legnano, Peschiera, and Verona, when King Charles Albert reigned in Muan, and the repubUc of St. Mark was actually proclaimed in Vienna. The March ministiy either must have felt itself much embarrassed in that respect by the complaints of the tradesmen of Vienna, who, for the sake of their own speculations in goods, money, and railway shares, wished to see peace restored with Italy at any price, or must have been intimidated by the sense of its own weakness, when at the end of March it formed the resolution of makmg an elibi-t to tranquillize Austrian Italy by moans of l)lenipotentiaiy commissioners. The complete failure of sucli an attempt was to be anticipated, for it found an obstacle on the one aide in the hatred towards the foreigner, and in 192 GEXESIS OP TUE thelir-st intoxication of victory felt by a nation that was now ibr a moment liberated from the Austrian yoke, and on the other sside in the woiuided honour of the imperial army, whicli was panting to efface the sad recollectiou tliat they had, in tlieir hasty retreat, abandoned the richest part of the empire to Italian disloyalty, treason, and rebellion, if not tlirough theh.- own fault, at least in obedience to the dic- tates of dire necessity. Under such circumstances, the appeal of the pacificators must have proved to the nation but an empty echo, and to the aiiny a distastefid sound. The ministiy might have kno^\^x this well, since it enjoined tho commission to organize ami regulate pro\nsionally those parts of the empire which should be restored by force of arms to the Austiian rule, -with a declaration of the piinciple that the submission of the people now-a-days, as the political world was constituted, could not be maintained, except by their own consent (from a conviction of their own advantage). From this popular principle, it became the task of the court commissioner, in re-organizing the countiy, not only to consider the general wants of the loyally-disposed citizens, but also the desires of those who were aiming at na- tionality. In adopting this principle in the reconquered Italian prorinces, the new government was brought into perpetual collision with the views and objects of the mili- tar}' general, and therefore as long as war lasted, it was ren- dered imjxossible. But as no truce occurred, the object of the ministry was in tliis second respect impracticable. The statesman who undertook this mission might have fore- seen such a difficulty, for he was well acquainted with Italy, and the dependence of the government upon military authority. It is not our task to inquire why he wasted his strength in pursuing an unattainable object. We content ourselves with observing, that when the at- REVOLUTIOK IX AUSTRIA. 193 tempt at pacification was resolved u})on by the ministry, it was known in Vienna that the estabHshment of a truce was intended, and the co-operation of the English cabinet was expected to bring the contest to a happy termination. When that purpose was abandoned and that hope frustrated, the court commissioner saw that he was no more required, and he resigned a mission which at least proclaimed to the world the generovis and conciliatory intentions of the emperor, and the failure of wliich has at least produced benefit to the empire and insiu'ed immortal glory to the brave and loyal ai'mies of Austria as well as to their general, whose con- stancy bade defiance to the frowns of fortune.* * The Italian questions of the year 1848, have lately attracted greater interest through the communications of Üie English Secretaiy of State for Foreign Affairs, and the discussions consequent thereupon, as also through the negotiations relative to the new organization of tli& Lombardo- Venetian kingdom. We think it requisite to add to the pre- sent edition of " Genesis," under No. 5 of the Appendix, the original proclamation of the Aulic commissary to the Italians in the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, which, though ineffectual, explained his mission ; we add it, because it expresses the views and the intentions of the Austrian cabinet, and because it may serve to prove that the partisans of Italian nationality would have been of more service to the Lombardo- Venetians by inducing them to accept the proffered hand of reconcilia- tion than by nourishing their eagerness for battle. As, however, actions alone are the true test of the sincerity of words, we place before our readers in No. VI. of Appendix, the copy of a letter from Udine, pub- lished in No. 65 of the evening edition of the Wiener Zeitunej, of tlie Gth of June, 1848, as supplying ])roof, founded on facts, that the words of the proclamation, had they been listened to, would have been realized. For tlie measures which were taken in Venetian Frioul, immediately after its return under the dominion of Austria, must be viewed as a pattern of tlie treatment which the Austrian government then had destined for tlie whole of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. The Aulic commiss,ary had in this affair, not, as it might be supposed, followed the dictates of his own feelings, but the ministerial instructions, with the full assent of the conqueror of Frioul, Field-marslial CJount Nugent, a soldier as intelli- gent as he is brave, and whose heart and soul knew how to wreathe a branch of olive around his sword. The measures adopted on this occa- sion were sanctioned on the part of the ministry, and were to be im- mediately applied to all the other parts of the country, which returned under the sceptre of the emperor. To support these attempts at recon- 194 UENIESIS OP THE When we consider the struggles which were earned on by the four gi*eat national divisions of the empire for indepen- dence, and which we have here hastily sketched in a general manner, and also the contemporaneous efforts made in different places by corporations and individuals to effect the realiza- tion of unripe schemes of freedom and plans of independence ; when Ave compare such powerful and energetic exertions with the insignificant resources, both moral and physical, which the Austrian ministry coiüd command in the latter half of the month of March, we must deeply lament the weak and wavering conduct of such a ministry as we have described, wliich was hastily formed of heterogeneous mate- rials, and which acted without any preconcerted plan of united operation. But we should be unjust indeed if we made this circumstance a ground of personal accusation against aU those men who were summoned by their emperor to take ciliation, the Aulic counsellor Von Hummelauer was, in the first days of May, despatched on a mission to London, in order to prevail upon the Foreign Office there to exercise its influence to promote a peaceful ad- justment of the dispute in the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom. In case of the acceptance of the proposals, namely, the constitutional govern- ment of the kingdom on a national basis, under a prince of the empire, with a reservation to Austria of certain sovereign rights, and subject to the contribution of ten millions of dollars towards the annual interest of the national debt, further steps were to have been immediately taken by the pacificator, with the co-operation of diplomatic agents, who wovüd have been despatched to him. Count Ficquelmont had already dravtm up the instructions for Hummelauer. That minister never intended the complete separation of any part of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom from the Austrian empire. It was only subsequently to the unsucces- ful negotiations in London that his successor. Baron Wessenberg, had recourse to the desperate attempt of offering to Count Casati, the chief of the provisional government at Milan, through the medium of a con- fidential letter forwarded to hira in the beginning of Jime by an impe- rial counsellor of legation, the perfect independence of Lombardy, provided Lombardy would take upon itself, as the price of peace, a pro- portionate part of the Austrian national debt. Count Casati did not entertain this offer, inasmuch as he declared to the ministerial envoy, that the obligations of the provisional govermnent towards its allies prevented it from commencing any negotiations of its own. REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 195 charge of the vessel of the state, whicli with weather-beaten sails was diiven about, the sport of the stormy ocean, the greater part of which ministiy, moreover, obeyed the call from a feeling of duty rather than from theii' own inclina- tion. Like those physicians who at the outbreak of the Asiatic cholera treated the new disease according to its out- ward symptoms, and only employed medicines which relieved the outward appearances, and failed to reach the root of the e%"il, but oftentimes increased it, so these new ministers were too inexperienced in the moral epidemic which, in the month of March, suddenly attained a fmious height in Austria, to be able to rmderstand the necessity of applying a bold re- medy. They sought by gentle means to assuage the disturb- ing sjrmptoms, but the source of the disease was only in- CTeased by such treatment. Thus it happened that in the latter half of the month of March the revolutionaiy epidemic was not only not extinguished as one could have wished, but was even increased in intensity and fury, and thi'eatened to bring the kingdom to a fearftd end. Whether, indeed, another and a bolder line of conduct, in pursuance of the decree of March the 15th, would have produced a different and more favom*able result, is a problem which we cannot resolve with full certainty, because its explanation depends upon hypotheses whose realization must ever remain doubt- ful. This much, however, is certain, that a more fearful result could scarcely have occurred. 2 106 GENESIS OF THE CHAPTER VI. rUOJI THE MONTH OF MARCH, 1848, TO THE OPENING OF THE CONSTITUENT DIET AT VIENNA. GuizOT, in his work upon Democracy in France, observes, tliat the republican government used every exertion to pre- vent the realization of the apprehensions which were con- nected with its institution, and then adds the following- remarks : " Efforts impuisants, qui ralentissent, mais qui n'arretent pas le mouvement de I'etat sur une pente fimeste. Les hommes qui voudraient I'arreter ne prennent pied nulle piU't : ä chaque instant, ä chaque pas, ils ghsseut, ils de- scendent : ils sont dans I'omiere r^volutionaire, ils se debat- tent pour ne pas s'y enfoncer. mais ils ne savent, ou n'osent, oil ne peuvent en sortir. Un jour, quand on y regardera lil)rement et serieusement, on sera epouvante de tout ce qu'ils ont livre ou perdu, et du peu d'effet de leur resis- tance." These observations of an author so esteemed, and of a statesman so experienced, might be well apphed to the Austrian government after the month of JNIarch. In place of " the con^'ocation of deputies from aU the Pro^•incial Estates, which had been appointed by the Em- peror Ferdinand to take place on the 15th of March, together with a meeting of representatives from the Central ("/ongi'cgations of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, vrith. the least possible delay, and a more complete representation of the citizens, paying ftdl regard to existing pro^'incial consti- tutions, for the purpose of considering the form of constitu- REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 197 tion for the countiy whicli had been agreed upon hy the emperor," after the lapse of a few months came the destruc- tion of aU the provincial systems of government ; the adoption of a democratic monarchy ; the excesses of a Diet assembled for the pm'pose of framing a constitution, but considering itself as sovereign ; the hanging of a minister upon a lamj)- post ; the scaring away of the emperor from his palace ; the bloody defence of the palace against the imperial ai-my ; the obstinate civil war in Hungary and Transylvania; tlie abdication of the emperor, the refusal of his immediate suc- cessor to succeed to the throne, and the union of Russians with the Austrian troops, to contend not so much against a nation as against the barbarians of the 19th centuiy, who, under the false banner of freedom and a love for the people, threatened the destruction of tlie tin-ones and civilization of Eui'ope. Although the first appearance of the ministry appointed by the emperor on March 17th, and which commenced its proceedings a few days afterwards, and was responsible for the completion and perfection of the imperial decree of March 15th, was not calculated, as we have already observed, to ius]»ire hopes that it would succeed in accomplishing its task ; no one, howevei", could possibly suppose that it would completely lose sight of the object for which it was respon- sible, and adopt another view diametrically opposite, juid iudeed such conduct was not approved by the majority of its members. Unfortunately, the ministry was at the very commencement of its career placed by the Minister of the Interior upon a steep declivity, and was imable afterwards to retain its footing. Without following its down-slidings stcj» by step, we ought to recite all the circumstances which, in our opinion, contriljuted in the gi'oatost degree to leave the state, whose establishment and fovmdation upon a constitutional 198 GENESIS OF THE basis was the object of the good emperor, a prey to the Utopian schemes of yoimg boyish fanatics, and to the passions of a few interested indi\ddnals, to loosen the bands of order, and to prc])are the indescribable evils into wliich Austria ■vvas doomed to behold her dreams of happiness converted. Amongst the circumstances of tliis character, we particularly distinguish the follo^ving : — 1. The suppression of the provincial law to regulate the press, enacted on March 31, 1848, even before its introduc- tion, by the influence of the Aula of Vienna and their ad- herents. 2. The destruction of the constitution of the Estates in Bohemia, and the concession of a popular representation, foimded on democratic principles, tlu'ough the influence of the club of the Wenzelbad in Pi-ague. 3. The departure from the jiath pointed out by the decree of March 15th, 1848, for establisliing a constitution for the coimtry, by granting the constitution of April 25th, which had been debased by the minlstiy. 4. The unpunished assaults of the people of Viemia upon the spiritual and temporal authorities, the attacks against the privileges of the crown by assailing the new consti- tution and by usiu'ping an influence in the appointment of a ministry. 5. The suspension of the constitution granted by the charter of April 25th, 1848, and the nomination of a Diet to frame a constitution. 6. The departm'e of the emperor from Vienna, abandoning tlie reins of empire to the incapable ministry that remained beliind. 7. The in'esolution of the ministry in the face of the demonstrations of the students of Vienna, the National Guards, and the working classes on the 26th of May. REVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 199 '8. The paralysing of the emperor's independence in Inns- bruck, by the appointment of a minister to advise him, who was a stranger to the monarchy, and of another who was the offspring of tlie revolution and inexperienced in the state. 9. The feai-ful attempt of the Czechs at separation in Prague, which was suppressed by Prince Windischgrätz, not by the power of, but in spite of, the inefficiency of the central government of Vienna. 10. The contmuance of the city of Vienna mider the dominion of clubs and demagogues untu the assembling of the Diet to frame a constitution. 11. The inactivity of the friends of order at the elections for membei's to serve in the Diet, contrasted with the zeal displayed by the advocates of disorder, who were favoured not only by the elective laws but by the regulations of the ministry. 12. The appointment of an imperial alter ego at Vienna, in addition to the one already in existence at Buda-Pesth. 13. The transformation of the Diet from an assembly convened to dehbei'ate upon a form of constitution into a legislative body. 14. The alteration of the ministry, in obedience to the will of a united committee of citizens, National Guards, and students in Vienna, at the moment of the meeting of the Diet. To the circumstances here enumerated many others might be added which equally contributed to drag the government, after the month of March, to the brink of a precipice ; but, for the sake of brevity, we confine ourselves to the catalogue above mentioned as the most influential. 1. On April 1, 1848, the official sheet of the Viemia Gazette pubUshed a provisional law with relation to the press fOO GENESIS OF Tin: (uf tlie 31st of March) ; on the 7th of the .surnc month tlicrc aiipeared again in the official part of the same Gazette an address from the Minister of Justice to the collected presi- dents of the Courts of Appeal, who were subordinate to the Siiprcnie Court of Justice, which gave instructions as to the adniiiiistratiou of the now law ; but on the 1 8th of April the observation appeared in the same Gazette, that the editor relied upon the declaration so repeatedly made by the minis- ter PiUersdorf, " that the law \ni\\ relation to the press was not binding, because it had not been published officially (through the authorities of the coimtry)." According to tliis announcement, the Minister of the Interior had neglected to annoimce to the authorities of the country who were imder his control the official notice of a law proclaimed by the sovereign, and which had already been published in the official sheet of the Vienna Gazette, whilst the Minister of Justice ch'ciüated instructions to the judicial functionaa-ies Avith regard to its administration. Such a line of conduct was not by any means calculated to inspire res2:)ect for the impeiial decrees and confidence in the united co-operation of the ministers. But if we only .call to mind the notorious cause that influenced tliis course, namely, the terror inspired by the auto-da-fe w\i\iv/\\\c\i the literati and the students of the Aula had the daring hardihood to threaten that enactment, we must find cau.se for lamenting that the conduct of the minister Pulersdorf, which was utterly destructive of all law and order, publicly recognized the supremacy of the Aula, which conduct soon weakened the independence of the ministry, and degraded it till it became a mere plaything in the hands of demagogues at home and abroad. To these seditious per-sons alone must we ascribe the seduction of the academic youth, who sui*rendered themselves to their gui- tlancCj in the conviction that the object of tlieir exertions was REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 201 at once great and noble. These experienced destructives could, in fact, have found no tools more fitted for effecting their designs. In England and France the first combatants of the Austrian revolution were covered with I'idicule ; rush- ing (as it was said) from their school-rooms, they imdertook to play the part of state refoi'mers ; but if we reflect that in order to convert the masses of the people to new ideas of freedom, a passionate style of eloquence should be employed, and that the students at the higher institutions afibrded a Avide field for efforts of this nature, in consequence of their connection with pax'ents, relations, friends, boarding-house keepers, and many families whose children they were in the habit of instructing in elementary knowledge, and that the more talented, the more active, and the more sincere a youth is, the more easy it will be, in consequence of his inexperience in the ways of the world, to excite him to rave enthusiasti- cally in support of those rash doctrines which Schiller jxits into the mouth of his Marquis Posa, and to undertake daring deeds, exclaiming with Bürger, " that to die for virtue, justice, and freedom, is the most sublime courage — is the Redeemer's death :" when we remember this, we must admit that the grand masters of the revolutionary party coidd find no plan more prudent, nothing better adapted for their purpose, but at the same time nothing more detestable, than to excite those inexperienced youths — a prey to the impressions of the mo- ment — to political fanaticism, in order to use them as apostles and emissaries of the revolution. Beguiled as they were, they desei've our pity ; but the curse of evil deeds should fall upon their seducers, and the reproach of weakness should lie upon that ruler of the state who, when the duty of his office required him to resist such wickedness, gave way before thü^ same. 2. In the official part of the Vienna Gazette of April lltb, 202 ciKNEsis Ol' Tin: 1848, the Minister of the Interior pul>lishecl an imperial eubinet order, du-ected to hiin on the 8th of the month, in which a concession was made of those points of tlie petition wliich had been previously refused to the deputation of the Wenzclbad of Prague, and which proceeded to Vienna, for the second time, at the latter end of March. The points were these : — Perfect equality in the use of the Bohemian dialect with the German in all branches of general adminis- tration and of public instniction ; in the place of the meeting of the Estates of Bohemia, which were shortly to assemble, a proportionate representation of the people, embracing all the interests of the country, and formed upon the broadest pos- sible basis of elective and i-eprescntative qualifications, Avith the right to take part in debating and determining all the affairs of the country ; the estaVjlishment of a responsible cen- tral board of officials for the kingdom of Bohemia, in Prague, with a wider sphere of operation ; the filling of aU pubUc offices and judicial posts with persons convei-sant with both languages ; a free, imcontrolled right of petitioning, and many other demands of less importance. In the same cabi- net order, the representation of the people in the Diet was decreed, and the right of voting, both active and passive, was regulated. To the previously existing members of the Diet, an increased number of members for the towns was added ; that is, one member was pro\ided for each to"WTi with a population of 4,000 inhabitants, two for a population of 8,000, and for the rest of the people, two members for each ck'cle of the Adce-regency ; the election was to be direct, and every person was qualified who paid taxes, who was twenty-five years old, and was not imder guardianship, and not stained by any degrading offence, forbidden under a penalty by the criminal code. Every native was eligible as a representative, ■who had attained his thirtieth year, subject to the excep- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 203 tions above enumei'ated. We believe that this important measiire was adopted in the Ministerial Council, which the official part of the Vienna Gazette of AprU 2nd announced to have been held under the presidency of the provisional minis- ter, Coimt Kolowrat, and in which the decree for the admi- nistration of Bohemia was considered and decided. The ap- pointment of the Archduke Francis Joseph (now emperor) to the lieutenancy of Bohemia, and of Count Leo Thim to the office of Governing President, was made on Apru 6tli. If, in the preceding conduct of the ministry, the victoiy of the Aula over the executive, with relation to the press enact- ments, was apparent, the triumph of the Wenzelbad Club of Prague was evident from the nature of the concessions made to the Bohemians. The destruction of the Bohemian constitution, for whose maintenance in its original extent the Bohemian Estates had spared neither money, nor time, nor labour, and had even reminded the king repeatedly of his coronation oath, and had threatened an appeal to the German Diet, was given up, without hesitation, to the demands of a club-deputation ; and in place of that constitution, a new order of things was established, which threatened to uifringe on the rights of the throne even more than the old pri\Tleges of the Estates had done. For, in the active right of voting which was given to every tax payer, and in the passive right which belonged to him who paid no taxes, the democratic ])rinciple was admitted : the concession of a responsible cen- tral administration for Bohemia, to transact business in its capital, paved the way for a separation of that province, after the plan which had already succeeded in Htmgary : the nomination of the heir-apparent to the lieutenancy of Bo- hemia would necessarily lead there to the imitation of an institution which was quite unsuited to a constitiitional king- dom, viz., that of the responsible Hungarian palatine ; for 204 GENESIS OF THE it could never be endured tliat the archduke, wlio was to suc- ceed to the throne, should be made subject to the Bohemian Provincial Diet or to the general Imperial Diet. The conces- sions to Hungary were at all events made by the legal repre- sentatives of the country, and in the solemn manner which be- longs to acts of government of such impoi-tance. Those to Bo- hemia resvdted fi-om the pressing demands of a private society, clothed \vith no legal title, and were in the form of a gi'ant made on petition. Some ministers of high influence, who happened to be in Vienna, and were members of the Bohe- mian Estates, and whose names are published by the Vienna Gazette of April 10th, as follows — Prince Ferdinand Lob- kowitz, John Adolphus Schwarzenbm-g, Vincent Charles Anersperg, von Schönburg and Hartenstein, Charles Paar, then the Count Eugene, Joromir and Ottokar Czemin, Francis Ernest Harrach, Vincent Bubua, and H. Liitzow, — presented an address to the emperor, dated April 2nd, which set forth the follo^^-ing prayer : — " (a) Tliat the claims of the Czechish nationality should be placed upon a perfect eqiiality ^vith the German nationality in all things, but particularly in public instruction, and in the public administration of Bohemia : (b) that for the fu- ture, in Bohemia, not only the citizens, but, as far as possible, all classes who were posses.sors of property, and who at pre- sent were either not at aU, or but inadequately represented, should be represented in the most complete manner in the Diet, or other national assembly, by means of deputies chosen by themselves." This address, however, not^vithstanding the great respecta- bility of the persons who jirepared it, could not 2:)ass for the expression of the wishes of the Bohemian Estates, and was therefore only entitled to the weight of a private opinion. At all events, it would have been necessary to jjass a mea- KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 205 sure with relation to the decree of March 15th, which pro- mised "a convocation of all the pro\'incial Estates, with a fuller representation of the citizens, paying regard, however, to the existing provincial constitutions :" indeed, tliis should have been the first care of a ministry responsible for the ful- filment of that decree, and should have been transacted in. the form usual for so important an act of government, viz., by means of an imperial decree, as had been done about the same time in Lower Austria, Styria, and Carintliia (on the 1 1th of April in the two former countries, and on the 25th in the latter), when a measure of far less importance, \'iz., the abolition of the feudal burdens, was announced by the emperor, at the instance of the Estates of the above pro- Ainces, which was to take effect from the end of the year 1848, in consideration of a reasonable compensation. But that a radical change should be inti'oduced in the Bohemian pro^■incial constitution, at the request of the deputies of a Prague club, " in order (as the ministry made the emperor say) to afford a new proof to his loyal subjects m Prague of his patriotic intentions and his solicitude for the welfare of Bohemia," displayed a most lamentable proof that the "Wen- zelbad ruled in Prague, just as the Aula did in Vienna. The excessive abuse of this authority subsequently brought upon Prague, on the ensuing Wliit-monday, and upon Vienna, on the 28th of October, the thunder of artillery and a storm of bullets. However, the new administration of Bohemia, which was forced upon the government, never saw the light ; for the archduke, who had been nominated to the lieute- nancy, retired, first to the ai-my in Italy, where ho I'emaiued till July 7th, and then to the emperor's family at Innsln-uck, where he remained till tlie return of the latter to Vienna, witliout having assumed the office destined for him. This was certainly a pnideut course, since it could never have 206 GENESIS OF THi: appeared proper for au imperial prince, particularly for the heir-apparent to the throue, to take up a position between a nation actively engaged in piu-suit of its separate interests, and a sovereign who had the united welfare of the mo- narchy at heart. The example which Hungary so repeatedly offered should have restrained the ministiy from such a course. Moreover, the democratic Bohemian Diet was not united. AU these measm-es, therefore, had no other effect than to display the weakness of the ministry, and to strengthen the desire to abuse it. 3. The 25th of April was the day on which the decree of March 15th was annulled in its most important parts (viz., in the regulations for the constitution of the country), by those very persons who were responsible for its performance. For on that day appeared the charter of a constitution, " with- out the co-operation of the deputies from all the provincial Estates, who were to be summoned to Vienna in support of the constitution." "We shall not investigate the peculiar properties of this bantling, which was bom on Apiü 25th, and was carried to the grave on May 15th (the bastard offspring of Vienna radi- calism and of ministerial vanity) ; such a task would be mere waste of time. Respecting its appearance, we may observe, that the clubs, which in Vienna tyrannised over the ministry of the interior, found it incompatible with their views and their impatience, that the constitution which had been determined upon by the emperor on March loth should be constructed on the foundations of those provincial institutions which were already in existence, vnth the joint co-operation of the former guardians of the old and the dispenser of the new franchises, but -wished to see a temple of liberty, that should by no means narrow their desh'es, erected on the ruins of all the plans which existed previous to the month of March, REVOLUTION IN AUüTKIA. 207 which, if not of stone, should at least be formed in the mo- dem fashion of pasteboard, that could easily be destroyed ; and we may further observe, that the minister Pülersdorf, in his bygone hours of idleness, had, out of mere whim, ah'eady constructed such a temple for the Austrian empire. Both parties now united to consider the propriety of copying this model, which was for the most part made after the plan of the constitutional edifices in Belgium and Baden. The adaptation of these to the small countries for which they were destined, composed as they were of homogeneous elements, by no means argued a hke capability in them to suit the widely-extended Austiian monarchy, which was formed after the fashion of a piece of mosaic. The concurrence of the ministerial council in this project Avas not obtained without the opposition of some of the members, one of whom, the Minister of Justice, Count Taaffe, retired from the ministry, shortly before the appear- ance of the chai-tered constitution, on April 19 th. But the persuasions of the Minister of the Interior suenced the ob- jections of his colleagues in this case, as in others, and his woi'k made its appearance with the signatures of all of them attached. None of the statesmen who had assisted in the compilation of the decree of the 15th of March were then present, to defend its principles ; Munch and Kübeck had, in the course of the month of March retired from business ; Windischgi-ätz no longer filled the post which he had occu- pied on March 14th, in the conference on the question of the constitution ; Hartig was absent on April 1 ; the Archduke Louis, who, on the 15th of the same month, was released from all share in public business, had been removed, with Pilgram, the day previously ; and Kolowi-at, on the 19 th of April, was definitively deprived of the presidency in the ministerial coimcil. The Archduke Francis Charles had received ordera, on April 7th, to aid the emperor in the care of public busi- -OS GENESIS OF TIIK ness, within tlie bounds marked out by the ndes of the con- stitution, and to mainttiin the power of ftilly superintending the business transacted by the Ministerial Council (by which means all dii-cct participation in the same was excluded). The appointment of the Archduke Francis Joseph was to Prague, but before his departure, according to the Vienna Gazette, the consent of the emperor was given that he should ti-avel for some days through Tp-ol, towards those parts of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom which then attracted general attention, in order to have a fiill view of the preparations and means of defence which Field Marshal Radetzky had collected, and by means of which, at the head of the coura- geous Austi'ian army, he opposed those agitators and enemies of peace, who had entered the country from foreign parts. By thus banisliing all the ad%-isers of the throne who, on March 14tli, had counselled the constitutional reconstiiictiou of the Austrian monarchy upon the basis of the existing pro\'incial governments, and with the co-operation of depu- ties from the provincial parliaments, the eloquence of the Minister of tlie Interior might easuy succeed in j^ersuading the Ministerial Council to abandon the course already chosen, and to pursue another, which, in liis opinion, Avas shorter and more dignified ; since the reasons which had been adduced on the 14th of March for erecting the edifice of the consti- tution on those pillars of the state which were stul in exis- tence, supported as those reasons were by subsequent events, ceased to be maintained by any parties.* * These remarks of " Genesis " seem to have induced Count Ficquel- raont to state, in his pamphlet, " Aufkliirungen über die Zeit vom 20 März bis zum 4 Mai, 1848," published by Joh. Ambr. Barth, at Leipzic, — the motives which determined him to vote for the grant of a constitution, " although the wording of the imperial patent of the 15th c.f March, 1848, prevented him from considering himself authorized to adopt any other course than that indicated by the patent." He had an aversion to any constitution which should be framed by a constituent REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 209 The birtli of the chartered constitution (to which the army- was called upon to swear allegiance by an order issued on assembly, to be convoked in accordance -with the political notions pre- valent in April, 1848 ; for at that period no other electoral law would have been thought admissible for the convocation of the Imperial Diet, but that which the Assembly at Frankfort had enforced. He also lays stress on the circumstance that in the midst of the various causes of profound excitement a demand for the promised constitution was unanimously expressed." He lastly reminds us, "that in his capacity of minister to the reigning house he had not been able to countersign the document which modified the basis of the power and the position of the reigning house .so long as that document had not been sanctioned by the united imperial house," and that consequently, in his presence, and under the presidency of tlie Archduke Francis Charles, a conference had been held, at which the Archduke Franci.s Joseph (the present emperor). Archduke Louis, and the remaining members of the imperial house then present at Vienna attended. After the introduction of a few modifications, which were essential in order to put to rest the conscience of the supreme council, a foi-m of the mildest tone was adopted, which was more suitable to the times than the men. We feel pleasure in inserting in " Genesis " these remarks of a states- man so well known and highly respected by all the cabinets of Europe, because they confirm our opinion already given, tliat the minister- president. Count Ficquelmont, the council of ministers, and — as we have since learned — the council of the imperial family, merely submitted to the dictates of the times in leaving the path traced out on the 15th of March, when they accepted the project of a constitution forced lipon them by the Minister of the Interior. We cannot, however, retract our assertion that the grounds which decided the state conference to choose that path in the night of the 14th were no longer defended by any one in the council of ministers on the occasion of adopting the chartered constitution. For altliough, as Count Ficquelmont tells us, the archdukes who liad been present at the state conference expressed in the family council their opinion respecting Pillersdorf 's project of a constitu- tion before they quitted Vienna, they voted and acted at that time no longer as members of the cabinet, and charged with the government, but as agnates of the head of the dynasty. Any opposition on their part, in that capacity, to the constitution projected by the Minister of the Interior, who was still in possession of tlie pojnilar favour, and whose project had already reached the throne, was at that time of no more avail than the opposition of the minister-president. The circumstance, also, that the free grant of a constitution was less prejudicial to the authority of the sovereign than if it were framed in co-operation with the provincial Diet, made the jirinces of the imperial liouse lean towards the project of the minister Pillersdorf. Though such conclusions were evidently correct, that minister ought still to have carefully weighed whether they could at that time find a practical application in Austria. 210 GENESIS OF THE the same day that they renoiuiced- theii" allegiance to theii- colours) was celebrated by joyful displays of all kinds, as AvoU Jis by a monstrous torchlight procession to the Imperial Burg, at which the emperor on the foUoAving day expressed his gratification in a cabinet letter to the Minister of the Interior, the contents of which Baron Pillersdorf published on AprU 27th, in the official part of the Vienna Gazette, tes- Pillersdorf, if he had properly solved that question, would have imme- diately in March commenced liis ministry by preparing the convocation of the provincial Diets, in order thus to calm the impatience of those who looked forward with eagerness to the jiromiscd constitutional government of the empire. The patent of the 15th of March had, on that very ground, been every\vhere received l;y the majority with enthusiasm, because it had granted to the provinces a participation in framing the constitution. Tlie radicals, however, whom it did not satisfj', were much less likely to l)e appeased by a chartered constitu- tion. The Viennese press, which was ruling everything, had, until the first days of April, defended the patent in public opinion. A dispute even arose amongst noted literary personages about the honour of its authorship. In proof of this, we submit to the reader the reclamations of the editor of the Oomt^tutional Gaztttc of (he Danube, which he pub- lished in that journal on the 2nd of AprU, in order to vindicate that honour for himself against the popular poet Bauernfeld, who had been active during the days of March, and to whom that honour had been attributed. To aisk, under such circumstances, the free grant of a constitution, instead of framing it, as had been decreed by the emperor, with the co-operation of provincial deputies, was a hazardous enter- prise, for which the minister Pillersdorf alone is responsible, and before resorting to which he should have duly considered the " qxdd valeant humeri." Had he not in March omitted to make the necessary pre parations for assembling quickly, and with modifications suitable to the times, about twelve provincial diets, he would have had to meet in July, on the subject of framing a constitution for the country, those deputies only who would have been elected with caution, and in small numbers by those diets, instead of being obliged to resign office in the fece of 379 deputies of the imperial Diet, the offspring of confused and stormy popular elections, and to leave the joint framing of a constitution, in conjunction with so many, and, for the greatest part, such badly-quali- fied debaters, to a man of the people, who, after wasting three months was likewise compelled to flee from the arena. We therefore are pleased to declare that we fuUy coincide with the pamphlet of Count Ficqueknont in aU that concerns him personally, yet we do by no means deviate, as regards the objective value of the free grant of the con- stitution, from the opinion which we have in that respect already pronounced. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 21] tifying his delight and approbation, at the conduct of the National Guards, the several clubs, — viz., the Legal Political Eeading Club, the Ai'tists' Club, the Men's Singing Club, — and ordered that the inhabitants should be informed " that he felt in the iunermost depths of his heart the great honour of being called upon to guide the destinies of such a people." These gracious words of the emperor by no means failed in their effect on the joyful midtitude; but they could not protect the child, whose birth was then celebrated, against the mischievous nature of its parent ; which we have pointed out radicahsm to have been. In its very nature, as in that of the Satiirn of heathen antiquity, was implanted the im- pulse to devoiu' its .own offspring. And such was actually the fate of the new-born constitution of May 15th. 4. The Austrian ministiy had now abandoned the course which it had been dkected to follow on its appointment, and had chosen another for itself ; but even here it was imable to retain a firm footing on the steep declivity upon which it stood. It wanted the power to take advantage of the proper moment for abandoning the previous favovuite system of yielding to every demand, in order to offer a determined opposition to demagogue excitements. The Minister of the Interior, in whose hands the police authority was placed, should have been chiefly responsible foi' tliis com'se. But he adopted no such measures, but continued to yield to the veiy persons whom he ought to have opposed with Angour. Many scandalous scenes were the consecpience of tliis weak- ness. The two following occurrences will forcibly pouriray the existing state of things. Pillei'sdorf, according to the statements in the newspapers, communicated to a deputation, composed of the citizens and students of Vienna, the proceedings wliich had been insti- p2 212 GENESIS OF THE tuted on account of the ussuults of the people in tlie month of March on the Liguorian ])iiest8, anil wliich were now luidergoing investigation. Tliis irregular coniinunicatioix occasioned a gi'eat excitement in the university against the persons who were conducting this complaint against the -violence of the jjeople, more })articiüarly against the Arch- bishop of Viemia, in consequence of which, on the night of May 2nd, the archbishop's house was sun-oimded by stu- dents, citizens, and National Guards, the archbishop was insulted with cats' music, and even the windows of liis house, before which the German colours were planted, were shat- tered to pieces, the flags torn away, and the staff carried about as a trophy. Count Ficquelmont (the provisional jiresident of the ministry) had to endure a similar public insult, because he, also, was out of favour with the Vienna mob leaders. The latter sent their emissaries to liim, who, immiiidful of that German principle which is always so respected, that " my house is my castle," not only searched his official residence for him, but forced themselves \iolently into the dAvelling of his daughter, in order to compel him to make a promise to vacate his office immediately. The cause of this act of violence was a suspicion that Covmt Ficquelmont, as former ambassador to Petersburg, entertained sympathies for Russia, and had occasioned the retii'ement of the War Minister Zaniui, and the appointment of the Master of the Ordnance, Count Latour, to fill his place.* * We are surprised at learning fi-om the pamphlet, " Die Nierler Oesterreichischen Landstände und die Genesis, &c.," that already, on previous occasions, attempts had been even made by members of the Diet to drive from office the councillors of the crown who had displeased them. We read, at page 38 of that pamphlet, that the Estates of Lower Austria twice suggested the necessity of his resignation to Count Hartig, who at that time was Minister of State and Conference, with- out a portfolio, and that fact has been confirmed from an authentic REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 213 The retirement of Coiuit Ficquelmont caused the presi- dency in the comicü to pass to Baron Pülersdorf, according to the announcement of the VieiiTia Gazette of the 5th of May, in its official part. The public insults offered to per- sons entitled to respect, and filling high situations, the vio- lation of the sanctity of private dwellings, the disturbance of ti-anquilHty during the night in the streets of Vienna, the con- tempt for that privilege which belongs to evei'y constitutional monarch, to place persons who enjoy his confidence at the head of his ministry; all these offences against freedom, order, and the royal prerogative, should have called for strong measures from the Minister of the Interior, who was at once chief of the poHce and also president of the ministry, in order, by pmiislüng their authors and by the enforcement of jiroper measures, to prevent the repetition of similar out- breaks of unrestrained popular violence. In jilace of this, there was issued a paternal admonition of the emperor (dated May 4th), to his beloved citzens of Vienna, containing the coimter-signature of Pülersdorf, in which he philoso- phises on the necessity of preserving public order, and in which the preservation of this order is committed to the honourable sense of the inhabitants, but particularly to the National Guard and the Academic Legion, vnth whom source. Some expressions which the count ventured to use on the 13th of March towards the deputies of the Estates who liad sought shelter in the apartments of Archduke Louis, are assigned as the reason of this suggestion. He is said to have told them, if they wished only for the protection of the Assembly against the uni-uly crowds of people, they should have applied for that protection to the authorities charged with the maintenance of order and personal security, who, if it had been chdmed in due time, would certainly have afforded it. Tlie poignant truth contained in those words seems to have deeply touched several of the leading men of the Estates, and to have excited their fears of seeing any further demands resisted by the ])ersoii who ventured to utter those words, in case he v/as to remain in tlie councils of the emperor. Count Hartig's mission to Ita}y relieved them from those fears. 214 GENESIS OF THE they Avcre united, as well as to the corps of citizens, \vith the fullest confidence, and containing the assurance of the emperor that he always felt safe in theii- presence, and that it could not but fill him and eveiy properly-disposed pei-son with deep gi-ief to witness that, notwdthstanding such pro- tection, the fi'cedom, the lives, the safety, and the honour of peaceable citizens were endangered. The minister who, after such repeated popular excesses, could proj^ose to his sove- reign such an address to Ids rebelUous subjects, and sign his own name thereto, signed at the same time a record which can leave no room for doubting the judgment of the world as to his fitness for the office which he had undertaken. It is said that the new president of the ministry paid a \'isit on the following day at the house of his predecessor, whom he had removed from office, and expressed his regret that he had been impeded on the previous evening in his exertions to protect him, by the pressure of the crowd ; to which the latter replied, that sui'ely other means than his personal presence were at the command of the Minister of the Interior, after a tumult had bi'oken out, if he was really serious in his wish to proAdde protection. There covdd be no doubt of this in a theoretic point of view; but, as facts had already proved, the minister Pülersdorf was not the com- mander, but rather the subject, of the Vienna Town Council, and especially of the Administrative Council of the Academic Legion and the National Guard. Both these bodies, the ofispring of the March revolution, were imder the control of native and foreign agitators, so that in the last resource these persons were the real masters. We have already observed that the depaii^ure from the coui-se pointed out by the decree of March 15th, for esta- blisliing the constitution of the country, was the work of the Eadicals, because such a constitution was intended to spiing REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 215 from the existing provincial institutions, and a new state organization, upon tlie foimdation of the Estates, was with them an object of aversion. They took advantage of the vanity of the Minister of the Interior, whue they got rid of the necessity of preserving tliis basis, to institute the con- stitution of April 25th ; but they became immediately dis- contented with this also, as it provided no radical law of election in corresjjondence with the object they had chiefly at heart, viz., a continuation of the revolution. They already by anticipation expressed their distrust of the results of the measure, on the score of its liberaHty, and they found fault \\ith the composition of the fii'st chamber, because the 150 members who were to vote for the same were to be chosen from amongst their own body (that is, from amongst the nobles and the higher ranks of the clergy), by the votes of the most important landowners, and the crown, in addition, had resei'ved to itself the right of nominating members of this chamber : they censured the system of secretly managing afiairs, a relic of the old government, in conse- ijueuce of which the chartered constitution, as well as the law of election, which was so very defective, could not be made subjects of discussion by the daUy press before those measures had received the imperial decision. On May 5th tlie committee of the students at Yienna presented a peti- tion to the Minister of tlie Interior that the intended law of election for the choice of members for the second chamber should not fix any census, and that for members of the first chamb(!r, in place of the most important land-ownership, an ownership which was not entirely unimportant should be a qualification, and that this election, also, should be made by the people, and that the crown should exercise no right of nomination therein. The same Gazelle wliich, on the 27th of April, in its official part, liad pul)lishcd the expression of 21 G GENESIS OF THE the emperoi*'s satisfaction at the joy and gratitude exhibited by the loyal inhabitants of his capital, on their receiving the constitution, expressed itself in the following terms in a leading article on the 7th of May with relation to that very exhibition : — " The constitution of April 25th was a Torso, which might just as well have belonged to aThersites as to an Acliilles. The conviction, or at least a suspicion, of this incompleteness was general — hence the lukewarmness Avith which the law, which was destined to solve the important question of our entire political existence, was received. There was no excitement, none of that excessive joy, with which the imi)erial announce- ment of May 15th was received and re-echoed, but there was also none of that irritation, none of that determined opposition which arose, for example, against the enactments with relation to the press, which was only one ingredient in the organization of our constitutional freedom." The public contradiction which was offered by such ob- servations to the emperor's cabinet letter of April 26th, and the opposition to the enactments concerning the press (which were imfortunately crowned with success), were suf- ficient indications that the chai'tered constitution Avould not be maintained without resistance. As early as May 6th the ministiy announced that several memorials had been presented to them in the name of the Isational Guard and of the CiAac Guard of the capital, by members of the council of administration of that guard, as representatives of their companies, in the name of the com- mittee of the council and of the students of Vieima, making numerous demands on the subject of the assembling of the approacliing Diet, the intended law of election, the forma- tion of a ministry for the exclusive superintendence of agri- culture, trade, and commerce, the employment of the idle REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 217 by means of public works, and tbe necessity of holding daily open and confidential communications with the public, on the circumstances of the time and on then- own views (that is, the views of the ministry), with relation to the same. In place of rejecting with bold determination such officious intermeddling with legislative affairs and matters of admi- nistration, the minister offered excuses for what he had not yet performed or said, i^romised to pay speedy attention to the several demands of the different I'espectable bodies, and philosophized on the necessity of maintaining order, tran- quillity, and confidence, in sweet sentimental tones ; but did not neglect obediently to annoimce to his masters, the insti- tution, on the 9 th of May, of two new ministerial offices, one for the management of public works, the other for agricxil- ture, trade, and commerce. The first was filled by the former professor of natm-al history, who was afterwards director of the imperial porcelain manufactory, and subsequently director of the tobacco manufactory, the privy covmcillor Andi'eas Baumgartner, a worthy, plain man of business; the latter was filled by Baron von Doblhoff", a leader of the op- position and reform party in the Lower Austrian Estates, as that body existed previous to the month of March. This new minister possessed no experience in business, and was so little acquainted with matters and persons not comprised in the province of Lower Austria, that in reply to questions in the Diet, put to liim as Minister of the Intcrioi-, he could only answer in the style that Majocchi, the witness from Lombardy, formerly answered in the celebrated green-bag process in London, who, in his prepared answers of "iimi lo so," or "non mi ricordo" yvon for himself such a laughable noto- riety with his hearers and readers of that time. Doblhofi", in like manner, made himself ridiculous in the following instance : — Two months and a half after his appointment 218 GENESIS or TUE to the ministry, in the sitting of the Diet of July 25th and iGth, he was nimble to offer any explanation to the question of the deputy Mahalsky. " how it happened that, in addi- tion to Count Stadion, who was governor of GaUcia, two other poi-sous were acting there in an oflScial capacity?" He could only make reply, that as he had but lately been ap- pointed Minister of the Interior, he must request indidgence till the next sitting of the Diet ; which ignorance of the minister occasioned the wits of Vienna to announce as a prize essay, "that a proper reward will be given to the Minister of the Interior if he can say, by the next sitting of the Diet, who is the governor of the province of Galicia." The creation of these two places, and the appoiutment of Doblhoff as minister, had, in the estimation of those who usurped the authority of the goveroment, the value and effect of a new concession, and tended to increase their boldness. 5. The ease with which the Vienna demagogues succeeded in accomplishing theii- wishes, encoiu-aged them to be no longer content with half measures, and emboldened them to require the formal recognition of that popular authority, which had hitherto existed merely by permission. They declared loudly, and without reserve, that nobody wovdd believe either that the chartered constitution was anj-thiug more than a temporary expedient, imless it were adopted either expressly or tacitly by the next Diet, or. that a charter in the old meaning of the word could at the present day be instituted by the government, and that, therefore, the next Diet must infallibly have authority to fiame a constitution. The system of two chambers was loudly censured, and even the lower order of nobles, who should at least liave been contented with this system, were willing to see e-s'ery approximation to the aristocratic prin- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 219 ciple banished from the first chamber. The election law, which was sanctioned by the emperor on May 9th, upon the unanimous proposal of the Ministerial Council, occasioned the most violent outcries against the government, because the preponderance of the influence of the aristocracy in the first chamber could be e'Nadently foreseen as the result. The Political Central Committee of the Vienna National Guai-d formed the focus in which were concentrated the rays of discontent, mistrust, anger, and opposition, which streamed from all quarters. The origin of a Political Central Committee commenced with the time when the imiversity, before the organisation of an Academic Legion, had taken the lead in the struggle for fi'eedom. Wlien, at a later period, after the forma- tion of this legion and its union ■Rath the National Guard, an administrative cou.ncil was formed by means of represen- tatives from each company of the Guard, in order to arrange all matters relating to the service, this committee invited the National Guard as well as the armed Civic Guard to send plenipotentiaries to attend their consultations, which request was cheerfully obeyed, and caused the institution of " The Political Central Committee of the Vienna National Guard." In imitation of the preliminaiy parliament of Frankfurt, this committee, in the absence of any other assembly of popular representatives, pretended to act as the expression of public opinion, and claimed authority in opposition to a government hitherto never conti'olled in its tendencies, which were destructive of freedom. The Minister of the Interior thought such a control not only becoming, but sub- mitted to its influence in obedience to the same maxims which had induced him to entertain members of the Aca- demic Legion daily at his table, and to establish in the ministerial offices (formerly the palace of the Bohemian Coui-t Chancery) a department, presided over by the celebrated 220 GENESIS OK THK Professor Endlicher, in ordtr to maintain an uniiitoiTuptcd conuiuuiioation witli the Anla. If the pure morals of the philiisojiher deserve eomnieudation, who "vvLshed that he possessed a ti-ansparent house, in order that liis every action might be under observation, the optimism of the statesman must sm-ely provoke a smile of i»ity, who sought to rule the state from the centre of a transpai'ent cabinet, particularly in a time of unbridled licentiousness, when hostile factions were l)erpetually opposed to each other. The committee, con- sisting of 200 members, made no secret that it would only consider its mission accomplished after the interment of the election law, Avhich had, in tnith, been still-born, and after a real representation of the people should have been established; and thus a government should exist for the 2)eople of Austria, enjoying theh* perfect confidence, and not, as was now the case, possessing the frdl and well-deserved mistrust of the nation. These sentiments were published by the joui'nal which was employed by the government to make its official announce- ments, namely, the Vienna Gazette (evening supplement, No. 44), and which was, therefore, officially circulated — a circiunstance for which we should vainly look for an example even in the pages of the Fi'ench Moniteur in the times of the firs-t French revolution. Tins committee furthermore neglected no arts to win the favour of the mob both in to^vn and country. All complaints, demands, or requests of the inhabitants of the toAvn and the subiu-bs received attention and advice from the Aula. Under the pretext of a dissuasion from opposition to the landloi'ds, an address of the students of Vienna was published to the people, in which they announced themselves as the warmest friends and most vigilant de- fenders of public freedom, and laid claim to the most com- plete popular confidence. The working classes, above all, KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 221 were cajoled by the zeal witli wliicli the Aula had insisted on the undertaking of public works, and on the appointment of a ministry for that purpose. To the men who sought to establish the rule of popular supremacy we must concede the possession of astonishing skill in the pursuit of their object. They displayed this in selecting a fit moment for destroying the constitution of Apru 25th. They availed themselves for this piu'pose of the discontent expressed by the National Guard at an order of theii- commander, Count Hoyos, because the Political Central Committee was abolished by that oi'der, as being inconsistent with the natnre and character of an armed body. At first the National Guard was induced by the committee to remonstrate with its commander, but after- wards, when Count Hoyos was found to be firm and inflexi- ble, they rushed in tumiüt to the ministry with a clamorous petition to revoke the order. This happened on May lÖth. The ministers assembled on that day for one of theh* ordi- nary consultations. The president had received notice of an impending popular disturbance, and observed to his col- leagues that it would be advisable to bring their deliberations to an early close. But the National Guards were more prompt than the ministers ; they forced themselves into the Impei-ialBurg (where the IVIinisterial Council was imprudently holding its sittings, in a room close to the ante-room of the emperor's residence, although there was no want of a locality adapted for such a purpose in the palace of the Minister of the Interior) ; a deputation from the Central Committee pro- ceeded to the council and demanded the revocation of the order alluded to, an alteration of the election law, and (in order, as they pretended, to appease the anger of tlie people against the government, to whom they attributed the inten- tion of abolishmg by militaiy frestTvation of peace aud order, had sold itself to the aristo- ci-ivcy aud the camarilla; that the coucessious wldch had beeu ali'cady extorted were to be abolished by military i-iolence, and that for this ituri)oso Prince Windischgratz was already approaching Vieima with a considerable body of troops. This appeal for assistance, supported though it was by falsehood, (lid not faU to produce its intended effect. The streets of the city were soon closed up \ni\i barricades, filled with National Guards, and with the anned workmen, who were tlieii' tools, and were stripped of the pavement, which Avas immediately col- lected in heaps on the parapets of the windows of the houses, in order to be hurled do\vn upon the passing military. But such preparations for defence were altogether unnecessary, for no attack was made on the disturbers of the public peace. The most prominent members of the Committee of Safety, as also the President of the administration of Lower Austria, Comit Montecuculi, escaped by flight fi-om the popular tumult, and the Ministerial Council once more purchased ti-anquillity by a complete concession to the demands of the rioters, which was announced by the ministerial 2)roclamations of the same and of the folloAving day. (See Appendix, Sup. 2.) This new triumph of the revolution increased its preten- sions in the same degree that it weakened and humiliated the government. From the iiiins of the Committee of Safety, which had been scattered on May 26th, and from the frag- ments of the Political Central Committee, which had pre- A-ioasly existed, a sort of revolutionary assembly was fonned under the title of " a committee of the citizens, National Guards, and students of Vienna, for the presei'vation of peace and order, and the protection of the rights of the people." In the latter part of this title was involved an usiu'pation and tlemand to exercise a constant control over the proceedings of every minister, wliich soon grew into a complete protectorate, REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 237 SO tliat no minister could afterwards act in pursuance of his own conviction, but only according to the permission of his protector, who could depend, moreover, for support against his pupil in the protection of a part of the National Guard, the Academic Legion, and the mass of the working classes. The miidstry, in the proclamation of May 26th, had promised the workmen to provide employment for them, and had thus admitted that that body was entitled to the dangerous privi- lege of requh'iag the government to provide them with the means of subsistence ; a demand wldch, wherever it has been allowed, has never failed to produce the most melancholy conflicts, and of which the working classes of Vienna had never previously di'eamt. In the name of the Ministerial Council, Pillersdorf, on May 27th, declared the above-men- tioned lately-formed committee to be independent of all other authorities, and thus established its formation u[)on a legal basis. At the same time the minister announced that the alternative had been offered to the emperor, either to return to Vienna immediately, or to appoint an imperial ])rince as Ms representative, an annoimcement of the most dangerous consequence to the state. Thus a ministerial I'ocognition was given to that maxim claimed by the ari'o- guuce of the Viennese, that the Austrian monarchy could only be governed ft'om Vienna, and the destiiictive exam])l(! (if the Magyars was followed, who had been able, in the room of their king, so long as he resided beyond the boundaries of Hungaiy, to establish a viceroy, who almost entirely super- seded the influence of the king himself 8. On May 20th the emperor issued a manifesto from Innsbitick to his people, the publication of which took l)lac;(' on the same day, and on the following day was an- nounced by means of cabinet letters to the whole mnnarcliy, as well as to the palatine in Hungary and to the minis- 238 GENESIS OF THE terial president in Vieuua. Tlie causes of the erajtcror's w-ithdrawing from liis eapital were therein }>ubHcly stated, and tlie feelings of the sovereign at tlie injury oftered to him. on May 15th, by the Academic Legion, a part of the National Guai'ds, and th<' citizens of Vienna, were fully expressed. But on May 25th, the day when this manifesto first appeared in Vienna, the moment was past in which these words of the emperor, which were at once firm and mild, could have produced a certain and decided influence upon the events of the capitid, namely, when the first amaze- ment was felt at the expidsion of the imperial family; they echoed now without efiect, and were even used on the very next morning as a means to provoke excitement, after a fresh conflict had been commenced between the revolution • and the government, and the former had proved victorious without a struggle. An admonition of the sovereign, when it is not obeyed, .should ever be followed by strong mea- .sures, else majesty will lose both in respect and power. Not only, however, w^re such measures not resorted to, but the moral impression of the manifesto was entirely effaced by a subsequent imperial proclamation, wliich was issued from Innsbruck on June 3rd, inasmuch as its address " To the loyal Inhabitants of my Capital," as well as its contents, which announced a more friendly disposition of the em- peror, excited astonishment, after the fresh insults that were in the mean time ofiered to the authority of government in Vienna. (See Appendix, Sup. 3.) This alteration, as it coidd not have been the efiect of circumstances, must be ascribed to the influence of the advisers of the crown who had in the interim joined the sovereign. The manifesto of May 20th was a complete expression of the feelings and senti- ments of Ferdinand; no minister had assisted in its com- pilation — none of them had prepared it. The proclamation REVOLtfTION IN AUSTRIA. 239 of June 3rd, ou the contrary, was an act of government for wliicli two ministers, then in Innsbruck, Wessenberg and Doblhoff, were responsible. The former of these two ministers had "been nominated as successor of Ficquehnont, as the minister of the imperial house and for foreign affairs, as well as iii the presidency of the Ministeiial Coimcil, and had come from Freiburg to Innsbruck; the latter had been hastily sent by Pülersdorf to the emperor from Vienna. Wessenberg, siace his mission to London, after the French revolution in 1830, had fallen out with Metternich, and was therefore favoured by the enemies of the latter ; he was an honourable diplomatist and a liberal of sterling value.* Doblhoff was a friend of reform and a zealous leader of the opposition party in lower Austria ; by his connection with that party, he therefore knew their sentiments, and by means of the explanations which he could give to the minister, he managed to acquire his full confidence. It is tme that he was neither a man of business nor a statesman, but yet he was better acquainted with the more intimate affairs of the government than the ministerial president himself. We may here perceive that the words which these two men put into the mouth of the emperor partook of that character of supreme forbearance, which had marked all * The well-informed author of the review of the "Genesis," which appeared in the first number of the twenty-fifth volume of the " His- toriche Politische Blätter, &c.," corrects our statement of a rupture having existed since 1 830 between Metternich and Wessenberg. Tlie latter minister had incurred the displeasure of the emperor, who con- sidered him to have exceeded his instructions in signing, in 1831, a certain protocol relating to the regulation of questions at issue between the kingdom of the Netherlands and Belgium. He had since that jieriod disappeared from the diplomatic stage. This disa])pcarance was ascribed by pui)lic opinion to a divergence from the political views of Metternich. It equally explained the joyful welcome which was given to the retired statesman on his entry into the constitutional ministry of Austria. 240 GENESIS OF TIIK the acts of the ministry since the niontli of March, but was jiot at all calculated to put ;m end to the revolution. In all the })rovinces of the monarchy, as well as in Hun- gaiy and its c^•o^v^l lands, the manifesto of the emperor, of May 20th, had produced addresses of submission, and in every place where it was possible to suppose that the em- peror might take up liis residence, the -svish was expressed to ^^'ituess the royal family, wlio had been scared away from Vienna, estabHshing their abode there. But, however affect- ing these expressions of attachment and sympathy might be, and however sincerely those .sentiments, Avhich the addi'esses had called forth, might be shared by the majority of those per- sons, every attentive obsei-ver must have marked the injurious influence which had been produced in all parts of the empire on the minds of the people, by the repeated triumphs of the revolution over the power and authority of the government of VienBa, without encoimtering any serious or determined opposition. The imperial family was no doubt an object of pity with thousands ; but pity is never calculated to exalt its object in the esteem of mankind ; sentimental sympathy for a pei'son who is the sport of fate never in- creases his power or authority, but, on the contraiy, dimi- nishes both, when sen.stitions of admiration are not coupled with such a feeling. When Maria Theresa, supporting her little son upon her arm, advanced in front of the Hungarian Estates and confided her own fate and that of her child to the loyalty and valour of her Hungarian subject.s, an enthu- siastic and universal shout might well resoiind of " Mori- amur pro Eege nostro Maria Theresa!" since, with the feel- ing of pity were united sentiments of admiration at the heroic courage of a woman calmly contemplating an ap- proaching battle. The complaints uttered by Ferdinand the Good, with so much truth and dignity, on May 20th, EEVOLUTIOX IK AUSTRIA. 241 at the ingratitude of liis capital, ia order to j^roduce a stronger impression than that of pity, ought to have been followed by deeds, at least when the transactions which took place at Vienna on May 26th showed that the imperial address was destined to remain unheeded. It was the diity of those councUloi's who influenced the imperial proclama- tion of J\me 3rd to take such steps. Instead of destroying, fni they did by such means, all hope that the emjDeror was resolved to make no fiu*ther concessions to the revo- lution, not only in Vienna, but universally, they should have persuaded the emperor to prove his intentions by his deeds. The appointment of a military governor armed with the most extensive powers, and a simultaneou^s estabhshment of martial law in Vienna, shoidd have succeeded the insm-- rection of May 26th, in place of that j^aternal proclamation. The Vienna National Guard at that time had not the can- non which, in the mouth of July, wei'e delivered to them from the imperial arsenal, and at that time the fury of the Viennese could give rise to no apprehensions for the im- ])erial family, who were dwelling imder the protection of the loyal moimtaineers, and this pretence for weakening the })0wer of the government could no longer be brought for- ward as the chief justification of an ever-yielding weakness. 9. The loss of respect by the government, in all parts of tlie empne, was moi-e or less evident. In the capital of Bo- hemia it was most clearly displayed. There the committee from the Wenzelbad, who had returned in triumph fi-om their second mission, in the beginning of April, had served us the nucleus of a national committee, of which Count Leo Thun, who had been lately appointed President of the Ad- ministration, became the chairman, and which, divided into twelve sections, was employed in preparing, considering, and propoiuiding plans for the first Bohemian Diet. The first 242 GENESIS OF TUE sitting of this natioiiiil assembly took place on April 1 3th, 1848. Ou May 1st, it issued an appeal to all their Slavo- nian brethren in the Austrian monarchy, which had been prepared by twenty-one members (without the assistance of their president), inviting them to take paii; in a meeting to be held on the 31st JNIay, in the ancient Slavonian city of Pi-ague, of persons enjoying the confidence of their nation, for the purpose of submitting to the attention of the German parliament in Frankfort the interests of the Slavonian na- tion, and of considering what should be their line of conduct amidst the important events of the times, inasmuch as the parUament of Frankfort, by its claim to incorporate into the German kingdom those Austrian coimtries which did not fonn part of Hungary, had threatened to destroy the union and independence of the Slavonian provinces. The National Committee had previously sent a deputation to Vienna to present an address to the emperor against the plan for electing deputies from Bohemia to the Constituent Assembly at Frankfort, the subsequent rejection of which, on the 29th April, had doubtless occasioned the appeal to theii' Slavonian brethren on May 1st. The aversion of the Bohemians to the Germanizing schemes of Vienna, as evinced in their justifiable dissatisfaction at the removal of the minister Ficquelmont and the events of May loth, with their consequences, bore an appearance of legality, and made itself known in. Prague with some apprehension of proba- ble tumults. Out of the National Guard there, a Slavonian battalion was formed under the name of Swornost, with pecuhar marks of distinction. The right of association was perverted to the establishment of clubs, as well of Slavonians as of Germans (called Slavia, Concordia, and so forth), who watched and opposed one another reci- procally. The Club, afterv\'ards celebrated under the title KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 243 nf Slowanska Lipa (the Slavonian Lime Tree), was insti- tuted at tliat time, and at its general assembly on May 24th already amounted to 600 members, and its uimibers daily increased. The streets of Prague were continually the scenes of disorders, of greater or less extent, which, though at fii-st apparently attended only by a crowd of Jews, from motives of cimosity, soon assumed a political charactei\ The pro\-incial chief. Count Thim, became an object of dis- like, because he was suspected of favouring the German more than the Slavonian party, and of favouring the election of deputies to the Frankfort parliament. In the sitting of the ISI'ational Committee of May 23rd he defended himself from these charges, protesting that he had only obeyed the orders received fi-om Vienna, and claiming, on this account, a renewal of the confidence which he had formerly enjoyed from his comitrymen. How strong his desire was to with- draw the adndnistration of the country from the influ- ence of the Vienna ministry, is proved by his having established a provisional government for Bohemia, the exis- tence of which first became known to the Minister of the Interior through the Prague newspapers ; a fact which would appear incredible, il" the minister himself had not . ublished the circumstance in the official part of the Vienna Gazette of June 3rd, 1848, No. 154. (See Appendix, Sup. 4.) The members of the provisional government established by the provincial chief of Bohemia on May 30, were Palacky, the historian ; J. U. Dr. Eieger ; BoiTOsch, bookseller and town commissaiy ; Count Albert Nostiz ; J. U. Dr. Brauner ; Coimt Wuliam Wunnbrand ; J. U. Dr. Strobach ; and Herzig, manufacturer in Reichenberg. The political senti- ments of these men, with the exception of the two counts, who did not become parliamentary deputies, were afterwards R 2 2H GENESIS OF TlIK iutfUigiltly ox2)^V8^^L'd in tlio paiiiiuuentti of Vienna and ICrcmsicr.* The opening of the Slavonian Congress, which took phice with great pomp on Jvme 2nd, was calculated still more to increase the national fanaticism. The singing of the old national chiu-ch hymn, " Swaty Waclawe," and numenjus speeches, in which, pai-tly in »sorrow and partly in anger, the late o}>pi'essed state of the Slavonians was described, joined to a representation of the state of Vienna dui-ing the oc- currences of May, occasioned a disjilay wliich enabled a looker- on. to foresee the Aaolent disturbances wliich soon occuiTed. The general in command. Prince Windischgrätz, who was a witness how the government of Mai"ch 13th had, without preparation, opposed a popular tumult in Vienna, adopted the necessaiy military measures of precaution. These were here, as in other places, mistrusted as symptoms of a reac- tionary tendency. On June 7 th, it had been resolved, in an assembly of the people at the Wenzelbad, to petition the em- peror to remove Prince Windischgrätz from Prague, and to send the Archduke Charles Frederick to take the command in Bohemia. Meetings of workmen, especially of cottpn- printers, took place. On the 10th, a gi'eat meeting of the Aula, in the university building (the Carolinum), agi-eed to * The "Histürische Politi.sche Blätter," for Catholic Germany, by Phillij).s .and Görres, furnishes, in the 4th part of the 25th volume, some exi)lanaiions of Count Thun'.s actions, in order to prove their moral necessity. "Genesis" quoted merely facts as they were known, with- out judging of the principles and sentiments of the agents. It was the curse of that time, that the most honest intentions often missed their true course, because the political whirlwind darkened the horizon. On the 13th of June, Count Tliun discovered a way to disclose his intentions, by the resistance which, whilst a prisoner in the Aula in Prague, lie made with courageous disregard of self against the attempts of the mad partisans of Czechism to tempt him to lend his signature towards the furtherance of their schemes of separation. REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 245 request the commandant to ^vitladl■aw some troops from a military position, and also a battery of cannon, -with which he threatened the town, by means of a deputation for that purpose, to which request a refusal was returned. On the 12th, the division of the Swornost, smging Slavonian popular songs and insulting verses against the commandant, drew up before the house of the general, and paid no attention to the warning of the guard which was posted there, to desist. A shot came from an opposite house, intended for Prince Windischgrätz, who could be seen in his room, and laid his wife, who was standing at his side, dead on the floor. This gave the signal for the combat : the greater part of the Ger- man population of Prague joined the military, and on the evening of the 14th it seemed to be brought to a tei-mina- tion, when, in consequence of a multitude of armed Czechs, who arrived from the coiuitiy during the night, it was again renewed, but soon afterwards ended in the complete sub- mission of the to^vn, the dissolution of the National Com- mittee, many of whose members had taken part in the riot, either in person or by exciting the country people, and also produ.ced the prorogation of the Bohemian Diet (on account of the interruption of the preparatory measures which had been imdertaken by the above-mentioned committee), as well ;is tlie arrest of a great number of the rioters. This was the first triumph of lawful authority over insur- rection in that year of commotion, 1848, a result which, in Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Muan, and other unimportant towns, \vas either not attempted or not completed. The uncon- ditional sun-ender of an insiuTectionary town was accom- ])lished by the courage, the discretion, and the firmness of Prince Windischgi-ätz, in Pi'ague ; liis moderation and ti-an- '|uillity of soul could not be disturbed, either })y the deatli of ills beloved wife or by the wounds of his son ; he found re- 24G GENESIS Ol' TUE sources in his high vocatiuu, a.s the defender of social order and of indi\'idual freedom which was connected therewith, to restiiiin and curb the rash despotism of fanatical democrats, who threatened to extend their influence over Europe, till on the banks of the Moldau theh' course was stayed. On this account he will not fail to shine in the liLstory of om* age as a great character, notwithstanding that fortune afterwards faithlessly deserted him, in the patliless and houseless stepj^es of a countiy, whose chief cities ^yere compelled in the course of the following winter to submit to his sword.* His services * Should we not rather say he turned his back upon fortune 1 In order to solve that question, we are not sufficiently acquainted with the circumstances which caused the recall of the victor of Kapolna anil GödöUö from the chief cüniniand in Hungary, just at that moment, when he had, with his small army, t:iken a centrical position behind the Eäkos, near Pesth ; a position commanding those two important point«, Ofen and the radius of blockading lines round Comom. Before sentence is pronounced, tlie rule of law " audiatur et altera pars/' should be observed. According to our knowledge, Prince Win- dischgrätz has not, up to the present, broken silence as regards his Hungarian campaign. He also deserves, beyond doubt, a rich share ot the outpourings of gratitude and admiration of rescued Austria, amidst the ovations wliich Vienna, in the autumn of 1849, most justly offered to the glorious vanquishers of the insun-ection. The emperor had mver imdervalued his services. The recall of the prince from the chief command in Hungary was accompanied by a most gracious cabinet letter, in which the emperor granted him temporary leave of absence, expressly reserving for him the chief command over all the troops on this side of the Isonzo. His companions in arms have given to him, the first vanquisher of the insurrection of 1848, a most honourable testimony of their admiration ; inasmuch as the chapter of the order of Maria Tlieresa, composed of them, has of its owti accord, placed the name of Field-marshal Prince Windischgrätz among the heroes deserving the grand cross of that order, though he had not solicited it, and notwithstanding that, according to the statutes of tlie order, it may only be granted — except on the field of battle — in those cases in which those who recommend it are able to prove before the chapter the execution of some warlike feat, which, in accordance with the rules of the order, justifies the claim. The special manner in which Prince Windischgrätz, in 1850, attained to the highest distinction of that order, which is so highly respected by the noble and brave of all nations, seems to us to be the most important acknowledgment of his heroic efforts in behalf of the throne and of social order. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 247 in suppressing the efforts of the Slavouiaus in Prague to separate themselves from the empire, deserve the greater com- mendation, because his energetic conduct was neither called for nor supported by the ministry at Vienna. That minis- try, after its customary fashion, wished to. subdue this insm-- rection by concüiatoiy measures, and accordingly despatched two commisssaries to Prague, who made their appearance there on the morning of June Mth. On the very evening of that day, the troops received orders to withdraw from theii' posts ; at the same time the nume- rous prisoners were set at liberty, and the house of Priace Kinsky, as well as the university building (the Carolitium), was abandoned by the military. On Jime 15th, iu order to appease the rioters, it was announced ojfficially that Priace Windischgratz had determined to resign liis authority, as commandant of Bohemia, into the hands of his majesty, and that, on the restoration of tranquillity, the patrol service would be performed joiutly by the soldiery and the National Guard. If the inhabitants of Prague had been even tempo- rarily content with these concessions, the capital of Bohemia woidd have presented the same spectacle of victorious populai' insurrection which had been afforded by Vienna. It is to be ascribed alone to the continued violence of the rioters, to theii- increasing unreasonable demands, and to their fresh resort to acts of disorder, as well as to the courageous conduct of the two commissaries, who, on June IGth, declared their mission ended, and returned to Vienna, that Prince Windischgratz, on the following day, insisted on the unconditional suiTcnder of the town, and thus achieved the first victory of legiti- mate power over the revolution.* * TVie importance of this victory was perceived from the plans of tho rebel chiefs, which were discovered in the course of tiie judicial exami- nations, and at the head of whom the notorious Bakuiiin, who was sub- 248 GENESIS OF THE 10. lu all jjarts of the emi)iro, Avhere the Slavuniaiis are mixed with other nations, the feelings of excitement whicli originated in the old Slavonian city of Prague could not be without their effect, even if they only evinced themselves by tumults, and, owing to the triumph of the authority of the government in that to^\^l, not by deeds of %'iolence. At the same tune, the party who advocated a junction of Austria with Germany, now raised theii* voices louder. Classes as well as individuals augi'ily addressed theii' neigh- bours who appeared to possess any privileges, with the excla- mation, " Otes-toi, pour que je iriy onette" and that, too, at the vexy moment when these same people wished to make a compact together about a common constitution, by means of representatives whom they were to elect. The prospect for the future was necessarily clouded. It was already sufficiently dark ; for, as school-boys who, free from the restraint of school, testify theii' joy by acts of rude- sequently arrested by the Saxon government, exhibited great activity. The division of the Austrian empire into several states, in accordance with the various nationahties, the restoration of Poland being of first consideration, and the estaVilishment of the sovereignty of the people, were the ends in view, for which the struggle Iiad been waged. The darkness in which that widely-ramified conspiracy is enveloped, may perhaps be cleared up, if only the results of the investigation into ano- ther plot should be published, which was also on the point of breaking forth in Prague in 1849. The same chiefs who conducted the plot of 1848, figured in that of 1849. Their escape from punishment was owing to the abandonment of the proceedings against them, as decreed by the Emperor Ferdinand, on the recommendation of Dr. Bach, the Minister of Justice. The conspiracy which had been prepared by a society existing in Prague under the name of "Marcomania," for the 12th of May, 1849, and which was accidentally discovered only within a few days before it was appointed to break forth, purposed, beyond any doubt, to carry into execution those plans which had been frustrated in 1848 by the prudence and courageous resolution of Prince Windisch- grätz. The proceedings against the participators in that second attempt at revolution will consequently, owing to the publicity of the trial, according to the new regulations, greatly remove the veil which still conceals the causes and the tendencies of the movement in Prague during the WTiitsuntide ofl848. REVOLUTION IX AUSTRIA. 24:9 ness and violence, so a gi-eat part of tlie citizens of Austria, who, in the words of the dauy press, were happily released from thraldom and degradation, sought to proclaim them- selves as freemen, by evincing a disregard for the laws and for the magistracy, by a contempt for everything that had been ])reviously honoured, and by ignorantly and incompetently thrusting themselves into those spheres of action wliich were partly already occupied by the executive authority, jiartly reserved for the future legislative functionaries. The capital was rife with such examples. Here two cor- porations usurped almost all authority ; they consisted of the Committee of the Citizens, National Guards, and Students, and of the Parochial Committee, consistmg of a hundred members, who were chosen by the inhabitants, and which was instituted, after the events of May the 26th, in place of the Town Council that had been created in March. The working classes, who claimed the right of being provided -with employment, a right that had been indh*ectly conceded to them, assumed a fearfid degree of authority. Tlu-ee nations, who could only hope to obtain the accomplishment of their own selfish wishes by weakening the central povv^er of Aus- tria — the Poles, the Italians, and the Hungaiians — by means of numerous emissaries, used every art of persuasion and all the influence of eloquence and gold to keep alive in Vienna perpetual feelings of suspicion, mistrust, and discontent. The clubs of all sorts there existing afforded them zealous and Active assistance. The most darhig of these bodies was the Democratic Union, which held its meetings in the Hotel of the Koman Emperor, and its republican tendencies were so notorious, that it became an object of publicly acknowledged animosity to that section of the inhabitants of Vienna which was favourable to monarchy ; and these feelings of Jiatred, shortly after the opeidng of the Constituent Diet, 250 GENESIS OF THE led to deeds of violence, for the suppression of which the National Guard was obliged to interfere. The earnest efforts of these National Guards to imitate the military, their daily firings and field mancBuvres, their boisterous demands for cannon, and theii* entire deportment, particularly that of the Academic Legion, plainly showed that they would not shrink from a contest with the soldiery, if their seducer- should require it. A capital in the condition of Vienna at that time, which seemed to be the scene of every discord between different races of people, societies, and individuals, and which found itself in a condition like that which Hobbes describes as " Bellum omnium contra omnes," was clearly not stiited to be the place of meeting for the deputies of a diet, through whose instrumentality an act was to be completed, which would for the first time give to the people a share in the rights of sovereignty, \'iz. the revision of the chartered con- stitution of April 25th. 11. This important Diet was convoked to meet in Vienna on June 26th, 1848. The election took place pursuant to the provisional election law of May 9th, so far as its enact- ments were applicable to the second chamber, that is, upon the broadest basis (without limiting the right of voting by any census), in two gradations, namely, first by choosing the electors, and afterwards by electing the representatives from them. Where any doubt existed on the .subject of the elective enactments, it was to be removed in a way favourable to the popular interests by the Minister of the Interior. The government officials were distinctly ordered, by means of a ministerial letter of June 5th, to abstain from interfeiing in any way with the elections, and to secure to those who were entitled, the full exercise of theii' privilege. On the other REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 251 liand, the various committees of corporations and the clubs increased their activity in preparing lists of candidates for the representation of the people, according to their own views, and in recommending them to the electors through the columns of the press and in every other way. In consequence of the ministeiial order which had been issued, the official mana- gers of private estates, and the magistrates in the parishes, were quite passive amid the democratic election intrigues which ensued, and did not dare to set up a Conservative on their own side in opposition to a Radical candidate. The owners of property and the members of the pri^dleged pro- vincial Estates, who a few months before were anxiously em- ployed in defending their privileges against every real oi' fancied infringement on the part of the government, were now perfectly indifferent and inattentive in the exercise of their elective rights, and in the use of their moral influence over the electors. The coimtry clergy also, for the most part, maintained a like indifference. Those members of either class who interfered actively in the election, acted not in a conservative but in a revolutionary sense. Neither did any champion stand forth from amongst the other classes of society and boldly propose, either by word or wiiting, the election of moderate and discreet persons. The pr-ess, free and licentious, by means of exaggerated statements, sophisms, lies, and calumnies, excited the agitators against all lawful authority, and their statements remained unopposed and un- contradicted, because there were but few friends of tranquil- lity who possessed the power necessary for that pxirpose, and such as made the attempt had not the means of commanding the attention of the people, for the daily press had ever made a point of exciting instead of tranquillizing the public mind. The destructive party could, therefore, without any opposition, employ every means to influence the L'.)J CiKXESIS OF THE «lections in tlu'ii" own l'a\(mr, oven to tlie employment of threats and bribery ; the exertions of tlic opposite party were weakened, because the subordinate government oUi- <. ials neglected to oppose tlie acti\-ity of their adversaries, partly from fear of being accused of acting in opposition to the commands issued by the IVIinister of the Inteiior on June 5th, and partly because they possessed no adequate resoui'ces for that purpose. Thus, then, the elections for the Constituent Diet were left to the results of chance, or to the exertions of that party whose cliief interests lay rather in the continuation than in the tennination of the revolution. 12. In the time that elapsed between the preparation for the election and the opening of the Diet, controversies "were continually carried on iipon the question, whether the emperor should return to Vienna and personally assist at the opening, or whether he should authorize his brother (the presumptive heii- to the tlu-one), or some other of the imperial jM'inces, to represent him. On the part of the court, its return to the capital depended on seciu-ities being given against a r(;petition of the events of May ; Avhilst, on the other hand, those who held power in Vienna demanded guarantees for the people against the imputed reactionary designs of the com-t party. The demands of the coiu't were foimded on justice and necessity. But, instead of asking the agitators in Vienna for guarantees in general terms, the sovei'eign ought to have directed the use and employment of all means which his executive power could exert to render a giiarantee from liis .subjects wholly unnecessary. But this was not done. The ])opular leaders, however, wei'e able to settle theii- demand for guarantees, which was destitute of all pretensions to jus- tice, in a more practical manner. They demanded cannon for the Vienna National Cuard, and received from the impe- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 253 rial arsenal six entire and complete batteries for tlieir use, and along mtli them the means of enforcing whatever they might further demand. After long discussions vdtli the ministry, the emperor de- termined to send his imcle, the Archduke John, as his repre- sentative to Vienna. The Minister of Trade and. Agi-icul- tm-e, Baron von Doblhoff, who had returned from InnsbiTick, announced his arrival on June 2 3rd, and the commencement of the representative functions, wliich were undertaken by the Archduke, on the follo'wing day. An imperial proclamation from Iimsbi-uck of Jmie 16th, 1848, announced that the Ai'chduke Jolm was fully authorized, until the emperor should come to Vienna, not only to open the Diet, but also to transact all the duties of government, which requii'ed the imperial assent. (See Appendix, Sup. 5.) The day on which these duties of representation com- menced, placed the Austrian empire in a condition of which the history of kingdoms scarcely furnishes an example. For, in addition to the viceroy already appointed for Hungary and Transylvania, a second -siceroy for the other parts of the monarchy, fiu-nished with all the rights of sovereignty, now appeared upon the stage, while the sovereign hbnself remained in the distance, a mere spectator of the scene. It has often happened that sovereigns have allowed them- selves to be temporarily represented by a person enjoying their confidence ; but that in the same state two viceroys, indei)endent of each other, each in a different part of the emph-e, and in a moment of vital conflict between those two parts, shoidd be empowered to exercise all the authority of majesty at the same time, is an event which, within our knowledge, has never yet happened in any king- dom. But that responsible ministers should make this cx- peiinient, by drawing up such a proclamation as Wessenberg '25i GENESIS OF THE and Dobllioff prepared, instead of pex'siiading the emperor to convoke the Diet and the Ministerial Council in the place where circiunstances had compelled him to establish his residence ; this must remain inexplicable, unless we are prepared to admit, that responsibility can only be imposed upon a ministry, when their actions infi-inge the liberties of the people, and not when they threaten to dissolve the empire. If the representatives of foreign powers were in- vited to follow the emperor to the seat of his court, why coiüd not the minister^ also have been summoned thither, and the Diet convoked to meet in the same place 1 The aiTogant claim, so ^dolently defended by the daily press of Vienna, that Vienna alone could be the seat of the central }X)wer and of the Diet, should have undergone a practical contradiction, in place of being admitted. The emperor and the court shoiild have knoAvn this. But by once admitting the maxim of binding himself to constitutional forms, even before the formation of a constitution, and of subjecting his orders to the approval of a ministry, the emperor must have encountered difiiculties in can-ying out a measure of so decided a character, because his ministers, who were subject to the despotism of the Vienna clubs, would not assist in the preparation of the requisite imperial rescript, which is proved by a fact established on the authority of credible ]:)ersons, namely, that the order given to the ministerial president to invite the diplomatic body to follow the court to Innsbruck, was not obeyed by that minister, and there- fore the intended in\"itation wa^s given by the court itself im- mediately to the papal nuncio, who commtmicated the same to the other foreign embassies. Hitherto a constitutional sovereign, in similar cases, was always provided with the means of changing his ministry. An attempt was certainly made to resort to this plan. The Governor of GaUcia, Count KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 255 Francis Stadion, was summoned to Imisbnick to form a new ministiy. But that highly-gifted and enterprisiag man, wlio was known to be opposed to the domineering rule of the police, as it existed previous to March, and was at the same time an energetic character, who had succeeded, after the events of March, in. subduing throughout Galicia those revo- lutionary aspirations which, originating ia Vienna, threat- ened suddenly to overwhelm all the other provinces, was of i ))iinion, that the moment for his acting with effect as minister had not yet arrived, and the emperor found himself obliged to request the Baron von Pillersdorf, the provisional president of the ministry, who had acted in the interim from May 1 6th, when all the ministers had resigned, to continue to conduct the business of the state, and therefore to abstain from all energetic steps : this was done by means of a cabinet letter addressed to him, from Innsbruck, in gi-acious terms, wliich was afterwards published in the Vienna Gazette. An im- portant question now demands oiu" attention : whether, within the whole ch-cuit of the Austrian monarchy, no other man could be foimd than Count Stadion, possessed of sufficient weight and devotion to the imperial house, and regard for the welfare of the state, to undertake the application of such energetic measures ? The King of Prussia found in Count Brandenburg a man who undertook a task stul more difl3.cult and dangerous. We beheve that Austria was not more desti- tute of noble and firm characters than any other country, and tliat ministers could have been found ready to apply a strong remedy, with the emperor's authority, to subdue the mob- government of the Vienna democracy. The error seems to have been, that no pcx'son could befomid in the court at that critical moment to defend such steps, if they had been even proposed. The two ministers then in Innsbinick could not do so; for one of them. Baron Doblhoflf, was a creature of the Vienna agitators, 256 GENESIS OF TIIK and the otluT was an old man, who had become estranged to tlie luonai-chy and to the affairs of state. And thus it liappeuod, that, to the injiuy of the honoiu' of the thi'one and the welfare of the empire, the aiTOgant claim of Vienna, that it islioiild continue to be the seat of authority over the other j)arts of the monarchy, even when it was no longer the abode of the sovereign, received a practical recognition, by the con- vocation of the Diet, and the mission of an imperial viceroy to Vienna. 13. The Ar'chduke John, on June 25th, announced the commencement of his duties as viceroy by a proclamation, which, though it was not drawn up by any minister, was (doubtless) approved of by the administration. (See Ap- pentlix, Sup. 6.) If we compare this ^proclamation with the one in which the emperor, on May l&th, L848j announced to the world the convocation of a Constituent Assembly, to con- sist of only one chamber, as well as the abolition of any pro- perty qualification for the electors by whom it was to be chosen, we shall feel astonished at the want of harmony between these two imjioi-tant documents, the latter of which should have been a mere extension of the former. The emperor, for in- stance, declared, on May 1 6th, that the constitution of May 25th should be preA'iously submitted to the consideration of the Diet, and that to effect the establishment of the constitu- tion in the most certain manner, by the Constituent Assembly, only one chamber was to be elected for the first Diet, and that accordingly there should be no property qualification for the electors. In what sense the ministiy xmderstood the above words wül clearly appear from the before-mentioned letter of the Minister of the Interior to all the provincial governors, dated June 5th, 1848, on the subject of taking the votes, since the following passage occurs therein : — " The task of the Constituent Diet, inimediately after its meeting, v.-ill REVOLUTION^ IN AUSTRIA. 257 consist in considering the nature of a constitution to be given to the monai'chy. The results of this deliberation can alone answer the question, whether this Constituent Diet is empowered in any manner, or imder any modifi- cations, to take into its consideration any fui-ther sub- jects of legislation, organic regulations, or impoi-tant ques- tions of administration." The imperial viceroy, who was sent to Vienna to assist at the opening of the Constituent Diet, in liis proclamation of June 25th, 1848, neither mentions the revision of the constitution of Ajn-il 25th, nor adverts to the task of framing a constitution im- mediately, to take ])riority over all other business, but speaks ciunxüatively of the necessity of constructing a new and finn foundation for important changes in e'very branch of legislation, and for providing new resources to satisfy the most pressing demands. Did the constitutional mini.stiy, when in accordance with their duty they considered these expressions of the \'iceroy, overlook theii' inevitable re- sult, namely, the promulgation of the doctrine, that the first Diet, which was to consist only of one chamber, sliould consider itself called upon to act also in a legislative ;iud controlling capacity? Or was it tlieir intention to > iothe this Diet with larger powers than the emperor :iud his ministry had originally intended, as it had been convoked by the empei-or only to consider the constitution of April 25th, and chosen in a manner which seemed well .ulapted for the tranquil attainment of this olyect 1 We -.liall be justified in adopting the latter opinion, if we read tlie speech with which the imperial vicei'oy, four weeks latei-, opened the Diet. Even in this address Irom the tlu-one, which, after parliamentary fashion, must have been ;ulüi)ted in Ministerial Council, and have expressed the sen- timents of the cabinet, there is nothing said of giving priority 258 GENESIS OF THE to a revision of tlic constitution, Init a promise is made at a future day to lay before the Diet certain plans and pi'o- posals with respect to the regulations of finance which had become necessai7. (See Appendix, Sup. 7.) Whether it arose fi-om neglect or intention that the orders of the imperial proclamation of May ICth, and the ministerial in- tentions pub fished on June 5th, were departed from, the greater part of the responsibility must fall on the ministers, for the expenditure of time and money, for the hasty destnic- tion of existing institutions without providing other and better ones in their room, for the injury done to the execu- tive power, for the degradation of the spiritual and secular authorities, for enkindfing and encouraging a ci^al war, and, in fine, for all the evil which the Diet, during its seven months' duration, gave birth to by its conduct in interfeiing Avith ever}'t.hing but the objects for which it was convoked. 1 4. Between the assumption of the viceroyalty by the Arch- duke John and the solemn opening of the Diet, on July 22nd, by him as the representative of the emperor (after seven previous prepai'atory sittings of the representatives of the people), a period of foiu* weeks intervenes, which is remai'k- able for the two following events, one of wliich occuiTcd beyond the dominions of Austria, — viz. the election of the archduke to be the Vicar of the German empire; the other happened in Vienna itself, — viz. the fall of the Pülersdorf ministry. The first of these indicated to the Austrian monarchy the consequences which a di\dsion of the central power, had it been of longer diu'ation, must inevitably occasion. The second might have been viewed as a blessing, had it sprung from different caiises and produced different results than were ac- tually the case. The delay of a month in opening the REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 259 Diet was partly occasioned by procrastiiiatuig the elections in Bohemia (the result of the Prague disturbances), and partly by the choice, in Frankfort, of the archduke, on June 29th, to be the irresponsible vicar of Germany. He set out on his journey to Frankfort, to undertake his new office, on July 8th, and returned on the 17th of the same month, to represent the emperor at the fii'st solemn sitting of the Diet in Vienna. The day of his departure was the day of the downfall of Pülersdoi-f 's administration. The occasion of this event was afforded by the Committee of the Citizens, National Guards, and Students, who alleged that they had discovered in Baron Pülersdorf tendencies hostUe to freedom, and favourable to the system that had existed before March ; and that in his speech on the election of deputies for the Vienna Diet, he had declared his attachment to the old bureaucratic system. A motion was thereupon made to expel, uncondi- tionally, all supporters of the old system, and to send depu- ties from the committee to the representative of the emperor, petitioning liim to entrust Doblhoff with the formation of a new ministry, in wliich, with the exception of Wessenberg, no member of the subsistmg ministiy should hold a place. This proposal, which was adopted in a sitting of the committee, on Jvily 8th, 1848, by 156 votes against 5, must have convinced Baron Pülersdorf that he had in vain, since the month of March, courted popular favour, that most fickle of all co- quettes, with the most complete devotion, and with the sacrifice of his reputation as a statesman, with the abandon- ment of the honour and safety of the throne and tlie welfare of the monarchy, for he was doomed to see himself sliamefully rejected, at the very moment when he thouglit be had reached the goal. The same party whose favour he had sought, named hi3 ministry the SquiiTcl Ministry, which, s2 260 GENESIS OF THE from its half-and-half character, had fallen to the ground — a rebuke whicli must have been the more keenly felt, as he was now, indeed, j>rostrate. '' Pui-suant to the wish of the united committee, DoblhoÜ" Wi\.s charged -svith the construction of a new ministry. Inmie- diately after the return of the archduke, the proposition of Doblhoff received liis approval. Thereupon Pillersdoif, Sommaruga, and Bauragartner left the ministry ; Doblhoff took charge of the portfolio of the interior ; Dr. Alexander Bach, that of justice ; Theodore Hovnbostl, that of trade ; and Ernest von Schwarzer, tliat of public works ; the other portfolios remained in the same hands as before. The .suj)er- intendence of public instruction was j>rovisionally entrusted to the Minister of the Interior, and the Baron Dr. Feuch- tersieben was made Under Secretary of State ; the Finance jNIinistry also received an Under Secretary of State in the * The " Historisclie-Politische Blatter, &c.," in tlie second number of the twenty-fifth volume, look.s upon tlie steps which tlie Democratic Society at Vienna recommended to Archduke John to be taken against Pillersdorf, and wliich that society published in its journal, "The Democrat," of the 17th of July, 1848, as one of the most efficient causes in procuring the removal of that unpopular minister. That journal traces this result in the condescending manner with which the representative of the emperor, on the 8th of July, received at his residence the deputies of the said society (Deutsch, Volkl, Hank, Lobenstein, and Silberstein), on which occasion they .showed to him the necessity of a change of the ministry. It further traces it in the soothing words which the archduke — according to the democrat Silber- stein — i.s said to have exchanged with these deputies. We think it a matter of moral impossibility tliat an archduke of Austria should have attached any importance to the wishes of those emissaries of the Democratic Society. If it be supposed, however, that he had really answered in so bene- volent a manner as represented, we should be induced to l)elieve tliat in so doing he merely imitated, in the face of those unruly demagogues, the example of Alexander of Macedonia, who, in order to tame the un- manageable Bucephalus, first pacified him by his caressing hand, and then let him feel, forcibly and ably, the reins and spurs. After the arch- duke's departure from Vienna, the latter task was unfortunately left to be performed by a man who was in no respect an Alexander. KEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 261 person of Biiron Von Stift. By this formation of the ministry, only two persons were continued in the service of the state, who had been ministers previous to Maix'h — Kraus, Minister of Finance, and Latoiu", of War ; Wessenberg, the Minister of Foreign Affaii's and President of the Ministerial Council, had lived seventeen years in retirement out of Austria, and the others had never held office. Doblhoff's previous occupa- tions we have already explained. Bach had some reputation as a young advocate, and had displayed great zeal in preparing the events of March, but as soon as he saw the fire which he had occasioned biu-st forth, and all hope of extinguishing it disap- pear, than he is said to have been driven to a state bordering on desjjair. In the Political Central Committee of the National Guards before Api-il 26th, and in the committees that were formed after that date, he labom-ed with boldness and discre- tion in the path of law and order. Hornbostl was a soap-maker, and was celebrated in the Lower Austrian Trades Union as a warm advocate of reform. Schwarzer had commenced a mili- tary career in the artillery^&s the son of an officer in the impe- rial army ; but having obtamed permission to undertake the instruction of an Egyptian, who was residing in Gratz, as an artilleryman, he prolonged his stay there without leave, on which account he was brought to trial, and he subse- quently renounced the militaiy service altogether. He then found employment in editing the Trieste Lloyd's Jcmrncd ; after the events of March he undertook the continuation of the celebrated Vienna paper, which was half official, being edited by the privy councillor Pilat, and was known by the title of ester rPAclil'iche.r JJeobachtar; but as he could not adopt Pilat's views of the government, he soon changed the above for the Allgemeine Oesterreichische Zeitwng, so celebrated for its violent sui»port of the opposition. The Under Seci-etary of State, Feuchtcrsleben, had been vice-director of the 262 GENESIS OF THE medico-surgical school in the Univci'sity of Vicmia j the Under Secretaiy of State, Stift, by fortunate speculations on 'Change, at the time when his father was surgeon to the Emperor Fi'ancis and a privy councillor, had become rich, antl had many years previously retired from the business of a wliolesale merchant ; he was well known as an active opposition member of the Lower Austrian Estates. Tlie great majority, therefore, of the new cabinet, when it met the parliament, was not chosen from the ranks of the odious Austrian bureaucracy,* and might have escaped the imputa- tion of entertaining any attachment to the old system, even if the hesitating course ot the former administration had been followed by firmer measures. But this could not be expected from a ministry who owed their existence to the supporters of the Vienna agitation and democracy, namely, to the United Committee of the Vienna Citizens, National Guards, and the Academic Legion, established for the preservation of peace and order, and for the defence of the rights of the people. Such a ministry, forced* on the representative of the emperor at the moment of the ojjening of the Diet * How surprising ! The very Minister of Finance, who belonged to that bureaucracy, and who, having been nominated by tlie Emperor Fer- dinand, in March, 1848, had (until his already-appointed successor had arrived at maturity) been temporarily tolerated among the ministers of July, — that very minister was, in October, not compelled to escape by flight or concealment from the fury of the populace, like the rest of his colleagues, who had risen either from the ranks of the men of progress among the Estates, or from those of the Hberal speakers in the juridico-political societies, or finally from those men of the day who had distinguished themselves by the soundness and apparent prac- ticability of their principles. Further, in the days of October, he remained, with calmness and courageous determination, at his post, and thus, with self-denial, averted incalculable evils. Here, then, the minister, who up to this hour has been charged, without interruption, with the finances — the bureaucrat, the ancient member of the council of state, the Baron Kraus, — furnishes us with a proof that popular favour suffices not to enable a minister to act and to maintain himself, but that in this respect other qualities are able to secure success. EEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 263 by the usui-pers of state power, could not vindicate the authority of which the sovereign had been deprived ; for in the very concession that had been made to this com- mittee, in changing the ministry at their request and in pursuance with their wish, at the very moment when the lawful representatives of the people were assembled and at their posts, immediately upon the opening of their meeting to express their sentiments in a parliamentary manner on the subject of the Pillersdorf administration — in such a concession there was exhibited a new and a successful triumph of usurpation over legality. In fact, the third day, wliich followed the solenm opening of the Diet, proved that that celebrated Committee knew how to value and to take advantage of its triumph ; for on July 25th that body, through its former president, the depmty Fischhoff, presented an address to the Constituent Diet, which he declared to be a programme of its future course of proceed- ing. In this address the committee commenced by stating, that the Diet, in place of the lawful title of Constituent Diet, should of its own accord adopt the title of Sovereign Diet, a title most offensive to imperial majesty. The committee then allude to their own formation on May 26th, and to the ministerial announcement of the following day, by which they were recognized as an independent autho- i-ity, convoked for the preservation of order and the safety -f the city and for the protection of the rights of the people. They then inform the assembly of the representatives of the people of Austria that they, up to that hour, are the only tiiie popular authorities, and that they have unanimously resolved to continue as .such untu the Diet shall pro- nounce their dissolution, or until the ministry shall institute some other popidar authority, or shall i*eorganize the present one in such a manner that the jireservation of order, peace, 204 GENESIS OF THK and safety may with Confidence be eutnisted to thorn ; finally, tlicy inform tlie Diet that they, as the pro- tectors i)f j)oj)ular rights, will still assist any individual ■who may be injiu-ed iu his rights, with such aid as eveiy citizen could demand from the projjcr authorities under the existing laAvs, for whiclx purpose they would interfere by mediation, and, if necessary, with measures of force. How determined the Committee of Safety were to caiTy out tliis plan, and how well they understood how- to secure the means of doing so, may be seen in the care which they took to draw the common people into theh" alliance. On July 30th, with their consent (or, rather, under their ar- rangement), a solemn religious ser\-ice Avas celebrated, ou the Jo-se^ihstadt fortifications, by the notorious priest. Professor Faster, for the benefit of the workmen employed in the pub- lic buildiug.s, " in order to i-eturn thanks for the freedom which had been so hapj)ily obtained, and for the opening of the Diet, and to pray to God for happy results to the same." And thus, even feelings of religion were employed to secure to a revolutionary committee, which had become strong and bold by the weakness of the government, the attachment and the confidence of that class of people, so numerous and so easily led, whose strong arms might have sei'ved as })illars of support to the power of government. The revolution in Austria (in the strict sense of the word) was not only brought to a close with the solemn opening of the Constituent Diet, but was even fully completed. It might and ought to have been brought to a close on March loth, for by the imjjerial proclamation of that day, the par- ticipation of the people in the government was declared to be a state maxim. The revolutionary commotions which occiured after March can only be ascribed to those feelings of mistrust generally prevalent, and to tlie consequent REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 265 doubts, whether the promise of the emperor to convert the absolute monarchy into a constitutional one would be reahzed, doubts which, from selfish motives, were fostered and encouraged by the agitators. Such doubts ought to have vanished on July 22nd, for, upon the soleiun opening of the Diet, the representation of the people, in a popular sense, had become an established fact. A further revolution could only have been possible in two cases ; if, for instance, the constitutional tlrrone shoidd be overtm'ned by the people and replaced by a republic, or if the emi)eror shoiüd entertain a design of reverting to absolutism. Neither of these events happened. The disturbances which took place m Vienna between the opcnmg of the Diet and its adjournment to Kremsier, were not attempts to produce a new revolution in Austria, but were insurrectionary revolts of the iidiabitants of Vienna against the constitutional executive power. If indeed a few persons on those occasions had some republican tendencies in reserve, and if the Diet, moreover, ovei'- stepped its authority by considering itself to be not only a constituent but a sovereign assembly, there was no attempt made, even in the alarming and bloody days of August 23rd, September 13th, October Gth, and the follow- ing, to establish a revolution in a republican sense. The horrors and crimes of those days were, it is true, the x-esult of popular violence let loose by the revolution and by the weak- ness of those who exercised the authority of government ; but they were not a continuation of the I'evolution in Aus- tria. The atrocity of October 6th, in particular, could have been avoided by timely measurt\s of pi-evention ; for it is ;i fact that, in the beginning of October, the murder of Latour was 2)ublicly spoken of, in a numerously-attended meeting of demagogues at the Odcon, as indispensable, to prevent designs of reaction falsely attributed to the court party, of which 266 GENESIS OF THE the Minister of War oven received a notification from a retired officer who was present. Even if his oAvn courage ■\voukl not permit liim to adopt measures for his jicrsonal safety, the open threat of such a crime should not have been a secret to the ministry charged with providing for the public protection, and should not have been slighted. The removal of the court to Olmiitz, the summoning of the ministry thither, the subjection of the capital to military authority without any dLscussion, and the adjournment of the parliament to Kremsier, were the fii-st attempts to re-assert the authority of the government after the days of March, which, moreover, had the effect of subduing the popular violence. The President of the Ministiy, Baron von "Wessen- berg, in following the emperor to Olmiitz, and by counter- signing, as the only minister who remained with him, the convocation of the Diet at Kremsier, imparted to that order a legal form, and by this act, previous to his leaving the ministry, nobly expiated the error of his conduct at Innsbruck, by means of which, as we have before remarked, the arrogant pretensions of the capital had been recog- nized.* The excesses of which the Diet was guilty, doubtless * At page 8 of the pamphlet, " Fragments on the part I took in the Events of the Years 1848 and 1849," written by Frederic Thiemann, deputy of the Imperial Diet, and pubHshed, a short time back, by Gottlieb Hanse Söhne, at Prague, further information is given relative to the journey of Baron Wessenberg to Ohniitz. The author, after having referred to his conversation, on the 8th of October, with Prince "Windischgrätz, at Prague, and to his having accidentally learned the presence of Baron Wcssenljerg in that town, proceeds thus : — " I went to look for him, and found him in the hotel of the Black Horse, deeply moved, and still under the influence of the frightfiil impressions created by the terrible events at Vienna, which were very near causing the loss of his own life. On my questioning him, what he intended to do, he communicated to me his resolution to proceed to his estates in the Breisgau." "1 related to him what I had learnt about the departure of the emperor; I directed his attention to the dangerous and painful condition of the monarch, and I implored him to hasten to his side, in order, as REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 267 occasioned disorders and dangerous agitations tlirough all portions of the state, but cannot be considered as attacks on the constitvitional monarchy, and consequently not as attempts at revolution. We cannot take into consideration the conduct of individual members of the Diet. According to psycholo- gical rules, these attacks were the necessary consequence ofthat system which, since the month of March, had been adopted by the supporters of the government and had been attended by lamentable consequences, a system of inconsistent sub- mission to those demands which were made upon the ministry by assemblies without any lawful authority, in the name of the Austrian people. What was more natural than that, looking at what such orators and brawlers, who usurped the title of re- presentatives of the peo^^le, had obtained, it should be esteemed a species of honour by their lawful representatives to exercise a similar controlling influence over the executive authority ? But their efforts were not directed to overturn the execu- tive, and therefore were not revolutionary. With just as little reason can the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly in March, 1849, and the proclamation of the second chartered constitution on the 4th of the same month, be considered as a revolution in an absolute sense, since these acts of sove- reign authority did not contemplate depriving the people of all participation in the legislative power and of all control over the administration, but rather sought to establish it more responsible minister, to consider and to countersign the measures necessary for the preservation of the empire and of the throne. I also represented to liim that he and tlie miniater I'ach certainly ought not, under the existing circumstances, to resign, as, by so doing, the object of the rebels, as .also the revolution itself, would be furthered. JJaron Wesscnberg felt the weight of these reasons, and merely replied tliat ho tliought it hardly possible to come to an understanding witli Bach. To effect that understanding, I stated my readiness to carry a letter for Each to Vienna. Wessenberg then gave way to my representations, and imme- diately resolved to confer with the commanding general." 2GS GENESIS OK TUE raiiidly than the Diet could liavo dune, in the full enjoyment of all constitutional privileges, and to assert at the same time the constitutional rights of the crown. And thus we have attained the point where the editor of the Genesis, having described the revolution in Austria in its embi-yo state and at the moment of its birth, and having accompanied it from its yeai's of childhood and ignorance to the full attainment of its majoiity, must surrender the pen to the historian. But in order, however, completely to finish the task of the Genesis, it seems to us necessary to subjoin a brief de- scription of the causes which were the origin of the Magyar re\'olution, which has, up to the present moment (August, 1849), not been pei-fectly subdued. The overthrow of the ancient constitution of the Kstates of Hungary and its dependencies, which had been sworn to by the king, had been brought to a conclusion in the month of March, and it was efiected, not in a revolutionary, but iu a legal manner. By a series of royal resohitions, on the occasion of diffei-ent representations voted by the Presburg parliament, the follo\\ing decrees had l)een made on the subject of the constitution of the country. '•' That in future the executive power shall only be exercised by the king, or, in his absence, by the palatine, as vicei'oy, through the instnimentality of an independent Hungarian ministry, eveiy member of which shall transact his official business iu Buda-Pesth, and shall also reside there, with the exception of one member, who shall attend the court ; that the ]>alatiue, during the residence of the king beyond the limits of Hungaiy, shall exercise, independently of the royal consent, all the authority of the king's majesty, with the exception of appointing the chief ecclesiastical dig- REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 269 nitaries and tlie barons of the empire, and of performing some acts of grace, as well as with the exception of sending the army out of Hungary, and granting military com- missions; that the Archduke Stephen is to be personally iiTesponsible ; that, with the royal consent, the nomination of the Ministerial President belongs to him, and that he shall pi-opose the other ministers, subject to the royal ap- probation, and that the ministers may be impeached with respect to matters of their administi'ation by the Lower Table (House), and shall be ti'ied before a court to be selected by the Up2)er Table from their own members, the trial to be conducted publicly, and to the exclusion of the king's pardon, except in cases of a general amnesty." — Art. III. " That in future the parliament shall meet annually in Pesth, in a public session ; the laws to be given for the future may be apjiroved by the king, even in the course of the an- nual session ; the election of representatives shall last for thi-ee years ; the appointment of the president of the Table of Mag- nates shall belong to the king; the pi'esident of the second Table shall be elected by the Table of Magnates; the proro- gation, closing, and dissolution of the Diet shall belong to the läng; the last privilege shall be exercised only on con- dition that the meeting of a new Diet shall take place witliin three months after the dissolution." — Art. IV. " The Table of Deputies to consist of 377 members, to be chosen by direct election from all pai-ts of Hungary and its dependencies, inclusive of the military boundaries; the active light of election to belong to all native-born subjects, independent, and twenty years old, who are not undergoing punishment (for certain crimes specified), who shall possess in the royal towns, or in the districts provided with regular ma- gistrates, a house or land of the value of 100 guldens, or shall 270 GENESIS OF TUE possess a quarter of a session* in any other district, or who are domiciliated tradesmen, having continuous employment for one assistant, or ai'c shopkeepers, or manufactiu-ers, or who c;xn prove the possession of a certain annual income of 100 guldens (convention money) arising from land or capital ; the passive right of election to belong to all the above-mentioned pei-sons, after their twenty-fourth year, when they can com2)ly with the I'ule of law wliich declares the Hungarian to be exclusively the language of legislation." —Art. V. " That all inhabitants shall be equally taxed." — Aii;. VIII. " That the burdening of the land with the robot, tenths, and pecuniary payments, as also all landlords' manorial courts, shall be abolished." — Ai-t. IX. " Tliat the ' aviticität ' (\'iz., the privilege, according to which the descendants of those to whom originally a free- hold property was granted by the crown, can ever afterwards lay claim to that property, even when it may have passed into other families) be on principle abolished." — Ai-t. XV. " That the coimty-congregations be changed into perma- nent committees until the re-organization of the counties." —Art. XVI. " That the coimty-restorations (periodical elections of the county magistracy) be suspended until the directions of the next parliament." — Art. XVII. " That all received religions, to which also shall belong the United and not-United Greek religions, shall be equally tolerated."— Art. XX. " That all preventive censorship shall cease." — Art. XVIII. " That a National Guard be es-tabhshed, to superintend * The session was an entire peasant's fief, varying in extent according to the qualities of the soil. It comprised fi"om sixteen to forty acres of arable, and from about six to twelve acres of meadow laud. — Ed. EEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 271 the security of person and property, as well as of public tranquillity and of internal peace." — Art. XXII. " That the national colours and the national arms be once more established in aU theii" ancient legality." — Art. XXI. " That in case the Diet, to be shortly held in Tran- sylvania, shall resolve upon the union of that country with Hungary, then that in the first Hungarian Diet which shall be held in Pesth, seats and a right of voting in the Table of Magnates shall be conceded to the Transylvanian regaHsts, and that 69 representatives, to be elected in Tran- sylvania, shall be added to the Table of Deputies." — Ai-t. VII. These resolutions contained everything that was neces.saiy to convert the Hungarian constitution, and also the ancient aristocratic constitution of the Estates of Transylvania (in case it should be imited with Hungary), into a representa- tive system, by introducing into it the democratic element, and to dissolve the band between the other portions of the empire and the newly constituted countries. According to the hitherto existing custom, and pursuant to the royal decree of Apiil lltli, 1848, they commenced their operation in the manner expressed in the articles of law of the Hungarian par- liament of the year 1847-48. A review of the expressions in the royal resolutions with which they were legally approved during the sitting of the Diet, even if they should differ from the expressions in the articles of law, is not allowable, because the so-styled "most humble representa- tions " of the Diet, and their consideration by the king, only desei-ve the name of proposals, to which two referees had agreed, but which were subsequently to be drawn up in a valid form by agents on both sides. Commissioners ap- pointed exi)re3sly for that purpose acted as siich agents, at the close of each Hungarian Diet, being fully autho-. -/^ (.F.XKSIS OK TITK rized liy tlio king and by the Estates. Tln-y funiu-d the mixed eominission of ugroeinent, whose (hity it was to lV;iiue the rosühitious, which hud been approved by tlie king, into articles of law, which both parties afterwards adopted and recognized as binding. We allude especially to this trans- action, because, in considering the most important of all the thu-ty-one articles of law of the last Presburg Diet, namely, the tliird, which has reference to the formation of an independent Hungarian responsible ministry, it is not without gi'eat weight, as our readers ^^•ill shoi-tly observe. The 11th of April, 1848, was therefore the last day of the existence of the ancient Hmigarian constitution. A new form of government was establislied in its place, without any revolution, but founded on totally different maxims, which, inasmuch as it had in view exclusively the interests of the Magyars, and not their relations to the adjoining territories (Croatia, Slavonia, and the sea district), and then" union with the other jiarts of the em])ire, would have accoi'ded with the demands of the age and might have taken root, inasmuch as it osition of the Croatians on the other, were only the more lU'oiised. But the indi\'iduals who exercised the royal authority in Buda-Pesth, were soon aftenvards successful in raising a storm of royal anger against the Ban, who was an object of their suspicions and hatred. They had previously failed in an attempt to force him fi-om the scene of his official efficiency, and to call him to the Mag}-ar metropolis, and also to paralyze liis authority hy despatching to him the F. M. L. Baron Hrabowski, who was the general commanding in Sla- vonia. Jelacic was called to account in a very serious and even rigorous manner by the king, with respect to his conduct as Ban, and ordered for this jnii-jjose to apjDcar without delay at the foot of the throne.' About the middle of June, attended by a numerous deputation, he left Agi-ani, and proceeded to the scat of the com-t at Innsbiaick, whither, also, on the 2nd of June, the Hmigai-ian Ministerial Presi- dent, Count L. Batthyany, hastened, and on the 1 9tli of tlie same month the palatine and imj^enal \-iceroy, the Ai'chduke Stephen, proceeded thither, accompanied by the minister Comit Szeclieny from Buda-Pestli, the Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prince Esterhazy, liaving been pre\-iously sent to attend upon the court there. The charges against the Ban were suj^ported by facts, which might, it Is true, not have been strictly in accordance Avith the letter of the 3rd Article of Law of the year 1847-48; but the accused proved that they were fully in accordance with the spirit of * In the review of the " Genesis," published in the " Historlsche-Poli- tische Blätter, &c.," we are denounced as being too brief in the descrip- tion of this episode. We acknowledge it, and add in No. XV. of the Appendix the imperial decree from Innsbruck of the 29tli of May, 1848, which summons the Ban to the f jot of the throne, as also the two mani- festoes, which, as he, on the lOth of June, had not yet appeared at Innsbruck, were on that day issued against him, and on the 19th of the same month published in the official part of the Viennese Gazette. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 277 the second section of that law, wliich section points out the condition nnder v.diich it might be dispensed with, and upon the fulfihnent of wliich its validity depends; that the point, therefore, in view, was to miderstand mutually how the fulfilment of that condition could be established, and to inquire what protection should be extended to the Slavonian lands which were united with the crown of Hvuigary, to defend them against the destruction of their nationality by the Magyars. And so the threatening storm passed happily over him, and he indulged the hope that a kindly healing of the differences between Hungaiy and her neighbourmg territories would be effected by the Archduke John, who, at his own request, was authorized by the emperor king to take measm'es for that purpose. Upon his return to Agram on June 28th, 1848, amid the greatest display of joy, he ch-cu- lated through all quarters of the country the news of these gratifying prospects.* * We must here relate a fact, confirmed by trustworthy authority. which shows the character of the hero whose name is now universally famous. The publication of the two manifestoes of the 10th of June happened at a time when Jelacic was travelling. The reception he met with at the residence of the court, which was by no means uii- favouraV)le, and the orders which he there received, to arrange, with the assistance of the Archduke John, in an amicable manner, the dispute with the Hungarian ministry, had virtually counteracted the effect of those two manifestoes. One would supjiose that the ministers at InnsViruck would have consequently adopted the natural course of giving to the Ban an explanation of the affair, and also of informing the public. However, this was not done. Jelacic did not know anything of those two manifestoes before his return home, when in Lienz, a small town in the Tyrol, he found them in the Viennese Gazette of the 19th of June, which had accidentally fallen into his hand. His countrymen, who during his absence had learnt the existence of the manifestoes without having equally been informed of their having since become virtually void, suspected that .some violence might have been done to his person, and were prepared to set everything at stake in his defence. He just then re-appeared in Agram, and, without seeming sensible of the unj)leasant occurrence, he immediately employed the whole of his influence to change their anger into enthusiasm for their king and the royal house. 278 GENESIS OF TUE If the sincere wish of the court to preserve internal hai'- inouy and the comicction of all parts of the monarchy iinim- paii'ed had been supported by the Hungarian authoiities, as willingly as by the Ban, the soil of Hungaiy, which was so blessed by the hand of Nature, would not have had to lament being made the theatre of the heart-breaking spectacle of a struggle between European democracy and anarchy on the one side, and the dominion of law, right, and social order on the other. The upright disposition of the sovereign could not employ the remedy which was required, namely, that of giving authority, by an exercise of resolute determination, to the spirit of the laws, above the mere letter of the same. By the letters-patent issued in Presburg on April 11th, every act of the apostolic king required the co-operation of a responsible Hungarian minister. As that ministry, however, was not appointed by the free choice of the sovereign, like the Viennese ministry, but by the will of the people, expressed by the Diet, the co-operation of any of its members covild not be expected in a royal act, which they could foresee would be hostile to the national feelings, particulai'ly as their responsibility was no fiction, as in the case of the Viennese, for in a short time they had to ap- pear before the Diet, which was already summoned to meet in Pesth on July 2nd, and the law, according to which they might be impeached and tried by the national repre- sentatives, had been approved by the king on April 11th. Under existing circumstances it was impossible to think of dismissing the Hungarian ministry and forming a new one in the interest of the united monarchy. There was, there- fore, no other way left to subdue the Hungarian agitators than an attempt at pacification, by employing a plenipo- tentiary, a plan which had been tried without success in the case of Austrian Italy. TIjc appointment of the Archduke REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 279 John to undertake the task was the most proper that coiild be made. His call to Frankfort, as German vicar of the realm, interfered, and left the question imdecided, whether the Hungarian-Croatian pacificator would have been more successful in his undertaking than the Italian one had been.* The misuccessfal attempt to destroy the power of the Ban, and the continuation on the part of the Croatians and Slavo- nians of their preparations for defence, in which they were joined by the Servians, notwithstanding the threat of F. M. L. Hrabowski, at Karlowitz, to employ force against them, on account of the Servian National Congress having pro- ceeded to the election of a Patriarch and Woywode, served to increase the fiiry and distrust of the Magyars against all who did not submit and do homage to their nation, but more especially against the court, which they accused of faithlessness, for refusing to give free scope to their desire to exercise full sway and uncontrolled dominion over all the nations belonging to the kingdom of Hungary. With such dispositions as these, the magnates and the representatives of the people, who had been elected by the the new law, in pursuance of a vmt issued by the pala- tine on May 20th, in the name of the king, met together for the first time in Pesth, on July 2nd, 1848. The adjacent * It is said that the archduke, before his departure from Vienna, had, at his residence, a personal interview witli Count Louis Batthyany, tlie president of the Hungarian ministry, and the Ban Baron Jelacic, and stated to each the assurance of his Ijelicf in tlieir loyalty, their attachment to the imperial house, and their patriotism, and, finally, expressed the hope that honourable men, a-s they were, would doubtless come to an agreement witli regard to the means for the termination of so dangerous a conflict. Thus began and ended the attempt at mediation, for, with the president of the Magyar ministry, the word "agreement" was synonymous with the unconditional subjec- tion of Croatia, Slavonia, and the so-called military frontier, under the palatine and governor, Archduke Stephen, and the Magyar ministry. 280 GEN'ESIS OF THE countries* sent no niembei's to this Diet. Only a fev;^ magnates known to be partizans of the Magyars attended. The absence of the Croatians and Slavonians was the most prudent stej) wliich they could take under the circumstances, for, with a recollection of what had taken place shortly be- fore, — vh. on May 30th, — at the Diet of Klausenburg, which was to have been the last for the Grand Duchy of Transylvania, they might have foreseen the utter impossi- bility of making their voices audible, not to say theii* votes effectual, in that assembly, if they should attempt to raise them against the pretensions of the Magyars. Transylvania, by entering into the union ^\'ith Hungary in the Diet, Avhich had been summoned by the Crown to meet at Klausenburg on May 29 th, had been guilty of political suicide. Since the apostolic king had, by the decree of April 11th, sanctioned the seventh article of law of the Presburg Diet of 1847-48, the convocation of the Transylvanian Estates, and the adoption of the Magyar project to imite Transylvania with Hungaiy, had become an indispensable necessity in the catalogue of government parliamentary pro- positions. But the Trausylvanians were by no means bound to accept this proposition. Indeed, immediately upon the publication of the propositions of the Diet, the majo- rity of the Transylvanian population, including the Saxons and the Wallachians, had entered the Lists to oppose them. The former of these, as one of the three nations of the Grand Duchy, possessing an equality of pri%ileges, could offer weighty objections. The latter, although in number they exceeded thi-ee-fourths of the population, were not repre- sented as a nation in the Estates, and were therefore only * " Partes aniie.xoe regno Hungarhe," was tlie legal description of Croa- tia and Slavonia, under the ancient Conätitution of the Estates. — Ed. REVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 281 eutitled to anuouüce their just mshes against the projects of the Magyars, by means of petitions and representations. But even before the opening of the Diet, the Magyar pai-ty made eveiy exertion, with the governor. Count Teleky, at their head, to prevent or to weaken the opposition against an incorporation with Hungtuy. The plans em- ployed for this purpose were by no means consistent with the claims of true freedom, or of equal justice. On May 2nd, the governor had proceeded to Hermannstadt, in order to restrain the Saxons from offering any opposition, first, by trying the arts of persuasion, and then by inspiring teiTor. He used his exertions to throw obstacles in the way of send- ing a deputation of Wallacliians to the sovereign, to implore the throne to protect theh* nationality, by refusing permis- sion to the Wallachian Bishop Schagiu'a to set out on such a jouniey. The lattei", in pursuance of a resolution adopted at a congi-ess of the Wallachian nation, at Blasendorf, on May ISth, should have headed a deputation which was to proceed to the foot of the throne, and had regularly applied for leave for that pm-pose, which was refused, and he was not even allowed to go to Hermannstadt, the seat of his bishoprick. PubUc demonstrations of all kmds prove that the Saxons and Wallachian«, as well as the Croatians and Slavonians, had penetrated the real intenticjii of the Presburg Diet to ac- complish the subjection of all the races that were not of Magyar oiigin, and to destroy the unity of the crown and the links of the monarchy ; and they were determined to oflfer eveiy resistance to such pi-ojects. How excessively the Hungarian ministry feared such opposition, may be proved by the measiu'es which they adopted to counteract it. For this piu'pose, the ministiy did not consider it sufficient to rely merely upon the military forces of Hungary, but they succeeded in obtaining an imperial order, by virtue of 282 GENESIS OF THE which, even all the ti'oops in Transylvania were subjected to the Hunc^-ian jialatine, and this was done even before the decree for carryini; the union of the nations into effect. The cabinet letter containing the order was issued from Inns- bruck on May 29th. Under these strong feelings of aversion wliich Avere enter- tained by the great majority of the inhabitants of Transyl- vania towards the union with Hungary, it must appear sur- prising that, immediately after the opening of the Diet, the decree for effecting this important and eventful measure shoidd have passed without decided opposition, if we were not aware that every possible precaution had been pre- viously taken to prevent all opposition in the Diet. It was therefore announced by the governor, durhig his stay in Hermannstadt, to the Saxon university and to the autho- rities on May 3rd, that the question of the union of Hungary and Transylvania might be regarded as settled before-hand, since it would be proclaimed at once by the Diet, through the galleries and amongst the people, and immediately afterwards the Transylvanian Government wotüd dissolve and become practically subject to the Hungarian ministry ; and should the Saxons wish to annex any conditions to the union, he declared that, as governor, he cotdd not be respon- sible for the safety of the Saxon representatives beyond the walls of the Diet. Under such circumstances, the same farce of a Dietal discussion was repeated at Kiausenburg, on the subject of destroying the independent constitu- tion of Tran.sylvania, as the Pr'esburg Diet had enacted at the negotiations for the destruction of the constitution of the Estates in Himgary. In neither of these assemblies could a member act upon his own sentiments, but only as he was allowed by the wires that were pulled from the outside. The Decree of Union, which had been passed at Klau- KEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA, 283 senbui'g on May 30tli, was forwarded with such despatch to Innsbruck, for the sovei'eign's asseut, that the governor was able to announce the same to the Estates on June 19th. Pre\iously to this (on June 14th), the Hungarian ministry had given an answer to the Estates of Transylvania on being informed of the Decree of Union, which was of such natm-e as clearly to testify the sentiments and opinions of that minis- try. To the expression of joy at this union was subjoined a declaration, " that they were astonished at the greatness of the proud conviction which they entertained, that being from henceforth united, their common country would no longer be subject either to a cabal, or to a violent blow ; that on the day when these two covmtries, wliich for three hun- dred years had been united, became divided, theii' weakness and humiliation had commenced ; that they had each be- come slaves, and had disappeared from the catalogue of in- dependent nations ; that through their union, their national reconciliation would be published in the sight of Europe, which the ministry might puVilicly declare would subsist for ever." Their animosity towards Austrian supremacy, and their anxiety to shake it off, could not possibly be announced to the world in plainer language, without proclaiming open rebellion, than was declared by this address of the Hun- garian ministry to the Diet of Transylvania. (See Appendix, Sup. 9). What opinion the Hungarian ministry itself entertained respecting the sympathy of the greater part of the Transyl- vanian people for Himgary may be read in the nature of the instructions with which the above answer was accompa- nied. They commenced the exercise of their power over the Grand Duchy by omitting to style it by its historical and real uame, and by expressing the necessity of subjecting the territories which had been originally included under the title 284 GENESIS OK THE of Transylvania, on acooiint of their great distance from the centre of tlie country, Biida-Pesth, to a royal commissioner, in the pei-son of the Hungiuiun keeper of the crown, Baron Nicholas Vay, for the j)iu'pose of estaljlishing an exceptional government -authority, wliich should be strong enough to op- pose the agitations and insidious animosities that were eveiywhere displayed. The go"V'ernment of Transylvania was confided to this commLssaiy, and the power of estabUsh- ing martial law was entmsted to liim. And in this manner the abolition of the name of Transyl- vania from the list of European comitries, the appointment of an exceptional government-authority, and the hand of the executioner, were necessaiy, after a separation of three cen- tui-ies, to keep these fraternal ])eople once more happily united. The Hungarian Diet, wliich was ojjened by the pala- tine on July 2nd., 1848, was summoned to consider the pressing measiires which were necessary to be adopted, in consequence of the extraordmary state of the countiy, pm-- suant to the Ai^ticle of Law passed by the Presburg Diet, which had been dissolved by the king on April 11th of the above year. The palatine announced, iai his speech from the thi-one, that such was the nature of his task. When we consider what was stated in that speech, and what was omitted therefrom (see Appendix, Sup. 10), we can once more plainly observe the true designs of the Hungarian ministiy, by whom that speech from the throne was of coui-se prepared. It spoke of the preservation of the in- tegrity of the Hungarian crown ; of maintaining the invio- lable sanctity of the laws ; of the security and welfare of the country ; of the unity and inviolability of the regal crown of Himgar}^ ; of regulating, through the Hungarian Diet whatever the unimpau-ed united interest of the regal thi-one REVOLUTION IN AUSTKIA. 285 and constitutional frtiedoni and the welfare of the comitiy demanded : it declared that the adoption of the laws pro- mulgated by the last Presburg Diet was the free expression, of the royal will, and that the king was determined always to preserve in their integrity, and unimpau-ed, those lav.s which he had approved. But, on the other hand, it did not utter one word about the imperial throne, and the relations of Hungary to the countries united with her by virtue of the Pragmatic Sanction ; not one word about the regulations of the 3rd Article of Law, sec. 2, according to which, the inviolable maintenance of the unity of the crown and the monarchical bond was also as- serted by laws, which were always to be preserved unim- paired ; and, further, not one word upon this point, — that the royal consent was obtained for sanctioning the resolutions of the Presburg Diet only because the Hungarian Estates had pronounced the points of that paragrajih to be a conditio sine quel non. By the silence preserved on the above points, the object of the Magyar rulers, to whom the possession of both talent and power must be conceded, was craftily and safely expressed, to the attainment of which object all the exertions of the pure Magyars were alone directed. Thus, in the month of July, 1848, two assemblies of popu- lar representatives held their meetings in the same state, one in Pesth, the other in Vienna, each of which ardently pui'sued their separate designs, and tlie majority of whom sympathized in one point alone, viz. in a feehng of mistrust towards the throne ; and only aided each other in the attain- ment of one object, viz. the subjection of all govex-nment to tlieir own will. The Hungarian Diet afforded the ministry, which was responsible to them, a)id wliicli entertained similar views 28G GENESIS OF THE with themselves, a strong support against the apostolic king, in all measures the object of wliich -was to explain, in one sense, and give validity to, the 3rd Article of Law of the last Presburg Diet, in order that the complete sepa- ration of Himgaiy and of the incorporated tenitory of Ti-ansylvania from Austria might ensue ; those countries being intended at first to continue under the nominal do- minion of the same sovereign, but which union was only to be preserved until an opportunity ofiered for efiecting a separation. The Austrian Diet, which ought to have been summoned to afford a powerful support from the resources of the Austrian empire to the apostolic king, for the sake of resisting such efforts at separation as were made by the ministry and the Diet in Hungary, completely misunder- stood this high duty which was imposed upon them by the interests of the countries which they represented, and, on the contrary, directed all their exertions to weaken the power of the emperor. The emperor was thus prevented from adopting the only measures left for successfully preserving the monarchy from being broken up, to which measxu'es, on that imlucky day when the concession of a separate, independent, and respon- sible ministiy was made to Hungary, the hopes of all per- sons were directed, who wished to preserve unimpaired the unity of the Austrian empire, namely, the firm assertion of the condition on which the acknowledgment of a new form of Hungarian government depended. The Diet of Pesth, aided by the ministry there, used every exertion to strengthen and increase the means which had been prepared by the latter to get rid of that condition. The command of all the Himgarian and Transylvanian troo2)s in the coun- try, a claim which had formerly been asserted successfully for the palatine, was extended to the command of the for- BEVOLUTIOX IN AUSTRIA. 287 tified places and the providing munitions of war, tlie regi- ments were establislied on a war footing, the raising of new Honved battalions was vigorously pursued, and the soldiers were sworn to the constitution. The Himgarian Minister of Finance, who had the control of the whole income of the country, by an artfal plan employed the credit of the state for his owai interests, which were hostile to the views of the monarchy, inasmuch as, with the consent of the palatine, he created a Hungarian paper currency of five and ten gulden notes, the amoxmt of which, it is true, was at first limited, but which, for want of sufficient control, was afterwards increased as occasion required. The Magyar leaders, once in possession of the means neces- sary to carry on war, made no secret of their intention to compel the adjoining Slavonian countries, by force of arms, to take part in their plans to promote separation and to fur- ther the Magyar influence. Convinced of the determined op- position they would meet in those quarters, and uncertain of ■victory, since the full power of the Austrian emperor might be opposed to them, they used all the arts of seduction to win over the German population of Austria to their cause. They represented that the intentions of the Ban of Croatia were bent not so much on preserving the unity of the empire and the Slavonian nationality as upon restoring despotism and the subjection of other nations. Aware of the influence which the German parliament in Frankfort then exercised over the Germans in Austria, and particularly over those men by whose hands the power of government in Vienna was practically wielded, they held secret negotiations with this parliament. They thus succeeded in making spies and partisans of the Vienna refonners and German unionists both within and without the Diet, whom they amply pro- vided with money to influence the populace to activitj', 2SS GENESIS OF THE whereof the 0th of October affords testimony, on Avliich day the insurrection in Vienna broke out, occasioned by the imperial troops being despatched to Hungar\'. The emperor and king, under such circumstances, could have recourse to no other measures tlian those of coer- cion. He and his brother, to whom, as the Agrara Gazette had ah'eady announced, the Ban was directed iuxinevill the Austrian constitutional empü*e, which has pixssed uninjiu-ed through the storms of revolution, ipickly attain that high point of internal improvement and happi- ness which is suitable to its nature, and assume and esta- blish her right to that position in the state system of Europe to which she is entitled by her geographical posi- tion, the extent of her territory, the noble character of her people, and the eminent qualities of her young ruler. If the government and the governed, with calm zeal and mutual confidence, contribute their exertions to this great and noble object, its attainment must be the successful result of their vmited endeavours.* * A year has elapsed since we wrote those words. The government has, in that interval, with gigantic efforts, pushed forward tlie construc- tion of the State-fiibric. WTiat have the government done ? Some have been indifferent spectators ; others have blamed the architectural im- perfections of the fabric, the inevitable consequence of the haste with which it had to be constructed ; others, again, have secretly grudged seeing many of their own illusions dispelled. Such discoveries must doubtless have been painful. We have, in this third edition of Genesis, referred to some things which stand in total contrast to those illusions which in 1848 excited the masses to join in the political agitation. Yet the government is not to be censured for the palpable consequences of former fanaticism. Political enthusiasm must share the fate of any other enthusiasm. It is likewise beguiled by " the sweet belief in beings to which its dreams gave birth ;" with regard to it also, "What once was beauteous and divine, is now the prey of rude reality." No govern- ment can secure what political enthusiasts two years since hoped to acquire. Should divine wrath ever in any country allow the Red Ropublic to rise upon the ruins of another form of government, its illu- sions will appear in a frightful form — dripping vnth blood. As far as we can perceive, the predecessors of those who succeeded to power in Austria after March, have very little reason for envying the latter, as they are not regarded by the people with more favour than themselves. The judgment passed on either does not seem to l>e very just. Tlie pre- sent ministry has to solve the most difficult problem of reconstnicting in BEVOLUTION IN AUSTRIA. 307 haste the destroyed fabric of the State, and of reconciling contradictions which, in order to satisfy the claims of the moment, could not be pre- vented from being admitted into the plan of the building. According to that plan, the unitary constitutional empire is to be formed of twenty- separate crown lands, and of ten different races, with due regard for the independence of those crown lands, and the equal rights of those races, as to the preservation and cultivation of their nationality and language. History, as far as we know, has no other instance of such a problem. The boundaries between the securities for the unity of the States on the one hand, and for the independence of each crown land on the other, as also for the equal rights of every race, cannot possibly be drawn distinctfy ; for in every organic structure — and the State is such a structure — everything which operates upon an individual part, operates also more or less on the whole. To secure the well-being of the whole, is the first duty of the government. At present, it acts up to its duty, under the pressure of the desire for separation entertained by some of the constituent parts of the empire,— which desire, suppressed for a short time by the sentiment of unity and the bravery of the victorious army, cannot yet be considered extinct. Is the government to be censured for not gratifying all the wishes of each crown land and race. We would venture to advise the latter, if we may be peimitted to do so, to confine those wishes, — especially at the present moment of a new organization, within the limits of the greatest possible moderation, in order to prevent, on the occasion of constructing the constitutional empire, a repetition of what is said to have happened at the building of the Tower of Babel. The Diets of the crown lands and the general Imperial Diet will, without fail, either destroy the unity of the empire or the constitution itself, nay, perhaps both, if they should allow themselves to be induced, with fanatical zeal, or in an inflexible spirit of theory, and without a due regard to the existing state of affairs, to attempt, in their literal and complete sense, the realization of those concessions which, by the 4th and 5th para- graphs of the imperial constitution of the 4th of March, 1849, have been made to the various provinces of the empire. The honest intentions and zealous efforts of the emperor and his ministers to preserve both the unity and the constitution of the empire, are beyond question. Whe- ther those efforts will be crowned with success, depends on the future representatives of the people. Would that these hints could receive calm consideration at the soon approaching elections for the provincial Diets, as well as at those of a later date for the general Imperial Diet, at the hands of the electors, and subsequently also of the elected. The future fate of the Austrian constitutional empire is in their hands. x2 APPENDIX TO GENESIS. OFFICIAL PAPERS.— I. " Most High Decree. " We, Ferdinand the First, by the grace of God Emi^eror of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, the fifth of the name ; King of Lombardy and Venice, of Dahnatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia, Lodomeria, and Illyria; Archduke of Aus- tiia ; Duke of Lorraine, Salzburg, Styria, Camiola, Carintliia, Upper and Lower Silesia ; Grand Duke of Transylvania, Margrave of Moravia, Princely Count of Habsburg and Tyrol, &c. «fee, have now adopted such measures as we have deemed necessaiy to satisfy the wishes of our loyal people. " The freedom of the press is, by oiu' declaration of the abolition of the censorship, established in the same manner as in all other states where it exists. " A National Guard, constituted on the basis of property and intelligence, already discharges its salutary duties. " The necessaiy steps have been taken for a convocation of the representatives of all the Provincial Estates, and of the Central Congregations of the Lombardo- Venetian kingdom, in the shortest possible time, in order, witli an increased representation of the citizens, and paying regard to the exist- 310 APPENDIX TO GENESIS. ing provincial coiistitutious, to co-operate in tlie constitution of the country which has been determined on by us. " Accordingly, we expect with confidence that men's minds be tranquillized, that the studies (of the universities) Avill resume theii' regular course, that trade and peaceful commerce will again revive. " We entertain this hope the more, because, having been amongst you to-day, we have convinced ourselves, with feel- ings of emotion, that the loyalty and attachment which for centuries you have uninterruptedly paid to our ancestors, and also to ourselves upon every occasion, inspires you now as heretofore. " Given in our imperial residence and capital city of Vienna, March 15th, 1840, and the fourteenth year of our reign. " Ferdin.\nd. (L.S.) " Charles Count Von Inzaghi, High Chancellor, " Francis Baron Von Pillersdorf, Aulic Chancellor. " Joseph Baron Von Weingarten, Aulic Chancellor. "•In obedience to his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty's high express commands : " Peter Ritter Von Satzgeber, Imperial and Royal Privy Councillor." OFFICIAL PAPERS. 311 11. "Ministerial Proclamation of May 2Gth and 27 th, 1848. " The Ministerial Council, in ordei- to meeb the urgent wishes of the people for the prevention of greater dangers, and at the request of the Academic Legion, has resolved not to insist on the execution of the order to dissolve the Legion, and to unite the same with the National Guard, und expects that the Academic Legion will, of its own accord, propose sureties to render the safety and the return of the emperor possible. " PiLLERSDORF, SOMMARUGA, KrAUS, LaTOUR, Baumgartner." " Vienna, May 26th, 1848." "The assurances of the emperor, of May 15th and 16th of this year, continue in their full extension. " The Academic Legion continues unaltered. " The military mil immediately retire to then* barracks, and the posts at the gates will be maintained jointly by the National Guards, the Academic Legion, and the military, in equal force. " PiLLEBSDORF, SOMMARUGA, KrAUS, LaTOUR, BaUMG ARTNER." " Vie7ina, May 26th, 1848." " The militaiy hereby receives orders immediately to retire. Employment will immediately be provided for the workmen ; wherefore, for the restoration of tranquillity, they must withdi'aw to their pursuits. " PiLLERSDORF, BaUMGARTNER, KrAUS," '= Vienna, May 26th, 1848." 312 APPENDIX TO GEKESIS. " The undei-signed declare that the troops of the garrison have already, pursuant to the orders of theh" commander, retii'ed to theh* bari-acks, and can only be called out at the request of the National Guard, for their support. '■ PiLLERSDORJ', LaTOUR." " Viemui, May 26th, 1848." " The Ministerial Council is sensible of the extraordinary cu'cumstances Avhich have made it a matter of necessity that a committee of citizens, national guards, and students should be formed to watch over the order and safety of the city, and the rights of the people, and publishes the resolutions which that committee adopted on the 26th instant, in the follo%\"ing order : — " ' (1.) The posts at the city gates shall be occupied by the National Guai'd, the Civic Guard, and the Academic Legion alone ; but the other posts, by the National and Civic Guard jointly Avdth the military ; the posts in the buildings of the war department, being military posts, shall Ijc occu- pied by the militaiy alone. " ' (2.) Only such a military force as is necessary for the serA-ice shall remain here ; all the rest shall, as quickly as possible, Avithdraw. " ' (3.) Count Hoyos remains (subject to ala-svful course of proceeding), as a pledge for what has been promised, and as surety for the privileges obtained on May 15th and 16th, under the supeiintendence of the Committee of Citizens. " ' (4.) Those who are guilty of the transactions of May 26th shall be brought to public trial. " ' (.5.) The ministiy submits to his majesty the urgent request that his majesty ^vill immediately return to Vienna ; or in case the health of hLs majesty shall prevent this course. OFFICIAL PAPERS. 313 that he will appoint one of the imperial princes as liis repre- sentative.' " The ministiy must at the same time in\ite the newly- formed committee to make them acquainted with the nature of the seciuities they may offer his majesty for his personal safety, and for the safety of the imperial family. " The same ministry fmther places the whole property of the state, as well as that of the imperial court, all public establishments, collections, institutions, and public corpora- tions, in the capital, under the protection of the people of Vienna, and of the newly-formed committee, and declares the same independent of aU other authority. They must conmiit to the same the full charge of public peace and order, as well as the protection of person and pi'operty. " The same ministry must finally announce that they can only continue to discharge the business of the state, wliicli has been temporarily confided to them, until the same is either withdrawn by his majesty, or the ministry shall be deprived of the means of adopting its measures with safety, and discharging them under their own responsibility. " In the name of the Ministerial Council, " PlLLERSDORF." " VieniM, May 21th, 1848." " With the consent of the Ministerial Council, it is de- clared that only the 12th rifle battalion and the infantry regiment Prince Emile, were; intended to march hither, but that the proper ordei's have been since issued, that those two corps, especially the 2nd battalion of the abovenamed I'egiment, which was only intended to supply the place of the regiment Count Nugent, destined for Italy, shall not come hither. " Vienna, May 27th, 1848." " Pillersdouf." 314 APPENDIX TO GENESIS. III. " Imperial Antiounceinent. " Dear Baron Vox Pillersdorf, — I believe I owe it to my subjects to inform them, as speedily as possible, of the rea- sons which have determined me to leave my residence. The extraordinary and urgent nature of the circumstances do not permit me to confer \\\i\\ you thereupon in the first instance; I have therefore deemed it right to issue the following mani- festo, and whilst I, at the same time, commission my go- vernor in Tyrol to publish it immediately in that province, and intnist the same commission in respect of my kingdom of Hvmgaiy to the Palatine there resident, 1 dii'ect you to publish the same in the rest of my states. " Ferdinand, (m. p.) "Innsbruck, 3fay2\st, 1848. " Manifesto to my People. " The proceedings in Vienna on May 15th impress me with the sad conviction that an anarchical faction, relying lipon the Academical Legion, which has chiefly been led astray by strangers, and some sections of the citizens and National Guards, who have swerved from their accustomed loyalty, have wished to deprive me of all freedom of action, in order by such means to enslave the well-disposed inhabi- tants of my capital and the proAÖnces, which are univer- sally ü'ritated at such individual presumption. Nothing remained except the choice of extricating myself with the assistance of the royal gan-ison, by force, if necessary, or to ^vithdraw for a time to the retirement of some one of those OFFICIAL PAPERS. 315 pro^dnces which, thanks be to God, have still continued loyal. " The choice could not be doubtful. I chose the peaceful and bloodless alternative, and betook myself to that moun- tain land which has at all times proved faithful, where I might readily receive news from that army which is fighting so bravely for its country. " The idea is far from my mind of wishing to withdraw, or to curtail, those gifts and their natural consequences, which I bestowed upon my people in the days of March. I shall, on the contrary, ever feel disposed to listen to the just complaints of my people, when made in a lawful man- ner, and to take into accoimt the national and provincial interests; but these must be verified as being general, brought forward in a legal manner, considered by the Diet, and then submitted to me for approbation, and must not be extorted by the armed hands of a few unauthorized individuals. " I wished to say thus much for the general satisfaction of my people, who have been painfully excited, by my departiu-e from Yienna, and also to remind them that I have ever been ready, with paternal love, to receive my retiu-ning children, even though they should be considered lost. " Ferdinand," (m. p.) "Innsbruck, May 20th, 1848." The following cabinet letter to the Ministerial Council was at the same time prepared, which, as its contents show, imposed upon them the duty to adopt those measures which the situation of the monarchy and the safety of the tlirone required, to preserve the regular course of business undis- turbed. 316 ArncNPix to oknesis. " Dear Bauon Von Pilleksdorf, — The Field-marslial I jou- tonant Count IIovos has just presented the letter addressed to me by the Mhiisterial Council on the evening of the 17th instant. I reply thereto, that the city of Vienna has lately, to their gi'eat jjrejudice, so grossly \iolated the loyalty which they have always formerly evinced towards me and my ancestors, that I find myself compelled to leave them for a time, and not to return before I have become perfectly convinced of the renewal of their former disposition towards me. The Ministerial Council will, as I an-anged previous to my departure, find it theh- duty, in the mean time, to adopt those measures which the situation of the monarchy and the safety of the throne reqixire, in order that the regidar coui^se of business may not be internipted by my temporary change of residence in my states. " Ferdixajtd," (m. p.) "Imisbruck, May 20th, 1848." '• To the Loyal Inliabitants of my Cajyital. " The city of Vienna, in the first instance, and soon after- wards the representatives of my entire empire, gratefully acknowledged their conviction that it was to me, in the memorable days of March, a duty of sacred earnestness, and the most satisfactory deed of my life, both to my heart and to the boundless love I bear my people, to meet their wishes by a constitution adapted to the wants of the time, and free in the widest meaning of the word. The happi- ne.ss of my people is also my happiness; and influenced by this feeling alone, on the proposal of my council, I granted the constitution which was announced on April 25th. '•' I have not vvished to anticipate by this measui'e the OFFICIAL PAPERS. 317 demands of the age, the wants of the sepai-ate provinces, or the more influential opinion of my people, which, when announced in a legal manner, ^vill ever confirm me in my determinations. " But my con\dction tliat the charter of the constitution, accorded by me, would satisfy general expectations, has been destroyed by the solicitude displayed in the various pro- vinces for the correct apprehension and appreciation of tlieir not unimpoi-tant separate interests, as well as by the events that happened in Vienna on the 15th of May. "On this account, on the 16th of May, I raised no ob- jection against declaring tlie next Diet to be a constituent Diet, and establishing a right of voting in accordance therewith. The manner in which I was induced to this course has deeply hurt me. The public voice of all Europe has unanimously pronounced its censm-e thereon in the highest degree. But I am ready firmly to maintain the transaction itself, because it affords a pledge that the con- stitution wliich is to impart moral and material strength to my kingdom will be the effect of public opinion openly expressed, both in its principles and its details, wdth which I am determined to go hand in hand. " My most anxious wish, and I am convinced that I shall not express it in vain, is, that it may be possible to open tlie Diet speedily in Vienna, the seat of my government. " In order, therefore, that the Diet should be opened there, and not quickly in some other place, it is indispensable that within the walls of Vienna undisturbed and firmly-established peace and order should reign, and that to the deputies from the provinces perfect safety shall be extended and secured for the freedom of their deliberations. " I may therefore exj)ect from the inhabitants of Vienna that they wül do eveiything to re-establish la^vful order iu 318 APPENDIX TO GEafESIS. every respect. I expect that all personal animosities Nnll cease, and that amongst the inhabitants of Vienna the spiiit of conciliation and peace wdll alone reign. " With paternal affection I make these proposals to the \mited population of Vienna, and I calculate on theii* fulfil- ment, since I shall prize the day when, ^\^th the opening of the parliament, I can celebrate my joyful meeting the citizens of Vienna, who have ever been dear to my heart. " Ferdinajsd, (m. p.) " Wessexbekg, (m. p.) ; Doblhoff," (m. p.) "Innsbruck, June Srd, 1848." IV. " Ministerial Proclaination. " Thi-ough the ConstitvMonal Gazette of Prague, of May 31st, the ministry has learnt that a provisional government has been established in Prague. "As soon as this news was confirmed by an official notifi- cation, the ministry found themselves compelled to represent to his majesty the emperor the illegality of such a proceed- ing, in order to prevent the approach of a deputation to procure a recognition of this measure. " At the same time, the Minister of the Interior declared, in an order to the Provincial Chief of Bohemia, the whole proceeding to be illegal and void, and called upon him, on his responsibility, to give no encouragement to such a course. At the same time, the following notice was issued to the pro- vincial chiefs : — " ' According to intelligence which has arrived to-day, a OFFICIAL PAPERS. 319 provisional government lias been established in Prague, under the supposition tbat comnivmicatiou with the respon- sible government has been interi-upted by late events, whilst the posture of affairs renders speedy measures necessary, wliich far exceed the power of the existing authorities; and accordingly two members of the responsible Ministerial Coimcü have been forthwith despatched to Innsbruck, in order to procure the imperial consent to this measui-e. " 'I find myself compelled to announce to yom* excellency that in a despatch transmitted to the governing presidents in Bohemia I have pronounced such a course to be wholly illegal, uncalled for by any cause, dangerous in its conse- quences, and directly opposed to the views of his majesty, and therefore completely null and void. I therefore call on all governing presidents to pay no regard to such an ulegal coirrse till the decision of his majesty has been obtained, and to pay strict attention to the orders of the ministry, as I hold them responsible for the consequences and injury that have ensued, or may ensue, fi-om such unlawful proceedings ; and this responsibility I extend to all those who may have taken part in then" determination. Finally, I requh-e the governing presidents, in case they shall consider themselves personally bound by the revolution that has been adopted, to surrender their presidency over the pi'ovincial authorities and the government of the country to the existing vice-presidents. I must add to this commu- nication the impressive demand, that in case of similar at- tempts to pursue such unlawful courses, you wiU frustrate every attempt of the kind, and ujjDn your serious respon- sibility will avoid eveiy course wliich in tliis important moment may weaken the integrity of the empire, and pi*e- vent the development of those resoui-ces which the honour, the welfare, and the maintenance of the monarchy indis- pensably require in then* fullest extension.' " 320 iU>PENDIX TO GENESIS. " Proclamation. " In my manifesto of June 3rd, I expressed the intention of opening, in person, tlio Diet to be held in Vienna. I at that time cherished tlie liope that no obstacle would be offered to my intention, if even the time originally appointed could be adhered to. " It is to me, however, a som-ce of soitow, that at this moment, when the convocation of the Constituent Diet can no longer be postponed, my impah-ed health does not allow me to undertake the journey to Vienna. " But in order that the opening of the Diet may not be prevented, nor the necessmy prepai-ations imjieded ; and in order paiiiiculai'ly that in this moment, so important for the v»relfare of the state, a strong union of all the organs of government may be effected, I have resolved, with the advice of my ministers, who are here present, to keep my dear brother near my person, in my present place of abode, and to send my deai' uncle, the Archduke John, as my representa- tive, to Vienna. During the time that must elapse before I can follow him to Vienna, I shall not only empower liim to open the Diet, but also to discharge all tlie duties of government that requh"e my decision ; and I am con- vinced that, in intiiisting him with my confidence, this con- fidence will find an echo in the hearts of my people, since, filled with the same dispositions, and governed by the .same love and solicitude for my people, he will, doubtless, during the entire period of his office, act in my spirit. " Ferdinaxd, " "VVessenberg, Doblhoff." " Innsbruck, June IGth, 1848." OFFICIAL PAPEKS. 321 VI. " Proclamation. " His majesty the emperor lias, in consideration of his still-continuing indisposition, appointed nie his representa- tive. " In this character I have to open the Diet in liis name, and untU his return to Vienna, to discharge the busi- ness of'government which belongs to him as constitutional emperor. " This confidence of my emperor is sacred to me. I will justify it by fulfilling his warmest and most sincere vrishes, which have for their object to preserve strictly and con- scientiously, to the Austrian people, the freedom and rights that have been secured to them, and to act in the spirit of justice and of mei'cy wherever the imperial word shall decide. " The times are serious and decisive for the happiness and the power of Austria. A new and firm foundation has to be laid ; legislation in all its branches needs important changes ; and new resources require to be opened, in order to meet the most pressing emergencies. This important task can only be performed by the united and powerful co- operation of all, and by a general and coui'ageous bearing towards the enemies of our counti;y. " With confidence I depend upon this general co-opera- tion ; I depend upon the love of the Austrian people for their emperor and for their beautiful country ; I depend upon their intelligent regard for order and peace, as conditions of real freedom ; and I depend, in fine, upon their confidence in my constant and honourable readiness to dedicate the utmost of my power to the cause of Austria's welfare and tranquillity. 322 APPENDIX TO GENESIS. " In their anticipations I feel myself strong, and filled with the best hopes that I shall be enabled to restore back into the hands of my gracious emperor the power which has been confided to me, strengthened by law, peace, and gene- ral prosperity. " The Archduke John." VII. " Gentlemen Representatives, — Commissioned by his majesty, our most gracious constitutional emperor, to open the Constituent Diet, I hereby discharge this gratifying duty ; I welcome you with deep emotions, gentlemen, who are called to complete the great work of the regeneration of our country. " The security of the freedom we have obtained for om-- selves and for our posterity demands yoiu' open, independent co-operation for the establishment of the constitution. " All the national divisions of the Austrian monarchy are equally dear to the heart of his majesty. The interests of all will find a firm foundation in their cordial brotherly feeling, in the perfect equality of all, and in their sincere attachment to Germany. " The heai-t of hLs majesty was filled with sorrow to ob- serve that the full abimdance of all those blessings could not be at once attained, which the wise iise of free institu- tions usually secures to a people. " His majesty sympathizes deeply with the grievances of his people. OFFICIAL PAPERS. 323 " With relation to Hungary and its adjacent territories, those sentiments of justice which distinguish that noble- minded people allow us to expect a peaceful arrangement of those questions which are stul unsettled. " The war in Italy is not carried on against the freedom of the Italian people: it has for its earnest object, whilst it fully recognised national claims, to assert the honour of the Austrian ai-ms over the Italian powers, and to protect th« most important interests of the state. " Since our benevolent efforts peaceably to settle our un- happy discords have failed, it becomes the duty of onx brave army to exact an honourable peace. '• The friendly relations of Austria with aU other powers remain unchanged. " Om^ friendly connections with Spain, for a long time interrupted, have been again restored. " From the effects of former financial operations, and from the concurrence of extraordinary circumstances, the financial affah's of the kingdom are brought to a condition which de- mands unusual measures, and the ministry will be required, at the first opportunity, to propose the requisite plans, and lay before us the accompanying estimates. " In the convocation of representatives, for an especial con- sideration of the public interests, will be found the best security for the moral and physical development of Austria. " Gentlemen, his majesty conveys to you and to the enth-e nation his imperial welcome, and offers you the assurance of his cordial attachment. " The Constituent Diet is oi^ened." y2 324 APPilNDlX TO OENliSlS. VIII. " Sovereign Assembly of our Kealm ! — The joy of the people of Austria on the day of the oj)ening of the Sovereign Assembly lias found a most gratifying echo with the Com- mittee of the Citizens of Vienna, the National Guard, and the Academic Legion. " Impressed with the high iniportance of the task under- taken by the Constituent Diet, upon the j)ei-formance of which the fate of the Austrian people depends, the select committee considei-s it a most sacred duty, by means of increased exertions, to take care that the high Assembly may be undisturbed in its sittings. The necessity of accom- plishing this mission, the committee, in conformity with the chai'acter of its institution, believes viill be found in its knoAvn efficiency, and in the cii-cumstances of the present time. " History describes it to be a child of the revolution of the ever-memorable 26th of May, the offspring of an agi'ee- ment between the people and the ministry. At that tinie, as the ministerial announcement of May 27th expressly declared, entire respons bility for public order and peace, as well as the protection of person and property, was confided to it, and the whole property of the state, as well as that of the coiui:, and all puVjlic institutions, collections, and cor- porations in the cajiital, was placed under its safeguard ; and it was declared to be an independent authority created for the preservation of order and the protection of the capital, as well as the guardianship of the rights of the people. " The opinion of all reflecting and just-thinking peojile ; the numerous addresses and solemn deputations sent to thon from almost eveiy province ; the increasing number of peti- tions which every day an-ived ; but, above all, the restora- OFFICIAL PAPERS. 325 tion aud preservation of ti'anquillity, in spite of the ceaseless endeavours and intrigues of criminal agitators, afford testi- mony that this body has justified the confidence of the peo- ple, and ably discharged its duty up to the present day. " The burden of its serious responsibility has not yet been removed, and it continues to the present hour to be the only real popidar authority. " In this capacity it considers itself, above all things, bound solemnly to express hei'eby to the high Assembly its senthnents of deep devotion, and in the following statement, to publish, for general information, its latest resolutions ; })ecause therein those particular points are expressed, which, according to its judgment, point out the sphere of its duties : — '■ The committee has unanimously resolved to continue its sittings untU the high Assembly shall announce its dissolu- tion ; or until the ministry shall either establish another popular authority, or shall so reorganize the existing one, that the preservation of order, peace, and security may A\'ith confidence be intrusted to it. '•' Until that time, howevei', in the first place, it will use all the means in its power for the preservation of order, peace, aud security ; and in the second, it Avill co-operate with the ministry in theii- efforts, that the authorities, by a popular reconstiiiction which shall possess the confidence of the peo[)lc, shall be strengthened and empowered to undertake the discharge of active duties, and render the dissolution of the committee possible. " In order finally to put an end to that arbitrary self- assistance, which endangers order and secm-ity in the highest degi'ee, the committee believes, that in its chai'acter of de- fender of the rights of the people, it is also its duty to afford every individual whose rights are attacked that protection 326 APPE>rDIX TO GENESIS. which each citizen, in the existing state of the law, is entitled to demand from the proper authorities ; that for such a purpose the committee ■^nll interfere by mediation, and, if necessary, by force. " The committee has in this statement given, in a general manner, a sketch of its fiitui'e duties. " In the consciousness of honourably discharging their civic duties, which have been undertaken \vith the confidence of the people, and are inscribed upon their hearts as a com- mand resulting from the necessities of the capital, the com- mittee, for the attainment of its glorious object of embolden- ing the timid and the suppressing all evil-minded agitators, respectfully solicits the approbation of the high Assembly. " The Committee of Vienna Citizens, the ISTa- tional Guard, and the Academic Legion, for the preservation of order and safety, and the maintenance of the rights of the people. " Dr. WuRDA, Secretary, Representative." " Vienna, Jvlij loth, 1848." IX. "Answer to the Assembled Estates of the Diet of Trcmsylvania. " The union of Transylvania with Hungary has filled our breasts Avith warm feelings of joy. Intelligence of happier and more important events could not reach us. " "We were surprised, not so much by the imexpectedness of our joy, for we had expected Avith full confidence the union of the two sister nations ; but we were astonished by OFFICIAL PAPERS. 327 the excess of our proud conviction, that this countr}'-, united from henceforth, would no longer remaiu a prey to cabals or violence. " We delayed no exertions to procure the sanction of the monai'ch to the articles of vinion. The Ministerial Presi- dent proceeded forthmth, accompanied by a deputation, to our crowned king, to request iirgently the royal word and seal for the union ; and he did not return before, in commu- nicating the monarch's consent to the perfect incorporation of the kingdoms, he could announce that the imperishable foundation-pülars of our futiure greatness had been laid. " So long in bygone days as these two nations were united, we were siuTounded by greatness, glory, and national renown; on the day which separated us from each other commenced our weakness, humiliation, and slavery. The might of the conqueror broke against our united endeavours ; separated, we were both slaves, and erased from the list of independent nations. " God, the common alliance of blood, and national recol- lections of the past, commanded us to be brothers, and not merely neighbours as we were previously. A neighbour trou- bles himself little about the lot of his neighbour. All of us, inhabitants of Transylvania and Hungary, are alhed. We are brothers who love each other, desire our common wel- fare, and wish to live and are ready to die for each other's good. " The union is a new public announcement of this national brotherhood in the face of Em'ope ; that which blood unites and the joys and sorrows of a thousand years sanctifies, that we declare to-day publicly before the world to be eternal. " May this bo the first most gloriou-s finiit of our brotherly re-union after tliree hundred years' separation. " Even in separation we were united. The princely word 328 Ari'KNUIX TO UKNESIS. of our crowuod king has now suuctioued our practical union. Nothing nioro remains than that the blessing of God should crown this union, which is ready, on behalf of the people of e\-erv tougiic and of cveiy creed, to adopt, acknowledge, and practise the sacred principles of fi-eedom, equality, and bro- therly lo\"e. '•'Count Louis Batthyaxi, Fkancis Deak, Gabriel Klausal, Louis Kossuth, B. JoHX EöTvös, Bart. Szemere, Laz, Messaros, G. Stephen Szechentti." '' Buda-Festh, June Utk, 1848." " Speech from the Throne. '■ In the name and as the rejiresentative of the exalted pei-sou of our glorious reigning king, Ferdinand V., I hereby open the present Diet. " The unusual cux-umstances of the counti'y render it necessaryj without waiting for the conclusion and completion of all those plans and propositions which the responsible ministry of his majesty had to prepare and luring to a con- clusion upon the proposiü and at the command of the late Diet, to convoke the present Diet without delay. '•' In Croatia open rebellion exists ; in the proAinces of the Lower Danube armed bodies of rioters have Aiolated the peace of the countiy ; and as it is the most anxious wish of his majesty to avoid a ci^■il war, his majesty is con\"inccd that the assembled representatives of the nation ■will consider it OFFICIAL PAPERS. 329 as the first and most important object of tlieii' solicitude to adopt e^•ery measure calculated to restore the interrupted peace, to maintain the integrity of the holy Hungarian crown, and to secure the inviolable sanctity of the laws. " The defence of the country and the state of the finances will therefore be the principal points to which, under the present extraordinary circumstances, I, acting in the name of liis majesty, particularly dhrect the attention and solici- tude of the national representatives. " The responsible ministers of his majesty will announce measui-es adapted to these ch-cumstances. His majesty con- fidently hopes that the representatives of the nation -will introduce speedy and suitable 2)ro2iositions -with relation to all those matters which, in preference to every other con- sideration, the safety and Avelfare of the country demand. " With feelings of pain, and the deepest displeasure, has his majesty learned, that although he, who has ever held the happiness of all his subjects, of every countiy, dear to his heart, and only obeyed the impulse of his own will, when, dm-ing the last Diet, upon the request of the loyal Hungarian nation, he sanctioned with his high ro}'al appi'o- bation those laws which were requisite to further the im- provement of the country in accordance with the exigencies of the time; yet evil-minded inciters to sedition have been found, pailicularly in Croatia, and in the provinces of the Lower Danuljc, to excite the inhabitants of those countries against one another, who differ in language and religion, by means of false reports and alarming tales, impelling them, by slanderously asserting that the above-mentioned la^v^s were not the free expression of his majesty's will, \iolently to oppose the dominion of law and of regular authority ; and some have earned their sedition to such an extent as to assert that their opposition is intended to promote the 330 APPENDIX TO GENESIS. interests of the exalted royal house, and is exerted with the knowledge and approbation of his majesty. " To quiet the mind«, therefore, of all the inhabitants of this country, of every language and religion, I hereby declare, by the special and most gi'acious command of our most illustrious lord and master, and in his most exalted name, and as the representative of his person, that his majesty is fii-mly and immovably determined to protect with his royal power the unity and integi-ity of the Hungarian throne against every attack from abroad and attemj)t at division at home, and firmly to maintain unchanged every law which has been at any time sanctioned by him. And as his majesty, on the one hand, will never allow the freedom of his citizens, which has been secured by the laws, to be \'iolated, so, on the other, his majesty himself, and all the members of his roj'al house, condemn in the strongest manner the daring hardihood of those individuals who venture to assert that any unlawful action, be it of what- ever nature it may, or any disobedience to lawful authority, is compatible with the most high will of his majesty, or has happened for the advantage of his royal house. " The imion of Transylvania and Hungary has been sanc- tioned by his majesty with the most cordial and paternal feelings, because his Majesty has thereby fulfilled the anxious ^vishes of his truly beloved Hungarian and Transylvanian people, and also 1^'^cause the territory of two countries now incoi-porated together, by the united development of their matm'ity and power, will thereby become a firmer support of the throne and of freedom. " His Majesty's Hungarian ministry ^vill announce what- ever measures, in relation to the details of that union which has already been effected, remain to be considered by the legislative bodies. OFFICIAL PAPERS. 331 "With relation to foreign affairs in the Lombardo -Vene- tian kingdom, where the hostile troops of the King of Sar- dinia, and of some other Italian powers, have attacked the army of his majesty, the war has not yet been brought to a termination. With the other foreign powers our friendly relations still continue undistm'bed, of whose continuance his majesty doubts the less, because his majesty has ever made it an object of the greatest solicitude with his govern- ment, to neglect nothing which, without injury to the dig- nity of his royal throne, the safety of his loyal subjects and theii- real interests, may estabhsh a peaceful understanding with foreign powers ; and his majesty hopes, with justice, that as he has ever pursued the principle of neutrality with respect to the interior affairs of other powers, the same neutrality will be observed in an eqiial degree by foreign states. " His majesty entertains no doubt that the Diet, ha\dng in \dew the inseparably tinited interests of ' the royal thi'one and of constitutional freedom,' will, without delay, adopt every regulation which the welfare of the country so lu-gently demands. Ajid I discharge the high duty imposed upon me by his majesty, when I assure the Diet and the whole loyal nation, of the gracious favour, and the heart- felt paternal dispositions, of our most illustrious lord and kin"." RESULTS OF THE INVESTIGATION INSTITUTED EY THE IMPERIAL-ROYAL COURT-MARTIAL, RESPECTIXC THE MURDERERS OF THE MINISTER OF WAR, GENERAL FIEI.D-MARSHAL THEODOR COUNT BAELET VON LATOUR. PREFACE. The object of the following pages is not mei'ely to give a liistory of this event, so pregnant ia its consequences, derived from official sources, together with a short sketch of the cii-cumstances attending each individual charge, but also to make known the opinion of the public respecting the origi- nators and chief actors in this crime, their motives, and the means they employed. The number of witnesses produced, exceeding a thousand, of all classes, prevents our following their depositions singly ; but such accounts have been selected as are placed beyond doubt by the concurrent testimony, on oath before the court, of numerous credible witnesses. The results of the investigation are given in three sections ; the first of which details the course of events in tlie War Office on the 6th of October, 1848 ; the second, the imme- diate actors ; the last, the originators of the murder. PIEST SECTION, EVENTS IN THE WAR-OFFICE ON THE 6tH OF OCTOBER, 1848. On the niglit of the 5th and 6th of October, 1848, a depu- tation of the guard of the Faubourgs waited upon the "War Minister with a wiitten request that the Richter battalion of gi-enadiers, which had received an order from the War Minister to proceed the next morning by railroad to Hungary, should be detained at Vienna. The deputation, in their representation, especially insisted on the fact, that the grenadiers belonged to the troops of tlie Germa/n Confedera- tion, and were on good terms with the inhabitants of Vienna. Count Latour referred the deputation to the commanding general, Count Auersperg, who, as might have been fore- seen, declared it to be out of the question to listen to their request. The same night the Minister of War was waited upon by the commander of the Academic Legion, Joseph Aigner, and informed that a fraternization had taken place in different public-houses between the troops of the grenadier battalion and the National Guards of the Wieden and Gimipendorf subui'bs, when the grenadiers had been induced to promise to refuse to march, in case they were supported by the National Guards ; that grenadiers and guardsmen of the suburbs had appeared in the so-called Aula in the course of the night, to assure themselves of the support of the students; and that Aigner, unable to restrain the Legion from sup- porting the grenadiers in their incipient insurrection, could only order the well-disposed students-in-law to the rail- ."^SG INVESTKIATION INTO THE road, with a view to frustrate as mucli as possiljle the intentions of the other students. To the representations of Aigner, Count Latour only answered, that the order for the departure of the grenadiers must be obeyed ; adding, that he had himself been warned that his life was iu danger from at least twenty different quarters. At three o'clock in the morning he despatched his aide-de- camp. Major Baron Box])erg, to the commanding general, Count Auersperg, to inquire what arrangements had been made to insure the departure of the Richter battalion of grenadiers, and at the same time to direct that at least tAvo divisions of cavalry should be called out to assist in enforcing this step. Coimt Latour, moreover, informed the Minister of the Interior, Baron Doblhoff, through Major Boxberg and Lieutenant Walz, of the imminent danger of an enieute, with a request that all the means at his disposal should instantly be init in requisition to jirevent a breach of the peace, and that for this ])urpose the National Guards should 1)6 called out. BaroB. Doblliofi' who was laid up with illness, did not send for his officials imtil an hour afterwards, Avhen he infonned the ^Minister of "War that he doubted whether the National Guards would be inclined to march out before an actual outbreak ; but that he would give the necessary «lirections to their commander-in-chief. In consequence of the stormy events on the Tabor Bridge, early on the morning of the Cth of Octobex-, the whole body of ministers gi-adually assembled at the War Office, whither the majority of the generals in active sei'A'ice and the chief officers repah-ed, to place themselves at the disposal of the War ^Minister. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 337 Towards nine o'clock in the morning, whilst the com- manding general, Count Anersperg, was still present at the War Office, the melancholy news was brought from the Tabor of the partial destruction of the bridges, and the death of General Bredy. One order now rapidly succeeded another, when the commander of the Legion, Aigner, appeared at eleven o'clock at the War Office, Avith the tidings that two companies of the Legion, wliich he had placed for the protection of the station, had been fired upon by the military, and several students had been killed. Major Boxberg was despatched with an order to the Field - marshal - lieutenant Bai'on Csorich, Avho commanded at the Tabor, not to fire until he was actually attacked, and especially to avoid all unnecessary bloodshed. The aide-de-camp found the troops at the end of the main street of the Leopoldstadt ; the staff-officers commanding there in the absence of the lieutenant field-marshal, sent by him a request for assistance, having been attacked in the lY-ar by a superior force, and compelled to retreat. On their hasty retreat. Major Boxberg saw the first bar- ricades erecting in the city, near the archbishop's palace, at the instigation of the students ; and, in consequence of the information which he earned to the War Minister, the commanding general was empowered at one o'clock p. m., to suppress the rising in the Leopoldstadt by force of arms, and to take possession of the bridges, — an ordei', which was affcerAvards repeated by two officers despatched to him. Meanwhile, some members of the Diet, — the Pre,sid<>nt Strobach, Smolka, Fischhof, and others, — partly of their own .iccord, and partly at the invitation of the minister, re})aired to the War Office, to take part in the consultations on tho occuiTcnces of the day. z 338 INVESTIGATION INTO THE After twelve o'clock at noon Ijcgan the sanguinaiy riots in the Stephensplatz, — the immediate i:)relude to those in the War Office. The battalion of the Civic National Guards, ■who were di'awn out to prevent the sounding of the alarm- bells, received a division of students who were bringing two cannon from the city arsenal to the Red Tower gate, with loud symptoms of discontent ; and when the students, pro- voked by this, sought to press upon the City Guard, the commander of the latter ordered them to load, and the students hastily retreated. The proletarians, enraged at this, mocked and insulted the Civic National Guards in the grossest manner, and thi'eatened to fetch the guards of the Wieden Suburb to pmiish them. In fact, three battalions of the latter shortly aftei'wards made theii' appearance, between whom and the Civic Guards shots were instantly exchanged ; whereupon the latter, forced back into the crowd, partly fled to St. Stephen's chui'ch. Thither they were pursued by the Wieden guards joined by the populace and students ; the sacred edifice was pro- faned, and blood was shed upon the very steps of the altar. One of the deputies of the Diet, Dr. Fischhof, in the ministerial council, stated that the proclamation to the National Guards, issued with a view to stop this fratricidal contest, proved equally fr-uitless as a former appeal to the inhabitants of Vienna, issued on occasion of the occun-ences at the Tabor. Meanwhile, other persons of the lower classes came to the War Office, with the m-gent request for military suppoit for the Civic Guards. From the deficiency of troops, and in order not to leave the War Office wholly unprotected, which was only guarded by a company of Deutschmeister Grenadiers, and three companies MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 339 of pioneers, beside tlie usual troops of the main guard, Count Latour refused at first to listen to this demand. Pressed, however, by m-gent entreaties from many sides, and especially by the officers of the National Guard present, not to abandon the faithful Ci\ic Guards, and the critical position of the latter being confirmed by one of the officers on duty on the Stephensplatz, the War Minister, at two o'clock P.M., gave the order to the colonel of the pioneers, to advance to the Stephensplatz "svith his troops and two cannon, to clear the square of the populace in case of need by force of arms, and to liberate the well-affected Civic Guards wlio were shut up in the church ; but then to retui-n imme- diately with the troops for the protection of the War Office. After Colonel Schön had vainly tried by addi-esses and long and. repeated summons to induce the stvidents, the guards from the subui'bs, and the armed workmen, to eva- ciiate the Stephensplatz, a discharge of musketry suddenly brought on a colHsion with the excited mob. With loud threats the armed populace stormed from all sides upon the colonel and his troops, and the tidings soon reached the War Office, that the pioneers, pressed by the superior force of the infuriated multitude, and the firing from the windows, were forced to retreat across the Graben, whilst in every quarter of the city, barricades, erected rmder the superintendence of students and foreigners, were rising up into immense bulwarks. The imminent apprehensions for the War Office were lessened upon the arrival of the Landwehr battalion of Nassau infantry, who entered the city by the Schottenthor ; but almost at the same time, and when Major-General Von Frank, despatched to the Hofplatz, conveyed the order to act on the offensive only in case of an attack, the report of musketry and cannon resounded on the Hof. Z2 340 INVESTIGATION INTO Tili: Almost at the same time came the aunouncemont that the Nassau battaUon, which was marching through the Bogiier Street to the sujjport of the pioneei's, liad been thrown into confusion by the lire from the windows of all the adjacent houses and tlie pressure of the j)roletarians streaming in masses from the streets, and that the battalion had re- treated. It was three o'clock in the afternoon, when, on account of the continually increasing danger, the main guard entered the War Office, and the cliief gate toward the Hof])]atz, which had till then remained open, was closed. The gariison of the building, wliich was in this manner secured from without, consisted of 126 men of the second Deutschmeister grenadier company, under the command of Captain Brandmayer and Lieutenant-]\Iajor Carl Baron Gi-ainger, who had been at the storming of the barricades in the Jägerzeil, on the 28th October, 1848, besides thii-ty- one gi'enadiers of the Imperial infantry, regiment No. 1, witli their captain, Wilhelm Baron Von Geusau, and Lieutenant Stanislaus Von Marossany, both of the Duke of Nassau Infantry, No. 15, which formed the main guard ; together with six canjioniers and their corporal, and one of the four cannons that had been saved by the main guard, three baggage- waggons, nine moimted orderlies with their cor- poral of the light-horse regiment. Count Wrbna, No. 6 ; la.stly, twelve mounted orderlies of tlie civic cavaliy, inider their commander. The cannon, loaded witli canister-shot, was planted in the larger courtyard of the War Office, pointed towards the closed gate of the square ; on either side of it stood a division of the Deutschmeister Grenadiers, imder Captain Brand- mayer, who had been joined by Captain Adolph Muth, of the 2nd Bana frontier regiment, and Lieutenant Basil Brano- MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 341 waizky, of the Warasdin-Creutzer frontier regiment, who hap- pened to be at the time in the "War Office. It was resolved, that in case the chief gate shonld be forced, the gi'enadiers, after discharging the cannon, shonld attack the assailants at the point of the bayonet. The rest of these grenadiers, under Lieutenant-Major Baron Grain ger, were partly destined for the defence of the three back gates, which were liastily barricaded, partly for the occupation of the windows of the first story ; whilst thirty-one grenadiers of the main guard, headed by Captain Baron Gensau and Lieutenant Marossany, under Major- General Von Frank, who held the command in the buildiüg, imder the immediate dii-ections of the War Minister, were ordered to defend the landing on the front staircase, namely, that under the entrance to the Hofplatz. But a continually-increasing crowd had collected on this square, consisting of guards from the suburbs and armed workmen led by students, who in a manner besieged the liuilding with loud shouts and tumult, in which were mingled cries of death to the War Minister, demanded the opening of the gates, and soon prepared to force them. At the time when the chief gate was closed, a student and lieutenant of the Academic Legion, Wilhelm Rausch, appeared among the assembled ministers in the most passionate excite- ment. He uttered violent reproaches against the War Minister for the bloodshed that had taken place, which he ascribed to the orders issued by Count Latour. The student Rausch it was who had once before, previous to the shutting of the chief gate, come to the War Minister, and obtained from him a promise of the cessation of hostili- ties, on condition that h(^ should pacify the people, wliicli, however, he had failed to do. 342 INVESTIGATIOX INTO THE When ivtiuscli came a second time to the War Minister, the latter asked liim what it "was that he really wanted ; on wliich Eausch demanded, in a somewhat softened tone, a written ministerial order for the cessation of hostilities, undertaking in return to guarantee the pacification of the people. The assembled coimcil of ministers retired into the adja- cent room, and in a few minutes the ministers returned to tl^e aide-de-camp's apartment, in which Eausch awaited their determination ; when in great haste the following words, dictated by the War ^Minister himself, were written down, and ten or fifteen copies made : — " The firing is everywhere to cease." These placards, Avritten on half-sheets of paper, prepared by Coimt Latour, as well as by the minister Baron Wessen- berg, and partly also by Bai'on DobLhoflT, were distributed among those present ; and the next tiling was, to convey them to the knowledge of the revolted populace without endan- geiing the safety of the War Office. For this purpose, Rausch, accompanied by Major-General Frank, and several others of those present, went to the chan- cery chamber, on the first stoiy, moimted the parapet of an open -svindow, and endeavoui-ed, climbing round the window- frame, to appease tlie enraged midtitude in the square by reading aloud the written placards, and by the verbal assm*- ance that all hostilities should cease. But his attempts were wholly fruitless : the crowd, who had meanwhile efiected a considerable breach in the gate, uttered -wild cries of, " The gate must be opened ! " whust other voices demanded that the military should leave the buUding ; many, also, the resigna- tion, and some the death of the War Minister. The people from below threatened aU who were standing at the window with theh' pikes and other weapons, and MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 343 pointed muskets at tliem ; wliereupon they retii'ed to the War IVfinister, and annoimced to him the failure of their attempt, and the threatening attitude of the populace. A proposal made to the high-sphited count by some of the generals, to fight his way, imder the protection of the grena- diers, to the glacis, or to the nearest baiTacks, was decHned by him solely from the motive of not exposing the other ministers to open danger. Ai-rangements were already made in the courtyard, where the bui-sting open of the gate was every instant expected, to discharge the cannon ; and the grenadiers had closed then- ranks, ready for a sortie ; when, at 4 o'clock, just as fresh tidings came of the impossibility of treating with the people, the Minister of War took the fatal resolution to open the gate. Doubtless he was influenced by the hope of pacifying the irritated minds of the people, and preventing further blood- shed, by a step evincing such manly confidence. For this purpose he himself gave the order to General Von Frank, with these words, " "Well then, open the gate, let the people in, and speak to them ! " At the same time he called out twice thi-ough the open window to the grenadiers in the courtyard, " Don't fire ! " and at the same instant, on his second order, the cannon, which was standing in the courtyard ready to be fired, was drawn aside, and pointed away from the gate. This step, prompted by such confidence, but so unexpected, operated on the behaviour and the subsequent conduct of the military only with a dispiriting and starthng efiect. According to the statement of many eye-witnesses, a sudden feeling of dejection and discouragement seized on the grenadiers. The consequence of this step was the more fatal, since the 344 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE shortness of the time iliil nut allu\s- of withdrawing tlie soldiers, who were disixji'secl through the passages, and taking up a concentmtod position corresponding to the altered posi- tion of «flail's. To Ciiny the order into eflect, Gtneral Von Frank repaired into the courtyard, where in his presence the outer cliief gate, leaxiing to the Hofplatz, was ojiened ; he then hastened to the War Minister, ordering the grenadiei-s in the court- yard to secure the fuut of tlie staircase, and to let no one- advance upon it. The insurgents, however, instantly pressed through th(,- opened gate, after di-agging to the ground a grenadier who had opposed their jjassage, and caiT}-ing him off prisoner. 'At lu'st they only entei'ed in small numbers, looking cau- tiously about in the first couii; ; but presently, encoui'aged Ijv the immovable attitude of the grcnadiei*s, the armed moI>, many of them intoxicated, pressed onwards into the Wuv Office, the lower rooms of wliich they graduall}- took entire possession of. Confused, and not kuoMing what coui'se to follow, in con- sequence of the pacificatory orders that had Ijeen issued, the troops that stul remained ofiered no resistance. Captain Baron Geusau, who, with Lieutenant Marossany and thii-ty-one grenadiers of the main guard of imperial infantry, was ordered to occupy the foot of the fii'st staircase, quitted his post, conti-ary to the orders given him, soon after the opening of the gate, and led the grenadiers to the second stoiy, in order thence to reacli the passage conducting to the dwell- ing of the War Minister, und to defend tliis ; he soon, how- ever, retmiied, without any reason, and without executing his object, to the coui-tyard, remained there for about half an horn* in a state of indecision, hemmed in by the masses of jjeople, and lastly betook himself, without any purpose, and MUKDER OF COUNT LATOUE. 31-5 heedless of what Avas passing m the War Office, back to the main guard in the square, with his troops, who were them- selves indignant at such conduct. On the other hand, the insurgents had meanwhile forced their way amongst the Deutschmeister Grenadiers, called on them with tlu'eats to svirreuder theii" arms and ammunition, and endeavoured, by offers of drink and all kinds of promises, to induce them to desert. The Deutschmeister Grenadiers resolutely refused to give up their arras, and very few of them followed the National Guards into the neighbouring public-houses. Subsequently only two grenadiers went over to the mobile guard, and the fraternization proffered by the peoj^le to the militaiy, enticingly and enthusiastically, was accepted by few. All order was, however, soon lost among the troops amidst such influences, and without the display of any energy on the part of their leaders ; a perfect confusion ensued, and the troops as well as the officers were ahke helpless. The back staircase, in the dii'ection of the bazaar, had Ijcen held for only a short time by the tliii'd division of Deutsch- meister Grenadiers, when these troops were likewise pressed upon and broken, and the ax'med multitude now rushed unopposed up this staircase, as they had before rushed up the other stairs, into the upper apartments, where they Jjcgan the work of destxniction. The forcible entrance of the people appeared to have deprived Captain Brandmayer of all presence of mind ; for, after having weakened his small force by sending one detacli- ment to the mam guard, to convey the wounded to the lios- pital, and ordered another portion of the grenadier.s, without any object, to the first story, and thence again down into the courtyard, he and Lieutenant-Major Baron Grainger looked quietly on at the gi'adual dispei'siou of the troops. 346 INVESTIGATION' INTO THE 3Iauy of these grenadiers retired of their own accord to the barracks, a portion went back to the stables of the War Office, whilst the rest stood, singly or in groups, amongst the crowd in the large coiu-tyard. The occurrences which took place nearly at the same time in the upper stoiy, of which we shall speak hereafter, pre- vented General Von Frank's adopting decisive measures against the disturbances iu the courtyard. Thence it happened, that Captain Brandmayer sent the order to his troops, in leply to the question, put through their serjeant, as to what was to be done, to go home singly and unnoticed, which order most of them obeyed ; so that soon afterwards, at the time of the mui'der, about forty of the Deutschmeister Grenadiers were dispersed in the two courts among the people, whilst some of the Richter battalion of gi'enadiers, who in the morning had gone over to the people, were also in the crowd. This apparent want of discipline, and indifference of the detachment of the guards to the fate of the minister, is how- ever in some manner explained by the fact, that, according both to the information received from the domestics, and from other suppositions, the general belief prevailed, that the War Minister was already in safety, and no longer in the building. This opinion was, indeed, purposely spread abroad by the generals, who had tiU then remained with Count Latom-, at the time of their quitting the War Office, after the unhappy minister had declined tlieir further assistance. The ministers, who still remained together when the armed crowd poured into the building, being m-ged on many sides to consult their own safety, did not separate until they saw the building in pos.session of the jieople. Baron Doblhoff and Hombostl left the building fii'st, and MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 347 singly, and the latter hastened to the Diet, to state the danger in which his colleague was. The ministers Bach, Wessenberg, and Kranss, meanwhile, vainly endeavoiu'ed, and from two different sides, to reach the adjoining church, with the aid of the domestics ; the keys of the doors could not be found, and they dared not break open the doors, as the noise would be sure to attract the people in the adjacent courtyard. After this fraitless attempt at escape, the above-mentioned ministers succeeded singly, and partly in disguise, in escaping from the War Office. Coimt Latour, after the dismissal of the generals, had gone to his sleejjing-apartment, slipped on the undress coat of his aide-de-camp Captain Niewiadomsky, and hastily put on his valet's hat, in which disgidse he went, accompanied by his aide-de-camp Lieutenant-Major Walz, Captain Count Gon- drecourt, and Major Baron Smola, to the apartment of Captain Niewiadomsky, on the foui'th story, whence they expected to be able to reach the loft of the adjoining church. This hope' was, however, frustrated; for the door leading from that dwelling to the church-loft was walled up, and it was not an easy matter to break through it. After a further attempt to reach the loft of the War Office was abandoned, from a fear of betrayal by a lad who followed them stealthily, the War Minister was conducted to a hiding- place discovered by Major Baron Smola'. This consisted of a small, dark chamber, closed by a glass door, u.sed for the heating of several chimneys, wliich was reached on the right from the main staii-case, in front of the house, by two spacious chancery chambers. * Count Latour entered this small room, into wbich a cliair was brought him, and the approacli to the glass door was then 318 INVESTIGATION INTO THK i-luj)jH'il by a writing-talilc, jtlaced befoi-o it ; the precaution uIm» was taken to stvew wi'itings on the floor iu lioth thanibiM-.s, in order to make the people believe that these places had already been searched. Major Boxberg and Captain Gondrecoiirt remained on the landing near this hiding- i)lacc, to inform the minister of what passed in the building, aiid to guard him. Lieu- tenant-Major Walz and Captain Niewiadomsky went into the second and third stories, to obser\e what passed ; and the latter likewise into the dwelling of the minister ; but Major Baron Smola hastened to the general iu command, Coimt Auersperg, on the glacis, to beg him to send immediate assist- ance in this imminent peril. The passage wa.s, howe\er, so impeded by the barricades and crowds in various parts of the city, that they had to go a roundabout way to reach the troops wdio were drawn up on the glacis of the Josephstadt : and as the commanding officer had just then received one of the papers issued by the ministers, ordering the cessation of hostilities, this cii'cum- stauce created a hesitation and delay in sending any imposing force to the hostile pai-t of the city; so that the aid so urgently expected by the Minister of War did not arxive ! The insurgents, after gaining possession of the staircase, pressed onwards into the diffei-ent chancery offices, and also into the minister s dwelling, crying out, " Latour must be hung !" They burst open the locked dooi's, destroyed stoves, boxes, miiTors, and other furniture, es{)ecially eveiy place or thing where it was imagined the minister naight be concealed ; threw books, writings, and maps, out of the windows into the streets, ftied to do the same with the furniture, in which the guards of the faubourgs were especially active, Avhose frantic conduct was even designated as robber-like by the com- MURDER OF COUNT L,\TOUR. 349 mander of the Legion, Aigner, who was riding past in the Seitzer Street. Many began pkmdering, and there would doubtless liave been a complete devastation of the building, had not other occurrences soon called off the mob from the woz'k of de- struction, and diverted their activity to a still greater object. Several letters found in the study of the War Minister, which were read aloud to the crowd by the students who headed the mob, and interpreted in their sense, contributed not a little to heighten the bloodthirsty hostility of the people, expressed in loud insults and threats against their intended victim. The uniforms found there were torn in 2>ieces, and distri- buted to those present ; many papers and letters were carried off in triumph to the Aula by the Academic Legion- aries, who also appropriated the more valuable portion of the booty. During this plundering, Major-General Von Frank, in consequence of a violent knocking at the door of the Presi- dent's bureau, was going out into the passage, in undress, when he was stopped by the proletaires, and led off to the city arsenal as a hostage for the War Minister ; but ]Major Schinfller, of the engineer corps, who, to satisfy the urgent impatience of Count Latour for military assistance, hastened aci-oss the staircase in order to survey the square, was seized in the I'oughest manner l>y the insurgents in the courtyard, who demanded Latour, and he was dangerously wounded. In the meanwhile a pressing demand was sent by tlu; mem- bers jjresent in the Diet to tlie President Sti-obach, at the War Office, to order the opening of a session, and on the news of the conflict at the War Office a deputation chosen by acclamation, and consisting of the deputies Coldniark, 350 INVESTIGATION INTO THE BoiTosch, and Prince Ljubomirsky, was despatched for the purpose of obtaining from the ministers a cessation of hos- tilities, and the dismissal of the military from the city. This deputation, however, returned to the Diet, when they heard on their way that the fight was already ended. When the minister Hornbostl afterwards appeared in the Diet, and in answer to questions put by the deputy Bor- rosch, whether the minister's life was threatened, expressed his serious apprehensions on the subject, a new deputation, chosen on his motion, supjiorted by Borrosch, consisting of the latter. Dr. Goldmark, and the fii'st Vice-president Smolka, was expressly sent to the War Office for the protection of the minister's Hfe. This deputation was on its way voliuitarily joined by the deputies Dr. Fischhof, Sierakowsky, Wien- kowsky, and Zöpfl. Proceeding to the War Office Avitli white scarfs and a white flag, borne by Smolka, the deputies found the aide-de- camp Captain Niewiadomsky and the student Bausch, at the foot of the back staii'case, in the midst of the raging populace, and hard pressed. Bausch had been shortly before in the company of two National Guard.s, one of whom uttered curses and thi-eats against Count Latour. He had entered the ante-chamber of the latter, and inquired in an urgent manner for the War Minister, to whom he demanded to be immediately conducted. Captain Niewiadomsky, who observed a cocked musket in the hand of the guardsman, and heard at the same time the uproar of the multitude in the courtyard, suspected miscliief, and endeavoured to divert the men from their demand of being led to the minister ; at the same time representing to them forcibly the unhappy consequences and disgrace that must follow the murder of the count and the destruction of the building. MURDER OF COVKT LATOUR. 351 He succeeded in appeasing their rage, especially that of the student, and he made a kind of agreement with Rausch, that, with a view to pacify the people, the War Office should be occupied by National Guards and Academicians, and cleared of the military. When Captaia ISTiewiadomsky had obtained the verbal assent to this from the War Minister, who was hidden in the closet described above, he returned to the student, who was awaiting him in the second story, and they both went down stairs into the courtyard, where Rausch communicated tliis arrangement to those ai'ound. The latter appeared to be content ; but others, instigated by well-di'essed people, who were busuy gliding among the crowd, cried out, "We are ourselves National Guards, and wiU occupy the building." The aide-de-camp and Rausch were instantly surrounded by the people, dragged roughly about, and the latter was called a traitor ; but Niewiadomsky, on declaring to the crowd, who demanded with outcries, some the resignation, and others the death of Latoui-, that the count was no longer in the building, was declaimed to be a liar, by reason of the paper which had been issued by the War Minister, and distributed shortly before. When at length the captain, in answer to the question, where the minister was? put to him with a crowbar at his breast, announced himself as the aide-de-camp of the War ]VIinistei', he was still more harshly pressed, insulted, and was not set free until the arrival of the deputies from the Diet. One of the most cold-blooded of the insui-gents, who called on the people incessantly not to let themselves be deceived and not to give way, was, according to a document lying before tis, the ex-lieutenant Carl Unterschill, now a 352 INVESTIGATION INTO THE fugitive, \v1k) ut ail earlier period — not without liis uwu fault — had resigned his commission and left the army. Tliis man rushed into the War OfKce, at the head of the murderous rabble, calling uut amidst the cries of his followers, "Down with him!" — and turning to the mob, "Quiet! the first blow is mine — T was an otiicer myself — he tyi'an- uized o^•er me ! " The deputy Borrosch, who had accomi)anied the deputies up to the first steps of the staircase, addressed the people in a fiery speech, as well as afterwards in the courtyard, i)i which he warned them urgently not to disgrace their glori- ous revolution A^th a criminal act, not to be judges where they were the accusers, and, adding the assurance that the events of that day would be strictly investigated, and the ministers be called to an account. His address was interrupted, however, by some cries of death directed against tlie War Minister, and in the excitement of the moment, he threw his hat among the crowd, exclaiming in gi'eat agitation, that they should sooner make liim their victim ; for how- ever opposed he was to the War jNIinister, yet the ]iath to the latter should lie over his (Borrosch's) dead body. At the same time the deputy Dr. Goldmark, who was standing close to the speaker, went up to one of the armed gi'oups in the courtyard, in which also the inspector of the building was standing. On his a.sking whom they were seeking, the mob answered, " The Minister of War ;" and when the inspector assured them that the count was no longer in the building, the deputy Dr. Goldmark, who had been chosen by the Diet for the protection of the minister's life, hastily replied, addi'ess- ing the crowd, " Don't believe him ; he [Count Latoui*] is still there !" On the staircase, meanwhile, the words of the deputy Bor- MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 353 rosch were interrupted by the repeated cry, " All very fine ; but Latour must be hung ! " whilst, on the contrary, they were not mthout effect on the multitude gathered in the courtyard ; for a great part of them joined Borrosch, who rode olf toward the Stephensplatz, hoping to appease the excitement by his departure, and left the War Office with him. Deceived bj- the appearance of a lull of the disturbances, although of short duration, in the building, the "svife of the coachman, Josepha Dudek, who had kept her room from affright, stepped out into the passage before her dwelling, and found it guarded by two students, in the uniform of the Academic Legion, who, with crossed bayonets, held the stair- case of the back passage. In reply to her anxious question, what was going on, one of the guards answered, " Nothing, but that Latour must be hung !" and when the woman started, in horror, the student added, in a cold-blooded manner, " He [Latom-] has been sen- tenced by the Diet and the Aula." Fresh swarms meanwliile crowded Luto the courtyai'd from the square, and the student Rausch, on the other side, com- ing down the back stairs, encouraged those in the court to follow him, exclaiming, " Gentlemen, Latour is there ;" whereupon they all crowded after him upstairs, exclaiming, " We must have him ! " The rest of the deputies, negotiating with the crowds who awaited them, were obliged to retreat to the second story, where they continued urgently to represent to the people that Count Latour, if guilty, would assuredly be judged, and must resign. Hastily seizing this word "resign," many of the crowd demanded of the Vice-president Smolka to effect the resigna- tion of Latour ; whilst others, not content with thb, insisted on the minister's death. 2 A 354 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE Smolka now went, acconijuiuied only by Captain Nic^via- tlomsky, and dismissing the deputies Dr. Fischhof and Sierakowsky, to the upper story. Of the other members of the deputation, Zöpfl returned, immediately after Borrosch, to the Diet ; Wienkowsky, on the contrary, according to his own statement, on accoimt of a speech urging the people to protect the minister, was carried off by the enraged mob into the neighbouring Seltzer, or Bazaar-coui-t, and then threatened with death. Goldmark, after these occurrences in the courtyard, had hastened back to the passage on the first stoiy, where he endeavoured to protect from insult and outrage two Italian standards, which had been taken by the people out of the Council-hall. Captain Niewiadomsky, who shortly before had been again assaued by armed •workmen, headed by the student Rausch, in their search for the retreat of the count, led the crowd to a closed oratory leading from the minister's dwelling into the upper part of the chirrch, xmder the pretext that the Minister of War had fled thither. He then led Dr. Smolka, who bore the white flag, to the fourth story, and met there, in the passage near the count's hiding-place. Major Baron Boxberg, who meanwliile had annoimced to the War Minister the arrival of the deputation from the Diet, which he had observed from the window, and which had filled him with new hope of a peaceable termina- tion of affairs. After Niewiadomsky and Smolka had declared to the major that, in their opinion, there was no other means of safety to the Minister of War than the act of his resignation. Major Boxberg went to the hiding-place of the count, whilst Niewiadomsky led Dr. Smolka in the opposite direction, on the left, to a chancery- chamber commanding a view into tho >füRDER OP COUNT LATOUR. 355 square, whicli was about fifty paces distant from the retreat of the minister, and from thence through two other rooms, the staircase-hall, a passage, and several doors. Count Latour soon after entered the large chancery-hall, accompanied by Major Boxberg, who had just communicated to him the pi-oposal for his resignation : here Smolka awaited him, when the count declared with resolution, that he feared just as little the daggers of the murderers as he had done the balls in so many battles ; but that, in order to restore peace, he was ready, accoi'ding to the wishes of the people, with the assent of Ms majesty, to give in Ms resignation ; where- upon Smolka gave liim the solemn assurance, that he and the other deputies of the Diet would answer for his safety with honour and life. "When Count Latour put the question to Smolka, whether it was necessary to announce Ms resignation in writing, the latter replied in the affirmative ; and the minister wrote with his own hand on a sheet of paper these words : " With the approval of Ms majesty, I resign my office as Minister of War." Smolka took tMs paper, signed by the minister, and left Mm, after having vainly endeavoured to persuade the count to omit the reser\'ation " with the approval of Ms majesty," fearing that tliis might give rise to difficulties in dealing with the excited crowds. With the firm confidence of having now fulfilled the will of the people, and trasting to the promised protection of the deputies, the War Minister believed that all further danger was now removed, and deemed his longer stay in tlu; dai-k closet unnecessary. When, however, in a few minutes the uproar of the un- satisfied multitude resounded through the passages, he fol- lowed, by the advice of Major Boxberg, the latter back into 2x2 3ÖG INA'ESTIGATION INTO THE the pliice of concealment ; whereupon the major again pushed the -Nvriting-table before the door of the apai-tment, and went out into the passage. Vice-president Smolka, holding up the paper he had re- ceived, called aloud to the masses of people who had jilready entered the tliii'd story, that the War Älinister had resigned, adding (as Fischhof states), in order fully to quiet them : '' The Chamber will impeach him."' Several among the crowd appeared to be satisfied, but others doubted the resignation, and required the paper to be read out to them. Hardly did they hear that the act was made dependent on the approval of his majesty, when the stonn bm'st out anew, and cries arose : " The emperor Avill ne^er give his assent to the resignation ; we must do oiu-selves right, and arrest the War Minister." Other voices exclaimed, " The scoxmdrel is there — hang him. ! hang him ! " It was in fact evident, from the sand freshly-spiinkled upon the writing, that the count was in the building. The raging multitude now attacked the mediator, calling on liim to discover the retreat of the count, some A-oice.? demanding his arrest, and others, with tumultuous cries, his death. Smolka declared that he would conduct them to the War Minister only on condition that a sufficient number of them solemnly engaged to protect him. At Fischhof's demand, twenty to twenty-five armed National Guards and workmen from the crowd now stepped forward, and under the leader.ship of Rausch, took an oath with their upraised fingev.s, by their honour, and vrith. their lives, to protect that of the War Minister; whereupon MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 3.57 Fischhof gave them tlie renewed assurance that Count Latour would be arraigned before an open court. How a part of these guards kept their oaths at the critical moment will be seen hereafter. Meanwhile Captain Niewiadomsky, who was guarded by two workmen armed with pikes, and who, it was hoped^ would discover the hiding-place of the minister, contrived to escajje by a side staircase, and, not trusting to the oath just taken by the guards, hastened down to seek help. In the passage between the two coui-tyards, he met Cap- tain Brandmayer, of the gi'enadiers, to whom he announced himself in his undi-ess as the aide-de-camp of the War Ministei*, and whom he conjured, in the most sacred manner, to send up some troops to save the life of the minister, which was in such imixdnent peril. Brandmayer, whose men were tlispersed in the greatest disorder, shi-ugged his shoulders in an undecided manner. Without waiting longer in the building, after this abortive attempt, the tiide-de-camp hastened immediately to the Diet, to procure, if possible, assistance. But he had hardly arrived there, and was just calling upon the president Strobach for aid, when the tidings reached him of the fxightful crime which had meanwhile been perpetrated in the War Office. On Smolka's suggestion that some of the appointed guard should accompany him upstairs to protect the count, three per- sons stepped forward fi-oni the crowd, — a National Guardsman, a youthful-looking Academician sword in hand, and the gar- dener of Oberdöhling, Michael Neumayer, armed with a pioneer's sabre. With these persons, Smolka, Fischhof, and Sierakowsky, leaving behind the rest of the guards, who had swoiu to .'iSS INVF-STUJATION IXTO THE protect the couut, together -with their leader llauach, on the stairease between the thix'd and fourth stories, in order to keep back the people, proceeded through the long ^lassage in the fourth ytory to the chamber where the resignation of th(5 minister had been signed, and where ho was stiU expected to be hidden. They however found the chamber locked, and after vainly seeking the coimt in the adjacent ante-rooms, they at last met Major Boxberg iu the passage, who, like all the other officei"s that had remained with the War Minister after tho entrance of the insurgents, was in imdress. Vice-president Smolka begged him to lead them to the count, declaring that the people were not satisfied with the resignation, and thi-eatened to search and break open every secret hole and corner. Smolka further represented to the major that it was better to take the count piisoner, than to give him up to certain death, if he should be found by the people ; adding the assurance, that a special guard had sworn to protect tho minister's life. They, the deputies of the Diet, who had guaranteed the count's safety, could only answer for his life, in case he allowed himself to be guai-ded by them. Although at first startled by these representations, tho major nevertheless hastened, as evidently not an instant was to be lost, without making any reply, to the place of conceal- ment, in order to acquaint the count with what he had heard. The deputies, however, with thek- two companions, the young Academician and the gardener Neumayer, followed him ; and when the War Minister, after the table was removed, stepped out of the chamber, Smolka repeated to bim the urgent necessity of his allowing himself to bo guarded by the people, at the same time assuiing him that MURDER OF COUNT LATOUB. 359 he and the other deputies woidd protect him with their owu lives. Count Latoui' seemed incHned to accede to this proposal, and only observed, that he might quite as well be watched in the aide-de-camp's apartment of Baron Boxberg, as in that dark hiding-place ; to this the deputies readily assented, and again assured the minister that he had no longer anything to fear. Whilst those present were crossüig the passage, and through some of the chambers to the aide-de-camp's room near the well-staircase, Fischhof sent Sierakowsky to the people on the staircase, whose outcries kept drawing nearer, with a view to pacify them by announcing the War Minister's arrest. But when the other attendants of the count approached the aide-de-camp's room, some of the foremost of the insur- gents appeared in the passage ; whereupon the mirdster, by the advice of Major Boxberg, stepped through the next door on to a small landing, whilst Fischhof hastened to meet the tumultuous crowd. Meanwhile, however, the pretended guards on the chief staircase, between the third and fourth stories, who were left behind to keep back the crowd, partly themselves cherishing the worst intentions, fuUy mistrastful of the removal of the deputies, and goaded on by the impatient mob, who feared to lose their \ictim, went to seek the count, and to prevent his escape. The student Rausch therefore left the main staii'case with three of the National Guards, among them Carl Brambosch (who was aftei'wards convicted), and went higher upstairs, searching the passages of the fourth stoiy, where they iii- (juired of the Invalid placed there for the War Minister, Ijroke open the door of a chanceiy-chamber vnth the butt- ends of theh- muskets, and hunted over the whole place. 360 INVESTICATION INTO THE After reliuijuishiiig I'lirtluT search, from ignorance of tlic locality, they retui'nod to tlie expectant multituile, and wen; received V)y them with reproaches, insnlt, and threats. They were called black-yellow dogs, who had secreted the War jNIinister, Jind who must be kept as hostages for him. The mass of people now rolled onward into the fourth story, pressed into the i)assage, and utteiing wild cries of " Wliere is Latour 1 " i-ushed to the back door, before which two armed attendants of the deputies, an Academician, and the gardener Neumayer, were drawn xij), and beside them Smolka and Major Boxberg. Smolka matle only feeble attempts to keep back the in- creasing multitude, who were inflamed with rage and exciting di'ink ; and when the cry arose that Latour must come forth, the two anued guards declared that it was impossible to make a longer stand, and j)roposed to lead the count to a place of safety, whereupon there was a cry from several sides, " To the Arsenal ! To the Arsenal !" At this moment the War Minister himself came out of the door of the passage, and addi'essed the following words to the infuriated mob : — " My dear childi'en, I am here. I have not feared balls and bayonets, nor dreaded any daggers, for I am a man of honour, and have a good conscience. You have offered yourselves to watch me ; do so. I suri'ender myself fearlessly into your hands. I will place myself under your guard." This addi'ess was answered with a general cry from the savage multitude, " Strike him, hit him ! he is the cause that so many have fallen to-day ! " A ch'cle was fonned aromid the count, consisting cliiefly of the above-mentioned guards, under the student Rausch : Fischhof took liim by the arm on one side, and a National Guai'd on the other ; Smolka, Major Boxberg, and Neumayer, MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 361 followed, and thus the mass moved onward, amidst the tumul- tuous ciy of " Do^Ti with him !" to the next, so-called, well staircase. Before reaching this, Major Baron Boxberg was forcibly separated from the minister's side by the pressing multitude. Hastening through the passage, he now sought to reach the cliief staircase, and if possible to summon military help in the courtyard, whither also Lieutenant-Major Walz and Captain Count Gondrecourt had ah'eady hastened down. The two latter met in the passage between the courts ; Lieutenant-Major Baron Grainger told him in a few words the peril of the War Minister, and were conducted by him to Captain Brandmayei", in the small courtyard, who just then stepped out of the house-inspector's dwelling. Upon their virgently entreating liim to collect his men, many of whom were standing about in the two courtyards, to aiford instant help to the War Minister, and at least to attempt to save him, representing that his honoiu' and that of his company was at stake, Captain Brandmayer consulted with his lieutenant-major and the serjeant, and then declared, shrugging liis shoulders, as Captain Niewiadomsky had done before, that it was impossible to save the minister, — their force was too weak ! l^icTitenant-Major Walz then turned to some of the grena- diers standing near, but his entreaties and representations all proved fruitless. Captain Baron Von Geusau, at that time on the main guard, where his men, with arms in their hands, stood at the bar in front of the guai"d-roora, appears, indeed, on hearing the cry, " We have got him ! " to have made an attempt to force his way tlirough the gate of the square into the court- yard, but was prevented by the dense crowds. Whilst the War Minister was being led down, and already 362 lA^TSTIGATIOX INTO THE iu the upper rooms of the bviilding, the threats to hang him began to be increasingly loud and general. Beside the gardener Neumayer, the student of medicine (now a fugitive) J. Wedel, a member of the Academii; Legion and of the Students' Committee, made himself pro- minent by loud insults and threats against the count. Inflamed with thirst for murder, "Wedel struck with his sword-hilt at one of the guards, who was protecting the minister vnth. upraised musket. On reaching the lower stories, the defenders of the count were one by one forcibly pushed away from his side ; one in particular of those who endeavoured to take their places was Neumayer, who led the helpless count further down, whilst the crowd following him, furnished with muskets, pikes, and all kinds of weapons, consisting of National Guards, several students, but chiefly of workmen, insulted the War Minister, who was given up to the rage of the populace, with the lowest expressions, and with shouts, demanded his death. Their brutality went so far, that they forced the hat of the grey-headed old general quite on to his face in the most savage manner. From the. passage at the foot of the staircase, Count Latour went into the larger courtyard, followed by the crowd, but as yet without any visible wound. Meanwhile the cry resounded on all sides in the courtyard, " They are bringing him ! " and a crowd of people collected, mostly armed, rapidly increasing in numbei-s, which met the count as he came out. Scarcely had this crowd perceived the War JMinister, when immediately a savage shout broke forth, of " Murder him, — hang him ! " All rushed upon the unhappy count and his attendants, who were presssed together, partly separated, and pushed against the walls, on the left of the exit MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 363 from the passage, where the multitude stood closely packed together in a confused mass. Here several of the murderers piilled out of their pockets, evidently prepared beforehand, thin coi'ds, called rebschnure, a ball of which was flimg in the face of the conductor of the count. This is partly explained by the cii'cumstance, that previ- ously, during the seai'ching of the house, a similar cord had been exhibited by an ill-dressed man, who added, " This is for Latour;" as well as by the fact that, some time before the murder, a National Giiardsman of the suburbs in the town arsenal, who was not discovered, had cut off a piece of cord, on heariug the same cry, and hastened with it to the War Office. In the pressure against the "War Minister, the brutal and murderous mob first knocked off his hat ; a workman struck him several blows in the face, over the heads of the persons in front, with a cord several times doubled, exclaiming, " With that you will be hung ! " Another workman struck him several times in the face with his hand, and a National Guardsman of the suburbs seized the grey-headed count by his hair, and shook him so violently, that he staggered, and with difficulty held himself up by catching the hand of an unknown private individual, who pressed forward to protect him. Several of those about the War Minister in vain endea- voured, by representations, entreaties, and efforts, to save him ; they were pushed about in the crowd, flung back by the threatening and murderous horde from the victim, who was now abandoned to the rage of the populace, and by degrees entirely separated from him. Dr. Fischhof asserts, that he averted with liis uplifted arm the blow of a hammer aimed at the count's head, when he was himself torn from the minister s side. 3C4 invi:stu;ation ivu) tiii; Smolka declares that, iu liis endeavours to save the War ^Minister, he received a blow from the butt-end of a musket, which smashed his watch, — that in the tumult his scarf and flag wore torn from liim, and he wa,s pushed away from the coimt's side, just as he had called out to Sierakowsky to jiacify the people with his powerfiü voice. Sierjdvowsky affirms, that, on Smolka's summons, and with the white flag which the latter handed to him, he flung him- self into the raging crowd which was pressing upon the minister, but was forced back into the middle of the court- yard by unknown pei-sons, with the exclamation, " If you are an honest man, have nothing to do with a scoimdrel!" Numerous eye-witnesses, principally belonging to the lower classes, mention, without any more precise statement, three or four civilians, some National Guards, and several witnesses, also two or three students, Avho for some time endeavoured to keep otf the pressure fi'om the minister, and to save him. It is, however, cei^tain, that Captain Count Gondi'ecourt, who, after his fruitless attempt with Captain Brandmayer, had again forced his way to the count's side, in order to protect him, pushed him against the wall, placed himself wth hLs body before the minLster, and to the last miniite literally covered him in this manner, until he was himself seized b)' the neck by a National Guardsman, and forced away amidst the most frightful threats. The firet visible wounds inflicted on the u.nhappy coimt were followed in the courtyard by a stroke with a pioneer's sabre on the head, and this blow was the signal for a mur- derous scene, which in barbarity has scarcely a parallel in modem histor}", and is certainly unsurpassed by any. It is impossible to describe accurately the wounds which followed this sabre-stroke, the depositions of the witnesses MUKDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 365 and actors not altogether agreeing in tliis respect; a fact wliich is easily explained by the rapidity with "which the attacks followed one another, many simultaneous wounds,, and by the tumultuous perpetration of the murder. Nearly at the same instant, the innocent victim of popular rage received a blow with an iron bar on his head, a stroke Avith a hammer on the same part, a thrust with an ii-on pike, and a bayonet-wound, the two latter in the stomach ; on which the minister sank to the earth, whilst on all sides he was beaten, thrust at, wounded, vnth. the butt-ends of muskets, sabres, pikes, iron bars, bayonets, clubs, even with a scythe, just as the clock in the War Office had struck a quarter to four. The savage, inhuman multitude pressed on the minister, as he lay upon the ground, mortally wounded, jumped on the- mangled body, and trod upon him with their feet ; when the count still gave signs of Ufe, snatching convulsively with his right hand at a bayonet, with which he was woimded in the flank, to ward it off from him. The body, covered with blood, was then dragged by the feet across part of the courtyard, with the head beating against the pavement, amidst the hideous shouts of joy from the raging mob, and the cry of " Hang him ! " He was then dragged back to the wall by the passage, and pulled up to the bars of the middle window in the court, with one of the cords, which were eagerly offered by several persons present. Two civic shaq^shooters endeavoured at the same time to raise the body with their bayonets, supported by othera, to the wall. The cord, however, which was not strong enough for thi;* weight, snapped in two, and the count fell to the ground ; whereupon a wliitc leather straj) was brought, hung round Ilia nock, and to this was fastened the cord ; and in thw 366 INVESTIGATION INTO THE manner his body was dragged to another window, in the front corner of the courtyai'd, liis liead continually striking against the stone pavement. After the body fell from the window-bars, the dying man had still a rattling in the throat whilst on the ground, and even at the commencement of his being dragged to the comer window, drew a deep breath. Many of the maddened crowd endeavoxired even to press forward after this horrible act, in order to heap ill-treatment on the dead body. Even women were seen jumping on the body, screaming, stamping on him with their feet, and tiiumphantly exclaim- ing, " Dog, you are done for now !" Amid such barbarous scenes the dead body was di'agged by the feet through the arched gate leading to the square, whilst the clothes were pulled off piecemeal, and the mur- derers fought for the shreds. Upon several of the National Guards forcing their way in from the square, the cry suddenly arose, " Here come the grenadiers !" whereupon in an instant the cowardly mob fled in affidght, leaving behind the dead body under the gateway, to the back-door ; but presently, emboldened again by the cry that it was only a false alarm, they returned to theii* work of horror, dragged the body to the lamp-post, into the square in front of the War Office, fetched a ladder from a neighbouring house, and hung it by another white leather strap, with a cord attached to it, to the colossal cast-iron lamp-post. The corpse was now instantly stripped naked, the veiy body-linen being torn off in pieces, and with eveiy possible atrocity, ill-treated, insulted, mutilated, and finally used as a target by several of the National Guards, in firing off their muskets. MURDEE OF COUNT LATOUR. 367 Some persons who expressed compassion and horror at these revolting proceedings were insulted and ill-treated by the populace, and put in peru of their lives. It was not till a later hour at night, that any one had the courage to cover the mutilated and naked body with a Hnen cloth. A fter midnight it was taken down by one of the National Guards of Penzing, assisted by other guards, and carried to the military hospital, from a feeling of humanity, in spite of the remonstrances of one of the Academic Legion, who de- manded that the body should 1 e left to hang longer on the lamp-post, as an example. Whilst the murderers, stiU dripping with blood, immedi- ately after the deed ran to the Aula with wild ciies of joy, to get their blood-money, and there formed triumphant pro- cessions ; many people of both sexes also collected in the courtyard of the War Office, around the pool of blood in front of the second grated window, and dipped their hand- kerchiefs in the blood, taking it up in their hands, and bedaubing their clothes and weapons with it. In many parts of the city and the subui-bs, the effects^ remnants of clothes — nay, even portions torn from the body of the victim — were publicly exposed to view, in a boastful manner, distributed, and even formally bought and sold. The physicians called in at the examination of the bod}- l>efore the court, declare in their verdict, that the War Minister, Count Latour, was tortured to death in the strictest sense of the word. Beside small extravasations of blood, abrasions, and lacerated wounds, forty-three incised wounds were pointed out in the body, partly effected by strokes, partly by thrusts, and partly by shot-wounds. Of these wounds thirty-one (namely, ten on the head, one 3G8 IXA'ESTIOATION INTO TUE on the ueck, four cm the breast, seven on the bciUy, and nine on the upper and under hmbs) presented distinct signs of the reaction of life ; and consequently these were inflicted upon the imhappy victim of blind popular fury •whilst still alive. Of these thirty-one wounds, according to the degrees of their dangerous character, five were, in the opinion of the scientific men, of a seiious nature, five dangerous, and one fatal. On the right side of the head especially, the parietal, tem- poral, and frontal bones were shattered into many pieces ; and although tins shattering of the skull was undoubtedly of a fatal character, yet death did not instantly ensue, and in fact the woimded man continued to üve, although in a state of departing consciousness, even when the attempt was made to strangle him on the wmdow-bars in the courtyard, and even at the instant when the cord broke and the body fell to the gi'ound. The exact moment of death, which followed tliis attempt at strangulation, cannot precisely be ascertained. The smasldng of the skull, however, was very probably the fatal wound, of which the War Minister afterwards died ; but the attempt at strangulation might, as well as the numerous other acts of ill-treatment and torture, have accelerated death, as the dangerous wounds in themselves, especially under mutual influences, and in connection with the serious and light wounds, must have increased the danger of death to the highest degree. In conclusion, it was remarked that the fury of the popu- lace, not content with having killed their unliappy ■victim with inhuman barbarity, consummated the atrocity of the act by hewing in pieces the mangled limb.s, to satisfy tlie lust for vengeance of tlie mad jjopidace. MÜKDEK OF COUNT LATOUß. 369 SECOND SECTION. DIRECT AGENTS CONVICTED OF THE CRIME. Amongst the niiiety-nine persons arrested and subjected to examination by the militaiy court on suspicion of having taken an active part in this murdei", eleven were declared guilty, and sentenced. The gi'ounds of accusation, ai-ising partly out of their own confessions, and partly from other statements, are extracted and given here in a compressed form. Among the most prominent of these persons is : — 1. FroMZ WuTigler, a native of Tyss, in the Ellbogen Cir- cle in Bohemia ; forty-six years of age, a Catholic, widower, without children, cohabiting with a girl of loose character ; of late a journeyman smith on the Vienna-Gloggnitz Eailroad, formerly a journeyman and stable-lad ; known also by the nicknames of " Fiakerschmied," and " Fiakerfranz ;" has been twice before punished for the crime of stealing ; is described as being an industrious workman, but rough, quarrelsome, very much given to drink, eccentric, and taking part in every eineute. After a long and ob.stinate denial, he made a confession, of which the following is the substance, before the court, and repeated it on different examinations. As early as the 13th of March, 1848, the students at Vienna entered into an alliance with the workmen of the Southern Railroad, and frocpu;ntIy vdsited them at their work. Tluiy told theia to prepare pikes, ostensibly only for the 2b 370 INVESTIGATION INTO THE protection of the railroad ; and since tliat time tliese work- men were summoned by the Academicians on occasion of eveiy tmnult and cmeutc in the city, for the defence of liberty. On such occasions, other Academic Legionists appeared at every instant at the niilway-station, and raised there an alarm, when the whole swarm of aimed workmen were obliged to foUow them, and do what they required. If any one of the workmen refused to join them, he was compelled to do so by the rest. On the 6th of October, 1848, in the forenoon, two students appeared with a summons to the railway-woi'kmen, to go ai'med to the University-square, at the same time addressing speeches to the men, whicli Wangler did not hear. As no one would leave work before noon, two students (unknown to witness) again came to the i*ailway-station, between twelve and one o'clock, with a fresh m-gent sum- mons ; the whole crowd of armed workmen, and among them Wangler, with his pointed iron pike, followed them to the city, to the University-square. Numbers of papers, printed with Roman letters, were here distributed among them, the contents of which Wangler did not imderstand, but which he heard called Liberty-tickets (Freiheitszettel) ; these, by the order of the students, they affixed to their caps. After this preparation, the cry suddenly arose among the workmen, "Latour must be hung!" and upon the mention of the minister Bach, and the name of a lady of high rank, with a similar view, the whole crowd proceeded from the Aula toward the Hofplatz, with the cry, " To the War Office !" The armed crowd stood in front of the War Office until MURDER OP COUNT LATOUR. 371 the gate, whicli had been kept locked, was opened, tlirougli which they pom^ed into the courtyard. When, at the sight of the "War Älinister being di-agged down the staircase, a general ciy arose in the courtyard, that he must be hung, the witness hkewise forced his way through the crowd, and gave the count a thrust in the upper part of his body with his pike, at a time when the "War Minister was still standing upright, and before he received the blow of the hammer from a smith, which simultaneously \vith many other blows felled him to the ground. It is worthy of note, that "Wangler, when shaken during the examination by a powei-ful emotion, and led to make a confession, mentioned in the first moment of the struggle in his mind a blow, which he had inflicted on the count with liis iron pole. But hardly had this admission escaped his lips, when, correcting himself, he endeavoured to maintain that he had merely, as he believed, wounded the coimt on the shoidder Avith a thi-ust, in which assertion he adhered until liis con- viction. The inspection by the com-t of one of these iron poles of the Gloggnitz Eailway workmen, after Wangler's first examination, and its consequent conviction that the force of a blow inflicted with such a weapon must at least have equalled the blow of a hammer, together with many other circumstances arising out of the case, too long to enumerate here, raised even then a well-founded presump- tion, that it was this blow that shattered the minister's skull. Some of tlie eye-witnesses of the deed mention a young, small, thick -set workman ; and others, an elderly, tall smith, with bristly hair and a sooty face, the fii-.st of whom gave the count a blow on the head with his not very 2 B 2 372 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE heavy Immmcr ; moreover, several witnesses, especially Dr. Fisclihof, who w;us standing elose l»y, and as a medical uiau understood the matter, were of c>pinion that this bh)w could not have been fatal. On the contrary, the blow given by the smith, who was described as corresponding in personal ajipearance to AVangler, was, according to some witnesses, also inflicted on the head of the War Minister, with a hammer ; according to others, with an iron pole; and with such force, that several of the witnesses could not for a long time dismiss the recollection of the fearful somid which it caused. An observer of the horrible scene, who was standing behind the fastened window of one of the rooms in the court, on the first story, heai'd Anth pei-fect distinctness the fatal blow. There is no doubt that the fellow \vith the hammer, as well as the older smith, had a hand in the crime, but that tli(5 decisive blow was first given by the latter ; and the opinion, that Wangler was tliis identical smith, received incontestable support, from the deposition of a fresh eye- witness, who did not come foi-Avard until after Wangler's execution, and from the personal description given by him of the chief actor in the scene. According to the confession of Wangler, given not wdtli- out resei-ve, wlien the War Minister was di'agged to the lamp-post in the square, and the mob there demanded that he should be hung, he, the accused, pulled off liis jacket, which he gave to Rosina Lang, a girl standing close by ; he then lifted u]i the body from beneath, from which the clothes were pulled off in rags, and thus wnth the help of two other workmen, who were unknown to him, and one of whom was standing on the ladder, jicted the part of hangman. After finishing this task, he states tliat he put on liis MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 373 jacket, pulling down his shirt-sleeves, and, as he himself expressly confesses, addressed the followiiag horrifying speech to the large multitude : — " So then we have done, and now let's go and fetch the minister Bach, and he shall come there" (Wangler pointed to the second arm of the lamp- post, and called on the people three times, with upraised arms, to tell him where the minister Bach dwelt) ; " and there" (pointing to the thii'd arm of the lamp-post) "comes the * ■•' * *." (The accused here mentioned the name of the same high-born lady, whose death had been demanded in the Aula.) Thereupon, the accused said, that he hastened with the swarm of murderers to the University-square, where he placed liis pike by the water-basin thei'e, and on this occasion heard other workmen coming from the University say that they had been paid in the Aula for their- share in the murder, and that they were going to a public-house, to refresh them- selves with the money they had received. He moreover asserted, that he had himself neither re- ceived nor asked for any money, but that he likewise went from the Aula to a neighbouring public-house, and from thence home. On being questioned as to his reasons for what he had done, he, in the outburst of despair, and in the presentiment of the punishment that awaited him, cursed the students, who had seduced him and his comrades, and (as he expressed himself) had completely blinded them ; exclaiming, that^ had it not been for the instigation of the Academicians, it would never have come into his head even to think of the War Minister, who was a perfect stranger to him, much less to do him any harm. 2. The second actor in the scene, Carl Bramhosch, was a native of Vienna, in Austria, twenty-two years of age, a 374 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Catholic, uimiarned ; a joui'ueymau goldsmith and a house- painter. When the authorities were on his track, shortly before his an-est, he enrolled himself in the Hoch and Deutschmeister I. R. infantry regiment as a private. In his sixteenth year he had undergone a preliminary examination in the Vienna Criniinal Com-t, on the charge of having attempted the murder and robbery of a woman ; but he was soon released, on the removal of the suspicion. His companions describe him as light-lieaded, idle, cun- ning, and eccentric on political subjects : he is said to have frequently visited the Aula — the som'ce at that time of ths' corruption of the workmen, and the seduction of the credu- lous citizens. The abridged contents of his confessions state the facts, that he, as a National Giiai'd of the Eighth Mariahilf sub- virban district, went, on the 6th of October, 1848, about two o'clock P.M., with a portion of the fifth company, on the alarm being given, into the city, to the bastion of the Sakgries barracks, in order to cover the artillery ; and that from thence, at a little past thx'ee o'clock, he went, at the invitation of, and in company with, the glovemaker's assist- ant and Guardsman jMichael Wilhelm, into the city, to buy tobacco ; where, following the stream of people, he proceeded into the neighbourhood of the War Office, where he met with Wilhelm in the Bazaar-court. Just then a man was, from the -window of the fii-st story, addi'essing the large crowd collected in the couiiiyard, con- sisting of all classes, but chiefly of workmen armed with pikes. Brambosch heard only the conclusion of this speech, the pui^port of which, was a summons to proceed to the War Office, and to bring Coimt Latour to account before a general tribunal of the people, for his order to despatch the German troops from Yiemia. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUK. 375 Incited by this speeck against tlie War Minister, the whole mass of people, and among the rest Brambosch and Wilhelm, both armed with muskets and bayonets, streamed forth, uttering a cry of, " To the War Office ! " in order to seek the covmt. After iii'st penetrating into his dwelling-room, and search- ing every corner where it was thought he might be concealed, even to the veiy book-chests, they went to the corridor OD the staircase, where some voices among the crowd were aheady demanding the death of the coimt. Three deputies here in vain attempted to keep back the raging multitude, who were calling out for the War Minister, assuring them that he was no longer in the building. The people obstinately demanded him, and his death ; whereupon, the deputies promised to give the count up to the people, upon the condition that no harm should be done to him, and that he should be led to the Diet. Brambosch and Wühebn were among those twenty guards whom Fischhof had called out and made to swear to protect the life of the War Minister, when Fischhof gave them the assurance, as Brambosch asserts, that Count Latour should be brought before an open coui-t. Brambosch was also one of those thi'ee guards, who, after- wards, with the student Rausch, at the instigation of the crowd on the stairs between the thii-d and fourth stories, wliich had grown mistrustful of the deputies of the Diet, sought for the War Minister, and who, with this object, pro- ceeded from the stairs to the passages on the fourth story. On their retiuTi to the other insiu'gents without succes.s, they were received by the latter with insults and reproaches. According to Brambosch's statement, Wilhelm behaved in this instance with especial fury ; so much so, as to point his bayonet at accused's breast, calling him a dog, who secreted 370 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Latour, and wax bribed by liini ; al)iisiiig him, and adding, that Latour must come out, for ho was a bad man, "wlio de- ceived the people, and wlio must now die. In this way, and beset by tlie rest with threats, Bram- bosch says that he himself was worked into a fury against the count ; and that when he, together with the sworn guai'd of protection, led the latter down into the courtyard, and the cry arose there at the sight of the War Minister, of " Hang him ! — kill him !" the accused also inflicted on him several blows with the butt-end of his musket, at the mo- ment when the -victim, with his face covered with blood, stnick by an iron pole or a hammer on the head, and by a pike in the face, sank to the gi-ound. Bi^ambosch likewise saw the body drawn up to the window- gi'ating, snatched a narrow strip of linen and a piece of black cloth from one of the people under the gateway of the War Office, where the mob were scrambling for the torn clothes of the murdered man, and then returned to the bastion to the other guards, where he displayed and distributed the pieces. He accuses Wühelm of ha\ing, by his instigations, been the sole cause of his misfortunes; adding, that he must ac- cuse him of this in court. Dming the tumult in the courtyard, he says that he lost sight of Wühelm, and met liim first again on the bastion, where Wilhelm tried to take him to the arsenal. The accused, howevei*, would not that day have anything more to do wdth the affair, ha^ig already had enough. Brambosch also states that, on the 8th of October, two days after the murder, he himself heard, in a saloon on the first stoiy of the Aida, a student .say, who was addressing the people and inciting them to take up arms and bo courageous, that on the previous day a smith of the railroad, MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 377 who had stnick Coimt Latour the blow with a hammer, and whose name the student mentioned, appeared at the Aula to demand liis reward ; but that nothing could be given him, as there was no money left. Accused further stated, that he had taken part in the latest October insuiTCction, in so far as being enrolled as a man of trust in his company, the Select Corps, he had joined in the conflict against the impeiial troops in the Brigittenau on the 22nd and 23rd of October, but on the 28th of Octo- ber had drawn several peaceable National Guards of the faubourgs from their homes, by threats, to the defence of the small lines at Marialiilf. Bursting into tears, he bewailed his having brought so much grief on his mother, a Frenchwoman, and the wife of a camp-baker, who, according to his statement, had received the cross of the Legion of Honour in the Russian campaign, for having saved Napoleon ; and he envied the fate of his eleven brothers, who had all fallen with arms in their hands in the French service, whilst an ignominious death awaited liim the last ! 3. TJiomas Jurkovich, the third accomplice, was born at Peruchich, in the circle of the Ottochan second Frontier in- fantiy regiment ; thirty-six years of age, a Catholic, unmar- ried, habitually cohabiting with different servant-girls, the father of two young children ; authorized cravat-maker on the Wieden : he had never before been punished. He is described as habitually careless, rude, niggardly, quarrelsome, and at the same time close; addicted to drink, especially when he could obtain it at the cost of others, and passionately given to democratic ideas. In his possession was found a collection of seditious papers, as was the case with most of the accused. When a journeyman, he used, on tlie slightest occasion, to 378 UrV^ESTIGATION INTO THE threaten Lis comrades with liis scissoi-s or flat-iron, and from his impetuous and \'iolent behaviour, it was at that time pre- dicted that ho would come to the gallows. His confession, made after many examinations, fall of lies and resei-vation, is as follows : — On the 6th of October, 1848, at noon, in consequence of alarms, he went as a National Guard of the first company of the seventh circle of the Wieden Faubourg, with his com- pany into the city to the Red Tower Gate, and thence with a camion taken by them from the city arsenal to the bas- tion above the Caroline Gate. Outof joy at having escaped unwoimded on the Stephens- platz, where the rear divisions of his battalion had been fired upon by the Ci^dc Guards, he repaired, after two o'clock, from the bastion to a neighbouiing j>ublic-house, and from thence, slightly intoxicated, to the Aida with his bayoneted musket, and then straight to the courtyard, where he forced his way with the rest of the crowd into the coiu-t of the War Office. Here he was standing in the throng of people, when the War Minister was brought from the U2:)per stories into th ■ court. Seeing the crowd now pressing upon the count with up- lifted weapons, and the universal animosity against him, he himself came to share their rage, and forcing his way through the mass of people, resolved himself to give the War Minis- ter a bayonet-thrust, and had he been able, he would have inflicted several upon him. When however he reached the count, the latter was al- ready lying on the gi-oimd ; but the accused did not know whether he still lived or was already dead. At the moment when Jm-kovich thrust at the War Minister Avith his bayonet, he slipped down, pressed by the MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 379 crowd, and without having hit the count, he stepped into a pool of blood on the ground at the count's head, and his right boot and the lower part of his trousers were much stained. Then being unable, as he would gladly have done, to give another thrust at the count, he quitted the War Office, taking from a workman at the gate, who was cutting a general's unifonn into pieces and distributing them, one of these pieces, and then hastened exultingly to the Um- versity. On his way, at the Lugeck, he heard people among the crowd in the streets crying out, that those who had killed Latour, would receive for it thirty gulden each at the Aula, and that their names woiild be inscribed in a book there. His tailoring business having gone badly, he wished to come in for a share of tliis pay, and holding up the spotted cloth, and trusting to the traces of blood visible on him, he cried out, " I had also a hand in it !" whereupon the people lifted him up in their arms with shouts of bravo and exul- tation, and thus carried him about in triumph to the Uni- versity-square. But when the other people, fresh come from the War Office, saw him, they cried out, " That is not he, that is iLot the true one : this man deserves no reward !" and there- upon they drove him away, without his getting a kreutzer, whilst the rest of the miu-derers went to the Aula. It is a striking fact, on the contrary, that Jurkovich, in his examinations, so often, and mostly of himself, came to speak of the blood-money, and sometimes cursed the expected thirty florins, with a feeHng of bitter contrition, as the cause of his misfortune ; adding, of his own accord, that he was sure he deserved the same i-ewurd as the man with the hammer ! 3S0 INVESTIGATION INTO THE The triuniplial procession of the accused at the Aula is confirmed not only by his own confession, but by many eye- witnesses on oath, who added, that at the thne several of the other nun-derei-s accompanied him, some with bloody weapons, whilst Jurko^-ich, in his National Guard imiform, was the only one earned on the people's shoulders. From the Aula, Jurko\dch went, as he further relates in the course of his confession, accompanied by a gi-eat crowd of ]»eople, on to the bastion to his company, where he boasted publicly of his deed, and distributed the pieces of the cloth uniform he had brought with him. His look at that time is described by the witnesses as fiightful and revolting. He was in the utmost excitement, his eyes rolled, liis hair stood upright ; both hands, liis shirt-sleeves, his right foot, and the lower part of his trousers were saturated with blood, and his whole appearance, literally di'ipping with blood, was so wild and hideous, that most of the guards turned from him with horror and disgust. In the evening again, on liis retui'n home from the bastion, Jurkovich again boasted in the open street at the Freihaus, in the Wieden Suburb, of his brave ly in the murder, in the presence of a great concourse of people. After the entrance of the imperial troops into the city, Jurkovich, as he himself acknowledged, had no longer a quiet hoTU" ; he was in continual dread of being arrested, made arrangements in liis house to provide against the chance of this, and sought advice of those companions of his among the guards who had seen him, on the Gtli Octobei", on the bastion, whether he had not better fly. He cut off his beard, was all night bathed in perspiration, according to the testimony of his housekeeper, and his sleep was broken by exclamations of anxiety. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 381 Wangler, Bramboscli, äs well as most of the other accom- plices, were also tormented by a similar disquiet and dread, and they all took pains to disfigure tlieh- appearance as much as possible, by cuttiug off their beards, to prevent their being recognised. 4. Franz Kohl, was born in the Eisengrab district and lordship of Gföhl, in Lower Austria ; twenty-two years of age, a CathoHc, unmarried ; a joiu-neyman joiner by trade. Nothing came out unfavourable to his previous life and character, but at his house, among numerous effects, were found many democratic street-circiüars and other papers. Arrested in consequence of these suspicious circum.stances in his OAvn house, whither he went, on the 12 th October, 1848, from Vienna, he stated the following particulars in Ills examination : — On the 6th October, 1848, he came into the city in the afternoon, to the Hofplatz, from the Wieden Subm'b, where he was at that time at work, in the employ of a joiner, when a cry was raised by a large concourse of people that Latour was to be hung. One National Guardsman of his own suburb (an Hmigarian,. named Joseph Major), was especially active in inciting the people, and drew on the crowd by motioning with his naked sword, and then incited them to force their way into the building. Hereupon the whole swarm, consisting chiefly of guards and armed railway-workmen (the accused amongst the rest), proceeded, with a general cry that Latom- must I !(} foxind, into the War Office, and up the back chief staii'case, into several rooms on the first story, which, it was said, were the apartments of the War Minister. Following the exanq)le of the crowd, and in order not to bf laughed at \>y his comrades at home as a coward, Kohl said that he here helped in the search for the count, thinking 383 IJJVESTIGATIOX INTO THE that the people would be satisfied with merely taking him prisoner. They however only found a field-uniform, with a hat and plume of feathers, which were immediately torn in pieces and distributed, the accused taking a military cross which had been attached to the uniform. On heai'ing the ciy, which suddenly burst forth in the courtyai'd, " They have got him : he must be hung !" Kohl hastened down with the rest, and on this occasion took from a workman, whom he mot on the staii'case, an iron two-pronged fork fastened to a wooden haniUe (many of which were taken from the registry-offices in the plunder at that time), in order, as he states, to show his comrades at home that he was present at the scene, and did not want corn-age. When the accused went down into the court, the count had just been brought thither, and the crowd nished upon bim in a mass, beating him, and exclaiming, "Only hang him : no pardon !" During this scene. Kohl stood, according to his statement, perfectly passive, with the long fork above mentioned, at about twenty paces from the spot where the murder was committed. When the victim, according to the general deposition of the bystanders, was already lifeless, and the crowd de- manded his being hung up, in order that they might see him better, Kohl left the place where he had been stand- ing, on being called by a workman near him to lend a hand, and forced his way up to the barred window, the spot of the hanging. A workman standing behind here threw them a cord, and there was a call for a knife to cut it with. Two men, whose faces the accused could not see, then fastened the body, which was lifted up by the others, with a MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR, 383 cord to the "window-bars, and Kohl helped, seizing the body with his iron fork, and lifting it up, in which act the fork, as well as the accused's clothes and hat, were soiled with the blood flowing from the count's head. This hangman's assistant adds, that the count was at that time still aHve, for he had looked at him closely, with a view to be able to assert the contrary. He confessed the enormity of his deed, but said that he had done it only to please the people, and not out of personal animosity towards the minister. Kohl declares, that at the instant when the body fell from the Aviudow, he went away from the War Office, and home to the Wieden, taking with him the iron fork, which was sub- sequently found in his house. According to the deposition of one of the witnesses, it is, however, highly probable that he, as well as some others of the murderers, went stul earlier — between five and six o'clock — through the Schulenstrasse, past the inn of tlie Golden Duck, where the Central Committee of all the democratic clubs held their meetings on the second story, going in triumph, speechifying, boasting of their deeds, and flourishing their weapons. Several other circumstances raise doubts as to the in- tegrity of the confession of this accused ; for another eye- Avitness of the deed asserts, on oath, that he saw a young man, of small stature, liigh-coloured in the face, during the perpetration of the murder, with a fork formed exactly like the one belonging to Kohl, and produced to the witness, and that this young man gave a thrust at the War Minister. Witness said that, from his short-sightedness, he could not identify the accused, who was placed before him, to whom that personal description corresponded ; but Kohl had, on the evening of the murder, boasted to another witness, 381 INVEaTIOATION INTO THE Ins companion, that he had struck at tlio count with tlie turk thus (lescril)ecl, winch boast he confesses, calling it, liowcver, only an emj)ty brag, and denying the blow or thrust. A third witness observed in the courtyard of the War Office, a man, whom he could not distinguish more closely, holding up a bundle of cord on a similar fork, over the heads of the people, to the hangman at the window. Lastly, another eye-witness states that he saw the body of the War Minister, when being hung to the lamp-post in the square, lifted up with a similar iron fork by a man who could not be recognised in the crowd. The repi'oaches of his mistress, to whom he had confided his participation in the crime, wex'e silenced by Kolil with the excuse that he had acted only to secure liberty. 5. Johann Johl, bom at Witzelsdorf, in Lower Austria, thirty years of age, a Catholic, unmarried ; journeyman weaver in a manufactory at Gunipendorf : had been at an earlier period of life arrested by the police fur stealing clothes, but was liberated, from the want of sufficient grounds of suspicion. His employer gives him a favourable character, and hi» fellow-workmen praise his cheerful temper, but speak of Ids attachment to the anarchist party. He himself states that he was a member of the Liberal Club, under the presidency of the notorious Chaisees, in the Wieden Suburb ; also that he had visited the Society of Ger- man Catholics, and likewise the immense assemblage in the Odeon, September, 1848; the object of which was to prepare the outbreak of the 6th October, 1848. ßespecting his share in the murder, Johl made the follow- ing confession in the court : — On the Gth Octoljer, at one o'clock in the afternoon, ;xt-i he MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 385 asserts, lie went unarmed and from mere curiosity into the city, -where the tocsin had just soimded, first to the Stephens- platz, when the Civic Guards fired upon guards of the subiu-bs, and then to the University, in order to hear what was said there. As the tumult in the Aula was too great to hear anything distinctly — the whole assembly S2:)eaking, one louder than another — he followed a number of students, guards, and armed workmen to the Stephensplatz, where the pioneers fired upon the j^eople, and retired beyond the Graben. On this occasion he was a mere spectator, and was slightly wounded on the left sliin by the rebound of a shot. Hearing it said that the military were overpowered, and were being disarmed on the Freiung, ctiriosity seized him to go thither ; and thence he proceeded to the War Ofiice, where the tumult was the greatest, in order to see what was going on there. He found the court filled -with students, National Guards, and workmen, and just as he reached the side staircase, the people were bringing out the War Minister, upon whom the crowd rushed, in spite of the loud entreaties of two gentle- men, conducting the count on each side, not to ill-use him, the Diet having taken him imder their protection. The crowd, notwithstanding, pressed on, with cries of " Kill liim ! " and beat him with all kinds of weapons ; one of the first blows ^vith a hanimer, inflicted by a sooty-faced smitli, •struck the minister's head. Up to that time Johl, as he states, had stood inactive, at fiijout eight or ten paces from the crowd ; but when the count lay to all appearance lifeless- on the gi-ound, and a ^veil-dressed man near the accused drew a bundle of cord from his pocket, and called out for a knife, Johl states that, sur- jirised and without reflection, he pulled his knife out of his 2c 3S6 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE pockot, aiul lianilod it to the man, who ^\ itli it cut oil' a piece ot" the tangled cord, and threw it into the c)-owd >\ ho suri'ounded the jjro.strate count, exclaiming, " Hang liim up !" And that the body was then pulled up Asith that cord to the window-gi-ating, and fastened. Accused stated that he also saw the body, fallen from the "SA-iudow, dragged to the squai*e, hung up to the lamp-i^ost, and tired at : he then went to the high bridge, and there remained for some time, during the attack on the arsenal, out of curiosity. According to the dejiositions on oath of two of his fellow- workmen, Johl on the contrary boasted afterwards, in the manufactory, of his participation in the deed in handing the knife, not only ^\dth boldness and self-satisfaction, but he even bragged that he had helped to search for the War ]\Iinister in his dwelling, had burst open several doors \vitli his foot, and in doing so had hurt his knee ; and that he had incited the folks, who were busy in the destiniction of the furniture, rather to go and seek out the count. He also states that, during the firing at the dead body suspended in the square, he called out to two officers of the main guard close by, who were stupified at the scene, " Look ye, gentlemen, there hangs a count, and 'tis proper to give him a salute of honour." Johl confessed that he indulged in these expressions in the maTiufactory; but that in doing so he only repeated what he had heard, and held such language, because the men would not believe that he had been present at the occurrence. The accused admitted having shai-ed in the subsequent October revolt ; that he not only helped to defend the Mariahilf lines on the 26th and 28th of October, 1848, but that on the latter day he voluntarily joined a division of workmen proceeding to the Leopoldstadt, and fired several MURDER OP COUNT LATOUR. 387 times on tlie advancing military from a window, at the bar- ricades in the Jäger Zeil ; and that on the 30th of October he again took up aims, on the news of the approach of the Hungarians. 6. Midiael Neurtuiye,r, another accomplice, a native of Loitzendorf, in the kingdom of Bavaria ; has resided since December 1st, 1845, in Austria, is twenty-eight years of age, a Catholic, mamed ; settled in Oberdöbling, where he tended the gardens of several private individuals, and was enrolled in the National Guard of the place, with whom he used to do duty in Vienna also. He was the son of a schoolmaster, attended in his youth the Latin classes, and acquired a mental education far sur- passing his condition in Life. The accounts of his previous life in Bavaria afford a clue to Neumayer's unbridled passionateness, and in that country, in the year 1826, he underwent a preliminary examination in the Vienna Criminal Court, on account of a public act of violence ; which chai'ge, not coming under the criminal pro- ceedings, was referred to the Police Commissariat at Ober- döbling, and was there dismissed with a short ari-est. It came out that ISTeumayer had gi'ossly insulted his employer, on occasion of a repi'oof to his mistress ; had threatened his life, and two days afterwards had waylaid him in the evening in the public way, and pelted his carriage with stones from an ambuscade. In the beginning of October, 1848, he was suspected of a burglary and robbeiy, but the Criminal Court found the j^roofs insufficient to proceed further against him. A letter wi-itten by Neumayci*, which appears in tlic documents, indicates clearly a discontented spirit, in conse- quence of his low condition, filted with hate and bitterness toward all in high rank. 2c2 388 INVESTIGATION INTO THE His It'llow-ludgcrs unanimously asserted that during tlie last year he had been always excited, stormy, and passionately addicted to the tumults existing at that time. They describe him as a cunning and malicious man, whose looks, as one of the Avituesses adds, involuntaiily reminds one of the nature of the tiger. Those about him were surprised how, with a lamUy of six children, he could have lived so comfortably the last summer, Avhen he seldom got work and generally went sauntering about. His behavioiir during the examinations was remarkable; he exliibited au imperturbable quietness and coolness, at the same time assuming an hypocritical air of humbleness and Christian resignation to his fate. It deserves especially to be mentioned, that e.ssays by him have appeared in the political " Studenten Courier." According to the judicial depositions of Neumayer, he was in the forenoon of the Gth of October, 1848, working in the garden of the Children Hospital, in the Alser Suburb, when he heard the alarm beat, and on the news that a tumiilt had arisen on the Tabor, on account of the departure of a grenadier battalion, he hastened tliither, unarmed, and dressed in his light-gi-ey summer coat and the cap of the National Guard ; the fighting had however ended, and he assisted in ^emo^Tng the dead and wounded. Returning to the city, when he reached the Hofplatz, seeing the military in conflict with the guards, he joined the proletarians in the square, and went with them to the cliief guard of the War Office. In the guard-room he found ten to fifteen grenadiers and pioneers, who were at first threatened by the people ; but afterwards, when voices were raised for them, and it was said that the soldiers were innocent, and the great personages must MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 389 be called to account, they were led off piisoners to the city arsenal. One of these pioneers, who had applied to the accused for protection, gave the latter his sword at his request, which Neumayer kept in his hand in the subsequent occurrences. When the gate of the War Office was opened, upon the clamom- of the increasing multitude, the accused went with the crowd to the first story, where a door was pointed out which it was said Count Latour had entered. After repeated knocking at the closed entrance, and the threat of bursting open the door, a gentleman came out (who the accused aftenvards heard was General Von Frank), who, in reply to the inquiry where the War Mhiister was, declared he did not know ; whereupon, on the demand of the people, he was led off prisoner to the city arsenal, whither Neumayer conducted him. The accused, however, soon returned to the War Office, just as the deputy Borrosch rode off from thence. At this time, and whilst already several cries were heard demanding Latours death, witness states that Rausch, who was standing on the lower steps of the back main staircase, called on the concourse of people to follow him ; whereupon the accused, as he says, followed Rausch to the second story, only for the protection of the count, when the breaking in tlie gates and the devastation of the apartments began. Neumayer proceeded to describe the occurrences, above related, on the staii'case of the third story after the count's resignation was brought thither by Smolka, and remarks, that he was one of the twenty guards who undertook, with a solemn oath, the protection of the War Minister, under the leadership of Rausch. He went with this young student and the three dejtuties to the hiding-place of the count, and dwells particularly 390 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE upon the ciixumstance that, -when Smolka represented to the War INIinister the necessity of liis showing himself to the people, and letting himself be conducted by the guard of protection to the Diet, he (Neumayer) tapped the deputy Sierakowsky on the shoulder, and drew his attention to the danger of leading the count down to the infuriated mob, ad^'ising that the War Minister should rather be under guard in the chamber upstah-s. On the other hand, the depositions of the deputies and of Major Baron Boxberg, show that the proposal to guard the count upstairs had been made by themselves, and that the War Minister was -willing to adopt this course, only ex- pressing his wish to be taken to the major's apartment. Respecting the subsequent events, Neumayer says as follows : — Soon afterwards, when he stationed himself with the yoimg student before the passage door which the count had entered, Rausch approached from the staircase -with his guard of protection, in which several meddling persons had mingled, and in reply to the question " Wliere is he ?" the young student pointed to the door, which Rausch opened, and out of which the coimt stepped, ^viih the expression before stated. Accused also states, that with the wish of saving the War Minister, he now opposed the crowd, who wanted to take him downstairs, representing that the count should remain upstairs, as the guard of protection had pledged their word of honovu- for his safety. He was however clamoured down by the rest, and the count was led downstairs, whereupon the accused, when after- wards one of the two men who were at the count's side was pushed away, took his place ; that he reproached the fellow for his roughness in forcing the War Minister's hat on to his MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 391 lace, and tliat the man in return threatened him with his sword. In the courtyard the count, with his protectors, was pressed against the window-wall, and ISTeimiayer states that lie kept close to the coimt's right side, whilst another big man was on his left. Thereupon, some of the people standing round them, espe- cially two unarmed gentlemen, parried with their arms the lilows aimed at the count on all sides with muskets and pikes ; but the accused did not observe any sabre among tliese weapons. A young, shortset workman, behind the big man on the count's left side, pressed forward, and struck the minister a blow on the head with a hammer from behind, when the count staggered, but soon recovered himself. After this blow on the hat of the coimt, the blood forced its way through the head-covering, and accused was sprinkled with it. Indignant at the base conduct of the fellow with the hammer, he threatened him with his pioneer's sabre, but presently he observed one of those behind thrusting a pointed iron pole between the people in front, and inflicting a stab in the count's belly ; whereupon the latter sank to the ground, and accused, considering any further efibrt to protect him fruitless, went across the Hofplatz to the Civic Arsenal and thence straight to Dobling. Some days afterwards he took liis pioneer's sabre to the Imperial Arsenal, wishing to exchange it for a trailing sword. In contradiction, however, to this statement, it was asserted on oath by several eye-witnesses, that the first woimd inflicted on the War Minister when he entered the com-t, was followed by a stroke with a pioneer's sabre on the head. 392 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Aicle-cio-camp Captain Leopold Count Goudrecourt, who pushed the War ^Minister agaiust the wall for his safer pro- tection, placed liiniself before him, and panied with his hand several thrusts and blows aimed at the latter, especially affirms, that Count Latour -was at that time without any head-covering, and that he, as long as ^vitness stood befoi'e him, received only a sabre-cut on his forehead, from which Captain GoncU'ecourt was covered with blood. One of the invalids belonging to the Horse-guard, saw fi'om the passage-window the "War ^Minister, whose hat had been torn off, receive the first wound from a blow on the head, stiitck by a man whom -witness could not distmguish, at the window-wall, ■\\'ith a yellow-handled sabre. The third -witness, a magistrate's officer, who was standing at twenty paces from tlie War Minister when he entered the coui-tyard, deposes, that the first stroke was hiilictcd by a pioneer's sabre, wldch was instantly followed by a number of blows and tlu-usts vnth. all kinds of weapons, among which was a hammer. Witness was too much stuniied at the scene, to have im- pi'essed on his recollection the appearance of the man mth the pioneer's sabre. Another witness, formerly an officer in the Im})erial ser- vice, who came accidentally and miarmed to the scene of the murder, found the War Minister, -without his hat, at the ■window- wall, just when the latter entered the coui-tyard, and placed himself, in order to protect him, at his right side, whilst on the count's left was a large, elegantly-dressed man, and round about several other unanned gentlemen, who were actively engaged in trying to save him ; bat who all were, one by one, forced away. One man, who, accoixling to another statement, belonged to the Guards of the Suburb seized the count by the head, and MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 393 piülecl him with such \-iolence that the unhappy inau stag- gered and held fast by the -svitness's hand. The latter saw three blows hit the count, nearly at the same time, — one with a pioneer's sabre, the second vntli an ii'on pole, both on the head, and the third with a hammer, or, as he believes, with a hoe. Witness describes the man who inflicted the sabre-cut, and who stood opposite the War Minister, as perfectly cor- responding to the accused in age, statui-e, ajipearance, and dress. According to Neumayer's personal representation, he con- firmed this likeness, without being able — as is conceivable — to speak Avith perfect certainty. Two other witnesses, both peaceable and trustworthy work- men, were standing at eight to ten paces from the War Minister, and agree in asserting that a man, standing close before him, and whose descrijition perfectly answers to accused, inflicted the first blow on the count's head -svith a pioneer's sabre, exclaiming, " Down with the dog ! " [Nichts, nieder mit dem Hund !) and that thereupon the count, in order to protect himself, seized his head wnih. both his hands. Both witnesses remarked the shirt sticking out on the arm which was raised to deal tliis stroke, and upon being confronted with Neiunayer, they confirmed his striking resemblance to the man, but were not able to prove his identity with certainty, as they had been standing beliind the man during the perpetration of the act. The accomplice Willielm recognised in the person of Neimiayer the same man with perfect certainty, who, going upon the staircase directly behind the War Minister, insulted him in the most fuiious manner, threatened his life, and kept continually flourishing his pioneer-sabre over his head, as if he would every instant deal a blow with it. ^Oi INVESTIGATION INTO THE Brambosch after liis condemnation also states with cer- tainty, upon Neuniayer being placed before him, that it was he who, after helping to conduct the War Minister down from the fourth story, placed himself before liim in the courtyard, and raised his arm as if to strike a blow at the count Avith his pioneer-sabre. Bi-ambosch could not obserA-e, in the tumult that prevailed, whether the sabre-stroke really liit the count ; but says that it is false that jS'eumayer tried to strike the man with the hammer, as he just then turned away from the latter and toward the count. The wife of a civil officer, who was produced as a witness, recognised in the accused — not indeed with certainty, but Avith probability — the same man who, during the procession Avith JurkoA-ich in the Aula, flourishing a pioneer-sabre, had exclaimed " This I haA^e won myself ! " and according to the testimony of a Avoman who lived in the same house as Neu- mayer at -Oberdobling, he the same evening exhibited at home the pioneer-sabre he had brought in a triumphant ■ manner, and repeating the same words. Several other persons living in the same house, testified that accused returned so sprinkled with blood, that he had instantly to change his clothes ; that he related the War Minister's fate Avith a joyous excitement, adding, that the dog was rightly treated ; boasted of his share in the murder ; that he had ironically mocked at the words of the count, Avhich he repeated to them, "My dear children ;" and when reproached by a Avitness, he had answered, " If you had seen the bloodshed before on the Tabor, you would, like me, have had no pity for him." Lastly, it was affirmed by these Avitnesses, that Neumayer afterwards, especially since the entrance of the Imperial troops, had exerted himself zealously to sj)read the belief MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 395 that at Latour s murder he had been only anxious for liis protection ; and one of the witnesses mentions a man coming once previously to accused's house, looking Hke a student, who some days after the murder had asked for him, saying, " We want him, he must come ! " To all these statements accused gave the most obstinate denial, remarking, that he saw he was lost by so many ap- pearances of proof against him, but it was all an error, and that an accidental likeness with one of the agents in the mixrder threatened his destruction ! 7. Joseph Pavnkausky, another of the agents, was bom at "Vienna in Austria, is thirty-five years old, a Catholic, unmar- ried; a journeyman, and seller of sand. He has been fourteen times before punished judicially, mostly for robbery and ex- cesses ; is known as excessively brutal and given to drink. According to his confession, he went on the day of the murder, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, unarmed and without a coat, into a spirit-shop in the city, where he got intoxicated, fell asleep, and did not go to the Graben till the afternoon. He states that he was here just putting aside the dead body of a soldier who had been shot, when suddenly a shot was fired from a window in the neighbourhood, whereupon about twenty-five guards and workmen ran together, and rushed with him into the apartments of the first story of the house, from which they thought the shot had been fii'ed. In the presence of an affiighted man-sei'vant they ransacked all the chests and cupboards, showed the greatest rage against the unknown person who had fired the shot ; and the accused, who, instead of a weapon, says that he carried in his hands a large stone, does not deny that he uttered threats of killing. He went thence to the Hofplatz, where the body of the War Minister was just being dragged by a crowd of men to the lamp-post. 396 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Ileai'ing the people ciy '• He must be hanged ! " and being worked up to a state of fury by the occurrence with the servant, the accused was led to consent to hang up the body. He states that he, in the tii-st place, nioiuited on a stone at the foot of the lamp-post ; but not being able to reach the arm of the post, nor fasten the corpse to it by the cord fastened round the neck, although it was lifted up by others, the body fell from him sideways. A ladder wasthen brought, which the accused mounted ; and he then tied fast to the arm of the lamp-post with a white leathern strap, which some one shortly before had slung round the neck of the coimt, the lifeless body of the count, whose head, hanging do^^"n on one side, had been beaten in, and bled copiously from gaping wounds. Thereupon Pawikausky, according to his own statement, turned the suspended body round, the face being towards the lamp-post, in order that every one might see it ; he then descended the ladder, and went to the Imperial Arsenal, to see how the afiair would end, from whence, without taking part in the attack, he returned, not till the morning, to the spii-it-shop. The statements of the eye-witnesses, several of whom recognised Pawikausky with certainty as the hangman, or, to use their ovm. expression, as the Matador, describe his fright- ful activity at first on the stone, and afterwards on the ladder, and give bi-utal details. The accused states that he pulled oif his jacket to hang the body, stripped up his shirt-sleeves, ill-treated the body when standing on the stone -with kicks and blows, because it slipped from his hands, and afterwards on the ladder em- braced it with his bloody hands, insultingly and with coarse expressions, pulled it about by the hair, and spit in the face, tül a shudder ran through the witnesses. MURDER OF COUXT LATOUR. 397 At the conclusion lie made a speech, amid shouts of applause from the spectators, like Wangler, a repetition of which human feeling forbids. The deposition of an eye-witness belonging to the educated classes is important, and entitled to full credit : he had by chance made liis way through the crowd among the mur- derers in the courtyard of the War Office, where he stood only a few paces distant fi'om the barred window. He recognised with certainty Pa\vikausky, on being confronted ^vith him, as the same man who, at the first strangu- lation, when the count was still alive, drew up the body, and tied it \vith the cord to the window-bars. Witness saw the same man, Pawikausky, soon afterwards in the squai'e, acting as hangman at the lamp-post. Another equally credible \vitness confirms the identity of the hangman in both cases with the person of Pamkausky, but merely conjecturally, without being able to speak with certainty. A third witness thinks, also with probability only, that he observed Pawikausky among the band of murderers in the coui-tyard of the building. From the deposition of the servant in the dwelling in the Seitzergasse, into which Pa\vikausky forced his way to seek for the man who fired the shot, it appears that the crowd who rushed in ^vith him was headed by Padovany (after- wards convicted as an insurgent), who exhibited great haste, and went away exclaiming, "We have still more to do!" Whereupon witness saw the whole rabble of people hasten to the War Office. He afterwards related to the same servant, who was one of I'awikausky's customers for sand, that he had sli(jt se^•eral soldiers, at the attack on the arsenal, from the roof of an adjoining house ; and when witness reproached liim after 398 INVESTIGATIOX INTO THE tlic occupation of the city witli the occurrences of the 6th of October, accused excused lunisclf by saying, that they, the workmen, had been paid in October by Jews, and were employed where they were wanted. The accused said, that matters woidd soon begin again, but that witness might be quiet ; nothing more would happen to him, for he (Pawikausky) was now well-disposed, and before, likeAvise, he had only fought for liberty. In a similar manner he had expressed himself also against another of his customers, in March, 1849, remarking, that they should again assemble, and fall upon " the big-heads" ■with scythes : so sajdng, the accused pointed to the head, with a motion of his hand, accompanied by a liissing sound. Several other eye-witnesses stated, that it was generally known in the Wieden Suburb, where Pawikausky dwelt, that on the Gth of October he sold in the city several pieces of cloth, part of the dress of Count Latour, at ten to thirty kreutzers apiece ; and his friend and comi-ade, who was also examined respecting his participation in this crime, asserts, that Pawikausky confided to him that he had hung up the body of the count, after having first dragged it out from the building. Aftei-wards, however, the accused, as his friend testifies, could not bear any talk about the miu'der of the War Minister ; for it seemed to make him anxious and uneasy, and he used, whenever the conversation fell upon this subject, to go away; indeed, he had latterly declared that his life was a burden to him, and that he must give himself up to the authorities, as so many innocent persons were under arrest on his account. All participation exceeding the limits of his confession, especially his presence and co-ojieration in the murder in the War Office, at the first strangulation as well as at the attack on the arsenal, was obstinately denied by the MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 399 accused ; and it only remains to be mentioned, that in consequence of a wound at the fight on the lines, October 28th, 1848, he was laid up in the hospital foi- thirteen weeks. 8. Jolmnn Fischer, Avas born at St. Georgen, in the county of Presburg, in Hungary ; is tliirty-eight years of age, a Catholic, and unmarried ; he is a joiner in a manufactory in the neighboiu'hood of the Gloggnitz station, the father of two illegitimate children : has never before been under judicial examination, was an industrious workman, but passionate, irritable, very resolute, proud, seldom sober, and feared by every one in his own house for his brutality. A prominent feature in his character is his especial pre- dilection for riots, to which he used always to run armed, and with a kind of fanatical inspiration. According to liis statement, which was rendered suspicious by his reserve at first, and by his numerous contradictions, he left his dwelling on the day of the murder early in the after- noon, and went first to a neighbouring spirit-shop, afterwards, after two o'clock, unarmed into the city, to the Aula, where he remained inactive for half an hour, and then went to the Seitzergasse. Here he states that he took the iron pike of a workman, who went away leaving the weapon beliind him, and pro- ceeded with it to the courtyard of the War Office, where he remained about ten minutes ; that just then a gentleman, who was surrounded by a crowd of workmen and guards exclaim- ing that " Latour must come out, for he was there !" assured the multitude that the count was no longer in the house. On being called upon by a National Guard to assist in removing the wounded from the guard-house in the square, the accused says, that lie went to the guard-house, and from thence, as the wounded were already removed, to the Juq)eiial Arsenal, it being said that the peoj)le were going to storm it. 400 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE Ha\-ing, liowcvcr, on liis way thither turned back from fear, lie i-emained on the Freiung ; but an hour afterwards, hearing the cry suddenly i-aised that Latour was dead, he lun to the courtyard, whore he saw the body suspended to the lamp-post, and covered it with a linen cloth. The people, on hearing a discharge of musketry, thinking that the military were firing, ran off in different directions, and he hastened back to the Fx-eiung, where a man Avas cuttmg to pieces and distributing a sword-belt, declaring it to have been Latour's ; the accused also received a piece, and went with an acquaintance whom he met on the bastion to the arsenal. There, without taking part in the attack, he rcinained till nine o'clock, and then went to a wine-cellar in the Graben, and at half-past ten o'clock rctui-ncd home. On the other hand, two witnesses recognised the accused as the same man who, on the evening of the murder, exhibited in the above-mentioned -wdne-cellar a pointed, pike-shaped, long, iron pole, bent round at the handle, Avith the boast, that he had killed Count Latour with it, at the same time boldly stating liis name, contlition, and abode ; and on the remark of one of the Avitnesses, that he would receive a rewai'd at the Aula for his deed, he answered, that he knew the way thither. A piece of a sword-belt was also exhibited by Fischer on this occa.sion, with the remark, that it had belonged to Latour, and he had sold other gold tassels belonging to it for twenty kreutzers each. In a like manner the accused boasted on the bastion to his acquaintances, as likewise in the evening twilight, on his retimi home soon afterwards, to the woman who lived in the same hou.se, and in both places he expressly mentioned his pike, with which he had stabbed the War Minister, adding, MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 401 to the latter female witness, that he had also assisted at the hanging, and that he should cut off the end of his pike, to keep it as a memorial for his son. One of the Deutschmeister Infantry Grenadiers, who, at the time of the murder, was standing in the coui-tyard of the War Office, and who endeavoiu-ed to rush to the aid of the War Minister, but was seized by a National Guard and chnven back into the courtyard, with the words, that he had nothing to do there, descnbes precisely, in his examination before the arrest of the accused, an artisan, exactly corre- sponding to Fischer's person, who, soon after the attack on the count, stepped out of the knot of mmxlerers, and standing close by the witness, wiped with a handkercliief a bloody pointed ii'on weapon, which seemed to the grenadier to be a bayonet, exclaiming, " The only wish of my life, to have his blood, is satisfied : — the villain betrayed my country ! " This witness accidentally met Fischer in the antechamber of the court, and hardly had he caught sight of him, when he begged to be examined, and asserted with certainty that Fischer was the workman described by him. The above-mentioned accomplice, Brambosch, saw, as soon as he reached the War Office, Fischer standing in the court- yard with an iron pike ; and when Brambosch afterwards turned round to go away, after the blows inflicted with the butt -end of the musket on the War Ministei', he ol)served the accused close in front of him, again in the midst of the crowd of murderers, armed with a weapon, which he this time could not exactly distinguisli, on account of the prevailing tumult, whilst lie confirmed his personal identity with cer- tainty. Another witness of the deed recognised, Avithout hesitation, Fischer as — with a great degree of probability — one of those he had seen among the crowd of murderers in the courtyard, 2d 402 INVESTIGATION INTO THE actively engaged iu the deed ; and a person sentenced for insurrection l)y the Criuiiual Court considered the accused, although not with perfect certainty, to be tlic same Avork- nian who, with three other proletarians, ültreated with his iron pike a gentleman who was indignant at the strangu- lation on the lamp-post, and who barely saved himself by flight to the neighbouring guai'd-house, where he was obliged to have sui'gical assistance. Lastly, several of Fischer's fellow-lodgers confii-med his eager participation in the fight -with the imperial troops duiing the last days of October, and especially the cu'cuni- stance that he, on the 30th of October, when the imperial outposts were already in his suburb, came home in haste, fetched liis musket, and, like a madman, rushed out, saying that he must shoot the military sentinel. In his garret, and under the floor of liis chambei-, six pistols were found concealed, also a considerable number of cartridges, and a piece of the above-mentioned sword-belt, the possession of which he admitted. The accused did not confess his thiice boasting of his par- ticipation in the mui'der until after many denials, with the remai-k, that he had only bragged of it, without having been on the spot of the murder. He had, however, been told in the street by a woman, that the mvirderers of Count Latoiu- would be well rewarded at the Aula, and he was forced to admit that he did really cut off the end of his iron pike, on the 7th of October, and. kept it as a memorial, but only that he might be able to say years afterwards what had once taken place in Vienna. In the last days of October he had marched out only a few times with the National Guards of his district to the hue, and on the 30th of October he had taken his musket out with him, only to deliver it up, but not to shoot the sentinel. MUKDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 403 9. Joseph Ilajor, a native of Rosenau, in tlie Gömör county in Hungary, fifty-six years of age, of the Evangelical religion, unmarried ; formerly an apotliecary, recently secre- tary of a landed proprietor in Hungary. Sbice 1841 he has resided at Vienna, in the Wieden Suburb, with an acquaintance, who was a money-brokei', without property or any fixed income : he is described as cautious in his state- ments, but easuy excited and mitable, a Radical, cheerful and kind in his manner, and as having been beloved by the Wieden Guards, whose standard-bearer he was. Kohl described and denounced this man as one of the inciters of the people in the events of the 6th of October in the city j stating that, at the time when the mtdtitude in the Hofplatz demanded with outcries the death of the War Minister, he had placed himself m front of the opened door of the War Ofiice, and, flourishing liis sabre, had instigated the people to enter, calling on them to take com^age, to foUow him, and not to be frightened at anything. Kohl heard from the bystanders, that the same guardsman had not only shortly before fought very bravely himself on the Graben, but had also fired upon the people in the conflict with the miUtaiy. In the War Office, Kohl did not see the accused agaiu until the moment when the count's body fell from the window- srating. Major was at that time standing hai'dly five paces off", ;ind spoke with several other guardsmen, without Kohl's ])eing able to overhear their conversation. Major himself made the following statements : — On the day of the murder he went to the city at two o'clock in the afternoon -svith his musket, but without a sabre, to .seek the first company of the National Guards of his district, and was dra\vn into the fight with the pioneers on the Graben. 2d2 404 INVESTIGATION IKTO THE Ho states that lie there fired several times \ipon tlic imperial trtiops, and incited the people to fight, using ex- clamations -which he must confess with repentance. He also admits that he encouraged the multitude in front of the gate of the War Office to advance and enter the building, at a time, indeed, when the death of the War Minister was loudly demanded. In the courtyard, when the proletarians and Jews, dressed like students, were ciying out that the count must die, and be hanged, he at first demanded for him a court-martial ; but on being abiised as a black-yellow dog for this, he was seized with the general rage, and joined with the rest in the cry, that Latour must be hung, but without having any kind of personal enmity against the War Minister. He states that the students, by representing to them that Count Latour wanted to rob them of theii* liberties, and they must defend these, formally instigated them against him, and ordered them to captm-e the War Office. Using a significant simile, Major here said, " The students were the diivers, but they [the people] were the oxen !" On the departure of the deputy Borrosch from the War Office, the accused says that he accompanied him through different streets to the Stephensplatz, after which he drank a gla.ss of wine in a public-house close by, and then returned to the War Office, where he spoke with some guards at the time when the body of the count fell from the window-bars. He does not exactly remember what he said or did in the courtyard on this occa^^ion, for he was probably intoxicated. If he knew the charges brought against him in the court, he would confess them ; but he admits with repentance, that when the body fell from the window-bars, he insulted the count, and cried out -with the rest, that Latour must be hxvas- MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 405 After having seen tlie body dragged to the square and suspended to the lamp-post, he went to the Civic Arsenal, and from thence, toward nine o'clock, home. It must be observed, that Major did not confess liis second presence in the War Office at the i ime of the first strangula- tion until after the deposition of Kohl ; but in subsequent examinations he again retracted his statement, saying that he went from the public-house straight to the City Arsenal, and from thence home, without again entering the War Ofiice ; and, not having yet stood before the court, he, from fear, stated falsely that he had been in the buuding duiing the strangulation. The partial retractation of the accused's confession is ex- plained by the circumstance, that he succeeded, wliilst under arrest, in keeping up an intercourse with a friend, who was by no means free from suspicion ; and it must be mentioned, that several facts, confirmed by witnesses, tend to indicate that Major was a paid agent of the Hungarian anarcliist party, for furthering the occurrences of the 6th of October ; whose intrigiies and share in the murder of the War Minister will be seen moi'e closely hei'eafter. The facts here alluded to are, especially, the frequent intercourse of Major with Hungarian advocates and compromised landowners ia Hvm- gary; his continued and active connection with that country in the summer of 1848, whither he went on a furlough gi-anted him by liis captain ; lastly, tlie circumstance, wliich struck one of the witnesses so forcibly, that Major, who made no secret of his poverty, suddenly, in August or September, 1848, was plentifully supplied with money, and paid drinking debts. 10. Michael Wilhelm is a native of Vienna, in Austria, twenty- two years of age, a Catholic ; unmarried, a journeyman glove- maker: has never before been punished; has the character of 40G INVESTIGATION INTO THE au extreme Ratlical, aud ou the court-martial examination of Tiia brother, Viiiceuz Wilhchn, for having concealed arms dm'ing the state of siege under peculiarly incriminating circumstances, he was arrested as compromised in that matter, whence arose his participation in this murder. As already related by the accomplice Brambosch, Wilhelm, together Avith him, both belonging to the same company of National Guards, shortly before the murder, forced their way into the "War Office, at the instigation of the public speaker in the Bazaar Court ; and the deposition of "Wilhelm agi-ees perfectly Avith that of Brambosch, up to the time when the latter, with Bausch, and the two other guards, returned from the finiitless search for the "War Minister in the passages of the fourth story, to the impatient crowd on the staircase. It is well known that Brambosch accused Wilhelm of being, on that occasion, one of the most violent instigators against the count ; that he demanded aloud his death ; and, in his rage, even presented his bayonet at Brambosch's breast, accusing him of concealing Latour ; from which circumstance Brambosch also points him out as the sole author of his nodsfortune, as he was first thrown by him into that state of imbridled rage against the count, which led to his participa- tion in the mui'der. Brambosch repeated tliis himself to Wuhelm, before the court, in a distinct manner, without any passion ; nay, after being told the fate that awaited him, in the language of reconciliation. It was first, on being thus confronted, that Wuhelm con- fessed all the circumstances connected with his instijratin"- the people, and sought an excuse in the example of the rest, and the general enmity against the War Minister, asserting that he had not thought it woidd come to a real murder. With regard to his later conduct, Wilhelm says, that MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 407 ■when the count was led downstairs into the courtyard, he went behind liiin ; but that just as the attack on the minister began, he returned to the bastion, A^dthout taking part in it. He declares it to be uutrae, that he took part in the subsecpent attack on the imf)erial arsenal, or sought to persuade Brambosch to this. 11. Wilhelm Bausch, the last of the convicted men, was born at Sonneberg, in the Leitmeritz Circle, in Bohemia ; is twenty- four years of age, a Catholic, unmarried ; a student in tech- nology, in his third annual course, and lieutenant in the Academic Legion, hitherto iri'eproachable in his conduct, and having the character of a quiet, industrious, well-conducted, and domestic young man ; who, although carried away by the general enthusiasm for the March events, nevertheless hated the excesses of revolution. Without assistance from home, he supported himself by private teaching and as a copyist ; and in the summer, 1848, received also, upon liis petition, an aid of fifty florins from his majesty the Emperor Ferdinand. On the examination, he manifested an easily- susceptible spirit for every impression, without passing the limits of modesty. The student, by whose share in the occurrences in the AVar Office their fatal termination was not a little furthered, states as follows : — He had come on the morning of that day to the Poly- technic Institute, where his fellow-students disclosed to liim that the j)lan was arx'anged not to allow the German troops to depart ; that the day before, a fraternization had taken place between the Grenadiers and the National Guards in different public-houses, at which the former had given the promise not to depart, if they were supported by the Guards. 40S IXVESTIGATIOX INTO TUE Hereupon tlic accused, after putting on liis unifoi-m, re- ]nüred to the University, where, towards eleven o'clock in the forenoon, a crowd of students, guaixls, and workmen called on liim to be their leader, and under Ids command marched towards Leopoldstadt ; but on theii- way thither, this troop, at the order of the commander of the Academic Legion, Aiguer, who came riding, and met them at the city gate, tui'ned I'ound, and went back to the Aula. Rausch here joined another di^ision of students, who, under the command of the wc^ll-known Wutschel (still a fugitive), wei-e going to the I'aihvay-station in the Prater, where he states that he remained for three-quarters of an hour inactive, out of mere curiosity ; but that, on a voUey fired by the military upon the students, he took to flight, and returned to the city. Without again returning to the Aida, he says that he wandered about for some time in the streets ; and at about half-past two o'clock went to the Hof, where the pioneers were standing. In answer to a question here put to a general, whether there were no means of putting a stop to hostilities, the latter advised him to go to the War JNIinister ; he thereupon sought the latter, and received from him a promise of the cessation of hostilities, on condition that he should fii'st pacify the people, with whom the firing had commenced. In this, however-, he did not succeed, in spite of his re- pi'csentations to the multitude in the square ; for the people cried out in gi-eat bitterness, that the War Minister must be called to account for the blood that had been shed ; and the accused also heard himself reproached with being in league with Latoui'. He confesses it was tiiie, that on his retui-n to the War Office on occasion of the issuing the wi'itten ministerial MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 409 order for the cessation of hostilities, beiug excited by hearing the firing of cannon in the squai'e, and liis ill reception by the people, he had behaved passionately, and called out to the minister in a tone of repi'oach, " This is the consequence of 3^our orders, — I cannot answer for any further excesses ! " He also admits that one of the bystanders advised him to moderate himself; but he denies having seized the War Minister by the breast, as one of the witnesses had deposed, and at the utmost admits it as possible that he might have involuntarily seized liim by the button or by his coat, a common habit he had when excited. With regard to the cii'cumstance, confirmed by two wit- nesses, that he demanded at that time the opening of the locked gates, endeavouring to silence the anxiety expressed by the War Minister against this step by pledging his word of honour to prevent the forcible entrance of the people, if the gate was only opened, — Rausch remarks evasively, that he recollects there was some question about the opening of the gates, but he does not know exactly whether he himself opoke of this, and is much more of the opinion that another of the bystanders made that demand. After describing his attempt at the window of the chanceiy-ch amber on the first story, to pacify the people by exhibiting the placard, he fiu'ther states, that, after a second vain attempt to appease the storm, the people being already infuriated to madness, he returned to the dwelling of the War INIinister, accompanied by a National Guard, who joined him in the square, in order to represent to the count the extreme danger he was in, and to propose some means of conciliation ; such as the resignation of his office. On this occasion the aide-de-camp met liim in the dwelling- house, and remarked, how frightful it would be if Count Latoui" were to be given up to the justice of the populace, no INVESTIGATION INTO THE and he urged Rausch to co-operate with liim in attempting to save the count, which accused was instantly ready to do. Thereupon they came to the agi'eement. respecting whicli the assertion of the accused and the statement of the aide- de-camp diffei" — that the "War Minister was to give in his resignation, wliich Niewiadomsky was to take in MTiting to the latter. Eausch remarks, that the confidence which the aide-de- camp showed him on this occasion, had been a spur to him to throw himself into danger in order to save the minister, A further inducement to him to take part in the occur- rences, he asserts, was the report that a student had dragged a general out of the water on the Tabor ; Rausch says he AWshed to do a similar act for the War ^Minister. On the announcement of the measure agreed upon below in the coiutyard, where he was declared a traitor, and the wiitten paper a mere rag, and where he and the aide-de-camp got into the thickest crowd, Eausch heard the first death- cries against Latour. At first he gave evasive answers, and professed ignorance ; but the multitude growing more and more stormy, and reproaching him with knowing the hiding-place of the coimt, as he had been previously in intercoui'se with him — and when the people even threatened to kill liim, he called out, thinking that the War Minister must have escaped in the mean time. Count Latour was upstairs, and they ought themselves to go up and satisfy themselves ! On the contraiy, it is to be remarked, that not only Neumayer, but also another man, who had undergone a previous examination on suspicion of participation in the guilt, corroborated the fact of Rausch having called on the people on the staiix-ase to follow him, as Latour was above- stairs, asserting, that they had not obsei-ved that Rausch MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 411 was at that time in any position of compulsion or anxiety. Both witnesses recognise him as the same student, and they assert that they followed liim only on his summons; nay, one of them declares, that Rausch was one of those students who, in the War Minister's study, read aloud the letters seized there to the people, exclaiming, " See here Latour's knavery ! " It is further deposed by many witnesses, that just at the time when Raiisch called on the people to follow liim, there was a momentary quiet in the War Ofiice. Rausch, however, in his defence continues, that he, in company -with guards and workmen, went into the second story ; that there was a general cry that he nuist bring out the count to them ; and that, seeing himself in the power of the people, feai-ing the worst for Latour, and thinking it better for the latter to be taken prisoner, than to fall into the hands of the people, he at last gave the promise to help them to seek the count. They thus came into the count's antechamber, where they found the aide-de-camp, who, on being asked for Latoui-, led them to the church, and told them that the count had escaped through it. The accused attempted to give a positive denial to the charge, that he had been among the otlier students on the reading of the letters in the count's study. It appears from the statements of Captain Niewiadomsky, that Rausch, on occasion of their last meeting, had, calling him by his name, begged him to jJubUsh the whole proceed- ings in a. newspaper, as he feared to be killed by the jieople as a traitor. From the church, the accused says that he went to tho staii-case in the third story, just when the people, after the rejection of the minister's resignation, were some of them 412 INVESTIGATION INTO THE demanding his imprisonment, and others his death ; and adds, tliat he liimself was tlie leader of those twenty guards who took the solemn oath to defend the count. With regard to the subsequent search for the minister in the passages of the foin-th stoiy, with Brambosch and the two other guards, — on which INIajor Baron Boxberg mentions the significant circumstance, that Rausch met him, at the head of three guards, with a dra^^'Tl sword, and asked him where the minister Bach was ; and that, on Ids answering that ho did not know (for wldch Bausch required the major's word of honoiu-), Rausch remarks, that he was then really seeking Fischhof in the passages, that the latter might lead him to the count. He adds, that he has some indistinct recollection that a person met him, who stated himself to be an officer, and that they had some talk about a word of honour. AVliat he asked that gentleman he does not know, and believes that he inquired rather for Latour than for the minister Bach ; but he would not deny the possibility, from his excessive confusion at the time, of his haAing asked for Babh. Accused is perfectly ignorant of their having on this occasion, as an in^■alid asserted, broken into and searched a chancery-chamber ; on the contraiy, it is time that, on their return to the staircase, they were received with, reproaches. "V\nien, lastly, Fisclihof came ^\-ith the news that Latour had been found, accused says that he followed liim with the guard of protection across the passage to a door, before which they saw the War Minister standing, whereupon they conducted him downstairs. Rausch states that he at the same tune vainly attempted to push the War Minister sideways into a chamber. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 413 Whilst tliey were going downstairs, a fresh mass of people met them, uttering threats of hanging the count ; and the acc-used, having placed liimself opposite to these people, and spoken strongly for the protection of the minister, he says that they forced him away from the staii-case, dragged him into the passage on the second story, called him a black- yellow traitor, seized on his sash, and made signs of hanging him with it ; from wliich danger he was freed by the arrival of the National Guard Ernst Koch, — a circumstance which the latter confirms. Thereupon, the accused says that he went, accompanied by Koch, to the civic arsenal, where he had fomentations, being very unwell, from the effects of deadly anxiety and fear. According to the depositions of several other eye-wit- nesses, Rausch nxshed, disordered in mind and in the highest excitement, into the adjacent room in the arsenal, exclaim- ing, " May God not punish me — he is now hanging, and I am guilty of it ! " He related, that, at the moment when the people wanted to press into the "War Office, to murder Latour, he concluded the agreement ^vith the leaders of the crowd, in order to save the minister, to enter vnth. them, and seek the latter, on condition that his life was spared. At this statement Rausch beat his hand on his brow, and exclaimed, " Oh, that I had not told the people that the count was in the house ! " He behaved like one in despair-, and begged tho.se present, in case he should be attacked for the murder in the public prints, to save his honour, a.s he was placed by that event in a false light, but in reality was wholly innocent of it. He asserts, that he knew nothing of any plot against the count's life, and had no anticipation of so frightful an issue ; •ili INVESTIGATIOK INTO TUE that be had thought nothing more was intended than the demolition of the building, and, at most, the ill-treatment of the minister ; but that he, on the eontraiy, stimulated by- ambition, had aimed at preventiog this, stepping in as a mediator, and distinguishing himself; for his whole beha- \-iour, from the time of liis first appearance in the War Ofiicc, showed the intention and piu'pose only of putting a stop to the bloodshed, to effect a pacification and con- ciliation. He added, that he had engaged in these occun-ences like a lever, without his fault ; but he wished, haAÖng fallen into the power of the people (as he expresses it), to reconcile the two parties; and it was only his danger and fear of passing for a traitor to the 2)eople, that induced him afterwards to assist in seeking for the coimt. By the sentence of the court-maitial of March 14, 1849, Wangler, Brambosch, Jiirko\ich, Kohl, and Johl, foimd guilty of participation in the mm-der of the K,. I. General and Austrian Minister of "War Count Baillet de Latour, — which crime is aggravated in the cases of Brambosch and Johl by theh' share in the insiu-rection, ai-e doomed, the three first to death by hanging ; but Kohl and Johl, in consideration of the probability, that at the time when they took part in the ciimc they believed the victim to have been already actually dead, are sentenced each to twenty years' fortress-labour in heavy irons ; further, by the subsequent decree of the court-martial of July 9, 1848, Neumayer, Pawikaiisky, and Fischer, convicted of a share in the murder, with the aggi-avation of pubhc acts of violence by Pawi- kausky, and by Fischer of a concealment of arms during the state of siege, in defiance of strict legal prohibition, from imperfect proofs fm-nished by concurrent circumstances — are sentenced, Neumayer and Pa^vikausky to twenty years', and MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 415 Fiscliei" to fifteen years' fortress-labour, in heavy irons, Pawikausky likewise to fast one day in every week : fur- ther. Major, Wilhelm, and Rausch, for their participation in the murder, are condemned, the first to ten years', the second to eight years' fortress-labour, in heavy irons : and Rausch to six years' fortress arrest, in irons : and these sentences to be carried into execution. There still remains the brief notice of the results of the investigation into the circumstance which appeared in the acts, that both at the strangulation in the courtyard, and at that in the square, a white military belt was employed, both of which belts the actors in the scene afterwards appa- rently joined together. One of these belts, which was brought to the hospital with the dead body, was, according to distinct information, taken from a subaltern officer of the Duke of Nassau infantry regiment on the 6th of October ; the other appears to have belonged to the grenadier who deserted at the Tabor from Baron Hess's infantry, who, it appears, was killed in a subsequent conflict in the ranks of the insurgents. 410 IKVESTIGATION IN'TO THE THIRD SECTION. THE ASSASSINATION : ITS ORIGINATORS AND PROMOTERS. The mob wliicli entered the Wax Office on the afternoon of the Gth October consisted of a motley mixture of persons of all ranks and classes of society. Still, among these it is easy to point out those classes wliich were distinguished by their activity and their numbers, and which took a prominent part in the perpetration of the crime. Tliese classes are : the members of the Academical Legion, who led on, and who dii'ected the assaiüt ; the National Guards of the suburbs, and especially of the suburb of Wieden ; and the labourers, and among these chiefly the navigators of the Southern Railway. The judicial inquiry has proved, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that the assassination of the Secretary at War was deliberately planned, and that in the " Aula " in particular it had been prepared and formally announced. To these facts we have the concurrent testimony of the mtnesses, and of the criminals themselves. It will, however, prove satisfactoiy further to substantiate the fact by a summary of the evidence which bears upon tliis point of the insurrection. On the 4th October, 1848, at 9 o'clock a.m., a very re- spectable ■ttdtness entered the low(>r arcade of the New Uni- versity building. He was led by curiosity, having, as he passed, heard the \aolent outcries of many persons assembled on the premises. MURDER OF COL'XT LATOUR. 417 On entering, he saw a crowd of National Guards, labourers, and students, with red caps and " Ziegenhain " cudgels. Several of the students made inflammatory orations. They atldressed themselves to the labourers, and attempted to induce them to assist in the impending assault upon the War Office, and to bring their friends and comrades with them for the same purpose. The speakers protested that the laboiurers alone could manage to preserve the liberty of the country. They added, that the functionaries of the Government ought to be hanged, and that Latour, the greatest foe to freedom, ought to be the first to whom they (the labourers) should av.ard that doom. The witness rej^orted these facts at once to the Secretary at War, and on the morning of the 6th October, when he (the witness) left the War Office, he saw several groups of well-dressed civilians fraternizing with the Archduke Lud- wig's gi-enadiers, and imploring them to stand by the people, and, in case of a conflict, not to fire upon their brethren. We have already stated in the fii'st chapter, that half a)i hour before the crime was perpetrated, a student boldly announced in the Aula, that Latour had been condemned by the Diet. Another student, and to all appearance an Hungarian, declared, eight days before the perpetration of the deed, that Latour must needs die. He said this publicly, in a chop- house in the Schultergasse. And at noon, on the 6th Oc- tober, the same student protested in the same house that '■' this was Latour's last day." On the following morning he boasted of the accuracy of his prediction. Immediatt»ly after the termination of tlie contest at the Tabor, a student proceeded from thence to the city, and addressed the crowd which had collected at the entrance to the Prater, with the words, "By half-past four o'clock, 2 E nS INVESTIGATION INTO THE Latour must be hanged !" It ajipears from the evidence of numerous witnesses, that the assassination of the Secretary at War was publicly announced among the mob at the Tabor on the morning of the Gth October, and that it was said, "When we have done here, we must go back to the town, and Latoiu- is the first who ought to be hanged." A member of the Central Democratic Committee, too, mentioned the contemplated murder, at a private party, a few horn's before its perj:)etration, and just before the crime was committed several students were seen hastening into the War Office, calling out and declai'ing that such an act had been resolved upon. A mob, led by an engineer in the unifonn of the Acade- mical Legion, forced an entrance into the shop of a gunsmith, in the Bognergasse, opposite to the War Office. They took muskets, pistols, and swords, to the value of 4,345 florins, and, thus armed, they iiished into the War Office. If it be considered that the Secretary at War received no less than five intimations and warnings of the fate which was in store for him, it becomes CAadent, that his death by the hands of assassins had in a manner become a public secret, in the city as weU as in the suburbs. Nor ought it to be forgotten, that various persons brought ropes to the War Office, and that diu'ing the assault, when- ever the zeal of the mob seemed to slacken, well-dressed persons were found to rouse the popular, fury by caUing out that the Secretary at War ought to be hanged. All these facts prove that the crime was deliberately prepared and planned, and it is moreover worthy of notice, that the very preamble to the last will and testament of the victim, plainly expresses a foreboding of his wi-etched fate ; for it shows that Latour was fully aware of the danger of his position, and the abandoned wickedne&s of that party against which he MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 419 stood up for order and riglit, to the sacrifice even of liis own life. Besides mentioning tlie perseverance of the engineer Rausch in the search after the Count Latour, the mur- derous zeal of the students, who inflamed the minds of the labourers and National Guards, and the impatience of the student Wedel, who " longed to get at him," several mem- bers of the Academical Legion have been identified amidst the crowd of assassins which thronged the coiu'tyard. One of these students forced an inactive spectator to arm himself with a cudgel, and another student, rushing forth from the circle of bandits, boasted, in a loud voice, that he, •' too, had struck a blow at Latour." Students were seen with the spoils of the War Office, viz., sword-belts and pieces of gold lace, &c., in their hands, which, they distributed among the people as tokens of victory. On the evening of the 6th October, six members of the Academical Legion were seen standing under the gateway of the house 155, City, where they divided the plunder of the War Office, viz., a shagreen case, a watch, sundry maps, &c. ; and Edward Merlitschek, the adjutant of Wutschel (who has since been sentenced for riot), was in possession of a sword which he obtained during the sacking, and which he used to designate as his " Latour sword." Another member of the Academical Legion, who received his death-wound at the time of the assaidt upon the arsenal, presented to his mistress a fragment of the star of the order which Count Latour wore, and which fragment, at a later period, was given np to the court-martial. A crowd of students pierced Count Latour's uniform, &c., with bayonets ; and holding them aloft, canied them to the Aula. The papers, &c., found in the count's apartment were likewise conveyed to the university buUding, when 2e 2 420 INYKSTIGATION INTO TUE they were given in charge of Habrowsky, the president of the committee of students. Near the Aula, too, a torn piece of the murdered man's sliirt was offered for sale at the piice of two kreiitzei-s ; and everj-Avhere, in the coffee-houses and on the barricades, the students procUiimed the perpetration of the crime with cheers and other signal manifestations of i>leasiu'e. It was at the instigation of two students that sevei'al persons were ill treated and ari'ested for having expressed their disapprobation of tlic stripping of the corpse, as it hung at the lamp-post. One young man had a newspaper, " The German Eagle,' affixed to the bleeding body; and these degenerate young men prevented even the cutting down of the hacked and mutilated body. The blood of the ^dctim was still reeking on the pavement when the student proposed another crime, Anz., the assaiilt upon the arsenal. Torches were lit and distributed among the people, and the notorious Dr. Becher was instmcted b}' the commander of the Aula to attract the population of the coimtry by rockets and other fiery signals from the tower of St. Stephen. On the morning of the crime, the emissaries of the Aula made theii* appearance in the workshops of the Gloggnitz railway, in the factories, and among the navigators of the " Wiener Berg," for the pm^jose of collecting the labom-ers, and drawing them into the city. Many laboiirers refused to accompany them, but they returned in the afternoon of the same day, with di'ums and maii^ial music, and having armed the labourei-s with spears, poles, and cudgels, they conducted them into the city, when they were drawn uj) around the university building. Led by the students, part of this misguided mob was afterwards sent into the various streets around the Aula, where they constructed bairicades, ÜIURDEU OF COUNT LATOUR. 421 wliile those wliich remained near tlie university were told in so many words, that they ought to defend liberty by murder and assassination. Nor did the tempters forget to designate three persons who were to be the first victims of the misguided passions of the populace. It was then that the crowd of assassins hastened to the War Office, and when the crime was committed, they were seen flourishing their bloody weapons on their way back to the Aula, where they were paid for the work they had done on that day. And one of them, -with his reeking spear, entered the board-room of the committee of students, recounting the details of the crime, and describing the manner in wliich he had pierced Latour's thi-oat, and loudly asking, with unequalled effi'ontery, whether he had done the trick " in the right way V Nor are Wangler and Major the only persons who accuse the students as the originators and promoters of their misfortunes. The same complaint has been uttered by sundry others of the prisoners ; and one of the accomplices (whom it was, however, impossible to convict) cursed the students, with great vehemence, for having seduced and tempted him. He said, " While they squandered the money wliich they got from Hungary, they have driven us poor labourers into death and desperation ! " After reading the evidence of Wangler and Jurkovich, and the statements made by Brambosch, Pawikausky, and Fischer, there can be no doubt that the assassins were ])aid by the Aula; and from the examination of another prisoner it appears that a reward of five florins was given for a cannon, which was captured at the Tabor, and taken to the Aula. The deputy Borrosch, too, expressed his belief that Count 'Latour had been miu'dered by hired assassins. He pointed 422 INVESTIUATIOX IKTO THE out the btiikiug simiJarity between this crime aud that to ■which Count Lamberg fell a victiui at Pesth, and he dweU ou the dogged perseverance with Avhich the crowd, of about fifty or sixty persons, in its attack upon Latour, broke thi'ough the ranks of the guards who protected him. Tliis deputy expresses Ids opinion, that the people of the lower classes eannot be thought infected with poKtical fana- ticism. The people at lai-ge are indeed open to the feeling of HATRED ; but even this feeling requires a large crowd to produce : many persons must co-operate and excite one another, and this did not happen in Latom-'s case ; for !Mr. Borrosch had addi'essed the people at the War Office, calmed their passion, and taken them to the place of St. Stephen. Scarcely twenty persons remained behind. It is consequently evident, that the Aula was the mo^TDg centre of this crime, and its action produced the coiTesponding action of all the accessories to this fatal deed. The young men who piu'sued their studies at Vienna, and who foiTued the bulk of the Academical Legion, were mixed up vrith a mass of heterogeneous and, for the gi-eater part, impure elements. Clerks, Hthographers, house-painters, barbers, writers, and actors of great arrogance and no talent ; tramping adventurers, and the scum of foreign countries, — spiiitual paupers — men whom no change could deprive of blessings which they did not possess, and whom every change might sei^ve — these had made their way into the Academical Legion, and by their \iolence and reckless- ness, they lorded it over its councils, and directed its action. To these we must add the members of the various demo- cratic associations, to whom agitation was a trade, and who at last succeeded in lowering the students of Vienna to the level of the prajtorians of the revolution. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 423 The superintendence of the associations of labourers by students, and especially by engineers, and the plan of sending agents to the factories and workshops, served to organize the labourers, and to keep them in a perpetual state of excite- ment and dependence upon the Legion. Hence the readiness with which these men assembled at the orders of the Aula, thus contributing to its importance, and stimulating its arro- gance. The well-disposed among the workmen were awed by the terrorism of their fanatic companions; many were compelled to join the tumultuous processions, and to perpe- ti'ate crimes which they, in their hearts, abhorred. Co-operating with the students, thei'e were clubs of dema- gogues displaying their fatal activity and instilling the poison of theh- depraved doctrines into the minds of the population. They addressed themselves to the lowly and the ignorant, and it is to them we trace that excitement which bordered upon madness, which has been shown by the ÜSTational Guards of the suburbs, but especially of the subm'b of Wieden, where Tausenau and Chaises established theii- head-quarters. Lost alike to progress and improvement, they preached a crusade against the powers that be, and under the specious promise of a golden age, they advised the overthi-ow of all existing laws and conditions of society, hatred against property and possessions ; for their ideal of a political society was the illegal reign of the strong hand. These were the men who sought for luxmy in the general misery, and who make it difficult to say which was greater, the credulity of the crowd or the effi-ontery of its prophets. The nearest and most feasible object of the leaders of the Radical party was the institution of a republic on the iiiins of the dismembered monarchy. This is shown by the results of the closest inquiry, by their own statements, and by the pro- 424 INVESTIGATION INTO THE testations of their printed publicatious. But it is an error to believe that the iutroductiou of a republican form of govern- ment would ha\x' satisfied tliem, or that it "would have teraii- nated the revolution. No ! very few indeed of the leaders were dupes and enthusiastic, or really believed that their boasted reiniblic woidd tend to improve the condition and secure the welfare of the people. The majoiity of the men who guided the movement were impelled by nearer and more practical motives. Theh- object was more Avicked and less ■\-isionary. They agitated for a republic, as the most fitting arena for their selfijsh passions, and they prized that form of govern- ment, inasmuch as it favom-ed their interest, theii- lust of dominion, theh- greed, or their vanity. If they should have been disappointed in their expectations, they would have overthrown the republic as they overthrew the monarchy; for Revolution was the only means which coidd ever invest them with a short-lived imj^ortance. Middling wiiters, who looked upon political agitation as ofiering the most profitable career ; men of gi'eat ambition and no merit, — ^l)old of front, strong of lungs, and quick of tongue ; worthless subalterns and would-be ministers ; the avaricious, greedy, and iron-fisted, who looked upon the revo- lution and the general misery as a source of jirofit ; spend- thrifts, who, having run tln-ough their fortunes, felt a desire to defray the expenses of their disgraceful career by means of the public purse ; adventurers, and men of tainted character : such is the Hst of those who presumed to overthrow the fabric of the state, and to amuse the misguided crowd Avith their j^han- tasmagorias of popular sovereignty and republican blessed- ness. Several of these men had the candour to confess that they carried matters to the last extreme, because they had reason MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 42i7 to fear that they would be hanged. It is wortliy of veinark that the usher of the Central Committee of all the democratic associations has stated, that these gentlemen, on their own showing, appeared to him a set of great egotists, who sought to overthrow the government, because they wished them- selves to govern. The tools and champions of the movement were veiy much of the same stamp as the masters ; agitation was to them neither more nor less than a profitable trade, and an easy means of gaining their livelihood. To take an instance out of many, we state the case of two Jewish captains of the garde mobile, who were captured after the conquest of the city, and who, when a,sked for an account of themselves, stated that they were " Börsianer," or stock-brokers. When asked how they had been induced to enter their militaiy career, they both candidly confessed, that the suspension of mercantile operations having interfered with their usual occupation, they bad thought proper to accept of an offer of a captaincy, with a pay of 6 florins per diem. The germs of that most temble of all despotisms, the despotism of the mob, were clearly visible on the 6th October ; hut from that day forward they developed themselves with an alarming energy. The judicial inquiry ha.s shoAvn, that even before the murder was committed, various persons of all classes were, under the most ridiculous pretences (as, for instance, on account of their dress), seized in the streets, ill-treated, and incarcerated in the Aula or in the Civic Arsenal. In the presence of the terrible events in the War Office, indifference and inactivity were considered as a ciime, and in the course of the following days it was an act of signal courage for an honest man to show Ids face in the streets. Even the do- mestic hearth offered no protection, for many instances ai'O 42G INVESTIGATION INTO THE on record of peaceable and even of decrepit and aged people, ■who were forcibly arrested by the armed mob, and pressoil into the service of the revolution. It is a gross mistake tu believe that the liigher and wealthier classes of the popula- tion alone emigi-ated from Vienna. On the contrary, people who had nothing wliich they could call their own, fled (in spite of the assui'ance of the Diet that Vienna was tranquil) from their homes, to escape from the arbitrary dictates of brute strength, and from the dangers of a city, in which a word or a look sufficed to arouse the \Tiidictive spirit of the populace. Already was the reign of terror preparing ; the heads of parties were already commencing the contest for the reins of government ; lists of prosciiptions were making ; a crowd of "victims from the veiy ranks of the Radicals were destined to share the fate of the Secretary at War, and nothing remained of liberty but the mere shadow, when the tottering fabric of the state was sustained by the ai-ms of the loyal ai-my. But more effective even than the clubs, for the pui-poses of the revolutionists, was the press. This mighty engine was in the hands of selfish and venal partisans, who used it for the pm-pose of murder and destixiction, and the poison of a hellish doctrine was circulated by a host of publications. It took effect ; and in the very lowest classes, esj^ecially, it produced a brutabzation of mind, of which it is next to impossible to form any adequate idea. The rude and ignorant were told, that dependence on legal power was oppression and slavery ; that property interfered ■svith their welfare ; that they ought to take their fortune into theii- own hands ; that they were entitled to oppose, and that they had a right to make armed resistance. Such teacliing soon induced them to become familiar even w4th Clime. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 427 On the other hand, the heentious liberty of the press, vntli a mere nominal press-law, opened a wide breach to an irrup- tion of private malice and calumny; licentious and egotistical wi'iters had it in their power to defame any chai-acter, and (as will be shown presently) to di-aw public animosity upon the devoted heads of their antagonists. Nor was there a remedy. The power of the state was paralyzed by teiTorism, and actions for libel could not be thought of The diaries and other Aviitings found in the possession of several culprits, display a confusion of ideas wliich borders upon insanity. Yoimg men, and indeed mere boys, tutored by this street literature, showed a precocity of depravity, which awakens pity for the lot of their pai'ents. An artisan of the subui-b of Wieden, when arrested, and when part of his own bloodthirsty letter was read to him, fell on his knees, and protested, with sobs and lamentations, that he had been maddened by the reading of the street newspapers; that he had at last come to doubt his own existence, &c. «kc. The navigators of the Southern Railway, who in the month of March were animated with the best spirit, were not proof against the seduction of the communistic newspaper. Ihey became disoi'derly, rebellious, and, at length, they actually terrorized their overseers. One of the foremen, who disturbed them in a serenade of " rough music," came to be a special object of their hatred. They entered his house and demo- lished his furniture, and when he entered the workshop, they seized him, and endeavoiu'ed to fling him into the fiirnace. He was at length rescued by the intervention of some other men. A variety of similar instances of cnielty and barbarism are recorded in the acts of the inquiry into the riots of the 21st and 23rd of Aucfust, 1848. 428 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Inflanmiatoiy [»ubiications wei-e I'uuiul in tlie posi^ession of almost all the accessories to the murder. Some had larifc bundles of these papers, and the influence of these publi- cations is so manifest, that we may say these men fell victims to the liberty of the press. And let it be remem- bered that all these instances refer to one inquiiy, and to only one crime of the many, which were committed in tlnit fatal time. As if following up a pre-concocted plan, Ave behold in Aug\i8t, and still more in September, the Aula, the clubs, and the Radical press directing theii- attacks and aspersions vnth stul increasing vehemence against the Secretary at War. Theh" accusations become daily more "S'iolent, and betray a desire to make Count Latour an object of public animosity. As the fatal day ajiproaches, the language of the dema- gogues grows more clear and distinct. No longer do they speak of overtlu'OAving the cabinet or Latour. No ! they designate him as the victim — as one doomed to death — and thus they attempt to foist their disgi*aceful revenge upon the people at large. The Constitution newspaper, of the 4th October, repri- mands the people and the Diet. It jirotests that Coimt Latour ought not to be allowed to continue at large ; and the Stiulentine Courier, of the same date,* publishes a song, "a la kinterne," in v/hich the assassination of the aristocracy is recommended as a sacred duty. But that the real gist of the question might be a secret to no man, the Wiener Krahelder pubHshed, with the motto : "A few days before the Borrosch and Löhner Cabinet," the figures of thi-ee members of the actual ministiy, suspended from a * M. Oscar Falke, the editor of this publication, has been prosecuted Tor various swindling transactions which be committed in the canton of Keufchatel. Wairants were out for his apprehension. MUEDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 429 gallows ; Count Latour was one of the tlu-ee niinistei's. Tliis, then, Avas the progi'amme of the 6th October, and tliis pub- lication was openly sold in the streets of Vienna. That this fatal seed fell on a fruitful sou is clearly shown by the example of Joseph Bartholomew Stapf, a foreman of the navigators, in the Brlinndelfeld, who has since been con- demned for riot and i-ebellion. A few days before the murder, this man read to his fellow-labourers an infamous libel against the Secretary at War, and on one of the labour- ei's asking whether no rope or bullet could be found for Latoiu-, he produced his purse, saying " that tliis was money, and though a rope for Latour might cost as much as one florin, he would hnd the money to pay for it ; that Latour ought to be hanged, and that some bold fellow could easily be found who woidd tie him up for a hundred ducats." At midnight, on the Gth October, the same Joseph Stapf repaired from the Arsenal, where it is supposed he com- mitted arson, and led the assault to the " Hof," and placing himself in front of Latoiu-'s body as it hung on the lamp- post, he cried out : " So you see, my fine fellows, things have, after all, turned out according to my -ndsh !" In the face of these facts the cliief of the assassins pre- sumed to speak of popiüar hatred to wliich the Secretary at "War fell a victim. And yet it is notorious that several of the condemned culpi-its have protested that, had it not been for the ceaseless agitations against Latour, they would never have thought of him, much less would they have hurt him. Certain it is, that one-half of the agitation which was set on foot against the Secretary at War, woidd have sufficed to devote the most popular of the party chiefs of that time to the same fate. The scenes and facts which we have recorded are a general explanation of tlie event of tlie Gth October and partly of 430 IXVESTIGATION INTO THE the assassination of the minister; for they testify to tlie existence of a party, which, in intimate coiTespondence \ni\i similar pai-ties abroad, and especially in Gennany, and em- boldened by the events of the 15th and 26th of May, and of the 23rd August and 13th September, 1848, watched its opportunity and snatched at every pretence for fresh riots, partly because the revolution had come to be a vital prin- ciple of its imnatiu'al position, and partly in the hope of compassing, by any means, however bad they might be, their object, ^•iz., the dissolution of the monarchy. It is qviite natm-al that tliis party, supported as it was by the Left of the Diet, the chiefs of the democratic clubs, and the leaders of the Axüa, should strain every nerve to overthroAv the existing cabinet, whose energetic opposition against its intrigues it had reason to fear ; and it is not less natm'al that its attacks should have been specially directed against the Secretaiy at War, for he was the chief of the army, and it was he who, in the sitting of the Diet of the 1 3th Sep- tember, directed public attention to the intrigues of the Aida. Nor can it be wondered at, if we consider the stores of inflammatoiy matter in the minds of men, that the sense- less and fatuous multitude was so easily goaded on to rebellion, and even to mm-der. This is proved by contem- poraneous events ia foreign countries, and by the demon- strations against the Count Montecuccoli and Baron Doblhof and others at Vienna. On the other hand, it cannot be denied that there were many who desired the overthrow of the government, l)ut who were not prepai-ed to sanction the assassination of Count Latour ; and that others, although willing to accept of the result of the crime, cannot, fi'om a legal point of view, be con.sidered as its accessories. In the eyes of the judge, the promoters of the assassination are confined to a narrow MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 431 sphere, and even of them, the names of many are still liid in obscurity. But though in this respect the law may com- mand caution and reserve, thei'e is no reason why we should ileal tenderly with the real promoters and instigators of the crime. In tracing a crime home to its perpetrators, the question naturally arises, " Who could profit by the deed ?" It is a useful question ; but never was it more useful than in the present instance. The state of public aflfairs in Himgary was the imjnediate cause of the event of the 6th October, and the faction which had usurped the government of that coiintry, may safely boast of having, within eight days, directed the poniards of lured assassins against two men, whose only crime was, that they were obstacles in the way of the insane lust of dominion of a man who knew how to dazzle the misguided multitude with a show of patriotism, and who, if need be, would not have hesitated to cut his way to the dictatorsliip through the corpses of his own adherents. It is a remarkable feature in the public life of this poHtical actor, that he promotes liis selfish objects by exciting the lowest passions of humanity, and that the calculations for his plans are based upon the avarice, sensuality, egotism, — in short, upon the vices of mankind. Kossuth owes liis suc- cesses rather to the judicious practice of this jDrinciple, than to his hypocrisy and his oratorical talents. As a proof of this assertion, we remind our readers of the events (in September, 1848) at Buda and Pesth, where enormous sums were expended to bribe the garrison. The inroad and the rapid advance of the Ban of Croatia, threatened the most serious dangers to Kossuth's party. A deputation which, on the 7th September, was sent from Pesth to the Emperor, with the most outi'ageous demands, 432 ]NYEST10ATI0\ INTO TUK failed to accomplish its object. On the 19th of the same month, another attempt was maile with a second deputation, which obtained the co-operation of the Austrian Diet for the pi'omotion of certain illegal and dangerous objects. This attempt, too, proved abortive, and the danger became more imminent. On the 22nd and 25th of September the two royal mani- festoes were published. They convinced Kossuth and his jiartisaiis that the Emperor and his govcrament were determined energetically to oppose their intrigues. Field-Mai'shal Lieutenant the Coimt Lamberg, a royal commissioner, anived at Buda, and the Ban of Croatia, who threatened the city, was preparing to stifle the rebellion in its cradle. To paralyze his antagonists by terror, to sjiread confusion among their ranks, it was thought fit to have recourse to " sarong deeds ;" and the motto of the master, not " to shrink from the assistance even of hell," was now canied into j)ractice. On the 28th September, Count Lamberg fell under the daggers of hired assassins; but his death wrought no change in the situation of the parties, for the Emperor's manifest(j, of the 3rd October, appointed the Ban of Croatia in Lamberg's place. It was then that the Hungarian conspirators tui'ned to their brethren and allies at Vienna. They were worthy of the confidence thus reposed in them. The connection between the agitators of Hungary and those of Vienna commenced in August, 1848. On the 5th September the first Hungarian deputation received the formal promises of the Aula. The students supported the creation of a free 0017)8 for Hungary, and some of them pro- ceeded to Pesth, where one student took part in the assassina- tion of Count Lamberg. • MURDKr. OF COX-NT LATOUK, 433 Tlie demagogues of Vienna were meanwhile preparing to strike a decisive blow ; they gained over part of the National Guard ; the leaders of the democratic associations formed a Central Committee, and, as though on the eve of a battle, they held a secret council of war on the 5th October. On the following morning the march of the Richter Grena- diers became the longed-for signal for a revolt, and the Secre- tary at AVar fell as the second victim of Kossuth's policy. The intercepted correspondence between the Ban and the Secretary at "War, of wliich Szemere sent 600 copies to Vienna, wliich were distributed among the deputies who had been gained over to the Hungarian party, furnished the Diet, as well as the demagogues of the clubs and the Aula, with a welcome excuse for interpellations, orations, and inflammatory articles, by which they still further excited that hatred and animosity, which the ralers at Pesth wished to attend upon the devoted head of Count Latour. Even Schütte, the i-epublican, admits that the secret causes of the Vienna revolution of October ai'e most in- comprehensible, and, indeed, it must appear inexplicable to every man of candid mind, that, considering the notoi'iety and the scandal of the Hungarian question, the Kadical pi'ess should have dared so grossly to impose upon the public, and to adopt a tone of language which amounted to treason. But as to the motives which prompted this inexplicable conduct on the part of the Vienna press, they are most plainly shown by the correspondence and the minutes of the transactions of the Hungarian Cabinet, and of several chiefs of factions. A letter of the 2nd August, 1848, which Kossuth (then Minister of Finance) addressed to the Under Secretaiy of State for Foreign Affairs, Francis Pulszky (then at Vienna), instructs Mr. Pulszky to pay 400 floiins per quarter to 2f 434 INVESTIGATION INTO THE • those persons wlio advocate the interests of Hungaiy iii the Vienna periodical press ; and in a letter dated of the 17th September, the President of the Cabinet, Count Batthyany, informs the said Mr. Pulszky, that if he wanted a coni^le of thousand of florins to gain the sympathies of the Viennese for Hungary, he (the said Mr. Pulszky) ought to draw upon N. the banker, for any amount he required for the said purpose. And it appears from Mr. Pulszky 's official cash-book, that, referring to the above-mentioned letter, he drew upon the coimt to the amount of 2,828 florins. From the same cash- book it appeal's, that before and after the 6th of October, sundry sums of 500, 1,000, and 2,000 florins were paid to various Himgarian agents at Vienna, as well as to sundry periodical writers and editors of newspapers ; the sums are entered, with the dates of payment and the names of the Ijarties who received them ; and it is expressly stated, that such siuns were paid " for advocating the Himgarian interest in the press." Among the items in the same cash-book, we find travel- ling expenses for students ; fees paid to editors for consulta- tions ; and travelling expenses for th« Hungarian guards Avho deserted fi-om Vienna. And now let it be con- sidered, that the total of the expenses of the Hungarian ministerial chancellery, under Mr. Pulszky's dii-ection, amounted in September (we quote fi'om J\Ir. Pulszky's own books) to 92,810 floiins, and in October to 41,477 florins, and that in September we may take ofi" a sum of 12,000 florins, which was for regular and hona fide expenses, while for October, the regular expenses amounted to 5,756 florins, while the remainder of the simis above quoted were expended in the purchase of weapons, and other revo- lutionaiy outlays. Let it also be remembered, that in MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 435 his letter of the 11th October, Kossuth authomed Pulszky to devote the whole of liis cash in haud, and, if need be, the proceeds of a loan, which he was instructed to raise, to the promotion of the interests of Hungary ; and that as late as the 10th December, 1848, the sum of 10,000 florins is credited to the Magyar agency at Vienna. These considerations convince us that the Himgarian Committee of Defence took the most effectual means to revive the sympathies of the Viennese for Hungary. According to the candid confession of the Radical papers, these sjrmpathies had considerably cooled. Even an influential member of the opposition in the Diet declared that " it was im- possible to say that no one had taken money or money's worth;" and the above revelations go far to amplify that admission. But that the Hungai-ian party, co-oj)erating with its Viennese allies, took part in the execution of the details, is sufficiently proved by vainous notes and memoranda which were foimd in the possession of Mr. Pulszky 's secretary at Vienna. One of these docimients records the payment of eight florins to each of fifteen gi-enadiers of the Battalion Bichter, who deserted to the people at the Tabor, The total of the sum which these men x'eceived was 120 florins. To this we may add, the quarterly salaries to the Vienna Radical press ; the wages which were paid at the Aula for a cannon which was taken at the Tabor ; a subsidy of thirty florins for the assassin Jurkovich ; and by so doing we obtain an official quotation of the prices of the glorious deeds of the Gth of October. Tho wages of " an incendiary at the arsenal" have not yet transpired, for the corresponding column in the record has been left a blank. Mr. Pulszky's secretary, to whom we adverted aljove, boasts in a letter which he addressed to Paul Nyaiy (dated 2f 2 436 IXVESTIGATION IMG TUE Oth October, 1848), that lie had succeoded, with some trouble niid much danger, to foment a mutiny among part of the troops, which, on the Gth October, were to march fi'ora Vienna to Presburg; and that in consequence of this manoeuvre the people had defeated a signal scheme of the reactionary party, wliile '• Nemesis" had at length overtakcii Latour. In his examination, the ■«Titer of the above letter de- signates his chief, Pulszky, a,s a leader of the Vienna move- ment, who had frequently ordered him to pay sums of money to students, &c. He also admits that he carried on an intercourse with Feuneberg (who received money), ■with the Committee of Students, and with the editors of the lladical papers. It appears, moreover, from official documents, that on the 5t\i July, 1848, the Secretary at War, Count Latour, in- formed the Hungarian Cabinet, that he had thought pro])ei- to pro"side the military chest at Agram -wdth a sum of 100,000 florins. He demanded that the Hungarian Cabinet should repay that sum, and that for the future, an annual allowance should be made for the keep of the Croatian troops. The Hungarian Cabinet refused to comply with tliis demand. This circumstance explains the nugatoiy character of the accusations wliich, at a later period, were made against Latoiu'. In a note of the 18th September, Count Batthyany in- structs Mr. Pulszky to proceed to Count Latour, and to demand his immediate compliance with certain extravagant demands respecting the troops, lest the Hungarian Cabinet should be compelled to have recourse to " other means."' And on the 30th August, Kossuth informs Pulszky that a certahi member of the Austrian Diet was pi'epared to impeach the MURDER OF COUXT LATOUR. 437 aggressive policy which the Grovernment had adopted against Hiingaiy, but that he wanted dates, facts, and other materials. Kossuth communicates some of these dates. The very member of the Austrian Diet, who served Kossuth with such signal readiness and zeal, was adjured on the 6th October by Adjutant Niewiadomski, who afterwards ad- dressed M. Strohbach himself, to aid Count Latour, who was then being murdered by the mob. His entreaties were of course disregarded. The said member states, that he suffered at the time from a spasmodic attack in the heart, and that he cannot re- member that such a demand was made to him. It is, how- ever, satisfactory to know, that the spasm, if any, must have been of veiy short duration ; for the said deputy was almost immediately afterwards able to take a very prominent part in the debate on the assaasination of the Secretary at War. It appears from official documents, that on the 4th Sep- tember the Austrian Cabinet complained to that of Hungary about the recruiting for an Hungarian free corps, which Meszaros caused to be carried on in the capital ; and on the 13tli September the Austrian Cabinet demands that the licentious conduct of the Hungarian agent shall be restricted, lest the recruits might be employed to revolutionize the capital. A collective note of the Austrian ministers (dated 29th June) shows that the organs of the Hungarian Government then, as at a later period, were repeatedly but vainly invited to consent to an arrangement of the vai-ious interests in the spirit of the Pragmatic Sanction, and divers documents prove the activity of the Hungarian agents in Vienna as well as in foreign countries. The papers found at Pesth furnish us with farther re^"ela- 438 INVESTIGATION INTO THE tions concerning the intimate connection between the Hun- garian and Austrian demagogues. With the motto, " The gi'eater the need, the nearer the help !" we have a printed proclamation, signed by Paul Hajiiik, the chief of the police. It informs the Hungaiians of the Viennese events, and the death of the Secretary at War, and it lays great stress on the fact that " Himgary " was a popular ciy in Vienna. Alexander Niczky, a Government commissioner, announce- from Oedenburg (dated Gth October), the events of Vienna . which, he Ls pleased to say, are veiy favourable for Himgarw He adds, that the Viennese friends of the Hungarians, and tlu- deserters from the grenadiers, had routed the " black-yellows." Ladislaus Csany, VTiting to Kossuth, on the 7th and 8tl; October, states that he had sent three couriers to Pesth, -with veiy good news from Vienna. He declared, that at lengtli darkness had been succeeded by light ; that the enemies of Hungaiy had found obstacles in their path, of the existence of which they had never dreamed ; that every effort ought to be made still more to humble them ; and that rapid and energetic measures ought to be adopted by the Hungarian Cabinet. He (Csany) was glad that he had done his best to rouse the " Aula," and he added, that he inclosed Pulszky & report of the events at Vienna. Pulszky's report is dated from Oedenbvu'g, of the 7th October, and it commences by stating, that the democratic Hungarian pax"ty had obtained a complete \ictoiy. After recording the events of the day, and making especial mention of the Aula, he concludes by stating that he left Vienna at night, after the attack on the arsenal, and that, accompanied by Louis Batthyany, he was hastening to the camp at Vidos, to fetch the troops ; for that it was absolutely necessaxy to attack Jellacic. I MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 439 On the 9th October, we have a letter from. Csany, at Altenburg, to his friend Kossuth, informing him that the Vienna Aula had sent a plenipotentiary to him (Csany), and that he was preparing to send the said plenipotentiary to Pesth. He adds, that the zeal of the Academic Legion was quite refreshing to behold, that the Vienna Democratic Club reHed on assistance to Germany, and that the Legion, as well as the club, ought to be tenderly dealt with. He also adds, that Pulszky has informed him, from Oedenburg, that Bat- thyany, too, was of opinion, that JeUacic ought to be driven to Vienna, and that he (Csany) was despatching directions to that effect. He (Csany) thought it his dntj to allude to several persons of rank in Hungary, who were seriously compromised by certain letters wliich were found among the papers of Latour. He states, that M. Tausenau refused to communicate the original copies of these letters to all who were not of the very elite (vertrauteste manner), and that he (Csany) would consequently send his signet-ring, as a token that the letters might safely be shown. Csany also adds a written account of the Viennese events, according to the statement of Dr. Eeiuer, the plenipotentiaiy of the Aula, whose travelling expenses were paid by Pulszky. The said account states, that Tausenau, when informed that troops were about to be sent from Vienna into Hungary, consulted with the leaders of the Aula, and resolved, at any risk, to prevent the troops from marching. Various means were taken to effect this purpose, and the mistresses (mädchen) of the grenadiers in particular were bribed to induce their lovers to remain. It is further stated, that negotiations were carried on between the Aula and the grenadiers ; that the latter declared, that they could not in common decency refuse to obey the order to march ; and that they suggested the propriety of the students and the people proceeding 440 INVESTIGATION INTO THE to the railroad and destroying the rails. This i)lan was linally adopted. When the troops, excited by bribes of money and wine, commenced their march, they were addressed by the National Guards of the suburbs, and the mob at large, who besought them to remain at Vienna. They were further moved and inspired by the tears and entreaties of theii- mistresses (mUdchen), Avho accompanied theh" march. When they arrived at the station, they were addressed by Willner, a student, who besought them to remain, and who, addressing General Bredy, insisted on the retiu-n of the troops. But when the General, regardless of his menaces, gave the word of command for the troops to march, he (the General), Lieutenant-Colonel Klein, and a major, were shot dead on the spot. The report, in its description of the conflict in the city (previous to the miu-der), states that the deputy Goldmark proposed to storm the arsenal, and to arrest Latour. It is further stated that the insurrection of the Aula was promoted by Lieutenant Kuchenbäcker, who protested that 14,000 German soldiers were prepared to join the rebellion. The evidence taken at this stage of the proceedings con- firms all the above details respecting the tampering with the grenadiers by means of money, wine, and venal women, as Avell as the distribution of printed biUs, entreating the soldiers to desert ; the intrigues of a certain member of the Left in the Diet, the appearance (in the night of the 5th) of several grenachers in the Aula ; the intrigues of the engineers among the National Guards of the Wieden, for the purpose of retaining the soldiers, and the events on the march and at the Tabor. Nor ought it to be forgotten that several members of the Diet employed the most dishonourable means for their party purposes. M. Kudlich, a deputy, who assisted Tausenau in MUKDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 441 exciting the people and the troops by speeches, wine, and promises, pledged, in addressing the commander of the grena- diers, his honour for what he knew to be an untruth. He asserted that he was sent by the Diet to ^^ublish their resolu- tion, that the march should not take place. And M. ]\Iax Joseph Gritzner, a deputy, engaged Lieutenant-Colonel Klein in a conversation, and thus diverted his attention from the proceedings of the mob, while he motioned to the populace beliind him to make a rush upon, and to capture tlic artillery. At a later peiiod, on the loth October, when M. Kudlich sought to assemble tlie Landsturm at Königstätteu, he pro- tested that the events of the Gth of October had been contiived for the purpose of helping the Hungarians out of their scrape. This attempt, too, to organize the Landsturm in Austria, had its origin in Kossuth's instn;ctions, as is shown by his cori'espondence with his agents at Vienna, viz., Pulszky, Stephen Gorove, L. Czematovy, and others. If, in addition to these facts, we consider his ^persevering in- fluence (as shown by the same correspondence) in determining the resistance of the Viennese against the Emperor's troops ; if it be considered that Kossuth, writing from Presbitrg (30th October) to the Committee of Defence, protests, that in the battle of Schwechat Hungary had paid the debt due to the Viennese, and that in another letter (3i-d November) he expresses a hope that the Aula (as Bern had informed liim) would join his army ; if it be further considered, that ou the 3rd October he instiiicted his commLssioner, M. Sebastian Vukovich, to seize Latour's property in the counties of Temes and Torontal, because it was " Latour who caused the war in Hungai'y ;" and if we consider, lastly, that ou the evening of the Gth October, and immediately after the 442 IN'\'ESTIGAT10K INTO THE miu-der, the committee of the democrats and students sent a jietition to the Diet, praying for an amnesty for the mur- derers of Latoiu', the repeal of the manifesto of the 3rd Oct., and the dismissal of the Ban from all his offices ; and if it be considered, that the Left of the Diet presumed to embody this petition in an address to the Emperor, we say, if all these facts are well weighed, they must remove every shadow of a doubt as to the predominating influence which Kossuth's faction had on the assassination of the Secretary at War. "We have, moreover, the evidence of the criminals and of the witnesses. RaiLsch, who is accused of taking part in the crime, affirms that after the murder, the students gene- rally designated Tausenau as having assisted Piüszky in causing the events of the 6th October. The students informed Eausch that Tausenau had collected Latour's papers, and that he had taken them to the Aula, and that he had, more- over (previous to the murder), excited the labourers witli wine, speeches, and money. Eausch adds, that the fanaticism of the students could never have gone to such length, had not the Radical deputies done their utmost to promote it. Pro- fessor Fiister, in particular, is named, as a man whose glow- ing orations (which Rausch believes to have been prompted by impvire means) served to goad the students on to the maddest acts of excitement. Eausch, moreover, designates the Messrs. Goldmark, Vio- land, Kudlich, and Fischhof, and others, as the persons who, during the siege of 'Vienna, supported the defence by their inflammatory speeches. It appears, also, from the evidence of a foreman of the labourers, that Pulszky, who used to attend the sittings of the Democratic Club in the hotel " Zur Ente," distributed large suras of money among the labourers, to induce them to be in readiness whenever they might be wanted. The same MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 443 witness states, that it was Pulszky who fii'st stai'ted the plan of the garde mobile. M. Aigner, the commander of the Academical Legion, ex- pressed his opinion that the assassination of Latour had been caused by the Hungarians, and especially by Tausenau, Chaises,. and Pulszky. Tliis, he said, was the opinion of all the students. Habrowsky, too, the president of the Committee of Stu- dents, who at a later period went frequently into the camp of the Hungarians, is designated as having co-operated to- wards the events of the 6th October, for the benefit of the Hungarians. When the witness (viz. Aigner) met Tausenau and Chaises in the Students' Committee after the 6th October, he was extremely disgusted, and insisted on theii- expulsion. In sup- port of his view as to the originators of the assassmation, this witness states, that eight days previously, two Hun- garians, one of whom he afterwards remarked as adjutant to Bem, came to him at night, and asked him to send two companies of students to the frontier between Hungary and Moravia, where they were to fight against Hurban. Witness refixsed to comply with this request, and he reported the case to the minister Baron Dobblhof. He is moreover of opinion that the Hungarians caused the events of the 13 th September ; and here it may not be amiss to state, that among Pulszky 's papers a note was found from Habrowsky, which contained the laconic statement that "everytliing was being provided for." Another influential member of the Academical Legion affirms, from his own knowledge and conviction, that Tau- senau frequently conversed with Pulszky, and that, l>y the favour of Habrowsky, Pulszky, Chaises, and Dr. Becher were allo\s'ed to attend tlie secret sittings of the Committee of 444 investu;atk)n into the Students. This wiruoss believes tluit TauseiKUi, Chaises, and perhaps Silbersteiu, were the only persons who were awai'e of, and who directed, the plot against the life of Count Latoiu', while public opinion fixes the same charge upon the democrats. Dr. Schütte, Becher, L. Eckardt, aiul Dr. G. Frank. A few days after the death of Latour, this witness saw Tausenau taking the i)apers of the Secretary at War, tied up in a handkerchief, from the Students' Committee-room to Ms own house. Sevei-al of the papers were afterwards pub- lished in the Radicale, edited by Becher. Witness also heard Dr. Schütte boastmg of liis correspondence with Kos- suth, who had pledged his word to assert the democratic piinciple in Hungary, after the termination of the contest. And lastly, this -witness deposes that Fenneberg and Kuchen- bäcker offered to join the Legion on the Gth October, and that they were accepted. This last statement is confii-med by Fenneberg's own pamphlet, containing an account of the events of the Gth October. In this work the author can- didly admits, if it had been possible to cajiture ]\I. Bach, the minister, on that fatal day, that he would have shared the fate of Latour. It appears, from the depositions of a waiter to the Central Democratic Club (this club was, according to Dr. Schütte, the centre of the October movement), that immediately after the murder, several of the assassins made theh* appearance at the club ; that they reported the event ; that the democrats applauded them, and had much secret conversation with them; and that afterwards several of the assassins were men- tioned as acquaintances by the members of the Democratic Cliib. One of the two %äce-presidents of the Committee of Stu- dents aflirms that that Committee was gi'adually influenced. MUßDEK OF COUXT LATOUR. 445 and at length altogether dii-ected, by the Democratic Club, and particiüarly by Tausenau, Becher, Jellinek, and Schütte, and that the motions and proposals of these persons were generally discussed in the secret sittings of the committee. The same "witness states that the said club, by transferring its sittings to the hotel " Ziu* Ente," managed to intrude upon the Legion, and that several of its members were finally elected as members of the Committee of Students. He adds, that there can be no doubt of the fact that Tausenau and Ms friends used their influence in favour of the Hvingarians, and that Chaises and Jellinek sought to efiect a fusion between the Democratic Club and the Committee of Students. And further, that immediately after the news of the murder reached the committee, Löwenstein proposed to storm the arsenal, and that Fenneberg, Kuchenbäcker, and Hauk oflered to lead the assault. He also states that, in the course of the day, Goldmark, Ftister, and Yioland made their appearance in the committee ; that Goldmark urged the students to expel the troops from the town, and that Faster informed them of the advance of the Ban to Wieselburg ; but that he protested that the-re was no reason to fear the Ban, because he was conquered, and a fugitive. A few days after the murder, the manager of Enrich and Klopf's printing-house told ^vitness that he had been in- structed to discontinue the printing of Latours papers, and that he had been ordered to return them to Habrowsky. Another witness, who was veiy candid in his confession (he was an engineer, and member of the Students' Com- mittee), states that Tausenau, Chaises, Habrowsky, Lüwen- stein, and Eckardt were bribed by the Hungarian party. In the case of Habrowsky, lie proves this assertion. He .states also that, after the Gth Octobov. even persons of Radical 446 INVESTIGATION INTO THE principles, such as Wwtschel for instance, expressed their horror and disgxist of these persons to their verj' faces ; and that, as the murderers of Latour, they were not allowed to remain in the committee. And also that of these persons it had been generally known tliat they had promoted the crime, and approved of its perpetration. After Latours death, it was often discussed in the Students' Committee whether or not the papers of the Secretary at War ought not to be taken away from Tausenau. The same witness reveals sundry important facts concerning Goldmark, and he proves that this person was subsidized by Pidszky, who paid him for liis agitation in favoiu' of Hungaiy. Goldmark influenced tlie Students' Committee, and he represented it in the Diet. It was he who prompted the students to violent resolutions, which he liimself scrupled to agitate in public ; such as the organization of the Landsturm, the appeal to the Hungarians, &c. During the siege of the town, this mtness and his friend Wanitschke (who has been arrested, and who testified to the truth of the following statements) were engaged by Goldmark to proceed to Prag-ue, for the purpose of exciting the Slavonian clubs and the poj^ulace of that city against the Government. Goldmark gave them sixty floiins towards their travelling expenses, and also a passjiort, which was signed by Fischhof, and impressed ■svith the seal of the Diet. He made them promise to report theii- success to liim. Having pledged their word to this efifect, the two students took the money, but considering that it was rather a small sum for an Hun- garian subsidy, they applied to the Students' Committee, and eventually received another sum of forty florins. They did not however proceed to Prague, but remained at Vienna ; for they had reason to believe that the commission was dangerous. Anch'eas Schumachei*, a public waiter, who has .siuce been MURDER OF COUNT I^iTOUR. 447 sentenced, states that on tlie morning of the 6tli October lie came to the Aula, "where he found 300 students under the command of Wutschel. None of them knew what was to be «lone ; but of a sudden Goldmark made his appearance. He inspected the detachment, and confronting witness (Schumacher), he seemed as if about to make an important communication ; but stopping himself suddenly, he said : " Never mind ! — I dare say you will know your own business best when you are out there !" And on witness's question, Where ? Mr. Goldmark repUed, "At the Tabor." In the afternoon Schimaacher watched the doings of the Aula. Everything was in commotion. At half-past 2 p.m., a large mob of armed navigators proceeded up the Bäcker- strasse. One of the students joined them, took the lead, and marched them away. The contest commenced imme- iTiaATiox into Tin: republic, after the ilofL-at and ovortlirow of the dynasties. As the chiefs of this association he designates Tausenau, Becher, and otliers ; and as loaders of the October revohitioii, lie quotes Goldniark, Fiistor, Fischliof, and Kudlich ; and the agents Bern, Schütte, Bhuii, FriJbel, and Gritzner. In the case of a final victory, it was resolved to establish a pro^isional government from the members of the extreme Left ; Goklmark, Fischhof, Violnnd, Faster, and Fröbel were designated as presidents. He states that Goldmark and Fischhof were the cause of the bloodshed after tlie capitulation. For when Habrowsky returned from the Hungarian camp, and informed them that Kossuth would attack the Imperialists, these two persons, accompanied by Blum and Fröbel, ascended the tower of St. Stephen, and on tlieir descent tliey infonned the crowd that the Hungarians were fighting bravely, and that Vienna ought to hold out ; whereupon the populace, uttering savage shouts, resumed the arms, which the majority had already resigned. Respecting the proposed presidency of Jastinia Fröbel, the Gassen Caitung, of the 26th September, contains an article which explains the confidence which that person enjoyed. This article states how this amiable man takes liis leave fi'om his friends, the democrats, and, as though foreseeing that important events would occur dui'ing his absence, he, after exjjressing his joy at the late alliance with the Mag- yars, and recommending the greatest centralization of the Vienna Radical associations, concludes his oration by pro- testing, " that the real revolution was yet to come ; that Mtherto it had been a child's l)lay ; that the time was at hand when a few lives would go for nothing ; and that he hoped the Vienna democrats would not be idle in that time." "We need scarcely say that this speech was violently cheered. MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 449 Dr. Albert Trampusch, a member of the Frankfort parlia- ment, who has since received his sentence, expresses his oj)inion that the Vienna movement was not general, but that it originated with Tausenau and his set, and that Tausenau was a despicable person, who cansed riots for money, never once caring what harm he might do. The said witness also states that Pulszky had frequent interviews with Tausenau, Chaisees, and Becher, and sometimes with Blum, and that it was Pulszky who distributed the money to the students. It was impossible to quote the sums ; but the fact had been generally believed and canvassed. Dr. ]j. Fränkel, too, who was tried by court-martial, ex- pressed his conviction that the October movement was caused by the Hungarians. He states that in September, an Hun- garian deputation, led by Balogh, entered the Vienna De- mocratic Association, and that Balogh, in an inflammatoiy oration, urged the necessity of a co-operation between the democrats of Hungary and Vienna. His words took effect, and Eckardt and others were sent to Pesth. And further ; that when the second Hungarian deputation to the Diet arrived at Vienna, Balogh again addressed the democratic associations, and the treaty of alliance was further confirmed. Fränkel, too, was present when, on the 5th October, in the " Sperl Hotel," in the Leopoldstadt suburb, Tausenau was publicly accused of being paid by the Hungarians. On this occasion, a person of the name of Tillenberg told Tau- senau, he (Tilltmberg) knew that he (Tausmiau) had received 2,000 florins in a letter from Pesth ; and Tausenau, when called upon for his answer, protested that tliLs was not a place for explanations. After this, witness left the room; on the following day he was told by some friends who remained, that Eckardt ijroj)Osed to prevent the march of the grenadiers, and that divers democrats, then and there assem- 2ö i50 INVESTIGATION INTO THE bled, proceeded to the Gunipeiulorf barracks to assure the grenadiers of the assistance of the National Guards. As a means of gaining the sympathies of the people, these demo- crats took with them a woman who was taught to curse, howl, and lament in a verv shocking manner, with many loud protests that her brother, a soldier, was being flogged to death in the barracks, because he and his comrades refused to march against the Hungarians. In the Democratic Association, too, Fränkel heard Tause- nau protesting that Latour and Bach ought to be hanged ; for which he stated liis reasons at some length. Fränkel says, that in tliis manner the mass of the democrats were made familiar with the idea of political murders ; and he also believes that sundry members of the Diet had a hand in the plot, but especially Goldmark and Fiister, of whom Fränkel was told, by various jieisons, that early on the 6th October, they came to the Aula to arrange the proceedings of the day. He says that Goldmark and Fischhof were the most intimate friends of Tausenau, and that they had always been with him and with Violand, Becher, and Frank. To enable our readers to form a correct opimon of the connection which Balogh, an Hungarian deputy, and after- wards major of the Honved, entertained with the agitators at Vienna, we ought to state, that, according to the records of the court-mai-tial at Pesth, the miu-derers of Count Lam- bei'g were traced home to Balogh, George Kolosy,and Kossuth. The.'^e three persons excited the Hungarian Parliament on and before the 28th September, 1848, by protesting that Count Lamberg was guilty of high treason; and by these protests they gave him up to the assassins, while a person named Danes (an ex-usher at the school for the blind, dismissed for seduction of youth, and profligacy), who it is thought was an agent of Kossuth, addressed the people out MÜUDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 451 of doors, and entreated tliem to " kill the dog." Upon tliis^ the populace, like so many maniacs, rushed to the Pen^ sioners' House, took scythes, and executed Kossuth's verdict and sentence on the spot. Kolosy, the chief criminal, confessed, that afterwards at Komorn, Balogh had asked him to set his mind at ease on Lamberg's account, for that he (Kolosy) was not the cause of Lamberg's death, since Kossuth had instructed him (Balogh) to provide that the count should never leave the cities of Buda and Pesth. Balogh added, that on recei\'ing thqge instructions, he had immediately taken measures to arrest the count in the hotel at which he had put up. In short, there is such a striking similarity between the assassinations of the Counts Latour and Lamberg, in all that regards arrangement, execution, and means, that this similarity alone makes one believe that, in either case, it was the same hand which directed the murderer's blade. A credible person heard, on the 13th September, Falke Biichheim addressing the populace near the Aula, and pro- posing to seize and to hang the two ministers, Latour and Bach. The same person declares on liis oath, that on the 5th October (as we stated), Fränkel assembled the democrats at the " Sperl Hotel," and he adds, that the meeting commenced at eight p.m., and that Tausenau, Jellinek, L'^wenstein, and Deutsch were present. On the following afternoon, the witness was at the Aula, and heard Tausenau and Chaisces calling upon the po[)uIace to hang the Count Latour. Upon this, they all nished to the War Office. The same witness describes the jjrocession of the assassins, and the delivery of the murderous weapons, and of a jjacket containing Latour's papers. He records the cheers and exultations, es})ecially those of Tausenau, Fennebcrg, Gold- mark, Füster, Violaud, and Fiister, who cried out, tliat 2g2 452 INA'ESTIGATION INTO TUE this was what they had wished for; that the Hungarians would rejoice, and that the affair was worth more than a million. The assassins were received with violent cheers, and a secret sitting of the Students' Committee was held, which Avas attended by Tausenau, Fenneberg, and severaJ Hungarians. The siime witness proceeded afterwards to the j)lace of St. Stephen, where he found a deputy of the Left in the act of fraternizing with the people. He seemed but too happy to be cheered. A member of the mob showed him a bloody rag, saying, " Father, I have struck home at LatoHir ; here is a piece of bis shirt. Was I right ?" And the deputy replied, " Bravo, my child ! you were quite right !" As to Fi ster, it is affirmed by a kitchen-maid that lived near the University building, that at 5.30 p.m. the professor had received a troop of murderers with the words, " Bravo, my children !" Another witness of quality, whom curiosity had drawn to the Aula, describes the appearance of a young labourer who was armed with a hammer, and who made a violent speech, expressive of his desire for Latour's death. This man likewise rushed upon a prisoner, and desired his instant assassination. Witness saw the same labourer accompanying Fiister as a volunteer, and, at a later period, he recognised liim again as one of the murderers. He walked by the side of Jurkorich, and flouiishing his hammer, he exclaimed, " We have done for Latour ! " From another source it appears, that Fiister's confidential messenger (a labourer from the Brundelfeld) declared, on the evening of the 6th October, that the professor would move heaven and earth to induce the Diet either to procure or to grant an amnesty for the events of the day. The pub- lic street-bills said as much. Fiister, too, is one of the two MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 453 deputies whom Adjutant Niewiadomski entreated to save Latour, to which entreaties Fiister replied, that he would not meddle in the affair. That priest, when examined, showed a marvellous composure. He said he was happy that he had not complied with the request to save the life of a fellow-creature ; for, exasperated as the people were, he could not, he said, prevent the crime, and his endeavours would certainly, so he thought, have been rewarded with that ingratitude which fell to his share on foi'mer occasions. Such are Füster's statements. But different are the accounts which we have from other witnesses respecting this field-priest of the Legion, academical preacher, and professor of theology. This man, who passed his leisure hours in making ball-cartridges for his jnipils, took a pro- minent part in all earlier street rows and storm petitions ; he and his pupils influenced the labourers in the Prater on the 23rd and 25th of August ; and on the 26th Septem- ber he addressed an inflammatory oration to the students, and lavished his most violent abuse upon Latour and Bach. He was intimately acquainted with Pulszky, Schütte, and other Hungarian and foreign agents. In October he con- certed almost daily with labourers, perjured soldiers, and insurgent students ; and to those who were loudest and most vehement in their declarations and protests, he made presents of two or three silver " zwanzieger." Besides, he frequently had secret consultations with Becher, Jellinek, Löwenstein, Deutsch, and other persons. Early on the 6th October he was seen leaving the Stu- dents' Committee with a troop of armed youths. He shook hands with those that were proceeding to tlie Tabor, and he wished them good speed. He was afterwards seen at the Tabor, and the students say that early that morning he urged the grenadiers at Gumpendorf to resist the order to march. 454 INVESTIGATION INTO THE while, a fcw hours afterwards, at the Tabor, he excited his "dear boys," the students, and directed them to aim at General Bredy. A certain witness heard Fiister at midnight and during the assault upon the arsenal, addressing the incendiaries on the bastions, and extolling " this victorious day as the most glorious in history ;" and a milliner deposes that on the morning of the 7 th October, she saw Mr. Faster in St. Stephen's Place, quarrelling with a student about the events of the day before. These events, it ajipeared, fell short of the professor's expectations, and witness heard plainly, that the student, in answer to his recriminations, protested that they (the students) had twice committed arson. Fiister's later deeds are worthy of this conduct. He joined Violand, Kudlich, Gritzner, Fenneberg, Blum, and Bem in their endeavours to sustain the defence by speeches, ad\ice, hopes of Hungarian help, arrangements for summon- ing the Landsturm, lighting of the barricades, opening of windows, ringing the tocsin, and even by taking the sword and proceeding to the field. He was one of the most active and dangerous agitators of the revolutionary party, and he was evidently intent upon gaining the favour and confidence of youth, by the most disgraceful means of seduction, for the purpose of forming them into a prajtorian guard for the accomplishment of his selfish purposes. In the first series of his evidence he calls himself the scapegoat of the Legion. He regrets that ever since August the Legion has, by the ultra-democrats, been misled into false measures, but that he (Fiister) had been inactive duinng that time, although he might, now and then, have paid a visit to the barricades, but merely from curiosity, and because he was fond of large crowds. He boasts, moreover, of having in July refused to listen to an Hungarian who MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 465 came to him with certain proposals. He would not .state what these proposals were. As for Tausenau, we have some characteristic features of him, as recorded in the evidence of one of his confidential friends. This friend describes a secret sitting, which was held * in Chaisee's apartments in the hotel " Zur Ente." The persons present were, Tausenau, Chaisees, Schütte, Becher, Jellinek, Eckard t, Habrowsky, Fenneberg, Uuter- schild, and an Hungarian, whom witness took for Csarnatoug. The proceedings were opened by Tausenau, who informed the assembly that it was absolutely necessary for them to act oflFensively, and to prepare for further acts of popular justice; and after having abused the common council, " in which there are but five persons on whom we can rely," he proceeded: "Since we found it so easy to get rid of Latour, I am sure we shall deal much more easily with the others. I demand only the heads, and the rest of my list as hostages. In this I have my own plan, and I'll communicate it by bits. But, gentle- men ! no lukewarmness ! — no half-measures ! If we don't hang them, they will certainly hang us. On the 6th Octo- ber, already I remarked something like lukewarmness, dis- obedience, and cowardice !" On the following day, Tausenau and Chaisees talked to the witness in private. Tausenau told him that they must needs outstrip the plans of the " reaction ;" and that he proposed to protect the town by means of four companies of labourers, which would bear the name of the " democratic corjis." Of this corps witness was offered the conmiand, and Chaisees was to act as purser. He also gave witness a list of names, adding, that the persons whose names had been marked with a cross, ought to be hanged ; and he jjroinised to fiii-nish eight trusty men for tlie purpo.s(i of executing the said per- * On the 8th October. 466 INVESTIGATION INTO THE sons. Several of tlic j)ersons so doomed were named by witness at the trial. On this occasion, Tausenau confessed that he had caused Latour to be hanged, to intimidate the " reaction" and the troops, but that the aflair had fallen short of his expectations, since it had been his original intention to " sti-ike them all at one blow." On the 1 2th October, the same witness had a conversation with Kudhch, whom he met at Messenhanser's head- quarters. Kudlich regi'etted that Tausenau and Chaisees had induced him to assist them in the murder of Latour. On another occasion, witness was told bj Kudlich and Fiister that Tausenau had got them into a sci'ape by the murder. Kudlich said : " I am losing my popularity ;" and Fiister remarked, "the few have spoiled the whole affair." Goldmark, who joined them, agreed with Kudlich, who j^ro- tested, those three persons ought to have been given up to the people, and if not those three, then none at all. By these words he alluded to Latour, Mr. Bach, and the Arch- duchess Sophia. The above is a summary of the evidence respecting Tau- senau and his set, as deposed before the court-martial. But the Vienna Criminal Court, too, has amassed a bulk of e\\- dence, which, in itself, would be enough to inculpate Tause- nau of treason, and active co-operation to the murder of the Secretaiy at War. Numerous witnesses, whose evidence was taken by the Criminal Court, prove that Charles Tausenau, M.D., ^'ice- president of the Association of the Friends of the People, and president of the Democratic Central Committee, an ambitious but profligate and dissolute person, entered into an intimate alliance with the Hungarian democrats; and that the assassination of Count Latour resulted from this alliance. His connection with the Hungarians is especially shown by MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 457 the event of the torch serenade, which the Vienna democrats, on the 19 th September, brought to the Hungarian deputa- tion, at the Frankfort Plotel, and by the events of the supper, which followed this demonstration, the expenses of which were paid by the Hungarian deputy Balogh, with a sum of forty-three florins. Tausenau, who took the chair at the supper, used the most revolting expressions in his attempts to demonsti'ate the necessity of an annihilation of the dynasty of the Camarula, and especially of the ministers, whom he designated as traitors and rascals. So disgtisting was liis language, that several of the persons present left the room. He also cast the most violent and filthy aspersions on the Pragmatic Sanction, which he mentioned as a " wretched piece of musty parch- ment." He said, that the aspirations of Hungary ought to be supported, its power increased, while Austria ought to be humbled, and that the democrats would do their part to- wards that object. All obstacles ought to be rutlilessly removed, and all existing institutions ought to be over- thrown. Chaisces, Balogh, and Violand, spoke in the same spirit. Violand promised that the Left of the Frankfoii; ParUament would support Tausenau's views, and that he corresponded with Frankfort. Nor ought it to be forgotten, that Count L. Batthyany, the Hungaiian premier, who lived in the same hotel, quitted Vienna in the night of the 5th October; that Tausenau, Gritzner, and Hafner, frequently conversed with him, and with the Hungarian deputy Tzirmay ; and that the Hunga- rians, previous to their departure, exchanged their black feathers for purple cockades. But far more important in the preparations of the murdtu-, are Tausenau's speeches at the democratic meetings in the 458 INVESTIGATION INTO THE Odeon Hall, on the lOtli, 24tli, and 30th September. There, in the presence of from 4,000 to 1 0,000 persons, he publicly, unblusliingly, and with a kind of frenzy, called for the death of the wretched Secretary at War. Several witnesses deitosed that they shuddered on hearing him, and that they left the place in horror and disgust, while others believed that the speaker was mad. One of them felt it his duty to warn Count Ijatour, and this warning caused an inquiiy against Tausenau, the course of which was interrupted by the events of the 6th October. At the Odeon meeting, on the 24th September, Dr. Schütte inculcated the necessity of imposing taxes upon the rich and wealthy, and Jellinek advocated a republic. Willner, alias the King of the Labourers, praised the glorious deeds of the Peasant War, and addressing the peasants then and there assembled, he desired that they should imitate so bright an example for liberty's sake, wliile Chaisee's denouncing the aristocracy and the " reaction," sought to induce the labourers to make a revolution. After these preliminaries, Tausenau ascended the tribune. He accused the Government of oppressing freedom in Hun- gary ; he alluded to the recent murder of Lichnowsky and Anerswald, at Frankfort; and he mentioned these atroci- ties with a certain complacency ; and, turning to the affairs of Austria, he pointed out that there, too, the popular cause was opposed by Latour, Bach, Jellacic, Windischgiätz, and Eadetzky ; and that these obstacles ought to be removed at any price. He exhorted the people to prepare for the con- test, and he concluded by exclaiming, " These dogs must all be hanged!" alluding especially to Latour, whom, foaming with rage, he called an aristocrat, and whom he addi'essed, as though present, with the most disgusting invectives. The National Guards, students, peasants, and labourex'S, who listened to MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR 459 this speech, drowned its conclusion in deafening cheers, and the cry, " Down with Latour ! " These facts are confirmed by the culprit Johl, who has since been sentenced. The meeting of the 30th September consisted of from 3,000 to 4,000 National Guards and students. Tausenau introduced himself to them in his quality of president of the Central Democratic Association, and he said that he would answer to the expectations of his electors. Alluding next to the last sitting of the Diet, and to Mr. Borrosch's motion on the intercepted correspondence between the Ban and Latour, whom he vilely abused, he stated that the Secretary at War had allowed the Ban 280,000 florins for the keep of the Croatian troops, and, slapping his pockets, he exclaimed, with un{)aralleled effrontery, " This, gentlemen, is our own money ; it is money from our own purse ! " He next called Latour a traitor to the people and to freedom, and shouted most violently, " Damn this aristocrat ! Down with this aristocrat !" In the course of his speech he repeated these exclamations, and the cry was taken up by the infatuated mob. The very women were entreated by Tausenau to assist in the constraction of barricades. A witness to whom all credit is due, and who attended four Odeon meetings, deposes that he cannot recollect all the speeches of Tausenau, although he remembers that they were all calculated to excite animosity against Latour. Neverthe- less, he protests, that he can never forget the manner in which this agitator liissed like a hyaena (such is the witness's expression) the following words: "You will sec, one fine morning, not only Latour will be dead, but other distin- guished ladies and gentlemen will be dead — stark dead — and stone dead ! " And, by his oratory tricks, he induced the 460 INVESTIGATION INTO THE •whole meeting of 10,0U0 pei'sous to break out into a Lorrible and far-somiding death-whoop against Latour. When the intercepted letters of the Secretary at War were published in the lladical j)apers, Tausenau read these lettera to the Odeon meeting, and by these means he produced an unfavourable impression against the count. In the first half of October, Tausenau said, in a conversa- tion with a female witness, that it was he who had caused the events of the 6th, and on witness lamenting the death of Count Latour, Tausenau protested tliat the b r was not worthy of compassion ; he had justly been hanged, and if the people's cause conquei'ed, the fellow wovdd not be the last whom they hanged. Another witness states that at noon on the 6th October he saw a large crowd at the guard-house near the War Office. He also saw that a member of the Legion seized the officer on duty, saying : " Are you for the people ? speak out, and sheath your sword." The officer was then sur- rounded and protected by several bystanders, and another member of the Legion called out : " Now, do be reasonable, Tausenau !" It appears from the evidence of other persons that, in the latter half of October, Tausenau left Vienna, and that he had a large sum of money in his possession ; that at Pres- burg he consulted vnih Kossuth and Csany ; that he sent an engineer to Vienna with a message to Messenhauser ; and that after the battle of Schwechat, he accompanied Kossuth to Pesth. At Pesth he lived in the same house with L. Hank, and spent large sums of money. Unterschüd sent him for letters from Vienna ; Kossuth gave liim liis fullest confidence, and called frequently to see him ; and he was very intimate with Pulszky, Balogh, and Madaran. He went to all the clubs, made inflammatory speeches, and by MURDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 461 Pulszky's mediation he kept up a correspondence with M. Engelmann, the president of the Democratic Association at Breslau. After the battle of Raab he received 1,000 florins from Pulszky, and with this sum he proceeded to Breslau, for the purpose of revolutionizing that city. Rea- sons, however, which have not transpired, induced him to leave Breslau on the 12th March, 1849. He went to Paris. In one of his speeches, held at Pesth, he said : " They accuse us of having caused the death of Latour. I swear, by the ashes of my murdered brethren, that such an idea never entered my head. The hatred of the people pursued him, for they knew him ; and to make him known to the people, this, I protest, was our most sacred duty." It need scarcely be mentioned that the evidence against the originators of the murder was obtained gradually, and in the course of a lengthened inquiry. This circumstance explains why certain members of the Diet were enabled to make their escape at a time when the authorities were not, in law, justified in procuring theii- arrest. SUMMARY. Whoever considers the results of this statement, which we have compiled from official sourc(;s, must feel convinced that the murder of the Secretary at War, Count Latour, was well considered, j^lanned, and prepared, and that the crime was perj)etrated for the purpose of removing a man from his sphere of action, whose intelligence, intrepidity, and consti- tutionalism, secured him the respect of his .sovereign, the confidence of the army, and the affection of all loyal citizens, and who, by his manly defence of his political priuci])lcH, had 462 INVESTIGATION INTO TUE become odious to an ill-favoured and ill-matcbed popular representation. At a time when the secret associations of Europe, relying on their own strength, came forth from the night of mys- tery, to work by the most disgraceful means the overthrow of all, and even of the constitutional governments of Europe, to construct on the ruins of states, their chimeras of a German, Gallic, or Slavonic republic ; at a time when these men came forward to captivate the rude and unintellectual masses of the people, by inflaming their desire for the pro- perty of the rich, by estranging them from the blessings of religion, and by annihilating the most sacred bonds of nature : at such a time it was natural that the anarchists, acting upon their old principle, that the means are sanctified by the end, sought to remove every man whose energy and principles they had reason to fear, thereby terrorizing the government and their adherents. The forcible separation of Hungary and Upper Italy frora Austria was resolved upon by the revolutionary committee, for the purpose of isolating the latter country, and of thus consigning it to the torrent of the re])ublican movement. These were the tendencies which Count Latour unmasked and opposed. His patriotism was his crime, and the members of the opposition of the Austrian Diet, and the venal advocates of the Magyar insurrection, gave him up to an infatuated people, whom they assured that he was a traitor to their dearest interests. The friends of this victim of the party of destruction remember that when Count Lamberg left Vienna to proceed on his mission for the pacification of Hungary, Count Latour addressed him with a foreboding of the fate which was in store for him, saying : " It is not likely that we shall meet again, but duty and honour command us to resign ourselves to our fate." MUKDER OF COUNT LATOUR. 463 The events at Pesth and Vienna show the truth of this prediction. Already had the bloodthii'sty hydra of Eacli- calism struck the firstborn of its hatred at Frankfort as well as at Rome. It is beyond our present task to prove, from a mass of official documents, the progressive connection of these horrors of our own days with various earlier attempts against the Uves of legal servants of the state, and even of cro\vned heads. Still, it is worthy of remark, that all the attempts to assassinate the last constitutional king of France were fos- tered in the lap of these secret societies to which we have alluded, and that the final overthrow of that ])rince became the signal for a well-organized insurrection of all the Kadical associations of Europe, and that it was meant to be, so to say, the blast from the trumpet of death for all the champions of social order. It may indeed appear miraculous that the leaders of the propaganda succeeded in imposing upon the good sense and the natural discernment of the loyal citizens of Vienna, whose patriotism, in the years 1800, 1805, and 1809, is upon record. And certain it is, that they and their descendants will shudder to think that Ferdinand, the benevolent, the generous donor of the form of government which his sub- jects desired, has twice been comijelled to fly from their city, and that his energetic Minister of War, who loved progres.s, but who opposed the dissolution of Austria, was most disgracefully and cruelly murdered, amidst the armed and once loyal citizens of the Austnan ca2)ital. INDEX. AdManoplb, treaty of, lis. Albert, Archduke, xv. ,, ,, (son of Archduke Charles), Ixriii, 133, 144 Alexander, emperor of Eussia, xxsiv, xxxTÜi, Iviii. Alps, campaign of the, xxix. Alvinzi, General, xxiii. Appony, Count, 75, 77. Arad, last acts of the Hungarian govern- ment at, cxxiii ; surrender of the fort- ress, cxxiv ; executions at, cxxvi. Areola, battle of, xxiii. Arsenal, civic, of Vienna plundered, seii. Aspern, battle of, xliii. Auersperg, Count, xcii, xciv. Augereuxi, Marshal, xxxvii, lii. Aulic Council, faults of the, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi, xxxvii, xlii. Austerlitz, battle of, xxxix. Austrian government machinery, 19. ,, system of government, Iv, 38-57 ; portrayed by Niebuhr, Ivii ; regarded with aversion by the middle and privi- leged classes, CO. Bach, Dr. minister of justice, 248«, 2iO, 361. Bagration, Russian general, xxxix. Balloons, attempt to bombard Venice by means of, Ixxxviii. Bankruptcy, Austrian state in 1811,xlvii. Basle, treaty of, xix. Batthyany, Count Louis, prime minister of Hungary, Ixx, Ixiii, 274, 270 ; exe- cuted, cvii. ,, Count Casimir, cxxiv. Baumgartner, minister of public works, 217, 260. Bavaria sides with France, ixv ; terri- tories ceded to her by Austria, xxxix, xlv. Beaulieu, General, xiii. Bellegarde, General, xxviii. Bem, General, xevi, xcix, cxi, cxiv, civ. Bfrna''otte, Marshal, afterwards king of Sweden, xiiv, xxvii, xxxv, xlix. Black I'orest, the, xxiv, xxxvi. ]?lucher. Marshal, xhx-liv. Blum, Robert, executed, xcix. Bohemia, revolution in, Ixix ; estates of, HO ; provisional government of, 2tl. 2 Bologna, Ix. Bombardment of Prague, Isix. ,, of Vienna, xc-xcix. ,, of Venice, Ixxviicx. Bonaparte, General, hi'? Italian campaign of 179ii, xxii, xxiv ; of 1800, xxxi ; de- clared emperor, xxxv. See Napoleon. Branyiszko Pass,tho,stormedby (jluyon's Hungarians, cix. Brescia, massacre of, Ixxxvi. Tirunswick, duke of, xiv, xvii. Bubna, General, li, Iviii. Buda, siege and storm of, cxix. Camarilla, the, 173. Campo Formio, peace of, xxv. Canning, Sir Stratford, cxxvi. Carpathians, Görgei's retreat over the, cviii, cxxil. Catherine, empress of Russia, xix. Catholicism in Austria, 38, 41. Charles Albert, king of Sarilinia, invades Lombardy, Ixxxii ; is defeated, and cajiitulates at Milan, Ixxxiv ; again de- clares war, is defeated at Ji'ovara, and abdicates, Ixxxvi. Charles, Archduke, xvii, xviii ; campaign of the Rhine in 1790, xxiii; in 179i), xxviii; superseded in his command, xxxi ; minister of war, xli ; campaign of 1809, xlii-xlv ; oli'ered the sove- reignty of the Low Countries, 183. Charter, Austrian, of March, 1819, cxxvi. Chatillon, conference of, lii. Chaumcml, treaty of, Iv. Choteli, CdUMt, governor of Bohemia, 81 . CiNalpine l.cpulilic, xxiii. Clairfait, General, xviii, xxi. Coalition against France — first, xv ; se- cond, xxviii; third, xxxv. Coburg, Prince, ivi, xviii. Cond<5 and Valenciennes seized by Aus- tria, xvi. Confederation, German, Iv, Ivi. „ of Ihc Rliiiic, xl. Cracow, erected into a ri'public, Ixii ; annexed to Austria, Ixiii. Croatia, revolt of, against the Hungarian government, Ixxi; savage cruellies of the Croats, Ixxii. Custine, General, xvii. Czoric, General, (,viii, cxiv. II 4GG INDEX. Damjanic, ünngarian colonel, cix, ciii, cxiii. Davidovieh, Gpncral, xxiii. Dotireczin, Hunjiariiin goTemment re- moved to, cvi. Dembinski, General, Hungarian com- mander-in-chief, cxi ; superseded, cxii. Doblholl", Baron, minister of trade and commerce, xciii, 217, 239, 253, 259, 260. Dumourier, General, liT-xvi. Elchihgbn', battle of, xxxvi. England allied with Austria against France, see Coalition; in the Syrian expedition, Ixii. Esshngen, battle of Aspern and, xliii. Esterhazy, Prince, 276. Eugene Beauharnois, Prince, xliii, xljv. Faster, demagogue of Prague, 181, 185. Ferdinand I., emperor of Austria, Ixi, 18; takes measures for establishing a constitution, Ixviii ; escapes to Inn- spruck, Ixviii, 230; appoints his uncle John as his representative in Vienna, Ixviii, 253 ; ratifies a ne^v constitution for Hungary, Ixx ; palters with his Hungarian sutgects, Ixxi, Ixxii, Ixxiii, cxi: returns toSchonbrunn, sei; retires to Olmütz, xciii; assumes an uncom- promising attitude, xcv ; abdicates, ci. Ferdinand, Archduke, xxxvi, xliv. Ferrara, Austrian occupation of, Ixr, 63. Fouehtersleb.n, Baron, 260, 261. Ficquelmont, Count, Ixxxiii, 169, 170, 208 n, 212. Flanders, invaded by the French in 1792, xiii ; wrested from Austria, xviü; ceded, xxv. France, first war with the republic of, xiii ; incipient dismemberment of, xvi ; second war with the republic of, xxvii ; first war with the empire of, xxxv ; second, xli ; third, xlviii. Francis Charles, Archduke, father of the Emperor Francis Joseph, ei, 207. Francis I., emperor of Germany, xiii, xiv, xviii ; assumes the title of emperor of Austria, xxxv ; abdicates the impe- rial crown of Germany, xl ; his death, Ix; characteristic traits, Ixi, 11-13; general discontent in the latter part of his reign, 10. Francis Joseph, Archduke, afterwards emperor, 119, 150, 203, 208 ; his acces- sion and inaugural proclamation, ci. Fröschweiler, battle of, xviii. Galicia, acquired by Austria, xx ; in- surrection of, Ixii, 61. Gödöllö, battle of, cxiii. Gorgei, Hungarian general, xcvii ; com- mander of the army of the Danube, cv ; his proclamation at Waitzen, cviii ; retreats over the Carpathians, ib. ; de- feats the Anstrians in five successive batlies and drives them over the fron- tier, cxiii-cxv ; neglects to improve this opportunity, cxviii ; his hatred of Kossuth, cxx ; defends Komorn, cxxi ; hissecond retreat over theCarpathians, exxii ; his equivocal conduct, ih. ; ob- tains the dictatorship and makes an unconditional surrender, cxxiv. Götz, General, cxiv ; killed, ib. Guyon, Count, storms the Branyiszko Pass, cviii. Hammerstein', General, cviii. Hartig, Count, l.iO, 212 n. Haspinger, Tyrolese leader, xliv, xlvi. Haugwitz, Prussian minister, xxxviii. Haynau, General, Ixjxvi, ixxxvii, cxix, cxx. Heller, General, xiii, xlix. Hoche, General, svii, xxiv. Hofer, Tyrolese leader, xliv; his death, xlvi. Hohenlinden, battle of, xxxii. Holy Alliance, Iv, 16. Hornbostel, Austrian minister, xciii, 260, 261, 2(52 n. Hotze, General, xxviii, ixx. Houehard, General, xvii. Hoyos, Count, IW, 221. Hrabowski, General, 276, 279. Hungary, the diet illegally suspended for fourteen years, opened in 1925, 14; constitution of 1848, Ixx, 179, 268; bad faith of the Austrian government, Ixxi, Ixxii, xcv; atrocities of the civil war, Ixxiii ; Lamberg oppointed civil and military governor, ib. ; first invasion under Jellachich, xci ; rights of Hun- gary in relation to the crown, cii-civ; second invasion, civ ; paper money, cv ; declaration of independence, cxvi; third invasion, cxix. Jeliachich, ban of Croatia, Ixxi-lxxiii, xci, xciv, civ, cv. .Jemappes, battle of, xv. John, Archduke, xxxi, xxxvii, xliii, Ixviii, 253, 256, 258, 277. Josika, Baron, court-chancellor of Tran- sylvania, 78. Jourdan, General, xviii, xxdi, xxiii, ixviii. KAiSEBSLAriERX, battle of, rvii, xviii. Kapolna, battle of, cxi. Klapka, General, bis enumeration of the Hungarian forces, civ ; defeats Schlick, ex ; defeats .Jellachich, cxiii ; his de- fence of Komorn, cxxiv. Kolowrath, Count, Austrian minister of the interior, 50, 82, 169, 207. Komorn, capitulation of, cxxv. Korsakoff, General, xxx. Kossuth, Louis, Hungarian minister of finance, Ixx, Ixxiii, xcvii ; president of the Committee of Defence, cv, cvi, cxi, INDEX. 467 civi; governor of Hungary, cxvii, cxix, cxx. Kraus, Austrian minister, xciii, 171, 261. Kray, Marshal, xriii, xxix, xxxi. Kremsier, diet opened at, xcix ; dis- solved, cxxvi. Kübek, Baron, Austrian minister, 100, 102, 169, 171, 207. Kutusoff, General, xxxviii, xxxix. Laibach, congress of, Iviii. Lamberg, Count, 289 ; murdered, Ixiiii. Latour, General, xxiii, xxiv. „ Count, ministerof war, Ixxii,212, 261 ; murdered, exii ; investigation respecting his murder, 33.5. Lefebvre, Marshal, xliv, xlvi. Lehrbach, Austrian minister, xxviii. Ligny, battle of, Uii. Loano, battle of, ixi. Lodi, battle of, ib. Lombardy under the rule of Austria, Ixxiii, 62 ; military outrages in, Ixxvi, Louis, Archduke, 168, 169, 173, 207. Lower Austria, Estates of, 93, 159. „ Trades Union of, 108. Luneville, peace of, xxxii. Mack, surrender of General, xxxvi. Magnano, battle of, xxix. Maniu, Daniele, president of the repub- lic of Venice, lixv, Ixxxi, Ixxxvii. Mannheim, xxi, xxx. Mantua, taken by Bonaparte, xxiii ; in- vested by Charles Albert, Ixxiiii. Marengo, battle of, xxxi. Maria Louisa, Archduchess, married to Napoleon, xlvi ; gives birth to a son, xlvii ; created duchess of Parma, liv. Marinovich, murder of Colonel, Ixxx. Martinez, president of the Vienna Com- mittee of Safety, 174. Massena, Marshal, xxviii, xxxi. Melas, General, xxx, xxxi. Messenhauser, revolutionary command- ant of Vienna, xcvi ; shot, xcix. Metternich, Prince, Austrian prime min- ister, xlvi, xlviii, xlix, Iviii ; his cle- mency, Ixi ; resigns office, Ixviii, 111 ; erroneous estimate of his influence over Francis I., 13 ; his consciousness of the defects of the Austrian state machinery, 37 ; his anticipations of the revolution, 121. "The Metternich system," gee Austrian system of go- vernment. Milan, expulsion of the Auatrians from, Ixxvii. Minto, Lord, Italian mission of, Ixvi. Mollendorf, General, xviii. Monteciiculi, Count, 129 », 1.59, 174. Moreau, General, xxii, xxiii ; his retreat through the Black Forest, xxiv ; de- feats Archduke John at Uohcnlinden, xxxii. Morocco, war between Austria and, lix. Murat, Prince, afterwards king of Naples, xxxix ; shot, liv. Napoleon takes Vienna, in 1805, xxxix ; in 1809, xlü ; marries Maria Louisa, xlvi ; invades Russia, xlvii ; abdicates, liii ; dies in captivity, Uv. Nagy Sarlo, battle of, cxv. New Szony, battle of, cxv. Niebuhr on the actual state of Europe, Ivii. Novi, battle of, xxix. Palatine of Hungary, Archduke Ste- phen, Ixx-lxxii, 76, 77, 156, 181. Palfy, Count, Ixxix, Ixxx. Palmerstou, Lord, Ixvi, Ixxxiii. Paris, treaty of, liii. Parsdorf, armistice of, xxxi. Paskievitch, Prince, cxx, cxxii. Paul I., emperor of Russia, xxviii. Perczel, Hungarian general, cv, cix. Pichegru, General, xvii, xviii. PiUersdorf, Baron, Austrian minister of the interior, Ixviii, Ixxxvii, 169-174, 200, 210, 211, 213, 214, 2.55, 259, 260. Poland, partition of, xix-ixi. Police, Austrian, Ivii, Ixii, Ixxviii, 9. Prague bombarded, Ixix. Presburg, peace of, xxxix. Prussia, in alliance with Austria against France in 1792-4, xiv ; her defection in 1794, xix ; aggrandized by favour of France and Russia, xxxiv ; assumes a neutral position, xxxv ; prepares to abandon it, xxvii; chastised by France, takes her revenge, xlix-liv. Quasdanowich, General, xxii. Ra7)etzki, Marshal, Ixxvi ; his expulsion and retreat from Milan, Ixxvii ; halts at Verona, Lxxxii, 65 n ; drives Charles Albert out of Lombardy, Ixxxiv ; de« feats him again at Novara, Ixxxvi ; summons Venice to surrender, Ixxxvii ; grants it favourable terms, xc. Rainer, Archduke, Ixxvi. Rastadt, convention of, xxv ; murder of French envoys at, xxvii. Reichenbach, treaty of, xlviii. Reuss, Prince, xlix. Rhine, confederation of the, iixiv, il, xli. Robot, the, abolished in Hungary, Ixi ; in Bohemia, 184, 186. Russia, allied with Austria against France, xxviii, XXXV ; with France against Aus- tria, xli ; invaded by Napoleon, xlvii ; co-operates in his overthrow, xlix-liv ; her intervention in Hungary, cxiv, cxi. SciiWAiiTZENDBBO, Princo, xxxii, xlvi, xlvii, xlix. ,, Prince Felix, Austrian prime minister, xcix. 468 INDEX. Sohwarzpr, Austriiin minister, 260, 2(51. Schlick, General, civ, ex. Schwechat, buttle of, xcvi. Sonima CnmpaK"», buttle of, Ixxxiv. Sommaruga, Baron, Austrian minister, 171, 2tiO. Soult, Marshal, xxxvi. Spechbacher, Tyrolese leader, iliv, xlvi. Stadion, Count Rudolph, 115. ,, Count Francis, governor of Ga- licia, 144, 171, 255 ; imperial minister, xcix. Stift, Baron, 261, 262. Suwarroff, Marshal, xx, xxviii-ixx. Switzerland, subdued by the French, xxvii ; campaijrn of, in 1799, xiviii, xxx. Syria, aflairs of, in 1839, Ixi ; joint expe- dition of England and Austria, Ixii. Szecheuv, Count, Hungarian minister, 276. Szemere, Hungarian minister, cxi, cxxiv. Taape, Count, Austrian minister, 169, 207. Teleki, Count, 189. Temesvar, battle of, cxxiii. Thugut, Austrian prime minister, xxviii. Thun, Count Leo, Ixix, cxxxii, 241, 243. Tournay, battle of, xviii. Transylvania, Estates of, union of, with Hunpary, Ixs, 14, 16 ; Bem's campaign in, cxiv. Troppau, congress of, Iviii. Tyrol, xxT, xxvii, xxxix, xlii, xliv, xlv, xlvi. Ulm, surrender of, xxivi. VAt,MT, battle of, xiv. Verona, Ixxxii, Ixxxiii. ,, congress of, Iviii, lii. Venicej annexed to Austria, xxv ; ceded. xl ; restored to her, liv ; the Austr expelled from, Ixxix ; siege and render of, Ixxvii-xc. Vetter, General, Hungarian comraani in-chief, cxii. Vienna taken by Napoleon, in II xxxix; in 1809, xlii; its rampi blown up, xlv ; revolution of It Ixxiii, 12S-162 ; Diet opened in, anarchy, revolt, and bombardmc xc-xcix. Vienna, peace of, xlv. „ first congress of, liii. ,, second congress of, Iviii. 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